'f- ■ » Mm'' CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY FROM DATE DUE „a.4^ g i 1^ JULyL2_7? DEC 1 7 ]fe55 E SI 0£Cl|9 1955 BT 'SEJL.i«-a«B«^ y t CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 092 520 786 Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924092520786 HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION m ENGLAj^D. v HISTOKY Off CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. JIY HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE. VOLUME I. rUOIV/l -THE SEOONO L.ONDON EOITION. TO WmOH IS ADDED AW ALPHABETICAL INDEX. NEW YORK: D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 1, 3, AND 5 BOND STREET. 188 4. ■J) i A //y/^ "CORNELt^ liUNJVERs^TY, %. TABLE OP CONTENTS CHAPTER I. STATEMBNT OP THE EESOTIECES FOH INTESTIGATINa IlISTOET, AND PE00F3 01 THE EEGTILAEIXT 01' HUHAIf AOTIOSTS. THESE ACTIONS AEB GOVEENBD BY MENTAL AND PHYSICAL LAWS : THEEEFOEE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BH STUDIED, AND THBEE CAN BE NO HIST0E7 "VnTHOUT THE HATtniAL SCIENCES. FAGB Materials for writing history ...... 1-2 Narrow range Of knowledge possessed by historians . . 3-4 Object of the present work ...... 4 Human actions, if not the result of fixed laws, must be due to chance or to supernatural interference ..... 6 Probable origin of free-will and predestination . . . 7-11 , Theological basis of predestination, and metaphysical basis of free-will 10-13 The actions of men are caused by their antecedents, which exist either V in the human mind or in the external world , . . 13-14 Therefore history is the modification of man by nature, and of nature by man . . . . . ^ . . .15 Statistics prove the regularity of actions in regard to murder and other crimes . . . . . . . 17-19 Similar proof respecting suicides . • . . . . 19-22 Also respecting the number of marriages annually contracted . 23 And respecting the number of letters sent undirected . . 24 The historian must ascertain whether mind or natuve has most influ- enced human actions ; and therefore there can be no history with- out physical science . . . . " . . .26 NoTB A. — Passages from Kant on free-will and necessity . 26-28 VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. OHAPTEE IL HTFLtJENOB EXEliOISED BY PHTSIOAL tAWS OTEB THE OEGANIZATION OV SOOIETt AND OYEE THE CHABACTEE OF lUDIVIDTJAie. PAei Man is affected by four classes of physical agents ; namely, climate, food, soU, and the general aspect of nature ... 29 ' Operation of these agents on the accumulation of wealth . . 30-37 Their operation on the distribution of wealth .... 38-47 Illustration of these principles from Ireland ... 47 From Hindustan ....... 50-59 From Egypt . . . . . , . 59-6G From Central America ....... 67 And from Mexico and Peru . . . . .' . 68 gy. Operation of physical laws in Brazil . . . . .74 Influence of the general aspects of nature upon the imagination and the understanding ....... 85 Under some aspects, nature is more prominent than man, under others man more than nature . . . . . . 86 In the former case the imagination is more stimulated than the un- derstanding, and to this class all the earliest civilizations belong 86-87 The imagination is excited by earthquakes and volcanoes . . 87 And by danger generally ...... 89 Also by an unhealthy climate, making life precarious . . . 91-93 From these causes the civilizations exterior to Europe are mainly in- fluenced by the imagination, those in Europe by the understanding 98 This proposition illustrated by a comparison between Hindustan and Greece ....... 95-105 Further illustration from Central America . . . 105 Chemical and physiological note on thq connexion between food and animal heat ....... 106-108 CHAPTER in. EXAMOIATIOif OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSIOIANS FOB DI8- OOTEEING MENTAL LAWS. In the last chapter, two leading facts have been established, which broadly separate Europe from other parts of the world . . ] 09-112 Hence it appears that of the two classes of mental and physical laws the mental are the more important for the history of Europe ' . 112-113 Examination of the two metaphysical methods of generalizmg men- tal laws ........ 115-119 Failure of these methods ... . . 119-120 TABLE OF CONTENTS. VU CHAPTER rV. MENTAL LAWS AEB KITHKE MOEAL OK INTELLEOTUAL. COMPAEISON OF MOEAI AND INTELLEOTTTAL LAIVB, AND INQUIET INTO THE EEFEOT PKODTJOED BY EACH ON THE PEOGEBSS OF SOCIETY. PiG« The historical method of studying mental laws is superior to the metaphysical method ...... 121-125 The progress of society is two-fold, moral and intellectual . 2^^ Comparison of the moral with the intellectual element . . 126 There is no evidence that the natural faculties of man in^rore . 128 Progress, therefore, depends' on an improvement in the circumstances under which the faculties come into play . . . 128 The standard of action having varied in every age, the causes of action must be variable ...... 129 But moral truths have not changed .... 129 And intellectual truths are constantly changing . . . 130 .Intellectual truths are the cause of progress . . ,.,^ ^. 131 Ignorant men are inischieTous in proportion to their sincerity . 132 Illustrations of this from Bome and Spain . . . 133 The diminution of religious persecution is owing to the progress of knowledge . . . . . . . 136 The diminution of the warlike spirit is owing to the same cause 137-139 Illustrations from Russia and Turkey .... 140-141 As civilization advaiices, men of intellect avoid becoming soldiers 142 Illustrations of this from ancient Greece and modern Europe . 143-144 The three principal ways in which the progress of knowledge has lessened the warlike spirit are : 1. The invention of gunpowder . . . . 146-150 2. The discoveries made by political economists . . . 150-158 3. The application of steam to purposes of travelling . . 158-160 Inferences to be drawn as to the causes of social progress . 161-163 CHAPTER V. INQUmx INTO THE INFI.THiNCB EIEEOISED BY EELIGION, LITBEATTTEE, AND GOVBENMBNT. Recapitulation of preceding arguments . . . 164 Moral feelings influence individuals, but do not affect society in the aggregate ........ 165-166 This being as yet little understood, historians have not collected proper materials for writing history .... 166 Reasons why the present history is restricted to England . 168-169 vol Table of contents. Comparison of the history of England with that of France With that of Germany ...... With that of the United States of America ... Jfecessity of ascertaining the fundamental laws of intellectual prO' gress .....•• Much may be gained in that respect from studying the histories of Germany, America, France, Spain, and Scotland Seductive spirit in Scotland Influence of religion on the progress of society Illustration from the efforts of missionaries Illustration from the Hebrews Illustration from the early history of Christianity And from Sweden and Scotland Influence of literature on the progress of society . Influence of government on the progress of society Illustrated by repeal of the corn-laws The best legislation abrogates former legislation The interference of politicians with trade has injured trade Legislators have caused smuggling with all its attendant crimes They have also increased hypocrisy and perjury . By their laws against usury they have increased usury By other laws they have hindered the advance of knowledge England has been less interfered with in these ways than any other nation, and is therefore more prosperous than they PASC 169-Wl 171-173 174 176 176-177 177-182 184-191 185-186 186-187 187 191-193 193 197 198 199 200-201 202-204 204-205 206 206-207 207 CHAPTER VI. OEIGIN OF mSTOKT, AKD STATE OF mSTOBIOAjL LITEBAOTEE DDBIJfG THE MIDDLE AGES. Conclusions arrived at by the preceding investigations . . 209 An inquiry into the changes in historical researches will throw light on the changes in society ...... 209-211 The earliest histories are ballads ... . 212-215 One cause of error in history was the invention of writing . . 215-217 A change of religion in any country also tends to corrupt its early history ........ 218-222 But the most active cause of all was the influence of the clergy 222-223 Absurdities which were consequently believed . . . 223-230 Illustration of this from the history of Charlemagne by Turpin 231-232 And from the history of the Britons by Geoffrey . . . 232-234 The first improvement in writing history began in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries . . ... 235 But credulity was still prevalent, as is seen m Comines . . 236-238 And in the predictions of Stoeffler respecting the Delnge . , 239 Also in the work of Dr. Horst on the Golden Tooth . . 24'}- 241 TABLE OF CONTENTS. iS CHAPTER VII. DtJTUNB OF THE HISTOET OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OS THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH OENTUBY. FAOa This absurd way of writing history was the natural result of the state of the age ....... 241 The spirit of doubt was a necessary precursor of improvement . 242 Hence the supreme importance of scepticism .... 243-244 Origin of religious toleration in England .... 244 " Hooker contrasted with Jewel ..... 248-249 Scepticism and spirit of inquiry on other subjects . . 250-251 This tendency displayed in Chillingworth .... 251-252 Chillingworth compared with Hooker and Jewel . . . 252 Subsequent movement in the same direction, and increasing indiffer- ence to theological matters . . ■ . 253-254 Great advantage of this . . . . . . 254-259 Under James I. and Charles I. this opposition to authority assumes a political character ...... 259-260 Under Charles II. it takes a frivolous form at court . . 261 Influence of this spirit upon Sir Thomas Browne . . . 263-265 Its influence upon Boyle . . . . . . 265-268 It causes the establishment of the Koyal Society . . . 269 Impetus now given to physical science, and attempts of the clergy to oppose it . . . . . . . . 270 The clergy are naturally hostile to physical science because it lessens their own power . . . . . . . 271 Illustration of this by the superstition of sailors and agriculturists as compared with soldiers and mechanics . . . 271-272 Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite of politi- cal degradation ....... 274 These improvements were due to the sceptical and inquiring spirit 279-28C Aided by the vices of the king ..... 280 And by his dislike of the church ..... 281 He encouraged Hobbes, and neglected the ablest of the clergy . 281-282 The clergy, to recover their ground, allied themselves with James II. 284-285 This alliance was dissolved by the Declaration of Indulgence . 286-287 The clergy then united with the dissenters, and brought about the Eevolution of 1688 287-288 Importance of the Revolution ..... 289 But the clergy regretted it, and repented of their own act . 290 Hostility between them and "William III. . . 293 Hence a schism in the church ..... 294r-295 Fresh encouragement thus given to scepticism . . . 295-296 Convocation first despised, and then abolished . . 298 K TABLE OF CONTENTS. rAt* After the Eevolution the ablest men confined themselves to secular professions, and avoided entering the church . .- 295 The clergy lost all ofBces out of the church, and their numbers diminished in both Houses of Parliament . . • 300- 301 The church ralhed for a moment under Anne . . . 301 Bat was weakened by the dissenters, headed by Wesley and White- field 303-305 Theology separated from morals and from politics . . 306-307 Rapid successioirof sceptical controversies .... 307-308 Knowledge begins to be diffu.sed, and takes a popular form . 309-310 Political meetings, and publication of parliamentary debates . 311 Doctrine of personal representation, and idea of independence . 312 Corresponding change in the style of authors . . . 313-314 Hence great reforms became inevitable .... 315-316 This tendency was aided by George I. and George II. . . 316-318 But discouraged by George III., under whom began a dangerous po- litical reaction ....... 319 Ignorance of George III. . ..... 319-320 Subserviency of Pitt ....... 321 Incompetence of other statesmen, and the king's hatred of great men ........ 323-323 Deterioration of the House of Lords .... 324 Ability and accomplishments of Burke .... 325-329 He opposed the views of George HI., and was neglected by him . 330-333 Burke's subsequent hallucinations and violence . . . 334-339 The king now favoured him ..... 341-342 Policy of George III. respecting America . . . 342-344 This policy reacted upon England ..... 345 Policy in regard of France ...... 346 This also reacted upon England ..... 348 And produced arbitrary laws against the liberties of England . 349 WTiich were zealously enforced by the executive . . . 350 f Gloomy political prospects of England late in the eighteenth century 351-355 , But, owing to the progress of knowledge, a counter reaction was i preparing ........ 357-358 To which, and to the increasing power of public opinion, England owes her great reforms of the nineteenth century . . 358-362 CHAPTER Vni. OUTLIXB OF THE HI3T0ET OF THE FBENOH INTELLEOT FBOM THE MIDDLE OF THS SrSTBEKTH OENTTJBT TO THE ACCESSION TO POWEE OF LOOTS XIV. [mportance of the question, as to whether the historian should begin with studying the normal or the abnormal condition of society .... 363-364 TABLE OF CONTENTS. XI PAOl Greater power of the church in France than ia England . vj- 364-365 Hence in Francff-during the sixteenth century every thing was more theological than in England ..... 366-367 Hence, too, toleration waS'ii^ossible in Franco . . . 367 But at the end of the sixteenth century scepticism appeared in France, and with it toleration began, as was seen in the edict of Nantes . . . . . . ^ . 368-372 The first sceptic was not Eabelais, but Montaigne . -4 . 372-373 Continuation of the movement by Charron .... 375 Henry IV. encouraged the Protestants .... 376 And they were tolerated even by the queen-regent dpring^the minority of Louis XIH. . . . . . > • . 379 I The most remarkable steps in favour of toleration were, however. I taken by Richelieu, who effectually humbled the church . 381 He supported the new secular scheme of government against the old ecclesiastical scheme ...... 382 His liberal treatment of the Protestants .... 383-392 They arc deserted by their temporal leaders, and the management of the party falls into the hands of the clergy . . . 393-396 Hence the French Protestants, being headed by the clergy, become more intolerant than the French Catholics, who are headed by statesmen ....... 397-398 Evidence of the illiberality of the French Protestants . . 399-405 They raise a civil war, which was a struggle of classes rather than of creeds ........ 406-409 Richelieu put down the rebellion, but still abstained from persecut- ing the Protestants ...... 415-417 This liberal policy on the part of the government was only part of a much larger movement ...... 417 Illustration of this from the philosophy of Descartes . . 419-42^ Analogy between Descartes and Richelieu .... 428-429 The same anti-ecclesiastical spirit was exhibited by their contempo- raries ........ 429-430 And by Mazarin ....... 431-432 It was also seen in the wars of the Fronde . . . . 433 But notwithstanding all this, there was a great difference between France and England; and the prevalence of the protective r.pirit prevented the French from becoming free . . . 438-439 CHAPTER IX. HISIOKT OF THE PEOTEOTIVE SPIRIT, AND OOMPAEISON OF IT IN FRANCE AND BNOLAHD. About the eleventh century the spirit of inquiry began to weaken the church . . . . . . . . 440-441 Ooinciding with this, the feudal system and an hereditary aristocracy appeared . . . . . . , , 442 xu TABLE OF CONTENTS. The nobles displace the clergy, and celibacy is opposed by the prin- ciple of hereditary rank ...... In England the nobles were less powerful than in France And were glad to ally themselves with the people against the crown Hence a spirit of popular independence unknown in France, where the nobles were too powerful to need the help of the people Effects of this difference between the two countries in the fourteenth century . . . . . . Centralization was in France the natural successor of feudality . This state contrasted with that of England Power of the French nobles . . Illustration from the history of chivalry Another illustration from the vanity of the French and pride of the English ....... Also from the practice of duelling .... The pride of Englishmen encouraged the Reformation An!4iogy between the Reformation and the revolutions of the seven- teenth century ...... Both were opposed by the clergy and nobles. Natural alliance be- tween these two classes ..... In the reign of Elizabeth both classes were weakened James I. and Charles I. vainly attempted to restore their power FACI 442 444 446 447 448 449 450 455 450 460 460 461 462 462 463-468 468 CHAPTER X. THK ENBEGT OP THE PEOTECTIVE SPIRIT IN PEANOE EXPLilNS THE FAILTJEE OP THE PEOHDE. COMPAEISOU BETWEEN THE PEONDE AND THE OONTEMPOBAET ENGLISH BEBELLION. Difference between the Fronde and the great English rebellion . 469 The English rebelUon was a war of classes . . . 469-476 But in France the energy of the protective spirit and the power of the nobles made a war of classes impossible . . 477-479 Vanity and imbecility of the French nobles . . . 479 As such men were the leaders of the Fronde, the rebellion naturally failed . . 483-488 But the English rebellion succeeded because it was a democratic movement headed by popular leaders . . . 488-489 CHAPTER XI. THE PEOTECTIVE BPIEIT OAEEIED BT LOUIS 3XV. INTO UTEEATTJEE. EXAMINA- TION OP THE CONSEQUENCES OP THIS ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE INTELLEOTUAl CLASSES AND TUB GOVEENINe CLASSES. The protective spirit in France, haying produced these political evils, was carried into literature under Louis XIV., and caused an alliance between literature and government . . . 490 TABLE OF CONTENTS. XUl PAQE Servility in the reign of Louis XIV. • • 491-498 Men of letters grateful to Louis XIV. . . - 499 But his system of protecting literature is injurious 499-500 Its first effect was to stop the progress of science 500-501 Even in mechanical arts, nothing was effected . . . 502 Decline in physiology, in surgery, and in medicine . 503-505 Also in zoology and in chemistry ... . 505 TSoT was any thing done in botany . . . . • 505-507 Intellectual decay under Loais XIV. was seen in every department of thought, and was the natural consequence of patronage . 507-511 Illustrations from the history of French art . . . 511-512 And from every branch of literature . . . . .513 ITniversal decline of France during the latter part of the reign of Louis XIV 514-516 CHAPTER Xn. DEATH OF lOITIS XIV. EEAOTION AGAINST THE PEOTBOTIVE 8PIE1T, ANI> PEEPABATI0N3 FOB THE FEENOH EEVOLTTTIOir. English literature imknown in France in the reign of Louis XIV. . 517-518 But began to he studied after his rleath, when the most eminent Frenchmen visited England. This caused a junction of French and English intellects ...... 519-527 Admiration of England expressed by Frenchmen . . . 528 Hence liberal opinions in France, which the government attempted to stifle ........ 529 Consequent persecution of literary men by the French government 529-533 Violence of the government ...... 533-540 In France literature was the last resource of liberty . . 541 Reasons why literary men at first attacked the church and not the government ....... 542-546 Hence they were led to assail Christianity . . . 547-550 But until the middle of the reign of Louis XV. the political institu- tions of France might have been saved; after that period all was over . . . . . . . 550-552 CHAPTER XIIL STATE OF HI8T0EI0AL LITEEATUEE IN FEANCB FEOM THE END OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTUET. Historical literature in France before the end of the sixteenth cen tury . . . . . . . .553 Improvement in the method of writing history late in the sixteenth century ..... 556-557 ax TABLE OP CONTENTS. Still further progress early in the seventeenth century Which became more marked in Mezeray's history in 1643 Retrograde movement under Louis XIV. Illustration of this from the work of Audigier And from that of Bossuet ..... Immense improvements introduced by Voltaire . His History of Charles XII. . ... His Age of Louis XIV. ....•• His Morale, Manners, and Character of Nations His views adopted by Mallet, Mably, Velly, Villaret, Duclos, and H6nault ....... Hie habit of looking at epochs ..... A remark of his adopted by Constant He advocated free trade ...... His anticipation of Malthus ..... His attack on the Middle Ages ..... And on the pedantic admirers of antiquity He weakened the authority of mere scholars and theologians Who had repeated the most childish absurdities respecting the early history of Home ..... In attacking which Voltaire anticipated Niebuhr . Ignorant prejudice against him in England His vast labors were aided by Montesquieu The works of Montesquieu, and value of his method The discourses of Turgot, and their influence All this hastened the advance of the French Revolution pAoa 557-560 560-561 562-565 566-568 569-574 575 576 578-579 580 581 583 583 584 585 585 586-588 588 588-589 589 591 592 593-590 596 597-598 CHAPTER XIV. PfiOXIMATE CAUSES OF THE PBENOH EEVOLTJTION ATTEE THE MIDDLE OP THE EIGHTEEHTH OENTTJET. Recapitulation of preceding views ..... Diiference between certainty and precision The intellect of France began to attack the state about 1750 Rise of the political economists ..... Influence of Rousseau . . . . ... Just at the same time the government began to attack the church And to favour religious toleration ..... Abolition of the Jesuits ...... Calvinism is democratic; Arminianism is aristocratic Jansenism being allied to Calvinism, its revival in France aided the democratic movement, and secured the overthrow of the Jesuits, whose doctrines are Arminian .... After the fall of the Jesuits the ruin of the French clergy was in- evitable ........ 617 599-600 600-601 602-603 603-604 604-605 606 607-608 608 610-«13 614-616 TABLE OF CONTENTS. X\ But was averted for a time by the most eminent Frenchmen direct- ing their hostility against the state rather than against the church . . . . . . . ■ Connexion between this movement and the rsse of atheism Same tendency exhibited in Helvdtius And in Condillac ....... The ablest Frenchmen concentrate their attention on the external world- ....... Effects of this on the sciences of heat, light, and electricity Also on chemistry and geology .... [n England during the same period there was a dearth of great thinkers . . . . . . But in France immense impetus was given to zoology by Cuvier and Bichat ....... Bichat's views respecting the tissues .... Connexion between these views and subsequent discoveries . Relation between inventions, discoveries, and method ; and immense importance of Bichat's method .... Bichat's work on hfe Great and successful efforts made by the French in botany . And in mineralogy by De Lisle and Hatty Analogy between this and Pinel's work on insanity . AH these vast results were part of the causes of the French Revolu- tion . . . . . . , . Physical science is essentially democratic .... The same democratic tendency was observable in changes of dress And in the establishment of clubs .... Influence of the American Rebellion . . Summary of the causes of the French Revolution Goueral reflections .... 018-619 619 621-624 024 627 627 629-635 636-638 638-64C 640 641-644 645-648 648-651 652-654 654r-657 657 658 659-662 662 664r-666 666 668-670 670 672 LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. J] orJcplo assist those who wish to verify my references, and also with the view of indicatins the nature and extent of the materials which I have need, I have drawn up the following lisl of the principal works quoted in the present volume. When no edition is mentioned, the eiza is 8vo ei infra. ' Ibd-AUatif, Relation de I'Egypte, traduite par Silvestre de Sacy. Paris 1810. 4to. Adolphus (J.), Histoiy of England from the accession of George III. Lond. 1840-1845. 7 vols. Aguesseau (Ohancelier d'), Lettres inedites. Paris, 1823. 2 vols. Aikin (L.), Life of Addison. Lond. 1843. 2 vols. Albemarle (Earl of), Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham. Lond. 1852. 2 vols. Alison (Sir A.), History of Europe, from the commencement of the French Revolution to 1815. Edinb. 1849-1850. 14 vols. Allen (J.), Rise and Growth of the Royal Prerogative in England. Lond. 1849. Arnold (Dr.), Lectures on Modern History. Lond. 1843. Asiatic Researches. Lond. and Calcutta, 1799-1836. 20 vols. 4to. Aubrey (J.), Letters and Lives of Eminent Men. Lond. 1813. 2 vols. Audigier (M.), L'Origine des Frangois. Paris, 1676. 2 vols. Azara (F.), Voyages dans I'Amfirique Meridionale. Paris, 1809. 4 vols. Bakewell (R.), Introduction to Geology. Lond. 1838. Balfour (J. H.), A Manual of Botany. Lond. 1849. Bancroft (G.), History of the American Revolution. Lond. 1852-1854. 3 vols. Barante (M.), Tableau de la Littfirature Frangaise au XVIIP Sjecle. Paris, 1847. Harrington (D.), Observations on the Statutes. 5th edit. Lond. 1796. 4to. Barruel (L'Abbe), Memoires pour I'Histoire du Jacobinisme. Hamboury, 1803. 5 vols. Barry (G.), History of the Orkney Islands. Edinb. 1805. 4to. Bassompierre (Marechal de), Mdmoires. Paris, 1822, 1823. 3 vols. Bates (G.), Account of the late Troubles in England. Lond. 1685. 2 vols. Baxter (R.), Life and Times, by Himself. Published by M. Sylvester. Lond. 1696. Folio, 3 parts. BazLa (M. A.), Histoire de France sous Louis XIII. Paris, 1838. 4 vols. Beausobre (M.), Histoire Critique de Manichde et du Manich6isme. Amster- dam, 1734-9. 4to, 2 vols. Bdclard (P. A.), Elements d'Anatomie G'6n6rale. Paris, 1852. Bedford Correspondence, edited by Lord J. Russell. 1842-1846. 3 vols. Beechey (F. W.), Voyage to the Pacific. Lond. 1831. 2 vols. Belsham (W.), History of Great Britain, from 1688 to 1802. Lond. 1805. 12 vols. (Of this work I have used only the last seven volumes, which refer to a period for which Belsham was a contemporary authority. The earlier volumes are worthless.) (Benoist), Histoire de I'Edit de Nantes. Delft, 1693-1095. 4to. 5 vols. Berkeley (Bishop of Cloyne), Works. Lond. 1843. 2 vols. XVlll LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Bichat (X.), Traits des Membranes. Paris 1802. Bichat (X.), Anatomie G4ii6rale. Paris, 1821. 4 vols. Bichat (X.), Recherches sur la Vie et la Mort, edit. Magendie. Paris, 1829. Biographie Universellc. Paris, 1811-1828. 52 toIs. Birch (T.), Life of Tillotson, Archbishop of Canterbury. Loud. 1753. Bisset (R.), Life of Edmund Burke. 2d edit. Lond. 1800. 2 vols. Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England. Lond. 1809. 4 vols. Blainville (D.). Physiologie G6n6rale et Comparfie. Paris, 1833. 3 vols. Blanqui (M.), Histoire de I'Economie Politique en Europe. Paris, 1845 2 vols. Bogue (D.) and Bennett (J.), History of the Dissenters, from 1688 to 1808 Lond. 1808-1812. 4 vols. Bohlen (P.), Das alte Indien, mit besondercr Rucksicht auf .SEgypten. Konigsberg, 1830. 2 vols. Bordas-Demouiin, Le Cartesianisme. Paris, 1843. 2 vols. Bossuet (Eveque de Meaux), Discours sur I'Histoire TJniverselle. Paris, 1844 Bouillaud (J.), Philosopbie M6dicale. Paris, 1836. Bouill6 (M. de), M^moires sur la Revolution Fran^aise. Paris, 1801-9 2 vols. Boulainvilliers (Comte), Histoire de I'Ancien Gouvernement de la France. La Haye, 1727. 3 vols. BouUier (M.), Histoire des divers Corps de la Alaison Militaire des Rois da France. Paris, 1818. Bowdich (T. E.), Mission to Ashantee. Lond. 1819. 4to. Bowles ("W. L.), Life of Bishop Ken. Lond. 1830, 1831. 2 vols. Boyle (R.), Works. Lond. 1744. 5 vols, folio. Brande (W. T.), A Manual of Chemistry. Lond. 1848. 2 vols. Brewster (Sir D.), Memoirs of Sir Isaac Newton. Edinb. 1855. 2 vols. Brienne (L. H. de Lom^nie), Mdmoires in^dits. Paris, 1828. 2 vols. Brissot (J. P.), Mdmoires. Paris, 1830. 2 vols. British Association for Advancement of Science, Reports of. Lond. 1833- 1853. 21 vols. Brodie (Sir B.), Lectures on Pathology and Surgery. Lond. 1846. Brodie (Sir B.), Physiological Researches. Lond. 1851. Brougham (Lord), Sketches of Statesmen in the time of George III. Lond. 1845. 6 vols. Brougham (Lord), Lives of Men of Letters and Science in the time of George IlL Lond. 1845-1847. 2 vols. Brougham (Lord), Political Philosophy. 2d edit. Lond. 1849. 3 vols. Broussais (F. J. V.), Examen des Doctrines M6dicales. Paris, 1829-1834. 4 vols. Broussais (F. J. V.), Cours de Phrtoologie. Paris, 1836. Brown (T.), Lectures on the Philosophy of the Mind. Edinb. 1838. Browne (Sir Xhomas), Works and Correspondence, by S. Wilkin Lond 1836. 4 vols. Buchanan (F.), Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar. Lond. 1807 3 vols. 4to. Buchanan (J.), Sketches of the North- American Indians. Lond. 1824. Buckingham (Duke of), Memoirs of George III. Lond. 1833. 2 vols. Bullock (W.), Travels in Mexico. Lond. 1824. Bulstrode (Sir R.), Memoirs of Charles I. and Charles II. Lond. 1721. Bunbury (Sir H.), Correspondence of Sir Thomas Hanmer. Lond. 1838. Bunsen (C. C. J.), Egypt's Place in Universal History. Lond. 1848-1854, 2 vols. Burckhardt (J. L.), Travels in Arabia. Lond. 1829. 2 vols. Burdach (C. F.), Traite de Physiologie consideree comme Science d'Observjk tion. Paris, 1837-1841. 9 vols. Durke (E.), Works, by H. Rogers. Lond. 1841. 2 vols. LIST O]? AUTHORS QDOTED. XIX Burke (E.), Correspondence with Laurence. Lond. 1827. Burke (E.), Correspondence between 1744 and 1797. Lond. 1844. 4 vols. Burnes (Sir A.), Travels into Bokhara. Lond. 1834. 3 vols. Burnet (Bishop), History of his own Time. Oxford, 1823. 6 vols. Burnet (Bishop), Lives and Characters, edit. Jobb. Lond. 1833. Burton (J. H.), Life and Correspondence of D. Hume. Bdinb. 1846. 2 vols. Burton (R. P.), Sindh, and the Races in the Valley of the Indus. Lond. 1851, Burton (T.), Diary, from 1655 to 1659. Lond. 1828. 4 vols. Butler (C), Memoirs of the English, Irish, and Scottish Catholics. Lond 1822. 4 vols. Butler (C), Reminiscences. Lond. 1824-1827. 2 vols. Cabanis-(P. J. G.), Rapports du Physique et du Moral de I'Homme. Paris 1843. Calamy(E.), Account of my own Life, 1671-1731. Lond. 1829. 2 vols. : Campan (Madame), M6moires sur Marie Antoinette. Paris, 1826. 3 vols. Campbell (Lord), Lives of the Lord Chancellors of England. 3d edit. Lond. 1848-1850. 7 vols. Campbell (Lord), Lives of the Chief- Justices of England. Lond. 1849. 2 vols. Campion (H. de), Memoires. Paris, 1807. Capefigue (M.), Histoire de la RiSforme, de la Ligue, et du Regne de Henri IV. Bruxelles, 1834, 1835. 8 vols. Capefigue (M.), Richelieu, Mazarin, et la Fronde. Paris, 1844. 2 vols. Capefigue (M.), Louis XIV. Paris, 1844. 2 vols. Cappe (C), Memoirs, written by herself. Lond. 1822. Carlyle (T.), Letters and Speeches of Cromwell. 2d edit. Lond. 184G. 3 vols. Carpenter (W. B.), Principles of Human Physiology. Sd edit. Lond. 1846. Cartwright (Major), Life and Correspondence. Lond. 1826^ 2 vols. Carus (0. G.), Comparative Anatomy of Animals. Lond. 1827. 2 vols. Carwithen (J. B. S.), History of the Church of England. Oxford, 1849. 2 vols. Cassagnac (M. A. G. de), Causes de la Revolution Franfaise. Paris, 1850, 3 vols. Catlin (G.), Letters on the North-American Indians. Lond. 1841. 2 vols. Charron (P.), De la Sagesse. Amsterdam, 1782. 2 vols. Chatham (Earl of). Correspondence. Lond. 1838-1840. 4 vols. ChillingworthJW.), The Religion of Protestants. Lond. 1846. Clapperton (H.), Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa. Lond 1829. 4to. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion ; and Life, by Himself. Oxford, 1848. Clarendon Correspondence and Diary, by S. W. Singer. Lond. 1828. 2 vols. 4to. Cloncurry (Lord), Recollections and Correspondence. Dublin, 1849. Clot-Bey (A. B.), De la Peste observte en Egypte. Paris, 1840. Colebrooke (H. T.), A Digest of Hindu Law. Calcutta, 1801. 3 vols. Coleman (C), Mythology of the Hindus. Lond. 1832. 4t6. Coleridge (S. T.), Literary Remains. Lond. 1830-1839. 4 vols. Coleridge (S. T.), The Friend. Lond. 1844. 3 vols. Combe (G.), Notes on the United States of North America. Edinb. 184P. 3 vols. Cominos (P. de), Memoires, edit. Petitot. 1826. 3 vols. Comte (AX Cours de Philosophie Positive. Paris, 1830-1842. 6 vols. Comte (C), Traits de Legislation. Paris, 1835. 