CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library F 257 H391856 v.1 History of North Carolina :, with maps an olln 3 1924 028 788 374 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://archive.org/details/cu31924028788374 HISTORY or NORTH CAROLINA: MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. FRANCIS L. HAWKS, D.D., L.L.D. VOL. I., EMBRACING THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE FIRST VOYAGE TO THE COLONY IN 1684, TO THE LAST IN 1591. SECOND EDITION. FAYETTEVTLLE, 1ST. C. : PUBLISHED BY E. J. HALE & SON. 1857. r H3? trs~& v.i /^CORNELL UNIVERSITY ^LIBRARY Entered, according to act of Congress, in the year Eighteen Hundred and Fifty-six, By E. J. HALE & SON, In the District Court of the United States, for the District of North Carolina. JONES * DENYSE, BTEREOTYPERS AND ELECTROTYPERS, 183 William-Street. TO THE NATIVES OP NOETH CAKOLINA; AS WELL TO THE DWELLERS AT HOME AS TO THE DISPERSED ABROAD; TO ALL AL IKE, WHETHER WITHIN OR WITHOUT HER BORDERS ; THIS ATTEMPT TO PRESERVE THE STORY OF THEIR CHILDHOOD'S HOME IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED, BY THEIR COUNTRYMAN, The Atjthob. CONTENTS PAGK No. 1. The Letters Patent granted by Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Raleigh, in 1584 11 Biographical sketch of Raleigh appended thereto 18 No. 2. The First Voyage under Raleigh's directions, made by Amadas and Bar- lowe, in 1584 69 No. 3. The First Voyage, made for Raleigh, by Sir Richard Greenville, in 1585. . 89 No. 4. An account of the employments of the colonists left by Sir R. Greenville, 1585-6: ByRalphLane 103 No. 5. Voyage of a Relief-ship, sent by Raleigh, in 1586 142 No. 6. A brief and true Report of the Country, by Thomas Hariot, one of the co- lonists under Lane ; founded on - twelvemonths' personal observation, 1585-6 ; 146 No. 7. A Voyage with three ships in 1587, made to establish a colony under the charge of John White. 191 No. 8. The Voyage of John White, made in 1590, to Roanoak, for the relief of the Colony left by him in 1587 213 Historical Narrative founded on the preceding 232 PREFACE. Is the execution of a purpose long and warmly cherished, the author and compiler of this volume offers to his countrymen, with all humility, this commencement of the history of their native State, North Carolina. The volume is complete in itself, as fur- nishing the most full account that existing materials at this day afford of the first attempts at colonization on our shores. The period embraced extends from the year 1584 to 1591, and includes the five voyages made, under the charter to Sir "Walter Raleigh. It is a distinct portion of our history, an isolated chapter, having little connection with what is to follow : for, after the failure of all the efforts made under the Charter to Ealeigh, a long interval of time, more than half a century, elapsed before any permanent settlement was made within our borders. In entering upon his work, the writer avails himself of the opportunity briefly to explain his proposed plan, as in some of its features, it departs from established historical models. A mere chronologically accurate narrative of important public events does not in his view constitute history ; though of it, such a narrative properly forms a part. He has supposed that the real history of a State is to be read in the gradual progress of its^eo- ple in intelligence, refinement, industry, wealth, taste, civilization, &c. The public events that transpire are but the exponents of the condition of the inhabitants, in these and other particulars. V1U PREFACE. The "people " constitute a nation, not the legislature merely, nor the courts, not the army nor the navy. These are all but parts of the whole ; and yet many so called histories tell us little else save the changes of dynasties, and " the wars and fightings" of ambi- tious rulers. "We would gladly see there beside, something of the inner life of the people themselves. And the thought has occurred that in the effort to catch and present a pic- ture of this, classification is a valuable auxiliary: its advan- tages are obvious in some of the earlier English histories, such, for instance, as those of Mortimer and Henry ; while in the latest imitation of their example in Knight's Pictorial History of England, many portions are almost invested with the interest of an agreeable romance. Now it is true that in our short career, we cannot have had as much variety as is to be found on the broader field that spreads over centuries in the history of the other hemisphere ; and yet even we have room for classification. "We must speak of various subjects. The " religion," " laws and legislation," "education," "agriculture," "industrial and mechani- cal pursuits," " commerce," " extent and advance of settlements/' " wars with native or foreign foes," " manners and customs of the people," &c, all demand their share of notice, and will be better understood as well as remembered, if they receive distinct treat- ment. Hence we divide the time through which the State has passed, particularly in its more recent career, into periods or epochs, and endeavor to present in all respects, as full and perfect a picture, or rather series of pictures, as we can make of each period. Another feature in our work, of which this volume will afford a specimen, is to be found in the reprint and consequent preserva- tion of the rare and valuable old documents, tracts;, &c, which furnish part of the material for our history. We know very well that such documents generally have but little interest save for the historical antiquarian ; but we are writing more especially for North Carolinians ; and we cannot but believe that for them, such PREFACE. IX early and authentic memorials of their country will possess an interest, independent of all antiquarian taste or study. To the extent of our humble abilities, we shall endeavor to enliven the dullness and relieve the quaintness of these worthy old chroniclers by such notes and remarks as may serve to link pleasantly together the past with the present. And if in this we fail, as we fear we sometimes shall, still an important end will be answered. The soul of history is Tetjth : the reader will have in the reprint of these old publications, all the means extant of eviscerating the truth for himself ; while the writer voluntarily shuts out the pos- sibility of his substituting invention for the 6ober realities of his- tory : in his narrative of facts he must conform to the early testimony which he has placed in the hands of the reader ; his deductions, suggestions, reflections, &c, are his own, and will pass for what they are worth with the intelligent, without the risk of being confounded with the facts of early records. But, of course, this use of earlier documents will be constantly diminishing as we travel upward in the story, through period after period, because of the diminished necessity of reprinting that which, beside being generally known, is easily accessible in other forms. One excep- tion to this, however, will exist in the case of important and hitherto wrypubUshed manuscripts. — An appendix of documents with notes is not an uncommon sufiix to a volume of history ; we merely make of them a prefix. With this brief outline of the chief features of our work, it only remains to be added that we shall issue the volumes succes- sively, as fast as they can be properly prepared ; and, soliciting from all our coimtrymen such aid as they can render in furnishing us with family papers, local traditions, old documents, or other- wise, we can say no more than that, embarking in our undertaking as a labor of love, our first effort shall be to tell the simple truth ; and our highest ambition, so to tell it that North Carolinians will not be ashamed of the narrative. HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. THE LETTERS PATENTS GRANTED BY THE QUEEN'S MAJESTY TO M. WALTER RALEGH, NOW KNIGHT, FOB THE DISCOVERING AND PLANTTNG OF NEW LANDS AND C0UNTKn»: TO CONTINUE THE SPACE OF SIX TEAKS, AND NO MORE. [This grant was made in 1584, and constitutes the first step in the work of English colonization in America. Our reprint is from the copy pre- served by Hdkluyt, and published on page 243 of the third volume of his "Voyages" in the edition of 1600. It may also be found in Haz- ard's State Papers, vol. 1, page 33. In this as in all the early docu- ments we reprint, we have accommodated the orthography to the usage of our own times.] ■ Elizabeth, by tie Grace of God of England, France, and Ire- land, Queen, defender of the faith, &c. To all people to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Know ye that of our special grace, certain science, and mere motion, we have given and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors^ we give and grant to our trusty and well-beloved servant, "Walter 12 HISTOET OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1584] Ralegh, Esquire, and to his heirs and assigns forever, free liberty and license, from time to time, and at all times forever hereafter X to discover, search, find out, and view such remote heathen and barbarous lands, countries and territories not actually possessed of any christian Prince, nor inhabited by christian people, as to him, his heirs and assigns, and to every or any of them shall seem good, and the same to have, hold, occupy and enjoy to him, his heirs and assigns forever; with all prerogatives, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, privileges, franchises, and pre-eminences, thereto or thereabouts, both by sea and land, whatsoever we by our letters patents may grant, and as we or any of our noble pro- genitors have heretofore granted to any person or persons, bodies politic or corporate : and the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and all such as from time to time, by license of us, our heirs and successors, shall go and travel thither, to inhabit or remain there to build or fortify, at the discretion of the said "Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, the Statutes or Acts of Parliament made against fugitives, or against such as shall de- part, remain or continue out of our realm of England without license, or any other statute, act, law, or any ordinance whatever to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding. And we do likewise by these presents, of our special grace, mere motion, and certain knowledge, for us, our heirs and suc- cessors, give and grant full authority, liberty and power to the said "Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every of them, that he and they, and every or any of them, shall and may at all and every time, and times hereafter, have, take and lead in the same voyage, and travel thitherward, or to inhabit there with him, or them, and every or any of them, such and so many of our subjects as shall willingly accompany him or them, and every or any of them to whom we do also by these presents, give full liberty and authority in that behalf, and also to have, take, and employ, and use sufficient shipping and furniture for the trans- portations and navigations in that behalf, so that none of the same persons, or any of them, be such as hereafter shall be re- strained by us, our heirs, or successors. And further, that the said "Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every of them, shall have, hold, occupy and enjoy to [1584] bib w. raleigh's patent. 13 him, his heirs and assigns, and every of them forever, all the soil, and all such lands, territories, and countries, so to he discovered and possessed as aforesaid, and of all such cities, castles, towns, villages, and places in the same, with the rights, royalties, fran- chises, and jurisdictions, as well marine as other, within the said lands, or countries, or the seas thereunto adjoining, to be had, or used, with full power to dispose thereof, and of every part in fee simple or otherwise, according to the order of the laws of Eng- land, as near as the same conveniently may be) at his, and their will and pleasure, to any persons then being, or that shall remain within the allegiance of us, our heirs and successors, reserving always to us, our heirs and successors, for all services, duties, and demands, the fifth part of all the ore of gold and silver that from time to time, and at all times after such discoveries, subduing or possessing, shall be there gotten and obtained : All which lands, countries and territories, shall forever be holden of the said "Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, of us, our heirs and suc- cessors, by homage, and by the said payment of the said fifth part, reserved only for all services. And moreover, we do by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant license to the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every of them, that he and they, and every or any of them, shall, and may from time to time, and at all times forever hereafter, for his and their defence, encounter and expulse, repel and resist, as well by sea as by land, and by all other ways whatsoever, all and every such person or persons whatsoever, as without the especial liking and license of the said "Walter Raleigh, and of his heirs and assigns, shall attempt to inhabit within the said countries, or any of them, or within the space of two hundred leagues near to the place or places within such countries as aforesaid (if they shall not be before planted or inhabited within the limits as aforesaid with the subjects of any christian Prince being in amity with us), where the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs or assigns, or any of them, or his or their, or any of their associates or company, shall within six years (next ensuing) make their dwellings or abidings, or that shall enter- prise or attempt at any time hereafter unlawfully to annoy, either by sea or land, the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs or assigns, or 14 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1584J any of them, or his or their, or any of his or their companies ; giving and granting by these presents further power and authority, to the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs or assigns, and every of them, from time to time, and at all times forever hereafter, to take and. surprise by all manner of means whatsoever, all and every those person or persons, with their ships, vessels, and other goods and furniture, which without the license of the said "Walter Ralegh, or his heirs or assigns as aforesaid, shall be found trafficking into any harbor or harbors, creek or creeks, within the limits afore- said (the subjects of our realms and dominions, and all other persons in amity with us, trading to the new found lands for fish- ing as heretofore they have commonly used, or being driven by force of a tempest, or shipwreck only excepted) ; and those per- sons, and every of them, with their ships, vessels, goods and fur- niture, to detain and possess as of good and lawful prize, accords ing to the direction of him the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every or any of them. And for uniting in more perfect league and amity, of such countries, lands, and territories, so to be possessed and inhabited as aforesaid, with our realms of England and Ireland, and the better encouragement of men to these enterprises, we do by these presents grant and declare that all such countries, so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as is aforesaid, from thenceforth shall be of the allegiance of us, our heirs and successors. And we do grant to the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and to all and every of them, and to all and every other person and persons,being of our allegiance, whose names shall be noted or entered in some of our courts of record within our realm of England, that with the assent of the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs or assigns, shall in his journeys for discovery, or in the journeys for conquest, hereafter travel to such lands, countries and territories, as aforesaid, and to their and to every of their heirs, that they, and every or any of them, being either born within our said realms of England or Ireland, or in any other place within our allegiance, and which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the lands, countries and territories with such license (as aforesaid), shall and may have all the privi- leges of free denizens, and persons native of England, and within our allegiance in such like ample manner and form, as if they [1584] 6IE W. BALEIGh's PATEHT. 15 were born and personally resident within our said realm of Eng«- land, any law, custom, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. And forasmuch, as upon the finding out, discovering, or inhab- iting of such remote lands, countries, and territories as aforesaid, it shall be necessary for the safety of all men, that shall adven- ture themselves in those journeys or voyages, to determine to live together in Christian peace and civil quietness, each with the other, whereby every one may with more pleasure and profit enjoy that whereunto they shall attain with great pain and peril, we, for us, our heirs and successors, are likewise pleased and contented, and by these presents do give and grant to the said Walter Ra- legh, his heirs and assigns forever, that he and they, and every or any of them, shall and may from time to time forever hereafter, within the same mentioned remote lands and countries in the way by the seas thither, and from thence, have full and mere power and authority to correct, punish, pardon, govern, and rule by their and every or any of their good discretions and policies, as well in causes capital, or criminal, as civil, both marine and other, all such our subjects as shall from time to time adventure themselves in the said journeys or voyages, or that shall at any time hereaf- ter inhabit any such lands, countries, or territories, as aforesaid, or that shall abide within 200 leagues of any of. the said place or places, where the said "Walter Ralegh, his heirs, or assigns, or any of them, or any of his or their associates or companies, shall inhabit within six years next ensuing the date hereof, according to such statutes, laws and ordinances, as shall be by him the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every or any of them, devised, or established, for the better government of the said peo- ple as aforesaid. So always as the said statutes, laws, and ordi- nances may be as near as conveniently may be, agreeable to the form of the laws, statutes, government, or policy of England, and also so as they be not against the true Christian faith, now pro- fessed in the Church of England, nor in any wise to withdraw any of the subjects or people of those lands or places from the allegiance of us, our heirs and successors, as their immediate sovereign under God. And further, we do by these presents, for us, our heirs and suc- cessors, give and grant full power and authority to our trusty and 16 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1584] well beloved counsellor Sir William Cecill, Knight, Lord Burgh- let, our high Treasurer of England, and to the Lord Treasurer of England, for us, our heirs and successors for the time being, and to the privy council, of us, our heirs and successors, or any four or more of them, for the time being, that he, they, or any four or more of them, shall and may from time to time, and at all times hereafter, under his or their hands or seals by virtue of these presents, authorize and license the said "Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every or any of them by him, and by themselves, or by their, or any of their sufficient attorneys, deputies, officers, ministers, factors, and servants, to embark and transport out of our Realms of England and Ireland, and the dominions thereof, all, or any of his, or their goods, and all or any the goods of his and their associates and companies, and every or any of them, with such other necessaries and commodities of any our Realms, as to the said Lord Treasurer, or four or more of the privy coun- cil, of us, our heirs and successors for the time being (as aforesaid) shall be from time to time by his or their wisdom or discretions thought meet and convenient, for the better relief and support of him the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every or any of them, and of his or their or any of their associates and companies, any act, statute, law, or other thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Provided always, and our will and pleasure is, and we do here- by declare to all Christian Kings, Princes and States, that if the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs or assigns, or any of them, or any other of their license or appointment, shall at any time or times hereafter, rob or spoil, by sea or by land, or do any act of unjust or unlawful hostility, to any of the subjects of us, our heirs or successors, or to any of the subjects of any the kings, princes, rulers, governors, or estates, being then in perfect league and amity with us, our heirs and successors, and that upon such injury, or upon ju6t complaint of any such prince, ruler, governor, or estate, or their subjects, we, our heirs and successors, shall make open proclamation within any the ports of our Realm of England, that the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and adherents, or any to whom these our letters patents may extend, shall within the terms to be limited by such proclamation, make full restitu- tion and satisfaction of all such injuries done : so as both we and [1584] bib w. ealeigh's patent. 17 the said princes, or other so complaining, may hold us and them- selves fully contented. And that if the said "Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, shall not make or cause to be made satisfac- tion accordingly, within such time to be limited, that then it shall be lawful to us, our heirs and successors, to put the said "Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns and adherents, and all the inhabi- tants of the said places to be discovered (as is aforesaid) or any of them, out of our allegiance and protection, and that from and after such time of putting out of protection of the said "Walteb Ralegh, his heirs, assigns and adherents, and others so to be put out, and the said places within their habitation, possession and rule, shall be out of our allegiance and protection, and free for all princes and others, to pursue with hostility, as being not our subjects, nor by us any way to be avouched, maintaimed or defended, nor to be holden as any of ours, nor to our protection or dominion, or alle- giance any way belonging ; for that express mention of the clear yearly value of the certainty of the premises, or any part thereof, or of any other gift, or grant by us, or any our progenitors, or predecessors, to the said "Walter Ralegh, before this time made in these presents be not expressed, or any other grant, ordinance, provision, proclamation, or restraint to the contrary thereof, before this time given, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, cause or matter whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding. In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made patents. "Witness ourselves, at Westminster, the five and twentieth day of March, in the six and twentieth year of our reign. [The portion of time back to whieh this charter carries us, embraces ore of the most exciting as well as brightest periods of English history in the reign of the " Virgin Queen ;" and of the characters presented to our notice, the most interesting to North Carolinians is that of the very remarkable man whose enterprise first planted on our shores a colony of Englishmen. The State in which he placed the little handful of men who were the pio- neers in America, of English colonization, has rendered its tribute of respect to the name of Raleigh by conferring it upon her capital ; and we would fain justify our countrymen by showing that they have but rendered honor where it was due. It is therefore hoped that to a story of which North Carolina is to be the subject, a brief sketch of the life and character of Sir Walter Raleigh will form no inappropriate introduction.] Vol. I.— 2. 18 HISTOET OF NOETH CAEOLIKA. [1584] BIKTH-PLACE OF EAXE1GH. These is ever to a generous mind something painful in con- templating the fallen fortunes of a man who once haB " towered in his. pride of place." Our sensibilities are touched when we look upon the buried greatness even of one whose own unworthi- ness has made him "totter to his fall." Who, for instance, can dwell unmoved upon the picture of a Bacon illustrating the truth of a sentiment penned by himself almost as if with pro- phetic vision — " Of all men he is most miserable who follows at the funeral of his own reputation ?" The contrast is so great be- tween the honors rendered to elevated station, and the insult and neglect attendant upon altered fortunes, that in its contemplation' even this world's pity divests itself for a time of its hypocritical mockery, and for once is honest in the expression of its sympathy. And if this be so, when "even-handed justice" is constrained to mingle condemnation with our pity, how much more is there to touch the sensibilities of our nature, when envy and persecution, [1584] BIOGBAPHKJAI, SKETCH OF RALEIGH. 19 fraud and falsehood, have all combined to drag a noble spirit to the dust, and in their infernal success call upon us to look on the decayed, nay, ruined fortunes of one whose heaviest crime has been that God made him a greater man than his fellows ? Such was the treatment that Sir "Walter Raleigh received ; and one might almost think that like his illustrious contemporary Bacon, he too was endowed with the spirit of prophetic anticipation. In his early offerings to the muse, he has left on record a sentiment which his own sad history proved to be no poetic fiction : " Tho' sundry minds in sundry sort do deem, Yet worthiest wights yield praise for every pain ; But envious brains do naught, or light, esteem, Such stately steps as they cannot attain : For whoso reaps renown above the rest; With heaps of hate shall surely be oppress'd." Of the earlier years of Raleigh, no more need be said than that he. was born in the year 1552, of an ancient and reputable family in Devon, and was sent to Oxford for his education. One of the wisest men that England ever produced has borne testi- mony to the genius and wit of the young student, and it is there- fore no waste of time to follow the fortunes of one whose powers commanded the admiration of Bacon. His college life, how- ever, exhibited little more than that remarkable union of the habits of a scholar with those of an active man of the world, which through his whole career characterized him. In his case, too, as in that of other distinguished men, his early reading gave color to the future complexion of his life. The conquest of the Spaniards in this hemisphere furnished in his day a new story. Ealeigh was much too imaginative not to be plea- surably excited by the romance embodied in the tales of Montezu- ma and the Inca, the chivalric boldness of Cortes and Pizarro ; and as he was pre-eminently fitted for action, he felt that a field was open on this yet unknown continent for the exercise of his loftiest powers. Thus was he unconsciously preparing himself to become one of the boldest maritime adventurers of his age and nation. Young, handsome, brave, accomplished and intelligent (for he was all this), the first field in which we find him playing the part of man, was France. It was at the period when the Protestants, 20 HISTOET OF NORTH CAROLINA. under the. great Prince of Conde and Admiral Coligni, were straggling for religious liberty. Elizabeth, on more accounts than one, was not an indifferent spectator of this contest. She gave permission to Henry Champernon, who was a near 1 kinsman of Ealeigh, to raise a troop of a hundred gentlemen volunteers, and to pass over .to the continent. The French historian, De Thou, has left a description of the appearance they made in the Camp of the Protestants : " A gallant company," says he, " nobly mounted and accoutred, and bearing for a motto on their standard, ' Let valor decide the contest.' " Of this troop was Ealeigh, and one who knew him then, speaking of his education and bearing, writes, " it was not part, but wholly gentleman — wholly soldier.'" In this school he remained for more than six years, bearing well his share in some of the most memorable actions of the times, until the peace of 1576, when he returned to England. Yery soon after this we find him in the Netherlands, a volunteer under the Prince of Orange against the Spaniards. Raleigh must not, however, be considered a mere soldier of for- tune, ready to draw his sword in any quarrel. Both in the Low Countries and in France, the principle for which he contended was the same. He was armed in the cause of liberty, and in both instances he was indirectly defending his country ; for in both he had gone forth under the sanction of Elizabeth, and fought under the English standard. Among his fellow-soldiers was one who, remarkable as much for his eccentricity as for his valor, had traveled far and fought in many lands, and in whom great versatility of genius was not without its usual accompaniment, a wonderful facility in devising multifarious projects. One of his many schemes was the estab- lishment of a colony in America. When he adverted to this, he touched a chord in Ealeigh's bosom which instantly gave a re- sponsive vibration. Amid the toils of the camp, the young volun- teer had never neglected the cultivation of his mind : he was a soldier student, and had mastered all that was then known on the subjects of cosmography and navigation. His half-brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, had obtained a patent for colonizing in North America : leaving the army, Ealeigh joined him to try his for- tune on our shores. A combination of disasters, however, defeated BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF RALEIGH. 21 the undertaking, and he returned home without having seen this country, and with no other advantage than that derived from the lessons of his brother, one of the most experienced seamen of his age. Scarcely had he reached England, however, before he found himself in another scene of activity and war. Spain had stirred up the spirit of rebellion in Ireland. Raleigh now had a name as a soldier, and we find him at the seat of war in command of a company. Here it was that his remarkable talents first shone forth with a lustre that challenged notice. He found himself in various important trusts, and well did he execute them all. Uniting the sagacity and ripe judgment of age with the daring courage and uncalculating generosity of youth, he Would now defeat the enemy by superior tactics, and now rush single-handed to the rescue of a friend, and bring him off in triumph , at the peril of his life. The rebellion was suppressed, and Raleigh, with a reputation of the highest order among those who had stood by his side as soldiers, returned with no recommendations but those his own talents and attainments had procured, to play his part at a most eventful period among men more splendid than any other court in Europe at that day could boast. And now we must digress from our narrative long enough to present a pieture of the " Virgin Queen," and those whom she had gathered around her for the support of her throne. Of Elizabeth herself, perhaps no more comprehensive character was ever sketched than that which came from the pen of her sec- retary, the younger Cecil, after the grave had secured him against the possibility of her resentment. She was, as he said, " more than a man, and in troth somewhat less than a woman." In the masculine vigor of her understanding, and the lion-hearted bold- ness which she inherited from her father, she exhibited qualities belonging to the sterner sex ; and was often more than many men would have been under the circumstances ; — while her feminine weaknesses went far beyond those of most women. The distin- guishing features of the better part of her character were her admirable power of discriminating true mental strength ; and of attaching to her service the devoted labors of the best minds in her kingdom. The individual who can do these things belongs not to the ordinary class. When seated at the council board, we 22 HISTOET OF NOETH CAEOUUA. see none of Elizabeth's womanly follies. She had an opinion of her own, and was prepared with reasons to sustain it : she never forgot the dignity belonging to her station, and permitted not the greatest man before her in the slightest degree to entrench upon it. She knew no favorites in the discussion of great questions of state policy, and no reign presented more of such questions than her own. Her agents in important enterprises were always judi- ciously selected ; no gilded court butterfly was ever sent to execute a difficult duty. She tolerated no fools about her when she was deliberating on the interests of her throne. These are facts which deservedly place her among the very first of female sovereigns. But her weaknesses stand out in sad con- trast to all these high qualities. She was vain much beyond the ordinary limits allowed to the weaker sex by the courtesy of the stronger. With features so plain that not even self-love could persuade her she was handsome, she yet was exceedingly anxious to be thought beautiful. A passionate admirer of beauty in the other sex, she exacted most mercilessly the homage 6f the hand- somest men in her kingdom, and no miser was ever more covetous of gold than she was of admiration. When the frosts of sixty winters had whitened her locks, and the ploughshare of time had traced many a furrow in the wrinkles of her shriveled cheeks ; bo that ugliness had not even the small merit of healthy youth to redeem it from the loathings of disgust ; she affected all the ro- mantic sensibilities of love-sick sixteen. The smiles and sighs and tears and thousand interesting " femalities," so pretty and engaging in tender damsels who fall in love ; all these derived an added lustre from the parchment face of sixty, agonizing for a blush and striving to torture the indurated muscles into an ex- pression of sentimentality. With all a woman's dexterity would she play off one of her favorites against another, and so admirably equalize her tokens of regard that each had just enough of hope to save him from despair, and quite enough of fear to stimulate him to renewed devotion. With a jealousy as cruel as the grave, she allowed no man about her to bestow the affections of his na- ture upon an object worthy of them, but with lynx-eyed vigilance tracked him in his love, and construed it into an insult to herself. Envious of her own sex, if a lady of the court acquitted herself BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF EALEIGH. 23 well in the lively dance, it was the royal pleasure to enter the lists in a saltatory contest, and the agility of youth yielded the palm to the stately dignity of sixty-nine years, walking with be- coming gravity through the slower paces of a minuet. Vindictive when the slightest personal reflection had been made, the fate of Essex (favorite though he was) was sealed from the unfortunate moment when, sick of her caprices, he remarked that her counsels were " as crooked as her carcase." Treacherous toward her rival, the unhappy queen of Scots, the policy of state which called for her murder was none the less acceptable because it gratified also the envy that sickened at her beauty. Such was Elizabeth, and such the strange intermingling of kingly qualities and womanly weaknesses that made her, as Cecil said, " more than a man and less than a woman." The next character in importance to the queen was the saga- cious and wary Burleigh. A more unimaginative creature than William Cecil, perhaps, never lived. A heart less likely by its generous impulses to mislead the judgment never beat in a human bosom. Spenser, the poet, came recommended to him by his royal mistress herself; he had no sympathy with the beautiful creations of his fancy, and treated him with neglect. Military reputation he valued at no more than he could find in the tangi- ble results of a victory. He estimated the genius of a commander by the security the country derived from his conquests, or the coin they brought into her coffers. Calm and taciturn in every condition of state affairs, with a judgment imperturbably cool, and a rigidity of muscle that never betrayed the slightest feeling, he swayed the destinies of England for years in one of the most trying times of her history, and from first to last possessed the confidence and respect of one of the most capricious old women that ever fancied herself lovely. Elizabeth as little thought of flattering Burleigh into a dream of love, or binding him to her interests by the occasional 'affectation of tenderness, as if he had been chiseled out of marble. This was a game to, play with such spirits as Essex and Leicester ; but Burleigh was much too sagacious to permit her majesty to think it possible that he knew there was any such thing as love. His abilities made him indis- pensable: he was aware of it, yet never acted as if he thought bo. 24 HISTORY OF NOKTH CAKOLINA. The only object he had in view through a long life, was the glory and aggrandisement of England. For these he toiled with inde- fatigable labor. Take him for all in all, his country neyer had a better minister of state, and yet his mind was not of the highest order. There was none of the brilliancy or originality of genius belonging to him. There was no enthusiasm which enabled him to appreciate it in others. Still Burleigh was a great man. A survey of the measures of his government, and the consummate prudence with which he conducted them, all stamp him with the impress of true greatness. The difficult questions involved in the establishment of the Protestant faith, the triumphant resistance to the untiring hostility of the then powerful court of Spain, the dexterous opposition to the Papal power exhibited in the professed support merely of liberty of conscience in France and the Neth- erlands ; the far-reaching sagacity that liberally encouraged voy- ages of discovery and colonization, because it saw that England's strength was to be in her marine ; all these, with many other particulars, attest that "William Cecil has had few equals among statesmen. This man appreciated Sir Walter Kaleigh, and was his friend : probably he was ignorant that the knight had ever been guilty of what has been termed " the vagabond-like occu- pation" of perpetrating poetry. Far different from Burleigh was the proud and profligate Dudley, Earl of Leicester. The appreciation of his character that may be made from the representation of the great novelist will not be entirely erroneous. The sad story of Amy Robsart, which has been invested by Scott with so much of melancholy interest, is not all fiction. Utterly unprincipled, Leicester never scrupled at the means necessary to accomplish his end. He hated Burleigh because he could not undermine him in the confidence of Eliza- beth : Burleigh repaid his hatred with contempt, but was too politic to betray it by overt acts. Leicester acted for himself primarily. "When Raleigh came to court, he found him a royal favorite, possessed of immense influence and power, for a subject. And Leicester loved power not as a means of doing good for hia country, but as gratifying pride and furnishing opportunities for revenge. He never scrupled to destroy, that he might build him- self on the ruins of his victim. He was one of the most profound BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF RALEIGH. 