CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY FROM Date Due ^^m^ ^§§9^ '^■-^ 1.1 !■■ "■"^-^IL JUUiU3£ ^J?_ JfcITi ^RLlBRA ^»— . ^^^*^LOAf / 1 1 i (^ 23Z33 f""'" «.»*■ Cornell University Library F 44F8 C66 History of Francestown, N. H. from its 3 1924 028 835 813 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028835813 HISTORY -OF- FRANCESTOWN, N. H. From its Earliest Settlement April, 1758 TO January 1, 1891. WITH A BRIEF GENEALOaiCAL RECORD OF ftLL THE FRANCESTOWN FftMlLlES. By rev. W. R. COCHRANE, D. D. OF ANTRIM, N. H. GEORGE K. WOOD, Esqk. OF FRANCESTOWN. PUBLISHED BY THE TOWN. NASHUA, N. H.: .JAMBS H. BARKER; PRINTER, t'- C (HUM- LI /^is-^l^/t k. H. V/, ^"^ '' ' -iil :, ' L. E. C. 46Z f X^ PREFACE. The plan of publishing a History of Francestown was in the minds of many at the Centennial Celebration in June, 1.S72, and was the subject' of conversation from time to time thereafter. But no action was taken in -the matter until the town-meeting of !Nov. 7, 1882, when the town appointed the Selectmen as a "Committee of Arrangements in regard to Publishing a History of Pranoestown," to report at the March meeting. At that meeting, (March, 1883), a favorable re- port was made, and the town voted that "a History of the town be published, and that the town be responsible for any expenses that may be incurred, which are not met by the sale of its Histories, not ex- ceeding $600." And at the same meeting they chose Samuel D. Downes, George F. Pettee and George D. Epps to be their "Publish- ing Committee." It was with honest reluctance and under much pressure, that I was led to undertake the work of preparing another town history, — know- ing as I did the labor and care involved, — and especially in view of the fact that my health was frail, and my pastoral duties many and la- borious. But it was urged that I was the "oulj' man that could be agreed upon," in the disturbed state of feeling in the town at that time, and fhat a "townsman who had the time and talent" (George K. Wood), should gather the genealogical material and render every pos- sible assistance. And after due consideration I felt it my duty to ac- cept the appointment. Yet the labor has been greater than I antici- pated, because of scantiness of records, and because of doing the work at arm's length. I have myself written nearly 1500 letters (generally enclosing a stamp), and scores of postals, for points of information; and I have searched the old records of other places as well as Frances- town, at the expenditure of much time and labor. " The Proprietary Eecords" of New Boston (since burned) were searched by me from beginning to end. I spent several days in examining old records in the State House atConcord. Old diaries, deeds, grave-yards and news- papers, (especially the Amherst Cabinet), have been searched ajid ex- amined with painstaking care. In this, as in most other towns, the old records were meagre, confused and imperfect, requiring much study and patience to reconcile them with known facts and dates. Tliroughout this work it has been my object to get at the exact facts, and to state them in the briefest and plainest language. Heiict I think the statements of this book may be relied upon; and though its composition may lack elegance, I trust it will be found to have fow IV I> REPACK. noted down in his old age. The Publishing Committee and the town dark and ambiguous lines. It has been my intent to be strictly im- partial in everything, — to give facts and not opinions. I think I have written with the utmost kindness toward the reputations of the dead and the feelings of the living. And though some things discreditable have been suppressed, I may say that it wouW be difficult to find a community anywhere whose record, if fully "written out, would show so little to be censured. The publication of this book has been delayed far beyond our ex- pectation, — much to the disappointment of many no doubt, but greatly to the advantage of the book. I began the work in earnest in the closing weeks of 1S8:J, and gave to it all the time I could spare for over seven years; so that the Hi-storical Part was practically complete Jan. 1, 1891. But since that date I have added much of importance, and taken the opportunity to write the most of it over the second time. INo doubt many a man will say that such long-continued labor ought to have produced a better book; but probably this plausible critic has never written a town history, with the duties of a large parish to perform at the same time. I have made use of material and information wherever 1 could get it — which is the privilege of the town historian, — and shall not at- tempt to make many acknowledgements in particular, except as given in the body of the work. I would, however, lovingly fulfil a promise made to the late Oliver Butterfield, to put on record his interest in this book, and my obligation to him for items remembered by him and officers, and all the people met with, have treated me with the greatest kindness; and my intercourse with the town will always be recalled with pleasure. And after this long study of the characters and achievements of the fathers of the town, I am ready to "rise up and call them blessed.' They were able, heroic, self-denj-ing, wise and godly people. Neither the fathers nor the mothers were angels; but they were good speci- mens of humanity. I have come to venerate their names. May their memory be precious, their work be appreciated, and their graves be guarded and honored, by all succeeding generations in the town! Mr. George K. Wood, who has been associated with me, has pre- pared the larger part of the Genealogies, and that with marked ability and good taste. I have found him a man of most genial and pleasant spirit to work with, and one whose talents should lead to a larger field of authorship. It was an agreement of the Publishing Committee with the writer that the "portraits should be all steel engravings," and this was one condition of my undertaking the work. These are from the hand of F. T. Stuart, 42 Court St., Boston, — an artist of highest reputation, — and will be fouiid, I think, highly satisfactory. Various buildings and landscapes and views appear, — all of them attractive and pleasing. PREFACE. V These have been placed here b}' the gift of those interested in the town and in the success of this work. Dea. Albert Ga^- of Boston has given money and time more largely than any other one, and without his work and zeal, and generosity, we hardly see how the undertaking could have been carried through. Horace K. Batchelder of Boston has also contributed fieely. Others have assisted in this good work, among them, Charles L. AVoodbury, Alpheus.Gay, A.G. Fairbanks, Frederick A. Hodge, W.X. Rand, John P. Rand, Hiram Patch, John F. Mauahan, S. D. Downes, and Amasa Downes. And now these pages are respectfully submitted to the people of the town. I ani aware that they might have been more attractively writ- ten, but I trust that the kindness of the good people of Francestown will secure a charitable reception for their servants' well-meant work. I cannot expect these pages to bring me much commendation, nor can I expect them greatly to please the living; but I cherish the hope that they may be useful to children and children's children, to whom the face of the writer never will be known. May the good old town prosper and flourish and be blest in eveiy interest in coming years; and may the future generations be charac- terized by the love of righteousness and the fear of God. .\nd when, long after the present generation shall have passed away, some abler Jiistorian shall take up the thread of this narrative, may he and hi.s readers thankfully remember the writers, and the people who will have given them this record of the past! So may these humble pages keep Some trace of others' toils and tears. — Love's treasure, rescued from the deep Of the forgotten years ! W. K. COCHEANE. CONTENTS. and Events prior to. Chap. I. — First Settlement of Francestown, Incorporation. . . . . II. — Outline of Events in town from Incorporation to the Close of the Revolutionary War. III. — Outline of Events in tovi^n from the Close of the Revo- lutionary War to to Close of the Century. IV. — Outline of Events in Francestown from Jan. I, 1801 to 1851 . ... V. — ^Outline of Events in Francestown from Jan. 1. 1851 to Jan. I, 1891. VI.— The Centennial Celebration June 8, 1872. VII. — ^Ecclesiastical History. Till.— The Military Record of Francestown. IX. — The Schools of Francestown. X. — Francestown Academy. XI. — The Cemeteries. ..... XII. — Roads and Bridges. XIII.— Town Officers. XIV.- — Customs and Habits of the Olden Time. XV.— The Hardships of our Fathers. XVI.^The Scotch and English in this Town. XVII. — -Mills and Manufactures in Francestown. XVIII.— The Soapstone Quarry. XIX. r— Various Corporations and Societies in Town. XX.— The Villages. ... XXI. — Some Topographical Items. . XXII. — ^Clergymen, Physicians, Lawyers. XXIII. — Post Offices, Post Masters and Post Riders. XXrV. — Miscellaneous; the Chips Worth Picking Up. Preface to Genealogies. GSirealogies. . . Adtifenda. Page. 1-41 42-113 114-154 155-195 195-203 208-225 225-251 251-276 277-294- 295-319 320-324 325-334 335-347 348-367 388-383 384-392 393-398 399-402 403^10 411-423 424-443 444-448 449-454 455-474 477 479 1006- ILLUSTRATIONS. Hon. Levi Woodbury, LL. D. Map of Society Land. . Map of New Boston Addition. Sa.muel. B. Hodge, Esc^. Dea. Albert Gay. First Meeting House. Rev. Dr. Austin Richards. The New Church. The Old Church. The Village School House. Academy Building. Hiram Patch, Esq_ Soap Stone Quarry. Village Street Looking North. Village View. Village Street Looking South. Bird's Eye View from the East. Haunted Lake. . ' Pleasant Pond and Mountain. George K. Wood, Esq. Israel Batchelder, EsQ; Horace K. Batchelder, Esq. Hon. William Bixby. Hon. Titus Brown, Esq. S. D. DowNES. Esq. Residence of Dea. Amasa Downes. Mary Downes. The Epps Parents. . The Epps Brothers. Hon, a. G. Fairbanks. Hon. Alpheus Gay. Dea. Thomas P. Rand. Starret Mansion. Woodbury Mansion. Hon. Charles L. Woodbury. Frontispiece. . Page S 17 21.S . 218 226 . 2il 244 249 281 . 305 344 399 411 . 4U . 417 422 432 . 436 477 .i04 . .507 . 518 . .545 . 641 . 645 647 669 . 671 677 723 894 . 936 993 . 995 I^jLLsbopol/gH c o. HISTORY OF FEANCESTOWN. CHAPTER I. THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF FEANCESTOWN; AND EVENTS IN ITS HISTOEY UP TO THE DATE OP INCOEPOEATION. The tract of land now known as Francestown was noted long before its settlement as having a chain of beautiful meadows, stretching from those within the boundaries of New Boston, as now fixed, westward for many miles. These open, green places in the dense forest were exceedingly attractive to the hunter and explorer, and in many instances successfully invited their return. These meadows had been cleared, centuries perhaps before, by flowage ; and the trees had died and gradually fallen to fill up and enrich the ground. The flowage had been caused by beavers, then very numerous in this section, which had built dams across the brooks, making ponds, one after another, back for miles in succession. Then, the country being thickly wooded, all the small streams were much larger than now, and there were many small brooks where no water runs at the pre- sent day. . The beavers cut the small trees and brush with their teeth, set up the short sticks a few inches apart in the mud, and wove in twigs between them ; then, with their flat, strong tails as trowels, they plastered the dams over with mud, making thus quite strong barriers, and raising ponds of considerable extent. These dams were put in well-chosen places, and were strengthened from time to time. Along the edges of these ponds, before the appearance of white men in New Hampshire, the beavers made their houses, one above another, two or three stories high, with outlets or doors adjusted to the rise and fall of the water ; that is, so that they could always swim out of their houses into water under the ice in winter. In the autumn 2 BEAVEES PLOWING A TOWN. they cut sticks with their teeth of certain kinds of green wood — sticks about a foot long and from one to four inches in diam- eter ; and these sticks in large quantities they carried, often a considerable distance, and then sunk them in the water near their houses ; then, in the winter, they swam out of their houses and lived on the bark of these sticks. Occasionally now these sticks are dug up, and the marks of the beavers' teeth are jjlain upon them. The Avriter has seen these specimens both in Francestown and New Boston. They are curious evidences of the skill and power, and instinctive forethought of those industrious and patient little animals. But all this was, in fact a prepai-ation for the first settlers. For wlien the beavers were destroyed by hunters, on account of their valuable fur, the dams they had made soon rotted away, the ponds were drained off, and ovei' the soft ground long covered with -watei' the grass . sprung ujj luxuriantly, producing heavy crops of good quality. This wonderful grass crop at once attracted attention ; it was high as a man's head and easy to get. Men came up from the lower towns in the summer, mowed and harvested the gi'ass, and made stacksof hay in waim, diy spots. Then they would build a camp of logs, and a I'ude shelter for stock, made from poles covered with the bark of trees. Late in the fall they would drive up cattle and feed out the hay. stajdng miles from anj' settlement all win- ter, and finding occupation and pleasure in trapping sable along the streams, with the occasional excitement of largei- game. One winter two men from Dunstable arranged to spend the time together in this way, having camp and shed and haystacks a little east of the place now occupied by the school-house in No. 5, on the edge of what has since been known as Garson meadow. They made traps by means of two straight poles, one a little above the other, and held apart with a sort of figure 4. one arm of which was a spindle baited with meat, which being moved, the upper pole would fall, or the under one, being bent down, Avould fly up and crush the game. This made a cheap and quite effectual trap, and the material was always near to make it from. Here and there along the brooks for ten miles, entirely round Crotched mountain, these tAvo men set their traps. No doubt they found pleasure and profit in all this, but surely it involved plenty of hard work. One morning one of the men FIRST ACCIDENT IN TOWN, 3 went off to make the circle of his traps and bring in the game, and the other stayed to chop wood for the fire ; but a tree in falling rolled onto him, breaking his leg and holding him down. In this condition he braced himself partly up with one hand, and with his axe in the other, he chopped off the log in two places, kicked the piece out with his well foot, crawled into his camp, and fired the signal gun I At this call the hunter turned back and found his companion in a condition of great distress and peril. He fixed up the brviised and broken leg as well as he could, brought in a pile of wood to keep the sufferer warm, made a pot of hasty pudding for him to live on, and hastened off to Dunstable that night on snowshoes, twenty miles, for help. The sufferer, left alone in the wilderness in this condition of helplessness and pain, required great fortitude and power of endurance ; that time of nearly two days and two nights must have seemed long and dark. At length the friends came and carried the sufferer home on their shoulders in a litter made of poles tied together by withes. As they travelled on snowshoes through pathless forests, with such a load, their progress must have been most tiresome and slow, to say nothing of the increased fever and pain of the injured man. No other accident to these early hunters has come to our knowledge ; but this process of finding hay in summer and fur in winter went on for many years, chiefly by young men and boys fond of adventure. These names cannot be given. Event- ually some of these men made permanent settlements and were the pioneers of the town, being thus led to choose this place for residence ; but the most of them are as much unknown as the red men who hunted before them. The silence of these years, hqwever, affords us room to speak of some other matters connected with town grants and charters in this vicinity. Double incorporations and over-lapping claims supply a liberal amount of confusion for the town historian, and the old story of Masonian heirs and state lines has to be told over many times. For a long period about half of New Hampshire was claimed by Massachusetts. During the reign of James I, (1603-1625) a council was established by the king, to have general control over all the territory of New England, the boundaries of which at that time were very in- 4 THE MASONIAN GRANT. definite. As early as 1621, Capt. John Mason, a member of this council having a sharp eye for himself, obtained from James a special grant^covering most of the southern part of New Hamp- shire east of the Merrimack, then, of course, an unkown country without a white inhabitant. Under this grant he and his friends took possession of the land, as far as possible to do so on paper, and also made settlements — Dover (1623), Strawberry Bank (Portsmouth) soon after, and then several other places in suc- cession. After the death of King James, Capt. Mason, with characteristic shrewdness, secured a second grant for himself (1629), described as follows : " From the middle of Piscataqua river, and up the same to the farthest head thereof, and from thence north-westward until sixty miles from the mouth of the harbor are finished ; also through Merriniao river to the farthest head, thereof, and so forward up into the land westward, until sixty miles are finished ; and from thence to cross overland to the end of the sixty miles accounted from the mouth of Piscata- qua river." This would make a triangular piece of territory, extending as far north as Conway and as far west as Rindge ; and the westward or long side of this roughly-shaped triangle would be a straight line drawn from Conway to Rindge, which w6uld embrace Francestown in the grant. This tract was called New Hampshire, and was the beginning of our state. But in 1635 Capt. Mason died, having realized but meagre profit from his grant, and having accomplished the settlement of only a few places, and these only to a very limited extent. Soon disturbances of various kinds arose in England, especially the controversy between Charles I. and his people, which became so serious as to absorb the attention of all par- ties, and on account of which the colonies in America were left for the most part to shift for themselves. This state of things continued about fifteen years. It was during the time when New Hampshire was at the very weakest. Its few small settle- ments were on the frontier and were helpless. Hence the feeble colony of New Hampshire naturally came under the protection of the strong and populous colony of Massachusetts. It is only fair to say that this protection was sought, and was the only means of continued existence. Certainly as early as 1642 the few towns of this state were fully united to Massa- MASSACHUSETTS OEANTS. 5 chusetts. Again in 1679 New Hampshire was set off by itself and had its own government. This continued, though disturbed and unsatisfactory, till 1685, when Joseph Dudley was appointed " President of New England," and New Hampshire was again brought under the same government as Massachusetts. This arrangement continued till 1688, when (1688-1690) New Hampshire was without any government for nearly two years. Again united to Massachusetts (1690), it was soon separated again ; and thus our colony dangled between separation and union for half a century. But in 1702 a union was begun which continued till 1740. Meanwhile the heirs of Mason, or others under them, continually put in their claims, and being defeated, appealed from court to court, and from king to king. Massachusetts all these years claiming a large slice of the southern part of the Masonian grant as her own by previous right, was not disinclined at any time to t;he management of the whole. Hence, by way of confirming her claim and exercising her authority, that colony proceeded to make grants of towns within New Hampshire limits. Amherst was thus granted in 1733 ; New Boston, Jan. 14, 1736, and Peterborough, Jan. 16, 1738. Under the government of Massachusetts a "plot had been accepted " covering most of the present surface of Frances- town as far back as July 18, 1673. But the acceptance of it was not signed by the governor, and it seems to have amounted to nothing. The "plot" was marked, "Granted to Joseph Green, Isaac Walker and others for lands in Stockbridge." But when this colony was finally separated from Massachu- setts (1741) a bitter controversy arose about the boundary between them. So bitter was the feeling that the only way of settlement was to refer the question to the king (George H.) ; and after some delay he decided in favor of New Hampshire. The king had appointed a commission to take evidence in the matter in 1737, but it amounted to almost nothing. His final decision was, to begin at a point on the Atlantic coast three miles north of the mouth of Merrimack river, and run west- ward, bending and crooking the line so as always to be just three miles north of said river, until it shoixld reach a " point due north of Pawtucket Falls (Lowell), and a straight line drawn from thence due west until it meets with His Majesty's 6 THE MASONIAN PROPKIETOK.S. other governments." This " due west " line added to New Hampsliire a strip about fiteen miles wide, extending from the Merrimack to the Connecticut. In some places this was much wider, as shown by the fact that Francestown, then unnamed, had been claimed by Massachusets. The line between the states was run and fixed by Richard Hazen in 1741. Then new troubles to the settlers arose. Grants of townships north of this line, which had not been settled, were dropped and we lieai' no more of them. But grants of townships Avhich had been settled were now void ; and as their charters were invalid, they were obliged to seek incorporation from the legislature of Xew Hampshire, — which accounts for the " new charters "' often referred to in old records. All those changes and conflicts running through so many years were very trying to the settlers, involving ti'ouble and time and expense. But no sooner was the state line fixed, and grants and charters put into the way of adjusting themselves accordingly, than the old, perplexing "Mason claim" was revived and pressed with all possible zeal. John Tufton Mason, great-grandson and heir of CaiDt. John Mason, succeeded in getting a final decision in his favor. This long-continued case thus at last came to an end. It had been in litigation more than a hundred years. The magnates of two continents had been in bitter struggle over a title to a few rocky acres in New Hampshire I The case had been "decided" and "appealed," and "called up" and "put over" for life-times ! And now its final settlement stirred up more trouble than it settled — at least for some 3rears. Mason sold his title to twelve men of Portsmouth in 1746 for fifteen hujidred pounds ; and they took at once the whole charge of this tract of land. They could not incorporate a town, but they owned the soil. They are known in the history of this vicihity as the " Masonian Proprietors." By this deci- sion they came into title to lands that had been bought and settled and occupied for a long series of years. Their claim was back of incorporations and state grants. Immediately, therefore, on their accession there was new and universal alarm among the sciitteied inhabitants of all the frontier towns, lest they should lie ejected from their lands and clearings by these Petitions from the TOWNSHIPS GRANTED BY THEM. 7 poor settlers poured in upon the •• Proprietors." Some of the older and larger places tried to compromise with them. The New Boston landholders sent a committee to see what they could do, But the " Proprietors " pursued a course both gen- erous to the settlers and wise for themselves. They immediately took measures to release their claims to all townships granted by Massachusets east of the Merrimac river. And several west of said river, that had faithfully carried out the terras of their charters, were given up on very reasonable conditions, and for a very trifling consideration. But it was natural that the "Masonian Proprietors," sometimes called in that day the " Lord Proprietors," should look especially to the western part of their grant at once, since this part was largely ungran ted and unclaimed. Here was the chief value of their laud. Hence as soon as possible they marked out a line of towns, beginning at tlie boundaiy of Massachusets and thence northward on what the}^ claimed as their western bound, as follows : South Monadnock (previously granted by Massa- chusetts as "Rowley Canada," now Rindge); Middle Monadnock (Jaffrey) ; North Monadnock (Dublin) ; Monadnock Number Four (Fitzwilliam) ; Monadnock Number Five CMarlborough) ; Monadnock Number Six (Nelson) ; Monadnock Nuraber Seven (Stoddard, then called Limerick) ; and Monadnock Number Eight (Washington). It will be seen that they calculated to be sure to get far enough west ! These surveys were inade in 1749, or before, since their right so far west had been called in question, and an effort was made in the spring of 1750 to settle it by definite measurement. It was found that the " sixty miles from the sea " westward only reached part way across the town of Rindge ; and the " straight line " from that point to Conway would not include all of these places just named. In fact Dr. Bouton in his Provincial Papers says this straight line ran through Francestown. But in this he was no doubt mistaken, as the line would be six oi- eight miles further west, as now understood. When, liowever, the " Masonian Proprietors " saw the state of things, they were equal to the occasion, promptly stepping forward and declaring that their western boundary must be a " curved line " corresponding to the bend of the sea ; and they 8 SOCIETY LAND. gave the line such a fearful curve as to take in most of these nevsrly surveyed towns. Before the dispute was settled the Revolutionary war broke out. On return of peace the legisla- sure of New Hampshire decided that the bound should be a " straight " line. Then the " Masonian Proprietors " came forward and purchased the land between the "straight" line and their " curved " line, of the state, for about forty thousand dollars, after which their title was no more disputed. From 1746 onward till all worth much was disposed of, these "Proprietors "' deeded and granted land, generally giving the same free, or for very small pay, to actual settlers, setting apart some lots in each town for the ministry and for schools, and reserving about one quarter of the lots for themselves ; — it being their plan to encourage settlements and advance education and religion, and get their return in the increased value of the reserved lots. The last land in the " Masonian Right " to be disposed of and settled was a tract within the limits of the present Hills- borough County, bounded as follows : On the north by Hills- borough (Number Seven) and Henniker (Number Six) ; on the east by Halestown (Weare), New Boston and " Salem Canada " (Lyndeborough) ; on the south by Peterborough Slip (Temple), and Peterborough; and on the west by Monadnock Nos. Six and Seven (Nelson and Stoddard). This tract of land was for some time called " Cumberland " — a name which has not remained to any part of it. This tract included Antrim, Han- cock, Bennington, Deering, the west part of Francestown, and most of Greenfield. Being the last owned by the " Proprietors " in this section of the state, it came gradually to be called "The Company Land," oi' " The Society Land." This last name began to be applied to it about 1770. As early as 1769 th. Scotch part of the settlers began to call this whole section Antrim, being determined to retain this name from fond mem- ories and traditions of the county and town of Antrim in Ireland, long occupied by their fathers. And it is probable that Frances- town, being first incorporated, would have received the name Antrim but for the notion of Gov. Wentworth to name it for his wife, referred to on a subsequent page. ffckniUfOvmaf/^inQironyjpy'KobertFIetckev. ^ .Lit A t/Le /*><-' /t/' S. 8i» " wv 7J./4 s^/c C/f ittcA. ^(. k' ^^/^o^ 'IS. pe< A/ '-<^ i<«A ^ ^-^ -v^? /.^;. /^ /. i>«/' litt-ck. fftaPK<. :/>l< JttC./ .tH bf*Pk. ^ tt%Oif>li htttk tn. E^*^ Gm. run ItLfiart. "^^^A itr {Ae't-iee-' Prto-Pb Xreci s /4 />etth.i m i/3 /3 tni^pk R ^jCtt^J [,eec/i^v .^^ .V »r>> i^ kcyttU .Mr*-*- c 4^ • N -J"*/ •^f A^'Tt^i IMi. to Misk. iOj CLPlt. ^P 'J JiL \.plt ^^. d •eeci 4"^ f*eecA he.tt-k. \ V»iV ;e?/n, fe^. JkLsXint- ru-rc in joccrir V. W '^«. *^lt V' S C£^ Jc S'^, <^ ''f.. ,»-rnorvii.Tncn~t of iNKVV,/ Lrt^ >«s( ..trirtr t% ^<.»L%ttr\H Tl'>-^ci*\ V ^t^Ss^'^ <^€k^'^^c^. J^'^cc-t falls,, I ■^^ E- y^ 7/?. \N>5 h'' W£st 6 777 .^g r IrtSj^ tfire. dr. A. ^.(/t? ^^^yt^t^^r^^f^^'' it. t-L KC J raa/cw << <4 ■4- « •*e« IV. O/j ''^^^^^Tl^ -V ''t^O.'/ \JJ2L i*41Uorf|^' .fV, Jg^4!# 5aieinCct».ucfa^ S^ltL^ V E h\^ ferff/f '^/^ 7^* ^ e V tLft. /« ^^. //^•4fcS*.A.«*^ *«r« s * >p*'P*ftrlt»r(^f SJ^yn. ' ^ iv Gr C Patte n, 5 (j[to, Scifftvxj, 'Stale rtdut'zclt one tneft "J Tro}iS^ Ciiirii* to orve mile. \ / i INDIAN TEIBES. 