4 vols. Condillac (E. B.), Traite des Sensations. Paris, 1798. Condorcet (Marquis de), Vie de Turgot. Londres, 1786. Condorcet (Marquis de), Vie de Voltaire, in vol. i. of Qiluvres de Voltaire. Paris, 1820. Oonrart (V.), Mdmoires. Paris, 1825. XX LIST OF ATJTHOES QUOTED. Cook (J.), Three Voyages round the World. Lend. 1821. 7 vols. Cooke(G.'W.),Histoi7 of Party. Lond. 1836, 1837. 3 vols. Copleston (E.), Inquiry into the Doctrines of Necessity and Predestination Lond. 1821. Cousin (V.), Cours de I'Histoire de la Philosophie moderne, I. s^rie. Paris 1846. 5 vols. Cousin (V.), Idem. idem. II. s6rie. Paris, 1847. 3 vols. Crantz (D.), History of Greenland. Lond. 17G7. 2 vols. Crawfurd (J.), History of the Indian Archipelago. Edinb. 1820. 3 vols. Cudworth (R.), The True, Intellectual System of the Universe. Lond. 1820 4 vols. Currie (J.), Life and Correspondence, by his Son. Lond. 1831. 2 vols. Custine (llarquis de). La Russie en 1839. Paris, 1843. 4 vols. Cuvier (&.), Recueil des Eloges Historiques. Paris, 1819-1827. 3 vols. Cuvier (G.), Histoire des Sciences NatureUes depuis leiir Origine. Paris, 1831 Cuvier (G.), Histoire des Progres des Sciences Naturelles depuis 1789 Bruxelles. 1837, 1838. 2 vols. Cuvier (G.), I'« Regno Animal. Paris, 1829. 5 vols. Dabistan (The), translated from the Persian, by D. Shea and A. Troyer. Paris, 1843. 3 vols. Dacier (M.), Rapport sur Ics Progres de I'Histoire et de la Litterature depuis 1789. Paris, 1810. 4to. Dalrymple (J.), Histoiy of Feudal Property in Great Britain. Lond. 1758. Dalrymple (J.), Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland. Lond. 1790. 3 vols. Daniel (G.), Histoire de la Milice Franfoise. Paris, 1721. 2 vols. 4to. Daniell (J. F.), Meteorological Essays. Lond. 1827. Darwin (C), Journal of Researches in Geology and Natural History. Lond. 1840. Davis (J. F.), The Chinese. Lond. 1844. 3 vols. De Lisle (Rom6), Essai de CristaUographie. Paris, 1772. De Lisle (Rom6), CristaUographie. Paris, 1783. 4 vols. 8vo. Denham (D.). Travels in Northern and Central Africa. Lond. 1820. 4to. Descartes (R.), OSuvres, par V. Cousin. Paris, 1824-1820. 11 vols. De Stael (Madame), Considerations sur la Revolution Franqoise. Paris, 1820 3 vols. De Thou (J. A.), Histoire Universelle, depuis 1543 jusqu'en 1607. Londres 1734. 10 vols. 4to. Des Maizeaux (P.), Life of Chillingworth. Lond. 1725. Des R6aux (Tallemant), Les Historiettes. Paris, 1840. 10 rois. Diderot (D.), M6moires et Correspondance. Paris, 1830, 1831. 4 vols. Diodori Siculi BibUotheca Historica ; recensione Wesselingii. Bipont 1793- 1807. 11 vols. Diogenes Laertius, De Vitis Philosophorum, edit. Meibomius. Amstel. 1692 2 vols. 4to. Disney (J.), Life of Dr. John Jebb, in vol. i. of Jebb's Works. Lond. 1787 Dobell (p.). Travels in Kamtchatka and Siberia. Lond. 1830. 2 vols. Doblado's Letters from Spain (by Rev. B. White). Lond. 1822. Doddridge (P.), Correspoudence and Diary. Lond. 1829-1831. 5 vols Doubleday (T.), The True Law of Population. Lond. 1847. Dowling (J. G.), Introduction to the Study of Ecclesiastical History. Lond 1838. D'Oyly (G.), Life of Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury. Lond. 1840. Daclos (M.), M6moires secrets sur Louis XIV. et Louis XV. Paris" 1791 2 vols. ' Du Deffand (MadameV Correspondance in^dite. Paris, 1809. 2 vols. Du Deffand (Madame), Lettres a H. Walpole. Paris, 1827 4 vols D'jfau (P. A.), Traits de Statistiqu?. Paris, 1840. LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. XX] Du Mesnil (JM.), Mdmoires sur le Prince Le Brnn. Paris, 1828. Dumont (E.), Souvenirs sur Mirabeau. Londres, 1832. Duplessis Momay (P.), Mfemoires et Correspondance. Paris, 1824. 1825 12 vols. Dutens (L.), M^moires d'un Voyageur qui se repose. Londres, 1806. 'i vols Duvernet (J.), Vie de Voltaire. Geneve, 1786. Duvernet (J.), Histoire de la Sorbonne. Paris, 1791. 2 vols. Eccleston (J.), Introduction to English Antiquities. Lond. 1847. Edwards (M.), Zoologie. Paris, 1841, 1842. 2 parts. Elliotson (J.), Human Physiology. Lond. 1840. Ellis Correspondence (The), 1686-1688, edited by 6. A. Ellis. Lond. 1829 2 vols. Ellis (Sir H.), Original Letters of Literary Men. Camden Soc. 1843. 4to Ellis (W.), A Tour through Hawaii. Lond. 1827. Ellis (W.), Polynesian Researches. Lond. 1831. 4 vols. Ellis (W.), History of Madagascar. Lond. 1838. 2 vols. Blphmstone (M.), The History of India. Lond. 1849. Encyclopsedia of the Medical Sciences. Lond. 1847. 4to. Epinay (Madame d'), M^moires et Correspondance. Paris, 1818. 3 vols. Erman (A.), Travels in Siberia. Lond. 1848. 2 vols. Eschbach (M.), Introduction a I'Etude du Droit. Paris, 1846. Esquirol (E.), Des Maladies Mentales. Paris, 1838. 2 vols. Evelyn (J.), Diary and Correspondence. Lond. 1827. 5 vols. Fairfax Correspondence (The), edited by Gr. W. Johnson and R. Bell. Lond. 1848, 1849. 4 vols. Felice (G.), History of the Protestants of France. Lond. 1853. Feuchtersleben (E.), The Principles of Medical Psychology. Sydenham Soc. Plassan (M.), Histoire de la Diplomatie Frangaise. Paris, 1811. 7 vols. Flourens (P.), Histoire des Travaux de Cuvier. Paris, 1845. Fontenay-Mareuil (Marquis de), Mdmoires. Paris, 1826. 2 vols. Fontenelle (B. de), Bloges, in vols. v. and vi. of (Euvres. Paris, 1766. Forbes (J.), Oriental Memoirs. Lond. 1834. 3 vols. Forry (S.), Climate of the United States, and its Endemic Influences. New York, 1842. Forster (J.), Life and Times of Goldsmith. 2d edit. Lond. 1854. 2 vols. Fox (C. J.), History of the Early Part of the Reign of James II. Lond. 1808. 4to. Franklin (B.), Private Correspondence. Lond. 1817. 2 vols. Franklin (B.), Life, by himself. Lond. 1818. 2 vols. Galfridus Monumetensis, Historia Britonum, edit. Giles. Lond. 1844. Gardner (G.), Travels in the Interior of Brazil. Lond. 1849. Genlis (Madame de), Mdmoires sur le XVIIP Siecle. Paris, 1825. 10 vols. Gent (T.), Life, by himself. Lond. 1832. Geoffroy Saint Ililaire (I.), Histoire des Anomalies de I'Organisation chea I'Homme et les Animaux. Bruxelles, 1837. 3 vols. Georgel (L'Abbd), M^moires. Paris 1817-1818. 6 vols. Georget (M.), De la Folie. Paris, 1820. Giraud (C), Precis de I'Ancien Droit coutumier Franqais. Paris, 1852. Godwin (W.), Of Population ; or the Power of Increase in Mankind. Lond, 1820. Goethe (J. W.), Wahrheit und Dichtung, in vol. ii. of "Wcrke. Stuttcart 1837. Grant (R. B.), Comparative Anatomy. Lond. 1841 Grant (R.), History of Physical Astronomy. Lond. 1852. SXU LIST OP AUTHORS QUOTED. Grdgoire (M.), Histoire des Confessenrs. Paris, 1824. Gren-rille Papers (The), edited by W. J. Smith. Lond. 1852, 1853. 4 vols. Grieve (J. ), The History of Kamtschatka, translated from the Russian. Gloa- cester, 1764. 4to. Grimm et Diderot, Correspondance Litt^raire. Paris, 1813, 1814. 17 vols. (This important work consists of three parts, besides a supplement ; bu! in quoting it, I have always followed the ordinary lettering, making ths supplement vol. xvii.) Grose (F.), Military Antiquities ; a History of the English Army. Lond. 1&12. 4to. 2 vols. Grosley (M.), A Tour to London. Lond. 1772. 2 vols. Grote (G.), History of Greece. Lond. 1846-1856. 12 vols. 1st edit, of vola i. ii. iii. iv. ix. x. xi. xii. , 2d edit, of vols. v. vi. vii. viii. Guizot (11.), Histoire de la Civilisation en France. Paris, 1846. 4 vols. Guizot (M.), Histoire de la Civilisation en Europe. Paris, 1846. Guizot (M.J, Essais sur I'Histoire de France. Paris, 1847. Halhed (N. B.) Code of Gentoo Laws. Lond. 1777. Halkett (J.), Notes respecting the Indians of North America. Lond. 1825. Hallain (H.), Constitutional History of England. Lond. 1842. 2 vols. Hallam (H.), Introduction to the Literature of Europe. Lond. 1843. 3 volsi Hallam (H.), Europe during the Middle Ages. Lond. 1846. 2 vols. Hallam (H.), Supplemental Notes to Europe during the Middle Ages. Lond. 1848. Hamilton rW.), ^^ptiaca. Lond. 1809. 4to. Hamilton (Sir W.), Notes and Dissertations to Reid. Edinb. 1852. Hamilton (Sir W.), Discussions on Philosophy and Literature. Lond. 1852 Hare's Guesses at Truth. First and second series. Lond. 1847, 1848. 2 vols Hartford (J. S.), LL% of T. Burgess, Bishop of Salisbury. Lond. 1841. Harris (G.), Life of Lord -Chancellor Hardwicke. Lond. 1847. 3 vols. Harris (W.), Lives of James I., Charles I., Cromwell, and Charles II. Lond 1814. 5 vols. Hausset (Madame du), M6moires. Paris, 1824. flatly (R. J.), Traite de Min6ralogie. Paris, 1801. 5 vols. Hawkins (B.), Elements of Medical Statistics. Lond. 1829. Heber /Bishop), Life of Jeremy Taylor, in vol. i. of Taylor's Works. Loud 1828. Heber ^Bishop), Journey through the Upper and Southern Provinces of India. Lond. 1828. 3 vols. Heeren (A. H. L.), Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the Afiican Nations Oxford, 1838. 2 vols. Heeren (A. IL L.), Politics. Intercourse, and Trade of the Asiatic Nations Lond. 1846. 2 vols. Helv6tius (C. A.), De I'Esprit. Amsterdam, 1759. 2 vols. Henderson-fJ.), History of Brazil. Lond. 1821. 4to. Henle (J.), Traite d' Anatomic G6n6rale. Paris, 1843. 2 vols. Henslow (J. S.). Descriptive and Physiological Botany. Lond. 1837. Herder (J. G.), Ideen zur Geschichte der Menschheit. Stuttgart, 182^ 1828. 4 vols.' Scrodoti Musae, edit. Baehr. Lipsiae, 1830-1835. 4 vols. Herschel (Sir J.), Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy. Lond 183L Hitchcock (E.), The Religion of Geology. Lond. 1851. Hodgson (R.), Life of Porteus, Bishop of London. Lond. 1811. Holcroft (T.), ilemoirs, by himself: continued by Hazlitt. Lond. 1816. 3 t Holland (^Su- H.), Meffical Notes. Lond. 1830. Holland (Lord), Memoirs of the Whig Party. Lond. 1852-1854. 2 vols Holies (Lord), Memoirs Lond. 1009. LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. XX] U Hooker (R.), Ecclesiastical Polity. Lond. 1830. 3 vols. Howell (J.), Letters. Lond. 1754. Huetius (P. D.), Oommentarius de Kebus ad eum pertinentibus, Amstel 1718. Humboldt (A.), Essai sur la Nouvelle Espagne. Paris, 1811. 2 vols. 4to Humboldt (A.), Cosmos. Lond. 1848-1852. 4 vols. Hume (D.), Philosophical Works. Edinb. 1826. 4 vols. Hume (D.)', Letters of Eminent Persons to. Edinb. 1849. Hunt CF. K.), History of Newspapers. Lond. 1850. 2 vols. Hutchmson (Colonel), Memoirs of, by his Widow. Lond. 1846, Hutton (W.), Life of, by himself. Lond. 1816. James II., The Life of, from Memoirs by his own hand, by J. S. Clarke. Lond. 1816. 2 vols. 4to. Ibn Batuta, Travels in the Fourteenth Century, translated from Arabic by S, Lee. Lond. 1829. 4to. Jefferson (T.), Memoirs and Correspondence, by Randolph. Lond. 1829 4 vols. Jehangueir (The Emperor), Jilcmoir.s, by himself, translated from Persian by D. Price. Lond. 1829. 4to. Jewel (J.), Apologia Ecclesias Anglicanas. Lond. 1581. Jobert (A. 0. G.), Ideas or Outlines of a New System of Philosophy. Lond. 1848, 1849. 2 vols. Joly (Gr.), Memoires. Paris, 1825. Jones (0. H.), and Sieveking (E. H.), Pathological Anatomy. Lond. 1854. Jones (R.), Organization of the Animal Kingdom. Lond. 1855. Jones (Sir W.), Works. Lond. 1799. 6 vols. 4to. Jones (W.), Life of G. Home, Bishop of Norwich. Lond. 1795. Journal Asiatique. Paris, 1822-1827. 11 vols. Journal of the Asiatic Society. Lond. 1834-1851. 14 vols. Journal of the Geographical Society. Lond. 1833 (2d edit, of vol. i)-1853, 23 vols. Jussieu's Botany, by J. H. "Wilson. Lond. 1849. Ixtlilxochitl, Histoire des Chichimeques ou des anciens Rois de Tezcuco. Paris, 1840. 2 vols. Kaemtz (L. P.), Course of Meteorology. Lond. 1845. Kant (J.), Werke. Leipzic, 1838, 1839. 10 vols. Kay (J.), Condition and Education of the People in England and Europe. Lond. 1S50. 2 vols. Kemble (J. M.), The Saxons in England. Lond. 1849. 2 vols. Ken (Bishop of Bath and "Wells), Life of, by a Layman. Lond. 1854. 2 vols. King (Lord), Life of J. Locke. Lond. 1830. 2 vols. Klimrath (H.), Travaux sur I'Histoire du Droit Frangais. Paris, 1843. 2 vols. Koch (M.), Tableau des Rdvolutions de I'Europe. Paris, 1823. 3 vols. Kohl (J. G.), Russia. Lond. 1842. Lacretelle (C), Histoire de Prance pendant le XVIIP SiSole. Bruxelles, 1819. 3 vols. Lafayette (G^ndral), M6moires, Correspondanco et Manusorits. Bruxelles 1837-1839. 2 vols. Laing (S.), Sweden in 1838. Lond. 1839. Laing (S.), Notes on the Social and Political State of Europe. Lond. 1842. L^ng (S.), Second Series of Notes on Europe. Lond. 1850. , Laing (S.), Denmark, being the Third Series of Notes. Lond. 1852. Lamartine (A. de.), Histoire des Girondins. Bruxelles, 1847. 8 vols. Lankester (E.), Memorials of John Ray. Ray Soe. 1840. XXIV LIST OF ADTHOKS C^tTOTED. Larcnaudi^re (M. de), Mexique et Guatemala. Paris, 1843. Lathbury (T.), History of ths Convocation of the Church of England. Lend Lathbury (T.), History of -the Nonjurors. Lend. 1845. Lavallte (T.), Histoire des Frangais. Paris, 1847. 4 vols. Laurence (W.), Lectures on Comparative Anatomy, and the Natural History of Man. Lond. 1844. Le Blanc (L'Abbe), Lettres d'un Francois. Lyon, 1758. 3 vols. Ledwich (E.). Antiquities of Ireland. Dublin, 1804. 4to. Le Long (J.), Bibliotheque Historique de la France. Paris, 1768-1778. 5 vols, folio. L6montey (P. E.), L'Etablissement Monarchique de Louis XIV. Paris, 1818 Lenet (P.). Memoires. Paris, 1826. 2 vols. Lepan (JI.), Vie de Voltaire. Paris, 1837. Lepelletier (A.), Physiologie M^dicale. Paris, 1831-1833. 4 vols. Lerminier (E.), Philosophie du Droit. Paris, 1831. 2 vols. Leslie (Sir J.), Natural and Chemical Philosophy. Edinb. 1838. Le Vassor (JI.), Histoire du Rdgne de Louis XIIL Amst. 1701-1711. 10 vols. Liebig (J.), Animal Chemistry. Lond. 1846. Liebig and Kopp's Beports of the Progress of Chemistry and the allied Sciences. Lond. 1849-1853. 4 vols. Liebig (J.), Letters on Chemistry in its relation to Physiology. Lond. 1851. Lindley (J.), The Vegetable Kingdom. Lond. 1847. Lindley (J.), An Introduction to Botany. Lond. 1848. 2 vols. Lingard (J.), History of England. Paris, 1840. 8 vols. Lister (M.), An Account of Paris at the close of the Seventeenth Century Shaftesbury, -n.d. Lister (T. II.), Life and Correspondence of the first Earl of Clarendon. Lond. 1837, 1838. 3 vols. Llorente (D. J. A.), Histoire critique de I'Inquisition d'Espagne. Paris, 1817 1818. 4 vols. Locke (J.), "Works. Lond. 1794. 9 vols. Longchamp et Wagniere, Memoires sur Voltaire. Paris, 1826. 2 vols. Loudon (J. C), an Encyclopsedia of Agriculture. Lond. 1844. Low (H.), Sarawak ; its Inhabitants and Productions. Lond. 1835 Ludlow (E.), Memoirs. Edinb. 1751. 3 vols. Lyell (Sir C), Principles of Geology. Lond. 1853. Mably (L'Abbe), Observations sur I'Histoire de Franco. Paris, 1823. 3 vols. Macaulay (T. B.), History of EngUnd. Lond. 1849-1855. 1st edit. 4 vols. Mackay (ll. W.), The Progress of the Intellect in the Religious Developmeni of the Greeks and Hebrews. Lond. 1850. 2 vols. Mackintosh (Sir J.), Memoirs, by his Son. Lond. 1835. 2 vols. Mackintosh (Sir J.), History of the Revolution in England in 1088. Lond 1834. 4to. Mackintosh (Sir J.), Dissertation on the Progress of Ethical Philosophy Edinb. 1837. M'Culloch (J. R.), The Principles of Political Economy. Edmb. 1843. M'CulIoh (J. H.). Researches concerning the Aboriginal History of America. Baltimore, 1829. Macpherson (J.), Original Papers, from the Restoration to the Accession of the House of Hanover. Londi. 1775. 2 vols. 4to. M'William (J. 0.), Medical History of the Expedition to the Niger. Lond 1843. Mahon (Lord), History of England, fi:om 1713 to 1783. Lond. 185*1, 1854 7 vols. Maintenon (Madame de) Lettres inedites avec la Princesse des TJrsins. Pang 1826. 4 vols. LIST OP AUTHOBS QUOTED, XXV Malcolm (Sir J.), History of Persia. Lend. 1829. 2 vols. Mallet's Northern Antiquities, edit. Blaekwell. Lend. 1847. Mallet du Pan, Memoirs and Correspondence. Lond. 1852. 2 vols. Malthus (T. R.), An Essay on the Principles of Population. Lond. 1826. 2 vols. Manning (W. 0.), Commentaries on the Law of Nations. Lond. 1839. Marchmont Papers, from 1685 to 1750. Lond. 1831. 3 vols. Mariner (W.), An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands. Lond. 1818 2 vols. Marmontel (J. ¥.), M^moires. Paris, 1805. 4 vols. Marsden (W.), History of Sumatra. Lond. 1783. 4to. Matter (M.), Histoire du Gnosticisme. Paris, 1828. 2 vols. Matter ^M.), Histoire de I'Ecole d'Alexandrie. Paris, 1840-1844. 2 vols. Mattheei Paris Historia Major, edit. Wats. Lond. 1684. folio. Matthsei Westmonasteriensis Flores Historiarum. Lond. 1570. folio, 2 vcls Maury (L. F. A.), Legendes Pieuses du Moyen Age. Paris, 1843. May (T.), History of the Long Parliament. Lond. 1647. folio, 3 books. Mayo (H.), Outlines of Human Physiology. Lond. 1837. Meadley {(i. W.), Memoirs of W. Paley. Edinb. 1810. Meiners (E.), Betrachtungen iiber die Fruchtbarkeit &o. der Lander in Asien. Lubeck, 1795, 1796. 2 vols. Mercier (M.), J. J. Rousseau bonsid6r6 comme I'un dcs premiers Auteurs de la Revolution. Paris, 1791. 2 vols. Meyen (F. J. F.), Outlines of the Geography of Plants. Lond. 1846. Meyer (J. D.), Esprit, Origine et Progres des Institutions Judiciaires. Paris, 1823. 5 vols. Mezeray (P. E.), Histoire de Prance. Paris, 1643-1651. 3 vols, folio. Miohelet (M.), Origincs du Droit Frangais, in vol. ii. of Oiluvres. Bruxelles, 1840. Mill (J.), Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind. Lond. 1829. 2 vols. Mill (J.), The History of British India, edited by H. H. Yf ilson. Lond. 1848 (the first two vols. only). Mill (J. S.), Principles of Political Economy. Lond. 1849. 2 vols. Mills (C). History of Chivalry. Lond. 1825. 2 vols. Moffat (Ri), Southern Africa. Lond. 1842. Monconys (M. de), Voyages de. Paris, 1695. 5 vols. Monk (Bishop of Gloucester), Life of R. Bentley. Lond. 1833. 2 volb. Montaigne (M.), Essais. Paris, 1843. Montbarey (Prince de), Mdmoires. Paris, 1826, 1827. 3 vols. Monteil (A. A.), Histoire des Frangais des divers Etats. Bruxelles, 1843. 8 vols. Montesquieu (C), (Euvres completes. Paris, 1835. Montglat (Marquis de), M6moires. Paris, 1825, 1826. 3 vols. Montlosier (Comte de). La Monarchie Frangaise: Paris, 1814. 3 vols. Montucla (J. F.), Histoire des Mathematiques. Paris, 1799-1802. 4 vols 4to. Morellet (L'Abb6), M6moires. Paris, 1821. 2 vols. Mosheim (J. L.), Ecclesiastical History. Lond. 1839. 2 vols. Motteville (Mme.), M6moires, edit. Petitot. Paris, 1824. 5 vols. Miiller (J.), Elements of Physiology. Lond. 1840-1842. 2 vols. Murchison (Sir R.), Siluria. Lond. 1854. Mure (W.), History of the Language and Literature of Ancient Greece. Lonil 1850-1853. 4 vols. Murray (A.), Life of J. Bruce. Edinb. 1808. 4to. Musset Pathay (V. D.), Vie de J. J. Rousseau. Paris, 1822. 2 vols. Neal (D.), History of the Puritans, from 1517 to 1688. Lond. 1822. 5 vols, Neander (A.), History of the Christian Religion and Church. Lond. 1850- 1852. 8 vols. XXVI LIST OF AUTHOES QUOTED. Newman (P. W.), Natural History of the Soul, as the Basis of Theology Lond. 1849. Newman (F. W.), Phases of Faith. Lond. 1850. Newman (J. H.), Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine. Lond , 1845. Newton (Bishop of Bristol), Life of, by himself Lond. 1816. NichoUs (J.), Recollections. Lond. 1822. 2 vols. Nichols ( J.)j Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century. Lond. 1812- 1815. 9 vols. Nichols (J.), Dlustrations of Literary History of the Eighteenth Century Lond. 1817-1848. 7 vols. Niebuhr (C), Description de I'Arabic. Amsterdam, 1774. 4to. Noble (D.), The Brain and its Physiology. Lond. 1846. Noble (M.), Memoirs of the House of Cromwell. Birmingham, 1784. 2 vols Noble (IVI.), Lives of the English Regicides. Lond. 1798. 2 vols. North (R.), The Lives of the NortLs. Lond. 1826. 3 vols. Orme (W.), Life of John Owen. Lond. 1820. Otter (W.), Life of E. D. Clarke. Lond. 1825. 2 vols. Owen (R.), Lectures on the Anatomy &c. of Invertebrata. Lond. 1855. Paget (J.), Lectures on Surgical Pathology. Lond. 1853. 2 vols. Palgrave (Sir F.), Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth. Lond 1832. 2 vols. 4to. Palissot (M.), M^moires pour I'Histoire de notre Littdrature. Paris, 1803 2 vols. Pallme (I.), Travels in Kordofan. Lond. 1844. Palmer (W.), A Treatise on the Church. Lond. 1839. 2 vols. Park (Mungo), Travels in Africa. Lond. 1817. 2 vols. Parker (Bishop), History of his own Time. ' Lond. 1727. Parliamentary History of England, to 1803. Lond. 36 vols. Parr (S.), Works. Lond. 1828. 8 vols. Patin (G.), Lettres. Pari?, 1840. 3 vols. Peignot (G.), Dictionnaire des Livres condamnds au feu. Paris, 1806. 2 vols, Pellew (6.), Life and Correspondence of Lord Sidmouth. Lond. 1847. 3 vols. Pepys (S.), 'Diary, from 1659 to 1669. Lond. 1828. 5 vols. Percival (R.), Account of the Island of Ceylon. Lond. 1805. 4to. Petrie (G.), Ecclesiastical Architecture and Round Towers of Ireland. Dub- lin, 1845. Phillimore (R.), Memoirs of Lord Lyttelton, from 1734 to 1773. Lond. 1845, 2 vols. Phillips (B.), Scrofula, its Nature, Causes, and Prevalence. Lond. 1846 Pinel (P.), Traits sur 1' Alienation Mentale, 2d edit. Paris, 1809. Pontchartrain (P. de), Mdmoires. Paris, 1822. 2 vols. Porter (G. R.), The Progress of the Nation. Lond. 1836-1843. 3 vols. Pouillet (jr.), Elfimens de Physique. Paris, 1832. 2 vols. Prescott ( W. H.), History of Ferdinand and Isabella. Paris, 1842. 3 vols. Prescott (W. IL), History of the Conquest of Mexico. Lond. 1850. 3 vols. Prescott (W. H.), History of the Conquest of Peru. Lond. 1850. 3 vols. Prichard (J. C), A Treatise on Insanity. Lond. 1835. Prichard (J. C), Insanity in relation to Jurisprudence. Lond. 1842. Prichard (J. C), Researches into the Physical History of Mankind. Lond 1841-1847. 5 vols. Priestley (J.), Memoirs by himself, continued by his Son. Lond. 1806, 1807 2 vols. Prior (J.), Life of 0. Goldsmith. Lond. 1837. 2 vols. Prior(J.), Memoir of B.Burke. Lond. 1839. Prout (W.), Bridgewater Treatise on Chemistrj', &c. Lond. 1845. LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. XXVU Pulteney (R.). Historical Sketches of the Progress of Botany m England Lond. 1790. 2 vols. Quatremere (E.), Kecherches sur la Langue et la Littdrature de I'Egypte. Paris, 1808. Querard (J. M.), La France Litteraire. Paris, 1827-1839. 10 vols. Quetelet (A.), Sur I'Homme et le Developpement de ses Faculty. Paris 1835. 2 vols. • / Quetelet (A.), La Statistique Morale, in vol. xxi. of Mem. de I'Acad'. de Bel> gique. Bruxelles, 1848. 4to. Quick (J.), Synodicon in Gallia ; the Acts &c. of the Councils of the Re- formed Churches in France. Lond. 1692. 2 vols, folio. Rabelais (P.), Oiluvres. Amsterdam, 1725. 5 vols. Raffles (Sir T. S.), History of Java. ' Lond. 1830. 2 vols. Rammohun Roy, Translations from the Veds and works on Brahmunioal Theology. Lond. 1832. Rammohun Roy on the Judicial and Revenue Systems of India. Lond. 1832. Ranke (L.), Die Romisohen Papste. Berlin, 1838, 1839. 3 vols. Ranke (L), Civil Wars and Monarchy in France in 16th and 17th Centuries. Lond. 1852. 2 vols. Ray (J.), Correspondence, edited by E. Lankester. Ray Soc. 1848. Reid (T.), Essays on the Powers of the Human Mind. Edinb. 1808. 3 vols. Relations des Ambassadeurs Venitiens sur les Affaires de France au XVP Siecle. Paris, 1838. 2 vols. 4to. Renouard (P. V.), Histoire de la Medecine. Paris, 1846. 2 vols. Reports on Botany by the Ray Society. Lond. 1846. Reresby (Sir J.), Travels and Memoirs during the Time of Cromwell, Charles II., and James 11. Lond. 1831. Retz (Cardinal de), Memoires, Paris, 1844. 2 vols. Rey (J. A.), Theorie et Pratique de la Science Sooiale. Paris, 1842. 3 vols. Reynier (L.), De I'Economie Publique et Rurale des Arabes et des Julfe. Geneve, 1820. Reynolds (Sir J.), Literary Works. Lond. 1846. 2 vols. Rhode (J. G.), Religiose Bildung, Mythologie und Philosophic der Hindus. Leipzig. 1827. 2 vols. Ricardo (D.), Works. Lond. 1846. Richard (A.), Nouveaux Elements de Botanique. Paris, 1846. Richardson (J.), Travels in the Desert of Sahara. Lond. 1848. 2 vols. Richardson (•!.), A Mission to Central Africa. Lond. 1853. 2 vols. Richardson (Sir J.), Arctic Searching Expedition. Lond. 1851. 2 vols. Richelieu (Cardinal), Mtooires sur le Regne de Louis XIII. Paris, 1823. 10 vols. Rig-Veda-Sanhita, translated from Sanscrit by H. H. Wilson. Lond. 1850- 1854. 2 vols. Ritter (IL), History of Ancient Philosophy. Lond. 1838-1846. 4 vols. Rivarol (M.), M^moires. Paris, 1824. Robertson (W.), Works. Lond. 1831, Robin (C.) et Verdeil (F.), Trait6 de Chimie Anatomique. Paris, 1853 3 vols. Rochefoucauld (Due de la), Memoires. Paris, 1826. 2 vols. Rohan (H. Due de), Memoires. Paris, 1822. Roland (M°'), Memoires. Paris, 1827. 2 vols. Romilly (Sir S.), Life, written by himself. Lond. 1842. 2 vols. Roscoe (H.), The Life of W. Roscoe. Loud. 1833. 2 vols. Russell (Lord J.), Memorials and Correspondence of C. J. Fox. Lond. 1853 1854. 3 vols. XVUl LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Sadler (if. T.), The Lave of Population. Lond. 1830. 2 vols. Sainte-Aulaire (Le Comte de), Histoire de la Fronde. Paris, 1843. 2 vol8._ Sainte-Palaye (De hi Curne), M6moires sur PAncienne Chevalerie. Par' 1759-1781. 3 vols. Schlosser (F. C), History of the Eighteenth Century. Lond. 1843-5. C vols. Scriptores post Bedam Eerutn Anglicarum. Lond. 1596. folio. S^gur (Le Comte de), M^moires ou Souvenirs. Paris, 1825-1827. 3 vols. Sevign4 (Madame de), Lettres. Paris, 1843. 6 vols. Sewell (W.). Christian Politics. Lond. 1845. Sharp (Sir C ), Memorials of the RebelUon of 1569. Lond. 1840. Sharp (Archbishop of York), Life, edited by T. Newcome. Lond. 1825. 2 vols. Sharpe (S.), History of Egypt. Lond. 1852. 2 vols. Short (IJishop of St. Asaph), History of the Church of England, to 1688, Lond. 1847. Simon (J.), Lectures on General Pathology. Lond. 1850. Simon (J. P.), Animal Chemistry. Lond. 1845, 1846. 2 vols. Simpson (T.), Discoveries on the North Coast of America. Lond. 1843. Sinclair (Sir J.), History of the Public Revenue of the British Empire. Lond. 1803, 1804. 3 vols. Sinclair (Sir J.), The Correspondence of. Lond. 1831. 2 vols. Sismondi (J. C. L. S. de), Histoire des Frangais. Paris, 1821-1844. 31 vols. Smedley (E.), History of the Reformed Religion in France. Lond. 1832-1834 3 vols. 8vo. Smith (A.), Nature and Causes of the "Wealth of Nations. Edinb. 1839. Smith (Sir J. E.), Memoir and Correspondence of. Lond. 1832. 2 vols. Somers Tracts, edited by Sir W. Scott. Lond. 1809-1815. 13 vols. 4to. Somerville (M. ), Connexion of the Physical Sciences. Lond. 1849. Somorville (M.), Physical Geography. Lond. 1851. 2 vols. Sorbiere (M.), A Voyage to England. Lond. 1709. Sorel (M. C.),'La Biblioth^que Franfoise. Paris, 1067. Soulavie (J. L.), M^moires du RSgne de Louis XVI. Paris, 1801. 6 vols. Southey (R.), History of Brazil. Lond. 1822-1819. 3 vols. 4to. (2d edit, of vol. i.) Southey (R.), The Life of Wesley. Lond. 1846. 2 vols. Spence (G.), Origin of the Laws and Political Institutions of Europe. Lond. 1820. Spix (J. B.) and Martius (0. F.), Travels in Brazil. Lond. 1824. 2 vols. Sprengel (K.), Histoire de la M6decine. Paris, 1815-1820. 18 vols. Squier (E. G.), Travels in Central America. New York, 1853. 2 vols. Statistical Society (Journal of). Lond. 1839-1855. 18 vols. Staudlin (0. P.), Geschichte der theologischen Wissenschaften. G6ttmgen 1810, 1811. 2 vols. Stephens (A.), Memoirs of J. H. Tooke. Lond. 1813. 2 vols. Stephens (J. L.), Travels in Central America. Lond. 1842, 1843. 4 vols. Stewart (D.), Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind. Lond. 1792- 1827. 3 vols. Storj (J.), Commentaries on the Conflict of Laws. Lond. 1841. Snllj jDuc de), Mfimoires des Sages et Eoyales OSconomies, edit. Petitot, ' jris, 1820. 1821. 9 vols. Swainson (VV.), Discourse on the Study of Natural History. Lond. 1834. Swainson (W.), Geography and Classification of Animals. Lond. 1835. Swinburne (H.). The Courts of Europe at the close of the last Century. Lond. 1841. 2 vols. Symes (M.), Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava. 2d edit.' Lond. 1800. 3 vola. Talon (Omer), Memoires, Paris, 1827. 3 vols. LIST OF AUTHOES QUOTEB. XXIS lalvi's Historical View of the Languages and Literature of the Slavic Nations. New York. 1850. Taylor (A. S.), Manual of Medical Jurisprudence. Lond. 1846. Temple (Sir W.), "Works. Lond. 1814. 4 vols. Tennemann (W. Gr.), Geschichte der Philosophie. Leipzig, 1798-1819. 11 vols. Thirlwall (Bishop of St. David's), History of Greece. Lond. 1835-1850. 8 vols. Thomson (T.), History of the Eoyal Society. Lond. 1812. 4to. Thomson (T.l History of Chemistry. 2 vols. n.d. Thomson (T.j, Chemistry of Vegetables. Lond. 1838. Thomson (T.), Chemistry of Animal Bodies. Edinb. 1843. Thornton (W. T.), Over-Population, and its Remedy. Lond. 1846. Ticknor (G.), History of Spanish Literature. Lond. 1849. 3 vols. Timour's Political and Military Institutes, edited by Davy and White. Ox- ford, 1783. 4to. Tocqueville (Le Comte do), Histoire Philosophique du Regne de Louis XV. Paris, 1847. 2 vols. Tocqueville (A. de), De la Democratic en Amdrique. Bruxelles, 1840. 5 vols, in 2 parts. Tocqueville (A. de), L'Ancien Regime et la Revolution. Paris, 1856. Tomline (Bishop of Winchester), Life of W. Pitt. Lond. 1821. 2 vols. 4to. Townsend (J.), Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787. Lond. 1792. 3 vols. Trail (W.), Account of the Life and Writings of Robert Simson. Lond. 1812. 4to. Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay. Lond. 1S19-1823. 3 vols. 4to. Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society. Lond. 1827-1835. 3 vols. 4to. Trotter (J. B.), Memoirs of the Latter Years of 0. J. Fox. Lond. 1811. Tschudi (J. J.), Travels in Peru. Lond. 1847. Tucker (G.), The Life of T. Jefferson. Lond. 1837. 2 vols. Tuckey (J. IC), Expedition to the Zaire, in South Africa. 1818. 4to. Turgot (M.), CEuvres. Paris, 1811. 9 vols. Turner (E.), Elements of Chemistry. Lond. 1847. 2 vols. Turner (Samuel), An Embassy to Tibet. Lond. 1800. 4to. Turner (Sharon), History of England. Lond. 1839. 12 vols. Turpinus, De Vita Caroli Magni, edit. S. Ciampi. Flo rent, 1822. Twiss (H.), The Life of Lord Chancellor Eldon. . Lond. 1846. 2 vols. Twiss (T.), Progress of Political Economy in Europe. Lond. 1847. Vattel (M. de), Le Droit des Gens. Paris, 1820. 2 vols. Vaughan (R.), The Protectorate of Cromwell. Lond. 1839. 2 vols. Vernon (J.), Letters, from 1696 to 1708. Lond. 1841. 3 vols. Villemain (M.), De la Littdrature au XVIIP Siecle. Paris, 1846. 4 vols. Villemarque (T. H.), Chants Populaires de la Bretagne. Paris, 1846. 2 volSi (Introduction only quoted). Vishnu Purana ; a Syatem of Hindu Mythology, translated from the Sanscrit by H. H. Wilson. Lond. 1840. 4to. tJlloa (A.), A Voyage to South America. Lond. 1772. 2 vols. Vogel (J.), The Pathological Anatomy of the Human Body. Lond. 1847. Volney (0. F.), Voyage en Syrie et en Egyptfc. Paris, an vii 2 vols. Voltaire, (Euvres completes. Paris, 1820-1826. 70 vols. Voltaire, Lettres inSdites. Paris, 1850. 2 vols. Vyse (H.), Operations at the Pyramids. Lond. 1840-1842. 3 vols. Wagner (R.), Elements of Physiology. Lond. 1841. Wakefield (G.), Life of, by himself. Lond. 1804. 2 vols. XXX LIST OF AXJTHOES QUOTED Walker (C), The History of Independency. Lond. 1660, 1601. 4 parts. 4tOk Walpole (H.), Memoirs of George II. Lond. 1847. 3 vols. Walpole (H.), Memoirs of the Keign of George III. Lond. 1845. 4 vols, Walpole (H.), Letters, from 1735 to 1707. Lond. 1840. 6 vols. Walsh (R.), Notices of Brazil. Lond. 1830. 2 vols. Warburton's Letters to Hurd. Lond. 1809. Ward (H. G.), Mexico. Lond. 1829. 2 vols. Ward (W.), A View of the History. Literature, and Religion of the Hindoos. Lond. 1817-1820. 4 vols. Ward (W. G.), The Ideal of a Christian Church. Lond. 1844. Warwick (Sir P.), Memoirs of the Reign of Charles I. Lond. 1702. Watson (R. Bishop of Llandaff), Life, by himself. Lond. 1818. 2 vols. Watson (R.), Observations on Southey's Life of Wesley. Lond. 1821. Wellsted (J. R.), Travels in Arabia. Lond. 1838. 2 vols. Wesley (John), the Journals of. Lond. 1851. Whately (Archbishop of Dublin), The Errors of Romanism traced to their Origin in Human Nature. Lond. 1830. Whately (Archbishop of Dublin), Essays on some of the Dangers to Christian Faith. Lond. 1839. Wheaton (H.), History of the Northmen, to the Conquest of England by WiUiam of Normandy. Lond. 1831. Whewell (W.), History of the Inductive Sciences. Lond. 1847. 3 vols. Whewell (W.), Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences, founded upon their History. Lond. 1847. 2 vols. Whewell (W.), Bridgewater Treatise. Lond. 1852. Whewell (W.), Lectures on the History of Moral Philosophy in England. Lond. 1852. Whiston (W.), Memoirs, written by himself. Lond. 1749. White (Blanco), Practical and Internal Evidence against Catholicism. Lond. 1826. V7hitelocke (Commissioner), Journal of the Swedish Embassy in 1653 and 1654. Lond. 1772. 2 vols. 4to. Wilberforce (W.), Life, by his Sons. Lond. 1838. 5 vols. Wilkinson (Sir J. G.), Manners and Customs of the Ancienf Egyptians. 