25 dissemblers that ever lived. Professing devoted attachment to his queen and country, and bearing no small share in her coun- sels, he yet was secretly intriguing with Spain and the members of the Church of Eome, because he wished to destroy the pro- testant interest of Cecil. Notoriously' profligate in morals and abandoned in his habits, he could again, when occasion required, lay aside his pretended sympathy with Eome, and with the deep- est hypocrisy, assume the language of puritanism, and wear the mask of a most self-denying Christianity. He wished the aid of Puritans to prostrate -Cecil's labors in building up the Church establishment. No man was ever better fitted by nature to play off the plausibilities of insincerity. Of remarkable personal beauty, uncommon gracefulness of manner, ready address, and no deficiency of understanding, he' claimed rank by his noble birth, and sustained the claim by his thorough breeding. Per- fectly aware of the foibles of the queen, he plied her with a, delicate flattery and a devoted gallantry, complimented her caprices as evidence of her wisdom, and, with a dexterity as cunning as it was secret, contrived, under the seeming show of homage rendered to his sovereign, to strengthen his power, by acting on the principle that Elizabeth was a woman before she was a queen. It was as a woman that she made the handsome Leicester a favorite — it was as the queen that she never allowed her confidence in Cecil to falter. Hence, both stood high in her regard, though they were utterly unlike in all things, and never loved each other. The only individual who can be said to have shared with Lei- cester the particular favor of the queen was Essex. We are inclined to think that less than justice has usually been done to his character. He is ordinarily considered as one who became a favorite rather from personal beauty than from real merit, and sharing the fate of most favorites, but little sympathy has been felt in his misfortunes or his fall. Had he been less honest, he had probably escaped the scaffold at the early age of thirty-four. Essex possessed many noble traits of character, and with some it will be deemed enough to redeem his memory from reproach, that he was too proud to be the slave of a woman's whims, though that woman was a queen. He was sick of the perpetual alternar '26 HISTORY OF NOETH CAROLINA. uke of Parma, ready to embark at a moment's warning from the Netherlands, with an additional 12,000 under the Duke of 32 HISTOET OF NOBTH CABOLINA. , Guise on the coast of Normandy. England never saw a moment of greater peril, and England never met danger with a braver spirit. The nation felt that under God, they must prove the bul- warks of liberty of conscience and liberty of person to Europe. The queen was now all queen, her lion heart was roused, and she forgot all her woman's nonsense. It was no time to be fancying herself beautiful and beloved, and to make herself a ridiculous old fool in court pageants. She had a kingdom and a crown at stake. She formed immediately a council of war, of which Ea- leigh was perhaps the most conspicuous member. Burleigh says that the course pursued was chiefly on Kaleigh's advice. ~No man was more competent than he to give counsel. Intimately acquainted with the resources of Spain, he was at the same time a skilful admiral and an experienced general. In an incredibly short period, so extensive and complete were the military pre- parations, that (according to the testimony of an eye-witness and Spanish spy) the maritime counties were so furnished that upon any one spot where a landing might be made, within 48 hours an army of 20,000 men fully provided could be assembled, under the command of the most experienced oificors. The queen was as cheerful as she was brave. It is enough to move the spirits, like the trumpet's call to battle, when we read the heroic words of Elizabeth at Tilbury. She was of the true Tudor blood — " My loving people," (thus she spake) " we have been persuaded by some that are careful of our safety, to take heed how we commit ourselves to armed multitudes for fear of treachery ; but I assure you I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful and loving people. Let tyrants fear ! I have always so behaved myself, that under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good-will of my subjects ; and, therefore, I am come amongst you at this time, not as for my recreation or sport, but being resolved in the midst and* heat of the battle to live or die amongst you all : to lay down, for my God, for my kingdom, and, for my people, my honor and my blood, eve& in the dust. I know that I have but the body of a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart of a king, and of a king of England too, and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain or any prince of Europe should dare to invade the borders of my realms." BI0GEAPHI0A1 SKETCH OF RAUEIGH. 33 Raleigh, though he had a command on land, determined that his services should be rendered on the sea. It would bring him first into contact with the enemy, and beside, his adventurous spirit better loved the ocean for the very dangers that attended it. In the midst of all his activity he found time hastily to dis- patch two ships to his colonists, and then all his thoughts were for England. And yet in the face of all these facts, a modern English writer of deserved celebrity (Southey), states that the abandonment of his poor colonists in Carolina " must ever be a reproach to Raleigh." He says that no " attempt was made to relieve them, nor to ascertain their fate." He might have found proof of his inaccuracy in the volumes of Purchas. This writer informs us, under the date of 1602, that " Samuel Mace of Wey- mouth, a very sufficient mariner, who had been at Virginia twice before, was (in this year) employed thither by Sir "Walter Raleigh, to find those people which were left there in 1587, to whose succor he had sent five several times at his own charges." — Pur- chas, vol. iv., 1653. It was on an evening in the latter part of July that the English first descried the enemy, which had entered the British channel the day before. The Armada came on majestically, the ships forming a semi-circle of seven miles in extent. The battle soon commenced, and lasted with intervals until the 1st of August (a period of ten days), when fairly vanquished in every engagement of the ships and sorely handled by the storms, the remainder of this proud navyj consisting of fifty-three vessels, was glad to escape to Spain, and there presented an appearance so shattered, and crews so exhausted, that its very presence was as mortifying as the capture of its companions. Raleigh shared in all the dangers of this protracted sea-fight, and the Lord High Admiral was happy to follow his counsel. After the victory, England found fresh cause for thankfulness in the revelations afforded by some of the prizes of the humane intentions of the Spaniards. Superstition and bigotry had not been unemployed in the great work of pre- paration to subdue England. The thumb-screws and iron boots with wedges, and whips, and manacles, with divers other inge- nious devices to punish heresy and promote conversion, were dragged to the light of day, and their purposes explained by some Vol. I.— 3. 34 HISTORY OF NOKTH CAEOUNA. of the pious ecclesiastics who were made prisoners. These instru- ments of torture were preserved as trophies, and are yet in the tower of London. In the midst of them, at least such was the fact not many years ago, was placed the instrument by which the gallant man of whom we write suffered death. It was hard to look upon the trophies and the axe, and in their unfortunate juxta- position not to read a comment on worldly renown, and a satire on royal gratitude. Amid all these exciting vicissitudes of war, by sea and by land, with the cares of his colonies and the duties of his many offices, Raleigh proved lumself to be a wonderful man in the eyes of many, because he found time to address himself to the promotion of the interests of science, and to form a plan for the ready com- munication and correspondence of the learned among themselves. He is thus supposed to have laid the foundation of those national societies that have contributed so largely to the diffusion of scientific discovery. The secret of his accomplishing so much, however, was very obvious to all those who to activity of mind united method in the arrangement and dispatch of business. His next enterprise was an expedition to restore the King of Portugal to his throne, from which he was excluded by Spain, and his services were deemed worthy of reward by Elizabeth. Immediately after, we find him proposing to her majesty an expedition against Panama with a plan for intercepting the Plate fleet. On this, having embarked all his private fortune, he sailed in person, and was called back by a messenger from the queen almost as soon as he had reached the open sea. Alas ! his sin was that he had ventured to love, and had not made her majesty the object. The queen sometimes granted monopolies to others, but there was one particular in which she tolerated no monopoly but in herself. She thought herself entitled by royal prerogative to all the love, and, like most of her sex who are exacting in that particular, she obtained none that was sincere. Ealeigh had seen enough of the ladies of the bed-chamber to induce him to say that " they were like witches, who could do hurt, but could do no good." There was, however, among the queen's maids of honor one between whom and Ealeigh there was formed a devoted attachment. Unlike the queen, Elizabeth Throckmorton was BIOGBAPHTCAL SKETCH OF EA1EIGH. 35 young and beautiful. It is probable that she was privately mar- ried to Raleigh before his departure on the Panama expedition, and when the story of the attachment of this young couple came to the knowledge of her majesty, she showed how far she herself was capable of understanding or feeling real love, by the sym- pathy she exhibited toward two of her fellow creatures, who loved and were worthy of each other. She sent Raleigh to the tower, and banished his wife from the court. His enemies now supposed that his ruin would be easy ; but Raleigh understood the queen's character, and by a flattery of her vanity, which was alto- gether unworthy of him, was released from his confinement. Ihe sunshine of the royal favor, however, rested not on him as brightly as before ; yet we find him very soon in parliament, taking an active and wise part in its discussions. The queen, notwithstanding her resentment, could not but ap- preciate the talents and services of the member for Devon, and had no wish to deprive herself of his really valuable aid. She therefore partially relented and made him a grant of the manor of Sherborne in Dorsetshire ; but she permitted not his presence at the court. He retired to his new estate, and without wasting his strength in the vain attempt then to breast a current that was too strong for him, he was willing for the time to be forgotten by his enemies ; but with the policy of true wisdom, determined, by the accomplishment of some great enterprise for his country's glory, far beyond the reach or ambition of the minions of a court, at once to regain the favor of the queen, and, placing himself on a loftier eminence than he had occupied before, to defeat the malice of his enemies. He turned his thoughts to conquest in America. Aware of what the Spaniards had done in the southern part of our continent, he resolved to rival their boldest achievements, and make the conquest of Guiana. His imagination was excited by the Spanish stories of El Dorado, as they termed it, and fabulous as they were, his was not the temper to indulge incredulity when he remembered that Cortes had proved Mexico to be a golden reality. The historians of Spanish conquests in this hemisphere had left on record tales of the city of Manoa and its wealth, de- picting the gorgeous splendor of more than oriental luxury and riches ; and Manoa, as yet unvisited by Englishmen, invited a 36 HISTOET OF NOKTH CAROLINA. genius like that of Ealeigh to its discovery and its conquest. There can be no doubt that he fully believed in its existence him- self. In 1594, he dispatched an officer who had long been in his service to explore the territory. He, on his return, though he represented the enterprise as one full of difficulty, shook not Ka- leigh's resolution for a moment. In 1595, he fitted out a fleet of five vessels, and taking the command himself, sailed from Ply- mouth. It would occupy too much time to speak particularly of this expedition. Suffice it to say, that its commander accomplished, probably, all that any man could do in his situation. It was not, however, done without cost. He thus touchingly describes his condition to the Lord High Admiral and Kobert Cecil : — " Of the little remaining fortune I had, I have wasted, in effect, all herein. I have undergone many constructions ; been accompanied with many sorrows, with labor, hunger, heat, sickness and peril. From myself I have deserved no thanks, for I am returned a beggar and withered." To add to his misfortunes, his enemies had availed themselves of his absence to prepossess the queen's mind against him; and his reception (notwithstanding his discoveries) was marked by coldness and suspicion. The unfortunate victim of defamation and distrust found, how- ever, a few who could appreciate what he had done, and although Elizabeth, in the spirit of parsimony, refused to colonize Guiana, they assisted him in his purpose of at least keeping up a commu- nication with his distant discoveries until the arrival of brighter times. He was thus able to dispatch two vessels, under the com- mand of an officer who had served with Tiim on his first expedition. Scarcely, however, had he sailed before Ealeigh found work to do near home. Spain was still powerful ; the hatred of Philip had been slumbering only, since the defeat of the Armada. He had collected a formidable fleet at Cadiz, and meditated a descent upon England. The bold spirit of Ealeigh conceived the daring design of not even permitting these ships to reach the open sea, but of destroying them within the very harbor of Spain. He had indeed recommended this plan in the case of the Armada, eight years before. The queen now saw, as she supposed, its wisdom, and determined to adopt it. Ealeigh was appointed one of the BIOaRAPHICAI, SKETCH OF RA1EIGH. 37 four officers to execute it. The English fleet came on the coast of Spain after a very short run, and took the enemy completely by surprise. The harbor was commanded by extensive fortifications, and filled with vessels of war. The English dashed boldly in, Ealeigh taking the lead in his ship, the "Warspite, and disregarding the guns of the fort, which he answered only by a trumpet-blast of defiance as he passed, and making straight for the two largest ships, he anchored between them and opened upon them with alternate broadsides. For three hours the fight continued hotly. The Warspite was dreadfully shattered, and fearing that she would not float much longer, Raleigh went on board of the ship commanded by Essex, and told him that if he did not send the boats with men prepared for boarding, he would board from the Warspite at all risks. Essex told him he would second him in any step he took. Immediately Ealeigh rowed back to his own vessel, and this seemed to be the signal for boarding to the English fleet. It was not more than fifteen minutes that Ealeigh had been ab- sent, but during that time some of the ships had got ahead of him. Eesolved to be the first throughout the day, he immediately slipped his anchor, and passing the other vessels again, had the lead, and came within twenty yards of the San Philip. Here he anchored athwart the channel, so that no ship could pass him, and on attempting, by means of warping, to bring himself along side for boarding, the enemy slipped their cables and ran aground, and two of their largest vessels took fire and blew up. Ealeigh suc- ceeded, however, in capturing two others before their crews could either ground them or burn them. The history of naval warfare does not present a more remarkable achievement. Sir William Monson, who was in the engagement, speaks of it in his naval tracts, as the most disgraceful overthrow Spain ever received from England. In a battle which lasted from ten in the morning till late in the afternoon, fought in one of the harbors of Spain, and under the very guns of one of her best forts, seven ships, led by Ealeigh in the Warspite, destroyed a fleet consisting of six gal- leons, three frigates, seventeen galleys, and the Mexican squadron, (in all fifty-five,) so completely that the bay of Cadiz was cleared and left in possession of the English. The merit of this victory was due to Ealeigh, and on his return 38 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. the nation would have been gratified to see him once more restored to the royal favor ; but the vindictive and capricious queen would not yet recall him to court In two months after his return from Cadiz, this ever active man had another vessel fitted out and on her way to Guiana, and during her absence he employed himself in projecting another naval expedition against Spain. He employ- ed himself also in reconciling Essex and Kobert Cecil, who were then the leading favorites of the queen, and the result was that by their joint agency he was recalled and reinstated in his offices at court. And here we must pause long enough to describe Robert Cecil. Under the eye of his father Burleigh he had been bred a states- man and a courtier. What wonder is it then that he was the embodied representation of duplicity? Deformed in person, he was malignant in heart and splendid in intellect : — possibly the faults of person may have contributed to produce the qualities both of heart and head. Soured by the deformity which made it painful to associate with others, he brooded in the bitterness of his feelings over his condition, and studying the vices only of his fel- low-men, learned to cherish a sarcastic contempt for his kind, which ended in an almost total disbelief of the possibility of human disinterestedness or virtue. Cautious, calculating, cunning, and forever intriguing, he cultivated, with incredible labor, a naturally fine mind, determined to achieve, by means of his understanding, a distinction which he could never hope to gain by personal grace or prowess. His suspicious temperament was doubtless increased by his consciousness of deformity. Clarendon has remarked of him that " it was as necessary for Cecil there should be treasons, as for the state that they should be prevented. And though he created none, yet he fomented some conspiracies that he might give frequent evidences of his loyalty." Possessed of wonderful self-command, he never betrayed pas- sion under any provocation, was the mirror of placid politeness, and as smooth a hypocrite as ever lived. If he had a rupture with a rival, he would glide into reconciliation seemingly most sincere, when interest required it ; but with a vengeful spirit that never slumbered he brooded over his hatred, and secretly prepar- ing means to gratify it, he waited patiently for the day of reckon BIOGEAPHI0A1 SKETCH OF EALEIGH. 39 ing. Never man better understood than Cecil, the worst parts of human nature ; and never man had in his own heart, a better school in which to study them. It will readily be perceived that such a man as we have described was alike dangerous as a friend and an enemy. It was in the former character that he wished to be considered by Baleigh, when the knight was once more enjoy- ing the favor of the queen and the honors of the court. Cecil, then, was but using Raleigh for the ruin of Essex : when he had finished that work, in the execution of the fallen favorite, he, with the most perfidious villainy sought, as we shall see, to destroy Ealeigh. It was about this period that Elizabeth aimed another blow at Spain, in which Raleigh bore his part oh the sea, and returned not without success ; though to an extent less than that which marked the memorable fight at Cadiz. And now we are to con- template him in a new aspect. "Wearied with the long and hard service through which he had passed, Sir "Walter was glad to find repose for a time at his seat of Sherborne. But with him repose implied not idleness. He turned to his studies, and in the prose- cution first of one subject and then of another, found all the rest he needed in the variety of his occupations, yet never lost sight of the busy world he had left for a time behind him. Mathe- matics, metaphysics, music, poetry, painting, history, antiquarian researches, ornamental gardening, these all, at times, occupied his attention ; and it was one of the characteristics of this remarka- ble man's mind that amid all this diversity of subject, his genius was as powerful as it was varied. "We confess that we look upon this great man with most pleasure, in these his hours stolen from ambition. Here (great and important as had been his achieve- ments) we find him effecting triumphs, in our view, not less im- portant, and in a more peaceful field. Here he held converse, not with crafty statesmen, who looked on language, as Talleyrand did, as an ingenious invention to hide men's thoughts ; but with those who had found in letters a purer enjoyment than statesmen ever knew. His associates were such men as Sir Henry Spelman, learned John Selden, Camden, and the old chronicler Stowe — all honored names in the memory of the student of antiquities. Here, too, he communed with the minds of the poets of his day, and 40 HISTORY OF NOKTH CAROLINA. found enjoyment, in the then fresh numbers of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson, Beaumont and Fletcher, Carew and Donne, before yet they had been cast before the world for its judgment. Here, too, his own muse was not idle, and the severity of graver studies alternated with the lighter play of his exuberant fancy. Eor wanted he a pupil in this pleasant retirement. Robert Cecil had for a son a youth of great promise, and was glad to confide him to the care of such a man as Raleigh. The young man was a visitor at Sherborne, and the constant associate of its hospitable owner : what (we must ask in a parenthesis,) what must have been the consummate villainy of his detestable father, when he could be secretly plotting the destruction of the man who with unsuspecting confidence and friendship was at that very moment acting the part of a father to his child ? Here he taught young Cecil to appreciate the loveliness of nature, and exposed the corruption of a court in the language of a poet : " Heart-tearing cares and quiv'ring fears — Anxious sighs — untimely tears ; Fly — fly to courts — Fly to fond worldlings' sports : Where strain'd sardonic smiles are glosing still, And grief is forced to laugh against her will : Where mirth's but mummery, And sorrows only, real be. " Fly from our country pastimes, fly, Sad troop of human misery ! Come, serene looks, Clear as the crystal brooks, Or the pure azured heaven that smiles to see The rich attendance of our poverty. Peace and a secure mind. Which all men seek, we only find. " Abused mortals, did you know Where joy, heart's ease and comforts grow, You'd scorn proud towers. And seek them in these bowers ; Where winds, perhaps, our woods may sometimes shake, But blustering care could never tempest make, Nor murmurs e'er come nigh us, Saving of fountains that glide by us." BIOGKAPHIOAL SKETCH OF RALEIGH. 41 In a more playful, though not a sweeter strain, does he give to his young companion his lessons in the poet's neTer-failing subject — love. Shepherd, what's love % I pray thee, tell ! It is that fountain, and that well, Where pleasure and repentance dwell : It is perhaps that sauncing bell That tolls all in to heaven or hell ; And this is love, as I heard tell. Yet, what is love * Good shepherd, saine ! It is a sunshine mixed with rain ; It is a toothache or like pain : It is a game Where none doth gain. The lass saith no, and would full fain ! And this is love as I hear saine. Yet, what is love ? Good shepherd show ! A thing that creeps — it cannot go— A prize that passeth to and fro, A thing for one, a thing for moe ; And he that proves shall find it so ; And, shepherd, this is love, I trow. fiear him next sing his high thoughts of scornful disdain in the contemplation of female fickleness : Shall I, like a hermit, dwell On a rock or in a cell — Calling home the smallest part That is missing of my heart, To bestow it — when I may Meet a rival, every day \ If she undervalue me, What care I how fair she be ? Were her tresses angel gold— If a stranger may be bold, Unrebuked, unafraid, To convert them to a braid, And with little more ado, Work them into bracelets too \ If the mind be grown so free, What care I how rich it be/? Were her hands as rich a prize As her hair or precious eyes, If she lay them out to take Kisses for good manners' sake, 42 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. And let every lover skip From her hand unto her lip : If she seem not pure to me, "What care I how pure she be ? No — she must be perfect snow, In effect as well as show ; Warming, but as snow-balls do, Not like fire, by burning too ; But when she by change hath got To her heart a second lot, Then, if others share with me, Farewell, her, whate'er she be. These, however, must suffice as specimens of Raleigh's hours of tuneful idleness, and yet the temptation is not small to linger yet longer in his garden of poesy. But much yet remains to be told, and we will therefore now return to the rougher realities of history, which ordinarily possesses no quality belonging to poetry, unless it be fiction. The time had now come for the leaf that had faded and wilted, and was now withered to dryness, to fall from the tree. Eliza- beth had heard herself called to follow poor Essex into that eternity whither she had capriciously and prematurely sent him. It was to her a sad summons, for the proud woman hated to die. If one could envy royalty, the spectacle of the dying queen would be no bad cure for his malady. She had said, after many years of experience, " to be a king and wear a crown, is a thing more glorious to them that see it, than it is pleasant to them that bear it." Her death gave utterance to the same truth with more elo- quent emphasis still. There was the once wise, brave and proud daughter of the Tudor race, sunk in a melancholy so profound that no entreaties could prevail on her to take food or medicine. She refused to be placed upon her bed because she thought that if once laid there, she should never rise again. Cushions were arranged on the floor of her chamber, and there she sat day and night for a week, refusing food, rejecting sleep, entirely indiffer- ent to everything around her, and breathing forth the burden of her soul in groans and sighs. Death was her companion, and with him her spirit held secret communings, reserved for the revelations of another day. The only case in which she could be BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF EALEIGH. 43 roused occurred when her council spoke to her of the succession to the throne. The last flash of her old queen-like spirit shot up into a blaze, and then the light went out forever. " I told you," (thus she spoke) " that my seat had been the seat of kings, and I will have no rascal to succeed me ! Trouble me no more. He who comes after me, must be a king. I will have none but our cousin of Scotland." Posterity, alas ! has furnished those who have thought, not without reason, that in her successor she had both king and rascal combined. "When Elizabeth died, Kaleigh lost his best support, for she knew his value and would not permit his ruin. Possibly her shrewdness might have discovered the hypocrisy of the friendship which Cecil professed for him. The cunning secretary had fore- seen her death, and with characteristic villainy had opened a secret correspondence with James, who he knew must be her successor. "With no little industry had he taken pains to be informed of the peculiarities of the pedantic fool who then held the throne of Scotland, and he accommodated his conduct to the whims and follies of the future king of England. True, Cecil had murdered Essex, and James had no love for any who were con- cerned in that deed of blood : true, Cecil had borne no small share in sending the mother of James, the lovely queen of Scots, to the block : but what were obstacles like these in the way of such a man as Cecil ? An ordinary being, possessed of nothing but the mere instincts of humanity, would have been led by those instincts alone to retire in despair from the task of conciliating and becoming a favorite with the man whose own mother he had helped to murder : but the instincts of Cecil were hardly those of humanity ; and when we find that he had actually succeeded, and became the confidential adviser and secretary of James, one scarcely knows which to pronounce most wonderful, the cool ef- frontery of the murderer and the villain, or the unfilial forgetful- ness of the unnatural wretch, who took to his confidence his mo- ther's murderer. In the secret correspondence of Cecil with James (which would have cost the former his head had it been but suspected by the proud old queen), he took care to play upon his cowardice and arouse his prejudices by anticipation against those who were at 44 HISTORY OF NOETH CAROLINA. all renowned in war. The miserable old woman who, though he wore a crown, yet shuddered at the sight of a naked sword, and cried out " treason" when his carver accidentally nicked his finger, which, with royal politeness he had thrust into the dish, was easily led to believe that Kaleigh, and men like Raleigh, would keep his kingdom perpetually embroiled in war. James, therefore, had scarcely mounted the throne before it was plain that the sun of Ealeigh's prosperity had set. The deprivation of his offices was among the first acts of the new king's reign : this was the secret work of Cecil, but little did the victim suppose that the deep-laid schemes of the cunning secre- tary, whom he now found to be his enemy, reached far beyond the mere loss of office, and were destined to find their consumma- tion in his ignominious death. To say that James was an egre- gious fool, is not necessarily to say that he was either mischievous or dangerous, for a mere fool may be harmless and call for our pity as one of heaven's innocents, but to say that James was a conceited fool is at once to pronounce that he was a very danger- ous man ; for as a king he had power enough to do harm, and as a fool he was wiser in his own conceit than seven men who could render a reason ; so that he presented the fearful union of oracular stupidity with irresponsible power. It was not difficult to create in such a mind as that of James a disbke of such a man as Ra- leigh. The one, profoundly impressed with a sense of his own sagacity, loved, by secret, though clumsy management, to aBtonish the court, as he supposed, with some magnificent outbreak of royal wisdom, as asinine as it was pretending ; while the other, who had naturally " high thoughts seated in a heart of courtesy," knew not how to gain honorable ends by any other than honor- able means, and felt contempt for the royal sagacity. James was a coward — Raleigh was brave. James was ready to purchase peace of Spain even on inglorious terms — Raleigh thought of England's glory, and looked on Spain as a proud enemy that ought to be crushed. James had no English feeling, and looked with no pride to England's ships and sailors — Raleigh looked far ahead, and saw, what facts have since proved, that the strength of England must be in ships and sailors. James ^professed to be a man of letters, and Raleigh was so. The difference was be- BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF EALEIGH. 45 tween one who reads and one who thinks as well as reads. James might, pernaps, tell readily what he had read in Dnns Scotus or Thomas Aquinas; and Ealeigh could tell whether Duns Scotus and the seraphic doctor had written sense or nonsense. "With the one, learning was the end of thought — with the other, learning was the material with which thought began. Ealeigh had a mind strikingly original — the mind of James was but the lumber-garret in' which confusedly to stow away other men's thoughts. As soon as the wily Cecil had found that his efforts to excite the royal prejudice against Ealeigh were successful, his next step was to ensnare his victim in toils which his own hand had long been se- cretly preparing, and by an accusation of treason, which he knew to be without foundation, to bring his dreaded rival to the block. "With the full light that modern historical research has shed on this subject, it is impossible not to abhor the character of Eobert Cecil. It was he who, at the very moment when he professed to be the friend of Ealeigh^-at the very time when his own son was sheltered under the roof of Ealeigh, and was receiving at his hands not hospitality merely, but the exhibition of an affectionate interest little short of parental — it was he who under such circum- stances was deliberately plotting the future murder of the man on whom he fawned, and who stood in the way of his unholy ambi- tion. A poor, weak fool, Lord Cobham, was involved in transac- tions to which Cecil well knew he could give the aspect of a traitorous intercourse with foreign powers, and, relying on the fears and stupidity of Cobham, he hoped by his testimony to implicate and convict Ealeigh. This was the outline of his plan, and it needed for its successful accomplishment nothing but the proper selection of a court and jury sufficiently compliant, a vin- dictive prosecuting attorney, and a total perversion of the estab- lished laws of evidence. Most men bent on the perpetration of judicial murder would have paused in the contemplation of these difficult prerequisites to the conviction of an innocent man ; but Eobert Cecil was not one to be deterred from his object by diffi- culties. He moulded the court (of which he himself was a mem- ber) to suit his ends. He knew that Coke, the king's attorney, could be vindictive enough, if it were but whispered to him that 46 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. royalty expected it ; his jury it was easy to select, and as for the law, the court was its proper expounder. When villainy had made all things ready, Raleigh, most unex- pectedly to himself, was arrested to answer to the charge of being a traitor to his country by entering into secret engagements with Spain, the nation of all others which he had most uniformly opposed in its attempts, and to which he had probably done more injury by his wisdom and prowess than any other man then living in England. From the moment of his arrest the very consciousness of his innocence convinced him that he was a doomed man ; and he had too much sagacity not to see who it was that was thirsting for his blood, and had prepared the machinery for his condemnation. But in this new and appalling position, in which the providence of heaven had placed him, he was true to his lofty character. There is something to command more than respect : we feel rever- ence as we look upon the calm dignity and sell-possession with which he rose above the feelings of ordinary men, and girded himself in his moral and intellectual strength to meet the emer- gency. We hear from him no clamors about the persecution which was dragging him to the scaffold ; no cry against the pre- meditated injustice which he knew to be in store for him. These were subjects to be treated of in another place than a prison — these were themes for the hall of justice. It was not the custom of that day to allow to the accused the benefit of professional aid on his trial. He was aware, therefore, that he was called on to meet (without having made law his study) all the skill and astute- ness of Coke (the ablest lawyer of his day), whetted to keenness by personal hatred, and all the inclination in an unfriendly bench to pervert and wrest the law to his ruin. The unfortunate prisoner too knew full well that he had not the sympathy of the people. To his honor be it said, that he had never stooped by unworthy means to make himself a favorite with the populace. Like a great judge of modern times, the only popularity he valued was " that which follows not that which is run after." Those who knew him, and were in immediate employment about him, loved him to the last with a fidelity that death only could destroy ; but BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF EALEIGH. 