9 Francestown has a small place in Indian history and tradition. The town was in the domain of the Namoskeags, but was on their border, and perhaps less frequented on that account. There was a sort of confederation of Merrimack-river Indians, or Nipmucks (fresh-water Indians). At our earliest knowledge of them the Agawams occupied the country about the mouth of the Merrimack ; next up the river the Pawtuckets had head- quarters at Pawtuckets' Falls (Lowell), occupying a fine tract on both sides of the stream ; next above them were the Nashuas, owning the lands along the Merrimack for about ten miles, and the lands on the Nashua river far into Massachusetts. The Souhegans occupied the banks and adjacent country next north of the Nashuas, and following the Souhegan river to its source. The Namoskeags had their chief residence at " The Falls " (Manchester), owning the Massabesio and vicinity, and stretch- ing westward aloiag the intervales and up the Piscataquag river to New Boston and Francestown. The Pennacooks lived at Concord, occupied nearly all of Merrimac County, spread out in all directions, and, especially, occupying the lands along the Contoocook as far as the foot of the Monadnock. The Winni- pesaukees held the northern part of the state. Of these con- federated tribes the Pennacooks at Concord became eventually so powerful as to absorb practically the names and possessions of the others. The Pilgrims generally called them all Pennar cooks. These tribes had nearly all disappeared before the settlement of Francestown, gradually withdrawing northward and eastward, save that a few lingered broken-spirited, to hunt and to die among the loved haunts of their fathers. The agile Nomoskeags hunted along the slopes of Francestown, and crept up its towering mountain side, the boundary of their domin- ion, to look down on the wooded plains and green intervales of their neighbors, the Pennacooks. But their hunting-places and fishing-places in this town are not now known. The site of the little village of their wigwams is not kept, either by land-mark or tradition. No burial-place of their dead has ever been dis- covered within the town's border. Relics of importance have not been found; and it is evident that this was more a "hunting- ground " than a residence, of the tribe. And now, before we come to the settlement of Francestown, 10 CONNECTION WITH NEAV BOSTON. we must notice its early connection with New Boston. This last named town was granted to John Simpson and others Jan. 14, 1736. Very soon after this date •' improvements " were begun in New Boston, so that a considerable number of families had located there previous to the success of the Mason claim. On that event the grantees, probably in connection with the settlers, made an effort to adjust matters with the "Masonian Proprietors " in behalf of New Boston, as before stated. May 15, 1761, they voted to send a deputation to the •' Masonians " ; and their conduct toward the latter was so honorable and manly as to be met in a noble sjairit. Immediately the •' Masonian Proprietors " appointed a committee (Col. Joseph Blanchard) with powei'S to arrange everything " on terms agreeable to both parties." The committees met in Dunstable; and after various conferences came to an agreement creditable to all concerned. Certain lots were reserved free of taxes; pine trees for masts were reserved ; the grantees and settlers of the town gave pledge of making certain improvements at once by which the value of reserved lots would be enhanced; and these reservations and l^ledges seem to have been the onlj' " consideration " for which the " Masonian Proprietors " deeded to the grantees and settlers the whole town of New Boston with a large and valuable addi- tion on the west. The original grant of New Boston (1736) by the State of Massachusetts included a tract "of the contents of six miles square. Avith a thousand acres added for ponds that lye within the S* Township " ; and in the measurement they also added " two rods in each hundred for uneayenness of Land and Swagg of Chain." The surveyor and chainmen were put under oath that thej^ would faithfully and honestly lay out the toAvn according to these terras. So the "Piatt" was laid out 1736, though prob- ably all the ponds in New Boston would not cover fifty acres. And in the Deed of the " Masonian Pro^jrietors " sixteen years later (Dec. 24, 1752.)of the "tract of land called New Boston " all those allowances were confirmed, as named in the old grant. Then in the "Addition" (now Francestown) the " Masonians " reserved " one fourth part for quantity and quality, of the lands by this grant (tiJrJed within the bounds of that called New Boston, as formerly laid out: the said grantor's parts to be KKAV BOSTON ADDITION. 11 divided, lotted and coupled, and drawn for with the grantees, so as for the grantees to have one full quarter-part as aforesaid." And with this "addition" the town was to "include the con- tents of seven miles long and six miles broad." Of course as Lyndeboro', called Salem-Canada at that time, would bound Ne^- Boston on the west in part, the part not^thus bounded must extend westward considerably more than the seven miles in order to make the "contents" named above. In fact on various "allowances" the line of the "Addition" was ex- tended west about two and one-half miles, reaching almost to the borders of Mill Village. North and south, it extended from Lyndeboro' to Weare, about three and one half-miles. It was a parallelogram in shape, and included much of the best part of Francestown. It was a shrewd thing on the part of the proprietors of New Boston, to get from the " Masonian Proprietors " this additional grant of fine lands and rich meadows. Several of the leading settlers in New Boston had "lots assigned to them in the New Addition " for various services. Apr. 28, 1767, the New Boston Proprietors "voted Thomas Cochran, James Caldwell and Robert Moor 100 acres each in the New Addition." Apr. 26, 1763, they voted to sell "so much of y" undivided Lots of Land in y* New Adistion" as would be necessary to build a meeting house. Thus this tract two and one-half by three and one-half miles in size, half a modern township, was highly useful to New Boston. It belonged to that town twenty-one years — long enough to become of age, 1751-1772. The union was for the most part one of great harmony. Nor was the advantage all one way; for the few settlers in the Addition were for years largely dependent on the older and more popu- lous town below. At the first New Boston town meeting, March 10, 1763, John Carson of the Addition was chosen one of the selectmen. David Lewis of the Addition was several times on the New Boston Board of Selectmen. John Carson was chair- man of that town's "Comite to Looke for a miniester or miniesters in order that we may have Some preaching." When New Boston looked toward the settlement of a minister for the town, (March 7, 1768,) Thomas Quigley of the Addition was chairman of the committee to "talk With the Rev''- M''. Solo- 12 PETITION AGAINST SEPARATING FROM NEW BOSTON. mon Moor in Regard to his Setteliiig in New Boston." And yet, notwithstanding this cordial union, it seems to have been understood from the first, tliat the " Addition " was sometime to be set off and form a town by itself. As early as Nov. 20, 1758, the New Boston Proprietors voted that Thomas Cochran call a meeting of settlers to consult and fix on the " Most Proper & Convenient Place Near the Centure of the Town (According to the Old Limetts) to build a House for Publick Worship." For the same reason when the settlers in New Boston petitioned (June 16, 1760,) to be incorporated as a town, they left out the Addition. This fa,ct created considerable feeling, especially in the west part of New Boston, A^diich was more intimately connected with those left out ; and a petition signed by sixteen men (nearly as many as signed the former petition) was pre- pared in season for the consideration of the Assembly, praying that "no party whatsoever" should be permitted to "sepratand brak us to peaces." The whole was as follows: to his Exllencj' Bening wintworth Esq"^. Governor and Comander in Chife in and over his maj' province of new hampshire and to his maj'^ jjQrwe Counsel of said province. — The humble petition of pairt of the Inliabetanc of that tract of Land Called new boston in the province of new hampshire most Humbly sheweth that your Pettitioners are Informed that pairt of the Inhabetonce of this setelment hath petitioned your Exehuue and Hon" to Incorprait pairt of this settelment shutting out pairt of our Inhabetance and Land in order to draw the mitting near themselves and to draw mitting hous from other pairt of the Inhabetance and hath sent down the said peti- tion without aquanting a great pairt of the Inhabtance, and many that signed said petition understood that the whol of the Land and Inhab- tance was in said petition. may it therfor pleas your Excelanc and Honers, not to seprat our settelment if it should pleas you to Incorprat our settlememt but keep it together that so wee may be able-to plant the Gospel among us and not for any party whatsoever to sepreat and brak us to peaces and your Petitioners as in Duty bound shal ever pray deatted at new boston this fourth day of feberuary 1761. Hugh Gregg. Andrew Walker. James ferson. thomas Smith. his' Gewet X Eowan. Samuel Smith. murk William Blair. Willim Gray. John X, Blair. John Carson. mark LOCATING THE MEETING HOUSE. 13 Will: M»Neil]. John Brown. Henry Ferson. tomes Brown. John Smith. Samuel Nickels. These opposing petitions were the occasion of long delay in the incorporation of JSTew Boston, which was asked fot June 16, 1760, and granted Feb. 18, 1763. But when the Assembly did act, the two parts were kept together according to the last petition, and were not allowed to " mpratr In other words it was thought best for them to remain together some years longer. Consequently after incorporation, the town of New Boston voted in public meeting (Dec. 29, 1763,) that the "New Addition shall have their pairt of preaching amongst themSelves During their Stay with the old town as a pearish;" from which it appears that though iucorjDorated together the wiser heads foresaw and expected that the union would not be permanent. This appears also in the choice of a place for a meeting-house. As early as Nov. 11, 1756, the old New Boston Proprietors chose a committee to "locate" the house; and they "fixed -on Lot No. 81," being the lot more recently known as the "New Boston poor farm," extending considerably eastward toward the present village from the old poor house "now gone." But this location did not satisfy all people, and the said Proprietors voted Nov. 28, 1758, to authorise Thomas Cochran to "convene the settlers and select a proper place near the centre of the town (old limits') for a house of worship and burying-ground." They fixed on the spot where afterwards, the church was built, on the hill near the south-east corner of the present New Boston cemetery. But still many were dissatisfied; and the Proprie- tors, or a committee of them, held a conference at Chelmsford, Mass., with the settlers holding different views, as represented by Thomas Cocliran, John McAllister, James Ferson, Andrew , Walker and John Carson. At this meeting no decision was reached, and the matter dragged along for tAvo years more in this way. Apr. 20, 1762, a committee of Proprietors having met a committee of settlers at Dunstable and talked things over, voted to -build on the spot subsequently occupied. But the contention was so manifest as to prevent further action; and finally the Proprietors chose (Sept. 14, 1762) "Matthew Patten, Esq., Capt. John Chamber- 14 BUILDING THE MEETING HOUSE IN THE OLD TOWN. lain, and Samuel Patten," a committee to "fix a spot in the most convenient place in said New Boston to build a Meeting House;" and the several parties bound themselves to abide the decision of these men, " as witness our hands for selves and constituence." To this agreement the name of John Carson of the Addition (Francestown) is not appended, though it may have been included in the " six others " for whom one of the parties signed. These men met and viewed the ground and heard all sides ; and decided on the spot the majority had chosen before, the place where afterwards the old church of New Boston stood more than a half-century, "near the grave of a child buried there." Their report was dated July 24, 1763, and was accepted by the Proprietors Sejjt. 28 following. In those days movements were slow; but, after looking about for months the Proprietor's Committee made a contract the last of April 1764, with Ebenezer Beard to build the house. It was for that time a great undertaking; but Beard was a man of energy and timber was near and plentiful, and the building seems to have been raised in ^Vugust 1764. It Mas so far covered and pro- vided with windows, that a town-meeting was held in it Dec. 31, 1764. It was several years in being completed, and was not profitable to the builder, as appears from the vote of the Pro- prietors (Sept. 15, 1767.) •'To give Ebenezer Beard one hundred acres of land in the JTew Addition (Francestown) above what they had contracted to give, since said Beard complained that he liad a hard bargain." Beard received accordingly "lot No. 16," now next to Weare line in the north-east corner of this town. But after all this, and after the frame of the meeting house was up and covered, it being in the "centre of the old town" .and implying an ultimate separation, a large number of men in the westerly part of the town made vigorous effort, by petition to the Governor and Council, and by various other means, to have the said frame moved to the north-west far enough to " accommodate the Addition" and thus bind the whole together. The petition referred to, well covers the ground and is here given just as it is written, with only this remark, that if all the words beginning with capitals were emphatic words, this was rather an emphatic petition! PETITION TO HAVE MEETING HOUSE FRAME MOVED. 16 Province of New hampshire to his Exelency Benin 'Wentwortli Esq' Governor And ComancU'r In Chief In and over His Majesties Province of New hampshire And to The Honourable His Majesties Council and house of Representatives In General Assembly Convend — The Humble Pettition of the Propretors Freeholders And Inhabitants of the town of New boston In said Province Most Humbly Sheweth — That The Proprietors of the said New boston At their ^Metting Sep- tember The Fourteenth 1762 chose three Men to Choice A Proper Place to Build A Meeting House Upon In Said town And upon the fourteenth Day of July 1763 the Said Men Mett A New boston aforesaid And After Some time Spent gave In their Judgment that a Place Upon the lot No 79 Near the South End of Said lot was A Proper Place to Build a Meeting House for Said town Which Judgment was And Is wrong ' For it Is only to Serve one Part of the town Not The whole Notwith- standing the government had InCorperated the whole of the town yet they Laid Aside Part of the town to the Amount of Six or Seven thousand Acres of As good Laud iVs the other Part of the town And Allowed that No Privileges of the Meeting house So that Some Part of tlie town will Bee Above five Miles from The meeting House And Did Not give the Rest that Remained A Just Center Paid No Regard to the Town As Tncorperated By the Government But made A town As they thought fitt themselves which Judgment was Accepted At A Proprietors Meeting And A meeting House Raised Accordingly whicli will Brake the town to Pieces if Not quickly Remedyed And (xreatly Hinder the Gosples Seteling there And So Prove fatal to the Peace of the town Therefore wee Pray Your Exelency And Honoui-s To Take our Dis- tressed Case Into Consideration ^Vud Grant Such Relief to Your Petitioners As Your Exelency And Honours As You In your Great wisdom Shall think Proper And your Petisioners As In Duty Bound Shall Ever Pray New boston November the 6th 1765 Will. McNeill Thomas Brown Hugh Gregg John Livingstone John Blair John Brown James Person Robert Hogg John Smith Reuben Smith Samuel Smith Robert Boyes William Blair Andrew Walkar William Boyes Rob' Clark Paul Person William White James Gregg William white Junior James Gregg Junior Joseph Boyes Henery ferson William Clark Jesse Christy 16 STEPS TOWARD IMCf )EPOK ATION . This petition was speedily dismissed, and with it, so far as is known closed the contidveisy. Some were much dis- appointed, but there was no hatred — only a tacit understanding that the Addition must be a town by itself sometime. Mar 3, 1766, the town (New Boston) voted with apparent unanimity that " Every Sool in the town Shall work one Day at the meeting-house,"- indicating the willingness of the Addi- tion to do its part after all the disappointment; and showing on the part of most a pleasant disposition to make the best of things as they were for the present. Yet when effort was made in the summer of 1771, to bring about a separation, the "old town" resisted, thinking the proper time had not yet come. And the "old town" sent a committee to Gov. Wentworth and the Council, to "show cause against" the separation. Mar. 2, 1772, the " old town '" " voted that they are Xot willing tlie addition Should be Set off fi'om the old town at jircaf-iit.'' Their arguments against the change were that the Addition had helped them settle Mr. Moor, and ought now to help sup- port him; and tliat " the Eoads in Xew ]3oston are \ery numerous & the Land very hill}' it Kocky & we have many large Bridges to build ct support over large streams,'' which roads and bridges the Addition was interested iu and should help support. It must be admitted that these were strong and reasonable arguments. To them the Addition res- ponded by asking that the meeting house be erected in the centre of the /vhnJi^ twvn utcJudini/ the addition^ and they had an ai-ticle in the tf)W]i warrant to that effect. But the town "voted to dismiss the article till the Inhabitants of the addition with Draw their Petition that is in the General Court, and bind their Estates to abide with the old town as a Parish." This petition had been presented to the Legislature July 22, 1771. It was only a thing which all parties expected, but did not expect so soon. The sejjaration could not be long delayed, and when it avhs accomplished (June 8. 1772,) it was without much bitterness of feeling, — in fact with quite general approval. The old town voted (Mar. 1, 1773,) to " Excuse the Inhabitants of the Addition what Eeats they were assessed to Pay for Preaching in the old Town the year 1772." PLAN OF THE ADDITION. 17 It may be added that from that day to this there has been constant and friendly intercourse between these two communi- ties. Ever so may it be ! I append a plan of the Addition as found in the old records of the "Proprietors of New Boston" which records were burned in tbe great New Boston fire. It was from a survey made as soon as possible after the grant of 1751. 18 FIRST SETTLEMENT. The first permanent settlement within the limits of Frances- town was made by John Carson named above. He was a Scotchman, foming over in early life, a roving, adventurous and cai:)able man, with great powers of endurance. Being a carpen- ter and mill-wright he found employment in various towns. He was in Hillsboro' probably as early as 1744, and assisted the settlers there in erecting their buildings, and preparing the way for a saAV-mill and other projected improvements. But they were all driven off by the Indians in the spring of 1746, not however without concealing, by burial or otherwise, their heavy aiticles of \'a]ue, especially their iron tools. Carson buried the mill-crank in the mud, and marched with the sad exiles over the hills to New Boston. And fi'om present information we can say no more of Carson for a dozen years. Pi'obably he was engaged at his trade here and there, chiefly in New Boston, having his head-quarters in that town. When Canada was captured from the French (1759-1760,) tlieir allies, the IncUans fled westward and northward and the scattered settlej's began to creep back to their desei-ted cabins on the frontier. Philip Riley the fii-st settler of Antrim re- turned to his cabin in the spring of 1761, being the first to return permanently to that section. But Francestown being nearer to the old towns, being distant some miles from the Contoocook river, and therefore not a special haunt for the savages, was much less in danger from them than other towns to the north and west. Consequently a few settlers ventured into this town before the close of the war. Especially that part belonging to New Boston was comparatively safe. Carson had roamed over many towns in the course of twenty years in his business, but fixed upon Francestown as the favcnite place for a home, if he could have choice of ground. Accordingly, as the opportunity came to him, he selected his spot, since known as "Meadow Point." and put up a small cabin of logs as early as the spring of 1758. The first cabin was covered with bark, and was scarcely more than a cheap and hasty shelter. It stood -sorae 40 rods South East of the School- House in District No. 5," the school house near the quarry. The exact spot of this first settlement was on the south side of PLACE OF FIRST DWELLING. 19 the present New Boston road, and near the remains of an old apple-tree. The cabin has been gone nearly a hundred years, and nothing but a slight depression in the ground indicates where stood the first dwelling in town ! It has been the common understanding that Carson built his first rude shelter in the spring of 1760; but it is certain that it was built two years before that date ; and probably he had his "clearing" and his "stack of hay" a year or two earlier still. He had a hard time in the first winter (1768-9,) as the snow was very deep, and there was not a sign of a road, nor even of a path. They were out of provisions, and the family lived for weeks together on nothing but boiled corn, and what little game could be killed. But they struggled through and prospered and were soon able to build larger ; and hence the cabin of 1760 probably took the place of the smaller and poorer one previously occupied, and was quite stylish and roomy as compared with that. This is probably why it was said Carson settled here in 1760, i. e. he rebuilt that year. Of the cabin life of the Carsons we know but little. It was a frontier life, with few comforts and few associates, but it was too intensely active to be lonely. In making paths, clearing land, caring for crops, trapping, fishing, planning improvements, and inviting other settlers, there was a pressure of work demanding that they should never tire. John Carson, the elder, was a large land OAvner having come into possession of the tract near the centre of the Addition called on the old plan " Col. Joseph Blanchard's farm of 300 acres." This tract of land was given to Carson, to " induce " him to settle permanently in the "Addition," though quite in harmony with his wishes. Some arrangement was made with the Blanchards to accomp- lish this ; and on the old plan it will be noticed that Carson's name is written underneath that of Blanchard. F'or several years after New Boston received the Addition, no settlement had been made in it, and all parties were anxious, to have a beginning made. Carson was a man of years, energy, and large experience, and a man by his trade and capacity fitted to be a pionee]'. He soon induced others to settle in the vicinity. The first framed building in Francestown was a small house that John Carson built for himself, Avhich stood on the top of 20 FIRST FRAME HOUSE. the hill south of the corner, about forty rods southwest of the the school-house in No. 5. It was nearly Avest of his first cabin and each could be seen from the other. This frame house was erected about 1762, and in it Carson lived for awhile. To this small one-story house he added a two-story part probably in 1769, — perhaps earlier. At any rate it was finished ready for use in the spring of 1770, as William Starrett opened it as a public tavern on the fifteenth of May^in that year. This was the first public house in Francestown ; was occupied by Mr. Starrett 1770-1773 ; was afterwards long known as the Sleeper house ; and after various changes, was pulled down in 1865, having stood nearly a hundred years ! This house being on the "old county road" accommodated some travel from the first. John Carson being an enterprising man, and determined to push the settlement forward as fast as possible, after a few years built another frame house on his land north of the present school house in No. 5, on the east side of the road, nearly east of the quarry, where he lived after renting the former house. From this fact arose the idea that this was the spot of the first settlement. Here William Carson also lived some yeai-s. Neither of these names appears on the first tax-list of Frances- town (Oct. 12, 1772,) probably because this lot of Blanchard's was to be "free from all duties, charges, taxes or expenses whatsoever" until brought under cultivation. John Carson built the first mill in Francestown, it being a small saw-mill, a few rods above where the kit factory of Hiram P. Clark now stands. Later he built other mills in town. He was a leader in the community, ready for every hard job, and very active, till his sudden death, which occurred about 1792, at the house of David Lewis. It was in March and the snow was so deep it was a matter of great difficulty to move the bodj^ to the grave. The burial was in the old burying-ground, near the house of the late Dea. Thomas Smith, in the north-west part of New Boston, where his wife had been buried in 1773. His age was about 90 years ; and though aged, his death was counted a great loss to the young and struggling town. Carson, who had been engaged all his life in pioneer work, was the only settler in Francestown, then the "New Boston SECOND SETTLER IN TOWN. 21 Addition," for about two years, (1759-60,) though he must have worked on his "beginning" somewhat earlier in the sum- mer seasons. But he seems to have had a companion in tlae person of Samuel Nichols as early as the autumn of 1760. Tradition has it that Carson gave him fifty acres of land, to in- duce him to settle near. He was a Scotchman, direct from the Scotch part of Ireland, and it would seem that he was of the kindred or old acquaintance of Carson. He settled on the McCaine place, just south of Carson, and was 'known as the "second settler" in town. His coming was hailed with great joy by the Carsons, as they had no neighbors except those two or three miles away in New Boston. There being no road to New Boston, only a path through the forest, b)- marked trees, and over steep hills, intercourse was rare and difficult ; and to have a family so well' known settle so near them, gave most precious encouragement ! We cannot measure it by any stand- ards of our own experience. It was like the rising of a new light upon them ! In Samuel Nichols' new log cabin an event occurred near the close of the year 1760, which was of much note and importance, namely, the birth of a son, the fu-st American child born in Francestown. They called him John. He went to Holland Purchase, New York, when a young man, beyond which I have not been able to trace him. Samuel Nichols set out the first apple orchard in Frances- town, and built the fu-st cider-mill. The "Great Apple-tree," so-called, near the McCaine house, was set out by him about 1,761, so that it has now (1889) been standing in its present position not less than 'one hundred and twenty-eight years! It is 16 feet two -inches in circumference, and is yet a fruitful tree ! Nichols was quite a fruit jnan in his day, and helped the settlers in starting young trees and preparing for such comforts in this line as the older settlements enjoyed. He had the first plum trees and raised the first plums in town, which were con- sidered a great luxury. At one time in later years some young fellows thought they would try his plums, and went in early evening for this purpose. The boy happened to see them and told him. Nichols siezed the long fire-poker to represent the old flint-lock gun, and a bit of iron to "snap" with, by striking 22 THIRD SBTTLEK IN TOWN. the poker, and ran out and pointed at the thieves and "snapped" it. x\nd when it didn't go off, he called to the boy, -'Mair pouther, Sam, Mair pouther I" The thieves were dreadfully frightened, and nearly broke their bones in falling as they ran for dear life ! Samuel Nichols was a smart, capable, stirring man. He was chosen Constable in the old town (New Boston) at the annual meeting. Mar. 6, 1770; was useful and influential for many years. See genealogy. Wsja one of the highest tax-payers in town in 1772. The third settler in Francestown was John Brown. He was a man of mature years and had grown-up children when he came, one daughter. Ann, marrying Dea. John Smith of New Boston, about 1762, and one son, Thoniiw Brown, taking the homestead with his fathei'. Ann \\-as the mother of the late venerable Dea. Thomas Smith of tliat town. John Brown was a Scotchman; he came over and settled in Londonderry; then lived awhile, it seems, in Litchfield; and came to Frances- town in the spring of 17(i2, Jiaving previously made his "be- ginning." He settled at the foot of the hill, near the south- weat part of Seoby Pond, and on the old New Boston road, the place no-w occupied by Daniel \V. Duncklee. Brown was a strong, tough, tireless man, and was noted as a great "flai- swingler." This is an unknown interest among us now, but was of great importance then. He went from house to house among his neighbors, doing iii every case a tremendous day's work on the flax. Brown was also held in local repute as a fast I'eaper. It is lelated that before the incorporation of the town, when the best of families were scantily provided for at times, Brown A\ent over to do one of his great day's works for the MorrilLs, on the McLane place; and as he "moost haav some mate," and a-; the good lady was entirelj' out of that useful article of food, she "killed a setting hen'" and cooked it for din- ner I Her resources were somewhat limited, but she was equal to the oceasioii I John Brown was chosen Constable of the town at its flrst meeting, being the lirst iii Francestown to hold that office, con- sidered in thtisf days one of the most honorable and important offices in town. It may interest some reader to know that the FIEST SAW MILL IX TOWN. 23 great elm, now standing near the house, with the large, long, bow-like limbs, was brought by Brown as a walking-stick. He cut it in Derry, used it to walk home with, (30 miles,) stuck it into the ground ; and after a while it spi'outed and grew, and is now floui'ishing, oiie hundred and twenty-five ^^ears' "aftei' the walk." The year 1763 opened with only three families within the present limits of Francestown, Carson, Nichols and Bi'own. In the spring of this year New Boston was incorporated, in- cluding all these settlements. But the same spring two men arrived in town from Dedham, Mass., whose means, capacity and enterprise added very much to the progress of the little community. These two men were David and Isaac Lewis. They were brothers and settled near each other, on lots 40 and 49 in the "•New Addition." These lots were purchased of the New Boston proprietors by their father, John Lewis, in 1758 ; it being then the custom as the towns neai' the coast became crowded, for guardians and fathers to buy wild land in the "border-towns," and settle their boys' uj)on it. David Lewis begun and built where George A. Duncklee uoav lives. He built the first saw-mill in toAvn, the woi'k being done by John Carson, as stated above. It was on the spot where Mr. Dunck- lee's saw-mill now stands. It would be considered now a very rude affair, but it answered a good pui'pose, and was a great help to the new settlers in preparing comfortable dwellings ! John Carson put up the mill and furnished the "mill-crank," it being the same he had expected to use in Hillsboro', and had buried in the mud in that town, when driven off by the Indians in 1746. In subsequent years David Lewis built and operated the first grist-mill in town ; but, as in other places, the saw-mill came first, because grain in small quantities could be transported, but lumber without roads could not. The saw-mill was built as early as 1770, probably being commenced in 1768. In 1771 New Boston laid out a road from David Lewis' mill to Lynde- borough line. David Lewis was twice selectman in New Bos- ton ; and in Francestown he was town clerk, moderator, select- man, representative, deacon and in every way one of the most useful men in the first fifty years of its history. He represented 24 NEAV SETTLERS. New Boston and Francestown in the legislature in 1782. See genealogy. Isaac Lewis was a farmer and settled the place long owned by Israel Farnum, lately occupied by David Sargent. Isaac Lewis was Selectman in 1784, and Moderator in 1797. Was a very valuable man to the community, though less con- spicuous than his brother David. His son Daniel was graduated at Dartmouth College in the class of 1797, the first graduate from Francestown, and became a lawyer. Daniel Lewis, the son, was both Chairman of the Selectmen and Town Clerk for five successive years (1808-1812.) Isaac Lewis did not reside here all the time for several years after starting his claim in 1763, being at that date only nineteen years of age. Was a tall, large, independent, aristocratic young man, ahvays very decided, one of the leaders of the town for many years. Caleb Whiting was the next settler in Francestown. It is impossible to tell the date of his coming, but it was probably in the year 1765. The lot on which he settled was No. 30, of tlie "New Addition." and was purchased by Stephen Whiting from the NeAv Boston proprietors in 1758. Probably some "beginning" was made very soon after this purchase. Caleb built his log house on the ridge north of Scoby Pond, now called Haunted Lake, and south of the McLane place, and some forty rods south of the present highway. He died near the be- ginning of the year 1770, and the estate passed into the hands of his brother Zachariah the following year. But little is known of Caleb AVhiting. He was a vigorous, strong man, quiet and useful'; and his early death was greatly lamented. His was the first death within the present limits of tliis town ; and his body is said to have been carried to New Boston and buried there ; of which toA\'n he was a citizen some years. Thus there Avere only six actual settlers in Francestown at the opening of the year 1766 ; and during that year no family is known to have moved into the town. But still it was a time of progress in the little settlement. Sui'veys were made, land was purchased, "clearings" were begun, log-cabins were put up and paths were cut out. Almost all the time the click of the Avoodman's axe w as heard ; the crash of falling trees echoed through the forest ; the clearing fires Avere constantly burning ; CENSUS OF 1767. 