1st series, edit. 1842 ; 2d series, edit. 1841. 5 vols. Williams (C. J. B.), Principles of Medicine. Lond. 1848. Wilson (H.), Account of the Pelew Islands. 2d edit. Lond. 1788. 4^0. Wilson (H. II.), Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus, translated from the Sanscrit. Calcutta, 1827. 3 vols. Wilson (W.), Memoirs of Daniel Defoe. Lond. 1830. 8 vols. Winckler (E.), Geschichte der Botanik. Frankfurt-am-M. 1854. Winstanley (W.), The Loyal Martyrology. Lond. 1665. Wordsworth (C), Ecclesiastical Biography. Lond. 1839. 4 vols. Wrangel (F.), Narrative of an Expedition to the Polar Sea. Lond. 1840. Wright (T.), Biographia Britannica Literaria , Anglo-Saxon and An"-lo- Norman Periods. Lond. 1842-1846. 2 vols. ITonge (W.), Diary, from 1604 to 1628, edited by G. Roberts. Camd. Sac . 1848. 4to. HISTORY 03? CIYILIZATION U ENGLAND. -•♦« GENERAL INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. Bl'ATEMEJSTT OF THE EE80UE0ES FOE INVESTIGATING- HISTOET, AMD PROOFS OF THE EEGULAEITT OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS AEE 60YEKNED BY MENTAL AND PHT6ICAI. LAWS: THEEEFOEE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE STUDIED, AND THEEE CAN BE NO HISTOET WITHOUT THE NATUEAL SCIENCES. Of all the great branches of human knowledge, history is that upon which most has heen written, and which has always been most popular. And it seems to be the general opinion that the success of historians has, on the whole, been equal to their in- dustry ; and that if on this subject much has been studied, much also is understood. This confidence in the value of history is veiy widely dif- fused, as we see in the extent to which it is read, and in the share it occupies in all plans of education. Nor can it be de- nied that, in a certain point of view, such confidence is perfectly justifiable. It cannot be denied that materials have been col- lected which, when looked at in the aggregate, have a rich and imposing appearance. The political and military annals of all the great countries in Europe, and of most of those out of Eu- rope, have been carefully compiled, put together in a convenient form, and the evidence on which they rest has been tolerably well sifted. Great attention has been paid to the history of leg- islation, also to that of religion : while considerable, though inferior, labour has been employed in tracing the progress of Bcience, of literature, of the fine arts, of useful inventions, and, latterly, of the manners and comforts of the people. In order to ncrease our knowledge of the past, antiquities of every kind VOL. I. — 1 3 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, have been examined ; the sites of ancient cities have been laid bare, coins dug up and deciphered, inscriptions copied, alphabets restored, hieroglyphics interpreted, and, in some instances, long- forgotten languages reconstructed and re-arranged. Several of the laws which regulate the changes of human speech have been discovered, and, in the hands of philologists, have been made to elucidate even the most obscure periods in the early migration of nations. Political economy has been raised to a science, and by It much light has been thrown on the causes of that unequal dis- tribution of wealth which is the most fertile source of social dis- turbance. Statistics have been so sedulously cultivated, that we have the most extensive information, not only respecting the material interests of men, but also respecting their moral peculiarities ; such as, the amount of different crimes, the pro- portion they bear to each other, and the influence exercised over them by age, sex, education, and the like. With this great movement physical geography has kept pace ; the phenomena of climate have been registered, mountains measured, rivers sur- veyed and tracked to their source, natural productions of all kinds carefuUy studied, and their hidden properties unfolded : while every food which sustains life has been chemically ana- lyzed, its constituents numbered and weighed, and the nature of the connexion between them and the human franae has, in many cases, been satisfactorily ascertained. At the same time, and that nothing should be left undone which might enlarge our knowledge of the events by which man is affected, there have been instituted circumstantial researches in many other depart- ments ; so that in regard to the most civilized people, we are now acquainted with the rate of their mortality, of their mar- riages, the proportion of their births, the character of their em- ployments, and the fluctuations both in their wages and in the prices of the commodities necessary to their existence. These and similar facts have been collected, methodized, and are ripe for use. Such results, which form, as it were, the anatomy of a nation, are remarkable for their minuteness ; and to them there have been joined other results less minute, but more extensive. Not only have the actions and characteristics of the great nations been recorded, but a prodigious number of different tribes in all parts of the known world have been visited and described by travellers, thus enabling us to compare the condition of mankind in every stage of civilization, and under every variety of circum- stance. When we moreover add, that this curiosity respecting our fellow-creatures is apparently insatiable ; that it is constant- ■ ly increasing ; that the means of gratifying it are also increas- ing, and that most of the observations which have been made GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 6 are still presei-ved ; — when we put all these things together, we may form a faint idea of the immense value of that vast body of facts which we now possess, and by the aid of which the progress of mankind is to be investigated. But if, on the other hand, we are to describe the u^ihat has been made of these materials, we must draw a very different pic- ture. , The unfortunate peculiarity of the history of man is, that although its separate parts have been examined with considera- ble ability, hardly any one has attempted to combine them into a whole, and ascertain the way in which they are connected with each other. In all the other great fields of inquiry, the necessity of generalization is universally admitted, and noble efforts are being made to rise from particular facts in order to discover the laws by which those facts are governed. So far, however, is this from being the usual course of historians, that among them a strange idea prevails, that their business is merely to relate events, which they may occasionally enliven by such moral and political reflections as seem likely to be useful. According to this scheme, any author who from indolence of thought, or from natural incapacity, is unfit to deal with the highest branches of knowledge, has only to pass some years in reading a certain number of books, and then he is qualified to be an historian ; he is able to write the history of a great people, and his work be- comes an authority on the subject which it professes to treat. The establishment of this narrow standard has led to results very prejudicial to the progress of our knowledge. Owing to it, historians, taken as a body, have never recognized the necessity of such a wide and preliminary study as would enable them to grasp their subject in the -wKole of its natural relations. Hence the singular spectacle of one historian being ignorant of political economy ; another knowing nothing of law ; another nothing of ecclesiastical affairs and changes of opinion ; another neglecting the philosophy of statistics, and another physical science ; al- though these topics are the most essential of aU, inasmuch as they comprise the principal circumstances by which the temper and character of mankind have been affected, and in which they are displayed. These important pursuits being, however, culti- vated, some by one man, and some by another, have been iso- lated rather than united ; the aid which might be derived from analogy and from mutual illustration has been lost ; and no dis- position has been- shown to concentrate them upon history, of which they are, properly speaking, the necessary components. Since the early part of the eighteenth century, a few great thinkers have indeed arisen, who have deplored the backwardness of history, and have done every thing in then* power to remedy 4 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. it. But these instances have been extremely rare : so rare, thai in the whole literature of Europe there are not more than three or four really original works which contain a systematic attempt to investigate the history of man according to those exhaustive methods which in other branches of knowledge have proved suc- cessful, and by which alone empirical observations can be raised to scientific truths. Among historians in general, we find, after the sixteenth cen- tury, and especially during the last hundred years, several indi- cations of an increasing comprehensiveness of view, and of a will- ingness to incorporate into their works subjects which they would formerly have excluded. By this means their assemblage of topics has become more diversified, and the mere collection and relative position of parallel facts has occasionally suggested generalizations no traces of which can be found in the earlier lit- erature of Europe. This has been a great gain, in so far as it has familiarized historians with a wider range of thought, and encouraged those habits of speculation, which, though liable to abuse, are the essential condition of all real knowledge, because without them no science can be constructed. But, notwithstanding that the prospects of historical litera- ture are certainly more cheering now than in any former age, it must be allowed that, with extremely few exceptions, they are only prospects, and that as yet scarcely any thing has been done towards discovering the principles which govern the character and destiny of nations. What has been actually effected I shall endeavour to estimate in another part of this Introduction : at present it is enough to say, that for all the higher purposes oi human thought history is still miserably deficient, and presents that confused and anarchical appearance natural to a subject of which the laws are unknown, and even the foundation unset- tled.' Our acquaintance with history being so imperfect, while our materials are so numerous, it seems desirable that something should be done on a scale far larger than has liitherto been at- tempted, and that a strenuous effort should be made to bring up this great department of inquiry to a level with other depart- ments, in order that we may maintain the balance and harmony of our knowledge. It is in this spirit that the present work has been conceived. To make tl^e execution of it fully equal to the ' A living writer, who has done more than any other to raise the standard of history, contemptuously notices " I'incoh^rente compilation de fails d6ji improprp- ment qualififie d'histoire." Comic, Philosophie Positive, vol. v. p. 18. There is much in the method and in the conclusions of this great work wil» which I cannot agree ; but it would be unjust to deny its estraordinary merits. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. conception is impossible : still I hope to accomplisli for the liis- tory of man something equivalent, or at all events analogous, to what has been effected by other inquirers for the different branches of natural science. In regard to nature, events appar- ently the most irregular and capricious have been explained, and have been shown to be in accordance with certain fixed and uni- versal laws. This has been done because men of ability, and, above all, men of patient, untiring thought, have studied natural events with the view of discovering their regularity : and if human events were subjected to a similar treatment, we have every right to expect similar results. For it is clear that they who affirm that the facts of history are incapable of b^ing gen- erahzed, take for granted the very question at issue. Indeed they do more than this. They not only assume what they cannot prove, but they assume what in the present state of knowledge is highly improbable. Whoever is at aU acquainted with what has been done during the last two centuries, must be aware that every generation demonstrates some events to be regular and predictable, which the preceding generation had declared to be irregular and unpredictable : so that the marked tendency of ad- vancing civOization is to strengthen our belief in the universality of order, of method, and of law. This being the case, it follows that if any facts, or class of facts, have not yet been reduced to order, we, so far from pronouncing them to be irreducible, should rather be guided by our experience of the past, and should admit the probability that what we now caU inexplicable will at some future time be explained. This expectation of discovering regu- larity in the midst of confusion is so familiar to scientific men, that among the most, eminent of them it becomes an article of faith ; and if the same expectation is not generally found among historians, it must be ascribed partly to their being of inferior ability to the investigators of nature, and partly to the greater complexity of those social phenomena with which their studies are concerned. Both these causes have retarded the creation of the science of history. The most celebrated historians are manifestly in- ferior to the most successful cultivators of physical science : no one having devoted himself to history who in point of intellect is at all to be compared with Kepler, Newton, or many others that might be named. ^ And as to the greater complexity of the phenomena, the philosophic historian is opposed by difficulties far more formidable than is the student of nature ; since, while ' I speak merely of those who have made history their main pursuit. Bacon wrote on it, but only aa a subordinate object ; and it evidently cost him nothing Uke the thought which he devoted to other subiccts. 6 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. on the one hand, his observations are more liable to those causes of error which arise from prejudice and passion, he, on the other hand, is unable to employ the great physical resource of experi- ment, by which we can often simplify even the most intricate problems in the external world. It is not, therefore, surprising that the study of the move- ments of Man should be still in its infancy, as compared with the advanced state of the study of the movements of Nature. Indeed the difference between the progress of the two pursuits is so great, that while in physics the regularity of events, and the power of predicting them, are often taken for granted even in cases still unproved, a similar regularity is in history not only not taken for granted, but is actually denied. Hence it is that whoever wishes to raise history to a level with other branches of knowledge, is met by a preliminary obstacle ; since he is told that in the afiairs of men there is something mysterious and pro- vidential, which makes them impervious to our investigations, and which will always hide from us their future course. To this it might be sufficient to reply, that such an assertion is gratui- tous ; that it is by its nature incapable of proof ; and that it is moreover opposed by the notorious fact that every where else in- creasing knowledge is accompanied by an increasing confidence in the unitbrmity with which, under the same circumstances, the same events must succeed each other. It will, however, be more satisfactory to probe the difficulty deeper, and inquire at once into the foundation of the common opinion that history must always remain in its present empirical state, and can never be raised to the rank of a science. We shall thus be led to one vast question, which indeed lies at the root of the whole subject, and is simply this : Are the actions of men, and therefore of societies, governed by fixed laws, or are they the result either of chance or of supernatural interference ? The discussion of these alter- natives win suggest some speculations of considerable interest. For, in reference to this matter, there are two doctrines, which appear to represent different stages of civilization. According to the first doctrine, every event is single and isolated, and is merely considered as the result of a blind chance. This opinion, which is most natural to a perfectly ignorant people, would soon be weakened by that extension of experience which supplies a knowledge of those uniformities of succession and of co-existence that nature constantly presents. If, for example, wandering tribes, without the least tincture of civilization, lived entirely by hunting and fishing, they might well suppose that the appearance of their necessary food was the result of some accident which ad- mitted of no explanation. The irregularity of the supply, and GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 7 llie apparent caprice with which it was sometimes abundant and sometimes scanty, would prevent them from suspecting any thing lite method in the arrangements of nature; nor could their minds even conceive the existence of those general principles which govern the order of events, and hy a knowledge of wHch we are often able to predict their future course. But when such tribes advance into the agricultural state, they, for the first time, use a food of which not only the appearance, but the very existence, seems to be the result of their own act. What they sow, that likewise do they reap. The provision necessary for their wants is brought more immediately under their own control, and is more palpably the consequence of their own labour. They per- ceive a distinct plan, and a regular uniformity of sequence, in the relation which the seed they put into the ground bears to the corn when arrived at maturity. They are now able to look to the future, not indeed with certainty, but with a confidence infinitely greater than they could have felt in their former and more pre- carious pursuits.' Hence there arises a dim idea of the stabUity of events ; and for the first time there begins to dawn upon the mind a faint conception of what at a later period are called the Laws of Nature. Every step iu the great progress will make their view of this more clear. As their observations accumulate, and as their experience extends over a wider surface, they meet with uniformities that they had never suspected to exist, and the discovery of which weakens that doctrine of chance with which they had originally set out. Yet a little further, and a taste for abstract reasoning springs up; and then some among them generalize the observations that have been made, and de- spising the old popular opinion, believe that every event is linked to its antecedent by an inevitable connexion, that such antece- dent is connected with a preceding fact; and that thus the whole world forms a necessary chain, in which indeed each man may play his part, but can by no means determine what that part shall be. Thus it is that, in the ordinary march of society, an increas- ing perception of the regularity of nature destroys the doctrine of Chance, and replaces it by that of Necessary Connexion. And it is, I think, highly probable that out of these two doctrines of Chance and Necessity there have respectively arisen the subse- quent dogmas of Free Will and Predestination. Nor is it diffi- ■■ Borne of the moral consequences of thus diminishin<; the precariousness of food are noticed by M. Charles Comte, in his Traite de Legislation, vol. ii. pp. 273-275. Compare Mill's IRstory of India, vol. i. pp. 180, 181. But both these able writers have omitted to observe that the change facilitates a perception of the regularity cf phenomena. S CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. cult to understand tlie manner in which, in a more advanced state of society, this metamorphosis would occur. In every country; as soon as the accumulation of wealth has reached a certain point, the produce of each man's labour becomes more than sufficient for his own support : it is therefore no longer necessary that aU should work; and there is formed a separate class, the members of which pass their lives for the most part in the pursuit of pleasure ; a veijiew, however, in the acquisition and diffusion of knowledge. Among these last there are always found some who, neglecting external events, turn their attention to the study of their own minds; * and such men, when possessed of great abilities, become the founders of new philosophies and new re- Hgions, which often exercise immense influence over the jpeople who receive them. But the authors of these systems are them- selves affected by the character of the age in which they Hve. It is impossible for any man to escape the pressure of surrounding opinions ; and what is called a new philosophy or a new religion is generally not so much a creation of fresh ideas, but rather a new direction given to ideas already current among contemporary thinkers.^ Thus, in the case now before us, the doctrine .of Chance in the external world corresponds to that of Free Will in the internal : while the other doctrine of Necessary Connexion * On the relation between this and the previous creation of wealth, see Tetine- inann, Oeschichte der Philosophie, toI. i. p. 30 : "Ein gewisser Grad von Oultur und VVohlatand ist eine nothwendige aussere Bedingung der Entwiokelung des philoso- phischen Geistes. So lange der Mensch noch mit den Mitteln seiner Existenz und der Befriedigung seiner thierisohen Bediirfnisse beschaftiget ist, so lange gehet dio Entwickelung und Bildung seiner Geisteskrafte nur langsam von statten, und er nahert sich nur Schrittvor Schritt einer freiernVernunftthatigkeit." . . . "Daher Endeu wir, dass man nur in denen Nationen anfing zu philosophiren, wclclie sich zu einer betrachtlichen Stufe des Wohlstandes und der Coltur empor gehobcn hatten." Hence, as I shall endeavor to prove in the next chapter, the immense importance of ihe physical phenomena which precede and often control the metaphysical. In the aistory of the Greek mind we can distinctly trace the passage from physical to meta- physical inquiries. See Grate's History of Greece, vol. iv. p. B19, edit. 1847. That the atomic doctrine, in its relation to chance, was a natural precursor of Flatonism, is remarked in Brauesais, Examen des Doctrines Medieales, vol. i. pp. 63, 54, an able though one-sided work. Compare, respecting the Chance of the atomists, Ruler's History of Ancient JPhilosophy, voL i. p. 553 ; an hypothesis, as Bitter says, " destructive of all inner energy ;" consequently anlagonisitic to the psychological hypothesis which subsequently sprang up and conquered it. That physical researches came first, is moreover attested by Diogenes Laertius : yie/nj Se are It crime, ei que le coupable n'est que V instrument qui rexlcute." Ouetelet sur VHmram, vol. u. p. 325. ^ * ^^.?^^ diagonal always giving the resultant when each side represents a force, and it we look on the resultant as a compound force, a comparison of diagonals be- 3omes a comparison of compounds. _ " A law of nature being merely a generalization of relations, and having no ex- istence except m the mmd, is essentiaUy intangible ; and therefore, however small the law may be, it can never admit of exceptions, though its operation may admit d Innumerable exceptions. Hence, as Dugald Stewart {Philosophy of the Mind, vol. iL GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 23 itself liable to disturbances which trouble its operation without affecting its truth. And this is quite sufficient to explain those slight variations which we find from year to year in the total amount of crime produced by the same country. Indeed, look- ing at the fact that the moral world is far more abundant in materials than the physical world, the only ground for astonish- ment is, that these variations should not be greater ; and from the circumstance that the discrepancies are so trifling, we may form some idea of the prodigious energy of those vast social laws, which, though constantly interrupted, seem to triumph over every obstacle, and which, when examined by the aid of large numbers, scarcely undergo any sensible perti^rbation.^^ Nor is it merely the crimes of men which are marked by this uniformity of sequence. Even the number of marriages annu- ally contracted, is determined, not by the temper and wishes of individuals, but by large general facts, over which individuals can exercise no authority. It is now known that marriages bear a fixed and definite relation to the price of corn ;^* and in Eng- land the experience of a century has proved that, instead of p. 211) rightly Bays, we caa only refer to the lawa of nature "by a sort of figure or metaphor." This is constantly lost sight of even by authors of repute ; some of whom speak of laws as if they were causes, and therefore liable to iuterrupljion by larger causes ; while other writers pronounce them to be " delegated agencies" from the Deity. Compare ProwCa JBridgeioater Treatise, pp. 318, 435, 496 ; Sadler's Law of .Population, vol. ii. p. 67 ; Burdach's Physiologie, toI. i. p. 160. Mr. Paget, in his able work, Lectures on Pathology, vol. i. p. 481, vol. ii. p. 642, with much greater accuracy calls such cases " apparent exceptions" to laws ; but it would be better to say, "exceptions to the operations of laws." The cont-ext clearly proves that Mr. Paget distinctly apprehends the difference ; but a slight alteration of this kind would prevent confusion in the minds of ordinary readers. ^ Mr. Eawson, in his Inquiry into the Statistics of Crime in England and Wales (published in the Journal of the Statistical Society, vol. ii. pp. 316-S44), says, p. 327, "No greater proof can be given of the possibility of arriving at certain constants with regard to crime, than the fact which appears in the following table, that the greatest variation which has taken place during the last three years, in the propor- tion of any class of criminals at the same period of life, has not exceeded a half per cent." See also Report of British Association far 1839, TraTisac, of See., p. 118. — Indeed all writers who have examined the evidence are forced to admit this regular- ity, however they may wish to explain it. M. Dufau {Traits de Statistiqite, p. 144) says, " Les faits de I'ordre moral sont, aussi bien que oeux de I'ordre naturel, le pro- duit de causes constanteset rdguliSreSj" &c. ; and at p. 367, " C'est ainsi que le monde moral se presente a nous, de ce point de vue, comme offrant, de mSme que la monde physique, un ensemble continu d'effets dus h des causes constantes et r^guli&res, don il appartient surtout a la statistique de constater Taction." See to the same ef- fect MoreaurChristophe des Prisons en France, Paris, 1838, pp. 63, 189. °* " It is curious to observe how intimate a relation exists between tne price of food and the number of marriages." .... " The relation that subsists between the price of food and the number of marriages is not confined to our own country ; and it is not improbable that, had we the means of ascertaining the facts, we should see the like result in every civilized community. We possess the necessary roturna from France, and these fully bear out the view that has been given." Porter's Pro- p-ess of the ff^ation, yol. iL pp. 244, 245, London, 1838. 24 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. baving .any connexion with personal feelings, they are simply regulated by the average earnings of the great mass of the peo- ple :^^ so that this immense social and religious institution is not only swayed, but is completely controlled, by the price of food and by the rate of wages. In other cases, uniformity has been detected, though the causes of the ilniformity are stDl un- known. Thus, to give a curious iustancej we are now able to prove that the aberrations of memory are marked by this gene- ral character of necessary and invariable order. The post-offices of London and of Paris have latterly published returns of the number of letters which the writers, through forgetfalness, omit- ted to direct ; and, making allowance for the difference of cir- cumstances, the returns are year after year copies of each other. Year after year the same proportion of letter-writers forget this simple act ; so that for each successive period we can actually foretell the number of persons whose memory will fail them in regard to this trifling and, as it might appear, accidental occur- rence." To those who have a steady conception of the regularity oi events, and have firmly seized the great truth that the actions of men, being guided by their antecedents, are in reality never in- consistent, but, however capricious they may appear, only form part of one vast scheme of universal order, of which we in the present state of knowledge can barely see the outline, — to those who understand this, which is at once the key and the basis oi history, the facts just adduced, so far from being strange, will be precisely what would have been expected, and ought long since to have been known. Jlndeed, the progress of inquiry is be- coming so rapid and so earnest, that I entertain little doubt that before another century has elapsed, the chain of evidence will be ■ complete, and it wiU. be as rare to find an historian who denies the undeviating regularity of the moral world, as it now is to find a philosopher who denies the regularity of the material worflj" It will be observed, that the preceding proofs of our actions being regulated by law, have been derived from statistics ; a branch of knowledge which, though stiU in its infancy,"' has ^ "The marriage returns of 1860 and 1851 exhibit the excess which since 1760 has been invariably observed when the substantial earnings of the people are above the average." Journal of Statistical Society, vol. xv. p. 185. " See Somerville's Physical Geography, vol. ii. pp. 409-411, which, says this abiu writer, proves that " forgetfalness as well as free will is under constant laws." But tills IS using the word free will in a sense different from that commonly employed. " Achenwall, in the middle of the eighteenth century, is usually considered to be the first systematic writer on statistics, and is said to have given them their pre- sent name. See Lewis, Methods of Observation and Rfasanirui in Politics, ISai, GENERAL INTKODIJCTION. 25 already thrown more light on the study of human nature than aU the sciences put together. But although the statisticians have been the first to investigate this great subject by treating it according to those methods of reasoning which in other fields . have been found successfiil ; and although they have, by the ap- plication of numbers, brought to l?ear upon it a very powerful engine for eliciting truth, — ^we must not, on that account, sup- pose that there are no other resources remaining by which it may likewise be cultivated ; nor should we infer that because the physical sciences have not yet been applied to history, they are therefore inapplicable to it. Indeed, when we consider the in- . cessant contact between man and the external world, it is cer- tain that there must be an intimate connexion between human actions and physical laws ; so that if physical science has not hitherto been brought to bear upon history, the reason is, either that historians have not perceived the connexion, or else that, having perceived it, they have been destitute of the knowledge by which its workings can be traced. Hence there has arisen an unnatural separation of the two great departments of inquiry, the study of the internal, and that of the external : and although, in the present state of European literature, there are some un- mistakable symptoms of a desire to break down this artificial barrier, stiU it must be admitted that as yet nothing has been actually accomplished towards effecting so great an end. The i moralists, the theologians, and the metaphysicians, continue to prosecute their studies without much respect for what they deem the inferior labors of scientific men ; whose inquiries, indeed, they frequently attack, as dangerous to the interests of religion, and as inspiring us with an undue confidence in the resources of the human understanding.