47 he was too noble to court indiscriminate professions of love by hypocritical pretences. "With the loftiness of bis soul unabated, be came to stand be- fore bis accusers, and offer to tbe world tbat most sublime of eartbly spectacles, a great man struggling with the tempests of adversity, and never forgetting that he is a great man. Impartial posterity has long since recorded its righteous verdict on this most unrighteous trial. History has indelibly stamped its mark of reprobation on the actors in this judicial murder; Tbe lustre which, in the eye of the jurist, gathers around the name of Coke, as one of the fathers in his profession, is tarnished when memory recalls his brutal ferocity in the trial of Raleigh. No biographer has yet attempted to palliate the infamy of his conduct, and his warmest eulogists have been constrained to pass by this transac- tion of his life in silence, or briefly to hint at it with expressions of regret. A few extracts from the trial will be sufficient to show the treatment of Raleigh, first premising that the only testimony against him consisted of the statements of Lord Cobham, who, by the way, had given statements and counter-statements no less than Jwe times. After Coke had made his charges, Raleigh remarked, " Tour words cannot condemn me : my innocency is my defence. Prove one of those things wherewith you have charged me, and I will confess the whole indictment, and that I am the horriblest, traitor that ever lived — that I am worthy to be crucified with a thousand torments." Coke answered, " Nay, I will prove all. Thou art a monster — thou hast an English face, but a Spanish heart." " Let me answer for myself," exclaimed the insulted prisoner. " Thou shalt not," cries the attorney. " It concerneth my life," said Raleigh. " Oh, do I touch you ?" cried Coke, and then proceeded with a repetition of the charges in the indictment. When he had finished, the prisoner quietly remarked, " I do not hear yet that you have spoken one word against me. If my Lord Cobham be a traitor, what is that to me ?" Coke's answer was so remarkable, that Shakespeare, Raleigh's companion and friend, did hot fail by his satire to keep alive its 48 HISTOBY OF NORTH CAROUNA. memory. In answer to Raleigh's question, how Cobham's treason could affect him, Coke bawled out, " All tbat he did was by thy instigation, thou viper, for I thou thee, thou traitor." It was in allusion to this that the poet puts into the mouth of Sir Toby Belch, in " Twelfth Night," his advice to Sir Andrew Aguecheek, touching the proper mode of penning a challenge : " Go write it in a martial hand : be crust and brief — it is no matter how witty, so it be eloquent and full of invention ; taunt him with the licence of ink : if thou thoust him some thrice, it shall not be amiss ; and as many lies as will lie in thy sheet of paper, although the sheet were big enough for the bed of "Ware in England, set 'em down." Raleigh's reply to this impertinence was, " It becometh not a man of quality and virtue to call me so ; but I take comfort in it — it is all you can do." Coke, with a despicable little spirit of triumph, asks, " Have I angered you ?" " I am in no case to be angry," was the dignified reply. No, truly, he was too immea- surably Coke's superior on this occasion, and indeed on every other involving aught else but a mere knowledge of law, to be made angry by the scurrility of such a creature. The only instance in the whole trial in which Raleigh's indig- nation appears for a moment to have been roused was when the attorney alleged that Cobham had declared that he and Raleigh meant to destroy the king and his issue. It was afterwards con- clusively shown that no such speech had ever been uttered. Raleigh on this allegation exclaimed, " I beseech you, my Lords, let it be proved that Cobham so expressed himself. You try me by the Spanish inquisition if you proceed only by the circum- stances without witnesses. If by the statute law, by the civil law, and by God's word, it be required that there must be two witnesses at the least, bear with me if I desire one. Let Cobham be heres — let him speak it. Call my accuser before my face, and I have done. All is but his accusation. No other thing hath been brought against me, and yet this accusation he never sub- scribed. I beseech you, my Lords, let this Lord be sent for — charge him on his soul — on his allegiance to the king. If he affirm it, I am content to be found guilty." And why was not this reasonable request granted ? Cobham BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF RALEIGH. 49 was then in the very building in which the court sat. King James himself (the despicable fool who sanctioned all this mockery of justice) shall answer. " If," said he, afterward, " Cobham could have spoken one word against Kaleigh, his enemies would have brought him from Constantinople." "What, then, shall we say of the man who, knowing this, yet permitted the murderous iniquity to be carried to its consummation ? At length the attorney having failed more than once in his proofs, broke forth into abuse, and, on being requested by the court to restrain his anger, took his seat in a passion, refusing to proceed with the cause. The bench, forgetful of its dignity, sup- plicated him to proceed, and at length yielding to persuasion, he arose again, but only to be more abusive still. Turning to Ealeigh, whom he had before called a Spider of Hell, he thus broke out, " Thou art the most vile and execrable traitor that ever lived !" Sir Walter calmly replied, " You speak indiscreetly, barbarously and uncivilly." "I want words," roared Coke, "sufficient to express thy viperous treasons." " I think you want words indeed," was the reply, " for you have spoken one thing half a dozen times." " Thou art an odious fellow," said Coke ; " thy name is hateful to all the realm of England for thy pride." " It will go near," an- swered Raleigh, "•to prove a measuring cast between you and me, Mr. Attorney." These specimens suffice to show us what prospect the prisoner had before him, and prepare us to hear without surprise that he was pronounced guilty. He doubtless expected this verdict — his dignity and self-posses-' sion never forsook him. When asked in the usual form why judg- ment and execution of death should not pass against him, he rose, and without the least perturbation, said, "My Lords, the jury have found me guilty. They must do as they are directed. I can say nothing why judgment should not proceed. Tou see whereof Cobham hath accused me. Tou remember his protesta- tions that I was never guilty. I only desire the king should know of the wrongs done me since I came hither, by Mr. Attorney." Then, after a solemn denial of the charges, he added, " I recom- mend my wife and son, of tender years, unbrought up, to the king's compassion." Sentence of death was then pronounced, and Vol. I.— 4. 50 HISTORY OF NOETH CABOLIWA. he was taken to prison. " And thus," says an old writer, " was he tried out of his life by the bawling of the king's counsel on one side, and the bench's insisting on a confession extorted from the Lord Cobham out of fear on the other. And thus did his adversaries reap dishonor and reproach in their victory, while he received triumphant applauses in his overthrow, like some flowers which are sweeter in their fall than others in their bloom. He stood with them at bay from morning till night to the great admiration of the hearers, who all thought that a man of such understanding and experience would hardly be drawn into a plot so foul and foolish. Divers who went thither his enemies, went away with commiseration of his injuries and misfortunes, thinking never man spake better for himself." One of his auditors says "he behaved himself so worthily, so wisely, so temperately, that in half a day the mind of all the company was changed from the extremest hate to the extremest pity." One of his enemies, who hastened to carry the news of his con- viction to the king, was constrained to say that whereas when he saw him first, he was so led with the common hatred, that he would have gone a hundred miles to see him hanged ; he would, ere he parted, have gone a thousand to save his life. We are not ignorant that a modern writer, Napier, has expressed the opinion, founded on the dispatches of Beaumont, the French ambassador, that Ealeigh " must have been aware of Cobham's treason." He may have been so without being a participator in it ; though we confess the evidence of knowledge even is less satisfactory to us than it appears to have been to Mr. Napier. The purpose of Ealeigh he supposes to have been, to make him self master of the plot, get Cobham into his power in Jersey, where Ealeigh was governor, and then by disclosing it, to make terms with the king and gain his favor. The witness for this is. after all, but Aubrey, on whom Mr. Napier himself places but little reliance. Ealeigh was probably too sagacious ever to have risked everything on such a clumsy contrivance, where premature discovery of his knowledge might implicate him in the treason. Beside, if he had the knowledge supposed, and received it, as Mr. Napier thinks he did, an immediate revelation would have BIOGBAPHICAL SKETCH OF EALEIGH. 51 helped Ms cause with the king quite as much as the clumsy Jersey contrivance. And now we must look upon this great man in prison awaiting, though innocent, a traitor's death. Protesting his innocence, he wrote once to the king, but in vain. There is, however, one letter preserved of his which it would be unpardonable to omit. It was addressed to his wife, and presents a picture of the man far more vivid than any we can offer by description. It is hard to find within the range of our literature a more touching, appropriate or beautiful composition : " Tou shall now receive, my dear wife, my last words in these my last lines. My love I send you, that you may keep it when I am dead ; and my counsel that you may remember it when I am no more. I would not, by my will, present you with sorrows, dear Bess — let them go into the grave with me, and be buried in the dust. And, seeing it is not the will of God that ever I shall see you more in this life, bear it patiently and with a heart lika thyself. First, I send you all the thanks which my heart can con- ceive, or my words can express, for your many travails and care taken for me ; which, though they have not taken effect as you wished, yet my debt to you is not the less. But pay it I never shall in this world. Secondly, I beseech you for the love you bear me living, do not hide yourself many days after my death. But, by your travails, seek to help your miserable fortunes, and the right of your poor child. Thy mournings cannot avail me — I am but dust. Thirdly, you shall understand that my land was conveyed bona fide to my child. I trust my blood will quench their malice that have thus cruelly murdered me, and that they will not seek also to kill thee and thine with extreme poverty. To what friend to direct thee I know not, for all mine have left me in the true time of trial, and I plainly perceive that my death was determined from the first day. Most sorry I am, God knows, that, being thus surprised with death, I can leave you in no better estate. But God hath prevented all my resolutions — even that great God that ruleth all in all. But if you can live free from want, care for no more ; the rest is but vanity. Love God, and begin betimes to repose yourself on Him, and therein shall you 52 HISTOKT OF NORTH CAROLINA. find true and lasting riches and endless comfort. For the vest, when you have travailed, and wearied your thoughts over all sorts of worldly cogitation, you shall but sit down by sorrow in the end. Teach your son also to love and fear God while he is yet young, that the fear of God may grow up with him. And then God will be a husband to you and a father to him — a hus- band and a father which cannot be taken from you. When I am gone, no doubt you shall be sought to by many, for the world thinks that I was very rich. But take heed of the pretences of men and their affections. For they last not but in honest and worthy men ; and no greater misery can befall you in this life than to become a prey and afterward to be despised. I speak not this, God knows, to dissuade you from marriage, for it will be best for you both in respect of the world and of God. As for me, I am no more yours, nor you mine. Death has cut us asunder, and God hath divided me from the world, and you from me. Remember your poor child for his father's sake, who chose you and loved you in his happiness. Get those letters, if it be possi- ble, which I writ to the Lords, wherein I sued for my life. God is my witness it was for you and yours that I desired life. But it is true that I disdain myself for begging it ; for know it, dear wife, that your son is the son of a true man, and one who, in his own respect, despiseth death and all his misshapen and ugly forms. I cannot write much. God he knoweth how hardly I steal this time while others sleep. And it is also high time that I should separate my thoughts from the world. Beg my dead body which, living, was denied thee, and either lay it at Sherborne, if the land continue, or in Exeter church by my father and mother. I can say no more — time and death call me away. The everlast- ing, powerful, infinite, and omnipotent God, who is goodness itself, the true life and true light, keep thee and thine, have mercy on me, and teach me to forgive my persecutors and accusers, and send us to meet in his glorious kingdom. My dear wife, farewell ! Bless my poor boy — pray for me, and let my good God hold you both in his arms ! Written with the dying hand of, sometime thy husband, but now, alas ! overthrown. " Tours that was, but now not my own, "Walter Raleigh." BIOGEAPfflOAI- SKETCH OF KA1EIGH. 53 When the day of execution arrived, James, by a display of childish mummery so ridiculous that he contrived to render ludi- crous even the horrid solemnities of a public execution, was pleased to reprieve first Cobham, next Lord Grey, and finally Raleigh, who was in momentary expectation of being brought to the block, and anticipated no postponement. Let it not, how- ever, be hence too hastily supposed that the royal pedant had a heart to appreciate the manly virtues of his unhappy prisoner, or a conscience to scourge him for his cruel persecution of the inno- cent. It was no kingly benevolence that led to the reprieve ; it was, as subsequent events proved, but the refinement of a cruelty that loved to protract misery, and that suspended the blow, not with the benevolent intention of sparing the victim, but only that the sword might fall the heavier when it did descend. And now let us look once more on Raleigh in captivity — a grievous captivity of more than twelve weary years. Consigned to the tower, the first act of his noble, true-hearted wife, wa6 to solicit the privilege of sharing a prison with her per- secuted husband. She clung the closer because fortune frowned, and proved the holy deathlessness of her devoted love. She was worthy of the high-souled being who called her wife. Every act proved it. When the despicable thing who occupied the throne, not content with conniving at a murder, stooped next to the meanness of a robbery and deprived Raleigh of his lands, to confer them on one of the swarm of his needy countrymen, who flocked around him to swear that he was a second Solomon, what was the conduct of this faithful woman ? She sought the royal presence, and with all the affection and earnestness of a sor- rowing, broken-hearted wife and mother, implored the king to have compassion on her and hers, and not to consign them to utter beggary. The courtiers, moved by sympathy, looked on in silence, and in pity for her woes hoped that her sorrows might find some alleviation in the grant of her prayer. The only an- swer she could obtain from the royal brute was that he must have the lands for Car, one of his favorites. Lady Raleigh, remem- bering her noble birth and breeding, and, with a lofty burst of indignant feeling, worthy of her husband's wife, scorned to repeat her request ; but, falling on her knees before the amazed courtiers 54- HISTOBT OF'NOETH CAROLINA.' and the affrighted king, lifted her hands to heaven, and in the bitterness of her spirit, appealing to the King of kings, besought the God of Heaven to remember her wrongs, to look upon the justice of her cause, and in his own good time to visit those who had so unrighteously brought her and hers to beggary and ruin. It was a fearful malediction from an oppressed and injured wo- man. While the imprecation yet rung in the ears of the alarmed and astonished king, she rose, took her child by the hand, and with an air of queenly majesty, retired. History would almost lead us to think, as we recall the fate of the infatuated house of Stuart, that her imprecation was heard and answered in heaven.* But poor as she was, she yet felt herself rich in the possession of her-captive husband, to whom she hastened, and whose priva- tions she felt it a privilege to share. And now what was to become of him ? We have seen that his life had been one of enterprise and activity. Immured within the gloomy walls of the tower, what shall now relieve the wearisome hours of an unusual and unnatural state of quietude ? Books — God be thanked for them — books. We have seen that the prisoner had ever been a student. Were no resources then left to him with his wonder- ful versatility of talent ? The oppressor " held his body bound, but knew not what a range his spirit took." He could sit and sing, " My mind to me a kingdom is." And so sweet was the note, that Prince Henry, the heir apparent to the throne, as rich in intellect and virtue as his father was deficient in both, ex- * It is curious to follow the history of Raleigh's persecutors and enemies and mark their respective fates. The Stuarts were hurled from the throne in disgrace. Robert Cecil died the miserable victim of remorse, " pushed," as he said, " from the shore of comfort" " Gobham" says Osborn, "died in a room, ascended by a ladder, at a poor woman's house in the Minories, formerly his laundress, rather of hunger than of any more natural disease." Lewis Stukeley, who acted as a spy on him after his return from Guiana, was com- monly known as " Sir Judas," and was finally arraigned at the bar of the King's Bench for clipping the gold coin of the realm, and the miserable Frenchman, Manourie, the other spy, fled the kingdom, because he was involved in Stukeley's guilt, acknowledging that he had falsely accused Raleigh, and was therefore overtaken by God's judgment upon him. Coke lost favor at court, but died rich, after a life of miserable domestic unhappiness. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF KALEIGH. 55 claimed, "No monarch in Christendom but my father would keep such a bird as this in a cage." With this noble youth, who had qualities that befit a king, Ealeigh became an especial favorite. All the collected stores of the wisdom and experience of many years were freely taxed by the poor prisoner for the amusement and instruction of the prince. Henry thirsted after knowledge, and could appreciate (youth though he was) the genius and attainments of Ealeigh. He therefore sought his society and learned to love him. Many an hour of confinement in that sad abode passed by on rapid wings, while Ealeigh was spreading the exuberant riches of his own well-stored and ever fertile mind before his affectionate and attentive prince. It was for him that, amid the gloom of a prison, and with but imperfect aids for reference, Ealeigh produced that most aston- ishing work— his History of the "World. "Well has it been de- scribed as " an extraordinary monument of human labor and genius." Vast in subject, profound in learning and research, wise in its reflections, and beautiful in style, it was composed, as has been well said, " not in the luxury of lettered and philosophic ease, surrounded by books and friends, but in imprisonment, solitude and sorrow — not in the enthusiastic consciousness of unimpaired powers, but with a mind which had been harassed by a cruel persecution, and sickened by hope deferred."* But this was not all : various essays, and on various subjects, were written for the prince by Ealeigh, and they were not less wise than various. He taught Henry that ships and seamen were to be England's true strength, and instructing him in naval archi- tecture and navigation the prince had but just commenced build- * There are but few incidents in English literary history more absurdly ludicrous than the pretended " discovery," as he calls it, of the elder D'Israeli, that Sir Walter Raleigh did not write the " History of the World," which appeared under his name. The " discoverer" drew upon himself the ridicule and chastisement he deserved. Mr. Napier thus speaks of D'Israeli's pretended discovery : '■ This piece of secret history, alike revolting and preposterous, was well rebutted by Mr. Tytler ; but it has been more recently examined, and with signal chastisement, given to the winds, in a small publication, little known, we suspect, though forming one of the most learned and acute contributions to literary history that has appeared in our day." The work alluded to is " Curiosities of Literature, by J. D'Israeli, Esq., Illustrated by Bolton Corney, Esq." 56 HISTORY OF NOBTH CAROLINA. ing a ship when, at the age of eighteen, he was cut down by death. It was a dreadful blow- to Kaleigh, for he had learned to love him, and he lost a friend who was determined to persevere until he procured the liberation of the poor captive. But if friends fell, enemies too were gathered in by the mighty reaper, death. The time came for Robert Cecil to go to a world where no tricks of statesmen ever turn the current of justice. Life had become to him a weary load. "Ease and pleasure," said the dying man, " quake to hear of death ; but my life, full of cares and miseries, desireth to be dissolved." "Well might he say' " full of cares and miseries," and not the least among them was the misery of remorse. He had climbed the ladder of ambition to its very top, and what had he gained by his toilsome labor ? One of his own letters, written soon after he had succeeded in con- victing poor Raleigh, answers the question. "Rest content," says he, to Sir John Harrington, " and give heed to one that hath sorrowed in the bright lustre of a court, and gone heavily even on the best seeming fair ground. 'Us a great task to prove one's honesty, and yet not spoil one's fortune. I wish I waited now in your presence-chamber, with ease at my food and rest in my bed. I am pushed from the shore of comfort, and know not where the winds and waves of a court will bear me. I know it bringeth little comfort on earth, and he is, I reckon, no wise man that looketh that way to heaven." And thus went to his last account the great Robert Cecil. His death, doubtless, accelerated the release of Raleigh, but had it been longer delayed, the prisoner's resources would still have made confinement tolerable. It is wonderful to remark the variety and extent of his intellectual pursuits. Fitting up a small building within the walls as a laboratory, he prosecuted his chemical studies, and when tired of his retorts and alembics, he turned with facility to history or politics, or philosophy. Not even his muse was suffered to slum- ber. Age, indeed, had brought a change of subjects, but age could not kill his imagination. His numbers flowed as sweetly as before, though more solemnly than when he sang of love to Cecil's son. He now invoked the muse for consolation in the dreariness and gloom of a prison. His lyre was tuned to holier music : BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF EALEIGH. 67 ' Rise, O my soul, with thy desires to heaven, And with divinest contemplation use Thy time, when time's eternity is given, And let vain thoughts no more thy mind abuse ; But down in darkness let them He ; So live thy better — let thy worse thoughts die. " And thou, my soul, inspired with holy flame, View and review with most regardful eye, That holy cross, whence thy salvation came, On which thy Saviour and thy sin did die ; For in that sacred object is much pleasure, And in that Saviour is my life — my treasure. " To thee, O Jesus, I direct my eyes, To thee my hands, to thee my humble knees, To thee my heart shall offer sacrifice, To thee my thoughts, who my thoughts only sees, To thee myself — myself and all I give, To thee I die — to thee I only live 1" Another of his productions will serve to show how he who had seen the world in every variety of aspect, had learned to estimate its true worth, and, though it may not prove very complimentary to human nature, it will at least serve to show that " He was a deep observer, and he looked Quite through the thoughts of men." The man of candor and experience will probably think that the absence of compliment is less the fault of Raleigh than of human nature. " Go, soul ! the body's guest, Upon a thankless errand, Fear not to touch the best, The truth shall be thy warrant. Go, since I needs must die, And give the world the lit. " Go, tell the Court it glows And shines like rotten wood — Go, tell the Church it shows What's good and doth no good. If Church and Court reply, Then give them both the lie. 58 HISTOKY OF NOKTH CAROLINA. " Tell potentates they live Acting by others' actions, Not loved unless they give, Not strong, but by their factions. If potentates reply, Give potentates the lie. " Tell men of high condition, That rule affairs of state, Their purpose is ambition, Their practice only hate. And if they once reply, Then give them all the lie. " Tell zeal it lacks devotion, Tell love it is but lust, Tell time it is but motion, Tell flesh it is but dust. And wish them not reply, For thou must give the lie. " Tell physic of her boldness, Tell skill it is pretension, Tell charity of coldness, Tell law it is contention. And as they do reply, So give them still the lie. " Tell fortune of her blindness, Tell nature of decay, Tell friendship of unkindness, Tell justice of delay. And if they will reply, Then give them all the lie." One more extract, and we will proceed with our story. It con- sists of the lines found written by Raleigh in his bible : " E'en such is time, which takes in trust Our.youlh, our joys, and all we have! And pays us naught but age and dust, Which in the dark and silent grave, When we have wandered all our ways, Shuts up the story of our days, And from which grave and earth and dust, The Lord shall raise me up, I trust." BIOGBAPHIOAI. SKETCH OF EALEIGH. 59 Is it not strange that the charge of impiety should have been brought against the man who thus expresses himself? "We can understand, in some degree, how his enemies, while he was yet alive, sought by every species of defamation to blacken his cha- racter : but what shall be said of a modern writer and historian of celebrity who claimed the possession of a more than ordinary philosophic spirit, and yet lends himself to the repetition of this and other most unfounded accusations ? This will we say, that David Hume was not a philosophic historian, for many of his inaccuracies might have been avoided, had he been willing to sacrifice indolence to duty, and encounter the labor of research ; he was not a philosophic historian, because his prejudices sometimes made him an eulogist, when he should have been an impartial judge. No man will ever form a correct opinion of any monarch of the house of Stuart from his pages. Hume has no sympathy with the deep-seated love of liberty and sense of justice that glowed in the bosoms of those who opposed the arbitrary claim Of prerogative in his favorite kings. Poorer stuff than the Stuarts to make kings of, never lived in England, and yet no one would learn it from Hume. James the pedant was one of his favorites, and therefore has he done injustice to Raleigh, in more than one particular. If he ever read Raleigh's History of the "World, then was he guilty of wilful misrepresentation in accusing him of want of Christian faith : throughout the work there runs an uni- form strain of Christian faith and doctrine, sustained by constant reference to the Scriptures as being the word of God : — if he never read it, what right had he to pronounce on Raleigh's opin- ions until he did read it? Some of the passages in that book would not be misplaced in a theological treatise, and remind one of the gorgeous richness of that " Shakespeare of divinity " as he has been called, Bishop Jeremy Taylor. Take as a specimen a noble strain of Christian philosophy in commenting on the folly of preferring the perishing body to the immortal part. " And though our own eyes do everywhere behold the sudden and resist- less assaults of death, and nature assureth us by never-failing experience, and reason by infallible demonstration, that our times upon the earth have neither certainty nor durability ; that our bodies are but the anvils of pain and diseases, and our minds the 60 HISTORY OP NOETH CAROLINA. hives of unnumbered cares, sorrows and passions ; yet such is the blindness and true nnhappiness of our condition, and the dark ignorance which covereth the eyes of our understanding, that we only prize, pamper and exalt this vassal and slave of death, and forget altogether, or only remember at our cast away leisure, the imprisoned, immortal soul, which can neither die with the repro- bate, nor perish with the mortal parts of virtuous men. But when is it we examine this great account ? Never while we have our vanity left us to spend. "We plead for titles till our breath fails us ; dig for riches while our strength enableth us ; exercise malice while we can revenge ; and then, when time hath beaten from us youth, pleasure and health, and nature itself hateth the hour of old age, we remember, with Job, that we must go the way whence we shall not return, and that our bed is made ready for us in the dark ; — and then I say, looking, over-late, into the bottom of our conscience, which pleasure and ambition had locked up from us all our lives, we behold therein the fearful images of our actions past, and withal this terrible inscription, that God will bring every work into judgment that man hath done under the sun. But let us not flatter our immortal souls herein ; for to neglect God all our lives, and know that we neglect him — to offend God voluntarily, and know that we offend him, (casting our hopes on the peace which we trust to make at parting,) is no other than a rebellious presumption, and that which is worst of all, a contemptuous laughing to scorn and deriding of God, his laws and precepts. They hope in vain, who in this sort natter themselves with God's mercy." Surely this is not the language of a man chargeable with im- piety. At length he obtained his release, and humiliating enough is it to be obliged to add, that he paid for it with money given to two of the relatives of the favorite Buckingham. The moment he was free, his thoughts turned once more to Guiana. He had never forgotten it during the twelve sad years of his confinement. What little he could save from the wreck ot his once splendid fortune was employed in sending agents at least once in every two years to keep up his communication with this land of his hopes. Some of the natives had visited England in his ships, and had interviews with him in the tower. And now, BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF RALEIGH. 61 when not much of worldly wealth remained, his generous wife parted with the little she had left of her patrimony, and with a better treasure still in her son, Walter, just grown up to manhood, who, greatly resembling his father in the noble traits of his cha- racter, embarked with him for Guiana. And now the infamous treachery of James was soon made apparent. Gondomar, an exceedingly able and artful man, was then the Spanish Minister in England, and perfectly understanding the miserable fool who disgraced the English throne, acquired over him a complete ascendancy. James was, in truth, afraid of Spain, and the wretched coward was endeavoring to guard against the possibility of a rupture with that country, by promoting an alliance between his son Charles and the Infanta. Sir "Walter Ealeigh, as an Eng- lish subject, duly commissioned by James himself as chief com- mander, was about to embark on an expedition to a country from which Spain, without any just title, sought to exclude all English- men. The object of the expedition was to add to the territory and increase the wealth of England, and by the royal order, all the plans of the commander, even to the minutest detail, were laid before the king. "Will it be believed, that the sole object of the pusillanimous monarch was to lay these very plans before Gondomar, that he might communicate them to the Spanish Court, and thus enable Philip to prepare opposition to the expe- dition, in every step of its progress ? Such was literally the fact. Raleigh found in Guiana copies of his own drawings, and plans and documents, that left no doubt of the treachery of the royal villain whom he was seeking to enrich. Of course, his difficulties, rendered sufficiently distressing by sickness and many other untoward events, were increased in a tenfold ratio when he found Spaniards in arms awaiting his arrival, and encouraged to resist- ance by the perfidy of his own monarch. And here we cannot withhold an expression of surprise, that Mr. Napier should state that it does not appear to him " James acted dishonorably, or otherwise than in consistency with the usages of civilized nations" in making this communication to Spain. It is readily conceded, that James conferred no power on Ealeigh to commit piratical depredations on the possessions of the King of Spain. Piracy in Guiana was the crime of which he was accused on his return. It 62 HISTORY OF NOETH CAROLINA. is obvious that the prime question was, whether Guiana was a part of the Spanish king's possessions. Spain claimed it under a grant from the Pope; but did England ever recognize such claim? In 1609, seven years before Raleigh's last expedition, the Crown of England granted nearly, the whole of Guiana to Mr. Robert Harcourt, and rested the right to do so on Raleigh's previous dis- covery. If it was England's then, what claim had Spain, founded in the comity of nations, to minute information of an intended expedition of English subjects to English territory, with the approbation of their own sovereign ? Yet would he not be deterred : a party of which his son was one, landed and marched to take possession of a mine, the locality of which was known to Raleigh. The Spaniards, from a small town called St. Thomas, which they had recently built, attacked the English ; the violation of peace commenced not with Raleigh or his men : they of course resisted the attack, and put the enemy completely to flight : in the skirmish, however, young Raleigh fell at the head of his men, mortally wounded. The English then ■ burned St. Thomas and returned to the ships, where Raleigh him- self had remained expecting the arrival of a Spanish fleet, designed to defeat his plans. Every thing conspired against him. His men had not reached the mine, and he knew that his enemies at home would be but too ready to accuse him of having under- taken the expedition for purposes of plunder only. "When he reached the island of St. Christopher's he thus wrote to his wife : " I was loath to write, because I know not how to comfort you ; and God knows I never knew what sorrow meant till now. All that I can say to you is, that you must obey the will and provi- dence of God. Comfort your heart, dearest Bess, I shall sorrow for us both. And I shall sorrow the less, because I have not long to sorrow, because not long to live. The Lord bless and comfort you, that you may bear patiently the death of your most valiant son!" In another communication, addressed to a friend on the subject of this unfortunate expedition, he thus concludes : "This is all that I can say, other than that I have spent my poor estate, lost my son and my health, and endured as many sorts of miseries, as ever man did, in hope to do his majesty BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF EALEIGH. 