25 and everything bore the marks of courage and promise. A cen- sus of the state was taken in 1767, which is very suggestive as to the condition and progress of this and the adjacent . towns. At that time Londonderry had a population of 2,389, Bedford 362, Peterborough 443, Lyndeborough (including part of Green- field) 272, Hillsborough 64, Antrim 12, and New Boston 296. Francestown then contained about 20 inhabitants but was still a part of New Boston. An old person said, "In 1767 there were only five settlers in Francestown," meaning five families ; one of the six settlers first named above, Isaac Lewis, not hav- ing yet moved his family here. This year the whole state had a population of 52,700, besides 633 slaves. William McKeen had planted himself with one or two associates in the south part of Deering, and John Grimes had made a "beginning" in Hancock. North and west, therefore, from this town the deep forest was almost unbroken for many miles. Bears and wolves in great numbers prowled about the settler's cabin, so that it was dangerous by day or night to go out unarmed and alone. The great moose stalked along the forest and fed in the meadows. Travel was only by cleared paths and marked trees, and always on foot. There was nothing that would now be denominated a road, in all the town. A road was "laid|out" July 5, 1763 (See chapter on Roads) from Amherst (now Mont Vernon) through a part of New Boston, "throw thomas Brown's and Samuel Nickles' and John Carson's till It goes out of the town." A short road was laid out in 1766 by the town of New Boston from John Carson's house north-westerly to the north line of his large tract of land. Reference is also made in 1763 to the "Old Road that Corns from Linsborow." But all these as yet were only marked out; not built. In 1767 a road was laid out from New Boston "to the Addition," beginning near Samuel Smith's in the north-west part of that town and running westward past "Samuel Nutt's cellar" and Caleb Whiting's house to Jolm Carson's house. Probably this was among the first roads actually built in town, and very rude at that. David Lewis was chosen "surveyor of highways" in the New Boston March Meeting 1765; but the "highways" of which he was surveyor, were no more than rough paths. This town had the advantage of other newly-settled towns in the beautiful 2R SETTLEMENT OF OAK HILL. meadows; but otherwise the whole aspect was one of hard, scanty beginnin.^s. In 1767 the prospects of this little com- munity were nevertheless considered very cheering, while actual progress was exceedingly limited. But little as yet was raised from the soil. It was no unusual thing to feel the pinch of Avant. Discomforts and privations were the rule for aU. Their scanty provisions had to he pieceH out hy hunting and fishing. Courage and patience were in constant demand. Neighbors were distant from each other, and the constant pres- sure of work and watching gave little chance for intercourse. But the sympathy of common trials and privations bound the scattered settleis together in warm friendship. It was a time of hoiie and hard work. But in the early autunm of 1767 several families moved here, of tliose who had made clearings and built their log- cabins before, and had some crops growing for harvest. Some of these beginnings had been made two or, three years and were pi-actically ••settlements"' before the families came. 'I'his was the year of the first settlement of "Francestown proper." i. e. outside of the part that belonged to New Boston ; and Samuel l\IcPheisii]i was the first settler. He was full of the pioneer spirit, and pushed out nearly two miles to the noith-west of the present village and settled on Oak Hill, on wliat is known as the -'old deacon Savage place," west of the Campbell jilace. .-V j-ounger brother, Henry McPherson fol- lowed soon after and settled north-west of the New Boston Addition, on what is knoAvn as the Kimball Emerson farm; which farm Samuel McPherson son of Henrj- afterwards , ex- changed for one that was bounded on the east by Weare line. These were brothers of Deacon. James McPlierson of New Boston, who was one of the tirst board of elders in the church of that town and who died Nov. 1, 1792 aged 76. These were all sons of Paul McPherson of Chester. Dea. James settled in New Boston in 1761. In 1748 Paul McPherson deeded to his son Samuel part of his land in Chester with "half the orchard and half the buildings." Samuel had some property when he came to Francestown, was a hardy, vigorous, and fearless Scotchman, and was in the mature strength of his manhood as he struck into the sturdy forest of Oak Hill. QUIGLEY, THOMAS AND JOHK. 27 This year also came a man of considerable means and influ- ence, Mr. Thomas Quigley. He was of Scotch race, from the north of Ireland. He was born in 1703; came over about 1724; was' shipwrecked and lost everything on the passage, barely escaping with life ; was a smart and forcible man ; mar- ried about 1734 and settled in Londonderry (now Windham) in 1738 ; was active in securing the incorporation of that town ; and was one of its selectmen in 1744. Morrison, in his His- tory of Windham, says Thomas Quigley moved to Francestown in 1762, which is a mistake, as he did not actually transfer his family to this place till the spring of 1767, though probably he purchased his land and made a clearing as early as 1762. He held lai'ge tracts of land and was well known in this vicinity before he really moved here, and was considered as identified with the place. He located on a large tract of land which was subsequently divided into several farms, including what has been known as the . Willard Charter farm, and the farm east of that. Quigley put up his house probably in 1765. It has long- been gone. It stood on an old road or path north of the turn- pike and north of the present dwellings on this tract of land. This old road, now forgotten, ran nearly parallel to the turn-pike. Mr. Quigley^was of mature years when he came here, was quite well educated for the time, and was looked-up-to from the first. His name appears among those chosen by the old town (New Boston) to sign the call to Rev. Solomon Moor Aug. 25, 1767, — the committee having previously been in- structed to "aplay to this young Genllman for two Days.'" Quigley brought with him a family of three sons and six daughters and gave to every one a farm, or land enough to make one. John Quigley the oldest son, remained with his father, was well-educated, was land-surveyor, carpenter, justice, and deputy-sheriff in 1771-1772; and was probably the most capable man in the whole settlement. He built the first meet- ing-house of the town. Was chosen by the legislature of the state to call the first town meeting in Francestown, was the town's first moderator, and chairman of its first board of selects men, holding both those offices at the same time for several years. Subsequently, having held a commission from the king, he adhered to the royal couse, and left town in 1776 never to 28 HARD WINTER OF 1767-8. return. Thomas Quigley the father, did much to advance the pecuniary interests of the town, and died here much-respected and nearly ninety years of age, Aug. 22, 1793. See genealogy. Also in 1767 Samuel Nutt moved here, andijsettled on the Kingsbury place,|near^the ^present A'ew Boston line, the place now occupied by Oliver Pettee. On the "cellar" which' seems to have been "prepared" for a considerable time previous, a framed house was erected this year and so far finished as to be occupied before winter. Mr. Nutt being a carpenter, was like the shoe-maker that went barefoot, doing work for other people at the sacrifice of delaying his own. He came from Derryfield (Manchester), was of Scotch race; was a very useful man in the new community, and was the first town clerk in Frances- town. He was tithingman in New Boston in 1770. The winter of 1767-8 was one of great ^intensity and un- usual length, and the settlers in Francestown, like other frontier settlers, suffered much from cold and privation. The snows were so deep that little could be done by way of clear- ing their land. The Butterfields who settled in the south-west part of the town came up from Londonderry with ox-teams to spend__^the winter in logging and preparation for building ; but the snow came on so early and so deep that they could not work their teams and could not get them back ; and so they left them in care of Samuel Butterfield, a boy of eighteen years, who stayed alone all winter in a rude cabin with his oxen! This illustrates the fortitude and endurance of these pioneers ! They were not intimidated or discouraged by anything which it was possible to overcome. But lonely in the extreme that winter must have been. There was no sign of a road anywhere; no path, no passing from one cabin to another except on snow- shoes ; the small log houses were nearly buried in snow, some- times only the rude chimney appearing above the white folds that covered everything! Even trees of large size were bent down and covered with the snow. The whole winter scene was beautiful but majestic and solemn. Oh ! how lony the winter seemed! No intercourse, no newspaper, no books except the Bible and almanac, and not always so much as that. Such are some of the trials it cost to prepare the way for modern con- veniences and comforts. SETTLBKS IN SOUTH-WEST PAliT. 29 In 1768 William Butterfield, grandfather of the painter William, settled on the Taylor place, now occupied by the Eaton Brothers. He was son of William Butterfield of Lon- donderry and older brother of Robert and Isaac who afterwards settled in Francestown. He built a saw-mill below the present bridge and near his house. This mill was put up about the time of the incorporation of the town, (1772) and was a very important aid in the settlement of that part of the town lying next to Greenfield. William Butterfield was the pioneer in that neighborhood, having struck the first blows there in 1766-7, as intimated above. Was soon followed by other settlers who located near him, making that in the early day one of the most populous and thriving parts of the town. He was out in the French and Indian war (1765-1763) and in the long struggle at Fort William Henry (Aug. 4-10, 1757;) and he barely escaped with his life at the infamous massacre that followed the capitulation. Also in 1768 came John Dickey from Londonderry and settled the place where Fred Hopkins now lives, on the Green- field road. He and Butterfield had been friends and neighbors in Londonderry, and hence settled near each other here. There is an old tradition that Dickey was " born beyond the ocean " and he was like his friend Butterfield, in the vigor and ripe maturity of his life when he came here. He was a Scotch- man of strong mind, fair education, and much force of character. Was on the town's first board of selectmen, and served six years in that office. When Dickey and Butterfield begun near together in the forest, they were about two miles from any neighboi'S, with only a path through the deep woods and by marked trees, by \vhich to reach their remote and humble dwellings. One dark evening Butterfield started to go from his clearing to a cabin near where the village now stands, when his torch went out and he could not find his way; and hence he quietly sat down agaijist a tree and waited till morn- ing! Sometime in the year 1768 it is probable that James Dickey made his settlement where now George Shattuck lives, on the hill south-west of Scoby Pond, now called Haunted Lake. He came from Litchfield, but originally from Londonderry, a young 30 XEW SETTLERS. adventurous, roving, and most worthy man. After a few years of hard work, he sold his new farm and went to Antrim, begin- ing again in the forest there, "the tradition that he lived awhile in Francestown" proving true on examination. He entered the army in the war of the revolution and lost his life at White Plains Sept. 1776. His wife was Mary Brown and he had three children born in Francestown, moved to Antrim 1773, and was a soldier from that town. It is not certain that any others actually moved within the present lijnits of Francestown during the year 1768, though lots wei'e purchased here and there, and pioneer work was busily going on. In Hancock, Deering and Antrim, places farthei' still from the old towns, a similar quiet progress was being made; no "boom," no excitement, no rivalry, but unflag- ging courage and liope, and a marvellous amount of hard work. In 1769 two brothers Benjamin and Nathaniel Sleeper came here from Hawke, now Danville, formerly a part of Kingston, in Rockingham C'n. Benjamin settled on the place now occu- pied by his descendant; Garvin S. Sleeper, Esq. He was for a long time a prominent citizen, was on the board of selectmen, and was often chosen to serve on important committees. Nathaniel, his brother settled on the farm adjoining, now known as the Poor Farm. These two brothers worked together in dealing their land and canying on the small parts of their farm, which had been subdued. They were accustomed to fat a pig, and in the fall dress and salt it in a keg, and bury the keg in their camp, so as to haye it ready on their return in the spring, and then go to their old home in Hawke for the winter. The second time they did this they found the pork was gone, when they returned. Somebody had found out about it and made the pork useful. So Benjamin stayed and worked, and Nathaniel ^^'ent back to his fathers' for some meat. On his arrival there the old man thought Beiijamin had been killed by the Indians and Nathaniel had escaped! But after due explan- ation he packed as much meat as a man could easily carry, and witli the faithful old horse brought his son as far on the way to Francestown as he could, and return home the same night. And Nathaniel brought the pack on his back the rest of the way, more than twenty-five miles on foot and alone I And not PREACHING IN THE HOPKINS BARN. 31 a' little hungry in his brother's absence, Benjamin toiled on at his clearing, making ready to plant the seed ! This year (1769). probably, Robert Hopkins settled what is known as the "Gibson Plg,ce" in the north-ivest part of the town, though perhaps not moving here till the following year. As in most cases land was bought, then cleared in part, then buildings put vip, which process sometimes occupied two or three seasons, it is generally impossible to tell the precise time when a settler moved his family here. Robert Hopkins struck out to make his '■'beginning" about the time that McPherson struck on Oak Hill. But Hopkins had a family of five child- ren and necessarily moved slow. He was a Scotchman and came over with his older brothers in 1730. In due time he married and settled in Windliam, was an elder in the church there, and a godly and cajjable man. His coming was a great addition to this little community. And a.s he was a pioneer in another part of this contiguous territory, he did much by way of shaping the arrangement of the settlements so as to invite incorporation. His house stood on the rise and on the old road, some forty I'ods east of the jsresent buildings on the same farm. In his barn the first meetings in that part of P'raucestown were held, being conducted by Rev. David McGreggor of London- derry. One special meeting here in Oct. 1776, is mentioned by Dr. Whiton the fii'st historian of Antrim as being attended by many persons from that town. Children were brought here for baptism from Antrim, as theii- parents were members of Mr. McGreggor's church in Londonderry. It was a scene that never was forgotten by any beholder! The barn floor was cleared and partly filled in the centime with rude seats, blocks of wood, logs, .stones with slabs thrown across them, "for the accommodation of the ladies," and especially the mothers. A straight-backed wooden chair was brought out foi' the minister, and the same honoi' was given to two or three aged people. " Men and boys got in as best they could," some of them stand- ing, and some seated on the floor. The small barn was full. And after the baptism of the little ones, Mr. McGreggor, a white-haired, grand old man, an able and tender preacher, delivered a sermon that moved every heart and moistened every eye. 32 ESTABLISHING COUNTIES. This year (1769) a plan was much talked over to divide the state into counties, — which plan was subsequently carried out by establishing Rockingham, Strafford, Hillsboro', Cheshire, and Grafton Counties, March 19, 1771. It may please the curious to see a petition of New Boston (including the Addition) touching the matter, as showing their view of the capacity of this county, uow far the greatest in the state. This petition was signed by fifty-seven men, some of them on farms now in Francestown, and was as follows: " The petition of the subscribers Inhabitants in Xew Boston in said Province Most Humbly Sheweth — That your Petitioners are informed that the Province is About to be Divided into Countys, for the ease and benefit of the Inhabitants, in General, in transacting their business of a Public nature, and being also informed that the General Assembly have Voted a small County to be set off extending from the westerly line of Peterborough, to the easterly line of Litchfield, thinly Inhabited, and not Capable to Receive many more, and we Humbly Offer our Opinion, that the Xccesary Expense of said County will Over Balance the advantages, and the profits, of the Publick Offices be so trifling, that, no Gent" Equal to said Offices will undertake — Therefore your Petitioners pray, the Towns of Bow, Chester, Lon- donderry, Pelham, Plasto, salem, Hanistead and sandown which. Conveniently situated, may be annexed to said County," &c. But with the constant growth of these towns that were "not capable to receive many more," these good petitioners were better off than they feared. The petition -was well meant, but did not amount to much. The yeai- 1770 was one of special progress in the little com- munity beginning their fortunes here, as their clearings came to look more like fields and farms, and as several valuable addi- tions were made to their number. One of these was James Fisher, afterwards "Dea. James." He was son of Dea. Samuel Fisher of Londonderry who came over in "the starved ship in 1740. James Fisher settled on the place now occupied by Harlan P. Downes. He resided for a short time in Antrim after his beginning here. Was selectman of Francestown in 1775. At the first town meeting (July 1772) they voted to have preaching that year "in James Fisher's barn." Subse- quently they held their town-meetings for some time in "James Fisher's barn" as appears by frequent record. James Fisher GIFT OP THE COMMON; FIRST TAVERN. 33 was a man of public spirit, having a tender interest in the future of the little community. He has the honor of making the first public gift to Francestown, having conceived the idea of giving ground for a common and burying-place. This he executed under date of Nov. 25, 1772. He speaks of himself in the deed as "James Fisher, yeoman of Londonderry," because still re- taining a lawful residence there. By this instrument he conveyed to John Quigley, William Starrett and John Dickey " as a committee for the aforesaid Francestown and their suc- cessors forever the following tract of land for the use and benefit of the inhabitants of said Francestown, to build a meeting House, for a burying yard and training field, four acres, being the East End of the lot which I purched of my Father Samuel Fisher." James Fisher was a Scotchman and a strong Presbyterian, but he joined heartily with the " English " part of the settlement to promote the public good. As there was for several years from his settlement in 1770 no house where the village now is, the house of Mr. Fisher was the most central, and his doors were generously and often thrown open for the various gatherings of the settlers. The same year (1770) came William Starrett from Dedham, Mass. He and his young wife started from that place Wed. May 9, 1770, and arrived in New Boston sometime during the following Saturday, making the journey in about four days. There the young wife rested among friends, and Starrett " pros- pected." But in a few days he "hired the Carson place for three years." Here they started in life at once, as best they could, and soon opened, as before stated, the first tavern in town. It stood. on the top of the hill at the corner south-west of school-house in No. 5 ; was a two-story framed house, and was quite imposing for those days. It was a great thing for the new settlement to have a " Public House." There was much cheer, and not a little pride over it! Starrett was an excellent and capable man, and at once took a high standing in the place. He was on the first board of selectmen; was moderator; was the first Francestown man to rejiresent this town and New Boston in the Provincial Legis- lature (1779-1780;) was many years town treasurer; and was one of the first deacons of the church. Was a man of means, 34 NEW SETTLERS. and paid the highest tax on the first list (1772). Also in 1770 came Oliver Holmes, afterwards known as "Maj. Holmes." He settled the Lovejoy place where Mr. Parks now lives. Was a man of means and influence, and a town leader in military matters. He came from Dedham, Mass., was chairman of the selectmen in 1774-7-8-9 ; and was nine times modeiator of the annual town meeting. An old person who remembered him said (30 years ago) " He was a blunt but noble- hearted old fellow." He used to say that there were "only thirty-seven persons in town when he came first" — probably referring to the time of his coming to purchase his land and make his beginning in the fall of 1768, or spring of 1769. He was a revolutionary soldier and served two terms in the war. All the military meetings for years were held at his house. He wore crape thirty days in mourning for his "beloved General Washington." Likewise in 1770 came Isaac Butterfield from Londonderry, and settled in the south-west part of Francestown on land now embraced within the limits of Greenfield, then a part of it being in Society-Land. The house has long been gone, but the spot is indicated by a large stone in the wall marked "I. B. 1770." It is near the school-house in the Nahum Russell district. He was afterwards known as " Capt. Isaac Butterfield;" was large in frame, strong and fearless ; was the first captain of the militia of Society Land; and a worthy man, a leader calculated to inspire others with perseverance and courage. Thus James Fisher, William Starrett, Oliver Holmes, and Isaac Butterfield all excellent men, moved their families here in 1770. Others were at the same time preparing to do like- wise. Log-houses and barns were built here and there, and all things wore the look of determination and hope. This year also "David Lewis" saw-mill" was 'completed and set at work, to the great joy of the settlers, not only of those just coming in to build, but also of those hoping to replace ere long their ■small well-worn log-cabins with more desirable residences. The following year (1771) was probably the year of greatest relative progress in the early history of this place. About ten families moved here, most of them in the spring. William Butterfield, grandfather of Oliver, and great-grandfather of NEW SETTLEliS. 35 William the painter, framed and raised his house when the "snow was four feet deep and so hard as to bear the workmen." He followed his two sons from Londonderry here. He settled in the south-west part of the town, near his sons, William and Isaac, on the place next north of the John Patch farm. After the house was built upon the hard snow, and the snow melted away, several high and formidable stumps were found inside. He- was a man of ripe years when he came here, but lived to see good houses take the place of the rude cabins, and the wilderness "turned into a fruitful field." In the fall of this year (1771) Hugh Morrill moved onto the McLane place, (the same being Lot No. 22 in the Ad- dition,) which he purchased of Ralph Inman. Morrill was a restless, roving Scotchman, came over the water with his father when a youth, the family settling in Bedford. Robert Morrill, the father, came to Francestown with his son and died here. Hugh sold to Malcom McLane in 1784, and moved to Con- necticut, and thence in 1786 to western New York. He used to be called a "shiftless" man, lived in a log house, had no well, and "husked his corn along in the winter whenever he wanted any ground!" Somewhat earlier in the same year (1771) came Adam Dickey, locating on the place next above John G. Morse's. The house in which he lived has been gone many years. Wil- liam Dickey settled where Jacob Cooper now lives. Was a very large athletic man; of superior abilities; died in 1824. William Lee settled in the south-east part of the town; selectman 1773; moved to Lyndeboro' soon after. William McMaster, afterwards town clerk (1773-1778) settled where lived the late David W. Hill. He died suddenly in the early prime of manhood. Also Aaron Lewis, who was often called " Col. Lewis," and John Hopkins moved here in 1771. Matthew Aiken settled the Felch place 1771, or earlier. Robert Alexander settled here the same year but did not remain long in town. Samuel Martin settled on what is known as the Farrington place, near Greenfield line south of .the mountain. Some of these had claims earlier but moved here in 1771. And several others had made openings and beginnings, so as to call them- 36 PETITION POK INCOEPOEATION. selves residents, and join in the movement for a new town. This last project had been quietly talked up for many months. The difficulty of attending church in New Boston to which a part of the community belonged; and the growing number of those in the same neighborhood but outside the New Boston limits ; the desire for town privileges of their own ; the cer- tainty that such a step must be taken sometime, and that as a consequence their taxes, roads an'd various public undertakiijgs, ought to be directed so as to promote the interests of the future town ; — all these things were freely debated, and the more they were debated, the more general was the conviction that the time had come for action. Those who lived in the New Boston Addition seem to have been somewhat reluctant to join in the movement, as they were voters in that town, and were prosper- ous, and thought it would be wise to "let well enough alone." Some of them had relatives and property in the " old town," and strong attachments held them there. A few it seems never did favor the step, and would not sign the petition for incor- poration. John Carson was almost the last man to sign. Yet nearly all in the end appended their names, and the petition was presented under date, as before said, of July 22, 1771. Thirty-nine men signed the said petition. It is a curiosity in itself, and is here given without change of point or letter. Province of New Hampshire to his Excellency John Wenl worth Esq'' Cap' General and Governor in Chief in and Over his Majestys Provence of New Hampshire And to the Honorable his Majestys Council and House of Representatives and General Court Assembled — The Petition of us the .Subscribers Humbly sheweth that Whereas the Township of New Boston in said Province of New Hampshere and Coiinty of Hills Borrough Lawing in Shuch A form And Manner that it Very Much Discomodes the Settlers More Especialy those in the New Addition of said Township the Meeting House in the Town being in the Center of the Old Town Cutts of the New Addition from Any Con- venient Communication, with the Old Town And Where as there are a Number of Men Settled and About to Settle On that Part of the Society Land Called the Wallingsfords Right and Others, who are far Distant from Aney Town Preveledges with Respect to the Gospell or with Res- pect to Roads as there are two Roads through said Land One Leading from Amherst to hills Borrough And the Other to Petters Borrough by which the Inhabeters of said towns Are Sufferers and as the Inhabeters of the Society Land is Onder No Town Government, AVe your Petition- PETITION CONTINUED. 