^ On the other hand, the cultivators , of physical science, conscious that they are an advancing body, I are naturally proud of their own success ; and, contrasting their . discoveries with the more stationary position of their opponents, | Tol. i. p. 72; BiogroipUe UniverseUe, toI. i. p. 140; Dufau, Traite de Statistique, pp. 9, 10. Eyen so late as 1800, the Bishop of Llandaff wrote to Sir John Sinclair, "I must think the Isiugdom is highly indebted to you for bringing forward a species o( knowledge (statistics) wholly new in this country, though not new in other parts of Europe." Sinclair's Correspondence, vol. i. p. 230 Sinclair, notwithstanding his in- dustry, was a man of slender powers, and did not at all understand the real impor- tance of statistics, of which, indeed, he took a mere practical view. Since then sta- tistics have been applied extensively to medicine ; and still more recently, and on a smaller scale, to philology and to jurisprudence. Compare Bouillaud, Philosophit Medicale, pp. 96, 186 ; Renouard, Hist, de la Medecine, vol. ii. pp. 4'74, 4*75 ; M- ijuirol, Maladies Mentales, vol. ii. pp. 666-867 ; Holland's Medical Notes, pp. 5, 472. Vogel's Pathological Anatomy, pp. 15-17 ; Simon's Pathology, p. 180 : Phillips on Berpfula, pp. 7Q,H8, &o. ; Prichard's Physical Hist, of ManMnd, vol. iv. p. 414 Eschbach, Etude du Droit, pp. 392-394. 26 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. are led to despise pursuits the barrenness of which has now be- eome notorious. It is the business of the historian to mediate between these two parties, and reconcile their hostile pretensions by showing the point at which their respective studies ought to coalesce, » / To settle the terms of this coahtion, wiU be to fix the basis of all ' history. For since history deals with the actions of men, and since their actions are merely the product of a collision between internal and external phenomena, it becomes necessary to exam- ine the relative importance of those phenomena ; to inquire into the extent to which their laws are known ; and to ascertain the j resources for future discovery possessed by these two great . I classes, the students of the mind and the students of nature. This task I shall endeavor to accomplish in the next two chap- ters ; and if I do so with any thing approaching to success, the present work will at least have the merit of contributing some- thing towards filling up that wide and dreary chasm, which, to the hindrance of our knowledge, separates subjects that are inti- mately related, and should never be disunited. Note A. "Dcr Begriff der Freiheit ist ein reiner Teraunftbegriff, dcr cben darum fur die thcoretisohe Philosophie transcendent, d. i. ein solcher ist, dem kein angemessenes Beispiel in irgend einer mogliclien Erfahrung gegeben werden kann, welcber also keinen Gegenstand einer uns moglichen theoretischen Erkenntniss ansmaoht, und Bchlechterdings nicht fUr ein constitutiyes, sondern lediglicli als regulatives, und zwar nur bios negatives Princip der speoulativen Vernunft gelten kann, im praoti- Bchen Gebrauche der selben aber seine Eealitat durch praktisohe Grundsatze beweist, die, als Gesetze, eine Causalitat der reinen Vernunft, unabhangig von alien empiri- Bchen Bedingungen (dem Sinnlichen iiberhaupt) die WiUkuhr zu bestimmen, und einen reinen WiUen in uns beweisen, in welchem die sittlichen Begriffe und Gesetze ihren tJrsprung haben." Metaphysik der Sitten, in Kanfa Werke, vol. v. pp. 20, 21. " Wiirden die Gegenstande der Sinnenwelt fiir Binge an sioh selbst genommen, und die oben angefiihrten NatuTgesetze fiir Gesetze der Binge an sich selbst, so ware der Widerspruch " (i. e. between Liberty and Necessity) " unvermeidlich. Ebenso, wenn das Subject der Freiheit gleich den iibrigen Gegenstanden eh blose Eracheinung Torgestellt wiirde, so konnte ebensowohl der Widerspruch nicht verraieden werden ; denn cs wiirde ebendasselbe von einerlei Gegenstande in derselben Bedeutung zu- gleich bejaht und verneint werden. Ist aber Naturuothwendigkeit bios auf Erschei- nungen bezogen, und Freiheit bios auf Dinge an sich selbst, so entspringt kein Widerspruch, wenn man gleich beide Arten von Causalitat annimmt oder zugibt, so Bchwer oder unmbghoh es auch sein mochte, die von der letzteren Art begreiflich zu machen." .... "Natur also und Freiheit ebendemselben Dinge, aber in verschie- dener Beziehung, einmal als Erscheinung, das andremal als einem Dinge an sich selbst ohne Widerspruch beigelegt werden konnen." .... " Nun kann ich ohno Widerspruch sagen : alle Handlungen verniiuftiger Wesen, sofern sie Erscheinungen General introduction. 37 Bind, (in irgend einer Erfahrung angetroffen werden) steheii unlsr der Naturnoth- wendigkeit ; ebendieselben Handlungen aber, bios respectiye auf das Ternunftige Subject und dessen Vermogen, naoh bloser Vernunft zu bandelu, Bind frei." Pro- legmiena zu jeder kunftigen Metaphysih, in Kant's Werlce, vol. iii. pp. 268-270. "Denn ein Geschopf zu sein und als Nalurwesen bloa dem Willen seines Urhebera zu folgen; dennoch aber ala freihandelndes Wesen, (welches selnen vom ausseren EinflUsa unabhangigen Willen hat, der dem ersteren vielfaltig zuwider sein kann,) der Zurechnung fahig zu sein, und seine eigene That doch auch zugleich als die Wirkung eines hoheren Wesens anzusehen : ist eirie Vereinbarung von Begriffeu, die wir zwar in der Idee einer Welt, als des hoohsten Gutos, zusammen denkeu mussen ; die aber mir der einsehen kann, welcher bis zur Zenntniss der iibersinu- lichen (inteUigiblen) Welt durchdringt und die Art einsieht, wie eie der Sinnenwelt Eum Grunde liegt." Theodieee, in Kanfs Werke, vol. vi. p. 149. " Nun wollen wir annehmeu, die duroh unsere Kritik nothwendig gemachte TJnterscheidung der Dinge, als Gegenstande der Erfahrung, von eben denselben, als Dingen an sich selbst, ware gar nicht gemaoht, so miisste der Grundsatz der Causalitat und mithin der Naturmechanismus in Bestimmung derselben durchaus Ton alien Dingen iiberhaupt als wirkenden Ursachen gelten. Von eben demselben Wesen also, z. B. der mensoh- Uohen Seele, wiirde ich nicht sagen konnen, ihr Wille sei froi, und er sei doch zu- gleich der Naturnothwendigkeit unterworfen d. i. nicht frei, ohne in einen ofFenbaren Widerspruch zu gerathen ; well ich die Seele in beiden Satzen in eben derselben Bedeutung, namlich ala Ding iiberhaupt (als Sache an sich selbst), genommen habe, und, ohne vorhergehende Kritik, auch nicht anders nehmen konnte. Wenn aber die Kritik nicht geirrt hat, da eie daa Object in zweierlei Bedeutung nehmen lehrt, nahmhch ala Erscheinung, oder als Ding an sich selbst ; wenn die Deduction ihrer Verstaudesbegriffe richtig ist, mithin auch der Grundsatz der Causalitat nur auf Dinge im eraten Sinne genommen, namlich so fern sie gegenstande der Erfahrung sind, geht, eben dieaelben aber nach der zweiten Bedeutung jhm nicht unterworfen Bind, so wird eben derselbe Wille in der Erscheinung (den sichtbaren Handlungen) als dem Naturgesetze nothwendig gemass und so fern nicht frei, und doch anderer- eeits, als eiuem Dinge an sich selbst angehorig, jenem nicht unterworfen, mithin ala frei gedaoht, ohne das hiebei ein Widerspruch Torgeht." Kritik der reinen Ver- nunft, in Kant's Werke, vol. ii. p. 24. " Und hier zeigt die zwar gemeine, aber betriigliche Toraussetzuug der absoluten Kealitat der Eracheinungen sogleich ihren nachtheiligen Einfluss, die Vernunft zu verwirren. Denn sind Eracheinungen Dinge an sich selbst, so ist die Freiheit nicht zu retten. Alsdenn ist Natur die vollstandige und an sich hinreichendbestimmendeUrsache jeder Begebenheit, und dieBedingung derselben ist jederzeit nur in der Eeihe der Erscheinungen enthalten, die saramt ihrer Wirkung unter dem Naturgesetze nothwendig sind. Wenn dagegen Eracheinungen fiir nichts mehr gelten, als aie in der That sind, namlich nicht fiir Dinge an sich, eondern blose Vorstellungen, die nach empirischen Gesetzen zusammenhangen, so mussen sie selbst noch Griinde haben, die nicht Erscheinungen sind." .... "Hier habe ich nur die Anmerkung machen wollen, dass, da der durchgangige Zusammen- hang aller Eracheinungen in einem Context der Natur ein unnachlassliches Gesetz ist, dieses alle Freiheit nothwendig umstiirzen miisste, wenn man der Kealitat der Erscheinungen hartnackig anhangen wollte. Daher auch diejenigen, welche hierin der gemeinen Meinung folgen, niemals dahin haben gelangen konnen, Natur und Freiheit mit einander zu vereinigen." Kritik, in Kanfs Werke, vol. ii. pp. 419, 420. Finally, at p. 433, " Man muss wohl bemerken dass wir hiedurch nicht die Wirklichkeit der Freiheit, als eines der Vermogen, welche die Uraaohe von den Eracheinungen unserer Sinnenwelt enthalten, haben darthun wollen. Denn ausser dass diesea gar keine transcendentale Betrachtung, die bios mit Begriffen zu thun hat, gewesen sein wiirde, so konnte es auch nicht gelingen, indem wir aus der Erfahrung niemals auf etwas, was gar nicht nach Erfahrungsgcsetzen gedacht werden muss, achlieasen konnen. Ferner haben wir auch gar nicht einmal die Moglichkeit der Freiheit be- weisen wollen ; denn dieses ware auch nicht gelungen, well wir Qberhaupt von keinem Kealgrunde und keiner Causalitat aus bloseu Begriffen a priori die Moglich- keit erkennen konnen. Die Freiheit wird hier nur als transcendentale Idee behan- delt, woduroh die Verniinft die Keihe der Bediagungen in der Erscheinung durch daa sinnlich Unbedingte achlechthin anzuheben denkt, dabei sich aber in cine Antinomie mit ihren eigenen Gesetzen, welche sie dem empirischen Gebrauche des Verstandes 28 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, vorselireibt, verwickelt. Dass nun diese Antinomie anf einem blosen Scbeine beruhe, and dass Natur der Causalitilt aus Freiheit wenigstens nicbt widerstreite, das war das Eiazige, was wir leisten Ispnnten und woran es uns auch cinzig und allein gelegen war." These passages prove that Kant saw that the phenomenal reality of Free TVill is an indefensible doctrine : and as the present woric is an investigation of the laws of phenomena, hie transcendental philosophy does not affect my conclusions. Accord- ing to Kant's view (and with which I am inclined to agree) the ordina,ry metaphysical iind theological treatment of this dark problem is purely empirical, and therefore has no value. The denial of the supremacy of consciousness follows as a natural consequence, and is the result of the Kantian philosophy, and not, as is often itdd, tlio base of it. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 39 CHAPTEE II. IBFLUENCE EXEECISED BT PHYSICAL LAWS OTEE THE OEGANIZATION OV SOCIETY AND OTEE THE CHAEACTEE OF IITDITIDUALS. If we inquire wliat those physical agents are by which the hu- man race is most powerfully influenced, we shall find that they may be classed under four heads : namely, Climate, Food, Soil, and the G-eneral Aspect of Nature ; by which last, I mean those appearances which, though presented chiefly to the sight, have, through the medium of that or other senses, directed the asso- ciation of ideas, and hence in different countries have given rise to different habits of national thought. To one of these foui classes may be referred aU the external phenomena by which Man has been permanently affected. The last of these classes, or what I caU the General Aspect of Nature, produces its prin-\ cipal results by exciting the imagination, and by suggesting) those ianumerable superstitions which are the great obstacles toi advancing 'knowledge. And as, in the infancy of a people, the power of such superstitions is supreme, it has happened that the various Aspects of Nature have caused corresponding varieties in the popular character, and have imparted to the national rehgion peculiarities which, under certain circumstances, it is impossible to efface. The other three agents, namely. Climate Food, and Soil, have, so far as we are aware, had no direct influence of this sort ; but they have, as I am about to prove, originated the most important consequences in regard to the general organization of society, and £:om them there have followed many of those large and conspicuous differences between nations, which are often as- cribed to some fundamental difference- in the various races into which mankind is divided. But while such original distinctions of race are altogether hypothetical,' the discrepancies which are ■ I cordially subscribe to the remark of one of the greatest thinkers of our time, who says of the supposed differences of race, " of all vulgar modes of escaping from the consideration of the effect of social and moral influences on the human mind, the most vulgar is that of attributing the diversities of conduct and character to inhe- rent natural differences." IfiU's Principles of Political Economy, vol. i. p. 390. Or- dinary writers are constantly falling into the error of assuming the existence of this so CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. caused by difference of climate, food, and soil, are capable of a satisfactory explanation, and, wben understood, will be found to clear up many of tbe difficulties wbicb stiU obscure the study of history. I purpose, therefore, in the first place, to examine the laws of these three vast agents in so far as they are connected with Man in his social condition ; and having traced the work- ing of those laws with as much precision as the present state of physical knowledge will allow, I shall then examine the remain- ing agent, namely, the G-eneral Aspect of Nature, and shall en- deavor to point out the most important divergencies to which its variations have, in different countries, naturally given rise. Beginning, then, with climate, food, and soil, it is evident that these three physical powers are in no small degree depend- ent on each other ; that is to say, there is a very close connexion between the climate of a country and the food which will ordina- rily be grown in that country ; while at the same lime the food is itself influenced by the soil which produces it, as also by the elevation or depression of the land, by the state of the atmos- phere, and, in a word, by all those conditions to the assemblage ■ of which the name of physical Geography is, in its largest sense, commonly given. ° The union between these physical agents being thus inti- mate, it seems advisable to consider them not under their own separate heads, but rather under the separate heads of the effects produced by their united action. In this way we shall rise at once to a more comprehensive view of the whole question ; we shall avoid the confusion that would be caused by artificially separating phenomena which are in themselves inseparable ; and we shall be able to see more clearly the extent of that remarka- ble infiuence which, in an early stage of society, the powers of Nature exercise over the fortunes of Man. Of all the results which are produced among a people by theii climate, food, and soU, the accumulation of wealth is the earliest, and in many respects the most important. For although the difference ; which may or may not exist, but which most assuredly has never beec proved. Some singular instances of this will be found in Alison's History of Murope, vol. ii. p. 336, voL vi. p. 136, vol. viiu pp. 625, 526, vol. xiii. p. 347.; where the his- torian thinks that by a few strOl^ps of his pen he can settle a question of the greatest difficulty, connected with some of the most intricate problems in physiology. Oil the supposed relation between race and temperament, see Cumte, Philosophie Posi- tive, ToL iii. p. 355. ' As to the proper limits of physical geography, see Frichard on EthnUogy, in Report of thi British Association for 1847, p. 235. The word 'climate' I always use in the narrow and popular sense. Dr. Forry and many previous writers make it nearly coincide with 'physical geography:' " Climate constitutes the aggregate of Ul the external physical circumstances appertaining to each locality in its relation to organic nature." ForryU Climati of the United States and its Endemic Infiitenus, New York, 1842, p. 127 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 31 progress of knowledge eventually accelerates the increase of wealth, it is nevertheless certain that, in the first formation of socieTy, the wealth must accumulate before the knowledge can begin. As long as every man is engaged in collecting the mate- rials necessary for his own subsistence, there wOl be neither lei- sure nor taste for higher pursuits ; no science can possibly be created, and the utmost that can be effected will be an attempt to economize labor by the contrivance of such rude and imper- fect instruments as even the most barbarous people are able to indent. In a state of society like this, the accumulation of wealtli is the first great step that can be taken, because without wealth there can be no leisure, and without leisure there can be no knowledge. If what a people consume is always exactly equal to what they possess, there wiU be no residue, and therefore, no capital being accumulated, there will be no means by which the unemployed classes may be maintained.^ But if the produce is greater than the consumption, an overplus arises, which, accord- iag to well-known pri'nciples, increases itself, and eventually be- comes a fund out of which, immediately or remotely, every one is supported who does not create the wealtii upon which he lives. And now it is that the existence of an intellectual class first be- comes possible, because for the first time there exists a previous accumidation, by means of which men can use what they did not produce, and are thus enabled to devote themselves to subjects for which at an earlier period the pressure of their daily wants would have left them no time. Thus it is that of all the great social improvements the accu- mulation of wealth must be the first, because without it there can be neither taste nor leisure for that acquisition of knowledge on which, as I shall hereafter prove, the progress of civilization depends. Now, it is evident that among an entirely ignorant i people, the rapidity with which wealth is created will be solely ' regulated by the physical peculiarities of their country. At a later period, and when the wealth has been capitalized, other causes come into play ; but until this occurs, the progress can only depend on two circumstances : first, on the energy and regu- \ larity with which labor is conducted, and secondly, on the returns mad© to that labor by the bounty of nature. And these two causes are themselves the result of physical antecedents. The returns made to labor are governed by tie fertility of the soil, which is itself regulated partly by the admixture of its chemical ' By unemployed claeses, I mean lyhat Adam Smith calU the unproductive class- ea ; and tho)igh both expressions are strictly speaking inaccurate, the Trord ' unem- ployed ' seems to convey more clearly than any other the idea in the text. 32 'JIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. components, partly by the extent to which, from rivers or fi'om other natural causes, the soil is irrigated, and partly by the heat and humidity of the atmosphere. On the other hand, the energy and regularity with which labor is conducted, will be entirely de- pendent on the influence of climate. This will display itself in two different ways. The first, which is a very obvious consider- ation, is, that if the heat is intense, men will be indisposed, and in some degree unfitted, for that active industry which in a milder climate they might willingly have exerted. The other consideration, which has been less noticed, but is equally im- portant, is, that climate influences labor not only by enervating the laborer or by invigorating him, but also by the effect it pro- duces on the regularity of his habits.'' Thus we find that no people living in a very northern latitude have ever possessed that steady and unflinching industry for which the inhabitants of temperate regions are remarkable. The reason of this becomes clear, when we remember that in the more northern countries' the severity of the weather, and, at some seasons, the deficiency of light, render it impossible for the people to continue their usual out-of-door employments. The result is, that the work- ing-classes, being compelled to cease from their ordinary pur- suits, are rendered more prone to desultory habits ; the chain of their industry is as it were broken, and they lose that impetus which long-continued and uninterrupted practice never fails to give. Hence there arises a national character more fitful and capricious than that possessed by a people whose climate per- mits the regular exercise of their ordinary industry. Indeed, so powerful is this principle, that we may perceive its operation even under the most opposite circumstances. It would be diffi- cult to conceive a greater difference in government, laws, reli- gion, and manners, than that which distinguishes Sweden and Norway on the one hand, from Spain and Portugal on the other. But these four countries have one great point in common. In all of them, continued agricultural industry is impracticable. In the two southern countries, labour is interrupted by the heat, by the dryness of the weather, and by the consequent state of the soil. In the two northern countries, the same effect is produced by the severity of the winter and the shortness of the days. The consequence is, that these four nations, though so different in other respects, are aU remarkable for a certain instability and fickleness of character ; presenting a striking contrast to the . * This has been entirely neglected by the three most philosophical writers on I climate : Montesquieu, Hume, and M. Charles Comte in his Traite de Legislation, It is also omitted in the remarks of M. Guizot on the influence of climate, Civiliia- lion en Europe, p. 97. ' GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 33 more regular and settled habits which are established in coun- tries whose climate subjects the working-classes to fewer inter- ruptions, and imposes on them the necessity of a more constant and unremitting employment.' These are the great physical causes by which the creation of wealth is governed. There are, no doubt, other circumstaneea which operate with considerable force, and which, in a more ad- vanced state of society, possess an equal, and sometimes a su- perior, influence. But this is at a later period ; and looking at the history of wealth in its earhest stage, it will be found to de- pend entirely on soil and climate : the soil regulating the returns ^ made to any given amount of labour ; the climate regulating the energy and constancy of the labour itself It requires but a hasty glance at past events, to prove the immense power of these two great physical conditions. For there is no instance in his- tory of any country being civilized by its own efforts, unless it has possessed One of these conditions in a very favourable form. In Asia, civilization has always been confined to that vast tract where a rich and alluvial soil has secured to man that wealth without some share of which no intellectual progress can begin. This great region extends, with a few interruptions, from the east of Southern China to the western coasts of Asia- Minor, of Phoenicia, and of Palestine. To the north of this immense belt, there is a long line of barren country which has invariably been peopled by rude and wandering tribes, who are kept in poverty by the ungenial nature of the soil, and who, as long as they re- mained on it, have never emerged from their uncivilized state. How, entirely this depends on physical causes, is evident from the fact that these same Mongolian and Tartarian hordes have, at different periods, founded great monarchies in China, in India, and in Persia, and have, on all such occasions, attained a civili- zation nowise inferior to that possessed by the most flourishing of the ancient kingdoms. For in the fertile plains of Southern Asia,* nature has supplied all the materials of wealth ; and there it was that these barbarous tribes acquired for the first time some degree of refinement, produced a national literature, and * See the admirable remarks in Laing's Denmark, 1862, pp. 204, 866, 367; though Norway appears to be a better illustration than Denmark. In Eey's Science Sociale, vol. 1. pp. 195, 196, there are some calculations respecting the average loss to agricultural industry caused by changes in the weather ; but no notice is taken of the connexion between these changes, when abrupt, and the tone of the national character. " This expression has been used by difierent geographers in different senses j but I take it in its common acceptation, without reference to the more strictly physical view of Ritter and his followers in regard to Central Asia. See PricliarSs Physieai Blatory of Mankind, vol. ir. p. 278, edit. 1844. At p. 92, Prichard makes the Him- tlaya the southern boundary of Central Asia. VOL. .1 — 3 34 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. organized a national polity ; none of which things ihey, in theii native land, had heen able to effect.' In the same way, the Arabs in their own country have, owing to the extreme aridity of their soil,' always been a rude and uncultivated people ; for in their case, as in all others, great ignorance is the fruit of great poverty. But in the seventh century they conquered Persia ;* in the eighth century they conquered the best part of Spain ;" in the ninth century they conquered the Punjaub, and eventu- ally nearly the whole of India.'' Scarcely were they established in their fresh settlements, when their character seemed to under- go a great change. They, who in their original land were little else than roving savages, were now for the first time able to ac- cumulate wealth, and, therefore, for the first time did they mate some progress in the arts of civilization. In Arabia they bad been a mere race of wandering shepherds ;" in their new abodes they became the founders of mighty empires, — they built cities, endowed schools, collected libraries ; and the traces of their ' There is reason to believe tliat tlie Tartars of Tibet receiTcd even tlieir alplia- oet from India. See the interesting Essay on Tartarian Coins in Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. iv. pp. 276, 277 ; and on the Scythian Alphabet, see vol. xii. p. 336. ' In Somerville's Physical Geography, vol. i. p. 132, it is said that in Arabia there are " no rivers ; " but Mr. Wellsted (Travels in Arabia, vol, ii. p. 409) men- tions one which empties Itself into the sea five miles west of Aden. On the streams in Arabia, see Meiners uber die Fruchtbarlceit der Lander, vol. i. pp. 149, 150. That the sole deficiency is want of irrigation appears from Burckhardt, who says {Travels in Arabia, vol. i. p. 240), " In Arabia, wherever the ground can be irrigated by wells, the sands may be soon made productive." And for a striking description of one of the oases of Oman, which shows what Arabia might have been with a good river system, see Journal of Geographical Society, vol. vii. pp. 106, 107. " Mr. Morier {Journal of Geog. Soc. voL vii. p. 230) says, " the conquest of Persia by the Saracens a. d. 651." However, the fate of Persia was decided by the battles of Kudseah and Nahavund, which were fought in 688 and 641 : see Malcolm's History of Persia, vol. i. pp. xvi. 1S9, 142. " In 712. HallanCs Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 369. " They were established in the Punjaub early in the ninth century, but did not conquer Guzerat and Malwa until five hundred years later. Compare Wilson's note in the Vishnu Purana, pp. 481, 482, with Asiatic Eesearckes, vol. ix. pp. 187, 188, 203. On their progress in the more southern part of the Peninsula, see Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. iii. pp. 222, 223, vol. iv. pp. 28-30. " "A race of pastoral barbarians." Dickinson on the Arabic Language, in Journal ofAsiat. Bodety, vol. v. p. 323. Compare Reynier, Mconomie des Arabes, pp. 27, 28 ; where, however, a very simple question is needlessly complicated. The old Persian writers bestowed on them the courteous appellation of " a band of naked lizard-eaters." Malcolm's Hist, of Persia, vol. i. p. 133. Indeed, there are few things in history better proved than the barbarism of a people whom some writers wish to invest with a romantic interest. The eulogy passed on them by Meiners is rather suspicious ; for he concludes by saying, " die Eroberungen der Araber waren hochst selten so blutig und zerstorend, als die Eroberungen der Tataren, Persen, TOrken, u. a. w. in altern und neuern Zeiten waren." Fruchtbarkeit der Lander, vol! i. p. 153. If this is the best that can be said, the comparison with Tartars and Turks does not prove much ; but it is singular that this learned author should have forgot- ten a passage in Diodorus Siculus which gives a pleasant description of them nineteen senturies ago on the eastern side : Bibliothec. Hist. lib. ii. vol. ii. p. 137. %ypvai 8) 'iiov >.y(TTpiKhp, Ko! iroAA.Tji' Tris iinioov x^oas KOTOTpc'xoiTes hriimioviriv, &c. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 35 power are still to he seen at Cordova, at Bagdad, and at Dellu." Precisely in the same manner, there is adjoining Arabia at the north, and only separated from it elsewhere by the narrow waters of the Bed Sea, an immense sandy plain, which, covering the whole of Africa in the same latitude, extends westward until it reaches the shores of the Atlantic." This enormous tract is, like Arabia, a barren waste ;'' and therefore, as in Arabia, the inhabitants have always been entirely uncivilized, acquiring no knowledge, simply because they have accumulated no wealth.'' " The only branch of knowledge which the Arabians ever raised to a science was astronomy, which began to be cultivated under the caliphs about the middle ol the eighth century, and wont on improving until "la ville de Bagdad fut, pendant le dixifeme sifecle, le thfiittre principal de I'astronomie chez les orientaux." Montucla, Sistoire des Maihematiques, vol. i. pp. 355, 364. The old Pagan Arabs, like most barbarous people living in a clear atmosphere, had such an empirical acquaintance with the celestial phenomena as was useful for practical purposes ; but there is no evidence to justify the common opinion that they studied this subject as a science. Dr. Dorn {Transactions of the Asiatic Society/, vol. ii. p. 371) says, " of a scientific knowledge of astronomy among them no traces can be discovered." Beausobre {Sistoire de ManichSe, voL i. p. 20) is quite enthusiastic about the philosophy of the Arabs in the time of Pythagoras ! and he tells us, that " ces peuples ont toujours <:ultiv^ les sciences." To establish this fact, he quotes a long passage from a life of Mohammed written early in the eighteenth century by Boulainvilliers, whom he calls " uh des plus beaux gfinies de France." If this is an accurate description, those who have read the works of Boulainvilliers will think that France was badly off for men of genius ; and as to his life of Mohammed, it is little better than a romance : the author was ignorant of Arabic, and knew nothing which had not been already communicated by Maracci and Pococke. See Biographic Vniverselle, vol. v. p. 321. In regard to the later Arabian astronomers, one of their great merits was to ap- proximate to the value of the annual precession much closer than Ptolemy had done. See Grants History of Physical Astronomy, 1852, p. 319. " Indeed it goes beyond it : " the trackless sands of the Sahara desert, which is even prolonged for miles into the Atlantic Ocean in the form of sandbanks." Som- ervilUs Physical Geography, vol. i. p. 149. For a singular instance of one of these sandbanks being formed into an island, see Journal of Geograph. Society, vol. ii. p. 284. The Sahara desert, exclusive of Bornou and Darfour, covers an area of 194,- 000 square leagues ; that is, nearly three times the size of France, or twice the size of the Mediterranean. Compare jbyelVs Geology, p. 694, with Somerville's Oonnexion of thi Sciences, p. 294. As to the probable southern limits of the plateau of the Sahara, see Richardson's Mission to Central Africa, 1853, vol. ii. pp. 146, 156 ; and as to the part of it adjoining the Mandingo country, see Mungo Parle's Travels, \o\. i. pp. 237, 288. Respecting the country south of Mandara, some scanty information was collected by Denham in the neighbourhood of Lake Tchad. DenliarrCs Northern and Central Africa, pp. 121, 122, 144-146. " Richardson, who travelled through it south of Tripoli, notices its "features o£ sterility, of Unconquerable barrenness.", Ricliardson's Sahara, \i,ii,yo\.i, p. 86; and see the striking picture at p. 409. The long and dreary route from Mourzouk to Yeou, on Lake Tchad, is described by Denham, one of the extremely few Euro- peans who have performed that hazardous journey. Denhajtis Central Africa, pp. 2-60. Even on the shore of the Tchad there is hardly any vegetation, " a coarse grass and a small bell-flower being the only plants that I could discover." p. 90. Compare his remark on Bornou, p. 317. The condition of part of the desert in the fourteenth century is described in the Travels of Ibn Bdtuta, p. 233, which should be compared with the account given by Diodorus Siculus of the journey of Alexan- der to the temple of Ammon. Bibliothee. Historic, lib. xvii. vol. vii. p. 348. " Richardson, who travelled in 1850 from Tripoli to within a few days of Lake Tcha^ was struck by the stationary character of the people. He says, "neither in 36 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. But this great desert is, in its eastern part, irrigated by the waters of the Nile, the overflowing of which covers the sand with rich alluvial deposit, that yields to lahour the most abundant, and indeed the most extraordinary, returns."' The consequence is, that in that spot, wealth was rapidly accumulated, the culti- vation of knowledge quickly followed, and this narrow strip of land " became the seat of Egyptian civilization ; a civilization which, though grossly exaggerated, "forms a striking contrast to the barbarism of the other nations of Africa, none of which have been able to work out their own progress, or emerge, in any de- gree, from the ignorance to which the penury of nature has doomed them. These considerations clearly prove that of the two primary ', causes of civilization, the fertility of the soil is the one which in the ancient world exercised most influence. But in European I civilization, the other great cause, that is to say, climate, has the desert nor in the kingdoms of Central Africa is there any march of civilization. AU goes on according to a certain routine established for ages past." Mission to Central Africa, vol, 1. pp. 304, 305. See similar remarks in Pallmeh Travels in Kmdofan, pp. 108, 109. " Abd-Allatif, who was in Egypt early in the thirteenth century, gives an inter- esting account of the rising of the Nile, to which Egypt owes its fertility. Abd- Allatif, Bdation de VSgypte, pp. 329-340, 374-3'7C, and Appendix, p. 604. See alec on these periodical inundations, WilkinsorCs Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv. pp. 101-104 ; and on the half-astronomical half-theological notions connected with them, pp. 372- 377, vol. V. pp. 291, 292. Compare on the religious importance of the Nile Bnnsen'i Egypt, vol i. p. 409. The expression, therefore, of Herodotus (book ii. chap. v. vol. i. p. 484), iSipov toE irora^oE, is true in a much larger sense than he intended ; since to the Nile Egypt owes all the physical peculiarities which distinguish it from Arabia and the great African desert. Compare Heereris African Nations, vol. ii. p. 58 ; Reynier, Economic des Arabes, p. 3 ; Postans on the Nile and Indus, in Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. vii. p. 275 ; and on the difference between the soil of the Nile and that of the surrounding desert, see Volney, Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, vol. L p. 14. '" " The average breadth of the valley from one mountain-range to the other, between Cairo in Lower, and Edfoo in Upper Egypt, is only about seven miles ; and that of the cultivable land, whose limits depend on the inundation, scarcely exceeds five and a half." Wilkinson^a Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. p. 216. According to Gerard, " the mean width of the valley between Syene and Cairo is about nine miles." Note in Meeren's African Nations, vol. ii. p. 62. '° I will give one instance of this from an otherwise sensible writer, and a man too of considerable learning : " As to the physical knowledge of the Egyptians, their cotcmporaries gave them credit for the astonishing power of their magic ; and as we cannot suppose that the instances recorded in Scripture were to be attributed to the exertion of supernatural powers, we must conclude that they were in possession of a more intimate knowledge of the laws and combinations of nature than what is professed by the most learned men of the present age." Hamilton's ^gyptiaca, pp. 61, 62. It is a shame that such nonsense should be written in the nineteenth cen- tury : and yet a still more recent author ( Vyse on the Pyramids, vol i. p. 28) assures ■js that " the Egyptians, for especial purposes, were endowed with great wisdom and sci(ince." Science properly so called, the Egyptians had none ; and as to their wisdom, it was considerable enough to distinguish them from barbarous nations like the old Hebrews, but it was inferior to that of the Greeks, ar.d it was of course mmeasurablv below that of modern Eurone. GENEEA.L INTBODUCTION. 37 been the most powerful ; and this, as we have seen, produces an effect partly on the capacity of the labourer for work, partly on the regularity or irregularity of his habits. The difference in the result has curiously corresponded with the difference in the cause. For although all civiUzation must have for its antece- dent the accumulation of wealth, stiU what subsequently occurs Avill be in no small degree determined by the conditions under which the accumulation took place. In Asia, and in Africa, the j condition was a fertile soil, causing an abundant return : in Eu- rope, it was a happier climate, causing more successful labour. In the former case, the effect depends on the relation between the soil and its produce ;^ in other words, the mere operation of one part of external nature upon another. In the latter case, the effect depends on the relation between the climate and the labourer ; that is, the operation of external nature not upon itself, but upon man. Of these two classes of relations, the first, \ being the less complicated, is the less liable to disturbance, and therefore came sooner into play. Hence it is, that, in the march / of civilization, the priority is unquestionably due to the most fer- tile parts of Asia and Africa. But although their civilization was the earhest, it was very far, indeed, from being the best or most permanent. Owing to circumstances which I shall pre- sently state, the only progress which is really effective depends, not upon the bounty of nature, but upon the energy of man. Therefore it is, that the civilization of Europe, which,' in its ear- liest stage, was governed by climate, has shown a capacity of de- velopment unknown to those civilizations which were originated by soil. For the powers of nature, notwithstanding their appa- rent magnitude, are limited and stationary ; at aU events, we have not the slightest proof that thevjjave ever increased, or that they will ever be able to increase. jBut the powers of man, so far as experience and analogy can gBlde us, are unlimited ; nor are we possessed of any evidence which authorizes us to as- sign €ven an imaginary boundary at which the human intellect , will, of necessity, be brought to a stan3| And as this power which the mind possesses of increasing its own resources, is a pecu- liarity confined to man, and one eminently distinguishing him j from what is commonly called external nature, it becomes evi- \ dent that the agency of climate, which gives hiTn wealth by ■ stimulating his labour, is more favourable to his ultimate pro- ' gress than the agency of soil, which likewise gives him wealth, | but which does so, not by exciting his energies, but by virtue of j a mere physical relation between the character of the soil and i the quahty or value of the produce that it almost spontaneously affords. 38 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. Thus far as to the different ways in which climate and soil affect the creation of wealth. But another point of equal, or perhaps of superior, importance remains behind. After the wealth has heen created, a question arises as to how it is to he distributed ; that is to say, what proportion is to go to the upper classes, and what to the lower. In an advanced stage of society, this depends upon several circumstances of great complexity, and which it is not necessary here to examine.'''' But in a very early stage of society, and before its later and refined complications / have begun, it may, I think, be proved that the distribution of '■ wealth is, like its creation, governed entirely by physical laws ; j and that those laws are moreover so active as to have invariably kept a vast majority of the inhabitants of the fairest portion of the globe in a condition of constant and inextricable poverty. If this can be demonstrated, the immense importance of such laws is manifest. For since wealth is an undoubted source of power, it is evident that, supposing other things equal, an inquiry into the distribution of wealth is an inquiry into the distribution of power, and, as such, will throw great light on the origin of those social and political iaequalities, the play and opposition of which form a considerable part of the history of every civilized country. If we take a general view of this subject, we may say thai after the creation and accumulation of wealth have once fairly begun, it will be distributed among two classes, those who labour, and those who do not labour ; the latter being, as a class, the more able, the former the more numerous. The fund by which both classes are supported is immediately created by the lower class, whose physical energies are directed, combined, and as it were economized, by the superior skill of the upper class. The reward of the workmen is called their wages ; the reward of the contrivers is called their profits. At a later period, there will arise what may be called the saving class ; that is, a body of men who neither contrive nor work, but lend their accumulations to those who contrive, and in return for the loan, receive a part of that reward which belongs to the contriving class. In this case, the members of the saving class are rewarded for their ab- stinence in refraining from spending their accumulations, and '" Indeed many of tliem are still unknown ; for, as M. Rey justly observes, most writers pay too exclusive an attention to the production of wealth, and neglect the laws of its distribution. Mey, Science Sociale, vol. iii. p. 211. In confirmation of this, I may mention the theory of rent, which was only discovered about half a cen- tury ago, and which is connected with so many subtle arguments that it is not yet generally adopted ; and even some of its advocates have shown themselves unequal to defending their own cause. The great law of the ratio between the cost of labour and the profits of stock, is the highest generalization we have reached respecting the distribution of wealth ; but it cannot be consistently admitted by any one who holda that rent enters into price. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 39 this reward is termed the interest of their money ; so that there is made a threefold division, — Interest, Profits, and Wages. But this is a subsequent arrangement, which can only take place to any extent when wealth has been considerably accumulated ; and in the stage of society we are now considering, this third, or sav- mg class, can hardly be said to have a separate existence.^' For our present purpose, therefore, it is enough to ascertain what those natural laws are, which, as soon as wealth is accumulated, regulate the proportion in which it is distributed to the two classes of labourers and employers. Now, it is evident that wages being the price paid for labour, , the rate of wages must, like the price of all other commodities, -vary according to the changes in the market. If the supply of labourers outstrips the demand, wages wiU fall ; if the demand exceeds the supply, they will rise. Supposing, therefore, that in any country there is a given amount of wealth to be divided between employers and workmen, every increase in the number of the workmen will tend to lessen the average reward each can receive. And if we set aside those disturbiag causes by which all general views are affected, it wiU be found that, in the long-run, the question of wages is a question of population ; for although the total sum of the wages actually paid, depends upon the large- ness of the fund from which they are drawn, still the amount of wages received by each man must diminish as the claimants in- crease, unless, owing to other circumstances, the fund itself should so advance as to keep pace with the greater demands made upon it." " la a still more advanced stage, there is a fourth division of wealth, and part of the produce of labour is absorbed by Rent. This, however, is not an element of price, but a consequence of it ; and in the ordinary march of affairs, considerable time must elapse before it can begin. Rent, in the proper sense of the word, is the price paid for using the natural and indestructible powers of the soil, and must not be confused with rent commonly so called ; for this last also includes the profits of stock. I notice this because several of the opponents of Ricardo have placed the beginning of rent too early, by overlooking the fact that apparent rent is very often profits disguised. '■"' " Wages depend, then, on the proportion between the number of the labouring population, and the capital or other funds devoted to the purchase of labour; wo wiU say, for shortness, the capital. If wages are higher at one time or place than at another, if the subsistence and comfort of the class of hired labourers are more ample, it is, and can be, for no other reason than because capital bears a greater proportion to population. It is not the absolute amount of accumulation or of pro- duction that is of importance to the labouring class ; it is not the amount even of the funds destined for distribution among the labourers ; it is the proportion between those funds and the numbers among whom they are shared. The condition of the class can be bettered in no other way than by altering that proportion to their advantage ; and every scheme for their benefit which does not proceed on this as its foundation, is, for all permanent purposes, a delusion." Mill's Principles of Politi ■>al Economy, 1849, vol. i. p. 425. See also vol. ii. pp. 264, 265, and M'GnlloeKs Political Economy, pp. 379, 380. Ricardo, in his Essay on the Injluence of a Low Price of Corn, has stated, with his usual terseness, the three Possible forms of this V 40 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. To know the circumstances most fevonrable to the increase of what may be termed the wages-fund is a matter of great mo- ment, but is one with which we are not immediately concerned. The question we have now before us, regards not the accumula- tion of wealth, but its distribution ; and the object is, to ascer- tain what those physical conditions are, which, by encouraging a rapid growth of population, over-supply the labour-market, and thus keep the average rate of wages at a very low point. Of all the physical agents by which the increase of the labour- ing classes is affected, that of food is the most active and universal If two countries, equal in all other respects, differ solely in this, — that in one the national food is cheap and abundant, and in the other scarce and dear, the population of the former country * win inevitably increase more rapidly than the population of the latter.'' And, by a parity of reasoning, the average rate of wages will be lower in the former than in the latter, simply be- cause the labour-market will be more amply stocked.''^ An in- quiry, therefore, into the physical laws on which the food of different countries depends, is, for our present purpose, of the greatest importance ; and fortunately it is one respecting which we are able, in the present state of chenustry and physiology, to arrive at some precise and definite conclusions. The food consimied by man produces two, and only two, effects necessary to his existence. These are, first to supply him with that animal heat without which the functions of life would stop ; and secondly, to repair the waste constantly taking place in his tissues, that is, in the mechanism of his frame. For each of these separate purposes there is a separate food. The tem- perature of our body is kept up by substances which contain no nitrogen, and are called non-azotized ; the incessant decay in our organism is repaired by what are known as azotized sub- stances, in which nitrogen is always found.'^ In the former qcestioD : " The rise or fall of wages 13 common to all states of society, whether it be the stationary, the adTancing, or the retrograde state. In the stationary state, it is regulated wholly by the increase or falling-off of the population. In the advancing state, it depends on whether the cajHtal or the popolation advance at the more rapid course. In the retrograde state, it depends on whether population or ca]Hta] decrease with the greater rapidhy." Bieardo's Work*, p. 379. " The standard of comfort being of course supposed the same. " " So point i3 better established, than that the supply of labourers will alwav? Bitimately be in proportion to the means of supporting them." PrinapUi of Paltti- tal Meonomy, chap, xxi, in Ricardoi Work*, p. 176. Compare Smitkt Wealth of Katuym, book i chap. si. p. 86, and M^CidloeKa Poliiieal Economy, p. 222. " The division of food into azotized and non-azotized is said to have been first pointed out by Magendie. See Mulhi'» Phynology, toL L p. 525. It is now recog- nised by most of the best authorities. See, for instance, lAeH^t Animal Chemistry, p. 134; Carpenter » Human Physiolooy, p. 685 ; Brand^t Chemitlry, vol. ii. pp. 1218. 1870. The first tables of food constructed according to it were by Bonssinganlt ; -ce an elaborate essay by Messrs. Lawes and Gilbert on The ConpoiUion of Poods, GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 41 lase, the carbon of non-azotized food comMnes with the oxygen we take in, and gives rise to that internal comhustion by which our animal heat is renewed. In the latter case, nitrogen having little affinity for oxygen," the nitrogenous or azotized food is, as it were, guarded against combustion ;" and being thus pre- served, is able to perform its duty of repairing the tissues, and supplying those losses which the human organism constantly suffers in the wear and tear of daily life. These are the two great divisions of food ;^' and if we in- quire into the laws which regulate the relation they bear to man, we shall find that in each division the most important agent is climate. When men hve in a hot country, their animal heat is more easUy kept up than when they live in a cold one ; there- fore they require a smaller amount of that non-azotized food, the sole business of which is to maintain at a certain point the tem- perature of the body. In the same way, they, in the hot coun- try, require a smaller amount of azotized food, because on the whole their bodily exertions are less frequent, and on that ac- count the decay of their tissues is less rapid.''' in Report of British Association for 1862, p. 323 ; but the experiments made by these gentlemen are neither numerous nor dirersified enough to establish a general law ; still less can we accept their singular assertion, p. 346, that the comparative prices of different foods are a test of the nutriment they comparatively contain. "' "Of all the elements of the animal body, nitrogen has the feeblest attraction for oxygen ; and, what is still more remarkable, it deprives all combustible elements with which it combines, to a greater or less extent, of the power of combining with oxygen, that is, of undergoing combustion." lAebig's Zetters on Chemistry, p. 3'72. " The doctrine of what may be called the protecting power of some substances is still imperfectly understood, and until late in the eighteenth century its existence was hardly suspected. It is now known to be connected with the general theory of poisons. See Turner's Chemistry, vol. i. p. 516. To this we must probably ascribe the fact, that several poisons which are fatal when applied to a wounded surface, may be taken into the stomach with impunity. Srodie's Physiological Researclies, 1851, pp. 137, 138. It seems more reasonable to refer this to chemical laws than to hold, with Sir Benjamin Brodie, that some poisons " destroy life by paralysing the muscles of respiration without immediately affecting the action of the heart." ™ Front's well-known division into saccharine, oily, and albuminous, appears to me of much inferior value, though I observe that it is adopted in the last edition of ElliotsorHs Human Physiology, f^. 65, 160. The division byM. Lepelletier into "les alimens solides et les boissons" is of course purely empirical. Xepelletier, Physiologic, Midicale, vol. ii. p. 100, Paris, 1832. In regard to Front's classification, compare BwrdacKs Traiti de Physiologic, vol. ix. p. 240, with Wagner's Physiology, p. 452. '" The evidence of an universal connexion in the animal frame between exertion and decay, is now almost complete. In regard to the muscular system, see Carpen- ter's Human Physiology, pp. 440, 441, 581, edit. 1846: "there is strong reason to believe the waste or decomposition of the muscular tissue to be in exact proportion to the degree in which it is exerted." This perhaps would be generally anticipated even in the absence of direct proof; but what is more interesting, ia that the same principle holds good of the nervous system. The human brain of an adult contains about one and a half per cent, of phosphorus ; and it has been ascertained, that aftei the mind has been rhuch exercised, phosphates are excreted, and that in the case of inflammation of the brain their excretion (by the kidneys) is very considerable. See Pagel's Lectures on Surgical Pathology, 1853, vol. i. pp. 6, T, 434 ; Carpenter's Human Physiology, pp. 192, 198, 222; Binon's Animal Chemistry, vol. ii. p. 426; Henle, 13 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. Since, therefore, the inhabitants of hot climates do, in_ theii natural and ordinary state, consume less food than the inhabitants of cold ones, it inevitably follows that, provided other things remain equal, the growth of population will be more rapid in countries which are hot than in those which are cold. For prac- tical purposes it is immaterial whether the greater plenty of a substance by which the people are fed arises from a larger sup- ply, or whether it arises from a smaller consumption. When men eat less, the result will be just the same as if they had more ; because the same amount of nutriment wUl go further, and thus population will gain a power of increasing more quicldy than it could do in a colder countiy, where, even if provisions were equally abundant, they, owing to the climate, would be sooner exhausted. This is the first point of view injvhich the laws of climate are, through the medium of food, connected with the laws of population, and therefore with the laws of the distribution of wealth. But there is also another point of view, which follows the same line of thought, and will be found to strengthen the argument just stated. This is, that in cold countries, not only are men compelled to eat more than in hot ones, but their food is dearer, that is to say, to get it is more difficult, and requires a greater expenditure of labour. The reason of this I will state as briefly as possible, without entering into any details beyond those which are absolutely necessary for a right understanding of this interesting subject. The objects of food are, as we have seen, only two : namely, to keep up the warmth of the body, and repair the waste in the tissues.'" Of these two objects, the former is effected by the oxygen of the air entering our lungs, and, as it travels through the system, combining with the carbon which we take in our food.'' This combination of oxygen and carbon never can occur Anatomie Gen^ale, toI. ii. p. I'? 2. The reader may also consult respecting the phos- phorus of the brain, the recent very able work of MM. Robin et Verdeil, Chimie Anatomiqite, toI. i. p. 215, vol. ii. p. 348, Paris, 1S53. According to these ivriters (vol. iii. p. 445), its existence in the brain was first announced by Hcnsing, in 1779. " Though both objects are equally essential, the former is usually the more pressing ; and it has been ascertained by experiment, what we should expect from theory, that when animals are starved to death, there is a progressive decline in the temperature of their bodies ; so that the proximate cause of death by starvation ia not weakness, but cold. See Williams's Principles of Medicine, p. 36 ; and on the connexion between the loss of animal heat and the appearance of rigor mm-tis in the contractile parts of the body, see VogeVs Pathological Anatomy of the Human Body, p. 532. Compare the important and thoughtful work of Burdach, Physiologie coimne Science d' Observation, vol. v. pp. 144, 437, vol. ix. p. 231. ' '' Until the last twenty or five-and-twenty years, it used to be supposed that this combination took place in the lungs; but more careful experiments have made it probable that the oxygen imites with the carbon in the circulation, and that the blood- sorpusciiles are the carriers of the oxygen. Comp. Jdebig''e Animal Chemistry, p GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 43 without producing ^ consideraUe amount of heat, and it is in this way that the human frame is maintained at its necessary temperature.^^ By virtue of a law familiar to chemists, carton and oxygen, like aU other elements, wUl only unite in certain definite proportions ;^^ so that to keep up a healthy balance, it is needful that the food which contains the carbon should vary according to the amount of oxygen taken in ; while it is equally needful that we should increase the quantity of both of these constituents whenever a greater external cold lowers the temper- ature of the body. Now it is obvious that in a very cold climate, this necessity of providing a nutriment more highly carbonized will arise in two distinct ways. In the first place, the air being '78 ; Letters on Chemistry, pp. 335, 336 ; Turner's Cliemistry, vol. ii. p. 1319 ; Midler's Physiology, vol. i. pp. 92,, 159. That the combination does not talce place in the air- cells is moreover proved by the fact that the lungs are not hotter than other parts of the body, ^e Muller, vol. i. p. 348; Thomson^s Animal Chemistry, p. 633; and Brodie's Physiol. Researches, p. 38. Another argument in favour of the red corpus- cules being the carriers of oxygen, is that they are most abundant in those classes of vertebrata which maintain the highest temperature : while the blood of inverte- brata contains very few of them ; and it has been doubted if they even exist in the .'ower articulata and moUusca. See Carpenter's Human Physiol, ^p. 109, 632 ; Grants Comparative Anatomy, p. 472 ; EUiotson's Human Physiol, p. 169. In regard to the different dimensions of corpuscules, see Henle, Anatomie Qenh'ale, vol. i. pp. 45'7-46'7, 494, 495 ; Blainville Physiologie Ccmpark, voL j. pp. 298, 299, 301-304 ; Milne Mdwards, Zoalogie, part i. pp. 64-56 ; Fourth Report of British Association, pp. 117, 118; Simon's Animal Chemistry, vol. i. pp. 108, 104; and, above all, tho important observations of Mr. Gulliver {Carpenter, pp. 105, 106). These additions to our knowledge, besides being connected with the laws of animal heat and of nutri- tion, will, when generalized, assist speculative minds in raising pathology to a science. In the mean time I may mention the relation between an examination of tho corpus- cules, and the theory of inflammation which Hunter and Broussais were unable to settle : this is, that the proximate cause of inflammation is the obstruction of the vessels by the adhesion of the pale corpuscules. Respecting this striking generali- zation, which is still on its trial, compare Williams's Principles of Medicine, 1848, pp. 258-265,wilh Pagefs Surgical Pathology, 1853, vol. i. pp. 313-317 ; Jones and Sievehing's Pathological Anatomy, 1854, pp. 28, 105, 106. The difficulties connected with the scientific study of inflammation are evaded in Vogel's Pathological Anato- my, p. 418 ; a work which appears to me to have been greatly overrated. '^ On the amount of heat disengaged by the union of carbon and oxygen, see the experiments of Dulong, in Liebig's Animal Chemistry, .p. 44 ; and those of Des- pretz, in Thomson- s Animal Chemistry, p. 634. Just in the same way, we find that the temperature of plants is maintained by the combination of oxygen with carbon : • see Balfoufs Botany, pp. 231, 232, 322, 323. As to the amount of heat caused generally by chemical combination, there is an essay well worth reading by Dr. Thomas Andrews in Report of British Association for 1849, pp. 63-78. See also Report of British Association for 1849, pp. 63-78; See also Bep account of the dhourra bread, see Volney, Voyage en Egypte, vol. i. p. 161. *°* 'Eireoy nK'fjpTjs yevTjrat 6 iroTo/ibs, Kul TCt treSla TreXayio-?;, (p^erai iv Ttp S5aT. Kplyea iroAAo, ra AlyiirTLOl KaK^ovtrt AojtiJp' ravra irreav Bpe^^ftcffl, aijalvovfft Tpis tJaio*'' Kat iireiTa rh iK tov fietrou tov AoJTOt) ry firtKoivi ihv i/jLtfiep^s, TrriffaVTes TroievVTat 4^ ainou iprov! otttoi/s vvpl. Herodot. ii. 92, voL i. p. 688. '" Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. pp. S70-3'72, 400, vol. iv. p. 69. Abd-Allatif gives a curious account of the difierent vegetables grown in Egypt early in the thirteenth century. Relation, pp. 16-36, and the notes of De Sacy, pp. Si- 134. On the xiafLos of Herodotus there are some botanical remarks worth reading in the Correspondence of Sir J. E. Smith, vol. ii. pp. 224-232 ; but I doubt the assertion, p. 227, that Herodotus "knew nothing of any other kind of Kvanosiv Egypt than that of the ordinary bean." GENERAL IWTEODtrCTION. 63 Moliammodan invasion there were, in the single city of Alexan- dria, no less than four thousand persons occupied in selling vege- tables to the people.'"' From this abundance of the national food, there resulted a train of events strictly analogous to those which took place in India. In Africa generally, the growth c f population, though on the one hand stimulated by the neat of the climate, was on the other hand checked by the poverty of the soil. But on the banks of the Nile this restraint no longer existed,"" and there- fore the laws already noticed came into uncontrolled operation. By virtue of tho&e laws, the Egyptians were not only satisfied with a cheap food, but they required that food in comparatively small quantities ; thus by a double process, increasing the limit to which their numbers could extend. At the same time, the lower orders were able to rear their offspring with the greater ease, because, owing to the high rate of temperature, another considerable source of expense was avoided ; the heat being such that, even for adults, the necessary clothes were few and slight, while the children of the working-classes went entirely naked ; affording a striking contrast to those colder countries where, to preserve ordinary nealth, a supply of warmer and more costly covering is essential. Diodorus Siculus, who travelled in Egypt nineteen centuries ago, says, that to bring up a child to man- hood did not cost more than twenty drachmas, scarcely thirteen shillings English money ; a circumstance which he justly notices as a cause of the populousness of the coimtry.'" To compress into a single sentence the preceding remarks, it may be said that in Egypt the people multiplied rapidly, because while the soil increased their supplies, the climate lessened their wants. The result was, that Egypt was not only far more thick- los a When Alexandria was taken by Amer, the lieutenant of the Caliph Omer, no less than 4000 persons were engaged in selling vegetables in that city." Wilkin- son!a Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. p. 3'72, and see vol. i. p. 277, toI. It. p. 60. Niebuhr [Description de V.Arahie, p. 136) says, that the neighbourhood of Alexandria is so fertile, that "le froment y rend le centuple." See also, on its rich vegetation, ifatter, Jlistoire de VEcoU cCAlexandrie, vol. i. p. 52. '"' The encouragement given to the increase of population by the fertility arising from the inundation of the Nile, is observed by many writers, but by none so judici- ously asMalthus; Sssay on Population, vol. i. pp. 161-163. This great work, the principles of which have been grossly misrepresented, is still the best which has been written on the important subject of population; though the author, from a want of sufficient reading, often errs in his illustrations ; white he, unfortunately, had no acquaintance with those branches of physical knowledge which are intimately con- nected with economical inquiries. ^'^ TpeipoMifi 3e t& TraiS^a jtiera Tivoi evx^psia^ adaTrdvov, Kal TravTfXus airiarov. , . , ayviroSeTuv 5e ruv irKeitrruv koI yvfj.yuv rpetpofiefoij/ 5(ct t^c euKpatrlav tuv rSfrcuif, t^» TTuirav Za.Tt6.vriv ot yoyei^, &XP^^ ^^ ^*^ 7i\iiciav s\6ri rh t^kvov, oh itKiiia iroiovat Spaxf^^ov f^Kbiru Si ay atrial fidXicTTa tV AXyvTtTov tryjUjSalvei iroKvavOpunia SiOAp^psiv, xal 6iA rouTo TrXelarus ix^iv iieyiKuv ipywv KaracrKevds. Bibliothec. Hist, book i. chap, Ixxx. vol. i. p. 238. 