63 acceptable service ; and have not, to my understanding, commit- ted any hostile act, other than entrance upon a territory belonging rightly to the crown of England when the English were first set upon and slain by the usurping Spaniards." There were not wanting those who had said when Raleigh sailed that he never meant to return. The news of his failure reached England before he did, and the confidence of his enemies that they should never see him more was greatly increased. Tet he returned to meet on his arrival a royal proclamation, issued at the instance of Gondomar, denouncing the whole expedition. In truth, Raleigh was so dangerous an enemy to Spain, that there lived not in England a man whose death was more desirable to Philip, and Gondomar had instructions to accomplish it. The anxiety of James for an alliance with the Spanish Court furnished him all the opportunity he desired, and the weak King of England was given to understand that the accomplishment of his wishes depended upon the sacrifice of Raleigh. By the most despicable treachery, in which Sir Lewis Stukely, his kinsman, and a Frenchman named Manourie were the agents, he . was once more delivered to the keeper of his old prison, the tower, and instead now of the society of his wife, he was afflicted with the perpetual presence of one selected by the king himself, whose busi- ness it was by cunning duplicity to aim at procuring evidence against the unhappy prisoner. It would be incredible of any other king but James, that he could stoop to the despicable arti- fices by which the life of the unhappy prisoner was sought. Humanity sickens and honor revolts in the recollection of this portion of the life of James. Lady Ealeigh was confined a pri- soner in her own house and Sir "Walter was closely watched in the tower. "With an affectation of sympathy, James permitted a correspondence between the parties. But for what purpose ? To alleviate the sorrows of either or both ? Oh no : but to read their letters in the hope of finding proof of something which could be tortured into evidence of guilt, and then resealing them, to send them according to their directions. This was but one particular of his baseness. All his artifices were unavailing : not a tittle of testimony could he procure. As a last resort he determined to execute him on his former sentence passed fifteen years before. He 64 HISTOET OF NOBTH CAROLINA. had never granted poor Raleigh a full formal pardon under the first conviction ; he never would, and recent documents show that in the exercise of his vindictive, unforgiving spirit, he purposely withheld it, that he might at any time when he pleased reach the life of his victim. But Raleigh supposed that in the eye of the law he was pardoned. He had consulted the Lord Chancellor Bacon, and he said to him, when he was commissioned to com- mand his last expedition to Guiana — " upon my life, you have a sufficient pardon for all that is past already, the king having under his broad seal made you admiral of your fleet, and given you power over your officers and soldiers." At the same time when James had resolved upon resorting to the old sentence, he wrote to the Spanish court expressing his willingness either to have the tragedy finished in England or to send Raleigh to suffer death in Spain. Philip as soon as possible transmitted what Mr. Tytler terms his " orders " to James under his own hand, stating " that it would he more agreeable to him that the punishment of Raleigh should take place in England ; and as the offence was notorious, that its chastisement should be exemplary and immediate." Intimation was given to the prisoner without delay to prepare for death. " My age " (said he) " is fit for the grave. What have I to do with life ? My reputation is lost, my body weak and full of pain. Nothing can be more wel- come to me than death." It was necessary, however, that some semblance, at least of legal solemnity, should precede the murder. Bacon, Coke, and Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury, were named commissioners to devise the mode of proceeding. They decided that the prisoner having been convicted of treason, could not be called to answer judicially for any subsequent crime ; and recom- mended that the king should issue a warrant for his execution and publish a narrative of his offences ; and a writ of privy seal was dispatched to the Judges, directing them to order execution. The Judges said, no writ of privy seal, nor warrant under the great seal, would entitle them to pass sentence after fifteen years, without allowing the prisoner a hearing. A writ of habeas corpus was therefore recommended, and all this apparatus was provided in a case where the death of the victim was determined, in order that he might be murdered with becoming attention to the technical BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF RALEIGH. 65 and scientific proprieties of judicial homicides. His majesty was pleased to approve of the wisdom of this mode of proceeding, and having ordered the Judges to. sentence him, and signed the war- rant for his execution, then directed the habeas corpus to issue. It was on the 28th of October. Raleigh was sick of fever in his bed. At eight in the morning, with an ague fit then on him, he was conveyed before the Judges, and sentence was passed. All he asked was that he might have a few days to arrange his affairs, and then took leave of the court with great solemnity, in these words — " I take God to be my judge, before whom I shall shortly appear, that I was never disloyal to his majesty, which I shall justify when I shall not fear the face of any king on earth ; and so I beseech you all to pray for me." The request for a little time between sentence and execution was inhumanly refused, and on his return to prison he was informed that he must die the next morning. On the evening before he died, he was permitted to have his last interview with his wife,, and she left not the prison until midnight. The parting scene we will not attempt to describe, but only say that. on his side all was- cheerful submission to heaven, and a studied effort to comfort her who had so long and so faithfully loved him. "When in a flood of tears she informed him that she had obtained the favor of dis- posing of his body, he replied with a smile : " it is well, Bess, that thou mayest dispose of that dead, thou hadst not always the dis- posing of when alive." He was not permitted to select his own clergyman ; the divine who was sent, however, was worthy of his calling, and has left on record his conviction of the deep and real Christianity of the prisoner. He partook of the sacrament early in the morning, and his cheerfulness increased as he approached eternity. On the scaffold his deportment was all dignity. He answered in his address all the charges that had been brought against him, ap- pealing most solemnly to heaven for the truth of his declarations, and having pronounced his forgiveness of all his enemies, he bade all farewell. He was asked in what faith he died : his reply was : "in the faith professed by the Church of England, adding that he hoped to be saved and to have his sins washed away by the pre- cious blood and merits of our Saviour Christ." And then, says an Vol. I.— 5 66 HISTORY OF NORTH CAKOLINA. old writer, who was a spectator of the sad scene, he made a most divine and admirable prayer, after which, rising up and clasping his hands together, he exclaimed:. " Now I am going to God." The scaffold was cleared and he bid the executioner show him the axe ; it was not done immediately, when he became more urgent — " I prithee (said he) let me see it. Dost thou think I am afraid of it ?" He took it in his hand, and kissing the blade, he passed his finger along the edge, remarking to the sheriff — " 'tis a sharp medicine, but a sound cure for all diseases." — He then approach- ed the edge of the scaffold, and kneeling down requested the people to pray for him, continuing himself for some time in this position, occupied in silent devotion. When he arose, he examined the block and fitted himself to it. Finding it as he would have it, he stood up once more and said he was ready. The executioner came forward, and falling on his knees, begged his forgiveness. Kaleigh with a smile laid his hand on his shoulder and bade him be satisfied, assuring him that he most cheerfully forgave him, and asked of him only not to strike until he gave the signal and then to strike home. He then laid his neck on the block, and on being desired to make some change in the position of his head, he said, " it mattered little how the head lay, provided the heart was right." — The motion of his lips and hands then indicated that he was occupied in prayer, and in a short time he gave the signal. The executioner, probably from agitation, delayed to strike. Ka- leigh partially lifted his head and said in a loud voice — " "What dost thou fear ? Strike, man ! " — At two blows his head was se- vered from his body, and thus at the age of sixty-six was murdered a man who, take him for all in all, knew in his day few equals and no superiors. His body was privately buried in St. Margaret's Church, "West- minster. His head was embalmed and preserved in a case by his devoted wife, who with pious solicitude kept it through a widow- hood of twenty-nine years. "When she died, the only surviving son of Sir "Walter preserved it during his life, and it was finally at his death laid in the same grave with him. One fact alone is quite suffi- cient to indicate the true character of this bloody transaction. The conviction of Kaleigh purported to be for treasonable intercourse with Spain : his execution under this conviction was caused by BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OP EAXEIGH. 67 the injuries done to the town and forces of this very Spain, for which it had been alleged, he entertained a traitorous affection. Had he loved Spain more and England less, he had never died on the scaffold. The true cause of his execution was the desire on the part of James to gratify Spain. But Spain deluded him, the Spanish match never took place, and James caused one of his ministers to write to his agent in Spain, directing him to repre- sent to the Spanish court, that it should act with sincerity toward the English king, since he had given so many proofs of his sin- cerity, and now lately, "by causing Sir Walter Raleigh to be put to death, chiefly /br the giving them satisfaction" — " to give them content, he had not spared him, when, by preserving him, he might have given great satisfaction to his subjects, and had at command, upon all occasions, as useful a man as served any prince in Christendom." No further evidence is necessary. Raleigh was murdered and James was his murderer. We cannot better conclude our sketch than in the glowing language of Tytler, who thus closes his labors, in delineating the chequered career of Raleigh. " It is by a frequent contemplation of such lofty and splendid specimens of humanity as Sir Walter Raleigh, that the modern character may be elevated and invigorated. There was indeed in him such a grasp of thought, such an energy of spirit, and such a majesty of expression, that the mind cannot dwell upon either his character or his works without feeling itself exalted, expanded and informed. We see in him a combination of the most various and opposite ingredients in our nature — the coolest and most calculating sagacity, joined with a flowing and gorgeous imagination — the most irrepressible energy of will with the sub- tlest motions of intellect — the most sanguine and unsubdued spirit, with the most patient resignation to irresistible circumstances. We have also a most improving exhibition of the gradual obscu- ration of the gay and trusting faith which inexperience fondly reposes in human kind, which a long commerce with mankind, in the course of a perilous life, slowly but amply supplies. Surely there is something to be learned from a man like this — admiral, philosopher, statesman, historian and poet, all in one — first in 68 HIST0BY OF NOETH CAROLINA. Bome, distinguished in all — who, bold and adventurous in dis- covery, whether moral or geographical, untamed in war, and indefatigable in literature, as inexhaustible in ideas as in exploits, after having brought a new world to light, wrote the history of the old in a prison." No. 2. THE FIRST VOYAGE HADE TO THE COASTS OF AMERICA, WITH TWO BABES, WHEEEIN WEEE CAPTAINS M. PHILIP AMADAS AND M. AETHI7E BAELOWE, ■WHO DISCOVEEED PAET OF THE COTTNTEY NOW CALLED VIRGINIA. ANNO 1584. WRITTEN BY ONE OF THE SAID CAPTAINS, AND SENT TO SIB WALTER RALEIGH, KNIGHT, AT WHOSE CHARGE AND DIRECTION THE SAID VOTAQE WA8 SET FORTH. [This is a reprint from Hdkluyt, vol. 3, page 246, and, as far as we are informed, the narrative is not to be found in any other publication, except in the form of a reprint, in Pinkerton. Barlowe was the author of it, as we learn from the story itself. He thus writes, " Then the master and the pilot of the admiral, Simon Fernando, and the captain, Philip Armadas, myself, and others, rowed to the land," &c. As the title shows it to have been " written by one of the captains," and this passage proves that it was not Amadas, Barlowe must have been the writer]. 70 HISTOKY OF NOBTH CABOLINA. [1584] [ADDRESSED TO SIR WALTER RALRIGH]. The 27th day of April, in the year of our redemption, 1584, we departed from the west of England, with two barks well fur- nished with men and victuals, having received our last and per- fect directions by your letters, confirming the former instructions and commandments delivered by yourself at our leaving the river of Thames. And I think it a matter both unnecessary for the manifest discovery of the country, as also for tediousness' sake, to remember unto you the diurnal of our course, sailing thither and returning, only I have presumed to present unto you this brief discourse, by which you may judge how profitable this land is likely to succeed, as well as to yourself (by whose direction and charge and by whose servants this our discourse hath been per- formed), as also to her highness, and the commonwealth, in which we hope your wisdom will be satisfied, considering that as much by us hath been brought to light, as by those small means and number of men we had, could any way have been expected or hoped for. The 10th of May we arrived at the Canaries, and the 10th of June, in this present year, we were fallen into the islands of the "West Indies, keeping a more southeastward^ course than was needful, because we doubted that the current of the Bay of Mexico, disemboguing between the Cape of Florida and Havana, had been of greater force than afterward we found it to be. At which islands we found the air very unwholesome, and our men grew for the most part ill-disposed ; so that, having refreshed ourselves with sweet water and fresh victuals, we departed the twelfth day of our arrival there. These islands, with the rest adjoining, are so well known to yourself and many others, as I will not trouble you with the remembrance of them. The second of July we found shoal water, where we smelled so sweet and so Btrong a smell as if we had been in the midst of some delicate garden abounding with all kinds of odoriferous flowers, by which we were assured that the land could not be far distant ; and keeping good watch and bearing but slack sail, the fourth of the same month we arrived upon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and firm land, and we sailed along the same a hundred and twenty English miles before we could find any entrance or river issuing into the sea. [1584] VOYAGE OF AMADAS AND BAELOWE. 71 [Had the computation of time in 1584 been as it now is, it would have been a singular coincidence that the first English colony to America should have made our coast on the anniversary of the day since rendered so memorable by more than one event in our history. But the fourth of July, 1584, will not correspond with a similar monthly date, since the change of style made by parliament in 1752. The new or Grego- rian style makes a difference in date of twelve days. According to our calendar, the arrival on our coast was on the sixteenth of July.] The first that appeared unto us we entered, though not without some difficulty, and cast anchor about three harquebus-shot with- in the haven's mouth, on the left hand of the same ; and, after, thanks given to God for our safe arrival thither, we manned our boats and went to view the land next adjoining and to take pos- session of the same, in the right of the queen's most excellent majesty^ as rightful queen and princess of the same, and after delivered the same over to your use, according to her majesty's grant and letters patent, under her highness' great seal. [The approach of the expedition was from the south, and after making the land, the vessels sailed one hundred and twenty English miles before they found " any entrance or river issuing into the sea." They entered the first that they saw and anchored. The first question that arises is, " What inlet did they enter V Certain data are afforded by the narrative itself, from which we may perhaps determine. 1. The ships anchored when they entered 4 'on the left hand" of the inlet, and found, on landing, that they were lying, not alongside of the main land, but of an island, which they found to be "twenty miles long, and not above six miles broad." As they approached from the south, and anchored on the left hand as they entered, they must have been lying off the north end of the island. 2. Barlow subsequently went in his boats, from the place of anchorage, " twenty mile into the river that runneth toward the city of Skicoak, which river they call Occam ; and the evening following we came to an island, which they call Roanoke, distant from the harbor by which we entered seven leagues." 3. Beyond this island was the main land, " and over against this island falleth into this spacious water the great river called Occam by the inhabitants." 4. "Into this river (Occam), falleth another great river called Cijpo, in 72 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1584] which there is found great store of muskles, in which there are pearls ; likewise there descendeth into this Occam another river called Nomo- pana, on the one side whereof standeth a great town called Chawanook.'' 5. "Towards the southwest, four days' journey, is situate a town called Sequotan," and near to this was " an out island, unhabited, called Wo- cokon." 6. Adjoining to Sequotan was a country called Pomouik, and next to that, westward, was "the country Newsiok, situate upon a goodlye river called JVeus." 7. " Beyond this island, called Roanoak, are many maine islands." When the adventurers arrived they supposed the land they first saw to be the continent; "but after we entered into the haven," (thus they say), "we saw before us another mighty long sea; for there lyeth along the coast a tracte of islands, two hundreth miles in length, ad- joining to the ocean sea, and between the islands two or three entrances : when you are entred' between them (these islands being very narrow for the most part, as in most places sixe miles broad, in some places lesse, in fewe more), then there appeareth another great sea, contain- ing in bredth in some places forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty miles over, before you come unto the continent ; and in this inclosed sea there are about an hundreth islands of divers bignesses." These are all the portions of the narrative which have reference to localities, and it is by the aid of these chiefly, if at all, we are to dis- cover the inlet by which the vessels entered. Fortunately, some of the places indicated still retain the original native names. Thus, we still have Roanoke island ; in Chawan-ook we readily find our Cho- wan, and " the goodlye river, called Neus," still bears the same name. But what do we now call the Occam, Cipo, and Nomopana of the na- tives ? Where are Sequotan and Wocokon 1 Taking Roanoak island as a point allowing of no dispute, we will first endeavor to ascertain the inlet by which the vessels must have entered from the ocean. The general opinion seems to be that it was the pre- sent entrance at Ocracoke. This, however, is scarcely reconcilable with the statements of Barlow in the text. The distance from his anchorage to Roanoak island he expressly states to be about seven leagues, and his anchorage was just within the entrance from the ocean, " about three harquebus-shot within the ha- ven's mouth." Now the distance of Ocracoke inlet from the southern end of Roanoak island is more than twice seven leagues. Again, on the voyage from the vessels to Roanoak island, which was [1584] VOYAGE OF AMADAS AND BARLOWE. 73 made in the ship's boat (for Barlow had but seven men with him on the excursion), he went on the first day twenty miles " into the river, which they call Occam." It is difficult to understand how any one entering Pamlico Sound at Ocracoke would apply the term " river " to the expanse of water before him, which in its narrowest part, visible from that inlet, is fully twenty miles in breadth. The accu- racy of Barlow's description of the general aspect of the sound forbids the idea that he called it a " river." He says it is " a great sea, con- taining in bredth, in some places, forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty miles over, before you come to the continent." But further still, he expressly tells us that this river Occam is " over against this island ;" [Roanoak] and then " falleth into this spacious Water," [the sound]. It could not then have been as far south as Ocra- coke. Again, Barlow says, speaking of the islands that border the coast, that between them were " two or three entrances." We are inclined to think that Ocracoke was not at that day, 1584, recognized as one of them by this expedition, nor indeed for some time after, because we find the Lords Proprietors, under a charter as long after as 1663, directing Sir William Berkeley, one of their number, and then Governor of Virginia, to procure a vessel of light draught and explore the inlets to the sound, particularly one of which they had heard, near the rivers Neuse and Pamlico. This, as the map will show, must have been Ocracoke. The first published account of Ocracoke as an inlet was by Lawson in 1714, though it probably had been examined some years before that time. We are for these reasons induced to doubt whether the received opinion of the entry of the first expedition at Ocracoke is correct. Where, then, did the vessels enter? We cannot with certainty say, but the probabilities all point to some inlet more north than Ocracoke. It may have been Hatteras inlet, or there may have been an entrance where our modern maps show " New inlet " at the northern end of Chickomicomico banks. This point is just about seven leagues from Roanoak island. And here, too, lies a body of water between the outer banks, and a long island parallel to them, which might very well be taken for a "river;" and this water extends up to Roanoak island, and may be the " Occam " spoken of. At any rate, all along the eastern side of the island, and thence down to New inlet, is a narrow strip of water separated from the rest of the sound by the islands there, which strangers might suppose to be a river ; and no where else is there any- thing resembling a river which would take the voyager to Roanoak , island. We incline, therefore, to think that this strip of water must be the " Occam " of the natives. 74 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1584] We know not that we can identify the Cipo of the aborigines. It may have been Currituck sound ; but more probably was one of the rivers emptying into Albermarle sound, between it and the Chowan. As to Nomopana, it is said to have emptied into the Occam, and to have had on its banks a great town called Chawan-ook. How far Barlow may have supposed the Occam to extend to the west, we do not know, as he made no explorations in that direction ; indeed, he does not appear to have gone much beyond Roanoak island, and possibly supposed Alber- marle sound to terminate much nearer to Roanoak island than it does. It is hard to resist the conviction that the name of the town is retained in the county we now call Chowan ; and if so, the locality of Chawan-ook was in that district of country. In such case, Nomopana would be the Chowan river, and the ancient native town may have been but the prede- cessor of our Edenton, or at any rate not far from its site. As to Secotan, it was southwest from Roanoak island, " four days' jour- ney," and near it, on the coast, was an island called " Wocokon." The "four days' journey " here spoken of, we learn from future narratives, was abotlt eighty miles, and fortunately our older maps still retain Wo- cokon. We have before us no less than four such, one of which, pub- lished in 1666, is appended to " a brief description of the province of Carolina," and is pronounced on the title page of the pamphlet of some twenty-five pages, to be " a most accurate map of the whole province." On this Wocokon appears to be our Ocracoke, and the same is true of all the maps alluded to. Secotan, therefore, was on the coast somewhere not far from Ocracoke, and Martin says, though we know not his authority, it was " equi distant from Neuse and Tar rivers and Pamplico sound." This would place Secotan on the borders of Craven and Beau- fort counties, somewhere near the head waters of Bay river. It only remains to ask where was Pomouik ? It adjoined Sequotan, and Martin says was the chief town of the king of the Newsioks, whose country was on the Neuse. Barlow calls it a " country," not a town, and says that Newsiok was immediately west of it. It was probably in the tract lying between the head of Bay river and Newbern. The map at the close of this narrative furnishes the nearest approximation we can make to Indian localities discovered on the first visit to North Carolina by Amadas and Barlow, and is a copy from that which was made on the expedition by the adventurers themselves, and was pub- lished by De Bry. Of this map certain particulars are worthy of note. First. Ocracoke inlet does not appear on it at all. The delineation of the coast does not extend to a point so far south. This would seem to [1584] VOYAGE OF AMADAS AND, BARLOWE. 75 be conclusive proof that they did not enter at Ocracoke. They surely never would have omitted in their map so important a locality. Secondly. Five inlets are marked, of which two only have names — Hato- rask and Trinity Harbor. Does this imply that they named those only of which they had some experimental knowledge 1 Does the use of the word " harbor " imply that here was their usual anchorage outside 1 Thirdly. At every inlet, without exception, is the representation of a vessel foundering. Does hot this mean that all were equally dangerous, and negative the idea • suggested by some that they designed to picture the comparative excellency of the several inlets? The most northern wreck is that of a sloop, the other four represent two masted vessels. This may indicate the comparative depths of water at the inlets, but clearly intimates also that vessels were likely to be lost at all. As con- firmatory of the idea that the entrance was made at New inlet, we may remark that on one of our old maps, made in Germany, and, for the date, remarkably correct as to the coast, " Trinity Harbor " is placed at " New Inlet." Here, we think, the larger vessels rode outside, as is pictured in the 1 map, and never entered the sound at all. One of the small craft, in which oars are represented, it will be observed appears to be returning from Roanoak island toward the inlet near "Trinity Harbor," and this, according to the Nuremberg map, is " New Inlet." We must not omit to call attention to the uplifted cross in the hand of one in the stern of the boat, as it seems to intimate that the adventurers (like all the rovers of that day) professed at least to desire the propagation of Christianity as much as the profits of discovery. Most of the old char- ters are uncommonly pious in avowing as a motive holy zeal for the spread of the gospel. We return to the narrrative] : Which being performed [i. e. possession taken], according to the ceremonies used in such enterprises, we viewed the land about us, being, whereas [where] we first landed very sandy and low toward the water side, but so full of grapes, as the very beating and surge of the sea overflowed them, of which we found such plenty as well there as in all places else, both on the sand and on the green soil, on the hills as in the plains, as well on every little shrub, as also climbing towards the tops of high cedars that I think in all the world the like abundance is not to be found ; and myself having seen those parts of Europe that most abound, find such difference a*s were incredible to be written. 76 HISTOET OF NOETH OAEOLINA. [1584] [One familiar with North Carolina will not be surprised at this abund- ance of grapes. The state might unquestionably be made the greatest vine-growing country on the eastern side of the continent. In the time of Lawson (1714), there were six varieties of native grape known to him, which he particularly describes : we believe there were more than six varieties. Those which he knew, however, were two kinds of black bunch grapes, one yielding a crimson and the other a white juice ; and four varieties of the fox-grape, two being a summer, and two a winter grape. Beside these, Lawson says he once saw a spontaneous white bunch grape in North Carolina. We of this day know there is such a grape, though some modern writers have said that no native white grape was ever found on this continent. Mr. Wiley, we believe, is the first who has called attention to the fact, that the three finest native grapes of our country all spread from North Carolina. These are the Scupper- nong, the Catawba, and the Isabella. The Scuppernong derives its name from Scuppernong creek or river, at the mouth of Albermarle sound. The first vine was found in Tyrrel county by some of the first explorers under Amadas and Barlow, and tradition relates that they transplanted a small vine with its roots, to Roanoak island. That vine is yet alive, and covers an immense extent of ground. The true Scuppernong is a white grape, round, very sweet and large, and furnishes a wine like Malmsey. But there are no less than five varieties of grape about Albermarle sound, which, from the contiguity of the Scuppernong creek, are called by its name. That which we have described, however, is the true Scuppernong, and no grape is more luscious. The banks of the Catawba furnish the native home of the grape known by the name of the river. It is now celebrated at the north as a table grape, and in Ohio as a wine grape. It is still found wild in North Carolina. The Isabella is now more generally cultivated for table use than any grape on the continent. It is supposed to be a hybrid between the Burgundy, introduced into South Carolina by the Huguenots, and the native fox grape of the Carolinas. The tradition is, that it first showed itself at Dorchester, South Carolina. There Governor Benjamin Smith, of North Carolina, obtained cuttings which he planted at Smithville near Wilmington. From this stock Mrs. Isabella Gibbs transported a vine to Long Island, where the grape, which is one of our hardiest, flourished and attracted attention. It was called the Isabella, in compliment to Mrs. Gibbs, who introduced it at the north. It is certain that the Long Island stock came from North Carolina : it is not equally certain [1584:] VOYAGE OF AMADA8 AND BARLOWE. 77 whether Smithville obtained it from Dorchester. This grape will stand the northern climate better than any other], "We passed from the sea-side towards the tops of those hills next adjoining, being but of mean height, and from thence we beheld the sea on both sides to the north and to the south, finding no end any of both ways. This land lay stretching itself to the west, which after we found to be but an island of twenty miles long, and not above six miles broad. Under the bank or hill whereon we stood, we beheld the valleys replenished with goodly cedar trees, and having discharged our harquebus-shot, such a flock of cranes (the most part white) arose under us, with such a cry, redoubled by many echoes, as if an army of men had shouted altogether. This island had many goodly woods full of deer, conies, hares and fowl, even in the midst of summer, in incredible abundance. The woods are not such as you find in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercynia, barren and fruitless, but the highest and reddest cedars of the world, far bettering the cedars of lie Azores, of the Indies, or Lybanus ; pines, cypress, sassaphras, the lentish, or the tree that bears the mastick, the tree that bears the rind of black cin- namon, of which Master "Winter brought from the Streights of Magellan, and many other of excellent smell and quality. "We remained by the side of this island two whole days before we saw any people of the country : the third day we espied one small boat rowing towards us, having in it three persons ; this boat came to the island-side, four harquebus-shot from our ships, and there two of the people remaining, the third came along the shore-side towards us, and we being then all within board, he walked up and down upon the point of the land next unto us ; then the master and the pilot of the Admiral, Simon Fernando, and the captain, Philip Amadas, myself and others, rowed to the land, whose coming this fellow attended, never making any show of fear or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things not understood by us, we brought him, with his own good liking, aboard the ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat' and some other things, and made him taste of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very ■wfell ; and after having viewed both barks, he departed, and went to his own boat again, which he had left in a little cove 78 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1584] or creek adjoining ; as soon as he was two bow-shot into the water, he fell to fishing, and in less than half an hour, he had laden his boat as deep as it could swim, with which he came again to the point of the land, and there he divided his fish into two parts, pointing one part to the ship and the other to the pinnace ; which, after he had, as much as he might, requited the former > benefits received, departed out of our sight. The next day there came unto us divers boats, and in one of them the king's brother, accompanied with forty or fifty men, very handsome and goodly people, and in their behavior as man- nerly and civil as any of Europe. His name was Grangdnimeo, and the king is called Wingina, the country Wingandacoa, and now by her majesty Virginia. The manner of his coming was in this sort, he left his boats altogether as the first man did, a little from the ships by the shore, and came along to the place over against the ships, followed with forty men. "When he came to the place, his servants spread a long mat upon the ground, on which he sat down, and at the other end of the mat four others of his company did the like, the rest of his men stood round about him, somewhat afar off ; when we came to the shore to him with our weapons, he never moved from his place, nor any of the other four, nor never mistrusted any harm to be offered from us, but sitting still he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we per- formed, and being set, he made all signs of joy and welcome, striking on his head and his breast, and afterwards on ours, to show we were all one, smiling and making show the best he could of all love, and familiarity. After he had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers things, which he received very joyfully and thankfully. None of the company durst speak one word all the time ; only the four which were at the other end spake one in the other's ear very softly. [As to this name, Wingandacoa, it never was the Indian name of the country, but was misapplied to it by a mistake of the English. Sir Walter himself, in his History of the World, tells us so. In speaking of Peru, Yucatan, and Paria, after showing that these names were but words of the native language, which the Spaniards mistook for names of the places, he thus proceeds : " The same happened among the Eng- lish, which I sent under Sir Richard Grenville to inhabit Virginia. For [1584] VOYAGE OF AMADAS AND BARLOWE. 