37 ers Humbly Desire Your Excelency and Honnors to form that part of Xew Boston Called the New Addition and part of the Society Land Into a Township Agreeable to the Plan herewith Exebeted Or Larger if Your Excelency and Honours thinks Proper Not Exceeding Six Miles Square Or Equal thereto your Excelency and Honours Complyance herewith Will Very Much Serve the Interest of your Petisioners More Especialy the Settlers within the Lemets of said Plan and Not Disserve Any One And Your Humble Petisioners as in Duty Bound Shall Ever Pray — Tho» Brown Bob' Hopkin Tho' Quigley Daniel Bigsby Sam" Nickles James Hopkens Sam" Nutt Will™ Holms David Lewis Olever Holmes Nathan fisher Zachariah White John Brown . John Hall John Dickey Daiiiel Hall Addam Dickey Sam' Hall Isaac Lewis Alex"^ Parker John Quigley Isaac Butterfield James Dickey Sam' Marten Arron Lewis Mosses Lewes Will"" Sterret Henery Mcferson Will™ Dickey John Hopkens Will™ Lee Rob' Alexander Will™ McMaster John Carson Will™ Quigley Bob* Wier Will™ Butterfield Sam' fisher Sam' Butterfield No doubt the need of incorporation was enhanced by the fact that in Society Land various encroachments upon land and timber had been reported and were well known, while protec- 4;ion and redress were difficult, if not impossible. Under date of Sept. 1, 1766, Col. John Goffe wrote to Gov. Wentworth as follows : "May it please your Excellency I went at the Bequest of Masons Proprietors to the Society Land between Pettersborah & Hillsborah to see where the Trespessers had ben at work &whose Lots they had Im- proved upon & found they had cleared, at least cut a grate deal of Timber down &c." Such depredations continued more or less in all unincorpor- ated places, and were "winked-at" by the settlers, since land not occupied was considered somewhat as everybody's property ! Evidently also, the move for incorporation as a town, gave 38 HEARING ON THE PETITION. an impetus to the growth and courage of the community. Plans were talked over for the new town. Young men came and bought land covered with deep forests, and began to clear for a home. Some of those whose names are appended to the above petition had no families, and some who had families, had not yet moved them here. But their interests were now here. And others were coming. Old friends were promising to join their former associates and make homes with them on these hills. The strong old trees were crashing down on every side ; the " clearing fires " did not go out through all the autumn months; the blow of the woodman's axe could be heard in every direction; fences were built; new log-houses appeared; and the hardy, healthy, che'ery, friendly settlers did hard work enough to frighten the present generation ! Thus happily and hopefully closed the year ! The new year (1772) was specially important as the year of the town's incorporation. Nothing was done with the petition named above till the meeting of the General Assembly of the Province at Portsmouth, May 19th, to which date it had been prorogued by Gov. Wentworth. (The Assembly had only 34 members, and most of them were from Rockingham County). But very soon after convening, steps were taken, as we iind^ among "votes, Acc'^ petitions &c. passed on by the house and concurred by the Council from the 19th to the 31st May," this record: "Petition of Sundry inhabitants of New Boston that a part of it called New Addition may be incorporated into a town- ship — hearing granted." This "hearing" followed in a few days. The "Old Town" (New Boston) sent a committee as before stated, hoping to delaj- action and thus retain the Addi- tion a year or two longer. When the Assembly was proi'ogu«d, they supposed that was the end of the matter till a new Assembly should be elected. But receiving tidings that the question would be called up at the adjourned session, Robert Clark hurried down to Portsmouth as agent for New Boston, to remonstrate against the proceeding. May 21, 1772, Mr. Clark appeared before the House, as appears from the Journal, "sug- gesting that they were not ready by reason that they supposed the Prorogation Suspended all proceedings till begun de novo, and that, depending on that, they were not ready and moved for ORIGIN OF NAME FEANCESTOWN. . 39 further time." The House, however, decided that the case should not be deferred till after a new election, but that "the parties concerned may be heard on this Petition on the first day of June next, if the Assembly be then setting, and if not, on that day of their setting next after." No record of this hearing has been found, but the House passed (June 5, 1772, by records, but June 6, 1772, by manuscript Laws of that year) an "Act to Erect a Certain Tract of Land called the New Bos- ton addition & part of the Society Land into a Township by the name of Frances Town." This act was read the first time in the Council June 5th, and read a third time and passed, June 8th, 1772: receiving the Governor's signature on this last named day, or " consent," as he was pleased to call it. Col. John Wentworth of Dover was at that time Speaker of the House, — afterwards Judge of the New Hampshire Supreme Court — ; and Sir John Wentworth (b. Portsmouth 1737) was the Governor of the Province of New Hampshire, having beeu appointed by the King in 1766. .. The records of both House and Council concerning this whole transaction are very brief and meagre, so that we get almost no light as to what was said for or against. Nothing appears on the record, or in the Peti- tion as to the name the settlers desired for the new town, though it appears probable from other evidence that some wished to call it "Antrim." Yet they were too anxious for incorporation to allow the bringing in of anything more than a suggestion. At this time, however, Gov. Wentworth,- being newly married, con- ceived the idea of honoring and preserving the name of his wife, Frances Deering, by giving it to two adjoining towns ; and as the community next north of this were about seeking town privileges also, this seemed a favorable opportunity for the loving chief to carry out his plan. *No opposition was made to it. Hence we have this romantic, sweet, love-born name — Frances' Town. For many years it was written as just given in separate words. *rrances Deering married Theodore Atkinson, Secretary of the Pro- vince. He died Oct. 28, 1769, and just ten days after her husband's funeral she married Gov. John Wentworth (Nov. 11 , 1769.) It was said that the Governor had long been " flirting with her, and that when Atkin- son died, she came to the door and " waved her handkerchief to let him know of the sad event! " Of course he would wish to perpetuate her beautiful name! ■ 40 ■ THE ACT OF INCORPOBATION. The other part of the plan was accomplished a year and a half later (Jan. 17, 1774,) in the incorporation of Deering. And this is all the memorial left of the good woman ! But, though she, never saw the towns that bear her name, it will be preserved by" them till the mountains fall asunder, — sug- gesting in spite of the traditions, the character of a modest, retiring, affectionate wife, worthy of being remembered and loved! On the breaking out of the Revolution soon after. Gov. Wentworth and his family withdrew to England; for though born in New Hampshire, he was the royal governor, had been educated in part in England, and all his old associations led him to side with the royal cause. He was a man of brilliant talents; did much to promote the interests of the Province of New Hampshire; gave the Charter to Dart- mouth College; was subsequently Governor of Nova Scotia: and died there Apr. 8, 1820. This notice is due him here on account of his connection with the name of the town. And no doubt he intended to bestow substantial favors upon the place, all which was prevented by the disruption of royal power and his consequent flight from the land. Considerable effort has been made by the writer to find the original charter delivered to the town, but without avail. The loss, however, is not great, as the copy in the Records of the House and Council, given below, is sufficient. The town records also commence with a copy of the same. The expres- sion, " No person appearing to oppose the same," must be understood to mean no determined or valid opposition, since the same records indicate the remonstrances already named. The Act is prefaced with the usual form under royalty, and is as follows letter for letter: — Anno regni Regis Georgii Tertii magnee Britanica Franciee & Hiber- niee doodecimo ^^--^ An act to erect a Certain tract of Land in the County of FEi } Hills Borough Called New Boston addition and part of the SiG. t Society Land into a Township By the Name of francestown ^-^ — , Whereas a Number of the Inhabitants of a Certain tract of Land in the County of Hills Borough By the Name of New Boston addition and of a part of the Land Called the Society Land have peti- tioned the General assembly praying to Be Erected into a township and ACT or INCOEPOKATION. 41 public Notice thereof Belug given and no person appearing to oppose the Same and it appearing to Be for the public Good Be it therefore enacted By the governor Council and Assenibly that the Said Land Be and Hereby is erected into a Township By the follow- ing Boundaries Namely Begining at a Red oak tree Being the South- easterly Bound of New Boston addition and Kuning North three Miles and a Half to a stake and stones Being the North-west Corner of New Boston old town thence Euning on the Same Course five Hundred & Sixteen Rods By the Line of Weare to a Beach tree marked Being the North-east Corner of the Lot Number ten in the Society Land thence west By the Northerly Side Line of Said Lot Number ten five miles to a Beech tree marked thence Runing South over the Crotched mountain So Called three miles and two Hundred and fifty Rods to a Stake and Heap of Stones In the Line of Lynd Borough thence Runing East two Miles and a Half to a Hemloc tree in the Line of New Boston addition Being also a Corner of Lynd Borough thence South one mile and a Hundred and ten Rods on Lynd Borough Line to the Corner of New Boston addition & thence Runing East By Lynd Borough Line to the Red oak tree Begen at, By the Name of francestown. and further The Inhabitants Hereof Shall Be and Hereby are invested with all privileges powers immunetees that other towns & parishes enjoy within this province and that John Quigley Be impowered to Call the first meeting of the Inhabitants of Said town giving Notice usual in Such Cases fourteen days at Least for the choice of all town Ofiicers ; Provided Nevertheless that the Inhabi- tants of New Boston addition Before mentioned Continue to pay ministerial taxes with the other Inhabitants of New Boston until the town Hereby Erected Shall Have Constant preaching and no Longer and Shall also pay their share of the provence tax as if this act Had Not Been made until a New proportion act Shall Be made and no Longer Province of New Hampshire In the House of Representatives June Sixth 1772: this act Having Been Read three times voted that it pass to Be Enacted J. Wentworth Speaker In Council June 8th 1772 ; this Bill was Read a third time & passed to Be Enacted Theodore Atkinson Secy. Consented J. Wentworth. Copy Examined by Jno: King. The whole is attested at the beginning of the town records as follows: a true Copy Recorded this 27tb day of July 1772 Samuel Nutt town CI. CHAPTER II. AN OUTLINE OF EYEXTS IN TOWN FROM THE DATE OF INCOR- POKATIOX TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. We now start this community in full incorpoiation and glory as a town. It had been a part of New Boston a full minority of 21 years, and now, coming of age, like a boy at twenty-one, its few. inhabitants were hopeful, ambitious, strong-hearted, and in deep earnest. The institutions of a town were to be established! Roads, public buildings, school and church, were as j^et things of the future! Some of the settlers were very poor, and some of their houses were barely habitable ! But a very small part of the land was cleared, and one might travel miles within our limits through unbroken forests, and not see a human dwelling nor a hiiman face! In other places "openings" and begin- nings had been made. They knew not where would be the village, nor where they wanted roads. But the Avatchword was "onward!" There being no telegraphs or railroads, the Incorporation of June. 8, was not known in Francestown for some "days after, as the Assembly convened at Portsmouth, about as far away as possible, and out of all lines of communi- cation. But as soon as known, John Quigley, who was empowered to call the first meeting of the new town, acted promptly, since it was needful to take immediate action, and called a_ meeting for July 2, giving the required notice of fourteen days. The first town-warrant posted at Francestown was as follows : Province of New Hampshire County of Hills Borough ss: Whereas the "Governor and Council of Said province Has Lately Incorporated Certain Lands Being in Said County Known By the Name of New Boston addition and part of the Society Land So Called into a township By the Name of francestown agreeable to a petition preferred to Said Court By the Inhabitants of Said Lands and Said Court Having authorized the Subscriber to Call the first meetins; FIRST TOWN- MEETING. 48 '"^^ . therefore pursuant to Said authority Said Inhabitants are j SEAL' y Hereby Warned to Convene at the House of William Star- v,^^ rett In Holder in said francestown on thursday the Second Day of July Next at 10* Clock in the forenoon, to Chuse all Common and ordinary town Officers given under my Hand and Seal this 17"> Day of June AD 1772— John Quigley and in the 12 year of His majesty Eeign Agreeably to this warrant the first town meeting was held at the house of William Starrett July 2, 1772. *It was rather a liberal call, as it was not to "legal voters," nor to those "quali- fied by law to vote in town affairs," according to customs in other places then and now, but was addressed to all the "Inhab Hants \" How much they leaned toward "woman suf- frage"; or whether women and children were of sufiicient importance to be considered "Inhabitants," the Record sayeth not! Whether the faces of the fair Received- a joyous welcome there ; Whether they acted in each choice, Or only counseled with the voice ; — ^ the Record sayeth not. But as the offices were all given to men, it is to be presumed that men counted themselves to be the only "Inhabitants" and did the voting ! At this meeting about forty men of various ages assembled, most of them, however, being in the prime of life. More than two-thirds of them were. of Scotch parentage, and the rest were, chiefly English from Dedham, Mass., and that vicinity. Every man was a hero strong ! Hardy, large-hearted, earnest, noble men ! Though differing in race, they were united in purpose. They were builders of a town ! What a joy it would be to-day, to look upon that scene and those faces ! Not much like the noisy political wrangles that are now called town- meetings ! No strife ! Only a quiet, neighborly deliberation for mutual good ! Well might we go back and learn at their feet ! *The house is now gone, in which the first town-rneeting was held. It was known for a time as " Starrett's Tavern." It stood on the top of the hill at the corner, south-east of the school-house in the quarry-dis- trict. Was built and owned by John Carson. Most of the inhabitants at the date of incorporation lived in that part of the town which had belonged to New Boston, so that the place of the first meeting was con- venient for them. 44 FIRST TOWN OFFICERS. At this meeting they voted " That all the Officers Chosen By the old town Shall Stand as they ware for this present year." The selectmen of the "old town" (New Boston) then in office were Jesse Christy, Archihald McMillen and Thomas Wilson. Perhaps by this vote they simply meant that they would not interfere with anything done or planned by the New Boston officers, whom they themselves had helped to elect. The taxes assessed upon them before separation they would cheerfully pay. Thus both towns appear to have acted generously and honor- ably. Perhaps, further, they intended this vote to have special application to surveyors of highways and such local officers appointed by the " old town " iis fell within the limits of the new, thus continuing them through the year. At any rate it was a courteous and sensible vote. They then proceeded to the election of officers and such other business as naturally came up, with various expressions of opinion usual in such meetings, until noon, or past, and then adjourned till two o'clock P. M., — the adjournment being apparently for more free and easy consultation concerning matters to be acted upon. And all this without a Moderator ! John Quigley who called the meet^ ing, and who called the meeting to order, no doubt presided, and they did not think of the necessity of electing him to the place ! But probably some one mentioned this during the intermission, and they saw the mistake. Hence when they came together at 2 P. M., they immediately chose John Quigley, Moderator. The whole list of town officers chosen at this first town meet ing, and all other business, was as follows : town clerk, Samuel ISTutt, ( John Quigley Selectmen } John Dickey ( William Starrett Constable — John Brown. " Town Countants " \ ^il^'' ^^l^f , I William McMester. "Surveir" of highways — Samuel Marten. "Survair" of highways, — James Dickey "Tiahenman" — William Aiken "Hough Kef" — Samuel Dickerman " fence vewuars and ( Nathan fisher presers of damage " j wiUiani Butterfield " Sevair of timber and Lumber" — areon Lewis. FIRST TOWN OPPICERS CONTINUED. 45 voted three Shillings pr. a day for work on High ways. Voted one shilling six pence for a Yoak of oxen on High ways. voted one shilling six pence for a Cart on High ways. voted flftey one pounds LafuU money for preaching and to pay the Cost of the Incorporation and other town Charges. Voted John Quigly Sam^ Nutt Oliver Holm Commety men for to git preaching for this present year. Voted that James fishers Barn Shall Be the place for preaching for the furst three munths. Voted John Quigly James Dickey David Lewas Commitee men for t^ Senter the town and pitch on a place for a meeting House on or as Near the Senter as the ground will admit of. Eecorded this 17 day of July 1772 a tru Coppy Samuel Nutt town Clerk." From this record it appears that it was diiificult to procure a cart for use, the same pay being offered for it as for a " yoak of oxen." In many adjacent towns there was not a wheeled vehicle of any kind whatever at this date (1772); but one or two seem to have been owned here, indicating the special smartness and thrift of the Francestown settlers. Their gener- ous appropriation for preaching at this very first meeting was also indicative of vigorous characters and high aims in life — of which more will be said in the chapter on Ecclesiastical His- tory. It will be noticed that from the first they planned to build a Meeting-House and to build it in the centre of the town, though a large majority of the people were then in the eastern part. Thus this first town-meeting July 2, 1772, was harmonious, creditable and progressive. But soon a question seems to have arisen as to their power to do all these things under the first warrant, in which there was only one article, namely, "to Chuse all Common and ordi- nary town Officers." Could they raise money under that call? To remove all doubts or possible objections, a second town- meeting was called for Aug. 31, 1772, the warrant for which was as follows: Province of > Hills Borough SS. New Hampshire J To John Brown. Constable you are Hereby Required In His majesty Name to warm all the freeholders and other Inhabitants of francestown to meet on monday ye thirty first 46 SECOND TOWN MEETING. Instent at ten of ye Clock afoure Xoon at James fishers Barn then and there to act on the following articles viz Idly to Cliuse a moderator to Regulate Said meeting 2dly to See if the town will Confurm a former vote that was past at our Last meeting to Rase money to pay for preaching and to defray other town Charges 3dly to See if the town will Except of a Seet for meeting House which the Commite Hath flxt on 4dly to see what mathod ye town will take to Build a meeting House and How Long 5dly to See if the town will Send a petition to ye general -Court in order to git an act made to Reat all ye wild Land for to Halp to Build the meeting house and Setle ye first minaster 6dly to See what House the town will Chuse for to have ye preaching at for the Next few months from octoher 177'2 on ward — and make Return of this warrant unto us on Be four the Commencement of Said term and this Shall Be your suf- fent warrant Given under our Hand and Selle this 17th day of august AD 1772 and in the 12 year of his majsty Reign Dated at francestown august the 17"" 1772 John Quigly William Starrett John Dickey Select men It is noticed that in this warrant also all the ^^Inhabitants" are notified to meet. Perhaps it was thought desirable to have the women present by way of consultation. Probably, hoAvever, the term "other Inhabitants" was meant to include those inen who had come to town and had made "beginnings," but had not been here long enough to be counted as "freeholders" or voters. And it was both wise and kind, to give them a voice, if not a vote. At this second town meeting, this time at "James fishers Barn," (Aug. 31, 1772), David Lewis was chosen Moderator. Then at once, and apparently unanimously, and without debate, the former vote to raise money was "confurmed." As to the "Seet for a meeting House" (Article 3d) no definite action was taken at this meeting. Perhaps the committee were not ready for a decision. But under the 4th Article, construing it some- what liberally, they " votedthat John Quigly Shall Build ye meeting House Satup ye frame as Lang and as Good ns Lyn Borough meeting House Every way pro- portioned and He is to inclose ye walls with good martchentable Bords PLANS FOK MEETING-HOTTSB. 47 aijd Shingle it with martchentable Shingle make ye doors and Hing them and Lay ye under floor which work is to Be Completed By ye first of September Nixt and Left to ye Judgment of tliree work men provided Nevertheless He is to Eceive of the town By the Kate Six days work Half thousand of Bords and half a thousand of Shingles for Every Ka,ttable: pol Now in yt* town and all ye Stuff is to Be delivered to Him at ye apointed place fixt By the Commite Now Chosen and Every man Shall Have ye prevelidg of making out His days On Bringing His Stuff at on Befour ye first Day of July Nixt." As to the Article proposing a petition for a tax on " all ye wild Land for to fialp to Build the meeting House," the town records show but indefinitely the action taken ; but the follow- ing petition found among the Province Papers, shows what they desired, and the efforts made to accomplish it. The original petition in plain and handsome hand-writing is now before me as follows: The Petition of us the Subscribers humbly sheweth That whereas Francis Town in the Province and County aforesaid hath no Land left or laid out by the original Proprietors for the En- couragement of the first Gospel minister to settle amongst us We yOur hufnble Petitioners humbly desire your Excellency and Honours to make an Act 'to collect or raise a Tax of a penny half penny p^ Acre more or less as your Excellency and Honours shall see fit upon all the Unsettled Lots or Land within the Town aforesaid except every Lot at present settled or possed by an Inhabitant and also all the Lots owned by the Masonian Propriety at Present formerly belonging to that part known by the name of the New Addition of New Boston for the Settle- ment of our first Minister and Building a Meeting house. Your Excellency and Honours Compliance herewith will serve very much our Interest and Encourage the settlement of the Wilderness. And your humble Petioners as in duty bound shall ever pray — Frances. Town Dec"^ 2"i 1772 Bobert Hopkins D"avid Gregg Samuels Nickels AVill'" Butterfield jun' Thomas Warren Samuel Nutt Nathan Fisher John Quigley Thomas Quigley John Hopkins Willm Butterfield William Quigley William Starret Samuel Gregg Adam Dickey William Holmes Jqhn Dickey David Lewis James Hopkins Joseph Dickey Samuel Dickeuman Henry Mcfarson Olipher Holmes Tho^ Quigley jun"^ Charles Mellan 48 THE FIEST JTJEOR. And on the last article in the warrant, they decided to change the place of worship during the winter months to a spot more accessible to the majority as then located. They sought also the largest dwelling house then in town. Being a tavern, it was already a sort of centre and public house, and on the chief road. Hence they — " Voted that ye preaching Shall Be at william Starretts New House from ye midell of October untill martch Excepting that ye pepoel in the North Side of ye town Shall Have their Equal parts of preaching in that time when and where they pleas." Some have supposed that " Starrett's New House " meant one he was building and in which he subsequently lived; but cir- cumstances indicate the place named above, — which was at the corner on the top of the hill south of the quarry. And there is no indication that any meetings were held that winter by the "pepoel in the North Side of ye town." In the early years of our history a regular town-meeting was called for the selection of Jurors. They were "drawn" in a way similar to that at present followed, but it was in open meeting legally called, and was considered an event of great importance. The first town-meeting of this kind was on Oct. 1, 1772, of which the record is as follows: " At a meeting of ye freeholders and Inhabitants of ye town of francestown Lagely Caled and Being in James fishers Barn Idly Chose David Lewis moderator to Kegalet Said meeting — Drew John Dickey out of the Box." — And at a meeting the follow- ing year a similar act of deliverance was performed of which the record is, "Drue William Quigley out of the Box Jurors man. p'' me William mc master town Clark." No doubt at the first meeting of this kind there was con- siderable quiet solicitude and wonder. It was a kind of lottery. A few desired, but most of them dreaded, the performance. And yet it was the name, and not the man, that they " drew out of the Box," inasmuch as any imprisonment or rescue of the said John Dickey, the record showeth not. He has the honor of being the first juror from Francestown, leading the long company of those fair and honorable men who year after year have been drawn out of the Box." CLEARING THE FIEST BUEIAL-GEOUND. 49 A town-meeting was called to act concerning the place of church and burial, Oct. 19, 1772, it being the fourth town- meeting in four months. It seems that the Committee chosen at their first meeting, after considerable deliberation and measurement, had decided on a location and were ready to re- port. Hence the first record of action at this meeting reads thus: "Voted that the town Shall Buy foar acers of Land Where the Com- mittee Hath fixt for the Priviledge of a Burying place and meeting House." "Voted to Chouse a Committee for to Clear the Land for a Buariying place John Dickey James Hopkens Oliver Holmes Sam^ Nutt James Hopkens Sener Committee for to See the Land Cleared for the meeting House and Graveyard." They also chose John Quigley, William Starrett and John Dickey a committee to " buy said Land." At this meeting likewise they voted to buy a "more Cloth." In those times towns provided a large, heavy, black cloth to spread over the coffin and hang down all around so as to hide it from view during the funeral service ; and then it was folded back from the head of the coffin for friends to take leave of the dead.. There was occasion for this, from the fact that the coffin was generally a very rough and unsightly box; but this "Cloth" was scarcely better to look upon, for it was gloomy in the extreme, and often wrinkled and none too clean. Some towns had a special " Cloth " made smaller, for the little coffins of the children! This pall was called "The mort-cloth," "the Mor-cloth," or " the more-Cloth " ; and the Scotch often called it the "Palm-cloth" or "Pam-Cloth." The town Record Mar. 8, 1779, calls it a " Burying Cloth." Things of this kind are rarely used at the present day, unless at the burial of noted officials. But the writer remembers seeiifg those old fashioned, dark, lOng-fringed, frightful coverings of the coffin used! It made death seem inexpressibly dreadful to a child! It will be noticed that at the first town-meeting (July 2, 1772,) they chose John Brown Constable immediately after the choice of selectmen, as being the next officer in importance. Indeed this was the best paying office in the gift of the town at that time! In some towns the duties of this office were dis- charged without remuneration, and the several citizens were 50 CONSTABLES AND "TOWN COCNTANTS. expected "to take their turn" in so doing. But as it was a position of great responsibility, for which only a few of the best men were fitted, it was soon found that " taking their turn " without pay, was unfair and burdensome to a few, and the practice was soon abandoned. The Constable was to "Keep the peace," and perform all the duties which are now assigned to the sheriff, except that he did not act outside his own town. The constable also called all town-meetings at the order of the Selectmen. He "warned" the people to meet. At first he went in person to every voter, and "warned" him just as within our memory the militia-officers "warned" their men personally of any call to military duty'. At the same time the "town-warrant" was posted in several conspicuous places as at the present day. When the settlers were few in number, the work of ''warning" personally, was not great; but it soon grew burdensome and was abandoned. The Constable was also col- lector of taxes. This seems to have been a duty attached to the office by law at that time, the constable being tax-collector always and without any special vote to that effect. Several of the first years of the town they paid the Constable one-fortieth part of the taxes for collecting the whole ; *and probably ong dollar out of forty for collection, was not unreasonable as the sums were very small, and the settlers much scattered. In several places in recent years I find collectors have about one dollar in seventy-tive for collection in country towns. And besides all the rest the Constable was in fact town treasurer. The selectmen shared the responsibility to some extent, but the Constable usually held the money until it was required for payments. And this arrangement continued till 1777, when they " Voted David Lewis town tressherer." From all which it appears that the Constable was an officer of great importance in the town, sworn to keep the peace and handle the money. The "Town Countants" chosen at the first meeting, and annually thereafter, performed the duties now assigned to Auditors; but as town accounts were never printed in those days, the "Countants" were expected to make a rigid examin- ation of all charges and expenditures, to make everything plain to the voters, and hold a separate record of their own, as a check against any possible cheating by the officers of the town. TITHINGMEN. 