64 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. ly peopled than any other country in Africa, but probably more so than any in the ancient •world. Our information upon this point is indeed somewhat scanty, but it is derived from sources of unquestioned credibility. Herodotus, who the more he is un- derstood, the more accurate he is found to be,"' states that in the reign of Amasis there were said to have been twenty thousand inhabited cities.''* This may, perhaps, be considered an exag- geration; but what is very observable is, that Diodorus Siculus, who travelled in Egypt four centuries after Herodotus, and whose jealousy of the reputation of his great predecessor made Tn'm anxious to discredit his statements,"' does nevertheless, on this important point, confirm them. For he not only remarks that Eg3rpt was at that time as densely inhabited as any existing country, but he adds, on the authority of records which were then extant, that it was formerly the most populous in the world, having contained, he says, upwards of eighteen thousand cities."^ These were the only two ancient writers who, from personal knowledge, were well acquainted with the state of Egypt ;"' and their testimony is the more valuable because it was evidently drawn from dififerent sources ; the information of Herodotus be- "' Frederick ScUegel {Philos. of Eist. p. 2i7, London, 1846) trvdy saya, "The deeper and more comprehensire the researches of the moderns have been on ancient history, the more have their regard and esteem for Herodotus increased." His minute information respecting Egypt and Asia Minor is now admitted by all compe- tent geographers ; and I m.iy add, that a recent and very able traveller has given some curious proofs of his knowledge even of the western parts of Siberia. See Erman's valuable work, Travels in Siberia, vol. i. pp. 211, 297-301. ^^- *Eir* 'Kfi6,trios Se fiaaiXeos Keyirai AtyintTos fidXiara Stj t(Jt€ fvSat/io Tjirai, Kal Tct airh Tov iroTafiov ry x^PV y^fiiava, Kui ra airh t^s X^M^ Toifft iiy0pcinroipurft4yoy. Diod. Sic. Biblioth, Bht. book i. chap. xxxi. vol. i. p. 89. "' Nothwithstanding the positive assertions of M. Matter (Bist. de VEeole d'Alexandrie, vol. ii. p. 285 ; compare Siat. du Gnosticisme, vol. i. p. 48), there is no good evidence for the supposed travels in Egypt of the earlier Greeks, and it is even questionable if Plato ever visited that country. (" Whether he ever was in Egypt is doubtful." Sunsen's Egypt, vol. i. p. 60.) The Romans took little interest in the subject {Bunsen, voL i. pp. 162-158); and, says M. Bunsen, p. 152, "with Diodorus all systematie inquiry into the history of Egypt ceases, not only on the part of the Greeks, but of the ancients in general." Mr. Leake, in an essay on the Quorra, arrives at the conclnsion, that after the time of Ptolemy, the ancients made no additions to their knowledge of African geography. Jowrnal of Geographieal Society, vol. ii. p. 9. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 65 ing chiefly collected at Memphis, that of Diodorus at Thebes.'" And whatever discrepancies there may be between these two ac- counts, they are both agreed respecting the rapid increase of the people, and the servile condition into which they had fallen. In- deed, the mere appearance of those huge and costly buildings, which are still standing, are a proof of the state of the nation that erected them. To raise structures so stupendous,'"' and yet so useless, "° there must have been tyranny on the part of the rulers, and slavery on the part of the people. No wealth, how- ever great, no expenditure, however lavish, could meet the ex- pense which would have been incurred, if they had been the work of free men, who received for their labour a fair and honest reward.'" But in Egypt, as in India, such considerations were disregarded, because every thing tended to favour the iipper ranks of society, and depress the lower. Between the two there was an immense and impassable gap."*" If a member of the in- dustrious classes changed his usual employment, or was known to pay attention to political matters, he was severely punished ;''' and under no circumstances was the possession of land allowed to an agricultural labourer, to a mechanic, or indeed to any one except the king, the clergy, and the army."'' The people at large were little better than beasts of burden ; and all that was "° See on tiiis some good remarks in Heeren^s African Nations, vol. ii. pp. 202- 207; and as to the difference betwaen the traditions of Thebes and Memphis, see Matter, ffisUfire de VEcole cCAlexa,ndrie, vol. i. p. Y. The power and importance oi the two cities fluctuated, both being at different periods the capital. BunserCs Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 54, 55, 244, 445, 446 ; Vyse on the Pyramids, vol. iii. pp. 2*7, 100 ; Sharpens History of Egypt, Tbl. i. pp. 9, 19, 24, 34, 167, 185. '" Sir John Herschel (Disc. o» Natural FMlosophy, p. 60) calculates that the great pyramid weighs twelve thousand seven hundred and sixty million pounds. Compare LyeWs Principles of Geology, p. 459, where the still larger estimate of six milllou tons is given. But according to Perring, the present quantity of masonry is 6,316,000 tons, 82,110,000 cubic feet. See Mnsen's Egypt,.yo\. ii. p. 155, London, 1854, and Vyse on the Pyramids, 1840, vol. ii. p. 113. "° Many fanciful hypotheses have been put forward as to the purpose for which the pyramids were built; but it is now admitted that they were neither more nor less than tombs for the Egyptian kings ! See Buneen's Egypt, vol. ii. pp. xvii. 88, 105, 3'?2, 389 ; and Sharpe's History ^ Egypt, vol. i. p. 21. '" For an estimate of the expense at which one of the pyramids could be built in our time by European workmen, see Vyse on the Pyramids, vol. ii. p. 268. On account, however, of the number of disturbing causes, such calculations have little value. '"" Those who complain that in Europe this interval is still too great, ^may derive a species of satisfaction from studying the old extra-European civilizations. "' Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. pp. 8-9. "Nor was any one permitted to meddle with political affairs, or to hold any civil office in the state." . ..." II any artizan meddled with political affairs, or engaged in any other employment than the one to which he had been brought up, a severe punishment was instantly inflicted upon him." Compare Hiod. 8io. Biblioikec. Hist, book i. chap. Ixxiv. vol. i. p. 223. '" Wilkinson^ Ancient Egyptians, vol, i. p. 263, vol. ii. p. 2 ; Sliarpe'a Histori »f Egypt, vol. ii. p. 24. VOL. I. — 5 66 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. expected from them was an unremitting and unrequited labotu If they neglected their work, they were flogged ; and the same punishment was frequently inflicted upon domestic servants, and even upon women."' These and similar regulations were well conceived; they were admirably suited to that vast social system, which, because it was based on defspotism, could only be upheld by cnielty. Hence it was that, the industry of the whole nation being at the absolute command of a small part of it, there arose the possibility of rearing those vast edifices, which inconsiderate observers admire as a proof of civilization,'"* but which, in reahty, are evidence of a state of things altogether depraved and un- healthy ; a state in which the sMll and the arts of an imperfect refinement injured those whom they ought to have benefited; so that the very resources which the people had created were turned against the people themselves. That in such a society as this, much regard should be paid to human suffering, it would indeed be idle to expect.'^" StiU, we are startled by the reckless prodigality with which, in Egypt, the upper classes squandered away the labour and the lives of the people. In this respect, as the monuments yet remaining abun- dantly prove, they stand alone and without a rival. We may form some idea of the almost incredible waste, when we hear that two thousand men were occupied for three years in carrying a single stone from Elephantine to Sais;'''" that the Canal of the Ked Sea alone, cost the lives of a hundred and twenty thousand Egyptians ;'" and that to build one of the pyramids required "' Wilkimon's Ancient Egyptians, Tol. ii. pp. 41, 42, vol. iii. p. 69, vol. iv, p. 131. Compare Ammianus Marcellinus, in Samilton's ^gyptiaca, p. 309. "' Vyse on the Pyramids, vol. i. p. 61, vol. ii. p. 92. "' "Ein Konig ahmte den andern naoh, oder suchte ihn zu ubertreffcn; indess das gutmiithige Volk seine Lebenstage am Baue dieser Monumente verzehren musste. Bo entstanden wahrscheinlich die Pyramiden nnd Dbelisken jEgyptens. Nur in den altesten Zeiten wurden sie gebauet: denn die spatere Zeit und jede Nation, die ein Diitzlicher Gewerbe treiben lemte, bauete keine Pyramiden mehr. Weit gefehlt also, dass Pyramiden ein Kennzeichen von der Gliicbseligkeit und Auf klarung des alten jEgyptens seyn sollten, eind sie ein unwidersprecliliches Denkmal von dera Aber- glauben un d der Gedankenlosigkeit sowohl der Armen, die da baueten, als dcr Ebr geizigen, die den Ban befahlen." Serder's Ideen zur GeschicAte, \ol. iii. pp. 103, 104: see also p. 293, and some admirable remarks in Volney'a Voyage en Egypte, vol. i. pp. 240, 241. Even M. Buneen, notwithstanding his admiration, says of one of the pyramids, " the misery of the people, already grievously oppressed, was aggravated 'by the construction of this gigantic building The bones of the oppressors of the ipeople who for two whole generations harassed hundreds of thousands from day to -day," &c. BunserCs Egypt, vol. ii. p. 176, a learned and enthusiastic work. ™ Kol toEto iKini^or fifv lir' eteo Tpia, Siax^Kiol Be al irpoa-fTfTd'xaTO &v5pes iytoyeej. Eerodot. book ii. chap, clxxv. vol. i. p. 879. On the enormous weight of :the stones which the Egyptians sometimes carried, see JBuTisen's Egypt, rol. i. p. 579 ; and as to the machines employed, and the use of inclined roads for the transit, see Vyse on tlie Pyramids, vol. i. p. 197, vol. iii. pp. 14, 38. "' Wilkimon's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. p. 70 : but this learned writer is un willing to believe a statement so adverse to his favourite Egyptians. It is likely GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 67 the labour of three hundred and sixty thousand men for twenty years."' If, passing from the history of Asia and Africa, we now turn to the New World, we shall meet with fresh proof of the ac- curacy of the preceding views. The only parts of America which before the arrival of the Europeans were in some degree civilized, were Mexico and Peru ;'" to which may probably be added that long and narrow tract which stretches from the south of Mexico to the Isthmus of Panama, In this latter country, which is now known as Central America, the inhabitants, aided by the fertility of the soil,'^° seem to have worked out for themselves a certain amount of knowledge; since the ruins stiU extant, prove the possession of a mechanical and architectural skill too considerable to be acquired by any nation entirely barbarous.'^' Beyond this,- nothing is known of their history; but the accounts we have of such buildings as Copan, Palenque, and Uxmal, make it highly probable that Central America was the ancient seat of a civiliza>- tion, in aU essential points similar to those of India and Egypt; that is to say, similar to them in respect to the unequal distribu- tion of wealth and power, and the thraldom in which the great body of the people consequently remained.''^ enougli that there is some exaggeration ; still no one can dispute the fact of an enormous and unprincipled waste of human life. ^™ TptiKovra juej/ yap Kal 6| /xvptdSes avSpuvi Sis (Guatemala), maiiie returns three hundred for one. Mexique et Guatemala pa. Larenawdiere, p. 257. '°^ " La pomme de terre n'est pas indigene au P^rou." Humholdt, Nouv. Espagne, TOl. ii. p. 400. On the other hand, Cuvier {Ristoire des Sciences Naturelles, part ii. p. 185) peremptorily says, " il est impossible de douter qu'elie ne soit originaire du P&ou : " see also his Eloges Historiques, vol. ii. p. 171. Compare Winckler, Gesch. der Botanik, p. 92 : " Ton einem gewissen Carate unter den GSwachsen Peru's mit iem Namen papas aufgefiihrt." '" And has been used ever since for food. On the Peruvian potato, compare TsehudVs Travels in Peru, pp. 178, 368, 886 ; Ulloa's Vm/age to South America, vol. i. pp. 287, 288. In Southern Peru, at the height of 13,000 or 14,000 feet, a curious process takes place, the starch of the potato being frozen into saccharine. See a valuable paper by Mr. Bollaert in Journal of Geograph. Society, vol. xxi. p. 119. '"" Humboldt (Now). Espagne, vol. ii. p. 359) snyg, " partout oi la chaleui 80 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. that an acre sown ■with it will support more than fifty persons; whereas the same amount of land sown with wheat in Europe win only support two persons.'"' As to the exuberance of its growth, it is calculated that, other circumstances remaining the same, its produce is forty-four times greater than that of pota- toes, and a hundred and thirty-three times greater than that of wheat.'" It will now be easily understood why it was that, in all im- portant respects, the ci\Tlizations of Mexico and Peru were strict- ly analogous to those of India and Egypt. In these four countries, as well as in a few others in Southern Asia and Cen- tral America, there existed an amount of knowledge, despicable indeed if tried by an European standard, but most remarkable if contrasted with the gross ignorance which prevailed among the adjoining and cotemporary nations. But in all of them there was the same inability to dififuse even that scanty civilization which they really possessed; there was the same utter absence of any thing approaching to the democratic spirit; there was the same despotic power on the part of the upper classes, and the same contemptible subservience on the part of the lower. For, as we have clearly seen, all these civilizations were affected by certain physical causes, which, though favourable to the accumu- lation of wealth, were unfavourable to a just subdivision of it. And as the knowledge of men was still in its infancy, '"' it was found impossible to struggle against these physical agents, or prevent them from producing those effects on the social organi- zation which I have attempted to trace. Both in Mexico and in Peru, the arts, and particularly those branches of them which minister to the luxury of the wealthy classes, were cultivated mojennc de Tannee excjde vingt-quatre degres centigrades, le fruit du bananier est un objet de culture da plus grand inter^t pour la subsistance de rbomme." Company BiUlock^s Mexico, p. 281. '« M'Oulloch's Geoffraph. Diet. 1849, toI. ii. p. 315. "" " Je doute qu'il existe une autre plante sur le globe, qui, but un petit espace de terrain, puisse produire une masse de substance nourrissante aussi consid6rable.' . . . . " Le produit des bananes est par consequent a celni du &oment commc 133 : 1 — h celui des pommes de terre comme 44: 1." Sumholdt, Nouvelle Espagno, vol. ii. pp. 362, 363. See also Prout's Bridgewater Treatise, p. 333, edit. 1845 ; PrescoU't Peru, voL i. p. 131, 132 ; PreicoiCs Mexico, toI. i. p. 114. Earlier notices, but very imperfect ones, of this remarkable vegetable, may be found in Ulloa's South America, vol. i. p. Ii ; and in JBoyWs Works, vol. iii. p. 590. '°° The only science with which they had much acquaintance was astronomy, which the Mexicans appear to have cultivated with considerable success. Compare the remark of La Place, in Humboldt, Ncmvelle Espagne, toI. 1. p. 92, with Priehard't Physical Sistoiy, voL v. pp. 323, 329 ; MCulloh's Researches, pp. 201-225 ; Laren- audiere's Mexique, pp. 51, 52 ; Hvmboldts Cosmos, vol. iv. pr 456 ; Joumql of Geog. Society, voL vii. p. 3. However, their astronomy, as might be expected, was accom- panied by astrology: see Ixtlilxochitl, Eistoire des Chichimeq-ues,\ ol. i. p. 168, vol. ii pp. 94, 111. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 81 with great success. The houses of the higher ranks -were filled with omaments and utensils of admirable workmanship; theii chamhers were hung with splendid tapestries; their dresses and their personal decorations betrayed an almost incredible expense; theu- jewels of exquisite and varied form; their rich and flowing robes embroidered with the rarest feathers, collected from the most distant parts of the empire : all supplying evidence of the possession of unlimited wealth, and of the ostentatious prodigali- ty with which that wealth was wasted.'" Immediately below this class came the people; and what their condition was, may be easily imagined. In Peru the whole of the taxes were paid by them; the nobles and the clergy being altogether exempt.'" But as, in such a state of society, it was impossible for the peo- ple to accumulate property, they were obliged to defray the ex- penses of government by their personal labour, which was placed under the entire command of the state."'' At the same time, the rulers of the country were well aware that, with a system like this, feehngs of personal independence were incompatible; they therefore contrived laws by which, even in the most minute matters, freedom of action was controlled. The people were so shackled, that they could neither change their residence, nor alter their clothes, without permission from the governing powers. To each man the law prescribed the trade he was to follow, the dresa he was to wear, the wife be was to marry, and . the amusements he was to enjoy.'" Among the Mexicans the course of affairs was "° The works of art produced by the Mexicans and Peruvians are underrated by Robertson ; who, however, admits that he had never seen them. History of Amer- ica, book vii., in Robertson's WorJcs, pp. 909, 920. But during the present century considerable attention has been paid to this subject : and in addition to the evidence of skill and costly extravagance collected by Mr. Presoott (History of Peru, vol. i. pp. 28, 142; History of Mexico, vol. i. pp. 27, 28, 122, 256, 270, SOY, vol. ii. pp. 115, 116), I may refer to the testimony of M. Humboldt, the only traveller in the New World who has possessed a competent amount of physical as well as historical knowl- edge. Humboldt, Nomelle Sspagne, vol. ii. p. 483, and elsewhere. Compare Mr. Pentland's observation on the tombs in the neighbourhood of Titicaca {Jbtir. of Qcog. Soc, vol. X. p. 554) with M'CuUoh's Researches, pp. 364-366 ; Mexique par Zaren- aWierc, pp. 41, 42, 66 ; Ulloa's South America, vol. i. iip. i65, i6&. , 170 II rpjjg members of the royal house, the great nobles, even the public function- aries, and the numerous body of the priesthood, were all exempt from taxation. The whole duty of defraying the expenses of the government belonged to the people." Preseotfs History of Peru, vol. i. p. 56. "' Ondegardo emphatically says, " Solo el trabajo de las personas era el tribute que se dava, porque ellos no poseian otra cosa." Preseotfs Peru, vol. i. p. 67. Cora- pare M^CulloKs Researches, p. 359. In Mexico, the state of things was just the same ; " Le petit peuple, qui ne poss^dait point de biens-fonds, et qui ne faisalt point de commerce, payaitv sa part des taxes en travaux de differents genres ; o'etait par lui que les terres de la cburonne dtaient cultiv^es, les ouvrages publics ex6cut6s, et les diverses maisons appartenantes ii I'empereur construites ou entretenues." Laren- audiere'e Mexique, p. 39. "' Mr. Prescott notices this with surprise, though, under the circumstances, it was in truth perfectly natural. He says (Hist, of Peru, vol. i. p. 159), " Under this VOL. I. — 6 82 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. similar; the same physical conditions being followed by the same social results. In the most essential particular for which history can be studied, namely, the state of the people, Mexico and Peru are the counterpart of each other. For though there were many minor points of difPerence,'" both were agreed in this, that there were only two classes — the upper class being tyrants, and the lower class being slaves. TMs was the state in which Mexico was found when it was discovered by the Europeans,y* and to- wards which it must have been tending from the earliest period. And so insupportable had aU this become, that we know, from the most decisive evidence, that the general disaffection it pro- duced among the people was one of the causes which, by facili- tating the progress of the Spanish invaders, hastened the down- fall of the Mexican empire.'" The further this examination is carried, the more striking becomes the similarity between those civilizations which flourish- ed anterior to what may be called the European epoch of the human mind. The division of a nation into castes would be im- possible in the great European countries; but it existed from a remote antiquity in Egypt, in India, and apparently in Persia.'" The very same institution was rigidly enforced in Peru;'" and what proves how consonant it was to that stage of society, is, that in Mexico, where castes were not established by law, it was nevertheless a recognised custom that the son should follow the occupation of his father.'" This was the political symptom of extraordinary polity, a people, advanced in many of the social refinements, well Bkilled in manufactures and agriculture, were unacquainted, as we have seen, witii money. They had nothing that deserved to be called property. They could follow no craft, could engage in no labour, no amusement, but such as was specially provid- ed by law. They could not change their residence or their dress without a hcense from the government. They could not even exercise the freedom which is conceded to the most abject in other countries — ^that of selecting their own wives." '" The Mexicans being, as Prichard says {Physical History, vol. v. p. 46'7), of a more cruel disposition than the Peruvians ; but our information is too limited to en- able us to determine whether this was mainly owing to physical causes or to social ones. Herder preferred the Peruvian civilization : " der gebildetste Staat dieses ■Welttheils, Peru." Ideen sur Qeschichte der Memchheit, toL L p. 33. "* See in HumboldSs Nouvelle Espagne, vol. L p. 101, a striking summary of tho state of the Mexican people at the time of the Spanish conquest : see also History oj America, book vii., in RobinsorCs Works, p. 907. "' Prescotfs History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. i. p. 34. Compare a similar remark on the invasion of Egypt in BunserCs Egypt, vol. ii. p. 414. '" That there were castes in Persia is stated by Firdousi ; and his assertion, catting aside its general probabiHty, ought to outweigh the silence of the Greek his- torians, who, for the most part, knew Uttle of any country except their own. Ac- cording to Malcolm, the existence of caste in the time of Jemsheed, is confirmed by " some Mahomedan authors ;" but he does not say who they were. MalcoVirCs History of Persia, toI. i. pp. 505, 506. Several attempts have been made, but very unsuc- cessfully, to ascertain the period in which castes were first instituted. Compare Asiatic Jtetearchvs, vol, vi. p. 251 ; Hcereris African Nations, voL ii. p. 121 ; Bwn wrCs Egypt, vol. ii. p. 410 ; Rammohun Roy on the Veds, p. 269. '" Prescott's History of Peru, vol. i. pp. 143, 16C. "• Prescott's History of Mexico, 124. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 83 that stationary and conservative spirit, whicli, as we shall here- after see, has marked every country in which the upper classes have monopolized power. The religious symptom of the same spirit was displayed in that inordinate reverence for antiquity, find in that hatred of change, which the greatest of all the writers on America has well pointed out as an analogy between the natives of Mexico and those of Hindostan."' To this may be added, that those who have studied the history of the ancient Egyptians, have observed among that people a similar tendency. Wilkinson, who is well known to have paid great attention to their monuments, says, that they were more unwilling than any other nation to alter their religious worship;'^" and Herodotus, who travelled ui their country two thousand three hundred years ago, assures us that, while they preserved old customs, they never acquired new ones.'"' In another point of view, the simi- larity between these distant countries is equally interesting, since it evidently arises from the causes already noticed as common to both. In Mexico and Peru, the lower classes being at the dis- posal of the upper, there followed that frivolous waste of labour which we have observed in E^pt, and evidence of which may also be seen in the remains of those temples and palaces that are '" " Les Am&ieaina, comme les habitans de I'lndoustan, et comme tous les peu- ples qui ont g6ini long-temps bous le despotisme civil et religieux, tiennent avec uae opiulatret6 extraordinaire El leurs habitudes, ^ leurs mosurs, ileurs opinions. . . . Au Mexique, comme dans I'lndoustan, il n'6toit pas permis aux fiddles de changer la moindre chose aux figures des idoles. Tout ce qui appartenoit au rite des Aztiques et des Eindous dtoit assuj^ti 3, des lois immuables." Sumboldt, Nomi. Espagne, vol. i. pp. 95, 97. Turgot {QSuvres, vol. ii. pp. 226, S13, 314) has some admirable re- marks on this fixity of opinion natural to certain states of society. See also Her- der's Ideen zur Geschichte, vol. iii. pp. 84, 35 ; and for other illustrations of this un- pliancy of thought, and adherence to old customs, which many writers suppose to be an eastern peculiarity, but which is far more widely spread, and is, as Humboldt clearly saw, the result of an unequal distribution of power, compare Tunwr^a Em- bassy to Hibet, p. 41 ; Forbes's Oriental Memoirs, vol. i. pp. 15, 164, vol. ii. p. 236 ; MiWs History of India, vol. ii. p. 214 ; Elphinstone^s History of India, p. 48 ; Ol- ter^s Life of Clarke, vol. ii. p. 109 ; Transac, of Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p. 64 ; Journal of Asiat. Society, vol. viii. p. 116, "" " How scrupulous the Egyptians were, above all people, in pennitting the in- troduction of new customs in matters relating to the gods." Wilkinson^ Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii. p. 262. — Compare p. 2*75. Thus, too, M. Bunsen notices "the tenacity with which the Egyptians adhered to old manners and customs. " HunseWs Egypt, vol. ii. p. 64. See also some remarks on the difference between this spirit and the love of novelty among the Greeks, in Hitter's History of Ancient Fhilosophy, vol. iy. pp. 625, 626. ''' Hcrodot. book ii. chap. 79 : iraTploiiri Se xP^'^i"^'''" vinouri, tiWoii ovScVa liriKTcuvTai : and see the note in £aehr, vol. 1 p. 660 : " vii/iour priores luterpretes ex- plicarunt cantilenas, hymnos ; Schweighaeuserus rectius inteUexlt instituta ac mores." In the same way, m Timsus, Plato represents an Egyptian priest saying to Solon, 'EA\7;i'6s iel TraiSe'r iare, yepuv le "EW-nv ovk eartp And when Solon asked what he meant, Neoi iare^ was the reply, ras ^x°^^ itiivTiS' ouS^iAav 7ekp iv ainais ^x**^^ 5^* pipxaiav Lko^v votKatbiy IS^av oiiSe fiiOTj/xa xpfivt^ iroMbf ovSev. Chap. V. in 1^1-^107141 Opera, vol. vii. p. 212, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826. 84 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. still found in several parts of Asia. Both Mexicans and Peru- vians erected immense buildings, which were as useless as those of Egypt, and which no country could produce, unless the labour of the people were ill-paid and iU-directed.'*' The cost of these monuments of vanity is unknown; but it must have been enor- mous; since the Americans, being ignorant of the use of iron,'" were unable to employ a resource by which, in the construction of large works, labour is greatly abridged. Some particulars, however, have been preserved, from which an idea may be formed on this subject. To take, for instance, the palaces of their kings : we find that in Peru the erection of the royal residence occupied, during fifty years, 20,000 men;"^ while that of Mexico cost the labour of no less than 200,000 : striking facts, which, if all other testimonies had perished, would enable us to appre- ciate the condition of countries in which, for such insignificant purposes, such vast power was expended.'*' The preceding evidence, collected from sources of unques- tioned credibility, proves the force of those great physical laws, which, in the most flourishing countries out of Europe, encour- aged the accumulation of wealth, but prevented its dispersion; and thus secured to the upper classes a monopoly of one of the most important elements of social and political power. The re- sult was, that in aU those civilizations the great body of the peo- ple derived no benefit from the national improvements ; hence the basis of the progress being very narrow, the progress itself was very insecure."' When, therefore, unfavourable circumstances "" The Mexicans appear to have been even more wantonly prodigal than the Peruvians. See, respecting their immense pyramids, one of which, Cholula, had a base " twice as broad as the largest Egyptian pyramid," ^C-M,Ho/t'» Researches, ^^. 252-256; Bullock's Mexico, pp. 111-115,414; HumholdCs Nouvelle Espagne,YO\, i. pp. 240, 241. "" Prescott's History of Mexico, vol. i. p. 117, vol. iii. p. 341 ; and Pretcotfs History of Peru, vol. i. p. 145. See also Hauy, Traite de Minh-cUogie, Paris, 1801, vol. iT. p. 372. "* Prescotfs History of Peru, vol. i. p. 18. "* Mr. Prcscott {History of Mexico, vol. i. p. 153) says, " We are not informed of the time occupied in building this palace ; but 200,000 workmen, it is said, were employed on it. However this may be, it is certain that the Tezcucan monarchs, like those of Asia and ancient Egypt, had the control of immense masses of men, and would sometimes turn the whole population of a conquered city, including the women, into the public works. The most gigantic monuments of architecture which the world has witnessed would never have been reared by the hands of freemen." — The Mexican historian, Ixtlilxochitl, gives a curious account of one of the royal pal- aces. See his Histoire des Chichimegues, translated by Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1840, voL i. pp. 257-262, chap, xxxvii. '™ This may be illustrated by a good remark of M. Matter, to the effect that when the Egyptians had once lost their race of kings, it was found impossible for the na- tion to reconstruct itself. Matter, Histoire de I'Ecole d'Alexandrie, vol.-i. p. 68; 3, striking passage, • In Persia, again, when the feeling of loyalty decayed, so also did the feeling of national power. Malcolm! s History of Persia, vol. ii. p. 130. The history of the most civilized parts of Europe presents a picture exactly th( reverse of this. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 85 arose from without, it was but natural that the whole system should fall to the ground. In such countries, society, being divided against itself, was unable to stand. And there can be no doubt that long before the crisis of their actual destruction, these one-sided and irregular civilizations had begun to decay; so that their own degeneracy aided the progress of foreign invaders, and secured the overthrow of those ancient kingdoms, which, under a sounder system, might have been easily saved. Thus far as to the way in which the great civilizations exterior to Europe have been affected by the peculiarities of their food, climate, and soil. It now remains for me to examine the effect of those other physical agents to which I have given the collective name of Aspects of Nature, and which will be found suggestive of some very wide and comprehensive inquiries into the influence exercised by the external world in predisposing men to certain habits of thought, and thus giving a particular tone to religion, arts, literature, and, in a word, to all the principal manifestations of the human mind. To ascertain how this is brought about, forms a necessary supplement to the investigations just concluded. For, as we have seen that climate, food, and soil mainly concern the accumulation and distribution of wealth, so also shaU we see that the Aspects of Nature concern the accumulation and dis- tribution of thought. In the first case, we have to do with the material interests of Man; in the other case, with his intellec- tual interests. The former I have analyzed as far as I am able, and perhaps as far as the existing state of knowledge will allow. " ' But the other, namely, the relation between the Aspects of Nature and the mind of Man, involves speculations of such mag- nitude, and requu-es such a mass of materials drawn from every quarter, that I feel very apprehensive as to the result ; and I need hardly say, that I make no pretensions to any thing ap- proaching an exhaustive analysis, nor can I hope to do more than generahze a few of the laws of that complicated, but as yet unexplored, process by which the external world has affected the human rnind, has warped its natural movements, and too often checked its natural progress. The Aspects of Nature, when considered from this point of view, are divisible into two classes : the first class being those which are most likely to excite the imagination; and the other class being those which address themselves to the understanding commonly so called, that is, to the mere logical operations of the intellect. For although it is true that, in a complete and well- "' I mean, in regard toi^he physical and economical generalizations. As to tha literature of the subject, I am conscious of many deficiencies, particularly in respec/ to the Mexican and Peruvian histories. 86 CIVILIZATION IN ENGIAND. balanced mind, the imagination and the understanding each play their respective parts, and are auxiliary to each other, it is also true that^ in a majority of instances, the understanding is too weak to curb the imagination and restrain its dangerous license. The tendency of advancing civilization is to remedy this disproportion, and invest the reasoning powers with that authority, which, in an early stage of society, the imagination exclusively possesses. Whether or not there is ground for fear- ing that the reaction will eventually proceed too far, and that the reasoning faculties will in their turn tyrannize over the im- aginative ones, is a question of the deepest interest; but in the present condition of our knowledge, it is probably an insoluble , one. At all events, it is certain that nothing Hke such a state 1 has yet been seen; since, even in this age, when the imagination lis more under control than in any preceding one, it has far too much power ; as might be easily proved, not only from the super- /stitions which in every country still prevail among the vulgar, ' but also from that poetic reverence for antiquity, which, though it has been long diminishing, still hampers the independence, : blinds the judgment, and circumscribes the originality of the educated classes. Now, so far as natural phenomena are concerned, it is evident, that whatever inspires feelings of terror, or of great wonder, and whatever excites in the mind an idea of the vague and uncon- trollable, has a special tendency to inflame the imagination, and bring under its dominion the slower and more deliberate opera- tions of the understanding. In such cases, Man, contrasting himself with the force and majesty of Nature, becomes painfully conscious of his own insignificance. A sense of inferiority steals over him. From every quarter innumerable obstacles hem him in, and limit his individual will. His mind, appalled by the indefined and indefinable, hardly cares to scrutinize the details of which such imposing grandeur consists. "' On the other hand, 1 where the works of Nature are small and feeble, Man regains confidence : he seems more able to rely on his own power ; he can, as it were, pass through, and exercise authority in every direction. And as the phenomena are more accessible, it becomes '^ The sensation of fear, even when there is no danger, becomes strong enough to destroy the pleasure that would otherwise be felt. See, for instance, a description of the great mountain boundary of Hindostan, in Asiatic Researches, Tol. xi. p. 469: "It is necessary for a person to place himself in our situation before he can form a just conception of the scene. The depth of the valley below, the progressive elevation of the Intermediate hills, and the majestic splendor of the cloud-capt Hima- .aya, formed so grand a picture, that the mind was impressed with a sensation ol dread rather than of pleasure." Compare vol. xiv. p. ^6, Calcutta, 1822. In the Tyrol, it has been observed; that the grandeur of the mountain scenery imbues the minds of the natives with fear, and has caused the invention of many 8uperstitlo\u 'egends. Alison'' s Enrope. vol. ix. pp. 19. SO. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 87 easier for him to experiment on them, or to observe tliem with minuteness ; an inquisitive and analytic spirit is encouraged, and he is tempted to generalize the appearances of Nature, and refer them to the laws by which they are governed. Looting in this way at the human mind as affected by the Aspects of Nature, it is surely a remarkable fact, that all the great early civilizations were situated within and immediately adjoining the tropics, where those aspects are most sublime, most terrible, and where Nature is, in every respect, most dan- gerous to man. Indeed generally, in Asia, Africa, and America, the external world is more formidable than in Europe. This holds gopd not only of the fixed and permanent phenomena, such as mountains, and other great natural barriers, but also of occa- sional phenomena, such as earthquakes, tempests, hurricanes, pestilences ; all of which are in those regions very frequent, and very disastrous. These constant and serious dangers produce effects analogous to those caused by the sublimity of Nature, in so far, that in both cases there is a tendency to increase the activity of the imagination. For the peculiar province of the imagination being to deal with the unknown, every event which is unexplained, as well as important, is a direct stimulus to our imaginative faculties. In the tropics, events of this kind are more numerous than elsewhere ; it therefore follows that in the tropics the imagination is most likely to triumph. A few illus- trations of the working of this principle will place it in a clearer light,tand will prepare the reader for the arguments based upon it. Of those physical events which increase the insecurity of Man, earthquakes are certainly among the most striking, in regard to the loss of life which they cause, as also in regard to their sudden and unexpected occurrence. There is reason to believe that they are always preceded by atmospheric changes winch strike immediately at the nervous system, and thus have - a direct physical tendency to impair the intellectual powers. '*° However this may be, there can be no doubt as to the effect they produce in encouraging particular associations and habits of thought. The terror which they inspire, excites the imagination even to a painful extent, and, overbalancing the judgment, pre- disposes men to superstitious fancies. And what is highly curious, " Une augmentation d'^leotricit^ s'y manifeste aussi presque toujours, et ila 6ont g^^n^ralement aunonoes par le mngissement des beatiaux, par Vinquidtude des animaux domestiques, et dans les hommes par cette Borte de malaise qui, en Europe, precide les orages dans lespersonnesnerveuses." Cuvier, Prog, des Sciences, vol. i. p. 265. See also on this " Vorgefulil," the observation of Von HofF, iu Mr. Mallet's valuable essay on earthquakes (Brit. Assoc, far 1850, p. 68) ; and the " fore- ooding" in TschudVt Peru, p. 165 ; and a letter in NichoUs Illustrations of the Eighteenth Oentwg, vol. iv. p. 604. The probable connexion between earthquakes and electricity is noticed in Bakeicell's Geology, p. 4S4. 88 CTVnLIZATION IN ENGLAND. is, that repetition, so far from blunting such feelings, strengthens them. In Peru, where earthquakes appear to be more common than in any other country,'" every succeeding visitation increases the general dismay ; so that, in some cases, the fear becomes almost insupportable.'" The mind is thus constantly thrown into a timid and anxious state; and men witnessing the most serious dangers, which they can neither avoid nor understand, become impressed with a conviction of their own inabiHty, and of the poverty of their own resources.'" In exactly the same proportion, the imagination is aroused, and a belief in super- natural interference actively encouraged. Human power failing, superhuman power is called in ; the mysterious and the invisible are believed to be present ; and there grow up among the people those feelings of awe, and of helplessness, on which aU supersti- tion is based, and without which no superstition can exist."' Further illustrations of this may be found even in Europe, where such phenomena are comparatively speaking extremely rare. Earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are more frequent and more destructive in Italy, and in the Spanish and Portu- guese peninsula, than in any other of the great countries ; and it is precisely there that superstition is most rife, and the super- stitious classes most powerful. Those were the countries where "° " Peru is more eubject, perhaps, than any other country to the tremendous visitation of earthquakes." M^CvllocKs Geog. Diet 1849, toI. ii. p. 499. Dr. Tschudi (Travels in Peru, p. 162) says of Lima, "at an average forty-five shocks may be coimted on in the year." See also on the Peruvian earthquakes, pp. 43, 75, 87, 90. '" A curious instance of association of ideas conquering the deadening effect of habit. Dr. Tschudi (Peru, p. 170) describing the panic says, " no familiarity with the phenomenon can blunt this feeling." Beale (Sauih-Sea Whaling Voyage, Lond. 1839, p. 206) writes, "it is said at Peru, that the oftener the natives of the place feel those vibrations of the earth, instead of becoming habituated to them, as persons do who are constantly exposed to other dangers, they become more filled with dis- may every time the shock is repeated, so that aged people often find the terror a slight shock wUl produce almost insupportable." Compare Darmrii Jcmrnal, pp. 422, 423. So, too, in regard to Mexican earthquakes, Mr. Ward observes, that " the nat^ics Ere both more sensible than strangers of the smaller shocks, and more alarmed by them." Ward's Mexico, vol. ii. p. 55. On the physiological effects of the fear oaused by earthquakes, see the remarkable statement by Osiander in BurdacKs Pkyti- olngie comme Science d" Observation, vol. ii. pp. 223, 224. That the fear should be not deadened by familiarity, but increased by it, would hardly be expected by specu- lative reasoners unacquainted with the evidence ; and we find, in fact, that the Pyr- ihonists asserted that of oi 70D1' aeurfLol iro(? oh avrexas aTroreKotyTai, o4 6au/u£^ovTaf od5' 6 fi^w!, 3ti Kofl" {]iJi4pai> SpuTat. Diog. Zaert. de Vitis Philos. lib. xi. segm. 87, vol 1. p. 591. '" Mr. Stephens, who gives a striking description of an earthquake in Central America, emphatically says, " I never felt myself so feeble a thing before." Stephens's Central America, vol i. p. 383. See also the account of the effects produced on the mind by an earthquake, in l^ansac. of Soc. of Bombay, vol. iii. p. 98, and the note it p. 106. ™ The effect of earthquakes in encouraging superstition, is noticed in Lyell'a admirable work, Principles of Geology, p. 492. Compare a myth on the origin ai earthquakes in Beausoh-e, Eistoirs Critique de Mankhee, vol. i. p. 243. ■ GENERAL INTRODUCTJON. 89 the clergy first established their authority, where the wo^'st cor- ruptions of Christianity took place, and where superstition has during the longest period retained the firmest hold. To this may be added another circumstance, indicative of the connexion be- tween these physical phenomena and the predominance of the imagination. Speaking generally, the fine arts are addressed more to the imagination j ' the sciences to the intellect.' '* Now it is remarkable, that all the greatest painters, and nearly all the greatest sculptors, modem Europe has possessed, have been pro- duced by the Italian and Spanish peninsulas. In regard to sci- ence, Italy has no doubt had several men of conspicuous ability ; but their numbers are out of all proportion small when compared with her artists and poets. As to Spain and Portugal, the liter- ature of those two countries is eminently poetic, and from their schools have proceeded some of the greatest painters the world has ever seen. On the other hand, the purely reasoning faculties . have been neglected, and the whole Peninsula, from the earliest period to the present time, does not supply to the history of the natural sciences a single name of the highest merit ; not one man whose works form an epoch in the progress of European knowl- edge. '"^ The manner in which the A^ects of Nature, when they are very threatening, stimulate the imagination,' '° -and by encourag- tag superstition, discourage knowledge, may be made still more apparent by one or two additional facts. Among an ignorant people, there is a direct tendency to ascribe aU. serious dangers to supernatural intervention ; and a. strong religious sentiment being thus aroused,'" it constantly happens, not only that the "* The greatest men in scienee, and in fact all very great men, have no doubt been remarkable for the powers of their imagination. But in art the imagination plays a far more conspicuous part than in science ; and this is what I mean to express by the proposition in the text. Sir David Brewster, indeed, thinks that Newton was deficient in imagination — " the i"'eakness of his imaginative powers." Brewster's lAfe of Newton, 1855, vol. ii. p. 133. It is impossible to discuss so large a question in a note ; but to my apprehension, no poet, except Dante and Shakespeare, ever had an imagination more soaring and more audacious than that possessed by Sir Isaac Newton. "' The remarks made by Kr. Ticknor on the absence of science in Spain, might be extended even further than he has done. See Tichnor's History of Spanish Lite- rature, vol. iii. pp. 222, 223. He says, p. 34:7, that in I'?'?!, the University of Sala- manca being urged to teach the physical sciences, replied, " Newton teaches nothing that would make a good logician or metaphysician, and Gassendi and Descartes do not agree so well with revealed truth as Aristotle does." ""^ In Asiatic Res()arches, vol. vi. pp. 35, 36, there is a good instance of an earth- quake giving rise to a theological fiction. See also vol. i. pp. 154-157 ; and compare Coleman's Mytlu)logy of the Hindus, p. 17. '" See, for example, Asiatic Researches, vol. iv. pp. 56, 57, vol. vii. p. 94 ; and the effect producediby a volcano, in Journal of Geograph. Society, vol. v. p. 388. See also vol. xx. p. 8, and a partial recognition of the principle by Sextus Empiricus, ID Tennemann's Oeschichte der Philosophic, vol. i. p. 2S)2. Compare the use the clergy 90 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. danger is submitted to, but that it is actually worshipped. This is the case with some of the Hindus in the forests of Malabar ;"' and many similar instances will occur to whoever has studied the condition of barbarous tribes.'" Indeed, so far is this carried, that in some countries the inhabitants, from feelings of reveren- tial fear, refuse to destroy wild beasts and noxious reptiles ; the mischief these animals inflict being the cause of the impunity they enjoy."" It is in this way, that the old tropical civilizations had to struggle with innumerable difficulties unknown to the temperate zone, where European civilization has long flourished. The de- vastations of animals hostile to man, the ravages of hurricanes, tempests, earthquakes,'"' and similar perils, constantly pressed upon them, and affected the tone of their national character. For the mere loss of life was the smallest part of the iaconven- ience. The real mischief was, that there were engendered in the mind, associations which made the imagination predominate over the understanding; which infused into the people a spirit of reverence instead of a spirit of inquiry ; and which encour- made of a volcanic eruption in Iceland ( WheatoiCa History of the Northmen, p. 42) ; and see further Eaffieh History of Java, vol. i. pp. 29, 274, and TschvdVs Peru, pp. 64, 167, 171. "' The Hindus in the Iruari forests, says Mr. Edye, " worship and respect every thing from ivhich they apprehend danger." Mdye on the Coast of Malabar, in Jour- nal of Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p. 337. '*" Dr. Prichard (Physical History, vol. iv. p. 501) says, " The tiger ia worshipped by the Hajin tribe in the vicinity of the Garrowa or Garudus." Compare Transac- tions of Asiatic Society, voL iii. p. 66. Among the Garrows themselves this feeling ia so strong, that " the tiger's nose strung round a woman's neck is considered aa a great preservative in childbirth, ColerruaCs Mythology of the Hindus, p. 321. The Seiks have a curious superstition respecting wounds inflicted by tigers {Burnes' Bokhara, 1834, vol. iii. p. 140); and the Malasir believe that these animals are sent as a pun- ishment for irreligion. Buchanan's Journey through the Mysore, vol il. p. 385. "" The inhabitants of Sumatra are, for superstitious reasons, most unwilling to destroy tigers, though they commit frightful ravages." Marsden's History of Suma- tra, pp. 149, 254. The Eossian account of the Kamtschatkana says, " Besides the above-mentioned gods, they pay a religious regard to several animals from which they apprehend danger." Grieve's History of Kamtxchatka, p. 205. Bruce men. tions that in Abyssinia, hysenas are considered " enchanters ;" and the inhabitants " will not touch the skin of a hysena till it has been prayed over and exorcised by a priest." Murray's Life of Bruce, p. 472. Allied to this, is the respect paid to bears {ErmarHs Siberia, vol. i. p. 492^ voL ii. pp. 42, 43) ; also the extensively-diffused wor- ship of the serpent, whose wily movements are well calculated to inspire fear, and therefore rouse the religious feelings. The danger apprehended from noxious rep- tiles is connected with the Dewa of the Zendavesta. See Matter' t Histoire du Gnosti- eisme, vol. i. p. 380, Paris, 1828. ™' To give one instance of the extent to which these operate, it may be men- tioned that in 1815 an earthquake and volcanic eruption ,broke forth in Sumbawa, which shook the ground " through an area of 1000 miles in circumference," and ths detonations of which were heard at a distance of 970 geographical miles. Somer- jUle's Connexion of the Physical Sciences, p. 283 ; HitchcocKs Religion of Geologg^ p. 190 ; Low's Sarawak, p. 10 ; BakeweWs Geology, p. 438. GENERAL INrRODTJCTION. 91 aged a disposition to neglect the investigation of natural causes, and ascribe events to the operation of supernatural ones. Every thing we know of those countries proves how active this tendency must have been. With extremely few exceptions, health is more precarious, and disease more common, in tropical climates than in temperate ones. Now, it has been often observed, and indeed is very obvious, that the fear of death makes men more prone to seek supernatural aid than they would otherwise be. So complete is our ignorance respecting another life, that it is no wonder if even the stoutest heart shoiild quail at the sudden approach of that dark and untried future. On this subject the reason is perfectly silent; the imagination, therefore, is uncon- trolled. The operation of natural causes being brought to an end, supernatural causes are supposed to begin. Hence it is, that whatever increases in any country the amount of dangerous disease, has an immediate tendency to strengthen superstition, and aggrandize the imagination at the expense of the understand- ing. This principle is so universal that, in every part of the world, the vulgar ascribe to the intervention of the Deity those diseases which are peculiarly fatal, and especially those which have a sudden and mysterious appearance. In Europe it used to be believed that every pestilence was a manifestation of the divine anger ;'"'° and this opinion, though it has long been dying away, is by no means extinct even in the most civilized coun- tries.'" Superstition of this kind will of course be strongest, '^ In the sixteenth century, " Lea differentes sectes s'aecordfirent n6anmoins k regarder lea maladies graves et dangereuses comme un effet imni6diat de la puis- sance divine ; idee que Eernel contribua encore d r^pandre davantage. On trouve dans Pare plusieurs passages de la Bible, cites pour prouver que la colore de Dieu est la seule cause de la peste, qu'eUe suffit pour provoquer ce fleau, et que sans elle les causes dloigh4es ne sauraient agir." Sprengel, Histoire de la Midecine,\ol. iii. p. 11 2. The same learned writer says of the Middle Ages (vol. ii. p. S72), "D'aprfes I'esprit g^n^ralement r^pandu dans ces sifeoles de barbaric, on croyait la Ifepre envoyee d'une maniSre immediate par Dieu." See also pp. 145, 346, 431. Bishop Heber says that the Hindus deprive lepers of caste and of the right of possessing property, because they are objects of "Heaven's wrath." Eeber's Journey through India, vol. ii. p. 330. On the Jewish opinion, see Le Clere, Bibliothiqm Universelle, vol. iv. p. 402, Amsterdam, 1702. And as to the early Christians, see Maury Legended Fieuaes, p. 68, Paris, 1843: though M. Maury ascribes to "les id^es orientales refues par le cnristianisme," what is due to the operation of a much wider principle. _ ^ Under the influence of the inductive philosophy, the theological theory of disease was seriously weakened before the middle of the seventeenth century ; and by the middle, or at all events the latter half of the eighteenth century, it had lost all Its partizana among scientific men. At present it still lingers on among the vul- gar; and traces Of it may be found in the writings of the clergy, and in the works oi other persons little acquainted with physical knowledge. When the cholera broke out in England, attempts were made to revive the old notion ; but the spirit of the age was too strong for such efforts to succeed; and it may be safely predicted that men will never return to their former opinions, unless they first return to their former -gnoranco. As a specimen of the ideas which the cholera tended to excite, and of their antagonism to all scientific inTcstlgation, I may refer to a letter written m 1S3S 92 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. eitter where medical knowledge is most backward, or where dis. ease is most abundant. In countries where both these conditions are fulfilled, the superstition is supreme ; and even where only one of the conditions exists, the tendency is so irresistible, that, ' I believe, there are no barbarous people who do not ascribe to their good or evil deities, not only extraordinary diseases, but even many of the ordinary ones to which they are liable.""^ j Here, then, we have another specimen of the unfavourable ; influence which, in the old civilizations, external phenomena ( exercised over the human mind. For those parts of Asia where t the highest refinement was reached, are,.&om various physical causes, much more unhealthy than the most civilized parts of By Mrs. Grant, a ivoman of some accomplishments, and not devoid of influence, {Correspondence of Mrs. Gh-ant, London, 1844, vol. iii. pp. 216, 217), where she states that "it appears to me great presumption to indulge so much as people do in specu- lation and conjecture about a disease so evidently a peculiar infliction, and diflferent from all other modes of suffering hitherto known." This desire to limit human specula- tion, is precisely the feeling which long retained Europe in darkness ; since it effectually prevented those free inquiries to which we are indebted for all the real knowledge we possess. The doubts of Boyle upon this subject, supply a curious instance of the transitionary state through which the mind was passing in the seventeenth century, and by which the way was prepared for the great liberating movement of the next age. Boyle, after stating both sides of the question, namely, the theological and the scientific, adds, " and it is the less likely that these sweeping and contagious mala- dies should be always sent for the punishment of impious men, because I remember to have read in good authors, that as some plagues destroyed both men and beasts, BO some other did peculiarly destroy brute animals of very little consideration or use to men, as cats, &c." "Upon these and the like reasons, I have sometimes suspected that in the contro- veVsy about the origin of the plague, namely, whether it be natural or supernatural, neither of the contending parties is altogether in the right ; since it is very possible that some pestilences may not break forth without an extraordinary, though per- haps not immediate, interposition of Almighty God, provoked by the sins of men ; and yet other plagues may be produced by a tragical concourse of merely natural causes." Discourse on the Air in Boyle's Works, vol. iv. pp. 288, 289. " Neither of the contending parties is altogether in the right I " — an instructive passage towards understanding the compromising spirit of the seventeenth century ; standing mid- way, as it did, between the creduMty of the sixteenth, and the scepticism of the eighteenth. '"* To the historian of the human mind, the whole question is so full of interest, that I shall refer in this note to all the evidence I have been able to collect ; and whoever will compare the following passages, may satisfy himself that there is in every part of the world an intimate relation between ignorance respecting the nature and proper treatment of a disease, and the belief that such disease is caused by supernatural power, and is to be cured by it. Burton's Sindh, p. 146, London, 1851; Ellis's Polynesian Eesearches, vol. i. p. 395, vol. iii. pp. 36, 41, vol iv. pp. 293, 334, 375 ; Cullen's Works, Edinb. 1827, vol. ii. pp. 414, 434 ; Esquirol, Maladies Men- fales, vol. i. pp. 274, 482 ; Cabanis, Rapports dv, Physique et du Moral, p. 277 Volney, Voyage en Syria, vol. i. p. 426 ; Turner's Embassy to Tibet, p. 104 ; Syme'i Embassy to Ava, -voL ii. p. 211; Ellis's Tour through .Hawaii, pp. 282, 283,332, 333 ; Renouard^ Histoire de la Medecine, vol. i. p. 398 ; Broussais, Examen des Doe- iriii.es Medicales, vol. i. pp. 261, 262; Grote's History of Greece, vol. i. p. 485 (com- pare p. 251, and vol. vi. p. 213), Grieves History of Kamtschatha, p. 217 ; Journal of Statist. Soc. vol. x. p. 10 ; Buchanan's North-American Indians, pp. 256, 257 ; IMkett's North-American Indians, -pp. 36, 37,388, 393, 894; Catlin's North- Ameri- tan Indians, vol. i. pp. 85-41 ; Briggs on the Aboriginal Tribes of India, in Report oi GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 93 Europe.^"* This fact alone must have produced a considerable effect on the national character,*"'^ and the more so, as it was aided by those other circumstances which I have pointed out, all tending in the same direction. To this may be added, that the great plagues by which Europe has at different periods been scourged, have, for the most part, proceeded from the East, which is their natural birthplace, and where they are most fatal. Indeed, of those cruel diseases now existing in Europe, scarcely one is indigenous ; and the worst of them were imported from tropical countries in and after the first century of the Christian era.^" Summing up these facts, it may be stated, that in the civIP izations exterior to Europe, all nature conspired to increase the authority of the imaginative faculties, and weaken the authority of the reasoning ones. With the materials now existing, it would be possible to follow this vast law to its remotest consequences, and show how in Europe it is opposed by another law diametrically Brit. Assoc, for 1850, p. 172; Transactions of Soc. of Bairibay, Tol. ii. p. 30; Perci- vaVa Ceylon, p. 201 ; Buchanan's Jottrney through the Mysore, vol, ii. pp. 27, 152, 286, 628, vol. iii. pp. 23, 188, 253 (so, too, M. Geoffroy Saint Hilaire, Anomalies de Or- ganisation, vol. iii. p. 380, says that when we were quite ignorant of the cause ol monstrous births, the phenomenon was ascribed to the Deity, — " de la aussi I'inter- vention supposee de la divinity ;" and for an exact Terification of this, compare Bur- dach, Traite de Physiologic, vol. ii. p. 247, with Journal of Geog. Society, vol. xvi. p. IfS) ; Mlis's History of Madagascar, vol. i. pp. 224, 225 ; Prichard's Physical Mis- tory, vol. i. p. 207, vol. v. p. 492; Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. iii. p. 230, vol. iv. p. 158 ; Asiatic Researches, vol. iii. pp. 29, 156, vol. iv. pp. 56, 58, 74, vol. xvi. pp. 215,280; Neander's History of the Church, vol. iii. p. 119; Crawford's Histm-y oj the Indian Archipelago, vol. i. p. 328; Lam's Saravsak, pp. 174, 261 ; Cook's Voy- ages, vol. i. p. 229; Mariner's Tonga Islands, vol. i. pp. 194, 350-360, 374, 438, vol. Ii. pp. 172, 230 ; Hue's Travels in Tartary and Tliibet, vol. i. pp. 74-77 ; Richardson's Travels in the Sahara, vol. i. p. 27 ; M'Culloh's Researches, p. 105 ; journal of Geog. Soc. vol. i. p. 41, vol. iv. p. 260, vol. xiv. p. 37. And in regard to Europe, compare Spence, Origin of the Laws of Europe, p. 322 ; Turner's Hist, of England, vol. iii. p. 443 ; Phillips on Scrofula, p. 255 ; Otter's Life of Clarice, vol. i. pp. 265, 266, which may be illustrated by the " sacred" disease of Cambysea, no doubt epilepsy ; see Herodoi. lib. iii. chap, xxxiv. vol. ii. p. 63. °'| Heat, moisture, and consequent rapid decomposition of vegetable matter, art certainly among the causes of this ; and to them may perhaps be added the electri- cal state of the atmosphere in the tropics. Compare Holland's Medical Ifotes, p. 477; M' William's Medical Expedition to tlie Niger, pp, 157, 185; Simon's Patliot- ogy, p. 269; Parry's Climate and its Endemic Influences, p. 158; M. Lepelletier says, rather vaguely (Physiologic Medicate, vol. iv. p. 527), that the temperate zone? are "favorables a I'exercice complet et regulier des phonom^nea vltaux." ""' And must have strengthened the power of the clergy ; for, as Charlevoix says with great frankness, " pestilences are the harvests of the ministers of God." Southey't History of Brazil, vol. ii. p. 254. _™' For evidence of the extra-European origin of European diseases, some of which, such as the small-pox, have passed from epidemics into endemics, compare Encyclop_._ of the Medical Sciences, ito, 1847, p. 728; Transactions of Asiatic Soci- tty, vol. ii. pp. 54, 55; Michaelis on the Laws of Moses, vol. iii. p. 313; Sprengel Histoire de la Medecine, vol ii. pp. 33, 195 ; Wallace's Dissertation on tlie Numbers of Mankind, pp. 81, 82; Huetiana, Amst. 1723, pp. 132-135 ; Sanders on the Small Poie,Eiiah. 1813, pp, 34; Wilks's Hist, of the South of India, vol. iii. pp. 16-21 Clot-Bey de la Festc, Paris, 1840, p. 227. 