79 ■when some of my people asked the name of that country, one of the savages " [who, of course, did not understand the query of the Eng- lish] " answered ' Win-gan-da-coa' which is as much as to say, ' You wear good clothes,' or ' gay clothes.' "] The king is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children rever- enced ; the king himself in person was, at our being there, sore wounded in a fight which he had with the king of the next coun- try, called Wingina, and was shot in two places through the body, and once clean through the thigh, but yet he recovered ; by rea- son whereof, and for that he lay at the chief town of the country, being five days' journey ofF, we saw him not at all. After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he liked, we likewise gave somewhat to the other that sat with him on the mat, but presently he arose and took all from them, and put it into his own basket, making signs and tokens, that all things ought to be delivered unto him, and the rest were but his servants and followers. A day or two after this, we fell to trading with them, exchanging some things that we had, for chamoys, buff and deer skins ; when we showed him all our packet of merchandise, of all things that he saw, a bright tin dish most pleased him, which he presently took up and clapt it before his breast, and after made a hole in the brim thereof and hung it about his neck, making signs that it would defend him against his enemies' arrows ; for those people maintain a deadly and terrible war with the people and king adjoining. We exchanged our tin dish for twenty skins, worth twenty crowns, or twenty nobles ; and a copper kettle for fifty skins, worth fifty crowns. They offered us good exchange for our hatchets and axes, and for knives, and would have given any thing for swords, but we would not depart with any. After two or three days, the king's brother came aboard the ships and drank wine, and ate of our meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof; and after a few days overpassed, he brought his wife with him to the ships, his daugh- ter and two or three children ; his wife was very well favored, of mean stature, and very bashful ; she had on her back a long cloak, of leather, with the fur side next to her body, and before her a piece of the same ; about her forehead she had a band of white coral, and so had her husband, many times ; in her ears she had 80 HISTORY OF NOETH CAROLINA. ■ [1584] bracelets of pearls, hanging down to her middle, (whereof we delivered your worship a little bracelet,) and those were of the bigness of good pease. The rest of her women, of the better sort, had pendants of copper hanging in either ear, and some of the children of the king's brother, and other noblemen, have five or six in either ear ; he himself had upon his head a broad plate of gold, or copper, for, being unpolished, we knew not what metal it should be, neither would he by any means suffer us to take it off his head, but feeling it, it would bow [bend] very easily. His apparel was as his wives, only the women wear their hair long on both sides, and the men but on one. They are of colour yellow- ish, and their hair black for the most part ; and yet we saw chil- dren that had very fine auburn, and chestnut-coloured hair. [The white " coral " here spoken of, as worn by the wife of Gratiganimeo, was probably the nacre of conch shells, of which the wampum or peak of the natives was made. The pearls also, represented as hanging from her ears, may have been real ; but if so, they were probably but coarse specimens, as we have no reason to believe that the pearl-oyster was abundant in our waters, or that the Indians were pearl-divers : indeed the pearls are said elsewhere to be derived from muscles taken in the " great river" they called Cipo, which may have been Currituck sound. We know not whether muscles are particularly abundant now in its waters, but we know that in 1714, when Lawson wrote, they were very numerous throughout the whole sea coast region of the state. A more interesting fact is here recorded, inasmuch as it shows the pre- sence of copper, which we now know to abound in some parts of North Carolina ; and further that .the natives had either found out how to reduce the ore, or had discovered the metal in its native state. We are inclined to think they may have done the first, for experience has shown, in the case of other savages, that it is not beyond their attain- ment. But a fact yet remains more interesting and mysterious still. Europeans had been among these aborigines before Amadas and Barlow. Who they were and whence they came, we never shall know ; but children were seen by our voyagers with auburn and chestnut colored hair. Our native tribes in the United States were all Mongolidae, and marked by the straight, coarse black hair of the Northern Asiatic. Auburn hair might well therefore excite surprise, and call for explanation. The explanation the natives gave was that twenty-six years before, (in 1558) [1584] VOYAGE OF AMADAS AND BAKLOWE. 81 a ship was cast away near Secotan, manned by white people ; that some of the crew were saved, and preserved by the natives; that after re- maining some few weeks at Wocokon (Ocracoke) they attempted to leave in the frail craft of the country, which they had endeavored to fit for the purpose, and probably perished, as their boats were subse- quently found stranded on the shores of another island not far from Wocokon ; the natives added that these were the only whites that had ever appeared among them, and that they were seen by the dwellers around Secotan only.] After that these women had been there, there came down from all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, coral, divers kinds of dyes very excellent, and exchanged with us ; but when'Granganimeo, the ting's brother, was present, none" durst trade but himself, except such as wear red pieces of copper on their heads like himself ; for that is the difference between the nobleman, and the governors of countrys, and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and you have understood since by these men which we brought home, that no people in the world carry more respect to their king, nobility and governors, than these do. The king's brother's wife, when she came to us (as she did many times) was followed with forty or fifty women always, and when she came into the ship, she left them all on land, saving her two daughters, her nurse, or one or two more. The king's brother always kept this order, as many boats as he would come withall to the ships, so many fires would he make on the shore afar off, to the end that we might understand with what strength and com- pany he approached. Their boats are made of one tree, either of pine, or of pitch-trees, a wood not commonly known to our people, nor found growing in England. They have no edge-tools to make them withall, if they have any they are very few, and those it seems they had twenty years since, which, as those two men de- clared, was out of a wreck, which happened upon their coast of some christian ship, being beaten that way by some storm and outrageous weather, whereof none of the people were saved ; but only the ship, or some part of her being cast upon the land, out of whose sides they drew the nails and the spikes, and with those they made their best instruments. The manner of making their boats is thus ; they burn down some great tree, or take such as Vol. I— 6 82 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1584] are wind-fallen, and putting gum and rosin upon one side thereof, they set fire into it, and when it has burnt it hollow, they cut out the coal with their shells, and ever where they would burn it deeper or wider they lay on gums, which burn away the timber, and by this means they fashion very fine boats, and such as will transport twenty men. Their oars axe like scoops, and many times they set with long poles as the depth serves. [These " men which we brought home," were two of the natives named Manteo and Wanchese, both of whom returned on a subsequent expe- dition to Carolina. From their story it would seem that there had been another wreck on the coast, about six years after that mentioned in the previous note ; which would be in 1564. In this no lives were saved, but the Indians obtained from the wreck nails and spikes out of which they made edge tools. But for the explanation by Manteo and his companion of the source whence this iron was derived, its presence would have much perplexed the archaeologist ; for the absence of iron tools or weapons, among our natives (before their introduction by Europeans) is a fact, at once uniform and remarkable.] The king's brother had great liking of our armours, a sword, and divers other things which we had, and offered a great box of pearl in gage for them ; but we refused it for this time, because we would not make them know, that we esteemed thereof, until we had understood in what places of the country the pearl grew, which now your worship does very well understand. He was very just of his promise ; for many times we delivered him merchandise upon his word, but ever he came within the day and performed his promise. He sent us every day a brace or two of fat bucks, conies, hares, fish, the best in the world. He sent us divers kinds of fruits, melons, walnuts, cucumbers, gourds, pease, and divers roots, and fruits very excellent good, and of their country corn, which is very white, fair and well tasted, and grows three times in five months ; in May they sow, in July they reap ; in June they sow, in August they reap ; in July they sow, in September they reap ; only they cast the corn into the ground, breaking a little of the soft turf with a wooden mattock, or pick- axe ; our selves proved the soil, and put some of our pease in the ground, and in ten days they were of fourteen inches high, they [1584] TOYAGE OF ATVTATUB AND BABLOWE. 83 have also beans very fair, of divers colors and wonderful plenty ; some growing naturally, and some in their gardens, and so have they both wheat and oats. [It is not at all improbable that oats were found growing wild in North Carolina by the first European visitors ; they still are found wild on other parts of the continent. As to the wheat, however, some doubts may be entertained, whether it was what is ordinarily now known as wheat. The adventurers, however, were Englishmen and should have known the grain perfectly. It was probably some variety of the Tri- ticum (of which there are many) which is divided into two families, Cerealia yielding edible seeds, and the Agropyra which are but grasses. Of the former there are many varieties, and some of them grow wild in temperate climates. Barlowe may have seen one of these, and, without minute examination, may, from its general resemblance, have pronounced it to be wheat. The wheats cultivated in England are mostly varieties of the Triiicum hybernum or winter wheat, and the T. turgidum, or common bearded wheat, and these, we apprehend, were introduced into this country by Europeans.] The soil is the most plentiful, sweet, fruitful, and wholesome of all the world; there are alone fourteen sweet smelling timber trees, and for the most part their underwood are bays and such like ; they have those oaks that we have, but far greater and better. After they had been divers times aboard the ships, my- self, with seven more, went twenty miles into the river, that runs towards the city of Skicoak, which river they call Occam ; and the evening following we came to an island, which they call Eoanoak, distant from the harbor by which we entered, seven leagues ; and at the north end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of cedar, and fortified round about with sharp trees, to keep out their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turn-pike, very artificially ; when we came towards it, standing near unto the water's side, the wife of Granganimeo, the king's brother came running out to meet us very cheerfully and friendly, her husband was not then in the village ; some of her people she commanded to draw our boat on shore for the beating of the billow ; others she appointed to carry us on their backs to the dry ground, and others to bring our oars into the house for fear of stealing. "When we were come to the outer room, having five rooms in her house, 84: HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1584], she caused us to sit down by a great fire, and after took off our clothes and washed them, and dried them again, some of the women plucked off our stockings and washed them, some washed our feet in warm water, and she herself took great pains to see all things ordered in the best manner she could, making great haste to dress some meat for us to eat. After we had thus dried ourselves, she brought us into the inner room, where she set on the board standing along the house, some wheat like furmentee, [furmety] sodden venison and roasted, fish sodden, boiled and roasted, melons raw and sodden, roots of divers kinds, and divers fruits ; their drink is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drink wine ; and for the want of corks to keep it, all the year after they drink water ; but it is sodden with ginger in it, and black cinnamon, and sometimes sassaphras, and divers other wholesome, and medicinable herbs and trees. "We were entertained with all love and kindness, and with as much bounty (after their -manner) as they could possibly devise. ¥e found the people most gentle, loving, and faithful, void of all guile and treason, and such as live after the manner of the golden age. The people only care how to defend themselves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such meat as the soil affords ; their meat is very well sodden, and they make broth very sweet and savory ; their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white and sweet, their dishes are wooden plates of sweet timber; within the place where they feed was their lodging, and within that their Idol, which they worship, of whom they speak incredible things. While we were at meal, there came in at the gates two or three men with their bows and arrows from hunting, whom when we espied, we began to look one towards another, and offered to reach our weapons ; but as soon as she espied our mistrust, she was very much moved, and caused some of her men to run out, and take away their bows and arrows, and break them, and withal, beat the poor fellows out of the gate again. When we departed in the evening, and would not tarry the whole night, she was very sorry, and gave us into our boat our supper half dressed, pots and all, and brought us to our boat side, in which we lay all night, removing the same a pretty dis- tance from the shore; she perceiving our jealousy, was much [1584] VOYAGE OF AMADAS AND BARLOWE. 85 grieved, and sent divers men and thirty women, to eit all night on the bank side by us, and sent us into our boats five mats to cover us from the rain, using very many words to entreat us to rest in their houses ; but because we were few men, and if we had miscarried, the voyage had been in very 'great danger, we durst not adventure any thing, although there was no cause of doubt ; for a more kind and loving people there can not be found in the world, as far as we have hitherto had trial. [As to the wine made by the natives, it was probably no more than the juice of the grape, drunk as soon as it was expressed.] Beyond this island there is the main land, and over against this island, falls into this spacious water, the great river called Occam by the inhabitants, on which stands a town called Pomeiock, and six days journey from the same is situate their greatest city, called Skicoak, which this people affirm to be very great; but the savages were never at it, only they speak of it by the report of their fathers and other men, whom they have heard affirm it to be above one hour's journey about. [Unless we are careful, a similarity of names may here lead us into error. We have already spoken of a district or country, called Pomouik, which had for its western boundary the country Newsiok, " situate upon a goodly river called the iVews." This was a tract lying, as we think, between the head of Bay Eiver and Newbern. We here, read of a town, not a district, called Pomeioh, standing on the river Occam, which was far distant from the Neuse, or any of its tribu- taries. This town was on the main land immediately west of Roanoak island, in what is now Hyde county. It is marked on Smith's map as not far from Dasamonguepeuc. The district of Pomouik must therefore not be confounded with the town of Pomeiock. Of their " greatest city, called Skicoak," it is on With's map, but placed conjecturally, as it was not visited by the English.] Into this river falls another great river, called Gipo, in which there is found great store of muscles, in which there are pearls ; likewise* there descendeth into this Occam another river called Nomopana, on the one side whereof stands a great town called Chawanodk, and the lord of that town and country is called Poo- 86 HISTOKY OP NOETH CAKOLINA. [1584] liens ; this Poonens is not subject to the king of Wmgandacoa, but is a free lord ; beyond this country is there another king, whom they call Menatonon, and these three kings are in league with each other. Towards the southwest, four days journey, is situate a town called Seguotan, which is the southernmost town of Wingandacoa, near into which, six and twenty years past, there was a ship cast away, whereof some of the people were saved, and those were white people, whom the country people preserved. And after ten days remaining in an out island uninhabited, called Wocokon, they with the help of some of the dwellers of Sequotan, fastened two boats of the country together, and made masts unto them, and sails of their shirts, and having taken into them such victuals as the country yielded, they departed, after they had remained in this out island three weeks ; but shortly after, it seemed they were cast away, for the boats were found upon the coast, cast a land in another island adjoining ; other than these, there was never any people apparelled, or white of colour, either seen or heard of amongst these people ; and these aforesaid were seen only of the inhabitants of Secotan, which appeared to be very true, for they wondered marvellously when we were amongst them at the whiteness of our skins, ever coveting to touch our breasts, and to view the same. Besides, they had our ships in marvellous admiration, and all things else were so strange unto them, as it appeared that none of them had ever seen the like. "When we discharged any piece, were it but a harquebus, they" would tremble thereat for very fear, and for the strangeness of the same ; for the weapons which themselves use are bows and arrows ; the arrows are but of small canes, headed with a sharp shell or tooth of a fish, sufficient enough to kill a naked man. Their swords be of wood hardened ; likewise they use wooden breast-plates for their defence. They have beside a kind of club, in the end whereof they fasten the sharp horns of a stagg, or other beast. When they go to war they carry about with them their idol, of whom they ask counsel, as the Romans were wont of the oracle of Apollo. They sing songs as they march towards the battle, instead of drums and trumpets, their wars are very cruel and bloody, by reason whereof, and of their civil dissensions, which have happened of late years amongst them, the people are marvellously wasted, and in some places the country left desolate. [1584]- VOYAGE OF AMADAS AND BARLOWE. 87 Adjoining to this country aforesaid, called Secotan, begins a country called Pomouik, belonging to another king whom they call Piamacuni, and this king is in league with the next king adjoining towards the setting of the sun, and the country New- siok, situate upon a goodly river called Neus ; these kings have mortal war with "Wmgina, king of "Wmgandacoa ; but about two years past there was a peace made between the king Piamacum and the lerd of Secotan, as these men which we have brought with us to England, have given us to understand ; but there remained a mortal malice in the Secotans, for many injuries and slaughters done upon them by this Piamacum. They invited divers men, and thirty women of the best of his country to their town to a feast, and when they were altogether merry, and pray- ing before their idol, (which is nothing else but a mere illusion of the devil,) the captain and lord of the town came suddenly upon them and slew them every one, reserving the women and chil- dren ; and these two have oftentimes since persuaded us to sur- prise Piamacum, his town, having promised and assured us that there will be found in it a great store of commodities. But whether their persuasion be to the end they may be revenged of their enemies, or for the love they bear to us, we leave that to the trial hereafter. Beyond this island called Roanoak, are main islands, very plentiful of fruits and other natural increases, together with many towns, and villages, along the side of the continent, some bound- ing upon the islands, and some stretching up further into the land. "When we first had sight of this country, some thought the first land we saw to be the continent, but after we entered into the haven, we saw before us another mighty long sea ; for there lieth along the coast a tract of islands, two hundred miles in length, adjoining to the ocean sea, and between the islands, two or three entrances ; when you are entered between them (these islands being very narrow for the most part, as in most places six miles broad, in some places less, in few more) then there appeared ano- ther great sea, containing in breadth, in some places, forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty miles over, before you come unto the continent, and in this enclosed sea there are above a hundred islands of divers bignesses, whereof one is sixteen miles long, at which we were, finding it a most pleasant and fertile ground, 88 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1584] replenished with goodly cedars and divers other sweet woods, full of currants, of flax, and many other notable commodities, which we at that time had no leisure to view. Besides this island, there are many, as I have said, some of two, of three, of four, of five miles, some more, some less, most beautiful and pleasant to behold, replenished with deer, conies, horses, and divers beasts, and also at them the goodliest and best fish in the world, and in great abundance. Thus, sir, we have acquainted you with the particulars of our discovery made this present voyage, as far forth as the shortness of the time we there continued would afford us to take view of; and so contenting ourselves with this service at this time, which we hope hereafter to enlarge, as occasion and assistance shall be given, we resolved to leave the country and to apply ourselves to return for England, which we did accordingly, and arrived safely in the west of England about the middle of September. And whereas we have above certified you of the country taken in possession by us, to her majesty's use, and so to yours by her majesty's grant, we thought good for the better assurance thereof, to record some of the particular gentlemen and men of ac- count, who then were present as witnesses of the same, that thereby all occasion of cavil to the title of the country, in her majesty's behalf maybe prevented, which otherwise, such as like not the action may use and pretend, whose names are — Master Philip Amadas, ) n . • ... _, \ Captains. " Arthur Barlow, ) "Wm. Greenevile, John "Wood, Jas. Browewich, Henry Greene, Benjamin "Wood, Simon Ferdinando, Nicholas Petman, John Hewes, "We brought home also two of the savages, being lusty men, whose names were Wanchese and Manteo. [The whole period of the stay of this expedition in our waters was but about two months]. Of the Company. Arriukl of the 3]n* w — / -i 9 £- Sculptorr Tleodorc cbtBry, Quid, f^ctuA TIM <&^. = - - %,. 4 J /v ra?/> /oAd *£/77 ?Te me ncfc^*^^^v ^3 ~ — ;■ ~mr :a:-:n "•" Cotttrt 3 O oftokon • i wy*-^: 1? J&f^imtrtcGB im"ntu fumtiLu* d/i.Wa&^W^ ^ I«^» n© Dm a*. i>. ixxyv reonfOero Serenifr. nojirte JkjmacElijitbtlkas xxvn T ujus vera MtfOorta peadiari &ro afcryla $ odditis eliam Jndumarum, Jnconibus uutmJf *^4.acLStoaoc - J i — » ST* — J ometo / »d 5 <&^ WON*©. et/. Croatocifi V - Jtcttoj — «) co/o. Zec^-c 10 euKcrn 2S "ho Thi$ z& a, facsimile of de Bry's JMap of 15 I i ! I I i -r— r-i ScaRe earth, wherewithal many use sometimes to season their broths ; other salt they know not. We ourselves used the leaves also for pot-herbs. There is also another great herb, in form of a marigold, about six feet in height — the head with the flower is a span in breadth. Some take it to be planta-solis, of the seeds thereof they make broth — a kind of bread and broth. [Sun-flower ?] All the aforesaid commodities for victual are set or sown, some- times in grounds apart and severally by themselves, but for the most part together in one ground mixedly ; the manner thereof, with the dressing and preparing of the ground, because I will note unto you the fertility of the soil, I think good briefly to describe. The ground they never fatten with much dung, or any other thing, neither plough. nor dig it as we in England, but only pre- pare it in sort as follows : A few days before they sow or set, the. men with wooden instruments, made almost in form of mattocks or hoes' with long handles; the women with short peckers or parers, because they use them sitting, of a foot long, and about five inches in breadth, do only break the upper part of the ground to raise up the weeds, grass and old stubble of corn-stalks with [1586] hakiot's naeeative. 165 their roots. The which, after a day or two days' drying in the sun, being scraped up into many small heaps, to save them labor for carrying them away, they burn into ashes. And whereas some may think that they use the ashes for to better the ground, I say that then they woxild either disperse the ashes abroad, which we observed they do not, except the heaps be too great ; or else would take special care to set their corn where the ashes lie, which also we find they are careless of. And this is all the hus- banding of their ground that they use. Then their setting or sowing is after this manner : First for their corn, beginning in one corner of the plot, with a pecker they make a hole, wherein they put four grains, with care that they touch not one another (about an inch asunder), and cover them with the mould again ; and so throughout the whole plot, making such holes, and using them after such manner, but with this regard, that they be made in ranks, every rank differing from other half a fathom or a yard, and the holes also in every rank as much. By this means there is a yard spare ground between every hole ; where, according to discretion here and there, they set as many beans and pease ; in divers places also among the seeds of macoquer, melden, and planta-solis. fWe seem to have religiously adhered to this Indian mode of planting our corn : the only difference between ourselves and the natives being that we use more convenient implements in farming than they did. Nay, we have not entirely lost their fashion of placing peas between the corn-hills. Probably our best planters will say they have found no reason to depart essentially from the lessons taught the first settlers by the experience of the savagej. The ground being thus set according to the rate by us experi- mented, an English acre containing forty perches in length, and four in breadth, does there yield in crop or offcome of corn, beans and pease, at the least, two hundred London bushels, be- sides the macoquer, melden and planta-solis ; when, as in Eng- land, forty bushels of our wheat yielded out of such an acre is thought to be much. I thought also good to note this unto you, that you which shall inhabit and plant there, may know how specially that country 1 166 HISTOKT OF NOETIC CABOUNA. [1586] corn is there to be preferred before ours ; besides, the manifold ways in applying it to victual, the increase is so much, that small labor and pains is needful in respect of that which must be used for oure. For this I can assure you that according to the rate we have made proof of, one man may prepare and husband so much ground (having once borne corn before) with less than four and twenty hours' labor, as shall yield him victual in a large propor- tion for a twelvemonths, if he have nothing else 'but that which the same ground will yield, and of that kind only which I have before spoken of: the said ground being also but of five and twenty yards square. If need require, but that there is ground enough, there might be raised out of one and the self-same ground two harvests or offcomes ; for they sow or set, and may at any time, when they think good, from the midst of March until the end of June ; so that they also set when they have eaten of their first crop. In some places of the country, notwithstanding, they have two harvests, as we have heard, out of one and the same ground. For English corn, nevertheless, whether to use or not to use it, you that inhabit may do as you shall have further cause to think best. Of the growth you need not to doubt ; for barley, oats and pease, we have seen proof of, not being purposely sown, but fallen casually in the worst sort of ground, and yet to be as fair as any we have ever seen here in England. But of wheat, because it was musty and had taken salt water, we could make no trial, and of rye we had none. Thus much have I digressed, and I hope not unnecessarily : now will I return again to my course, and treat of that which yet remains appertaining to this chapter. There is an herb which is sowed apart by itself, and is called by the inhabitants Uppowoc ; in the West Indies it has divers names, according to the several places and countries where it grows and is used : the Spaniards generally call it tobacco. The leaves thereof being dried and brought into powder, they use to take the fume and smoke thereof by sucking it through pipes made of clay, into their stomach and head, from whence it purges superfluous phlegm and other gross humors, and opens all the pores and passages of the body, by which means the use thereof jiot only preserves the body from obstructions, but ako (if any £1586] HABIOT'S NABKATIVE. 167 be, so that they have not been of too long continuance) in short time breaks them, whereby their bodies are notably preserved in health, and know not many grievous diseases, wherewithal we in England are often times afflicted. {Here we find another agricultural product which is a staple in some part9 of our State. King James, who wrote his " Counterblast to Tobacco," would scarcely have admitted all the excellent properties of the plant here enumerated by Hariot. Raleigh, who knew the nature of the plant, for it had been introduced into Spain as early as 1650, ordered his colonists to bring it home with them, and on the return of Lane's expedition it was introduced into England, where Sir Walter himself was the first person of station who used it. His example was soon followed by many noblemen, and even ladies of rank, Whether the queen smoked we cannot say, but in France, Catharine de Medici un- doubtedly indulged in a pipe, and the plant was hence called " the queen's herb." On its first introduction, it was a costly luxury, in which none but the rieh could indulge : it was worth its weight in silver. After a time, its use became general among the common people of England, under the influence of that singular propensity that has shown itself among the inhabitants of almost all parts of the world to seek a seda- tive among the vegetable productions of the earth. All have their narcotics. The first pipes of the common people were made of a wal- nut shell and a straw or reed, and as early as 1610 the dramatic Writers of England, who, of course, sought " to catch the manners, living as they rise," show us not only the existence of tobacconists' shops in London, but also the fact of fraudulent adulteration of the article by the dealers. Thus Ben Jonson, in " the Alchy mist :" " This is my friend Abel, an honest fellow, He lets me have good tobacco, and he does not Sophisticate it with sack-lees, or oil, Nor washes it in muscadel and grains, Nor buries it in gravel underground, Wrapped up in greasy leather," &c. &c. How little did Hariot suppose that this Indian weed, uppowoc, would ever become one of the most important articles of commercial traffic, or prove, as it did to King James, one of the largest sources of his royal revenue : still less did he dream that in a future day it would be, as in France, the subject of royal monopoly, and that the monarch ' 168 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1586] of one of the first kingdoms of Europe would be the greatest tobacco- dealer in Christendom.] This uppowoc is of so precious estimation amongst them, that they think their gods are marvelously delighted therewith; whereupon sometime they make hallowed fires, and cast some of the powder therein for a sacrifice ; being in a storm upon the waters, to pacify their gods, they cast some up into the air and into the water ; so a weir for fish being newly set up, they cast some therein and into the air ; also after an escape from danger, they cast some into the air likewise ; but all done with strange gestures, stamping, sometime dancing, clapping of hands, holding up of hands, and staring up into the heavens, uttering therewithal, and chattering strange words and noises. We ourselves, during the time we were there, used to suck it after their manner, as also since our return, and have found many rare and wonderful experiments of the virtues thereof, of which the relation would require a volume by itself; the use of it by so many of late, men and women of great calling, as else, [of others] and some learned physicians also, is sufficient witness. And these are all the commodities for sustenance of life, that I know and can remember, they use to husband ; all else that fol- low, are found growing naturally or wild. OP BOOTS. Openauh are a kind of roots of round form, some of the bigness of walnuts, some far greater, which are found in moist and marshy grounds, growing many together, one by another in rOpes, as though they were fastened with a string. Being boiled or sodden, they are very good meat. Monardes called these roots, beads, or pater nostri of Santa Helena. Okeepenauk are also of round shape, found in dry grounds, some are of the bigness of a man's head^ They are to be eaten as they are taken out of the ground, for by reason of their dry- ness they will neither roast nor seethe. Their taste is not so good as of the former roots, notwithstanding for want of bread, and sometimes for variety, the inhabitants use to eat them with fish [1586] hariot's narrative. 169 or flesh, and in my judgment they do as well as the household Dread made of rye here in England. Kaiskuepenauk, a white kind of roots, about the bigness of hens' eggs, and near of. that form, their taste was not so good to our seeming as of the other, and therefore their place and manner of growing not so much cared for by us ; the inhabitants, not- withstanding, used to boil and eat many. Trinaw, a kind of root much like unto that which in England is called the China root, brought from the East Indies, and we know not anything to the contrary but that it may be of the same kind. These roots grow many together in great clusters, and do bring forth a briery stalk, but the leaf in shape far unlike ; which being supported by the trees it groweth nearest unto, will reach . or climb the top of the highest. From these roots, while they be new or fresh, being chapt into small pieces, and stamped, is strained with water a juice that makes bread, and also being boiled, a very good spoon meat, in manner ^of a jelly, and is much better in taste, if it be tempered with oil. This trinaw is not of that sort, which by some was caused to be brought into England for the China root, for it was discovered since, and is in use, as is aforesaid;, but that which was brought hither is not yet known^ . neither by us nor by the inhabitants, to serve for any use or pur- pose, although the roots in shape are very like. Coscushaw, some of our company took to be that kind of root which Spaniards in the "West Indies call cassava, whereupon also many called it by that name ; it groweth in very muddy pools, and moist grounds. Being dressed according to the country man- ner, it makes a good bread, and also a good spoon meat, and is used very much by the inhabitants. The juice of this root ia poison, and therefore heed must be taken before anything be made therewithal; either the roots must be first sliced and dried in, the sun, or by the fire, and then being pounded into flour, will make good bread, or else, while they are green they are to be pared, cut in pieces, and stamped ; loaves of the same to be laid near or over the fire until it be sour, and then being well pounded again, bread or spoon meat, very good in taste, and wholesome, may be made thereof. Hdbascon is a root of hot taste, almost of the form and bigness 170 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1586] of a parsnip ; of itself it is no victual, but only a help, being boiled together with other meats. There are also Leeks, differing little from ours in England, that grow in many places of the country, of which, when we came in places where they were, we gathered and eat many, but the natural inhabitants never. [With the exception of the Habascon, we confess we are not able to hazard even a conjecture as to what vegetable productions of our country Hariot here alludes. Nor Ire we certain that we know what root he calls Habascon. It has occurred to us that he may mean calamus or it may be horse-radish. OF FRUITS. Chestnuts there are in divers places great store ; some they use to eat raw, some they stamp and boil to make spoon meat, and with some, being sodden, they make such a manner of dough bread as they use of their beans before mentioned. Walnuts. — There are two kinds of walnuts, and of them infinite Btore ; in many places, where are very great woods for many miles together, the third part of the trees are walnut trees. The one kind is of the same taste and form, or little differing from ours of England, but that they are harder and thicker shelled ; the other is greater, and has a very ragged and hard shell, but the kernel great, very oily and sweet. Besides their eating of them after their ordinary manner, they break them with stones, and pound then in. mortars with water, to make a milk which they use to put into some sorts of their spoon meat ; also among their sodden wheat, pease, beans and pompions, which makes them have a far more pleasant taste. Medlars, a kind of very good fruit, so called by us chiefly for these respects ; first in that they are not good until they be rotten, then in that they open at the head as our medlars and are about the same bigness ; otherwise in taste and color they are far differ- ent, for they are as red as cherries and very 6weet, but whereas the cherry is sharp sweet, they are luscious sweet. Muiaquesunnauk, a kind of pleasant fruit almost of the shape and bigness of English pears, but that they are of a perfect red color as well within as without. They grow on a plant whose 11586] HARIOTS NARRATIVE. 