61 Tithingman was another officer chosen at that first meeting, William Aiken being the fortunate man. The spelling of this wOrd in the records of the various towns shows a marvellous originality in the use of letters. Every town clerk had a new way, which he varied and improved upon at every writing ! The differences in orthography between different clerks are not so mysterious as the variations of the same clerk, reminding one of certain variations in music, from which it would not be imagined that the original had ever been heard of! In our records the first designation of this official is "tiahenman" — which is, of course, very easily pronounced and understood ! "We find also " tayithingman," " tythingman," "tathingman" and other ingenious modifications. The business of this officer was to see that the sabbath was strictly observed, to enforce the law against working or travelling on that day, and especially to preserve order in religious meetings. Sometimes, however, these officials made a great deal of noise in keeping people still, and stirred up a general confusion in trying to maintain order ! It was necessary to have careful and prudent men in this office, since one who was domineering, meddlesome, or injudicious would get into any amount of trouble. Hence the best men in town were generally appointed to this trust. It was an honor to be a tithingman. They put men into this trust who were men of piety, dignity, courage, and in particular, of commanding' presence, so as to impress the young with their authority and power. Children stood in awe of them. Laxigh- ing girls and boys had to be on guard against any apparent trifling in God's house. Gossip had to be done with sober faces, and Sunday flirtation was out of the question ! These officials were supposed to be great helps to the preacher in keeping people awake — a -duty which in modern times is devolved upon the preacher himself, on the principle that the same party who is responsible for putting them to sleep should also be responsible for waking them ! The tithingman's badge of office was a round smooth stick of wood, an inch in diameter and three feet long, with a tip of brass or pewter at each end. Sometimes a fox-tail or feather was fastened to one end so as to wake a sleeper with a more gentle touch ! For a lollg series of years flve men were annually chosen to this 62 HOG-EEBVBS. office. The last election of such officers was at the March meeting of 1843, and Moses E Bradford and Daniel Thompson were the last men thus elected. The change of laws, and the habits of the people, took away the necessity for such officials. This was the natural, though not the immediate, result of the separation of the church from the town. And possibly people behaved better on the sabbath, as education and refinement increased, the town voted (Mar. 10, 1794,) that " Asa Lewis and Capt. Morse are to take the Charge of the Gallery and keep the peple in order and see that Everyone takes thare Seats properly." "What should we think of such town-action now? We also notice that the distinguished office of hog-reeve was instituted in Francestown in 1772. Samuel Dickerman carried off the honor of the first appointment to this position. Among the early settlers it was the custom to let hogs and pigs run loose, like cattle and sheep. They picked up half their living outside and were often decidedly the opposite of useful in corn-field or garden. The hog-reeve was to go about town from time to time, or upon any person's complaint, and catch all loose hogs, and "ring" them so that they could not "root," and "yoke" them so that they could not go through fences; and then collect fees for all this from the owners of the hogs. We are not told as to the method of procedure either in catch- ing the hogs or collecting the fees ; yet certain it is that the office was judged important enough to be filled by dignified election and held by efficient men, for a long series of years. But gradually fences were built, and neighbors settled nearer each other, and swine began to be shut up in pens as in recent years; and in due time the town voted that none of these animals should run loose! As a- consequence the office soon came to have no duties connected with it, and the custom arose of electing newly-married men to it, on the ground probably that such men were not capable of discharging any duty! Annually since about 1800, that unfortunate class of men just entangled in the hard bondage of matrimony have been pro- moted' to this office by their sympathetic and generous fellow-townsmen! In the scramble for honors this kind pro- motion has never been opposed ! Nor has any effort been made FIRST TAX LIST. 53 to cut down the salary ! And thus they have gone on record • as officers of the town with constant good feeling, — not even a dissenting vote or voice! And this is the only office which some were ever elected to ! Not exactly woman suffrage, but promotion that never would have been gained without her ! The name, hog-reeve, is from the old English reeve, an officer, as port-reeve, shire-reeve, sometimes written shereve, now sheriff. Our first record calls this officer "Hough Ref." Mar. 11, 1782, the record is, "voted James Hogg Hoggrief also Samuel Gun and Henery Talint." The title is found to have occasioned almost as many beautiful inventions in the line of orthography as did that of tithingman ! The first tax list of Francestown was committed to the Con- stable, John Brown for coUfection Oct. 12, 1772, more than three months after the first town meeting, and was as follows : £. s. P- £. s. P; Jaffrey Donohu 1 16 2 Harvey m<=f arson 1 4 9 James Hopkins Juner 1 6 Hugh moreal 1 4 8 "William Quigley 1 1 Zachariah Whiting 112 9 William Clark 1 Moses Lewas 1 11 Widdow Akean 13 9 Aaron Lewas 19 James Dickey 1 4 9 John Brown 1 4 9 Samuel Martan 1 9 8 Thomas Brown 1 6 8 William Butterfield 1 7 6 James Hopkins 1 10 11 William Butterfleld Juner 1 9 Robert Hopkins 17 2 John Dickey 1 6 2 John Hopkins 17 2 Joseph Dickey 19 7 Thomas Quigley 1 16 7 Samuel Butterfield 19 2 David Lewas 2 11 3 William Starrett 2 11 9 Isack Lewas 1 8 6 Adam Dickey 19 ■2 Samuel Dickerman 18 7 John Quigley 1 13 3 Nathen Clough 19 2 Sam" Nicaels 2 1 9 Oliver Holmes 1 Benyman Sleper 1 12 3 Nathan fisher 1 8 2 Nathaniel Sleper 1 9 9 William Lee 1 11 Samuel Nutt 1 8 6 Perter Christy 19 2 William m'^ master 19 Thomas Quigley 17 2 William Dickey 19 2 In this list forty-one names appear. Of some of them we know almost nothing. It may gratify the curiosty of some to see this first tax-warrant. No one was much richer than the poorest, as the difference between the highest tax and the 64 PIEST RECORDED DEATH IX TOWN. lowest was only one pound and eighteen shillings. Most of them were young men. beginning poor, but starting nearly equal in the common struggle. To this list was appended the fol- lowing order: "The above Sums you are Required to pay to us on our order at or Before the first day of February Nixt EnSewing the Date Hereof and if any person or persons Neglect or Refuse to pay the Sume or Sums on Him or her or them So assessed you are to make Distrest upon all Such as the Law Derects & for want of goods or Chattels whereupon to dis- train you are to Sease the person or Persons & Commit Him or them to the Common Gaol of Said County in amherst to Remain tiU him or them shall pay the Sume or Sums on Him or them So assessed." Some names in the above list had been here barely long enough to be taxed, and it is probable the assessment was held back a few weeks so as legally to. tax all who lived in town at the close of the year 1772. The first death in this town after its incorporation was that of Janet McMaster Oct. 4, 1772, making the first recorded death in town, — that of Caleb Whiting (1770) having occurred in what was then a part of New Boston. She was a fair, young girl, and the writer has received the impression from some source that she was very attractive and greatly loved, and that her death was a general sorrow in the community. But she heads the long record of the names now unspoken. Let the traditions of her beauty and goodness be caught up in these words and put on record by those who never saw her, and more than a hundred years after her departure! The good never die! Her body, no doubt, was carried to New Boston for burial, but no stone marks the forgotten grave ! This death, however, stirred up the people to immediate action to secure and prepare a town cemetery. A town meet- ing was called at once (Oct. 19, 1772,) and committees appointed to purchase and " to see the land cleared," as stated on a previous page. Thus often the death of , one becomes the occasion of increased activity and usefulness in others. The fair girl has an unmarked and forgotten grave away from her kindred; but she helped prepare many a household resting- place for others! The very next day after her death the warrant was posted for the town-meeting previously referred to (Oct. 19, 1772), the object of which was to secure and prepare FIRST BURIAL IN PRANCBSTOWN. 65 a Burial-ground. The spot fixed upon by the committee was that now covered by the south part of the village, the old church, the cemetery, horse-sheds, Academy, &c., originally containing four acres, but encroached upon and cut down, from time to time, so that the part meant for a cemetery and for a "training field," or common, is left very small. The Committee chosen to buy the land received the deed as intended, but the owner, James Fisher donated the tract for the "use of the town forever as before stated." The date of the deed, however, Nov. 25, left no time for preparing the ground before winter, it being covered with a thick and heavy growth of the old unbroken for- est. In the course of the winter part of it was "chopped over," and as early as possible in the spring the " clearing fires " were started, and one corner was made ready in a rude way for burial uses, the first burial being the body of Mrs. Samuel Dickerman, May 4, 1773. Great half-burned logs lay in piles on every side, but a path was made among the stumps and rocks, and a grave was opened by chopping off the huge roots. How many a tearful procession has since that day traversed our streets ! And rocks havei been removed, and stumps have rotted away, and the old grave-yard has been filled, and left, and for- gotten ; and still the weary procession is wending its way to the tomb! But this first burying-ground could not be used in the winter preceeding, as the fallen trees and limbs covered it coinpletely, and the deep snow filling in effectually prevented any move- ment. Hence when Mrs. Carson, wife of the first settler, died, about March 1, 1773,. the body was carried to the Smith yard in New Boston. Perhaps there was small objection to this in the case of the Carsons ; for they had been connected with that town most of their lives, and circumstances make it appear that they had never been anxious to be separated from it. But at the time of this burial, the snow was so deep that there was no road, nor even a path; and seven or eight men and boys from New Boston drew the body on a hand-sled, relieving each other by turns. They started from the first Carson settlement, following the brook in the meadow near by to the pond (Scoby), thence over the pond to the outlet, thence down the stream to the place where Dea. Todd's mills now stand (in New 56 FIRST MARCH MEETING. Boston) thence north to the burying ground. The distance by this circuitous route was more than four miles ; and the reason assigned for this route was, that in the open cleared land the crust on the snow was strong enough to carry up men and sled. Along the streams and meadows was the only cleared land. The late Abner Hogg, Esq. of New Boston, who died Oct. 16, 1856, aged nearly 98, whom the writer well remembers was one of the party that drew the sled on this occasion; and the foregoing statement was from his lips. It shows what inconveniences and hardships the early settlers endured ! The annual town meeting for 1773 was called to meet at " Thomas Quigley Barn upon thorsday the twenty fifth Day of march Corent at ten of the Clock in the fournoon of Said Day to act on the Foiling Perticulers to viz."- The "Thomas Quigley Barn" stood north of the present turn- pike at the old Thomas Quigley residence (buildings now gone), in the south-east part of the town, as most of the in- habitants lived then in that section. At this, which was really their first ''March meeting," they chose John Quigley, John Dickey and William Lee, Selectmen ; and William McMaster, town clerk. And among other officers, they chose Nathan Sleeper and Peter Christy "Dear Keepers." John Carson had been honored with this office in New Boston before the separa- tion. Deer abounded in the New England forests in early times, feeding along the meadows and open spaces, and cropping off the undergrowth, having their well trodden paths and favor- ite resorts. No doubt the meadows of this town were fre- quented by them long before a white man's visit here. Their flesh was very valuable, and their hides were a source some- times of no small revenue for those days to the pioneer. But as their value increased, the number of hunters increased, till there was danger of the entire extermination of these animals, and that before the settlement of Francestown. Hence it be- came necessary to protect them by law during the seasons of their increase. A law was enacted in 1741 declaring it a crime to kill deer between Dec. 31, and the first day of August of the following year, and fixing a penalty of £10 for the first off:ence. Thus they were protected seven months in the year. Two men were to be chosen in every town to enforce this law DEEE KEEPERS. 57 and punish its violation. The old records name them '•'•Bear Keepers." Sometimes people fed the deer, and partially tamed them, and watched their hiding-places when the "?aw was on" so as to be ready to capture a good share as soon as the restric- tions expired. Yet in spite of this severe law, these noble animals were almost banished from this vicinity before our incorporation, being rarely seen here since the date of that event. But the officers to protect them were chosen just the same, and continued to be, long after any occasion required their service. In later years only one man was elevated annually to this ofhce. For 1785 the record is, "chose William Dickey Beare CepperP At the March meeting of 1773, after the election of officers, they " Voted to rase thirty pounds Lawfull money to maintain the GoSpel For the presant Year," and chose Oliver Holmes and John Quigley to provide preach- ing. " Voted that the preching Shall be Heald at James fishers house or barn for present Year" ; — it being their plan to occupy the barn till driven into the house by cold weather. Also " Voted that Nathan flsher is to Bord the menister and Keep his,Harse for five Shillings an Nine Pance Lawfull money p"^ Week." At this meeting also, (Mar. 1773) the matter of clearing the common and burial-ground came up for discussion, as the work was only begun ; and after the case was fully stated, they voted without opposition that " Every Server shall Wark one Day With his men on the Graveyard and Place for the meeting House." As showing how intent were the men of Francestown on pushing these public matters, it is to be noticed that soon after this town meeting they sent a second petition to the General Court, similar to the one noticed on a previous page, the object being to press the appeal for a land tax to help build a meeting 58 NON-EBSIDBNT LAND-TAX. house. To this second petition twelve new names are signed, as follows: Kobert Fulton Nathan Clough AYilliam Lee William McMaster Benj. Sleeper Hugh McGumery .Samuel Marten Robert Morel William Butterfleld John Carson Asa Lewas John Brown This shows the addition of some new settlers and also the hearty union of them all. It seems that some of the older settlers had been unwilling to sign the first petition, but the necessity soon appeared so plain and so great, as to bring them all to one mind. The first petition was not acted upon, but of the second the record of the House says : "In the house of Represen*- May 14, 1773. On Beading the foregoing Petition Order'* that the Petitioners at their Own Cost cause the Substance of said Petition to be printed in the New Hampshire Gazzette three weeks successively & that the Petition- ers may be heard thereon the third day of the sitting of the General Assembly after the 15"' day of June nex'." I do not find a record of the hearing on this petition, and no action was taken till the following year, indicating considerable opposition of the non-resident land-owners to this tax. But in January 1774, favorable action was taken, and a law was passed granting precisely the amount which the settlers had asked. And at theii' first town meeting subsequent to this favorable action they "Voted John Quigley elector for to rais the money of the Land tax according to the act of Cort that is now past.'' A town meeting was called (July 5, 1773,) to see about settling a minister, fix salary &c. at which they " Voted to Give the reverent m'. Bolch a Call," and decided several matters con- nected therewith, all which will appear in the chapter on the ecclesiastical history of the town. A town meeting was called- (Aug. 26, 1773,) to select a juror — which town-meeting was always a kind of conference on all public matters. Then there came a fourth town-meeting of the year (Sept. 13, 1773,) " To See If town Will Chouse a committe to Go to amherst at the Supearer Cort in behalf of the town and County Concerning of Paying that Great Sum of money Which the Honourabel Justeses have Granted to John Hollen and other Large Sumes of money Concerning of Capl Kely and John tom that brook out of the Gaol." COUNTY EXPENSES. 69 There was a long debate, apparently, upon this matter, and they chose William Starrett and David Lewis a committee to voice at court the wishes of the town. " The Court of General Sessions of the Peace," had been called at the January term 1773 to act on the "Petition of John Holland for £78 : 3 : 2 for Joseph Kelley's escape out of gaol," which, after some delay, was "allowed" and "ordered to be assessed on the towns." Capt. Joseph Kelley of Nottingham West (Hudson) had long been confined in jail, had broken, out, and in various ways had been the occasion of so much trouble and expense that "Sundry towns" had even petitioned the Legislature to interfere in his .case. This action of Frances- town was also virtually a remonstrance against the heavy and increasing county tax. When the state was divided into Coun- ties (1771) three courts were established, "The superior Court," "The Common Pleas," and "The General Sessions of the Peace." The last named was the first to organize and act. It had for its Judges all the Justices of the Peace in the County ; was in some respects a legislative body ; and had con- trol of the financial affairs of the County, subject to appeal, to the "Supearer Cort." The expenses of starting the new county and providing Judges, and all other officers, and of fitting and furnishing the building given for a court-house, had been quite heavy. The assessment on New Boston (including the Addition) July 1771 for the "Expense of Building a Prison" was £11: 14: 9; and perhaps the "Honourable Justeces" of the Peace when assembled had been rather too liberal in ordering "Large Sumes" of money in various cases. The poor settlers found it hard to carry the load, many of them being in debt for the land on which they lived, and their re- ■monstrance was both natural and wise. In this "Court of Sessions " there was at that time no " Justice of the Peace " from Francestown; and therefore all the greater reason that this part of the people should be heard on the subject. It seems that there had been a little soreness in this section as to the formation of counties, and apparently some fear lest the eastern and more populous towns would vote money and manage affairs, to the injury of the remoter and weaker com- 60 POEMATIOlf OF COUNTIES. munities. The Bill dividing the Province of New Hampshire into counties was signed by Gov. Wentworth Apr. 29, 1769. But while the Bill, or the votes of the Assembly that led to it, were under consideration, a strong effort was made to have about a dozen towns east of the Merrimac incorporated into this county. This was met with vigorous protests from the western part; and petitions that the Merrimac might be the eastern boundary were poured in upon the Legislative Body with eager haste. When the question came up for final decision, a compromise was reached and only a small part of the towns talked of east of the river were put into this County. But the Bill as passed was to be inoperative till " His Majesty's royal approbation of the law should be made known;" — and this delayed the actual organization of the Counties for about two years. Hence they were really organized in 1771, and the first court in this county was at Amherst in Sept. of that year. In 1792 Hopkinton was made a shire town, and thus this county, had two shire towns, which continued to be the case till the formation of Merrimac County in 1823. But during that time Hillsboro' County extended much farther north than now, and took in - Andover, Boscawen, (including the present town of Webster), Bradford, Dunbarton, Fishersfield, (Newbury), Hen- niker, Hooksett, Hopkinton, New London, Salisbury, Sutton, Warner and Wilmot. The citizens of Francestown took no prominent part in these county disputes, the original boundary having been settled before the incorporation of this town: but at that time the inhabitants of the western half joined with others in Society- Land in the petition that the eastern line of the county should be the Merrimac River. This whole subject is mentioned on a former page where it is shown that probably a few individuals in the eastern part of this town (then a part of New Boston), took the opposite view, and wished to get as many towns as possible into this county, on the ground that otherwise it would be too weak to sustain itself. This year (1773) Gov. Wentworth called for a census of the Province. In this census there appears no retui-n from Frances- town, though the population here was about 150. At that time the largest town in the County was Amherst, with a THE CENSUS. THE "CORN-MILL." 61 population of 1370, (about its present population) ; HoUis had a population of 1162; Peterboro', 514; New Boston 410 ; Weare 884 ; and Hillsboro' 153. The census was taken near the close of the year, and the whole population of the Province of New Hampshire was 72,092. There were 138 towns, and the average number of persons to each town was 622. Portsmouth was then the largest town in 'the State, having a population of 4372; and Londonderry was the next largest, having a popu- lation of 2471. There were then by the record 674 slaves in this State and 77 in this county, — though not slaves in the same sense as in the Slave-States. Also this year (1773) David Lewis built his " corn-mill." Perhaps a beginning had been made still earlier. At anj- rate the town record in the spring of 1774 says that the "Dam was broak " by the early freshet, showing its existence previous to that year. In 1770, or earlier, as told on a former page, he had built a saw-mill; and now, for the public good as well as his own business ambition, the grist-mill came into existence. It stood a few rods below the saw-mill, on the spot now occupied by the pail factory of Hiram P. Clark. It was an occasion of great joy to the settlers, and contributed not a little to their town-pride. Many large communities had not yet a grist-mill. Antrim did not reach this honor till 1777, four years later; and Hancock and Deering were later still by several years. The want of a grist-mill involved the early settlers in all these towns in great hardship. They had no flour in those days ; and their only bread was from oats, or barley, or corn. This, for many years, each man carried to mill on his shoulder. Tho'se strong men, looking back in their old age, used to speak of this as the hardest endurance they were called to meet. Settlers from Hillsboro' and Antrim carried bags of corn on their backs through Francestown to Amherst, to be ground, and then the same day carried the meal back — a distance by the path then travelled of about twenty-three miles! Forty-six miles in a day, carrying two bushels of corn ! How would a modern day's work compare with that ? These men usually stopped at Francestown to take a drink ! Col. Robert Means of Amherst used to say (about 1805) that 62 CAEBYING GRAIN TO MILL. he remembered a man from Hillsboro' who would bring his bag of corn twenty-four miles, set it down, take a glass of grog, and then dance round the store like a cat ! Sometimes, for a change, they would "carry double;" that is, carry one bag a mile or two, set it down, then go back and get another and carry the second bag a mile or two beyond the first, then leave that and go back after the first and carry it a mile or two past the second, and so on. This would give a rest and a change, and a double amount would be carried through. The first Francestown settlers usualty carried their corn to New Boston. Walker's mills had been built there in 1753, Hence the inhabitants of this town did not have such long distances to carry grain. But still the " new grist mill " was of untold value. Even three or four miles with two bushels of corn on a man's back, is a serious matter. Sometimes in later years a bag was carried to and fro on the back of a horse, if any man were fortunate enough to have a horse. So also in 'other towns the Francestown grist-mill had a desirable repu- tation; and it was considered a great help. People from Deering, Antrim, Bennington, Hancock, and Greenfield, brought corn here to be ground, as this for some years, was the nearest and best place for them. On the whole the year 1773 was a prosperous year for the town. There were noticeable improve- ments in buildings and roads and fields. Fences began to be the rule, instead of the exception. New settlers came, new land was cleared, roads were improved, and plans and projects looking to the future were entered upon with courage and hope. Since writing the above concerning the census of 1773, I have found in the Journal of the House at Concord a statement of the number of "Polls in the several towns," taken without doubt from the returns of that census. The number of polls In Francestown is given as 43, New Boston 77, and Lynde- boro' 108. But little has been said by me about town lines, as the records of "perambulations" are somewhat mixed and compara- tively unimportant. Among those of the early day I found this curious record: " Bei^au at ablack Oak tree marked then West two miles and a half to a Beach tree marked by francestown then North one mile and eiarhtv live CATTLE MARKS. 63 Rods to the Controverted Hemlock then Wast three miles and one Quarter to the White pine and black Oak these Lines perambulated by John Shepard June AD 1773:" This was probably the first review of the south line of the town, about some parts of which there seems to have been a doubt. The record of 1774 begins by saying that " Benjamin Sleeper's mark for His Chattel and Sheep was a Swalos tail on the left ear and a Cross of the rit ear.'' " Samuel Dickermans mark for His Cattel S D branded on the Near Hoarn." It was the custom for many years thus to distinguish their flocks. Some of the older people can remember this "marking" of stock, I have seen flocks of sheep and lambs with all their ears bleeding, as they were driven off to pasture ; but the marking of cattle for the most part ceased much earlier and is said hardly to be known in our country at the present day, except on the " ranches " of the west. It was a miserable and cruel custom ; but they justified themselves in the practice of it on the ground that cattle would run together and each must have some way of knowing and claiming his own. If a man had a uniform "mark," and had a "record" of it on the town book, he could hold his stock wherever it might wander. In subsequent years the necessity for a mark on one's stock became much greater as flocks increased in size. Merrill's Gazetteer of Ne\7 Hampshire (published in 1817) tells us that there "were in Francestown two flocks of sheep, containing in them both more than 600." Probably in the whole town there were about 4000 ; and the number of cattle was much greater than now. The number of sheep in New Hampshire by the invoice of 1812 was 364,892. And no doubt these "marks" saved a great many disputes and law-suits. James Wilson's "mark" 1805, was " a Crop on the Wright Ear and a Whole in the orther.'' But let no one chide this on the ground of cruelty to animals, until he has made the country ring with indignation at the modern custom on the plains of " burning in " the initials of a ranchman's name! At the March meeting of. 1774 they " Voted not to buld a metting Hous in the town the present year." 64 THE NON-KESIDBNT TAX. Some of the " Stuff " had. been delivered according to the vote passed (Aug. 31, 1772, )to have everything on the ground " Befour ye first Day of July Nixt. But most of the settlers found themselves unable to conform to this requirement, so great was their labor to clear their land and support their fam- ilies. And also the moving of timber, even for a short distance, was a work of much difficulty, as the roads were hardly more than paths, and teams of all kinds were very scarce and in constant use. Worse still, the "land tax," which the Legislature by special act had empowered them to assess, had not been collected, except in a small part; and there was a question about it, and some of the non-residents refused to pay. The times were hard, and the tax hung along unpaid. Of all this the town Records do not speak; but in looking over some old newspapers I found the following "Notice" in the "New Hampshire Gazette & Historical Chronicle," of Feb. 3, 1775. Francestown. " Those Proprietors and Owners of Land in Frances Town in the County of Hillsborough, and Province of Xew Hampshire, who have hitherto been delinquent in paying the Taxes laid upon their respective Lands in said Town, by virtue of an Act of the General Assembly of this Province, for the purpose of building a Meeting House in said Town, are hereby notified that unless Payment be made of the afore- said Taxes, with the Cost of this Advertisement, so much of their respective Lands will be sold at public Vendue to the highest bidder at the house of Lieut. Oliver Holmes Innholder, in said Town on the Third Tuesday of February next as wiU pay said Taxes with all other inciden- tal charges. Mason's Proprietors owners of Crotch Mountain so called. Eight No. 9, formerly drawn to Jotham Odiorne John McjSTeal John Densmore Andrew Armer Alex. Parkerson Thomas Achin William Ackin Daniel Bixbe Isaac Bruster Kobt. Alexander Asa Bixbe John Achin A'. s. d. 10 11 5 2 10 7 6 14 3 2 10 3 3 10 3 8 5 10 3 6 6 18 FIRST PUBLISHMENT OF MAEEIAGB. 