94 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. opposite, and by virtue of which the tendency of natural phe- nomena is, on the whole, to limit the imagination, and embolder the understanding : thus inspiring Man with confidence in his ^ own resources, and facilitating the increase of his knowledge, by encouraging that bold, inquisitive, and scientific spirit which is constantly advancing, and on which all future progress must depend. It is not to be supposed that I can trace in detail the way in which, owing to these peculiarities, the civilization of Europe has diverged from aU others that preceded it. To do this, would require a learning and a reach of thought to which hardly any single man ought to pretend ; since it is one thing to have a perception of a large and general truth, and it is another thing to follow out that truth in aU its ramifications, and prove it by such evidence as will satisfy ordinary readers. Those, indeed, who are accustomed to speculations of this character, and are able to discern in the history of man something more than a mere relation of events, wiU at once understand that in these complicated subjects, the wider any generalization is, the greater win be the chance of apparent exceptions ; and that when the theory covers a very large space, the exceptions may be innu- merable, and yet the theory remain perfectly accurate. The two fundamental propositions which I hope to have demonstrated, are, 1st, That there are certain natural phenomena which act on the human mind by exciting the imagination ; and 2dly, That those phenomena are much more numerous out of Europe than in it. If these two propositions are admitted, it inevitably follows, that in those countries where the imagination has received the stimulus, some specific effects must have been produced ; unless, indeed, the effects have been neutralized by other causes. Whe- ther or not there have been antagonistic causes, is immaterial to the truth of the theory, which is based on the two propositions just stated. In a scientific point of view, therefore, the gener- alization is complete ; and it would perhaps be prudent to leave it as it now stands, rather than attempt to confirm it by further illustrations, since all particular facts are liable to be erroneously stated, and are sure to be contradicted by those who dislike the conclusions they corroborate. But in order to familiarize the reader with the principles I have put forward, it does seem ad- visable that a few instances should be given of their actual working : and I will, therefore, briefly notice the effects they have produced in the three great divisions of Literature, Reli- gion, and Art. In each of these departments, I wiU endeavoui to indicate how the leading features have been affected by the A-spects of Nature ; and with a view of simplifying the inquiry, GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 95 I will take the two most conspicuous instances on each, side, and compare the manifestations of the intellect of Greece with those of the intellect of India ; these heing the two countries respect- ing which the materials are most ample, and in which the phys- ical contrasts are most striking. If, then, we look at the ancient hterature of India, even during its best period, we shall find the most remarkahle evi' dence of the uncontrolled ascendency of the imagination. In the first place, we have the striking fact that scarcely any atten- tion has heen paid to prose composition ; all the best writers having devoted themselves to poetry, as being most con- genial to the national habits of thought. Their works on gram- mar, on law, on history, on medicine, on mathematics, on geography, and on metaphysics, are nearly all poems, and are put together acording to a regular system of versification. ""'= The consequence is, that while prose writing is utterly despised, the art of poetry has been cultivated so assiduously, that the Sanscrit can boast of metres more numerous and more compli- cated than have ever been possessed by any of the European languages.'" This peculiarity in the form of Indian literature, is accom- panied by a corresponding peculiarity in its spirit. For it is ''°° So Terwandelt das geistige Leben des Hindu sich in wahre Poesie, und das bezeiohnende Merkmal seiner ganzen Bildung ist ; Herrschaft der Einbildungskraft iiber den Yerstand ; im geraden Gegensatz mit der Bildung des Europaers, deren allgemeiner Charakter in der Herrschaft des Verstandes iiber die Einbildungskraft bcsteht. Es wird dadurch begreifiich, dass die Literatur der Hindus nur eine poet- ische ist; das sie uberreich an Dichterwerken, aber arm am wissenschaftliclnen Schriften sind ; dass ihre heiligen Schriften, ihre Gesetze und Sagen poetisch, und grosstentheils in Versen geschrieben sind ; ja dass Lehrbiicher der Grammatik, der Heilkunde, der Mathematik und Erdbesohreibung in Versen verfasst sind." Rhode, Religiose Bildung der Hindus, vol. ii. p. 626. Thus, too, we are told respecting one of their most celebrated metaphysical systems, that "the best text of the Sanchya is a short treatise in verse." Celebrooke on the Philosophy of the Sindm, in Trans- actions of Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 23. And in another place the same high author- ity says (Asiatic Researches, vol. z. p. 439), " the metrical treatises on law and other sciences are almost entirely composed in this easy verse." M. Klaproth, in an analysis of a Sanscrit history of Cashmere, says, " comme presque toutes les compositions hindoues, il est ecrit en vers." Journal Asiatigue, I. s^rie, vol. vii. p. 8, Paris, 1825, See also, in vol. vi. pp. 175, 176, the remarks of M. Burnouf : " Les philosophes indiens, comme s'ils ne pouvaient 6chapper aux influences po^iques de leur climat, traitent les questions de la metaphysique le plus abstraite par similitudes et m^ta- phores." Compare vol. vi. p. 4, "le g^nie indien si poetique et si religieux ;" and see Cousin, Hist, de la Philosophie, II. s6rie, vol. i. p. 27. ""' Mr. Yates says of the Hindus, that no other people have ever " presented an equal variety of poetic compositions. The various metres of Greece and Rome have filled Europe with astonishment ; but what are these, compared with the extensive range of Sanscrit metres under its three classes of poetical writing ?" Yates on Sarir scrit Alliteration, in Asiatic Researches, vol. xx. p. 159, Calcutta, 1836. See also on the Sanscrit metres, p. 321, and an Essay by Colebrooke, vol. x. pp. 389-4'74. On the metrical systems of the Vedas, see Mr. Wilson's note in the Rig Veda Sanhita, vol. ii. p. 135. 96 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. no exaggeration to say, that in that literature every thing is cal- culated to set the reason of man at open defiance. An imagi- nation, luxuriant even to disease, runs riot on every occasion. This is particularly seen in those productions which are most eminently national, such as the Kamayana, the Mahabbarat, and the Puranas in general. But we also find it even in their geo- graphical and chronological systems, which of all others might be supposed least liable to imaginative flights. A few examples of the statements put forward in the most authoritative books, will supply the means of instituting a comparison with the totally opposite condition of the European intellect, and will igive the reader some idea of the extent to which credulity can proceed, even among a civilized people.^'" Of all the various ways in which the imagination has dis- I torted truth, there is none that has worked so much harm as an \ exaggerated respect for past ages. This reverence for antiquity is repugnant to every maxim of reason, and is merely the indul- gence of a poetic sentiment in favour of the remote and unknown. It is, therefore, natural that, in periods when the intellect was comparatively speaking inert, this sentiment should have been far stronger than it now is ; and there can be little doubt that it will continue to grow weaker, and that in the same proportion the feeling of progress will gain ground ; so that veneration for the past, will be succeeded by hope for the future. But for- merly the veneration was supreme, and innumerable traces of it may be found in the literature and popular creed of every coun- tiy. It is this, for instance, which inspired the poets with their notion of a golden age, in which the world was filled with peace, in which evil passions were stilled, and crimes were unknown. 5 It is this, again, which gave to theologians their idea of the prim- ' itive virtue and simplicity of man, and of his subsequent faU from that high estate. And it is this same principle which dif- I fiised a belief that in the olden times, men were not only more ! virtuous and happy, but also physically superior in the structure of their bodies; and that by this means they attained to a largei stature, and lived to a greater age, than is possible for us, thei" feeble and degenerate descendants. Opinions of this kind, being adopted by the imagination in spite of the understanding, it follows that the strength of such opinions becomes, in any country, one of the standards by which '"' In Europe, as we shall see in tlie sixth chapter of this volume, the credulity was at one time ext-aordinary ; but the age was then barbarous, and barbarism is always credulous. On the other hand, the examples gathered from Indian literature, will be taken from the works of a lettered people, written in a language extremely rich, and so highly polished, that some competent judges have declared it equal if not superior, to the Greek. UJSI^EBAL INTRODUCTION. 97 we may estimate the predominance of the imaginative faculties. Applying this test to the literature of India, we shall find a striking confirmation of the conclusions already drawn. The marvellous feats of antiquity with which the Sanscrit books abound, are so long and so complicated, that it would occupy too much space to give even an outline of them ; but there is one class of these singular fictions which is well worth attention, and admits of being briefly stated. I aUude to the extraordi- nary age which man was supposed to have attained in former times. A belief in the longevity of the human race at an early period of the world, was the natural product of those feelings which ascribed to the ancients an universal superiority over the moderns ; and this we see exemplified in some of the Christian, and in many of the Hebrew writings. But the statements in these works are tame and insignificant when compared with what is preserved in the literature of India. On this, as on every subject, the imagination of the Hindus distanced aU com- petition. Thus, among an immense number of similar facts, we find it recorded that in ancient times the duration of the life of common men was 80,000 years,'*" and that holy men lived to be upwards of 100,000.''^ Some died a little sooner, others a lit- tle later; but in the most flourishing period of antiquity, if we take all classes together, 100,000 years was the average.^'^ Of one king, whose name was Yudhishthir, it is casually mentioned that he reigned 27,000 years ;'" while another, called Alarka, reigned 66,000."^ They were cut off in their prime, since there are several instances of the early poets living to be about half-a- million.^'' ■ But the most remarkable case is that of a very shining character in Indian history, who united in his single per- son the functions of a king and a saint. This eminent man 211 II ^ijg limit of life ^as 80,000 years." Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. 466. jalcutta, 1S28. This was likewise the estimate of the Tibetan diviaes, according to whom men formerly " parvenaient k I'^ge de 80,000 ana." Journal Asiatique; I. Bdrie, vol. iii. p. 199, Paris, 1823. ' °"i "Den Hindu macht dieser Widerspruch nicht verlegen, da er seijie Heiligen 100,000 Jahre und liinger leben lasst." Rhode, Relic/. Bildiung der Hindus, voL I. p. 175. '" In .the Dahistan, vol. ii. p. il, it is stated of the earliest inhabitants of tho world, that " the duration of human life in this age, extended to one hundred thou< sand common years." °" Wilford {Asiatic Researches, vol. v. p. 242) says, "When the Puranica speak of the kings of ancient times, they are equally extravagant. According to them, King Yudhishthir reigned seven-and-twenty thousand years." =15 " For sixty thousand and sixty hundred years no other youthful monarch ex- cept Alarka reigned over the earth." Vishnu Purana, p. 408. "" And sometimes more. In the Essay on Indian Chronology in Works of Sir W. Jones, vol. i. p. 826, we hear of " a conversation between Valmic and Vyaeo, . . ... two bards whose ages were separated by a period of 864,000 years." This passage is also in Asiatic Researclies, vol. ii. p. 399. vol,. I. — 7 98 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. lived in a pure and virtuous age, and his days were, indeed, long in the land ; since when he was made king, he was two million years old ; he then reigned 6,300,000 years ; having done which, he resigned his empire, and lingered on for 100,000 years more."" The same houndless reverence for antiquity, made the Hindus refer every thing important to the most distant periods ; and they frequently assign a date which is ahsolutely bewildering.'"' Their great collection of laws, called the Institutes of Menu, is certainly less than 3000 years old ; but the Indian chronologists, so far from being satisfied with this, ascribe to them an age that the sober European mind finds a difficulty even in conceiving. According to the best native authorities, these Institutes were revealed to man about two thousand million years before the present era.^'' All this is but a part of that love of the remote, that strain- ing after the infinite, and that indifierence to the present, which characterizes every branch of the Indian intellect. Not only in literature, but also in religion and in art, this tendency is su- preme. To subjugate the understanding, and exalt the imagi- nation, is the universal principle. In the dogmas of their theo- logy, in the character of their gods, and even in the forms of Iheir temples, we see how the sublime and threatening aspects of the external world have filled the mind of the people with those images of the grand and the terrible, which they strive to reproduce in a visible form, and to which they owe the leading peculiarities of their national culture. Our view of this vast process may be made clearer by com- paring it with the opposite condition of Greece. In Greece, we see a country altogether the reverse of India. The works of nature, which in India are of startling magnitude, are ia Greece far smaller, feebler, and in every way less threatening to man. In the great centre of Asiatic civilization, the energies of the human race are confined, and as it were intimidated, by the sur- '" He was the first king, first anchoret, and first saint ; and is therefore entitled Frathama-Rajah, Frathama Bhicshacara, Prathama Jina, and Frathama Tirthancara. At the time of his inauguration as king, his age was 2,000,000 years. He reigned 6,'300,000 years, and then resigned his empire to his sons ; and having employed 100,000 years in passing through the seyeral stages of austerity and sanctity, departed from this world on the summit of a mountain named Ashtapada." Aaiatic Researchei, vol. ix. p. 305. '" " Speculationen fiber Zahlen sind dem Inder so gelaufig, dass selbst die Sprachc einen Ausdruck hat fur eine Unitat mit 63 NuUen, namlieh Asanke, eben weil die Berechnung der Weltperioden diese enorme Grossen nothwendig machte, denn jene einfachea 12,000 Jahre schienen einem Volke, welches so gerne die hoehstmogUche Potenz auf seine Gottheit iibertragen mogte, viel zu geringe zu seyn." Sohlen, das alte Indien, vol. ii. p. 248. '" Mpkinstone't Mistory of India,^. 135, "a period exceeding 4,320,000 multi plied by six times seventy-one." GENERAL INTRODUCTION, 9G rounding phenomena. Besides the dangers incidental to tropical climates, there are those noble mountains, which seem to touch the sky, and from whose sides are discharged mighty rivers, which no art can divert from their course, and which no bridge has ever been able to span. There too are impassable forests, whole countries lined with interminable jungle, and beyond them, again, dreary and boundless deserts ; all teaching Man his own feeble- ness, and his inability to cope with natural forces. Without, and on either side, there are great seas, ravaged by tempests far more destructive than any known in Europe, and of such sudden violence, that it is impossible to guard against their effects. And as if in those regions every thing combined to cramp the activity of Man, the whole line of coast, from the mouth of the Ganges to the extreme south of the peninsula, does not contain a single safe and capacious harbour, not one port that affords a refuge, which is perhaps more necessary there than in any other part of the worid."" But in Greece, the aspects of nature are so entirely different, that the very conditions of existence are changed. Greece, like India, forms a peninsula ; but while in the Asiatic country every thing is great and terrible, in the European coimtry every thing is small and feeble. The whole of Greece occupies a space some- what less than the kingdom of Portugal,"' that is, about a for- tieth part of what is now called Hindostan."' Situated in the most accessible part of a narrow sea, it had easy contact on the east with Asia Minor, on the west with Italy, on the south with Egypt. Dangers of all kinds were far less numerous than in the tropical civilizations. The climate was more healthy f"' earthquakes were less frequent ; hurricanes were less disastrous ; wild-beasts and noxious animals less abundant. In regard to ^° Symes (Embassy to Ava, vol. liL p. 278)says: " From the mouth of the Ganges to Cape Comorin, the whole range of our continental territory, there is not a single harbour capable of affording shelter to a vessel of 500 tons burden." Indeed, accord- ing to Percival, there is, with the exception of Bombay, no harbour, " either on the Coromandel or Malabar coasts, in which ships can moor in safety at all seasons of the year." PercivaVs Account of Ceylon, pp. 2, 15, 66. '^^ " Altogether its area is somewhat less than that of Portugal." Grate's History of Greece, fo\. ii, p. 302 ; and the same remark in T/drlwaU's History of Greece, toI. i, p. 2, and in Heeren's Ancient Greece, 1845, p. 16. M. Heefen says, "But even if we add all the islands, its square contents are a third less than those of Portugal." '^ The area of Hindostan being, according to Mr. M'Culloch {Geog. Diet. 1849, fol. i. p. 993), " between 1,200,000 and 1,300,000 square miles." "^ In the best days of Greece, those alarming epidemics by which the country was subsequently ravaged, were comparatively little known ; see ThirlwalVs History of Greece, vol. iii. p. 134, vol. viii. p. 471. This may be owing to large cosmical causes, or to the simple fact that the different forms of pestilence had not yet been imported from the East by actual contact. On the vague accounts we possess of the earlier plague.'?, see Clot Bey de la Peste, Paris, 1840, pp. 21, 46, 184. The relatior «ven of Thucydides is more satisfectory to scholars than to pathologists. 5 -. 100 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. tlie other great features the same law prevails. The highest mountairis in Greece are less than one-third of the Himalaya, so that nowhere do they reach the limit of perpetual snow.'»* As to rivers, not only is there nothing approaching those imposing volumes which are poured down from the mountains of Asia, but Nature ia so singularly sluggish, that neither in Northern nor in Southern Greece do we find any thing beyond a few streams, which are easily forded, and which, indeed, in the sum- mer season, are frequently dried up.'^'s These striking differences in the material phenomena of the twb countries, gave rise to corresponding differences in their mental associations. For as all ideas must arise partly from what are called spontaneous operations in the mind, and partly froiji what is suggested to the mind by the external world, it was natural that so great an alteration in one of the causes should produce an alteration in the effects. The tendency of the sur- rounding phenomena was, in India, to inspire fear ; in Greece, to give confidence. In India, Man was intimidated ; in Greece he was encouraged. In India, obstacles of every sort were so numerous, so alarming, and apparently so inexplicable, that the difficulties of Hfe could only be solved by constantly appealing to the direct agency of supernatural causes. Those causes being beyond the province of the understanding, the resources of the imagination were incessantly occupied in studying them ; the imagination itself was over-worked, its activity became danger- ous, it encroached on the understanding, and the equilibrium oi the whole was destroyed. In Greece, opposite circumstances were followed by opposite results. In Greece, Nature was less dangerous, less intrusive, and less mysterious than in India. In Greece, therefore, the human mind was less appalled, and less superstitious ; natural causes began to be studied ; physical science first became possible; and Man, gradually waking to a sense of his own power, sought to investigate events with a bold- ness not to be expected in those other countries, where the pres- sure of Nature troubled his independence, and suggested ideas with which knowledge is incompatible. The effect of these habits of thought on the national reli- gion, must be very obvious to whoever has compared the popular *" " Mount Guiona, the highest point in Greece, and near its northern boundsiij, is 8,239 feet high. ... No mountain in Greece reaches the limit of perpetual snow." M'Oidloeh'a Geo. Diet. 1849, vol. i. p. 924. Compare the table of mountains in Baker's Memoir on North Greece, in Jburncd of Geographical Society, vol. vii. p. 94, with Sakeaelfi Geology, pp. 621, 624. ""-"Greece has no navigable river," JH'OaUocWs Geog. DicU vol. i. p. 924. " Most of the rivers of Greece are torrents in early spring, and dry before the end of the summer." Grote's Eistory of Greece, vol. ii. p. 286 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 101 creed of India -with that of Greece. The mythology of India, like that of every tropical country, is hased upon terror, and upon terror too of the most extravagant Mnd. Evidence of the universality of this feeling abounds in the sacred books of the Hindus, in their traditions, and even in the very form and ap- pearance of their gods. And so deeply is aU this impressed on the mind, that the most popular deities are invariably those with whom images of fear are most intimately associated. Thus, for example, the worship of Siva is more general than any other ; and as to its antiquity, there is reason to behave that it was bor- rowed by the Brahmins from the original Indians."^ At all events, it is very ancient, and very popular; and Siva himself forms, with Brahma and Vishnu, the celebrated Hindu Triadw We need not, therefore, be surprised that with this god are con- nected images of terror, such as nothing but a tropical imagina- tion could conceive. Siva is represented to the Indian mind as a hideous being, encircled by a girdle of snakes, with a human skull in his hand, and wearing a necklace composed of human bones. He has three eyes ; the ferocity of his temper is marked by his being clothed in a tiger's skin ; he is represented as wan- dering about like a madman, and over his left shoulder the deadly cobra di capeUa rears its head. This monstrous creation of an awe-struck fancy has a wife, Doorga, called sometimes Kali, and sometimes by other names.''" She has a body of dark blue ; while the palms of her hands are red, to indicate her insatiate appetite for blood. She has four arms, with one of which she carries the skull of a giant ; her tongue protrudes, and hangs loUingly from her mouth ; round her waist are the hands of her victims ; and her neck is adorned with human heads strung to- gether in a ghastly row."'' '"" See SteTenson on The Anti-Brahmanical Religion of the Hindus, in Journal of Asiatic Soeieti/, vol. viii. pp. 331, 332, 336, 338. Mr. Wilson (Journal, toI. iii. p. 204) says, " The prevailing form of the Hindu religion in the south of the peninsu- la was, at the commencement of the Christian era, and some time before it most probably, that of Siva." See also vol. v. p. 85, where it is stated that Siva " is the only Hindu god to whom honour is done at EUora." Compare Transac. of Society of Bomlay, vol. iii. p. 511 ; Heeren'a Asiatic Nations, 1846, vol. ii. pp. 62, 66. On the philosophical relation between the followers of Siva and those of Yishnu, see jRitter^s Hist, of Ancient Philosophy, vol. iv. pp. 334, 335 ; and the noticeable fact {Buckan- aris Mysore, vol. ii. p. 410), that even the Naimar caste, whose " proper deity" is Vishnu, " wear on their foreheads the mark of Siva." As to the worship of Siva in the time of Alexander the Great, see ThirlwalVs History of Greece, vol. vii. p. 86 ; and for further evidence of its extent, Sohlen, das alte Indien, vol. i. pp. 29, 147, 206, and Transac. of Asiatic Society, vol. ii. pp. 50, 294. *" So it is generally stated by the Hindu theologians ; but according to Rammo- iun Roy, Siva had two wives. See RammohMn Roy on the Veds, p. 90. ™ On these attributes and representations of Siva and Doorga, see Rhode, RelU giose Bildimg der Hindus, vol. ii. p. 241 ; Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus, pp. 63, 92 ; Bohlen, das alte Indien, vol. i. p: 207 ; Ward's Religion of the Hindoos, vol. i. pp. xxxvii, 27, 146 ; Transac. of Society of Bombay, vol. i. pp. 215, 221. Com- 102 CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. If we now turn to Greece, we find, even in the infancy of its religion, not the faintest trace of any thing approaching to this. For in Greece, the causes of fear being less abundant, the ex- pression of terror was less common. The Greeks, therefore, were by no means disposed to incorporate into their religion those ieelings of dread natural to the Hindus. The tendency of Asiatic civilization was to widen the distance between men and their deities; the tendency of Greek civilization was to diminish it. Thus it is, that in Hindostan all the gods had something mon- strous about them ; as Vishnu with four hands, Brahma with five heads, and the like.'" But the gods of Greece were always represented in forms entirely human.°'° In that country, no artist ■would have gained attention, if he had presumed to por- tray them in any other shape. He might make them stronger than men, he might make them more beautiful; but still they must be men. The analogy between God and man, which ex- cited the religious feelings of the Greeks, would have been fatal to those of the Hindus. This difference between the artistic expressions of the two religions, was accompanied by an exactly similar differefice be- tween their theological traditions. In the Indian bobks, the imagination is exhausted in relating the feats of the gods ; and the more obviously impossible any achievement is, the greater ; the pleasure with which it was ascribed to them. But the Greek \gods had not only human forms, but also human attributes, hu- man pursuits, and human tastes.'^' The men of Asia, to whom pare tLe curious account of an image supposed to represent Mahadeo, in Jimr- nal Asiatique, I. s4rie, vol. i. p. i. S54, Paris, 1822. ™' Ward on the Religion of the Hindoos, vol. i. p. 35 ; Transac. of Society o] Bomhay, vol. i. p. 223. Compare the gloss in the Dabistan, vol ii. p. 202. ''° The Greek gods were formed like men, with greatly increased powers and faculties, and acted as men would do if so circumstanced, but with a dignity and energy suited to their nearer approach to perfection. The Hindu gods, on the other hand, though endued with human passions, have always something monstrous in their appearance, and wild and capricious in their conduct. They are of various colours, red, yellow, and blue ; some have twelve beads, and most have four hands. They are often enraged without a cause, and reconciled without a motive." Mlphinstone's History of India, pp. 96, 97. See also Enkine on the Temple of Mephanta, in TVansac. of Soc. of Bombay, vol. i. p. 246 ; and the Dabistan, vol. i. p. cxi. '" ' ' In the material polytheism of other leading ancient nations, the Egyptians, for example, the incarnation of the Deity was chiefly, or exclusively, confined to ani- mals, monsters, or other fanciful emblems In Greece, on the other hand, it was an almost necessary result of the spirit and grace with which the deities were embodied in human forms, that they should also be burdened with human Interests and passions. Heaven, like earth, had its courts and palaces, its trades and professions, its marriages, intrigues, divorces." Mure's History of the lAtera- lure of Ancient GVeece, vol. i. pp. 471, 472. So, too, Tennemann {Geschichte der Philosophic, vol. iii. p. 419) : " Diese Gotter haben Menschengestalt Habec die. Gotter aber nicht nur menschliche Gestalt, sondern auch einen mensch- lichen Eorper, so sind sie ala Menschen auch denselben TJnvollkommenheiten, Erankheiten und dcm Tode unterworfen ; dieses streitet mit dem Bef^rifTe" i. e. o( GENERAL INTEODUCTION. 103 every object of nature was a source of awe, acquired such habits of reverence, that they, never dared to assimilate their own actions with the actions of their deities. The men of Europe, encouraged by the safety and inertness of the material world, did not fear to strike a parallel, from which they would have shrunk had they lived amid the dangers of a tropical country. It is thus, that the Greek divinities are so different from those of the Hindus, that in comparing them we seem to pass from one creation into another. The Greeks generalized their observa- tions upon the human mind, and then applied them to the gods.*'' The coldness of women was figured in Diana ; their beauty and sensuality in Venus ; their pride in Juno ; their accomplish- ments in Minerva. To the ordinary avocations of the gods, the same principle was applied. Neptune was a sailor ; Tulcan was a smith ; Apollo was sometimes a fiddler, sometimes a poet, sometimes a keeper of oxen. As to Cupid, he was a wanton boy, who played with his bow and arrows ; Jupiter was an amorous and good-natured king ; while Mercury was indiffer- ently represented either as a trust-worthy messenger, or else as a common and notorious thief. Precisely the same tendency to approximate human forces towards superhuman ones, is displayed in another pecuharity oi the Greek religion. I mean, that in Greece we for the first time meet with hero-worship, that is, the deification of mortals. Ac- cording to the principles already laid down, this could not be expected in a tropical civilization, where the Aspects of Nature filled Man with a constant sense of his own incapacity. It is, therefore', natural that it should form no part of the ancient In- dian religion ;-'^ neither was it known to the Egyptians,''" to the Persians,"^ nor, so far as I am aware, to the Arabi- Epicurus. Compare Grate's Sistory of Greece, vo\. i, ]?. 596: "The mythical age vfds peopled with a mingled aggregate of gods, heroes, and men, bo confounded together that it was often impossible to distinguish to which class any individual name belonged." See also the complaint of Xenophanes, in Mailer's Hist, of JUt. of Greece, London, 1856, p. 251. ™ The same remark applies to beauty of form, which they first aimed at in tie statues of men, and then brought to bear upon the statues of the gods. This is well put in Mr. Srote's important work, History pf Greece, toI. iv. pp. 138, 134, edit. ISIV. ^^ " But the worship of deified heroes is no part of that system." Colebrooke o» the Vedas, in Asiatic Researches, vol. Tiii. p. 495. °^ Mackajfs Religious Development, vol. ii. p. 53, Lond. 1850. Compare Wil- Idiison's Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv. pp. 148, 318 ; and Matter, Histoire de VJEcole d'Alexandrie, vol. i. p. 2; the "culte des grands hommes," which afterwards arose in Alexandria {Matter, vol. i. p 54), must have been owing to Greek influence. '" There are no indications of it in the Zendavesta ; and Herodotus says, that the Persians were unlike the Greeks, in so far as they disbelieved in a god having a ouman form ; book i. chap, cxxxi. vol. i. p. 308 : oJk avepuTro9 prospect of personal distinction, there was formerly added that oi wealth ; and in Europe, during the Middle Ages, war was a very lucratiye profes- sion, owing to the custom of exacting heavy ransom for the liberty of prisoners. See Bar'ington's learned work. Observations on the Statutes, pp. 390-393. In tho reign of Bichard II. " a war with France was esteemed as aimost the only method by which an English gentleman could become rich." Compare Turner's Mist, oj Engl