171 leaves are very thick, and full of prickles as sharp as needles. Some that have been in the Indies, where they have seen that kind of red dye of great price, which is called Cochineal, to grow, do describe this plant right like unto this of Metaquesunnauk ; but whether it be the true Cochineal, or a bastard or wild kind, it cannot yet be certified, seeing that also, as I heard, Cochineal is not of the fruit, but found on the leaves of the plant ; which leaves for such matter we have not so specially observed. [A cactus. Prickly pear.] Grapes there are of two sorts, which I mentioned in the merchantable commodities. Strawberries there are as goad and as great as those which we have in our English gardens. Mulberries, Applecrccbs, Hurts or Surtleberdes, such as we have in England. Sacquenummener, a kind of berries almost like unto capers, but somewhat greater, which grow together in clusters upon a plant or herb that is found in shallow waters ; being boiled eight or nine hours according to their kind, are very good meat and whole- some ; otherwise if they be eaten they will make a man for the time frantic or extremely sick. There is a kind of reed which bears a seed almost like unto. our rye or wheat, and being boiled is good meat. ["Wild rice ?] In our travels in some places we found wild pease like unto ours in England, but that they were less, which are also of good meat. OF A KIND OF FRUIT OR BERRY IN FORM OF ACORNS. There is a kind of berry or acorn, of which there are five sorts that grow on several kinds of trees; the one is called Sagate- mener, the second Osamener, the third Pummuckoner. These kind of acorns they use to dry upon hurdles made of reeds, with fire underneath, almost after the manner we dry malt in England. When they are to be used, they first water them until they be soft, and then being sodden, they make a good victual, either to eat so simply, or else being also pounded to make loaves or lumps of bread. These be also the three kinds, of which I said before the inhabitants used to make sweet oiL 172 HISTOET OF NORTH CABOLINA. [1586] Another sort is called sapummener, which being boiled or parched, does eat and taste like unto chestnuts. They sometimes also make bread of this sort. [The chinguapin, we suppose, is here referred to]. The fifth sort is called mangummenauk, and is the acorn of their kind of oak, the which, being dried after the manner of the first sorts, and afterward watered, they boil them, and their ser- vants, or sometimes the chiefs themselves, either for variety or for want of bread, do eat them with their fish or flesh. OF BEASTS. Deer. — In some places there are great store : near unto the sea coast they are of the ordinary bigness of ours in England, and some less ; but farther up into the country, where there is better food, they are greater. They differ from ours only in this — their tails are longer, and the snags of their horns look backward. Conies. — Those that we have seen, and all that we can hear of, are of a gray color, like unto hares : in some places there are such plenty that all the people of some towns make them man- tles of the fur or flue of the 6kins of those which they usually take. Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinds of small beasts, greater than conies, which are very good meat. We never took any of them ourselves, but sometimes eat of such as the inhabitants had taken and brought unto us. Squirrels, which are of a gray color, we have taken and eaten. Bears, which are of black color. The bears of this country are good meat. The inhabitants in time of winter do use to take and eat many, so also sometimes did we. They are taken commonly in this sort : In some islands or places where they are being hunted for, as soon as they have spial of a man, they presently run away, and then, being chased, they climb and get up the next tree they can, from whence with arrows they are shot down stark dead, or with those wounds, that they may after easily be killed. We sometimes shot them down with our calivers. I have the names of eight and twenty several sorts of beasts, [1586] haeiot's narrative. 173 which I hare heard of to be here and there dispersed in the country, especially in the main, of which there are only twelve kinds that we have yet discovered ; and of those that be good meat, we know only them before mentioned. The inhabitants sometimes kill the lion and eat him : and we sometimes, as they came to our hands, of their wolves or wolfish dogs, which I have not set down for good meat, lest that some would understand my judgment therein to be more simple than needeth, although I could allege the difference in taste of those kinds from ours, which by some of our company have been experimented in both. [In Vanderdonk's Dutch history of New York, and in the travels and discoveries of John Lederer in the western parts 'of Virginia, we have found the lion named as among the animals of our continent. Here, again, Hariot speaks of the lion as an article of food among the savages of North Carolina. We presume it is scarcely necessary to say that what is usually known as the lion, the Leo Felis of the naturalist, is not here meant. That animal was probably never found in North America. But the genus Felis is a large one, and some of the species belonging to it are abundant enough in our country. The panther and the wild cat both belong to it. The animal to which Hariot here alludes as killed by the natives was probably one of thesej. OF FOWL. Turkey-cocks and Turkey-hens, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Herons, and in winter great store of Swans and Geese. — Of all eorts of fowl, I have the names, in the country language, of four score and six ; of which number, besides those that be named, we have taken, eaten, and have the pictures as they were drawn, with the names of the inhabitants, of several strange sorts of water-fowl eight, and seventeen kinds more of land-fowl, although we have seen and eaten of many more, which, for want of leisure there for the purpose, could not be pictured ; and after we are better furnished and stored upon further discovery with their strange beasts, fish, trees, plants aud herbs, they shall be also published. There are also parrots, falcons, and merlin- hawks, which, although with us they be not used for meat, yet for other causes I thought good to mention. 174: HISTOET OF NOKTH CAEQLINA. [1586] £The turkey is our own bird. It is the meleagris gallo pavo of the natu. ralist, from which the domesticated animal with which we are familiar is derived. It is a native of America, and was introduced into Europe in the sixteenth century. It is still found in the wild state in many parts of our country. The other hemisphere owes us a debt for pota- toes and turkies, if for nothing else]. OF FISH. For four months of the year, February, March, April and May^ there are plenty of sturgeons. And also in the same months, of herrings, some of the ordinary bigness of ours in England, but the moat part far greater, of eighteen, twenty inches, and some two feet in length, and better : both these kinds of fish in those months are most plentiful and in best season, which we found to be most delicate and pleasant meat. There are also trouts, porpoises, rays, oldwives, mullets, plaices, and very many other sorts of excellent good fish, which we have taken and eaten, whose names I know not but in the country language. We have the pictures of twelve sorts more, as they were drawn in the country, with their names. The inhabitants use to take them two manner of ways : the one is by a kind of weir made of reeds, which in that country are very strong ; the other way, which is more strange, is with poles made sharp at one end, by shooting them into the fish after the manner as Irishmen cast darts, either as they are rowing in their boats, or else, as they are wading in the shallows for the purpose. There are also, in many places, plenty, of these kinds which follow : — Sea- Crabs, such as we have in England. Oysters, some very great, and some small, some round, and some of long shape ; they are found both in salt water and brack- ish, and those that we had out of salt water are far better than the other, as in' our country. Also muscles, scallops, periwinkles, and crevises. Seekanauh, a kind of crusty shell-fish, which is good meat, about a foot in breadth, having a crusty tail, many legs like a crab, and her eyes in her back. They are found in shallows of water, and sometimes on the shore. [158&] habiot's nabeative. 175 There are many tortoises, both of land and sea kind, their backs and bellies are shelled very thick ; their head, feet and tail, which are in appearance, seem ugly, as though they were members of a serpent or venomous beast ; but notwithstanding they are very good meat, as also their eggs. Some have been found of a yard in breadth and better. And thus have I made relation of all sorts of victual that we fed upon for the time we were in Virginia, as also the inhabitants- themselves, as far forth as I know and can remember, or that are specially worthy to be remembered. THE THIED AND LAST PAET, OF SUCH OTHEE THINGS AS AEE BEHOVE- FUL FOE THOSE WHO SHALL PLANT AND INHABIT, TO KNOW OF, WITH A DESCELPTION OF THE NATUEE AND MANNEES OF THE PEO- PLE OF THE COUNTBY.i OF COMMODITIES FOE BUILDING AND OTHEE NECESSAET USES. Those other things which I am more to make rehearsal of, are such as concern building, and other mechanical necessary uses, as divers sorts of trees for house and ship timber, and other uses else ; also lime, stone and brick, lest that being not mentioned, some might have been doubted of, or by some that are malicious the contrary reported. Oaks there are, as fair, straight, and tall, and as good timber, as any can be, and also great store, and in some places very great. Walnut-trees, as I have said before, very many, some have been seen, excellent fair timber, of four and five fathom, and above fourscore feet straight without bough. Mr-trees, fit for masts of ships, some very tall and great. Rakioele, a kind of trees so called that are sweet wood, of which the inhabitants that were near unto us do commonly make their boats or canoes, of the form of troughs, only with the help of fire, hatchets of stones, and shells ; we have known some so great being made in that sort of one tree> that they have carried well twenty men at once, besides much baggage ; the timber being great, tall, straight, soft, light, and yet tough enough, I think, (besides other uses,) to be fit also for masts of ships. [It is probably the wild poplar, or tulip-tree, to which Hariot here alludes.] 176 HISTOEY OF NOBTH CAEOLINA. [1586] Cedar, a sweet wood good for ceilings, chests, boxes, bedsteads, lutes, virginals, and many things else, as I have also said before. Some of our company which have wandered in some places where I have not been, have made certain affirmations of cypress, which for such and other excellent uses is also a wood of price and no small estimation. Maple, and also witch-hazel, whereof the inhabitants use to make their bows. Holly, a necessary thing for the making of bird-lime. Willows, good for the making of weirs and weeles to take fish after the English manner, although the inhabitants use only reeds, which, because they are so strong as also flexible, do serve for that turn very well and sufficiently. Beech and ash, good for cask-hoops, and if it need require, plough work, as also for many things else. Elm. Sassafras- trees. Ascopo, a kind of tree very like unto laurel, the bark is hot in taste and spicy, it is very like to that which Monardes describes to be cassia-lignea of the West Indies. There are many other strange trees whose names I know not but in the Virginia language, of which I am not now able, neither is it so convenient for the present to trouble you with particular relation, seeing that for timber and other necessary uses I have named sufficient. And of many of the rest, but that they may be applied to good use, I know no cause to doubt. Now for the stone, brick and lime, thus it is : Near unto the sea-coast, where we dwelt, there are no kind of stones to be found, (except a few small pebbles, about four miles off,) but such as have been brought from further out of the main. In some of our voyages we have seen divers hard raggie stones, great pebbles, and a kind of gray stone, like unto marble, of which the inhabitants make their hatchets to cleave wood. Upon inquiry we heard that a little further up into the country were of all sorts very many, although of quarries they are ignorant, neither have they use of any stone whereupon they should have occasion to seek any. For, if every household have one or two to crack nuts, grind shells, whet copper, and sometimes other Btones for [1586] habiot's narrative. 177 hatchets, they have enough ; neither use they any in digging, hut only for graves about three feet deep, and therefore no marvel that they know neither quarries, nor lime-stones, which both may be in places nearer than they wot of. In the meantime until there be discovery of sufficient stone in some place or other convenient ; the want of you which are and shall be the planters therein may be as well supplied by brick, for the making whereof, in divers places of the country, there is clay both excellent good, and plenty, and also by lime made of oyster shells, and of others burnt, after the manner as they use in the Isles of Thanet and Shippy ; and also in divers other places of England, which kind of lime is well known to be as good as any other. And of oyster-shells there is plenty enough ; for besides divers other particular places where are abundance, there is one shallow sound along the coast, where for the space of many miles together in length, and two or three miles in breadth, the ground is nothing else, being but half a foot under water for the most part. Thus much I can say furthermore of stones, that about one hundred and twenty miles from our fort near the water in thei side of a hill, was found by a gentleman of our company, a great vein of hard ragge stones, which I thought good to remember unto you. [It is pleasant to remark how late experience has verified all that is here said by -this truthful and accurate observer. Stone does not exist where he was, but has been found in abundance in thS interior, just such as he here describes it to be. There is also " clay both excellent good and plenty " from which bricks have long been made ; and until within a comparatively recent period all the lime used in the eastern part of the state was obtained from burning oyster shells, of which there are large deposits on the coast side of the state.] OF THE NATURE, AND MANNERS OF THE PEOPLE. It rests I speak a word or two of the natural inhabitants, their natures and manners, leaving large discourse thereof until time more convenient hereafter ; now only so far forth, as that you may know, how that they in respect of troubling our inhabiting Vol. L— 12 178 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1586] and planting, are not to be feared, but that they shall have cause both to fear and love us, that shall inhabit with them. They are a people clothed with loose mantles made of deer skins, and aprons of the same round about their middles, all else naked, of such a difference of stature only as we in England ; having no edge tools or weapons of iron or steel to offend us withal, neither know they how to make any; those weapons that they have, are only bows made of Witch-hazel, and arrows of reeds, flat edged truncheons also of wood about a yard long; neither have they any thing to defend themselves but targets made of sticks wickered together with thread. • Their towns are but small, and near the sea coast but few, some containing but ten or twelve houses, some twenty ; the greatest that we have seen has been but of thirty houses; if they be walled, it is only done with barks of trees made fast to stakes, or else with poles fixed upright and close one by another. Their houses are made of small poles, made fast at the tops in round form after the manner as is used in many arbors in our gardens of England, in most towns covered with barks, and in some with artificial mats made of long rushes, from the tops of the houses down to the ground. The length of them is commonly double to the breadth, in some places they are but twelve and sixteen yards long, and in other some we have seen of four and twenty. In some places of the country, one only town belonged to the government of a "Weroance or chief Lord, in other some two or three, in some six, eight, and more ; the greatest "Weroance that yet we had dealing with, had but eighteen towns in his govern- ment, and able to make not above seven or eight hundred fight- ing men at the most. The language of every government is different from any other, and the further they are distant, the greater is the difference. [The difference generally we apprehend was for the most part that of various dialects of the same mother tongue. Though we are inclined to think that there were two mother languages within the limits of North Carolina. The one was Algonquin and the other Iroquois. WhenManteo, who was a native of Croatan island on the sea shore [1586] hariot's narrative. 179 near Ocracoke, accompanied Lane up the Roanoak and was near the borders of Virginia, he understood the speech of the tribes in that region so well, that he kpew the meaning of their threats, and warned the English that they were about to discharge a volley of arrows upon them. Our materials for the study of these languages, we regret to say, are limited : we have but a few words and phrases furnished by Smith, and a short comparative vocabulary by Lawson. Our best labors with these have led us to the conclusion we have expressed above of two mother tongues. We think too that dialects of the Iroquois preponderated in that part of the country seen by the Eng- lish settlers. The Tuscarora and Coranine speech were both Iroquois. That very warlike race (the Iroquois) we are inclined to think had at some period, prior to the arrival of the Europeans, driven away a, branch of what Smith calls the Susquehannocks who in his day were on the shores of the Chesapeak, and whom we take to have been Algon- quins. But the subject is one of so much obscurity that it is hardly safe to do more than hazard a conjecture. We know, however, that between the Tuscarora and Wococon languages, there is very little verbal relationship, while between the former and the Pamptico (Cora- nines) the case is otherwise. We regret the more that our researches in this department have been so fruitless, because, as every Indian name has a definite meaning, a fuller understanding of the languages might have afforded valuable aid in settling localities wherever the name was descriptive of the place, as in the Iroquois dialects it generally is. But we get no such aid ; we find indeed that in the Pamptico tongue, Chuwon meant paint, and Ronoak signified Peak or Wampum. Possibly they found some coloring substance, clay perhaps, on the Chowan ; and fancy might too hastily conjecture that they made peak of the muscle shells in the Roanoak, though this latter is very im- probable as they called the river, not Roanoak, but Moratoc. They knew no river by the name Roanoak ; the island bore that name ; and there was, as before remarked, the town of Ohanoak. It was once asserted, and that before ethnology had entered into the patient labor of research into the languages of our continent, that the number of differ- ent tongues in America was immense ; but more recent and careful investigation has satisfactorily shown that here, as in the other hemi- sphere, while the dialects are indeed numerous, the matrices from which they spring may be reduced to a comparatively small number ; and we think that we have traced some of these most unmistakably to Northern Asia. Still there are dialects of different mother tongues 180 HISTOBY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1586] both in North and South America, for which we account, satisfactorily to ourselves at least, by the evidence which has convinced us of different times and modes of settlement from widely different locali- ties.] Their manner of wars amongst themselves is either by sudden surprising one another, most commonly about the dawning of the day, or moon-light, or else by ambushes, or some subtil devices. Set battles are very rare, except it fall out where there are many trees, where either party may have some hope of defence, after the delivery of every arrow, in leaping behind some or other. If there fall out any wars between us and them, what their fight, is likely to be, we having advantages against them so many manner of ways, as by our discipline, our strange weapons and devices else, especially ordinance great and small, it may easily be imagined, by the experience we have had in some places, the turning up of their heels against us in running away was their best defence. In respect of us they are a people poor, and for want of skill and judgment in the knowledge and use of our things, do esteem our trifles before things of greater value. Notwithstanding, in their proper manner (considering the want of such things as we have) they seem very ingenious ; for, although they have no such tools, nor any such crafts, sciences and arts as we, yet in such things as they do, they show excellent wit. And by how much they upon due consideration shall find our manner of knowledges and crafts to exceed theirs in perfection, and speed for doing or execution, by so much the more is it probable that they should desire our friendship and love, and have the greater respect for pleasing and obeying us. Whereby may be hoped, if means of good govern- ment be used, that they may in short time be brought to civility and the embracing of true religion. Some religion they have already, which, although it be far from the truth, yet being as it is, there is hope it may easier and sooner be reformed. They believe that there are many gods, which they call Man- toac, but of different sorts and degrees, one only chief and great God, which has been from all eternity. Who, as they affirm, when he purposed to make the world, made first other gods of a [1586] habiot's narrative. 181 principal order, to be as means and instruments to be used in the creation and government to follow, and after the sun, moon and stars as petty gods, and the instruments of the other order more principal. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods was made all diversity of creatures that are visible or invisible. [We here meet with a striking fact, which must have often forced itself upon the notice of the student of paganism. It is this, that most com- monly among such idolaters as have furnished evidence of progress in intelligence and in devising material comforts, though they may have an abundance of gods of wood and stone, yet they have also almost uniformly what Hariot here calls " one only chief and great God, which hath been from all eternity," and of which they make no outward or visible representation. " It is a remarkable fact," says our accomplished countryman, Mr. Pres- , cott, " that many, if not most of the rude tribes inhabiting the vast American continent, however disfigured their creeds may have been in other respects by a childish superstition, had attained to the sublime conception of one Great Spirit, the creator of the universe, who, imma- terial in his own nature, was not to be dishonored by an attempt at visible representation, and who, pervading all space, was not to be cir- cumscribed within the walls of a temple]. For mankind they say a woman was made first, which, by the working of one of the gods, conceived and brought forth children ; and in such sort, they say, they had their beginning. But how many years or ages have passed since, they say they can make no relation, having no letters nor other such means as we to keep records of the particularities of times past, but only tradition from father to son. They think that all the gods are of human shape, and therefore they represent them by images in the forms of men, which they call Kewasowak, one alone is called Kewas : them they place in houses appropriate or temples, which they call Machicomuck, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many times offering unto them. In some machicomuck we have seen but one kewas, in some two, and in other some three. The common sort think them to be also gods. They believe also the immortality of the 60ul, that after this 182 HISTOKY OF NOBTH CAKOLECIA. [1586] life, as soon as the soul is departed from the body, according to the works it has done, it is either carried to heaven the habitacle of gods, there to enjoy perpetual bliss and happiness, or else to a great pit or hole, which they think to be in the further parts of their part of- the world toward the sunset, there to burn con- tinually : the place they call Popogusso. For the confirmation of this opinion, they told me two stories of two men that had been lately dead and revived again, the one happened but few years before our coming into the country, of a wicked man, (who, having been dead and buried, the next day the earth of the grave being seen to move, was taken up again), who made declaration where his soul had been, that is to say, very near entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saved him, and gave him leave to return again, and teach his friends what they should do to avoid that terrible place of torment. The other happened in the same year we were there, but in a town that was sixty miles from us, and it was told me for strange news, that one being dead, buried, and taken up again as the first, showed that, although his body had laid dead in the grave, yet his soul was alive, and had traveled far in the long broad way ; on both sides whereof grew most delicate and pleasant trees, bearing more rare and excellent fruits than ever he had seen before, or was able to express, and at length came to most brave and fair houses, near which he met his father that had been dead before, who gave him great charge to go back again, and show his friends what good they were to do to enjoy the pleasures of that place, which when he had done he should after come again. What subtilty soever be in the weroances and priests, this opinion worketh so much in many of the common and simple sort of people, that it makes them have great respect to their govern- ors, and also great care what they do, to avoid torment after death, and to enjoy bliss ; although, notwithstanding there is pun- ishment ordained for malefactors, as stealers, whoremongers, and other sorts of wicked doers, some punished with death, some with forfeitures, some with beating, according to the greatness of the facts. And this is the sum of their religion, which I learned by having Special familiarity with some of their priests. Wherein they [1586] hakiot's nakeattve. 183 were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit to their traditions and stories, but through conversing with us they were brought into great doubts of their own, and no small admiration for ours, with earnest desire in many, to learn more than we had means for want of perfect utterance in their language to express. Most things they saw with us, as mathematical instruments, sea-compasses, the virtue of the load-stone in drawing iron, a per- spective-glass, whereby was shown many strange sights, burning- glasses, wild fireworks, guns, books, writing and reading, spring- clocks, that seem to go of themselves, and many other things that we had were so strange unto them, and so far exceeded their capacities to comprehend the reason and means how they should be made and done, that they thought they were rather the works of gods than of men, or at the least wise they had been given and taught us of the gods. Which made many of them to have such opinion of us, as that if they knew not^ the truth of God and religion already, it was rather to be had from us whom God so specially loved, than from a people that were so simple, as they found themselves to be in comparison of us. Whereupon greater credit was given unto that we spake of concerning such matters. Many times, and at every town where I came, according as I was able, I made declaration of the contents of the Bible, that therein was set forth the true and only God, and his mighty works, that therein was contained the true doctrine of salvation through Christ, with many particularities of miracles and chief points of religion, as I was able then to utter, and thought fit for the time. And although I told them the book materially and of itself was not of any such virtue, as I thought they did conceive, but only the doctrine therein contained, yet would many be glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kiss it, to hold it to their breasts and heads, and stroke over all their body with it, to show their hungry desire of that knowledge which was spoken of. The Weroance with whom we dwelt, called Wingina, and many of his people, would be glad many times to be with us at our prayers, and many times call upon us, both in his own town, and also in others whither he sometimes accompanied us, to pray and sing psalms, hoping thereby to be partaker of the same effects which we by that means also expected. 184 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1586] [These passages, we may hope, will furnish ample refutation of the mis- representations of Anthony a Wood, on the subject of Hariot's reli- gious opinions. We learn here that he prayed, and further, that in every town where he went, to the best of his ability, he taught those poor heathen the truths of the Bible, and especially, " the true doctrine of salvation through Christ."] Twice tliis Weroance was so grievously sick that he was like to die, and as he lay languishing, doubting of any help by his own priests, and thinking he was in such danger for offending us and thereby our God, sent for some of us to pray and be a means to our God that it would please him either that he might live, or after death dwell with him in bliss; so likewise were the requests of many others in the like case. On a time also when their corn began to wither, by reason of a drought which happened extraordinarily, fearing that it had come to pass by reason that in something they had displeased us, many would come to us and desire us to pray to our God of England, that he would preserve their corn, promising that when it was ripe we also should be partakers of the fruit. There could at no time happen any strange sickness, losses, hurts, or any other cross unto them, but that they would impute to us the cause or means thereof, for offending or not pleasing us. One other rare and strange accident, leaving others, will I men- tion before I end, which moved the whole country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderful admiration. There was no town where we had any subtle device practiced against us, we leaving it unpunished or not revenged, (because we sought by all means possible to win them by gentleness,) but that within a few days after our departure from every such town the people began to die very fast, and many in short space, in some towns about twenty, in some forty, and in one six score, which in truth was very many in respect of their numbers. This happened in no place that we could learn, but where we had been, where they used some practice against us, and after such time. The disease also was so strange, that they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it, like by report of the oldest men in the coun- try never happened before, time out of mind. A thing specially [1586] hariot's narrative. 185 observed by us, as also by the natural inhabitants themselves. Insomneh, that when some of the inhabitants which were our friends, and especially the "Weroance Wingina, had observed such effects in four or five towns, to follow their wicked practices, they were persuaded that it was the work of our God through our means, and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would without weapons, and not come near them. And thereupon when it had happened that they had understanding that any of their enemies had abused us in our journeys, hearing that we had wrought no revenge with our weapons, and fearing upon some cause the matter would so rest, did come and intreat us that we would be a means to our God that they as others that had dealt ill with us might in like sort die, alleging how much it would be for our credit and profit, as also theirs, and hoping further- more that we would do so much at their requests in re*spect of the friendship we professed them. ■ Whose entreaties, although we showed that they were ungodly, afiirming that our God would not subject himself to any such prayers and requests of men, that indeed all things have been and were to be done according to his good pleasure as he had ordained, and that we, to show ourselves his true servants, ought rather to make petition for the contrary, that they with them might live together with us, be made partakers of his truth, and serve him in righteousness, but notwithstanding in such sort, that we refer that, as all other things, to be done according to his divine will and pleasure, and as by his wisdom he had ordained to be best. [Here again the correct religious views of Hariot are presented, and we are obliged to admit that Wood seems to have forgotten his own duty as a professed Christian, in bearing, as he has done, false witness against his neighbor.] Yet because the effect fell out so suddenly, and shortly after according to their desires, they thought nevertheless it came to pass by our means, and that we in using such speeches unto them, aid but dissemble the matter, and therefore came into us to give us thanks in their manner, that although we satisfied them not in promise, yet in deeds and in effect we had fulfilled their desires. This marvelous accident, in all the country wrought so strange 186 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1586] opinions of us, that some people could not tell whether to think us gods or men, and the rather because that all the space of their sickness, there was no men of ours known to die, or that was spe- cially sick ; they noted also that we had no women amongst us, neither that we did care for any of theirs. Some therefore were of opinion that we were not born of women, and therefore not mortal, but that we were men of an old generation many years past, then risen again to immortality. Some would likewise seem to prophecy, that there were more of our generation yet to come and kill theirs, and take their places, as some thought the purpose was, by that which was already done. Those that were immediately to come after us they imagined to be in the air, yet invisible and without bodies, and that they, by our entreaty, and for the love of us, did make the people to die in that sort as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them. To confirm this opinion, their physicians (to excuse their igno- rance in curing the disease) would not be ashamed to say, but earnestly make the simple people believe, that the strings of blood they sucked out of the sick bodies, were the strings wherewithal the invisible bullets were tied and cast. Some also thought that we shot them ourselves out of our pieces, from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people in any town that had offended us, as we listed, how far distant from us soever it were. And other 6ome said, that it was the special work of God for our sakes, as we ourselves have cause in some sort to think no less, whatsoever some do, or may imagine to the contrary, specially some astrolo- gers, knowing of the eclipse of the sun which we saw the same year before our voyage thitherward, which unto them appeared very terrible. And also of a comet which began to appear but a few days before the beginning of the said sickness. But to ex- clude them from being the special causes of so special an accident, there are further reasons than I think fit at this present to be alleged. These their opinions I have set down the more at large, that it may appear unto you that there is good hope they may be brought, through direct dealing and government, to the embra- cing of the truth, and consequently to honor, obey and love us. And although some of our company, towards the end of the [1586] habiot's nakkative. 