65 Widow Barnard ' 18 Adam Dickey 2 10 Spooner & Swift 15 John Quigley, Collector. Frances Town January 25, 1775." But this notification, did not accomplish much, as nearly five months later (June 10,. 1775) we find the town chose Thomas Quigley Jr. to "assist John Quigley" to collect the "Land tax from the proprietors that lives out of Francestown for building the meeting House." These several taxes seem eventually to have been paid, but it came hard. Payment was delayed as long as possible. And these several difiiculties delayed the building of the meeting house more than two years. From time to time town-meetings were called, and much zeal was manifested to hasten the matter, and hearts were as intent upon it as was David of old; but they could not accomplish impos- sibilities, and hence they waited as best they could. The first record of publishment in town was as follows : " This is to Sartify to Whom it may Consarn that Samuel Dickerman of this town and parses richardson of Litchfield Were Lawfully published and entered Aug. 22, 1774 p"^ me William mc master town Clark." It was for many years the custom to publish intentions of marriage by "crying them" in meeting on three successive sabbaths. It was a discouragement to clandestine or hasty marriages ; though sometimes in case of distressing anxiety they were cried twice on the same day. In later years town clerks were sometimes selected for their loud, ringing voice that could enforce a hearing. Hardly would the minister's "Amen" be spoken, when he would cry out with startling loudness : "Hear ye people! This is the first publishment of intention of mar- riage between Mr. Jedediah S0-&-S0 and Miss. MehitaMe What's-Her- Name!" Of course everybody was amused, and little streams of gossip began to flow, and mysteries began to be explained, and sur- prise to be expressed; and, as generally in that day the parties were present, there was no lack of staring and quizzing and congratulating ! The records do not say which held possession 66 BEGINNINGS OF DIFFICULTIES WITH ENGLAND. of the mind, the Sermon, or the Publishment; nor how much the diversion differed in principle from the conversation of worshippers at the close of service in these days; — nor were the responses, " What fools ! " " I wouldn't have thought it ! " "Did you ever!" and such various contradictory opinions and interesting remarks on the part of the people, recorded by the Clerk in connection with his own important announcement- Sometimes the Scotch "dark" would add: "If on}- mou or moil's men has ony objections, let Mm speak noo, or forever haud his toongue!" In more recent years the publishment by " crying " was changed into publishment by posting a written notice to the same effect and in the same place. The writer well remembers the written publishments, — the beautiful penmanship, the expressions on observers' faces, and the fact not yet explained that young peoples' eyes turned first of all to the publishing board as they entered the House of the Lord ! Now there is no form of Tiublishment and no chance given to raise objections, as a license may be obtained in fifteen minutes, and the knot may be tied in half that time, and all unknown to the community ! Surely the old way is better. And Mr. Dickerman and Miss Richardson have the honor of heading in this town the long list of "noble swains and maidens fair" who have openly acknow- ledged their love to each other and faced the world together! May their happy successors multiply! No more is there the romance of the cabin, but love and devotedness and the sweet spirit of home are still the same ! This year (1774) the difficulties between Great Britain and the Colonies came to be alarming. For a long time there had been a quiet, and growing, though unintended, estrangement between the British government and the American colonies. The King was always ready to make what he could out of the Americans while, in wars with the French and Indians arising from his own foolish ambitions, these same American subjects were left to look out for themselves. Thoughtful men saw the beginnings of a struggle between the King and the colonies twenty years before a blow was struck. In 1760 George III. ascended the British throne which was already involved in a controversy with France, Soon after war was declared with THE STAMP ACT. 67 Spain, and a long struggle followed, much to the glory of the British arms. Peace was declared Feb. 16, 1763, all of Canada coming into the posession of England. But the expenses of the war were enormous, and the previous iiational debt was large, and the government was pinched for means. In this emergency, having drawn heavily upon the colonies one way and another before, . they -began to plan new, indirect ways of taxing the struggling people this side the water to pay the royal bills on the other side. On the plea, both wicked and false, that "the war had been waged chiefly on account of the colonies," and therefore that they shoiild chiefly bear its cost, the government excused itself for this course. And the plan was so agreeable that they soon proceeded to lay special taxes on America by law. The "Stamp Act" was passed Mar. 8, 1765, putting a tax by stamp on every newspaper, and every business document of every kind. They said it would be most "prudent to begin with small taxes, and to advance in pro- portion as it should be found the colonies would bear!" The passage aroused the colonies to resistance. In May following, the Legislature of Massachusetts, under lead of James Otis, called an "American Congress," the first ever known, to meet at New York "the first Tuesday of October following (Oct. 2, 1765)." New Hampshire was not represented, but pledged herself "to abide by the result." They met as appointed, and after deliberation published a " Bill of Rights " which, for its spirit of liberty and its denial of the authority of Parliament to "tax them without their consent," must have been "very interesting reading " to king and royalist ! Then, having pro- vided for a second congress, they adjourned. But the excitement and opposition to the Stamp Act increased. Pro- cessions of children marched with banners inscribed, " Liberty, Property, and No Stamps." Lawyers in some places resolved to "transact no business rather than buy a stamp." Merchants agreed to "send no orders to England" while the Act was in force. So loud and determined and universal was the resist- ance, that the law was repealed in Feb. 1766, being less than a year old. But this was not the end of efforts to tax the colonies. Various schemes to exact tribute continued to be 68 THE BOSTON TEA PARTY. tried; armed ships were sent into our ports and garrisons of soldiers into the larger cities, by way of intimidation; taxes were imposed on almost every import into this country ; a heavy duty was laid on tea; and on this last Lord North declared that " The king means to try the question with America." Accord- ingly in 1773 ship-loads of tea were sent so as to arrive at about the same time at most of our ports. Froni some ports it was sent back to England unopened and at once; in some ports it was landed in part but nobody dared attempt its sale ; in Boston it was thrown overboard by the "Boston Tea Party," Dee. 16, 1773. In retaliation the British government passed the "Bos- ton Port Bill," closing the port to all commerce, so that not even "a stick of wood or a barrel of flour could be brought in a row-boat from Cambridge." But this only aroused the resist- ance of the colonies to a higher point. Boston was then a commercial city (though not incorporated as such till 1822) of nearly 20,000 inhabitants, and soon began to suffer from its position; but contributions to feed the people were sent in from all the country. All the colonies felt the blow and took it to themselves. New Hampshire, from nearness and association, was greatly excited. Gifts were sent from many of these towns. In some places the day when the "Boston Port Bill" was to go into effect (June 1, 1774) was made a day of " mourning and public prayer." Some of the men of Frances- town, who had come here from the immediate vicinity of Boston, "remembered them that were in bonds as bound with them," and all were of one mind to resist this foreign tyranny to the bitter end and at whatever peril. But, besides these several arbitrary encroachments on the rights of the people, there had been other grievances, some of them of long standing, and involving considerable annoyance and irritation. Many of the royal governors, sent over by the king, were haughty, selfish, over-bearing, and cruel, and obnox- ious to the people. Under-officers were exacting and offensive. Everything had to be taken to England to be ratified, involv- ing Tedious and expensive delay. Laws were enacted which annoyed the people without bringing much benefit to the British government. Some of them were kept in force by way of intimidation; while laws for our relief or convenience seem THE PINE TREE LAW. 69 never to have been thought of; no effort being made, for example, to provide specie for circulation, so that while they were quite willing to assess taxes, the scattered settlers had no means of paying, except in produce or lumber. People in Francestown were at their wits' end to know how to pay their own local tax. Exchanges were generally made in kind, and payments "in rye at so much a bushel, or wool at so much a pound." Then there was the "Pine Tree Law," which was a constant annoyance in New Hampshire, and troubled the people of Francestown for many years. The king "Reserved" all pine trees over twelve inches in diameter. At the time of our early settlement Gov. Wentworth held the office of " Surveyor of the King's woods." being charged with the duty, either by deputy or in person, of marking all the trees "fit for the royal navy." This was a good office for the Governor, but the law was ex- tremely distasteful and annoying to the people. This lumber was the very kind which was most plentiful, and which the people needed to use. Many farms in eastern New Hampshire had no other lumber on them. And to have an official come in very pompously, and claim and mark every decent pine tree on his own land, was too exasperating to be borne. Every owner of land, before he could make any clearing, must, on his own ex- pense, have his lot surveyed and have the "Royal B" (Rex) stamped on all the " King's Trees." The penalty in the first instance was forfeiture of the timber which had been cut. Often through ignorance, or inability to meet the expense, the poor settlers had their lumber taken from them. In 1771 and 1772, this miserable law, which had been in force a half-century, was more strictly enforced than ever in this vicinity. Goffs- town. New Boston, Weare, and the eastern part of Francestown, contained a large amount of magnificent pine timber; and some-way the authorities were suspicious of encroachments upon it, and began to visit all the mill-yards on the Piscataquog, or branches, in search of contraband pine logs. Samuel Blodgett of Derryfield (afterwards Judge of the Court of Com- mon Pleas) was Gov. Wentworth's Deputy and Agent." Many owners, when they found themselves caught in the crime of having cut their own lumber on their own land, settled with 70 mudgett's bail. Blodgett on the best terms thej^ could. But several owners of logs in the Yard of Clement's Mills, Weare, refused to pay, and coolly ignored the Agent. Upon this Benjamin Whiting of HoUis, Sheriff of the County, and John Quigley of Frances- town, Deputy-sheriff, were sent to confiscate the property and make certain arrests, in the name of the King. Whiting had made himself well-hated by the people and two years later was summoned for trial as "an open and avowed enemy to his country;" and Quigley, having taken his oath as the king's officer, adhered to the royal cause and subsequently withdrew from this town, and from his kindred. These two started Tuesday, Apr. 13, 1772, "to serve the king's warrants," starting, ap- parently, from this place, and by crooked roads and hard spring travelling reaching the Mills in Weare toward sunset of the same day. They were on horse-back. Riding up to the house of a Mr. Mudget near the mills, -who was a leader in resisting payment, they arrested him, and would have taken him away. But here new questions arose, namely, where to take him and how to transport him. Night was coming on, and they were among strangers, and the opposition to their object was universal and bitter, — and it was no secret. Hence, as the hour was late, Mudget suggested that they let matters rest as they were till morning, when he would "appear, and furnish all necessary bail." So the Sheriff went to the tavern nearby and put up for the night. But Mudget's arrest was known in all directions in an hour ; and it is said that more than forty responsible men offered themselves as bail for him before morning. During the night, however, a crowd of exasperated pioneers met at Mudget's house, and determined on a slightly unusual method of giving bail. Some thirty young men blackened and disguised their faces, and followed Mudget to the tavern, just at the break of day. Silently they marched to Whiting's room ; and while the men stood at the door Mudget went in, and walked up to the Sheriff and told him the "bail" was ready! Whiting sprang out of bed, scolding about being called so early ; but before he could begin to dress, the men rushed in and began to give "bail" by laying the rod on his back! He snatched up his pis- tols and was in the act of firing when he was seized, and disarmed, and laid on his face on the floor ; and being held in mttdgbtt's bail continued. 71 that position, part of the men toolt hold of each foot and each hand, and lifted him up in the same horizontal position, from the floor, while the others came up in turn and crossed out their "account of logs cut, hauled & forfeited" upon his bare back ! He got his " Bail," — and he was not anxious to increase the amount ! But Quigley his Deputy, being in another room, and haying a little more time, fought desperately when they came to him; and he was subdued at last only by taking up the loose boards overhead and whaling him with long rods with which they reached him from above ! And after the King's officers had been severely punished and thoroughly humbled, their horses were led up to the door, bridled and saddled, with ears, manes and tails slashed in ways most grotes'que and orig- inal; and they were ordered to mount and depart! They refused, and instantly they were helped onto the horses in no very easy shape! Then they "whipped up" the horses, and started them off, in most sorry condition, followed by the shouts and insults of the crowd ! Without breakfast, sore, and lame and half-dressed, the home-journey looked somewhat discourag- ing! It was a new invention in the line of bail ! Sheriff and Deputy were madder, if not wiser than ever they had been before. Whiting, being the chief officer of the County, raged and threatened without ceasing, called out the military; and, with the escort of Col. Goffe of Bedford and some two hun- dred men under arms, he marched back to Weare. People were intimidated in appearance and very quiet, but the rioters were not there, and the angry Sheriff had the honor of march- ing back without accomplishing anything. Only one of the rioters was ever committed to jail for this offence, and that only for a short time. A few others were "suspected" of being among the number, and gave surety to appear in court; but none of them were ever punished so far as known except to the extent of a slight fine of twenty shillings each. It was a very grave offence ; but the state of the public mind was such as to wink at it, if not to justify it. Thus things continued unsettled; and though the colonies steadily grew in population and strength, they were burdened with hardships and embarrassments, and their hearts were more and more alienated from the mother . country. There were 72 RED COATS WERE SENT OVER. occasional or partial resistances to the King's officers all over the land. About the time of passing the "Boston Port Bill," referred to above, Parliament enacted a law removing from American courts the trials of royal officers for killing Ameri- can citizens, which meant the same as sure acquittal, and was denounced throughout the land as "the extreme of despotism." This was in 1774. All the summer soldiers were quietly sent into all the American ports to increase the garrisons already there. Tliat year there were eleven regiments of " Red-Coats " in Boston alone. And the more soldiers, the more was aroused the spirit of resistance to oppression. The several colonies conferred together and pledged mutual support! Each Pro- vince had its "congress;" and everywhere people met and deliberated. Town meetings were called. There was no thought of "independence," but of maintaining "their rights and liberties." Neighbors and friends met together and talked things over, and pledged themselves to resistance. Many such various and curious pledges have been found. Among them are those known as the "Frances Town Resolves," which were evidently written by the royal Deputy Sheriff Johir Quigley, whose name was first signed to them, or by some one in sympathy with him. They remind one of a modern political platform, — which is generally an effort to unite contradictory elements together. There was the resolve to "defend our liberties," — which all shouted for, coupled with that to assist the civil magistrates" (King's officers) in any act they should be called upon to execute, — which would vindicate the writer of the " Resolves." Thus, though devoted to liberty, all were yet loyal to the King. The resolutions giyen below, though ambiguous, and characterized by what politicians call "trim- ming," yet breathe the spirit of resistance to "oppressive Acts of persons in power "high or low. .T.T.a" Province of New Hampshire, County of Hillsborough Oct. 21, 1774. We the subscribers, beiuj;- Inhabitants of Frances Town, having taken into our most serious consideration the alarming affairs of this Country at the present day, do most firmly enter into the following Eesolutions, viz.: " FR ANCESTOWN RESOLVES." 73 1^'. That we will at times defend our liberties and privileges, both civil and religious, even to the risk of our fortunes; and will not only disapprove of, but wholly despise such persons as we have just and solid reasons to think wish us deprived of the same. 2°'' Eesolved, That we do abhor and abominate all oppressive Acts of persons in power, whether Magistrate or officer, whereby the poor are distressed, are unlawfully robbed of their properties in any unjust manner whatever; and we will always endeavor to treat them with such neglect and contempt as they justly deserve. 3* Eesolved, That we will at all times be ready to assist the Civil Magistrates due execution of their offices at the risk of our lives; And will at all times show our disapprobation of all unlawful pro- ceedings of unjust men congregating together as they pretend to maintain their liberties, and even trample under foot the very law of liberty, and wholly destroy that law our whole land firmly wish and desire to maintain. And we, 4tiiiy Resolved, They are bold despisers of Law, and that their pro- ceedings directly tend to the utter subversion of all regularity and good order among his Majesty's good subjects in this land. John Quigley Samuel Nutt Oliver Holmes Thomas Quigley Samuel Nicols Adam Dickey David Gregg Peter Christy William Stanett Thos. McLaughlin Robert Fulton Asa Lewis Nathan Fisher -Charles Mellon Daniel Clark John Balch WiUiam Holmes William Quigley William M" Masters Thomas Quigley Jr. Zachariah Whiting James Fisher Hugh Montgomery It will be noticed that these "Resolves" defend "liberties" at the "risk of fortunes" but "civil magistrates" at the "risk of lives; that they are worded with intenseness and such sharp, plenteous adjectives, as indicate that the writer was smarting from some cause; — and that only a part of the voters signed them at all. No doubt they were intended to be patriotic resolutions, though embodying a covert endorsement of Quigley in holding the office of Deputy Sheriff under the King. But they were in no proper sense "town" Resolves. Individuals began by saying, " We the Subscribers," and not the town, do resolve so and so. These resolutions were never before the town, — the town never voted upon them, and there never was 74 FIRST COUNTY CONGKESS. a record of any such thing in the town ; — but they were sent from here, and probably some clerk labelled them "Frances- town Resolves," under which title they appear in Provincial Papers, vol. VII. But, while these were not '■Hown" resolu- tions, it is suggestive, that in HoUis, resolutions of the same number and almost identical in language, were passed in public town meeting and entered upon their town Records. And HoUis was the home of High-sheriff Whiting the other "Royal Officer" that got the "switching" at Weare! Evidently all the " Resolves " were from the same pen and the same mind. Perhaps they were sent to all the towns to be acted upon, but were noticed, only where the humbled officers lived. The "Resolves" of certain individuals in Francestown are under date of Oct. 21, 1774: those by the town of HoUis are under date of Nov. 7, 1774. That the several colonies were thoroughly awake and substan- tially united, is shown by the fact that there were the Continental Congress, the Provincial Congress, and the County Congress, all consulting and working together for American interests, at the same time that the royal Governors had their various "assemblies" or legislatures. Add to this the town and neigh- borhood uprisings, and the boldness and openness of them all, — and we see it is no wonder the royal Gov. Wentworth saw a "hurricane" coming! The first "County Congress" in this part of New Hampshire was held in Amherst in Nov. 1774.. The town of Amherst, then the largest and most important town in the Count}^, has the honor of making the first move in this direction. Oct. 24, 1774, that town chose Delegates "to a County Congress," and instructed them to " take copies of this vote from the clerk and send to all the towns in the county that they shall think necessary, to constitute a County Con- gress." At once the call was sent out, and the object declared therein was, " To consult what measures should be thought best to restore peace and order in said County; and to take into consideration the grievances this County is supposed to lie under." VISITS, TO TORIES. 75 Up to this writing the roll and records of this, our first County Congress, have not been discovered. Probably there was no delegate from Francestown, this being then one of the youngest and smallest towns; and doubtless this town was classed with New Boston, as in choosing delegates to the Pro- vincial Congress. That town (New Boston) chose (Nov. 8, 1774) Dr. Jonathan Gove, George Cliristy and William Moor " Delegates to a County Congress at Amherst." Said Congress seems to have met on the afternoon of that day. Capt. John Stark, afterwards General, was a delegate from Derryfield, now Manchester. As the royal government was practically inoper- ative, except under force of soldiers and forts; and as peti- tions at that time say, "everything was in a state of nature," these County Congresses assumed considerable power at once, and prepared to assume more, if the safety of the people should require. This " First County Congress " seems to have arranged for the trial of tories, to have taken specially into consideration the case of "Benjamin Whiting, Esqr. as an open and avowed enemy to his country ; " to have chosen Benjamin Kendrick and Daniel Campbell, both of Amherst, a "Central Committee^" to call the next County Congress whenever they might consider it necessary ; and then to have quietly dissolved. As every act was treason, there might have been a policy in hiding, or destroying the records of this first session. During the whole of the year 1774, there was a sharp watch kept over any who still avowed their determination to stand by the King. It was customary to " visit " such parties from time to time. From twenty to three hundred men would go to such a man's house and demand a renouncement of his errors on the spot. Resistance meant a "coat of tar and feathers," and even loss of property and peril of life. Hon. Matthew Patten of Bedford, left a record in his Diary of such a "visit" Sept. 20, 1774, to Hon. Joshua Atherton of Amherst, then Register of Probate for this County. They threatened to "visit" Patten, if he would not go with them. Accordingly he went, and kept a record of the proceedings. Three hundred men waited near by, and sent a committee to bring Mr. Atherton before them. 76 DISCIPLINE OF TORIES. " He came to the people to the Court House, and he signed a Declaration and read it to the people, who accepted it. He invited them to go to Mr. Hildreth's and drink what they pleased." The Paper was long, plausible and fair, and " Sworn to be the sentiments of his heart Before Matthew Patten, Justice of the Peace." Many such " visits " are recorded, or referred to from time to time; and many such doubtless have passed into oblivion. During the latter half of 1774, and a year or two following, these interesting " visits " were most frequent. So exasperated were the feelings of the people that no outspoken loyalist was safe from violence. A ride on a rail, or as they termed it, "a free ride on a wooden horse," was no uncommon thing, and not very delightful, especially when accompanied with the laughter, derision and curses of many beholders. It is said that Rev. John Houston of Bedford and a few other conspicuous tories were treated to the "free ride." It is not certain that more than one such event ever occurred- in Francestown on account of tory proclivities. John Quigley, though chairman of the selectmen, was "treated" with a "free ride," probably in the spring of 1776. The ride was from Quigley 's house to the Maj. Holmes tavern. Tar and feathers were added, but, after well drinking together, they scraped off the tar, and parted good friends: They had applied only a little by way of warning ! And it seems that, before this, said Quigley was threatened with violence to person and property, and stood in so much fear that he formally applied to the Provincial Legislature at Exeter for protection ; and a record of their action in the matter is hereto subjoined: "Oct. 31, 1775. X X Upon the Representation of John Quigley Esqr. to this Congress, That he was afraid of being hurt in his Person or Estate by some People in the County of Hillsborough under pre- tence of his being an Enemy to his Country; and after some Enquiry in to the affairs, It is Resolved by this Congress, That it be recom- mended to the Committees of Safety in the said County to do their Endeavour to protect said Quigley from Damage in any respect for any past supposed bad disposition towards his country: And the good people in said County are desired not to disturb or molest him on. said account but suffer him in Quiet to enjoy his Estate and Freedom as other in- habitants of said County." MSCIPLIKB OF TORIES. 77 Quigley was at this time very popular as a man, in his own town; was Justice of the Peace; was builder of the new church ; was collector of the special tax ; was chairman of the Board of Selectmen; was land-surveyor; was, as before said, deputy sheriff; and was a capable, energetic and upright man. The confidence of the Francestown people in him was shown by the fact that he was chosen chairman of the Board of Selects men for the following year 1776, after all the charges made against him. Yet the result shows that with all his capacity and personal virtue, he was all the time at heart inclined to the royal cause. He was not a tory of the kind that would give tip liberty for the sake of royalty, but of the cautious, hopeful kind that would try to secure the liberties of the people with- out breaking with the King. Hence he was not so offensive as many others. And yet many suspected him, and things grew more and more uncomfortable for him. At the County Con- gress (May 24, 1775) a Committee was appointed to pass judgnjent on " John Quiglej' Esqr.," as appears from the fol- lowing paper: "Amherst July 13, 1775. Whereas the Delegates for the County of Hillsborough in the Pro- vince of New Hampshire, in Congress, appointed a Committee from several Towns to hear, examine and try John Quigley, Esqr. a person lately confined in the Jail at Amherst, on suspicion of being an Enemy to the liberties of America, and lately liberated from said Jail, but still behaves as an open and avowed enemy to the liberties of America: Said Quigley being notified of the time and place of trial did not appear; Ordered, That his contempt be recorded: And upon a full and fair examination of sundry evidences, we find him guilty of the several crimes laid to his charge, and we look upon him as a dangerous person to be sufEered to go at large ; and we do hereby caution all persons from all connections with him. David Badger, per order of Committee." But, before the State Committee of safety at Exeter, Quigley appeared meanwhile, and made a favorable impression, as he had previously in the same place before the Provincial legis- lature, — all which shows his ability and his fairness, though unwilling to resist the King. At this time he was recom- mended for a place in the army, even while countenancing measures of peace. An old record affirms this, as follows: 78 GUARDING AGAINST TOEIKS. "In Committee of Safety, Exeter July 19, 1775. Sir— The bearer hereof John Quigley Esqr. has met with difficulty, and thinks it unsafe for him to tarry at the place of his usual abode, by reason of a disaffection in some persons against him. We would recommend it to you, to take him into your company in the common service. Captain Timothy Bedel." From this it appears that he had expressed a willingness to enter the service. The same is indicated by the paper, given below, in which he stated his position to his own townsmen. It would appear also, writing from this distance of years, that our fathers sometimes over-did the matter of "judging tories," especially in cases of thoughtful and good men, like Quigley and Dr. Gove of New Boston, who claimed to be true to our liberties, while they thought it unwise and hopeless to take up arms against the King. There were the Provincial Congress, the State "Committee of Safety" with headquarters at Exeter, the "Committee of the County Congress" at Amherst, and the Town Committee, — of which more will be said. Sometimes these several committees came into sharp conflict, as encroach- ing upon each others' jurisdiction. In the case of Quigley, the Provincial Assembly or Legislative House, had exonerated him, and the " State Committee of Safety," as shown above had done the same thing, but the "County Committee," in his absence,, had condemned him. Very naturally, he then appealed to the "Town Committee" — a large committee of the leading and solid men of Francestown. He had previously appeared before them and been discharged for lack of evidence. This time they advertised the trial and called for all known proofs of act or circumstance. Quigley appeared, stated his case, put his statement into writing, and was honorably discharged, — all which appears in. the following papers, (Prov. Papers, Vol. VII, p, 564): " John Quigiey's Declaration, yrhereas there has been wickedly and maliciously raised and propagated against me, the subscriber, certain scandalous falsehoods, with an intent, as must be supposed, to cause the publick to view me in the odious light of an enemy to my Country; whereupon I declare that I COMMITTEE OP SAFETY. 79 never said or did anything with an intent to destroy the liberties of America, or to hurt the publick good, and am now ready to risk my life and fortune in defence of my Country's just rights, when properly called, as it always has been and still is my sincere wish to live in peace and harmony with my Country, and serious determination to promote to the utmost of my power the publick weal and tranquillity of the same, whose glory I view as closely connected with my own interest; and I hope my future conduct will prove the sincerity of my present declaration. John Quigly. Francestown July 26, 1775." " In committee of Safety. Francestown July 26, 1775. Kesolved, That the foregoing declaration of John Quigly Esqr., now laid before the Committe, is fully satisfactory to us, and we hope will remove any ill impressions that may have been made on the minds of the good people of this Continent, in consequence of his being com- mitted to jail or confined there ; as we put up an advertisement, desiring all persons that had anything to offer against said Quigly to bring it into us, and no proper evidence appearing to oppose the said Quigly, and it appearing to us that many false reports has been made and spread against said Quigly, and this being the second trial; we, upon examin- . ation, not finding just cause to deem him an enemy to this Country; therefore, it is our opinion that the said Quigly ought to be received and treated as a friend to his Country. Signed by order of the Committee William McMaster, Cler." This is the last record that I find concerning this case. It must have been very gratifying to Mr. Quigley, as coming from those who knew him best ; and still more gratifying must have been his election by his townsmen the following spring as chair- man of their board of selectmen. But while holding that office he left town never to return. Some supposed that, under an assumed name, he went into the army and fell in his country's defence, which he declared his willingness to do. This seems to be the most reasonable view of the case, though possibly he may have been "put out of the way;" or he may have fled into the King's dominions and made his way back to his kindred in the old country. Probably the mystery- concern- ing his fate will never be cleared up. 80 THIRD COUNTY CONGKBSS. I have thus gone over this case fully, because it was too much a matter of record in the public archives to be ignored^ and because on examination the course of Mr. Quigley seemed less discreditable than before; — and I thought this plain state- ment of facts was only an act of justice to the memory of an able, well-meaning and honored pioneer of the town. He was under special pressure, as having long been Deputy Sheriff, and more recently Justice of the Peace, under appointment of the King. Was the first Justice of the Peace this town ever had; and as such took his se.at as one of the "Judges of the Court of sessions" Dec. 1, 1774. Likewise at the terms of January and April 1775 his name is given among "The Honbl's present." Also, he was the Delegate from Frances- town to the "Second County Congress," held at Amherst Apr. 5, 1775, of which part of the roll was: "Doct. J. Gove, Esqr. Clark & Thomas Wilson, New Boston; Nathl. Switzer, Deer- ing; Esq'- Quigley, Frances Town." In this "Congress" Aaron Brown represented Peterboro', Francis Epes who after- wards lived in Francestown, represented Lyndeboro' and Society Land was not represented. It may be mentioned here that a " Third County Congress " was called at Amherst May 24, 1775, at which Oliver Holmes' was probably a delegate from Francestown. It has been said that a " Fourth Congress " was held in Amherst in July follow- ing the above, of which, however, there is no satisfactory proof. No records of it have ever been discovered, nor of the appoint ment of delegates to it. But of the " Third Congress," May 24*'\ a brief record was discovered not long since by Hon. E. D. Boylston of Amherst, among some old deeds held by the descendants of Daniel Campbell. This record indicates deliber- ation but not much action. They provided, however, for any emergency by choosing Campbell, Nevins, Lovewell, Neal, Barron, Martin, Hail, Simonds, Holmes, Searle, Webster, Adams, Bowman, Patten and Jones " a Committee to act on any affairs that may come before them, or any seven of them to be a corjam to act till further orders." This committee, in connection with the courts, seem to have done all that was necessary, till the formation of the State Government in January of the next year. RAISING THE MEETING HOUSE. 81 The year 1774, notwithstanding all public commotions and fears, and in spite of all hardships and privations, was in this new settlement a year of growth and improvement. The population steadily increased, so that when the new year came, they found themselves stronger and larger than they expected. They began to think and plan for larger things, and their increase and courage aroused them to go on with the erection of their meeting-house, even under all pending troubles. This appears as the most conspicuous thing, as we look into our town records for 1775. At the annual March meeting nothing more was done than the appointment of the ordinary town officers and transaction of the ordinary town business ; but a town-meeting was held Apr. 3, 1775 to take action with refer- ence to raising said house, for which long and weary preparations had been made. At this meeting they voted twelve pounds to pay the cost of raising, and chose "James Fisher, Enoch Holms, John Quigley, Thomas Mitchell and John Dickey Committee to find provision for reasing the meeting House," This first meeting house was raised June 8, 1775, and was barely covered during the year. A town meeting was called in it June 1, 1776, at which they "voted that the town Has Excepted the freame of the meeting Hous." This "freame" was all they had till 1788, as they were unable to finish it on account of the poverty and hardship of the war. But in the fall of 1787 the town directed the selectmen to "say whare thay Shall Buld hors sheads," and to " Draw a Plan" for finishing the inside of the meeting-house. And the town voted in public meeting Nov. 28, 1787, to "Finish the Gallerrys affter the Form of the meeting House in Deed- ham that this meeting house was Pland by," and to "Sell the Pew ground in order to Finish s*. House." Dec. 27th following they chose Isaac Lewis,- Benj. Dean and Jabez Holmes a committee to sell said "Pew Ground," — and one of the conditions of sale was as follows : " The Pews Shall be Set up one at a time and to be struck of to the Highest Bider he having his Choice and that to be his Real Property to Dispose of as he Shall think proper so Long as s* meeting House Shall Last." 82 SELLING THE PEWS. During the winter (1787-8), therefore, the work of finishing the meeting-house inside went on ; and as every piece had to be got out by hand and help was scarce, much time was occupied; and it was not till the summer of 1788, that the undertaking was completed and the pews deeded. Enoch Holmes bid off the first choice in open town meeting for " 10 pounds and 10 shillings." There were 28 large square pews sold on the lower floor, and the buyers were as follows in the order given : — Enoch Holmes Thomas Bixby Thomas Mitchell James Fisher John Dickey John Carson Samuel Dickerman Zach. Richardson Zach. Whiting Israel Balch John Nichols Maj. Holmes James Hogg Isaac Lewis William Starrett Capt. Ewell William Lord Isaac Brewster Jabez Holmes Nat'. Sleeper Jona". Patch David Starrett Asa Bixby Peter Woodbury * Simeon Dodge Samuel Nutt Josh*. Huntington Elias Fairbanks. For six months preceding the breaking out of the Revolu- tion, the feeling grew in thoughtful minds that the end would be war. Foreign soldiers were pouring in upon us, and in every city it was with difficulty that collisions were avoided. Hence military stores began to be collected and secreted by the patriots in various out-of-the-way places. On the night of Dec. 14, 1774, Maj. John Sullivan, commanding a company from Portsmouth and vicinity surprised Fort William and Mary in the harbor of that city, and carried off all its ammunition and small guns, from which subsequently the New Hampshire soldiers were furnished in part for the battle of Bunker Hill. At the beginning of 1775, or before, the British began in earnest to plan the capture or destruction of these military stores. They were on the watch for them ; but never could find out anything, unless tories secretly revealed their place of concealment. Their argument was, that if they could prevent the accumulation of guns and powder and provisions, there * This meeting-house history is given for convenience a little out of the order of time. BATTLE OP LEXINGTON. 83 would not be any serious outbreak. But while the British were watching, the patriots were on the alert. They did not mean to be taken by surprise. They made arrangements by means of signal lights, firing guns, fleet riders, and vigilant sentinels, to convey immediate intelligence of any movement of British troops. "Minute-men," — men ready to start at a "minute's notice" to meet the foe, — were drilled in little squads all over New England, the old soldiers of the war with the French and Indians performing this service, and taking their places in the ranks. Early in April 1775 Gen. Gage, the British commander in Boston, having learned that the patriots had collected military stores to considerable extent in Concord, Mass., determined on a secrect expedition to seize them. Con- sequently, on the evening of Apr. 18, 1776, he despatched Major Pitcairn with eight hundred men for this purpose. They started under cover of the darkness and marched silently through the night, arriving at Lexington on the way to Con- cord, a little before sunrise on the morning of the 19th. But someway the patriots in Boston got knowledge of the intended movement, gave the signal, and aroused the scattered settlers along the line of march; so that the "minute-men" hurried to the scene and saved most of the military stores by timely re- moval of them. Yet it was not without bloodshed. A company of about' seventy farmers confronted Pitcairn on Lexington green, and immediately, the British fired upon them and eleven patriots fell dead. It was the first blood of the Revolution! Then the British hurried on to Concord, and, failing of their object there, at once began a retreat. But the patriots followed and hung upon them, firing from every secret place, till the red-coats, tired, hungry and bleeding fairly ran for life and would have been all shot down but for a re-enforcement of twelve hundred men sent out from Boston under Lord Percy. A British writer said that when Percy met his flying comrades, "their tongues were hanging out of their mouths, like those of dogs after a chase." By sunset of Apr. 19, they got back into Boston, exhausted, ashamed and mad, if not wiser; having been outwitted and defeated by the "rude farmers," and having lost nearly three hundred men, most of them left dead or fatally wounded in the road ! 84 THE COtrKTRY AKOtTSED. At this event the wonder and rage in England knew no bounds. Among the colonies the tidings flew into the remotest corners, as if borne by the lightnings or the wind. Minute- men from all directions hurried toward Boston. The war had begun. The scattered men and boys of Society Land hurriedly met together at Dea. Aikens in Antrim, coming from what is now Hancock, Greenfield, Bennington, Antrim, Deering and west part of Francestown, and under command of Capt. Isaac Butterfield, started to meet the foe. This, town was not want- ing in that mighty enthusiasm of courage and liberty. It is believed that quite a number of men in the east part of the town started, in connection with others from New Boston and Lyndeborough, on the same errand of defence for liberty. As a consequence of the breaking out of war, many projects of settlement here were abandoned for a time. The heroic determination to defend their homes and rights, was coupled with great uncertainty, all which tended, of course, to hinder improvements, and check the growth of every frontier town. Nobody could tell what would occur in the near future. The people were led to fear the inroads of Indians from Canada as in the former war. It was a dark day. At once, after the Battle of Lexington, a town-meeting was called here to talk over the great struggle and take needed action. The warrant was posted on the door of James Fisher's barn, where religious meetings were held still in cold weather, probably because warmer than the unfinished church. Some of the Deering people came here at that time to attend divine service. When they came out from meeting, some one called attention to the warrant, and specially to the fact that it was " in His Majesty's Name," — upon which James Aiken of Deering began to spit on it, and shouted "All ye spit on it;" — which they proceeded to do with very generous effusions ! The warrant was soaked and fell to pieces! And the town-meeting was delayed for some time. At a town-meeting May 16, 1775, it was voted "to pay the money that was spent by the men that went to the armey back to them again," and we find mention of the " expense part of the town Hess ben at in going to the armey;" — which shows that the men of COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. 85 Francestown actually marched to the front immediately after the Battle of Lexington, as the warrant for the meeting was dated Apr. 29, only ten days subsequent, giving time for the march and the return. It shows also the forwardness and enthusiasm of the people. They voted their first money for the war May 15, 1775, only a few days after the first blood of the Revolution was shed! At the March meeting of this year no tonn committee of Safety was chosen, there being a good supply of such com- mittee of the State and of the County. But a meeting was called June 10, 1775, " to chuse a Committee to Examine and try aney person or persons that are or Shall be Suspected of being Enemies to the Country." They chose as this committee, ' John Dickey Enoch Holmes Charles Mellon James Fisher Thomas McLaughlin William Starrett William McMaster. It must be conceded that this was summary and vigorous action, Francestown was one of the "two towns" referred to in the records of the "Third County Congress" as not having their "Committee of Safety;" but when they did act it was in a most decided way. It was a committee of determined men, and they made preparation, to carry out the intent of the above vote. At this point, however, some one raised the ques- tion, whether said Committee was legally chosen, as it was not at the usual time of appointing town officers, and conferred unusual powers upon them. Some may liave questioned the authority of ' the self -constituted County Congress which urged this action of the town. At any rate, the matter was talked over, and some were dissatisfied ; and the selectmen decided to refer the matter to outside parties. ' The town record speaks of these referees as meeting at the "House of John Carson Inholder in said francestown," and names the decision they reached; but the following paper, found elsewhere, explains the case more fully. 86 APPEAL TO THE STATE COMMITTEE. " Whereas it has been falsely reported that the Committee of Safety for Franeestown were not fairly and legally chosen, and by reason of said report the publick were dissatisfied with the proceedings of said Committee; where upon, We, the Selectmen of said Frances- town, judged it our duty to call in some disinterested persons to determine the matter, and thereupon sent to the Committees of Safety for two neighbouring Towns, who, when convened, unanimously voted and agreed that Said Committee were fairly and legally chosen, and had good right to act in all cases for the safety of said Franeestown, and that their proceedings and determinations are and ought to be as valid as the proceedings and determinations of any Committee of Safety in any Town whatever. Signed by order of the Selectmen. William McMaster, town clerk.'" Franeestown July 12, 1775. The "two neighboring towns" named above were Weare and New Boston and the conclusion at which they arrived was ',' after Strick Inqhurry being mead." Six days later the three Com- mittees met at New Boston, for consultation in view of the disorganized and alarming state of affairs ; and they determined to appeal to the State officials, which appeal was as follows: — "To the Honourable the Provincial Congress, Council of War, or Com- mittee of Safety sitting at Exeter in & for the Province of New Hampshire. Gentlemen — We the Subscribers being Committees of Safety for our respective Towns think it our indispensable Duty to remonstrate to you Gentl" as the Guardians of our Province the malaucholly and unhappy Scituation of our Country by Reason of a Number of Disorderly Persons who lying aside all Reason and Rules prescribed by You Gente™ and the Wisdom of the Continent, have set themselves as it were in Battle Aarray against all Order; and pursue with hasty steps the very road to Con- fusion and Effusion of Blood and therefore from such unnatural Behavior fearing the worst of Consequences if not speedily prevented and conscious we have done everything in our Power hitherto within our proper spheres of Action to prevent a Consequence so horrible in its Nature and so utterly subversive of Peace and Unity and seeing the dreadful Eve of domestick War now blackening over our heads we now avail our-sch'es of the last Effort in applying to You Gentl" in whom this Province has reposed so much Confidence, humbly beseeching You in your great "Wisdom to point out Some more effectual Method than has heretofore been taken, that all Persons who have been fairly and impartially examined and Justly and honourably acquitted of the odious Names Tories and Enemies to their Country may rest in Peace for the ORGAlSrXZING THE MILITIA. 87 future and have an Opportunity by their good Behaviour to prove to the World what Malice itself must acknowledge and applaud and unless some such Method be Speedily taken (in our opinions) our Country will soon discover that Committees of Safety- are but Empty Names and the Distress of Nations our only Asylum and Place of Kesort If the Above Eemonstrances should appear to you Gentl" Keasonable and worthy of Notice Your Compliance therewith will conf err very great obligations on Gent" Your most obed' hbe Serv**. New Boston July 18, 1775. Charles mellen, John Dickey James Fisher } ^°^^f^^*^ of William mc master, Thos McLaughlin { ,. ^^"^y ° ) tor Francestown James mcFarson, William Moor ) Committee Daniel mc allester | for New Boston AVilliam Dustan, Timothy worthley \ Committee Ebenezer Bagley, Sam Philbrick \ for Weare " It will be noticed that Enoch Holmes and William Starrett, two members from Francestown, did not sign this "Remons- trance," though undoubtedly in full harmony with it. The Paper is suggestive of the fearfully disturbed state of affairs. The Committees of Safety of adjacent towns often met together for advice, and help. The day before the meeting at New Boston, named above, the committees of Goffstown, Derryfield, Merrimac, and Bedford met at the latter place, and one of them wrote in his diary: "We broke up the next morning after day-break." An all night session! Thus the perils of our fathers were met with the most ready and inflexible determin- ation to maintain their liberties ! In the spring of 1775, about two months before the date of the above "Remonstrance," the New Hampshire Legislature, then called the "Provincial Congress," had recommended to the towns to choose delegates, to meet in each county for the purpose of organizing the militia for any emergency. No trace of, any action by this town upon the matter is found in our records; but Merrimac held a town meeting (June 19, 1775,) " to choose a Committee to meet the Committee of the neighboring towns in order to choose Field Officers for Regulating the Militia, as is recommended by the Provincial Congress." Probably other towns took the same action, But Francestown was divided in opinion as to the wisdom of this action and no official steps were taken in regard to the "Recommendation." OS DISSATISFIED PETITIONERS. A few, howevei', met, at a later date, and chose delegates to an adjourned meeting of this military-neighborhood-congress. But this was not agreeable to all the town, as appears from the following "Petition," found at the State-House: "To the honourable the Provincial Congress who set at Exeter in and for the Colony of New Hampshire Gent" — The Pettition of us the Subscribers being Inhabitants of Francist"" Humbly Shewcth that about a AVeek since there Came a Letter to s"* Town Sighn'd by Samuel Patten Chairman in behalf of the Committees of Goffstown Derrifield & Bedford the Contents of which were as fol- lows (viz) That they had met at Goffstown on ye 10 of this present Month to Consult upon Several Matters recommended by the Con- tinental and Provincial Congresses relating to the Militie and to enquire into the State of Col: Goffs Regiment & have recommended it to this Town to meet and Chuse their Militie OflBcers before the 21»' of s'' Month at which time they required the Officers Chosen to meet at Goffstown to Chuse their Field officers which we humbly Conceive is Contrary to the Advice of the Continental Congress Neither did we know by what authority they were about to Regulate s" Regiment wherefore the Majority of s'' town Judged it unnecessary to pay any Regard thereto but a Small Part of s'' town assembled according to the Venire above mentioned & made choice of Persons intirely contrary to the sense & meaning of the town in General therefore your Petitioners humbly pray that s^' men may not be Confirmed untill the Town has an Opportunity of makeing a fair & regular choise and then we shall esteem it in the highest Regard our indispensable Duty tacitly to acquiece in the Ueterniinations of this Honorable Congress and Your jjbie Pettitioners as in Duty Bound Shall ever Pray — Francestown Agust the 21^' 1775 Thomas Quigley .John CarSon Jams ADams John Dickey Sam" Nutt Thomas McLaughlin James Fisher Thomas Quigly Jun' "\Mlliam nic mester Archibald Cunningham thomas mellen adam Dickey William Quigly William Cristey Robert Fulton Charles Mellen Hugh morel The Small party which carried on the Meeting afforesaid did not exceed Ten in Number exclusive of the Officers some of which had No Right to Vote " What the result of this petition was, it is now impossible to state, as no account of the matter has been found in the town or Provincial records, and no account of the Goffstown military CONCEENING MILITARY OFFICERS. 89 meeting is known. Yet it appears that there was such a meet- ing held about the time of the date of the foregoing petition, that Francestown was represented, and was presumably repre- sented by the men to whom the objection was made, and that these men were Isaac Lewis and Benjamin Sleeper. It appears further that the meeting made choice of regimental officers, and that the Provincial Congress for some reason did not "confii'm" their choice, but made changes which were offensive. All this is shown by the following petition. " To Colonel Daniel Moor of Bedford- Worthy Sir We the subscribers inhabitants of several different towns in your Eegiment who was Nominated and chosen for officers in the same; Take this opportunity to make known to your Honour some of our grievances wherein we are Depriv* of our Libertys. About the 20"^ of August last we met at M"^ Kelleys innholder in Goff es- town (which no Doubt S"^ you remember very well) in order to Chuse our field officers which we effected; and Chose Col. John Stark Chief Col your self Lieu' Co' one M' Gilman first Maj"^ Lieu' Sam' Caldwell Second Ditto which was all Returned to the Honor^ Congress for their Confirmation. But for wise ends they saw cause to seet Co' Stark aside which made room for the advancement of all the rest of our choice which was done by said Congress: Lieu' Caldwell onley excepted and seet aside: and others put in 'his place: that we never had any Consairn with, nor never Desins to have: Which Doings we look upon an impo- sition upon him, but moore so upon us (Pray wheres the Liberty so much talk^ of now a days) Therefore resolved: that if the said Caldwell (which was our Choice) is not put into the vacancy that was maid by the advancment of the rest: we for our part shall Decline having any Consairn in said regi- ment under any other person thats put in that place: Therefore s' we recommend it to you to use your influence to get our Choice established: and if done we your friends and humble Serv' will serve cheerfully if required — Ye 15'" September 1775 Cap' Georg Haddley 7 ^y^^^ Cap' John Duncan, Society, [Antrim] Nathaniel Fifield | Cap' George Cristy } ^^^ Boston Isaac Lewis ) ^rancistown ^'""^Z" S"Vi . . " Benj* Sleeper) Thomas Caldwell, Dunbarton." This being a militia, and not an enlisted, regiment,- no record is at hand to determine the result of this action. Most of the parties did however, subsequently enlist and serve their country faithfully in the field. 90 CENSUS OF 1775. Less than a month after this the selectmen reported (Sept. 20, 1775), " Fire-arms wanting in the town — 11." Every male in town from 16 to 65 inclusive was required to be armed; but some boys were not yet provided for, and a few probably were unable to procure guns, or more than one in a family. A census of the state was taken again in 1775, showing a considerable increase of population. Some towns in this vicin- ity were as follows in point of number of people; Londonderry (second town in the State), 2590: Bedford, 495; New Boston, 569; Peterboro', 549 ; Lyndeboro', 713 ; Hellsboro', about 150 ; and Society Land, 177. This last included Antrim, Hancock, Bennington, and the western and larger part of Greenfield. An old letter to the State Committee of Safety dated Nov. 21, 1775, "estimates" the population of some towns not returned at that date, which estimate puts Hillsboro, 180, and Society Land 220, and other towns as much out of the way. The population of Antrim, then a part of Society Land was about 75. Francestown returned a population of 200, as follows: • " Males under sixteen years of age 55 Males from 16 j^ears to 50 Not in the Army 37 AH males above 50 years of age 7 Persons gone in the Army 9 All Females 92 Negroes and Slaves for Life 00 200." It will be seen by this, that there were no old people in town, and that more than one-fourth of the whole population were boys under 16 years of age. On this basis there would be about 250 boys in town under sixteen at the present time; and if there were as usual about the same number of girls, it would make a population of 500 persons under sixteen, in which case there would be no lack of scholars for the Academy without the help of other towns. Then considerably more than half the whole population was under sixteen years of age ! Every house was full of children. Few events of any special importance require to be narrated here for the fall and winter of 1775-1776. Washington had taken command of our army besieging the British in Boston, July 3, 1775, and the British evacuated Boston Mar. 17, 1776. THE ASSOCIATION TEST. 91 In these frontier towns the struggle to support life engaged every attention. Land was to be cleared in preparation for the coming year. The scattered people labored constantly, and with intense application; but everywhere it was with the silent deteimination to maintain their liberties, and with the presenti- ment that great struggles and great changes were at hand. For the year 1776 the town records are very brief, the war- rants and transactions of the voters under them for three town meetings, transcript of a road, record of births and deaths, and record of a citizen's cattle-mark on the " Near Hoarn," all being written on three pages. Consequently we must look elsewhere for information, as we have largely in previous years. The usual town officers were chosen (Mar. 18, 1776), and John Dickey, James Fisher and Thomas McLaughlin, three sturdy Scotchmen, were appointed "Comraittey of Safety or Inspec- tion." A town meeting was called June 1, 1776, (the first town meeting in the church), " to act upon a paper Sent to this town from the Committee of Steat Safty in this Collony;" but we are not told what this "paper" was, and no action upon it appears on the record. The " Association Test " had been sent to "the Selectmen of each town in the Colony," for sig- nature; and probably this was the "paper" referred to. In most towns the selectmen simply presented the paper to each man separately to be signed ; but as the chairman of the board in Francestown at this time was not in sympathy with extreme measures, a meeting was called for public action. It was not called in the usual way and the warrant was not signed by the selectmen, but by " John Quigley, Select Clerk." I have not been able to find any return of signers from Francestown. Mr. Quigley being highly esteemed among the people, and chairman of the selectmen, no doubt quietly neglected to make return, and no one felt like taking the matter up in apparent censure of him. Francestown was loyal and true, but small ; and was fully occupied in meeting the struggles of a new settlement. The "paper" sent to other towns, and undoubtedly to this town, was as follows : 92 ASSOCIATION TEST CONTINUED. " Colonj- of Xew Hampshire, In Committee of Safety, Apr. 12th 1776. In order to carry the underwritten Resolve of the Hon'ble Continental Congress into Execution, you are requested to desire all Males above twenty one years of age (Lunaticks, Idiots, and Xegroes excepted) to sign to the Declaration on this Paper; and when so done, to make Return thereof, together with the Name or Names of all who shall refuse to sign the same, to the General Assembly or Committee of Safety of this Colony. M. "Weare, chairman." The "underwritten Resolve" vfas to disarm all persons "notoriously disaffected to the cause of America" and all that would not "sign to the Declaration on this Paper." The "Dec- laration" was in these words: " We, the Subscribers, do hereby solemnly engage, and promise, that we will, to the utmost of our Power, at the Risque of our Lives and Fortunes, with Arms, oppose the Hostile Proceedings of the British Fleets and Armies against the United American Colonies." This was called the " Association Test." It was three months before the Declaration of Independence, and was an open act of treason against the most powerful government on earth. In the whole state 8199 persons signed "The Test," and 773 refused to sign. Of these last, some were Friends, who were loyal to America, but by profession opposed to bearing arms ; some were aged, or sick, or disabled, so as not to have power to fulfil the pledge; and a few were too timid to sign. Thus the number of actual tories in New Hampshire was small. And only a part of this small number were open or dangerous enemies. Indeed this State was so fully and universally loyal to freedom, that many tories were sent here from New York for imprisonment, the jail at Amherst being generally about full of them during the war. Nor is it strange that some cautious and conscientious per- sons should shrink from signing such a sweeping oath. It meant death and confiscation of property, to every man, if the cause failed! It shows the heroism and determination of our fathers ! And no doubt the cause was stronger in our state than indicated by these numbers (8199-773) because, Avh'ile some of the older and life-long subjects of the King hated MILITARY MATTERS. 