187 year, showed themselves too fierce in slaying some of the people in some towns, upon causes that on our part might easily enough have been borne withal, yet notwithstanding, because it was on their part justly deserved, the alteration of their opinions gener- ally and for the most part concerning us is the less to be doubted. And whatsoever else they may be, by carefulness of ourselves, need nothing at all to be feared. The best nevertheless in this, as in all actions besides, is to be endeavored and hoped, and of the worst that may happen notice to be taken with consideration, and as much as may be eschewed. THE CONCLUSION. Now I have (as I hope) made relation not of so few and small things, but that the country (of men that are indifferent and well disposed) may be sufficiently liked if there were no more known than I have mentioned ; which doubtless and in great reason is nothing to that which remains to be discovered, neither as to the soil, nor commodities. As we have reason to gather by the differ- ence we found in our travels, for although all which I have before spoken of, have been discovered and experimented not far from the sea-coast, where was our abode and most of our traveling, yet sometimes as we made our journeys further into the main and country, we found the soil, to be fatter, the trees greater and to grow thinner, the ground more firm and deeper mould, more and larger champains, finer grass, and as good as ever we saw any in England ; in some places rocky and far more high and hilly ground, more plenty of their fruits, more abundance of beasts, the more inhabited with people, and of greater policy and larger dominions with greater towns and houses. "Why may we not then look for in good hope, from the inner parts, of more and greater plenty, as well of other things, as of those which we have already discovered. Unto the Spaniards happened the like in discovering the main of the "West Indies. The main also of this country of Virginia, extending some ways bo many hundreds of leagues, as otherwise than by the relation of the inhabitants we have most certain knowledge of, where yet no Christian prince has any possession or dealing, cannot but yield 188 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1586] many excellent commodities, which we in our discovery have not yet seen. ."What hope there is else to be gathered of the nature of the climate, being answerable to the island of Japan, the land of China, Persia, Jewry, the island of Cyprus and Candy, the south parts of Greece, Italy and Spain, and of many other notable and famous countries, because I mean not to be tedious, I leave to your own consideration. "Whereby also the excellent temperature' of the air there at all seasons, much warmer than in England, and never so vehemently hot, as sometimes is under and between the tropics, or near them, cannot be known to you without further relation. For the wholesomeness thereof, I need to say but thus much — that for all the want of provision, as first of English victual, excepting for twenty days, we lived only by drinking water, and by the victual of the .country, of which some sorts were very strange unto us, and might have been thought to have altered our temperatures in such sort as to have brought us into some grievous and dangerous diseases. Secondly, the wants of English means, for the taking of beasts, fish and fowl, which by the help only of the inhabitants and their means could not be so suddenly and easily provided for us, not in so great number and quantities, nor of that choice as otherwise might have been to our better satisfaction and contentment. Some want also we had of clothes. Furthermore, in all our travels, which were most specially and often in the time of winter, our lodging was in the open air upon the ground. And yet I say for all this, there were but four of our whole company (being one , hundred and eight) that died all the year, and that but at the latter end thereof, and upon none of the aforesaid causes. For all four, especially three, were feeble, weak and sickly persons before ever they came thither, and those that knew them much marveled that they lived so long being in that case, or had adventured to travel. [The colonists reached Koanoak island on the 17th of August, and re- mained until the 18th of the following June. September is one of the most unwholesome months of the year in the eastern part of the state, as then bilious fevers are most prevalent and fatal. It is, therefore, matter of surprise that there should have been so small a mortality as [1586] haeiot's narrative. 189 but Four persons out of one hundred and eight, when we consider what must have been the unavoidable exposure of the colonists. These four, too, seem not to have died from any peculiarity of the climate. Has the country become less salubrious, or were the English preserved in health from living (as they seem to have done) on" much the same food as that used by the natives ?] Seeing, therefore, the air there is temperate and wholesome, the soil so fertile, and yielding such commodities, as I have before mentioned, the voyage also thither to and fro being sufficiently experimented to be performed twice a year with ease, and at any season thereof, and the dealing of Sir "Walter Raleigh so liberal in large giving' and granting land there, as is already known, with many helps and furtherances else (the least that he has granted has been five hundred acres to a man only for the adventure of his person) — I hope there remains no cause whereby the actions should be misliked. If that those which shall thither travel to inhabit and plant be but reasonably provided for the first . year, as those are which were transported the last, and being there, do use but that dili- gence and care that is requisite, and as they may with ease ; there is no doubt, but for the time following, they may have victuals that are excellent, good and plenty enough ; some more English sorts of cattle also hereafter, as some have been before and are there yet remaining, may, and shall be (God willing) thither transported. So, likewise, our kinds of fruits, roots and herbs, may be there planted and sowed, as some have been already, and prove well, and in short time also they may raise so much of those sorts of commodities which I have spoken of, as shall both enrich themselves, as also others that shall deal with them. And this is all the fruits of our labors that I have thought neces- sary to advertise you of at this present. What else concerns the nature and manners of the inhabitants of Virginia, the number with the particularities of the voyages thither made, and of the actions of such as have been by Sir Walter Ealeigh therein, and there employed, many worthy to be remembered as of the first discoverers of the country, of our general, for the time, Sir Kich- ard Greenvil, and after his departure, of our governor there, 190 HISTOKT OF KOETH CAROLINA. [1580] Master Ralph Lane, with divers other directed and employed under their government ; of the captains and masters of the voyages made since for transportation, Of the governor and assistants of those already transported, as of many persons, acci- dents, and things else, I have ready in a discourse by itself in manner of a chronicle, according to the course of times, which, when time shall be thought convenient, shall be also published. (This " discourse, in manner of a chronicle," we fear is irrecoverably lost, Coming from the pen of such an intelligent and honest eye-witness as Hariot, it would to us of this day be invaluable. Many of Hariot's MSS. went into the possession of the Duke of Northumberland : from him they descended to the Earl of Egremont, and in*1784 were at his seat of Petworth. Is it not worth an effort to ascertain if this be among them ?] Thus referring my relation' to your favorable constructions, expecting good success of the action, from him which is to be acknowledged the author and governor, not only of this, but of all things else, I take my leave of you, this month of February, one thousand five hundred and eighty-seven. &: No. 7. THE FOUKTH VOYAGE MADS TO VIRGINIA, WITH THREE SHIPS, IN THE YEAR 1587. WHEBEIW WAS TBANSPOBTED THE SECOND 00LO2TY. [Reprinted from Hakxuyt, Vol. III., page 280]. 192 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1587] In the year of our Lord, fifteen hundred and eighty-seven, Sir Walter Raleigh intending to persevere in the planting of his country of Virginia, prepared a new colony of one hundred and fifty men to be sent thither, under the charge of John White, whom he appointed Governor, and also appointed unto him twelve assistants, unto whom he gave a charter, and incorporated them by the name of Governor and Assistants of the city of Raleigh in Virginia. [The distinguishing features in this effort seem to have been an attempt at the establishment of regular government, and the presence of females in the expedition. Both these imply the hope and intention of per- manent settlement, though not (as we learn from the future narrative) on the island of Roanoak. What the precise form of government was under the charter of " the Governor and Assistants of the city of Ra- leigh in Virginia,'' we cannot now discover. But as to this company thus chartered, it furnishes proof of a change in Raleigh's mode of proceeding for the settlement of his colonies. He seems to have resolved that it was expedient to associate with him in interest, others, who, stimulated by the hope of pecuniary returns, either advanced money as " adventurers," or went out themselves to establish and transact business, with the intent seemingly of making shipments to England of the products of the colony. We find, under date of January 7th, 1587, which was some three or four months before this voyage by White, an instrument executed by Raleigh, whereby, with- out divesting himself entirely of his interest, he permitted others to share with him in the privileges conferred by his patent. This docu- ment has been preserved by Hakluyt, and is reprinted in Hazard's state papers, vol. I. p. 42. Under the charter of Elizabeth, which forms the first document of this volume, bearing date March 25th, 1 584, certain rights and privileges were granted, which, divested of the technicalities of legal phraseology used in the grant, may in plain language be described as follows : 1. Power was given to Raleigh and his assigns by the queen, freely to search for, occupy and enjoy' forever, such remote and barbarous lands, not already possessed by any Christian people, as to him might seem good ; and he was to have in them all such rights and preroga- tives as the patent proceeded to grant. 2, He was at liberty to take with him to such lands and leave there for inhabitants, as many of the people of England as chose willingly to accompany him for that purpose. [1587] BTBST VOYAGE UNDEB WHTTE. 193 3. He was to enjoy in fee-simple all the soil of the lands he might thus discover, and might convey any part of it in fee-simple, or otherwise, to those who accompanied him (they remaining, however, in the queen's allegiance) and reserving also to the queen one fifth of all the gold and silver that might be found in such lands. The queen was to be acknow- ledged as sovereign. 4. He had power to repel and drive out any who, without his license, entered on his lands to make settlement, or planted themselves within six hundred miles of any place where he had made a settlement, or might make one within six years from the date of his grant. In thus repelling he might surprise and take such intruders prisoners, and de- stroy their ships and property. In other words, might make war upon, them. 5. The children of all English subjects born in any of his colonies should enjoy all the rights and privileges of persons born in England. r 6. For the preservation of peace and good order, power was given him to correct, punish, govern and rule, at his discretion, all the colonists both in criminal and civil cases, and to this end he had power to make laws, provided they did not contravene the Christian faith, and were made as conformable as circumstances allowed to the laws of England. 7. Power was given him, under the supervision of certain English officials of high rank, to export from England all such goods and commodities as might be necessary for the relief and support of his colonists. 8. If, however, at any time, he or his followers should rob or spoil by sea or land, or commit unlawful hostilities against the subjects of any power at peace with England ; he should on demand by his own sovereign, within a limited. time, make full satisfaction to the party injured; failing which, he and his should be out of the queen's protection, and might be pursued and treated as an enemy by the government of the party robbed, &c, just as if they were not the queen of England's subjects. This is the substance of his patent, and it will be seen that under it he possessed a qualified sovereignty. When he formed the corporation with a charter, known as " the Governor and Assistants of the .city of Ealeigh in Virginia," of which White here speaks, he acted alone, under the powers conferred by the sixth para- graph of the foregoing abstract of his patent. Having, however, thus formed the corporatipn, he next proceeded, by indenture to make cer- tain individuals " free of the corporation," in other words, members of it under the powers conferred in the third paragraph. Vol. I.— 13 194 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. {158YJ The indenture therefore sets forth substantially as follows : — 1. Sir Walter Raleigh, as the grantor, and describes him as " Chief Governor of Asset mocomoc, alias Wingandacoa, alias Virginia?'' 2. The grantees, who are divided into two classes. The first class numbers nineteen, and they are described as " merchants of London, and ad- venturers to Virginia aforesaid." These remained at home, and ad- ventured or risked their money only in the hands of their factors or agenlS whom they sent out or selected from those bound on the voyage. The second class numbers thirteen, and consists of the individuals who we learn from White's narrative went on the voyage, and con- stituted the "Governor and Assistants" of the new city of Raleigh. These are described as " late of London, gentlemen," not as merchants. The instrument then recites that to these latter, whom he constitutes the " Governor," &c. of the corporation, he grants such powers as his original charter conferred on him in transporting settlers, inhabiting the country, making provision for its government, &c. It then proceeds to declare that the other nineteen grantees, " adventurers as aforesaid, pur- posing and intending to be made free of the corporation, company and society lately made by the said Sir Walter Raleigh, in the city of Ra- leigh, intended to be erected and builded" in Virginia, do " adventure divers and sundry sums of money, merchandises and shipping, muni- tion, victual, and other commodities" into Virginia. It then recites that, in consideration of this adventure, Sir Walter grants to them a perfectly unrestricted and free trade forever to any settle- ments he may now have or make by future discovery in America. He also grants them a donation of £100, to be invested by them as an ad- venture in any mode they please, the profits thereof to be applied by them in Virginia, " in planting the Christian religion, and advancing the same," and for " the common utility and profit of the inhabitants thereof." He then exempts them from all duties or customs on their commerce, Snd from all rents, subsidies, &c, generally, and finally covenants to exe- cute any further instrument the law may require to define and secure in perpetuity the rights of the corporation he has created. It will thus be seen that he made no general transfer of all his rights under the origi- nal patent ; but simply created a corporation on very liberal terms, and thus induced capitalists to become members' of it, in the hope that under the impulse of individual interest, a portion of their funds would be so used as to benefit the colony as well as prove profitable to them- selves. This is what is commonly called " the assignment of his [1587] FIRST VOYAGE UNDER WHITE. 195 patent." In this he showed his usual sagacity ; for if he eould convince London merchants that their money, employed in Virginia, would yield a return, he was very certain that, this proving true, Virginia colonies would not only grow, but very soon exhibit a self-supporting power ■within themselves. • It may gratify the curiosity of the reader, if we subjoin the names of those who constituted the corporators of " the city of Raleigh in Vir- ginia," that was never built. It is well to know who those were that helped (even at the risk of loss 1 ) in the series of trials that finally planted an English colony in the southern part of the United States. The "nineteen" who remained at home were Thomas Smith, afterward Sir Thomas Smith, who, as treasurer, had much to do with the settle- ment of Jamestown, William Sanderson, Walter Bayly, William Gamage, Edmund Neville, Thomas Harding, Walter Master, Thomas Martin, Gabriel Harris, William George, William Stone, Henry Fleet- wood, John Gerrard, Robert Macklyn, Richard Hakluyt, Thomas Hoode, Thomas Wade, Richard Wright, 'and Edmund Walden. In a rare old tract, giving the names, and sums respectively subscribed, of " adventurers" to the Virginia colony at Jamestown, at a later period, I find no less thau ten of the names mentioned above, viz., Smith, Bayly, Neville, Martin, Harris, Stone, Fleetwood, Hakluyt, Wade and Wright. The " thirteen" other grantees, who, with the exception of two, Nichols and Fulwood, came to this country, were John Whyte, Governor, Roger Bayly, Ananias Dare, Christopher Cooper, J«hn Sampson, Thomas Steevens, William Fulwood, Roger Pratt, Dyonisius Harvie, John Nichols, George Howe, James Piatt and Simon Fernando. Of these we read no more after this voyage, for most of this colony, con- sisting of one hundred and twenty-one, were never found after White left them for England. All perished or became incorporated among the savages, with the exception of such as returned home with White.] April. — Oar fleet, being in number three sails, viz : — the Ad- miral, a ship of one hundred and twenty tons, a fly-boat, and a pinnace, departed the six and twentieth of April from Portsmouth, and the same day came to anchor at the Cowes in the Isle of Wight, where we stayed eight days. May.— The fifth of May, at nine o'clock at night, we came to Plymouth, where we remained the space of two days. The eighth we weighed anchor at Plymouth, and departed thence for Virginia. 196 HISTORY OF NOETH CAROLINA. [1587] The sixteenth, Simon Ferdinando, master of our Admiral, lewdly forsook our fly boat, leaving her distressed in the Bay of Portugal. [We know but little of this Simon Fernando, or Ferdinando, save that he proved a treacherous villain. He was one of those named in the list of " assistants" to the governor, and was, beside, the sailing master of the largest ship in the little squadron. These circumstances in- creased his power of doing mischief. "Williamson says he had been twice before on the coast of Carolina as a pilot. That he was on the first voyage with Amadas and Barlowe, is proved by the insertion of his name at the close of Barlowe's narrative, as one of his company. There is no evidence that he was with Lane's colonists during their slay of one year, though he may have been in the fleet, under Grenville, which brought them : and so also he may have been on board the relief ship of 1586, or in Grenville's fleet on his second visit, made in the same year. But whether he had been there before, once only, or twice, certain it is, that on this voyage of White he manifested no little per- fidy, from the very commencement of the voyage. Thus, we find him deserting one of the vessels in the Bay of Portugal, telling falsehoods about the island of Santa Cruz, refusing to stop at Hispaniola, lying repeatedly about supplies to be obtained at various West India islands, nearly losing the vessel on Cape Fear shoals, and finally preventing the return of White and the colonists to the ship when they landed at Roanoak island to look for the colonists left there by Grenville. He professed to be on very friendly terms with the Spanish governor of Hispaniola, and his own name would indicate, that if not by birth a Spaniard, he was of Spanish descent. It is therefore possible that he may have been secretly working in the interests of Spain. Had he permitted White and his companions, after visiting Eoanoak island, to return on board, we probably should have been saved the sad reflec- tions occasioned by musing on the mysterious fate of the one hundred and twenty human beings, men, women and children, who constituted White's colony. Sir Walter's instructions to White were merely to stop at Roanoak long enough to look for the men Grenville had left, and then to proceed to the Chesapeak, and there make a settlement. What must have been the worse than savage cruelty of heart that could thus abandon women and children on a spot which had proved the scene of former failures, and the unfitness of which for colonizing had been made but too well known to Fernando by his own personal expe- rience on the coast ?] [1587] FIRST VOYAGE TOTOEK WHITE. 197 June. — The nineteenth we fell in with Dominica, and the same evening we sailed between it and Guadaloupe : the twenty-first, the fly-boat also fell in with Dominica. The twenty-second we came to an anchor at an island called Santa Cruz, where all the planters were set on land, staying there till the twenty-fifth of the same month. At our first landing on this island, some of our women and men, by eating small fruit like green apples, were fearfully troubled with a sudden burning in their mouths, and swelling of their tongues so big, that some of them could not speak. Also a child, by sucking one of those women's breasts, had at that instant his mouth set on such a burn- ing, that it was strange to see how the infant was tormented for the time, but after twenty-four hours, it ware away of itself. Also, the first night of our being on this island, we took five great tortoises, some of them of such bigness, that sixteen of our strongest men were tired with carrying one of them but from the 6ea-side to our cabins. In this island we found no watering-place but a standing pond, the water whereof was so evil, that many of our company fell sick with drinking thereof, and as many as did but wash their faces with that water, in the morning before the sun had drawn away the corruption, their faces did so burn and swell, that their eyes were shut up, and they could not see in five or six days, or longer. The second day of our abode there, we sent forth some of our men to search the island for fresh water, three one way, and two another way. The governor, also, with six others, went up to the top of a high hill to view the island, but could perceive no sign of any men, or beasts, nor any goodness, but parrots and trees, of Guiacum. Keturning back to our cabins another way, we found in the descent of a hill certain potsherds of savage making, made of the earth of that island ; whereupon it was judged that this island was inhabited with savages, though Fernando had told us for certain the contrary. The same day, at night, the rest of our company very late returned to the governor. The one com- pany affirmed that they had seen in a valley eleven ravages, and divers houses half a mile distant from the steep, or top of the hill where they stayed. The other company had found running out of a high rock a very fair spring of water, whereof they 198 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [158TJ brought three bottles to the company ; for before that time we drank the stinking water of the pond. The same second day, at night, Captain Stafford, with the pin- nace, departed from our fleet, riding at Santa Cruz, to an island called Beake, lying near St. John, being so directed by Ferdi- nand©, who assured him he should there find" great plenty of sheep. The next day, at night, our planters left Santa Cruz and came all aboard, and the next morning after, being the 25th of June, we weighed anchor and departed from Santa Cruz. The seven and twentieth we came to anchor at Cottea, where we found the pinnace riding at our coming. The twenty-eighth we weighed anchor at Cottea, and presently came to anchor at St. Johns in Musketo's Bay, where we spent three days unprofitably in taking in fresh water, spending in the meantime more beer than the quantity of the water came unto. July. — The first day we weighed anchor at Musketo's Bay, where were left behind two Irishmen of our company, Darbie Glaven and Dennis Carrell, bearing along the coast of St. Johns till evening, at which time we fell in with Boss Bay. At this place Ferdinando had promised we should take in salt, and had caused us before ta make and provide as many saeks for that purpose as we eould. The governor, also, for that he understood there was a town in the bottom of the bay, not far from the salt hills, appointed thirty shot, ten pikes and ten targets, to man the pinnace, and to go aland for salt. Ferdinando perceiving them in readiness, sent to the governor, using great persuasions with Mm not to take in salt there, saying that he knew not well whether the same were the place or not j also, that if the pinnace went into the bay, she could not, without great danger, come back till the next day at night, and that if in the meantime any storm should rise, the Admiral were in danger to be cast away. "Whilst he was thus persuading, he caused the lead to be cast, and having craftily brought the ships in three fathoms and a half water, he suddenly began to swear, and tear God in pieces, dis- sembling great danger, crying to him at the helm, Bear up hard, bear up hard ! So we went off, and were disappointed of salt by his means. The next day, sailing along the west end of St. John, the [1587] BTBST VOYAGE UNDER WHITE. 199 governor determined to go aland in St.. German's Bay, to gather young plants of oranges, pines, mameas and plantailos, to set at Virginia, which we knew might easily be had, for that they grow near the shore, and the places where they grew, well known to the governor and some of the planters, but our Simon denied it, saying he would come to an anchor at Hispaniola and there land the governor, and some other of the assistants with the pinnace, to see if he could speak with his friend Alanson, of whom he hoped to be furnished both of cattle, and all such things as we would have taken in at St. John ; but he meant nothing else, as it plainly did appear to us afterwards. The next day after, being the third of July, we saw Hispaniola, and bear with the coast all that day, looking still where the pin- nace should be prepared to go for the place where Ferdinando's friend Alanson was ; but that day passed, and we saw no pre- paration for landing in Hispaniola. The fourth of July, sailing along the coast of Hispaniola until the next day at noon, and no preparation yet seen for the staying there, we having knowledge that we were past the place where Alanson dwelt, and were come up with Isabella ; hereupon Fer- dinando was asked by the Governor whether he meant to speak with Alanson, for the taking in of cattle and other things, accord- ing to his promise, or not ; but he answered that he was now passed the place, and that Sir "Walter Raleigh told him, the French ambassador certified him that the king of Spain had sent for Alanson into Spain, wherefore he thought him dead, and that it was to no purpose to touch there in any place, at this voyage. The next day we left sight of Hispaniola, and hauled off for Virginia, about four o'clock in the afternoon. The sixth of July we came to the Island Cay cos, wherein Fer- dinando said were two salt ponds, assuring us if they were dry we might find salt to shift with, until the next supply, but it proved as true as finding of sheep at Baque. In this island, whilst Ferdinando solaced himself ashore, with one of the company in part of the island, others spent the latter part of that day in other parts of the island, some to seek the salt ponds, some fowling, some hunting swans, whereof we caught many. The next day early in the morning we weighed anchor, leaving Caycos, witli 200 HISTOBY OF NOBTH CAEOLINA. [1587] good hope, that the first land that we saw next should be Virginia. About the sixteenth of July we fell in with the main of Vir- ginia, which Simon Ferdinando took to be the island of Croatoan, where we came to anchor, and rode there two or three days ; but finding himself to be deceived, he weighed and bare along the coast, where in the night, had not Captain Stafford been more careful in looking oiit, than our Simon Fernando, we had been all cast away upon the breach, called the Cape of Fear ; for we were come within two cables' length upon it : such was the care- lessness and ignorance of our master. The two and twentieth of July we arrived safe at Hatorask, where our ship and pinnace anchored ; the Governor went aboard the pinnace, accompanied with forty of his best men, intending to pass up to Eoanoak forthwith, hoping there to find those fifteen, Englishmen, which Richard Greenvill had left there the year before, with whom he meant to have conference, concerning the state of the country, and savages, meaning after he had so done, to return again to the fleet and pass along the coast, to the bay of Chesepiok, where we intended to make our seat and fort, accord- ing to the charge given us among other directions in writing, under the hand of Sir "Walter Ealeigh ; but as soon as we were put with our pinnace from the ship, a gentleman by the means of Ferdinando, who was appointed to return for England, called to the sailors in the pinnace, charging them not to bring any of the planters back again, but to leave them in the island, except the Governor, and two or three such as he approved ; saying that the summer was far spent, wherefore he would land all the planters in no other place. Unto this were all the sailors, both in the pinnace and ship, persuaded by the master, wherefore it booted not the Governor to contend with them, but passed to Eoanoak, and the same night, at sun-set, went aland on the island, in the place where our fifteen men were left, but we found none of them, noi any sign that they had been there, saving only we found the bones of one of those fifteen, which the savages had slain long before. The three and twentieth of July the Governor with divers of his company walked to the north end of the island, where mastei [1587] FIRST VOYAGE UNDEK WHI T E . 201 Ealph Lane had his fort, with sundry necessary and decent dwelling houses, made by his men about it, the year before, where we hoped to find some signs, or certain knowledge of our fifteen men. "When we came thither, we found the fort razed down, but all the houses standing unhurt, saving that the neather (outer) rooms of them, and also of the fort, were overgrown with melons of divers sorts, and deer within them, feeding on those melons ; so we returned to our company, without hope of ever seeing any of the fifteen men living. The same day order was given that every man should be em- ployed for the repairing of those houses, which we found standing and also to make other new cottages, for such as should need. The twenty-fifth, our fly-boat and the rest of our planters ar- rived all safe at Hatorask, to the great joy and comfort of the whole company : but the master of our Admiral, Ferdinando, grieved greatly at their safe coming, for he purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal, and stole away from them in the night, hoping that the master thereof, whose name was Edward Spicer, for that he never had been in Virginia, would hardly find the place, or else being left in so dangerous a place as that was, by means of so many men of war, as at that time were abroad, they should surely be taken or slain ; but God disappointed his wicked pretences. The eight and twentieth, George Howe, one of our twelve as- sistants, was slain by divers savages, which were come over to Koandak, either of purpose to espy our company, and what num- ber we were, or else to hunt deer, whereof were many in the island. These savages being secretly hidden among high reeds, where oftentimes they find the deer asleep, and so kill them, espied our man wading in the water above, almost naked, and without any weapon, save only a small forked stick, catching crabs therewithal, and also being strayed two miles from his com- pany, and shot at him in the water, where they gave him sixteen wounds with their arrows ; and after they had slain him with their wooden swords, they beat his head in pieces and fled over the water to the main. On the thirtieth of July, Master Stafford and twenty of our men passed by water to the island of Croatoan, with Manteo, who 202 HISTOBY OF NOETH CAROLINA, [1587] had his mother and many of his- kindred d-welling ijouthat island, of whom we hoped to understand some news of our fifteen men, but especially to learn the disposition of the people of -the coun- try towards us, and to renew our old friendship with them. At our first landing they seemed as though they would fight with us, but perceiving us begin to march with our shot towards them, they turned their backs and fled. Then Manteo, their coun- tryman, called to them in their own language, whom, as soon as they heard, they returned, and threw away their bows and arrows, and some of them came unto us, embracing and entertaining us friendly, desiring us not to gather or spoil any of their corn, for that they had but little. We answered them that neither their corn nor any other thing of theirs should be diminished by any of us, and that our coming was only to renew the old love, that was between us and them at the' first, and to live with them as breth- ren and friends ; which answer seemed to please them well, where- fore they requested us to walk up to their town, who there feasted us after their manner, and desired us earnestly that there might be some token or badge given them of us, whereby we might know them to be our friends, when we met them anywhere out of the town or island. They told us further, that for want of some such badge, divers of them were hurt the year before, being found out of the island by Master Lane and his company, whereof they showed us one, whjch at that very instant lay lame, and had been laying of that hurt ever since ; but they said, they knew our men mistook them, and hurt them instead of Wingina'* men, wherefore they held us excused. [We have already mentioned that Lawson, in his map of 1709, marks as " Croatan" the main land lying west of Eoanoak island, in the present county of Tyrrel ; some of the modern maps apply to this region the same name ; but this paragraph is important as showing that this was not the region known to the early voyagers and colonists as Croatan. It is here expressly called an island, and we know it to have been on the coast, because Sir Francis Drake's fleet was first seen from it on the open sea, approaching from the south. Of the early Indian name ap- plied to what is now Tyrrel county, there can be no doubt. On the map of Amadas and Barlowe, the first ever made of the country, it is called Dasttmonguepeuk, and this name is continued on many of the [1587] FIBBT VOYAGE TJNDEK WHITE. 203 subsequent old maps. If we may hazard a conjecture as to the later application of the name " Croatan" to Tyrrel, we would suggest that possibly it may have been caused in this wise: From the future story of White we learn that it was agreed between him. and the colonists, before his departure for England, that should they remove from Roanoak before his return, they should carve in some conspicuous place the name of the place to which they had gone. On his return, he found carved the word " Croatan." We also learn from his narrative, that the purpose was entertained, even before he left the colony, that it should " remove fifty miles further up into the main." The nearest main land to them was Tyrrel, and Lawson (whose map, by the way, is theirs* to call Tyrrel Croatan) may have been induced by the words " into the main" to suppose that, carrying out their avowed intention to go further into the interior, if forced to remove at all, they would make for the nearest point of the main land ; and that this therefore must be " Croatan" which they had designated as the point of their destination. But he overlooked the important fact that White, in his relation, (which we suppose, Lawson to have seen.) did not at all understand Tyrrel to be meant by " Croatan ;" for he ex- pressly says, " I greatly joyed that I had found a certain token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was born, and the savages of the island our friends." He then relates his attempt to sail to the island, on the open sea, and the fact of his ships being drives} off the coast by a storm.] August. — The next day we had conference further with them, concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoe, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatoan to certify the people of those towns, that if they would, accept our friendship, we would willingly receive them again, and that all unfriendly dealings past on both parts, should be utterly forgiven and forgotten. To this the chief men of Croatoan answered, that they would gladly do the best they could, and within seven days bring the Weroances and chief Governors of those towns with them, to our Governor at Eoanoak, or their answer. "We also understood of the men of Croatoan, that our man, master Howe, was slain by the remnant of Win- gina's men dwelling then at Dasamonguepeuk, with whom Wan- chese kept company ; and also we understood by them of Croa» loan, how that the fifteen Englishmen left at Eoanoak the year 204 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1586] before, by Sir Richard Greenvill, were suddenly set upon by thirty of the men of Secota, Aquoscogoc, and Dasamonguepeuk, in manner following. They conveyed themselves secretly behind the trees, near the houses where our men carelessly lived, and having perceived that of those fifteen they could see but eleven only, two of those savages appeared to the eleven Englishmen, calling to them by friendly signs that but two of their chief men should come unarmed to speak with those two savages, who seemed also to be unarmed. Wherefore two of the chiefest of our Englishmen went gladly to them ; but whilst one of those savages traitorously embraced one of our men, the other with his sword of wood, which he had secretly hidden under his mantle, struck him on the head and slew him, and presently the other eight and twenty savages shewed themselves; the other Englishman per- ceiving this fled to his company, whom the savages pursued with their bows and arrows, so fast that the Englishmen were forced to take the house, wherein all their victual and weapons were ; but the savages forthwith set the same on fire, by means whereof our men were forced to take up such weapons as came first to hand, and without order to run forth among the savages, with whom they skirmished above an hour. In this skirmish another of our men was shot into the mouth with an arrow, where he died ; and also one of the savages was shot into the side by one of our men, with a wild fire arrow, whereof he died presently. The place where they fought was of great advantage to the savages, by means of the thick trees, behind which the savages through their nimbleness, defended themselves, and so offended our men with their arrows, that our men, being some of them hurt, retired fighting to the water side where their boat lay, with which they fled towards Hatorask. By that time they had roWed but a quarter of a mile, they espied their four fellows coming from a creek thereby, where they had been to fetch oysters ; these four they received into their boat, leaving Roanoak, and landed on a little island on the right hand of our entrance into the harbor of Hatorask, where they remained a while, but afterward departed, whither as yet we know not. [We have here the fate of Sir Bichard Greenville's fifteen men. They were all killed by the savages or drowned. Probably, when they left [1587] FIRST VOYAGE UlTOER WHITE. 205 " the little island " near " the harbor of Hatorask " they attempted in their frail craft to coast down to Croatoan, where they knew they had friends, and perished by the way.] Having now sufficiently dispatched our business at Croatoan, the same day we departed friendly, taking our leave, and came aboard the fleet at Hatorask. The eighth of August, the Governor having long expected the coming of the Weroances of Pomeiok, Aquascocog, Secota, and Dasamonguepeuk, seeing that the seven days were past, within which they promised to come in, or to send their answers by the men of Croatoan, and no tidings of them heard, being certainly also informed by those men of Croatoan, that the remnant of Wingina his men, which were left alive, who dwell at Dasamon- guepeuk, were they which had slain Geo. Howe, and were also at the driving of our eleven Englishmen from Roanoak, he thought to defer the revenge thereof no longer. Wherefore the same night, about midnight, he passed over the water, accompanied with Captain Stafford, and twenty-four men, whereof Manteo was one, whom we took with us to be our guide to the place where those savages dwelt, where he behaved himself toward us as a most faithful Englishman. The next day, being the ninth of August, in the morning so early that it was yet dark, we landed near the dwelling place of our enemies, and very secretly conveyed ourselves through the woods, to that side, where we had their houses between us and the water, and having espied their fire and some sitting about it, we presently set upon them ; the miserable souls herewith amazed, fled into a place of thick reeds, growing fast by, where our men perceiving them, shot one of them through the body with a bullet, and therewith we entered the reeds, among which we hoped to acquit their evil doing towards us ; but we were deceived, for those savages were our Mends, and were come from Croatoan to gather the com and fruit of that place, because they understood our enemies were fled immediately after they had slain George Howe, and for haste had left all their corn, tobacco and pompions stand- ing in such sort, that all had been devoured of the birds, and deer, if it had not been gathered in time ; but they had like to have 206 HISTORY OF HTOKTH CAROLINA. [1587] paid dearly for it, for it was so dark, that they being naked, and their men and women appareled all so like others, we knew not but that they were all men, and if that one of them which was a Weroance's wife had not had a child at her back, she had been slain instead of a man, and as hap was, another savage knew master Stafford, and ran to him, calling him by his name, where- by he was saved. Finding ourselves thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered all the corn, pease, pompions, and tobacco, that we found ripe, leaving the rest unspoiled, and took Mena- toan's wife, with the young child, and the other savages with us over the water to Roanoak. Although the mistaking of these sa- vages somewhat grieved Manteo, yet he imputed their harm to their own folly, saying to them, that if their Weroances had kept their promise in coming to the Governor at the day appointed, they had not known that mischance. The thirteenth of August, our savage Manteo, by the command- ment of Sir Walter Raleigh, was christened in Roanoak, and called Lord thereof, and of Dasamonguepeuk, in reward of his faithful service. The eighteenth, Eleanor, daughter to the governor, and wife to Ananias Dare, one of the assistants, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak, and the same was christened there the Sunday fol- lowing, and because this child was the first christian born in Virginia, she was named Virginia. By this time our ships had unladen the goods and victuals of the planters, and began to take in wood and fresh water, and to new caulk and trim them for England : the planters also prepared their letters and tokens to ■Bend back into England. [These baptisms of Manteo, and the infant child of Mr. Dare, suggest the inquiry whether there was a clergyman among the colonists. There is no prefix or suffix to any in the list of colonists' names that would seem to imply the presence of a minister of religion. This, however, is not conclusive, because the use of such a term as "reverend" as indicating the profession, was not in that day common. There may have been a clergyman among the colonists, even though no title is affixed to his name ; -and, as Sir Walter gave positive orders, before the expedition sailed, that Manteo should be baptized when he reached America, it is not probable that, with the prevalent Teligious opinions [1587] ITRST VOYAGE UNDER "WHITE. 207 of his day on the suVijeet of baptism, he permitted it to sail without a chaplain. We know that one was sent with the first colony to James- town. The matter is of some little moment to southrons, because it has been very much the fashion to consider the southern colonies of Virginia and the Carolinas as composed of " godless gangs ;" and to insinuate, if not assert, that all the piety and morals in the country were introduced by the holier men of northern settlements. God for- bid that we should deny the existence of very sincere piety in many of the northern colonists ; but they did not have it all. A careful study of contemporaneous authorities will show that the reverent fear and worship of God was by no means wanting either on Roanoak or at Jamestown. Hariot tells us of the daily prayers of Lane's colony, and the early history of Jamestown brings out beautifully as fine a picture of ministerial character, faithfulness and zeal, in Hunt, Whitaker and others, as the christian would desire. The religion of these men, however, was not used as capital, political or otherwise : they sought not to trade on it ; but were content to feel it and live accordingly. Had they been asked "if they had any religion V they probably would have answered as a late excellent prelate did — " none to speak of." The fact here recorded in the text is further interesting, because this was the first christian sacrament ever administered by "protestants in America]. Our two ships, the Lion and the Fly-boat, almost ready to depart, the 21st of August, there arose such a tempest at the north-east, that our admiral, then riding out of the harbor, was forced to cut his cables and put to sea, where he lay beating off and on six days before he could come to us again, so that we feared he had been cast away, and the rather, for that at the time the storm took them, the most and best of their sailors were left aland. At this time some controversies arose between the governor and assistants about choosing two out of the twelve assistants, which should go back as factors of the company into England ; for every one of them refused, save only one, which all other thought not sufficient ; but at length, by much persuading of the governor, Christopher Cooper only agreed to go for England; but the next day, through the persuasion of divers of his familial friends, he changed his mind, so that now the matter stood as at the first. 208 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1587] The next day, the twenty-second of August, the whole com- pany, both of the assistants and planters, came to the governor, and with one voice requested him to return himself into England, for the better and sooner obtaining of supplies, and other necessa- ries for them ; but he refused it, and alleged many sufficient causes why he would not : the one was, that he could not so sud- denly return back again without his great discredit, leaving the action and so many whom he partly had procured through his persuasions to leave their native country, and undertake that voyage ; and that some enemies to him and the action, at his return into England, would not spare to slander falsely both him and the action, by saying he went to Virginia but politicly, and to no other end but to lead so many into a country in which he never meant to stay himself, and there to leave them behind him. Also, he alleged, that seeing they intended to remove fifty miles further up into the main presently, he being then absent, his stuff and goods might be both spoiled, and most of them pilfered away in the carriage ; so that at his return he should be either forced to provide himself of all such things again, or else at his coming again to Virginia find himself utterly unfurnished, whereof already he had found some proof, being but once from them but three days. "Wherefore he concluded that he would not go him- self. The next day, not only the assistants, but divers others, as well women as men, began to renew their requests to the governor again, to take upon him to return into England for the supply and dispatch of all such things as there were to be done, pro- mising to make him their bond under all their hands and 6eals for the safe preserving of all his goods for him at his return to Virginia, so that if any part thereof were spoiled or lost, they would see it restored to him, or his assignees, whensoever the same should be missed and demanded, which bond, with a testi- mony under their hands and seals, they forthwith made and delivered into his hand. The copy of the testimony I thought good to set down : "May it please you, her majesty's subjects of England, we your friends and countrymen, the planters in Virginia, do by these presents let you and every of you understand, that for the [1587] FIRST VOYAGE UNDER WHITE. 209 present and speedy supply of certain our known and apparent lacks and needs, most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of us, or any other in this land of Virginia, we all of one mind and consent, have most earnestly entreated, and incessantly requested John White, governor of the planters in Virginia, to pass into England, for the better and more assured help and setting forward of the foresaid supplies ; and knowing assuredly that he both can best, and will labor and take pains in that behalf for us all, and he not once but often refusing it, for our sakes, and for the honor and maintenance of the action, has at last, though much against his will, through our importunities, yielded to leave his government and all his goods among us, and himself in all our behalves to pass into England, of whose know- ledge and fidelity in handling this matter, as all others, we do assure ourselves by these presents, and will you to give all credit thereunto, the twenty-fifth of August, 1587." The governor being at the last, through their extreme entreat- ing, constrained to return into England, having then but a half a day's respite to prepare himself for the same, departed from Eoanoak the seven and twentieth of August in the morning, and the same day about midnight came aboard the Fly-boat, who already had weighed anchor, and rode without the bar, the admiral riding by them, who but the same morning was newly come thither again. The same day both the ships weighed anchor and set sail for England. At this weighing their anchor, twelve of the men which were in the Fly-boat were thrown from the capstan, which by means of a bar that broke, came so fast about upon them that the other two bars thereof struck and hurt most of them so sore, that some of them never recovered it ; ' nevertheless, they assayed presently again to weigh.their anchor, but being so weakened with the first fling, they were not able to weigh it, but were thrown down and hurt the second time. Wherefore, having in all but fifteen men aboard, and most of them by this unfortunate beginning so bruised and hurt, they were forced to cut their cable and lose their anchor, nevertheless they kept company with the admiral until the seventeenth of September, at which time we fell in with Corvo and saw Flores. September.— The eighteenth, perceiving of all our fifteen men Vol. I.— 14 21Q HISTORY OF NOETH -GiKOLESrA. [1587] in the Fly-boat there remained but five, which by means of the former aaisehance, were able to stand to their labor, and that the admiral meant not to make any haste for England, but to linger ©bout the island of Tercera for purchase, the Fly-boat departed for England with letters, where we hoped by the help of God to arrive shortly ; but by that time we had continued our course homeward about twenty days, having had sometimes scarce and variable winds, our fresh water also by leaking almost consumed, there arose a storm at north-east, which for six days ceased not to blow so exceedingly, that we were driven further in those six than we could recover in fifteen days, in which time others of our sailors began to fall very sick, and two of them died, the weather also continued so close, that our master sometimes in four days together could see neither sun nor star, and all the beverage we could make, with stinking water, dregs of beer, and lees of wine which remained, was but three gallons, and therefore now we expected nothing but by famine to perish at sea. October. — The sixteenth of October we made land, but we knew what land it was. Bearing in with the same land at that day : about sunset we put into a harbor where we found a hulk of Dublin, and a pinnace of Hampton riding, but we knew not as yet what place this was, neither had we any boat to go ashore, until the pinnace sent off their boat to us with six or eight men, of whom we understood we were in Smerwick in the west part of Ireland : they also relieved us presently with fresh water, wine and other fresh meat. The eighteenth the governor and the master rode to Dingen a Cushe, five miles distant, to take order for the new victualing of our Fly-boat for England, and for relief of our sick and hurt men ; but within four days after, the boatswain, the steward, and the boatswain's mate, died aboard the Fly-boat, and the 28th the master's mate and two of our chief sailors were brought sick to Dingen. November. — The first, the governor shipped himself in a ship called the Monkey, which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England, leaving the Fly-boat and all his com- pany in Ireland. The same day we set sail, and on the third day we fell in with the north side of the Land's End, and were shut YXBST VOYAGE UNDER WHITE. 211 up the Severn, but the next day we doubled the. same for Mount'8 Bay. f The fifth, the governor landed in England at Martasew, near St. Michael's Mount in Cornwall. The .eighth we arrived at Hampton, where we understood that our consort,, the Admiral, was come to Portsmouth, and had been there three weeks before ; and also that Ferdinand©, the master, with all his company were not only come home without any pur- chase, but also in such weakness by sickness and death of their chiefest men, that they were scarce able to bring their ship into harbor, but were forced to let fall anchor without, which they could not weigh again, but might all have perished there, if a small bark by great hap had not come to them to help them. The names of the chief men that died are these — Roger Large, John Matthew, Thomas Smith, and some other sailors, whose names I knew not at the writing hereof. Anno Dam., 1587. The names of all the men, women and children, which safely arrived in Virginia, and remained to inhabit there 1587. Anno regni Hegince Mizabpthm 29. John White, Roger Baily, Ananias Dare, Christopher Cooper, Thomas Stevens, John Sampson, Dionys. Harvie, Roger Prat, George Howe, Simon Fernando, Nicholas Johnson, Thomas "Warner, Anthony Cage, John Jones, William Willes, John Brooke, Cutbert White, John Bright, Clement Taylor, William Sole, John Cotsmur, Humphrey Newton, Thomas Colman, Thomas Gramme, Mark Bennett, John Gibbes, John Stilman, Robert Wilkinson, John Tydway, Ambrose Viccars, Edmund English, Thomas Topan, Henry Berry, Richard Berry, John Spendlove, John Hemmington, Thomas Butler, Edward Powell, John Burdon, James Hynde, Thomas Ellis, William Browne, Michael Myllet, Thomas Smith, Richard Kemme, Thomas Harris, Richard Taverner, John Earnest, Henry Johnson, John Starte, Richard Darige, William Lucas, Arnold Archard, John Wright, 212 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1587] William Dutton, Maurice Allen, "William "Waters, Richard Arthur, John Chapman, "William Clement, Robert Little, Hugh Tayler, Richard Wildye, Lewes Wotton, Michael Bishop, Henry Browne, Henry Rufoote, Richard Tomkins, Henry Dorrell, Charles Florrie, Henry Mylton, Henry Paine, Thomas Harris, "William Nichols, Thomas Phevens, John Borden, Thomas Scot, Peter Little, John "Wyles, Bryan Wyles, George Martyn, Hugh Pattenson, Martin Sutton, John Farre, 'John Bridger, Griffin Jones, Richard Shabedge, James Lasie, John Cheven, Thomas Hewet, William Berde. Rose Payne, Elizabeth Viccars. Women. Eleanor Dare, Margery Harvie, Agnes Wood, Winnifred Powell, Joyce Archard, Jane Jones, Elizabeth Glane, Jane Pierce, Audry Tappan, Alice Chapman, Emma Merimoth, Colman, Margaret Lawrence, Joan Warren, Jane Mannering, Bays and Children. John Sampson, Robert Ellis, Ambrose Viccars, Thomas Archard, Thomas Humfrey, Thomas Smart, George Howe, John Prat, William Wythers. Children Born in Virginia Dare, Harvie. Manteo, Towaye, that were in England and returned home to Virginia with them. [We have here one hundred and twenty-one names, and sad it is to think, that with the exception of White and Fernando, we know not the fate of another individual here named. Seventeen of this list were women, and from the similarity'of name only, we infer that ten had husbands among the colonists. In like manner, from name alone, we suppose that six at least of those enumerated among the " boys and children" were with their parents.] No. 8. THE FIFTH VOYAGE OF M. JOHN "WHITE, INTO THE WEST INDIES, AND FARTS OF AMERICA CALLED VIKGINIA, IN THE TEAR 1590. [Reprinted from Hakluyt, Vol. III., page 288.] 214: HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1590] To the worshipful and my very friend, Master Richard Hdkluyty much happiness in the Lord : Sir, — As well for the satisfying of your earnest request, as the performance of my promise made unto you at my last being with you in England, I have sent you (although in a homely style, espe- cially for the contentation of a delicate ear,) the true discourse of my last voyage into the "West Indies, and parts of America called Virginia, taken in hand about the end of February, in the year of our redemption 1590. And what events happened unto us in thiB our journey, you shall plainly perceive by the sequel of my die- course. There were at the time aforesaid three ships absolutely determined to go for the West Indies, -at the special charges of Mr. John "Wattes, of London, merchant. But when they were fully furnished and in readiness to make their departure, a general stay was commanded of all ships throughout England. Which, so soon as I heard, I presently (as I thought it most requisite) ac- quainted Sir Walter Raleigh therewith, desiring him that, as I had at sundry times before, been chargeable and troublesome unto him, for the supplies and reliefs of the planters in Virginia; so likewise that by his endeavor, it would please him at that instant to procure license for those three ships to pfdceed on with their determined voyage, that thereby the people in Virginia (if it were God's pleasure) might speedily be comforted and relieved without further charges unto him.— Whereupon, he by his good means obtained license of the queen's majesty, and order to be taken that the owner of these ships should be bound unto Sir Walter Raleigh or his assigns in three thousand pounds, that those three ships, in consideration of their releasement, should take in and transport a convenient number of passerfgefB, with their furni- tures and necessaries, to be landed in Virginia. Nevertheless, that order was not observed, neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforesaid. But rather in contempt of the aforesaid order, I was, by the owner and commanders of the ships, denied to have any passengers, or any thing else transported in any of the said ships, saving only myself and my chest ; jio, not so much as a boy to attend upon me, although I made great suit and ear- nest entreaty, as well to the chief commanders as to the owner of the said ships. Which cross and unkind dealing, although it very [1590] white's last voyage. 215 much discontented me, notwithstanding, the scarcity of time was such that I could have no opportunity to go unto Sir Walter Ka- leigh with complaint : for the ships, being then all in readiness to go to the sea, would have been departed before I could have made my return. Thus, both governors, masters and sailors, regarding very 6mally the good of their countrymen in Virginia, determined nothing less than to touch at those places, but wholly disposed - themselves to seek after purchase and spoils, spending so much time therein, that summer was spent before we arrived at Vir- ginia. And when we were come thither, the season was so unlit and weather so foul, that we were constrained of force to forsake that coast, having not seen any of our planters, with loss of one of our ship-boats, and seven of our chiefest men : and also with loss of three of our anchors and cables, and most of our casks with fresh water left on shore, not possible to be had aboard Which evils and unfortunate events (as well to their own loss as to the hindrance of the planters in Virginia) had not chanced, if the order set down by Sir "Walter Ealeigh had been observed, or if my daily and continual petitions for the performance of the same might have taken any place. Thus may you plainly per- ceive the success of my fifth and last voyage to Virginia, which was no less unfortunately ended than frowardly begun, and as luckless to many as sinister to myself. But I would to God it had been as prosperous to all, as noisome to the planters ; and as joy- ful to me as discomfortable to them. Yet, seeing it is not my first crossed voyage, I remain contented. And, wanting my wishes, I leave off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were answerable to my will. Thus, committing the relief of my discomfortable company, the planters in Virginia, to the merciful help of the Almighty, whom 1 most humbly beseech to help and comfort them, according to His most holy will, and their good desire, I take my leave. From my house at Hewtown, in Kilmore, the 4th of February, 1593. Your most well-wishing friend, Jons' White. 216 HISTOKT OF NOBTH CABOLINA. |1890] The twentieth of March, the three ships, the Hopewell, tlfe John Evangelist, and the Little John, put to sea from Plymouth with two small shallops. The twenty-fifth at midnight, both our shallops were sunk, being towed at the ship's stern by the boatswain's negligence. On the thirteenth, we saw ahead of us that part of the coast of Barbary, lying east of Cape Oantyn, and the Bay of Asophi. The next day we came to the Isle of Mogadore, where rode, at our passing by, a pinnace of London, called the Moonshine. April. — On the first of April we anchored in Santa Cruz road, where we found two great ships of London, lading in sugar, of whom we had two ship boats to supply the loss of our shallops. On the second we set sail from the road of Santa Cruz for the Canaries. On Saturday the fourth we saw Alegranza, the east isle of the Canaries. On Sunday the fifth of April we gave chase to a double fly boat, the which, we also the same day fought with, and took her, with loss of three of their men slain, and one hurt. On Monday the sixth we saw Grand Canarie, and the next day we landed and took in fresh water on the south side thereof. On the ninth we departed from Grand Canarie, and framed our course for Dominica. The last of April we saw Dominica, and the same night we came to an anchor on the south side thereof. May. — The first of May in the morning, many of the savages came aboard our ships in their canoes, and did traffic with us ; we also the same day landed and entered their town from whence we returned the same day aboard without any resistance of the savages, or any offence done to them. The second of May our Admiral and our pinnace departed from Dominica, leaving the John, our Yice-admiral, playing off and on about Dominica, hoping to take some Spaniard outward bound to the Indies ; the same night we had sight of three small islands, called Los Santos, leaving Guadaloupe and them on our starboard. The third we had sight of S. Christopher's Island, bearing north- east and by east of us. [1590] "white's last voyage. 217 On the fourth we sailed by the Virgins, which are many broken islands, lying at the east end of St. John's Island; and the same day towards evening, we landed upon one of them, called Blanca, where we killed an incredible number of fowls ; here we stayed but three hours, and from thence stood upon the shore northwest, and having brought this island southeast of us, we put, towards night, through an opening or swatch, called The passage, lying between the Virgins, and the east end of St. John ; here the pin- nace left us and sailed on the southside of St. John. The fifth and sixth the Admiral sailed along the north side of St. John, so near the shore that the Spaniards discerned us to be men of war, and therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by ; for so their custom is, when they see any men of war on their coasts. The seventh we landed on the northwest end of St. John, where we watered in a good river, called Yaguana, and the same night following we took a frigate of ten tons coming from Gwathanelo, laden with hides and ginger. In this place Pedro, a mulatto, who knew all our state, ran from us to the Spaniards. On the ninth we departed from Yaguana. The thirteenth we landed on an island, called Mona, whereon were ten or twelve houses inhabited of the Spaniards ; these we burned and took from them a pinnace, which they had drawn a ground and sunk, and carried all her sails, masts and rudders into the woods, because we should not take her away ; we also chased the Spaniards over all the island; but they hid themselves in caves, hollow rocks, and bushes, so that we could not find them. On the fourteenth we departed from Mona, and the next day after we came to an island, called Saona, about five leagues distant from Mona, lying on the- south side of Hispaniola near the east end ; between these two islands we lay off and on four or five days, hoping to take some of the Domingo fleet doubling this island, as a nearer way to Spain than by Cape Tyburon, or by Cape St. Anthony. On Thursday, being the nineteenth, our Vice-admiral, from whom we departed at Dominica, came to us at Saona, with whom we left a Spanish frigate, and appointed him to He off and on other five days between Saona and Mona to the end aforesaid ; 218 HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA. [1590] then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon. Here I was informed that our men of the Vice-admiral, at their de- parture from Dominica, brought away two young savages, which were the chief Cacique's sons of that country and part of Domi- nica ; but they shortly after run away from them at Santa Cruz Island, where the Vice-admiral landed to take in ballast. On the twenty-first the admiral came to the Cape Tyburon, where we found the John Evangelist our pinnace staying for us, where we took in two Spaniards almost starved on the shore, who made a fire to our ships as we passed by. Those places, for a hundred miles in length, are nothing else but a desolate and mere wilderness, without any habitation of people, and full of wild bulls and boars and serpents. The twenty-second, our pinnace came also to an anchor in Alligator Bay at Gape Tyburon. Here we understood of M, Lane, captain of the pinnace, how he was set upon with one of the king's gallies belonging to Santo Domingo, which was manned with four hundred men, who, after he had fought with him three or four hours, gave over the fight and forsook him, without any great hurt done on either part. The twenty-sixth, the John, our vice-admiral, came to us to Cape Tyburon, and the frigate which we left with him at Jasna. This was the appointed place where he should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo fleet. On Whitsunday evening, at Cape Tyburon, one of our boys, ran away from us, and at ten days' end returned to our ships almost starved for want of food. In sundry places about this part of: Cape Tyburon we found the bones and careases of divers men, who had perished (as we thought) by famine in those woods, beingr either straggled from their company or landed there by some men of war. June. — On the fourteenth of June, we took a small Spanish?, frigate, which fell amongst us so suddenly as, he doubled theu point of the bay of Cape Tyburon, where we rode, so that he could not escape us. This frigate came from Santo Domingo, and had but three men in her, the one was an expert pilot, the othecK- a mountaineer, and the* third a vintner, who escaped all out of- prison at Santo Domingo, purporting to fly to Yaguana, which. ifc [1590] white's last voyage. 219 a town iii the west parts of Hispaniola, where many fugitive Spaniards are gathered together. The seventeenth, being "Wednesday, Captain Lane was sent to Yaguana with his pinnace and a frigate to take a ship, which was there taking in freight, as we understood by the old pilot, whom We had taken three days before. -The twenty-fourth, the frigate returned from Captain Lane at Yagnana, and brought us word to Cape Tyburon that Captain Eahe had' taken the ships, with 'many passengers and negroes in the same, which proved not so rich a prize as we hoped for ; for that a Frenchman of war had taken and spoiled her before we came. Nevertheless, her loading was thought worth a thousand or thirteen hundred' pounds, being hides, ginger, cannafistula, copper-pans and cassavi. July. — The second of July, Edward Spicer, whom we left in England, came to us at Cape Tyburon, accompanied with a small pinnace, whereof one EL Harps was captain. And the same day we had sight of a fleet of fourteen sail, all of Santo Domingo, to whom we presently gave chase ; but they upon the first sight of us fled, and, separating themselves, scattered here and there ; wherefore we were forced to divide ourselves, and so made after them until twelve o'clock at night. But then, by reason of the darkness, we lost sight of each other, yet in the end the Admiral and the Moonlight happened to be together the same night, at the fetching up of the Vice- Admiral of the Spanish fleet, against whom the next morning' We fought and took him, with loss of one of our men and two hurt, and of theirs, four slain and six hurt. But what had become of our vice-admiral, our pinnace and prize, and two frigates, in all this time, we were ignorant The third of July, we spent about rifling, rummaging and fitting the prize to be sailed with us. The sixth of July, we saw Jamaica* the which we left on our larboard, keeping Cuba in sight on our starboard. Upon the eighth of July, we saw the island of Pinos, which lies on the south side of Cuba, nigh unto the west end or cape called Cape St. Anthony. And the same day we gave chase to a frigate, but at night we lost sight of her, partly by the slow Bail- 220 HISTOBY OP NOETH OJLEOLHTA. [1590] ing of our Admiral, and lack of the Moonlight, our pinnace, whom Captain Cook had sent to the cape the day before. On the eleventh we came to Cape St. Anthony, where we found our consort, the Moonlight, and her pinnace abiding for our coming ; of whom we understood that the day before there passed by them twenty-two sail, some of them of the burden of three hundred, and some four hundred tons, laden with the king's treasure from the main, bound for Havana : from this eleventh of July until the twenty-second, we were much becalmed, and the wind being very Bcarce, and the weather exceeding hot, we were much pestered with the Spaniards we had taken, wherefore we were driven to land all the Spaniards saving three ; but the place where we landed them was of their own choice on the south side of Cuba near unto the Organs and Rio de Puercos. "The twenty-third we had sight of the Cape of Florida, and the broken islands called the Martyrs. The twenty-fifth, being St. James' day, in the morning, we fell in with the Matanzas, a headland eight leagues towards the east of Havana, where we purposed to take fresh water in, and make our abode two or three days. On Sunday, the twenty-sixth of July, plying to and fro between the Matanzas and Havana, we were espied of three small pin- naces of St. John de Ulloa, bound for Havana, which were exceed- ing richly laden. These three pinnaces came very boldly up unto us, and so continued until they came within musket-shot of us. And we supposed them to be Captain Harp's pinnace, and two small frigates taken by Captain Harp ; wherefore we showed them our flag. But they, presently upon the sight of it, turned about and made all the sail they could from us toward the shore, and kept themselves in so shallow water, that we were not able to follow them, and therefore gave them over with expense of shot and powder to no purpose. But, if we had not so rashly set out our flag, we might have taken them all three, for they would not have known us before they had been in our hands. This chase brought us so far to leeward as Havana ; wherefore, not finding any of our consorts at Matanzas, we put over again to the Cape of Florida, and from thence through the channel of Bahama. On the twenty-eighth, the Cape of Florida bare west of us. [1590] white's last voyage. 221 The thirtieth, we lost sight of the Coast of Florida, and stood to sea, for to gain the help of the current, which runneth much swifter afar off, than in sight of the coast. For, from the cape to Virginia, all along the shore, are none but eddy currents, setting to the south and southwest. The thirty-first, our three ships were clearly disbacked, [sic] the great prize, the Admiral and the Moonshine, but our prize being thus disbacked departed from us without taking leave of the Ad- miral or consort, and sailed directly for England. August. — On the first of August the wind scanted, and from thence forward, we had very foul weather, with much rain, thun- dering and great spouts, which fell round about us nigh unto our ships. The third, we stood again in for the shore, and at midday we took the height of the same. The height of that place we found to be thirty-four degrees of latitude. Towards night we were within three leagues of the low sandy islands west of "Wokokon. But the weather continued so exceeding foul, that we could not come to an anchor nigh the coast, wherefore we stood off again to 6ea until Monday, the ninth of August. On Monday, the storm ceased, and we had very great likeli- hood of fair weather ; therefore we stood in again for the shore, and came to an anchor at eleven fathoms, in thirty-five degrees of latitude, within a mile of the shore, where we went on land on the narrow sandy island, being one of the islands west of "Woko- kon ; in this island we took in some fresh water, and caught great store of fish in the shallow water. Between the main (as we sup- posed) and that island it was but a mile over, and three or four feet deep in most places. On the twelfth, in the morning, we departed from thence, and toward night we came to an anchor at the northeast end of the island of Croatoan, by reason of a breach which we perceived to lie out two or three leagues into the sea ; here we rode all that night. The thirteenth, in the morning, before we weighed our anchor, our boats were sent to sound over this breach ; our ships riding at the side thereof at five fathoms ; and a ship's length from us we found but four and a quarter, and then deepening and shallowing 222 HISTOBJ