93 formally to break their allegiance, those under twenty-one years of age -were, without exception, full of enthusiasm for America and liberty. Every man in Society Land (i. e. Antrim, Han- cock & Bennington) signed the paper. In Deering 33 signed and 2 refused to sign. In Hillsboro' 35 signed and one refused. In New Boston 108 signed, including Rev. Solomon Moor, the Pastor of the church, and none are reported as refusing to sign. In Weare 131 signed, and 41, all "called Quakers," refused to sign. These returns furnished the state government a basis on which to calculate their strength, and also gave them infor- mation as to the number of tories, and who and where they were. The year 1776 closed with very dark prospects for the patriots. The British had been driven out of Boston, but had captured the city of New York, and had gained an important victory over Gen. Putnam on Long Island (Aug. 27, 1776.) They had also gained a practical victory in the drawn battle of White Plains. The British outnumbered the Americans three to one, and had all resources in abundance, while the patriots were scantily supplied. Washington retreated across New Jersey into Pennsylvania with a, small following of faithful men. Our few forces invading Canada in the early part of 1776 had retreated before superior ntfmbers. Many of our best soldiers had died there with small-pox. And besides 'all this the Americans were poor and their means of supply were so nearly exhausted that they knew not wheie to look for more, And, then, as the soldiers had enlisted only for short terms, every now and then a company would return- home. In this way the American army continued to diminish, so that Wash- ington had scarcely more than three thousand men under his command. Hence Congress planned to enlist men for three years or "for the war." New Hampshire was to raise three regiments, to be under Colonels, John Stark, James Reed, and Enoch Poor. Soon after. Poor, the junior-officer, was promoted over Stark, to be Brigadier-General, — which so offended the latter that he left the service. Reed lost his eye-sight; and the regiments were commanded by Colonels, Joseph Cilley, Nathan Hale, and Alexander Scammell. The humble part of this town in these affairs of the war, will be narrated in the chapter on our military record. 94 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. This year thus darkly drawing to its close was characterized by the Declaration of Independence, as the year of our begin- ning as a nation. Said Declaration was adopted July i, 1776. News travelled so slowly that it was not till the 10th of July, that it was received by the army near New York. A paper of that time says it "was received everywhere with loud huzzas, and the utmost demonstrations of joy. The news reached New Hampshire on the 18th of July, ■ and in many places was publicly announced to the people, by salute, or drum-beat, or public reading or by all these together. In some places in New England, it was read by the minister in the pulpit and put on record by the town clerk. But the gloom with which this year was closing was relieved somewhat by the Victory at Trenton. Washington began his march 3 P. M. Dec. 25th; reached the Delaware at dark; and crossed the swollen stream in the night, a night cold, bitter and fiercely snowing. They were all over and commenced at four o'clock in the morning a forced march of nine miles to Trenton in the face of a blinding storm of snow and sleet; surprised the Hessians at sunrise, and captured twelve hundred men with all their arms and supplies, and without the loss of a man! Bancroft the historian says, '■'■that victory turned the shadow of death into the morning." It brightened the closing year, but it was not known in New England till a week of the new year had passed. Washington in person commanded one division, and Gen. Sullivan of New Hampshire the other. Stark led the van of Sullivan's division, and New Hampshire men had a prominent part in the terrible suffering of the march, and the short, sharp, desperate battle which' followed. Again for 1777 the four-and-one-half pages of town record give us only a glimmer of light. Tliere were five town-meet- ings during the year, chiefly with reference to the affairs of the war, — all which will appear in a subsequent chapter on military matters. They "Voted one Hundred and twenty pounds Lawful! money" to every man Avho would enlist from the town for three years or "During the present Ware," which consider- ing their poverty and the smallness of their number, was greater than any town bounty offered in the late war. Several Francestown men took turns with each other in going to the FIRST "WAEBANT IN NAME OF THE STATE. 95 front. Sometimes a father would go six months and then a son six months. Sometimes one neighbor would go a year and another the next year, — the one staying at home carrying on both farms and earing for both families. Thus an enlistment would be to "fill a uniform." Apr. 7, 1777, the town " voted to Chouse 5 of a Committee to receive the accoumpts and prisse the turns of the men that Has ben into the Searvice AVith out aney town bounty." The committee chosen for this purpose was David Lewis, Samuel Nutt, Oliver Holmes, John Dickey and William Star- rett. Then July 22 following they voted an additional bounty to soldiers who would enlist for two months in the regiments then being raised to resist Burgoyne. Sept. 29 they renewed this offer to all then enlisting. One cannot read the brief record of this year without being impressed with the self-sacrificing, unfaltering, noble patriotism of this little frontier town ! Mar. 10, 1777, came the first annual meeting called in the name of the "Steat of New Hampshire," the name previously being "His Majesty's Province of New Hampshire." At this meeting also, they chose David, Lewis "town tressherer, — and he has the honor of heading the list of these distinguished money-officers of Francestown. Before this the 'town's money had been held by the constable or by the selectmen, according to ■ convenience. Mair. 24, 1777, there was a special town- meeting to vote for County oiificers, (the first mention of any vote of the kind;) but neither the number of votes, nor the candidates voted for, are named on the record. At the same time they " voted to Chouse a Committee to act in bhafEe of the town upon the bond given by John Quigley for fullfllment of the meeting House not being flnisshed according to bargain." Quigley was believed to be a tory, and things were made so uncomfortable for him that he left town without carrying out his contract; but probably his friends settled the matter up, as we hear no more about it, after the action of this committee. In a "New Proportion for Taxes" Sept. 1777, for "each one thousand pounds" the part to be paid by Francestown was 96 DELEGATE TO CONVENTION. £3-12s-ll l-4d. or about one two-hundred-and-seventy-fifth part. Antrim paid only l<£-5s-10d. Deering 3j£-0s-8 l-2d. New Boston 7X-3s-9d, the " Old Town " having less than twice the valuation of this town, showing that in spite of taxes, privations, dangers and the hardships of a new settlement in the wilderness, Francestown was steadily gaining in numbers and resources. The records of 1778 begin with the annual meeting Mar. 23, at which they chose William McMaster town clerk, who served only about a month, suddenly died, and was succeeded by Henry Parkinson. They also continued David Lewis in the office of " Tressherer." At the same meeting they "voted the Select men is to be the Committee to purtich a miness- terial Lot if there Can be an upertunity suebel," it being the custom for every town to give its first minister a farm, or land enough when cleared to make one, as ministers were expected to settle for life, and to own their homestead like other men. An article had been put into the warrant for this annual meeting to see if the town would "Vote part of Francestown to the Society Land " ; which article was immediately dismisssed. The record gives no indication as to what was the object of this move, or who was its author. Apr. 21, 1778, a town meeting was held at the "house of Lieut. Oliver Holmes Inholder," to see if they would abate the tax of William Dickey, then in the army, and " to adjourn said Meeting till twelve o'clock on s" Day to the House of Kobert McGaw Inholder in New boston to Join with the Inhabitants of s" New boston to Chuse a Man " for delegate to a convention to form a constitution for the state. No record is given of this meeting at the " House of Robert McGaw," but from other sources we learn that they made choice of Archibald McMillan of New Boston to represent both towns. The Convention was held at Concord June 10, 1778, It formed a constitution and sent it out to the people in June 1779 ; but it was rejected by the popular vote. This town was very decided against it. But the need of some change was so great that the NEW STATE CONSTITUTION. 97 House of Representatives voted (Mar. 28, 1781,) to call an- other Convention "to settle a Form of Government." The first constitution of New Hampshire had been adopted (Jan. 5, 1776,) " to continue during the present unhappy and unnatural contest with Great Britain." This was the first constitution adopted by any of the Colonies. But it was intended only as a temporary compact, and was not adapted to the demands of the people. The first effort to change it having failed, the second convention began its work in Concord the first Tuesday in June 1781. May 7, preceding, Francestown voted not to send a man to this convention. Nearly forty towns in the state took the same action, or did not act at all, many towns feeling too poor at that time to help pay the expenses. But the Convention went at its work and sent out a New Constitution. But this also, known as the "consti- tution of 1781," was rejected by the people. The House of representatives voted, Jan. 10, 1782, before the re-assembling of the convention, recommending to them to adjourn and "in the mean time to issue precepts to the Towns & places not repie- sented in said Convention to send Delegates thereto." According the Convention re-assembled on the "Fourth Wednesday of January 1782," and adjourned to the "third Wednesday in August following." To this second call for delegates, no refer- ence appears on our town records. But the town "voted (Mar. 11, 1782) to have the old Committee take the plan of government into firther Consideration," with a view to suggest- ing amendments. Whether any thing ever .resulted from this vote, does not appear. The Convention assembled according to adjournment, and after making some changes, sent out the amended constitution to the people. But this second constitu- tion was rejected. Then the Convention adjourned till the "first Tuesday in June 178S, at whicli time they proceeded to draft a '■Hliird Constitution," and this last named effort was adopted by the people, as it came nearer to their wishes, and as they were well tired of conventions. There is no record of any action by this town on this last constitution. It has usually been called the " constitution of 1784," because though 98 FINISHING OUTSIDE OF THE MEETING HOUSE. adopted the previous year, it was not to go into effect till the "first Wednesday in June 1784." The Convention which formed it was a remarkable one, having been in existence two and one-half years, and having had seven sessions, some of them of great length, reminding one of a modern session of our Legislature. But the old Convention is ahead in this respect, that it did accomplish some good in the end ! Returning now to the year 1778, we find a town-meeting Apr. 17th "to get two men" to fill the quota of Francestown in the army; and they appointed Capt. John Carson to enlist the men. Apparently they left him to make such terms as he could; but, whatever the cost he was to "get these two men." The people were determined to do their part. May 25, 1778, there was a town-meeting to see what they would do about finishing the outside of the meeting-house. Before this for three years it had been barely covered, a mere shelter from wind and rain. There was nothing inside but a few rude benches for seats, not even a platform for the speaker. The outside looked like a barn, and rough at that. But this year by vote of the town the outside finish was put on. The house was cheap and plain, without steeple, or any imposing features. Another town meeting was held (Nov. 23, 1778,) to see if the town would paint the church. This meeting was, for some unknown reason, declared illegal, and another meeting was called (Feb. 22, 1779,) to act on this and other matters. At this last meeting they renewed the action of the former, i. e. they "voted not to purchase Oil to colour the Meeting House." They felt too poor. It was a hard struggle to get a house for worship. But they "Voted to purchase latches and Handles & a Lock for the Meeting House," showing that hitherto they had felt unable to purchase even such needful things as these ! At this meeting also they " voted to abate the poll Rates of the Men that were in the Service the Year 1776," and to "give the men that went to Stillwater and Sarahtoga five Dollars a Month," showing their great appreciation of these services in that, so long afterwards, and out of their poverty, they were willing to pay these additional sums. And it is an item to the great REGULATING PRICES. 99 credit of the patriotic fathers of this town that the State Treas- urer (Dec. 24, 1779,) in assessing the State tax "discounted forty-two pounds on account of Bounties paid soldiers by said Francestown," But in July of this year (1779) came a call for two soldiers to fill a new quota from this town. A meeting was called at once to meet this demand, At this meeting (July 15, 1779) James Harriod enlisted, and the town voted to give him " 100 Busshels of Eie for serving one Year in the Continental Service the Hie to be paid on the first Day of January 1781 ;" that is, they Voted the rye before it was raised, having no money with which to make payment. Then David Starrett, Zachariah Whiting, Boyd Hopkins, Thomas Warren, William Qiiigley and Isaac Lewis "jointlj- agreed" to provide the other soldier and pay him one year; but this the town "rejected," (not being willing that a few men should bear the load,) and promptly "voted that the Town hire a Continental Soldier by Pole and Estate." This, and other items of the war-record I have given year by year, apart from the Chapter on Military Affairs, to keep in mind the greatness and the length of the struggle for independence. Also this year (1779) an effort was made to "regulate prices." On account of the depreciation of paper, and the great scarcity of specie, various commodities and products came to be used in exchange, and some persons were disposed to take advantage of this state of things to hold needed articles at extravagant rates. If debts were to be paid with rye, it was necessary to have some standard at which rye should be held. Accordingly the "Selectmen of Portsmouth," taking lead in the matter, sent out a paper to the towns proposing a " Convention " to fix prices for the state. Some towns took the whole matter into their own hands, fixing the rates and the penalties of disobedi- ence. But this town (Sept. 7, 1779) "voted to Join with ITew Boston in sending a Man to the Convention at Concord for Stating the Prices of sundry Artidles." And then, to put the decisions to be reached, into immediate execution, they chose Henry Parkinson, Benjamin Felt, Oliver Holmes, Sam' Nutt, Daniel Clark, William Butterfield, David 100 LACK OF A MONEY STANDAED. Starrett, Nathaniel Boycl and Benjamin Sleeper, a committee to "State the Prices of things accorrlina; to the Resolutions of the Con- vention, for Francestown!" It mnst be conceded that tliis was a pc)\\'erfiil committee, but it was a heavy job which -was to be done I Nothing ever came of it. It was an attempt to do impossible tilings. Little is known as to any jarices named, or other detail* of the plan, as it was soon dropped, and prices were left to regulate themselves. Demand and supply determine prices; and they Soon saw what experience has since proved, that no arbitrary votes or resolves can change this rule for any length of time. Nothing further appears as to the "Regulation of Prices" by law! But for several succeeding years the records show great difficulties in the transaction of business for lack of any fixed standard of values. At the following March meeting (Mar. 23, 1780,) they "Voted William Starrett one Dollar per week the old way for Board- ing the Minister as rye formerly irent," — which to us is very indefinite, but to them no doubt referred to some price that was the nearest thing to a fixed standard then available. And when (May 29, 1780,) the town voted a call to a minister, and offered a certain salary, it was on this basis: "live nnd Indian as above. Beef at 2d \--2 ]?utter 8 Pork 4 0." They had to agree on a salary, and then they had to agree on the value of the things it should be paid in. Money had almost ceased to be a circulating medium! Paper currency was going down so fast that people would not take it unless compelled to. At the March meeting of this year they "Voted thirty Dollars p' Day for Working on the Highways." And when we consider the monetary fluctuations and difficulties which they passed through, it does not seem strange that our fathers had a love for specie, or "solid money," as they called it, which it took a hundred years to wipe out. Indeed sensible men at the present day (1889) want a gold and silver basis for money. We handle such large sums now that paper of some "CONTINENTAL PAPER " ISSUED, 101 kind is convenient for transfers ; but in the old days of small exchanges specie answered finely, if it could be had. In this countrj- specie was very scarce from the first. The early settlers brought over tools and seeds, but not silver or gold. If afterwards they bought anything of the old country, specie must .pay for it, which of course tended if there was any here to drain it all back into England. If it was brought into this country, it could not be kept here. As a consequence the colonies were early driven to issue paper for circulation among themselves. Each state had its own paper money for use with- in its own bound. Coins of small denominations and small intrinsic value were issued by most of the colonies, and even by individuals, as in our late war; but these coins were only for small change, and local use. Colonial paper money was issued long before the rupture between this country and Great Britain, and never stood quite at par with English money. Massa- chusetts paper generally stood the highest and South Carolina paper the lowest. In 1767 it would take seven pounds of South Carolina issue to buy one pound of English money. Hence when the war of the Revolution broke out, the financial question was the most difficult one. The British felt sure we could never pay oi;r bills. Our paper would be worth nothing. In this respect they had a tremendous advantage over us. But money of some, kind must be had; — and hence in less than a month after the Battle of Lexington, Congress provided for the issue of " Continental Paper," so-called, of which $2,000,000, were put in circulation June 22, 1775. This was followed, from time to time, by other and larger issues until 1300,000,000, were sent forth, — an enormous sum for the country to carry in that day. Laws were passed, making this paper legal tender for debts ; but in spite of Careful plans and arbitrary enactments, it soon began to depreciate in value, and went down constantly till it became Avorthless. And it is hardly possible to calculate the amount of embarrasment and trouble that were thereby oc- casioned. People that had been "counted well off" and had had a little silver, were charged with concealing it;, unprincipled men took advantage of the law to pay their .debts with this worthless money; and many creditors were crijjpled or ruined by being compelled to take it. It was said that Rev. Jonathan 102 DBPEECIATION OF CONTINENTAL MONEY. Barnes of Hillsboro' paid a whole years' salary for a pig four weeks old, though that town subsequently in an honorable manner made up the loss to him. About and soon after the close of the war, this "Continental Paper" was made a subject of ridicule. Sailors sewed the bills together and made coats of them for parade. Old soldiers burned them up over a glass of cider. Barbers papered their shops with them. One cent would buy ten dollars of paper, for many months. At the March meeting of 1781 Francestown "Voted one Hundred Dollars P'' Day for working on the Highwayth." Soon after a meeting was called to see " what money the Kates (taxes) shall be maid in for the futer," — which shows that the selectmen knew not what to do. By an interesting "Table of Depreciation for this State," recorded on the Journal of the New Hampshire Assembly July 3, 1781, we see the rapidity of the decline of. this paper. The committee had reported "as their opinion that all contracts previous to the last day of January 1777 should be considered as silver & gold," while in subsequent contracts paper should be valued according to the scale given by them in said report. This "Table" shows the depreciation for each month for nearly four years. The first decline given is that of four cents on a dollar in the month of Feb. 1777; but the fall was so rapid that Dec. 31 of the same year it took 13.10 in paper to equal one dollar in silver. At the close of 1778 it took 16.34 of paper to equal one dollar of silver. March 1, 1779, it took ten dollars of paper to equal one of silver; and the decline was so constant through that year that on Dec. 31, it took $23.93 of paper to buy one of silver! Thus the monetary uncertainty and alarm grew worse and worse. Rye or corn, at certain fixed rates, came to be used as money, since bills were paid with these. What little real money transactions this Town entered into, they voted in -'Spanish milled dollars." July 1, 1781, just six years after the first issue, it took seventy-five dollars of paper to buy one dollar of silver. Lt. Howe, Avriting from Amherst to the Presi- dent of New Hampshire July 10, 1781, says, "I almost Blush to informe you of the little worth of paper Money here." MOKEY-TEOTJBLES. 103 And to increase the confusion and distress of the towns in this vicinity the "proprietors Laid into the General Court" a petition against the right of the towns to tax their unoccupied lands. This petition was called up and urged by them in the Assembly in March 1780. A decision was reached and voted (Mar. 9, 1780), "That the unimproved lands of non-residents within this State shall be subject to be taxed to the State Taxes, Continental Taxes, War taxes. County Taxes & not otherwise." This was called a "compromise," but it was practically a defeat to these struggling towns, as they could no longer tax wild lands for the roads and improvements which would increase their value. And it took away the chief though small supply of actual specie, since these taxes of wild lands were usually paid in "hard money." In the west at the present time our new towns issue bonds, or in some other way borrow money, to start their institutions, and "improvement," — and thus transfer a part of the burden to their successors ; but our fathers paid as they went along. What they could not pay for, they "did without." They had not learned the art of running into debt ! Hence, being already under the hardest pressure to get a living and subdue the forests and support the war, this new law was a hard blow to them. But on the day the above-named law was passed, a new question arose and was referred to a " Com- mittee of both houses," the question of taxing "located. lands," — i. e. lands purchased for a home, and partly cleared, but on to which the owner had not yet moved. An act was reported, and "passed "-March 16, 1780, of which I have not been able to find a copy. But it was probably an exemption-law, inas- much as subsequently they were not taxed for town expenses. Perhaps this was the reason why some who had bought and partially cleared their lands were tardy in moving on to them. At this distance it would seem difficult to give good reason why a land owner should pay taxes to State and county, and not pay his part for building a road out from his own clearing ! Some relief, however, was granted specially to this town, as appears by the following action of the Legislature (Mar. 16, 1780): 104 CHOOSING JUSTICE OF THE PEACE. "Voted to pay the selectmen of Francestown £83: 12: 4, for taxes on land of absentees." At the annual meeting (Mar. 23, 1780,) an article was in the warrant, "To choose a Man whom the Town think fit for a Justice of the Peace.'' These officials were then appointed by the Legislature, but were designated, or recommended, by the town. Such a rule would probably change the list of these distinguished officers, if it could be enforced now! Any man who has a political friend to speak for him and five dollars to pay, can get the . office in these days. Would the town like to vote that every such one is '•'■jit for a Jtatiee of the Peace?''' In this case they voted by ballot and the choice fell on Henry Parkinson, a scholarly and worthy man, every way "fit" for the position. He was at the time town-clerk, but remained in town but a few months after his election to the office of Justice of the Peace. Was the first person designated for the office by the town. There were only a few Justices in the county, and the public convenience at that day did not require many. Jan. 12, 1776, the House of Representatives chose Matthew Patten, Jonathan Lovewell, Jeremiah Page, Timothy Farrar, Henry Gerrish and Moses Nicholls, " Justices of the peace for the County of Hills- boroug." June 27, 1777, the House chose Francis Blood, Nahum Baldwin, Noah Worcester, Francis Eps and John Cochran, Jr. to the same office. "John Quigley Esquire'' had a similar appointment before the incorporation of Francestown. There was a town-meeting July 24, 1780, to take some measure to procure the town's "proportion of Beef" for the army, at which meeting they chose Dea. Ninian Cochran, Moderator, and ordered the Selectmen to purchase and deliver the required amount at the town's expense. It was thought to be easier for the colonies to pay the army-tax in beef than in money, at that particular time, — which was no doubt true. The number of pounds required of this town is not given in the records, but it was large being about 3000 pounds for 1780, as in this and other towns in the vicinity, town-meetings were called to devise means of meeting so great a demand. But there was no disposition to shirk, and the beef-quota was filled DEFENCE OF RHODE ISLAND. 105 as fast as possible. Yet at the same time they practiced the severest economy toward themselves. An Article was in the warrant (July 24, 1780), "To see if the Town will vote to build a Platform in the Meeting House for the Minister,'" which article was immediately dismissed. They could not afford the expense ! Possibly some spreading, theatrical candi- date had caught the modern idea of discarding a desk! It appears that thej- had then neither platform nor pulpit, and minister or moderator stood on the same level with the rest! And they would have nothing more until they could pay for it ! The previous year the House of Representatives had voted (June 23, 1779), to raise a regiment of three hundred men to assist in the defence of Rhode Island, and these men were to be enlisted for six months. Thomas Bixby of Francestown was chosen Ensign. The soldiers from this town were Oliver Butter- field, Archibald Gambal, William Wheeler, Jr., Abel Hadley and Simeon Chubbuck. This was more than the quota required of the town. These willingly enlisted, so that when another call came they voted to "raise no more men by poll and estate," i. e. they would volunteer, or be drafted, but not run the town further into debt. Yet on consideration, they voted, six weeks later, to " choose a Committee & invest them with full Power of Substitution in behalf of s" Town to raise our Proportion of Men at the Town's Cost." The year 1780 was noted for extreme cold, and the winter of 1779-80 was called by the settlers the "Hard Winter." Water was not known to drop from the roof for six weeks, even in the sunniest localities. In this section of New Hampshire snow was five feet deep on a level all winter. There were no roads, nor even paths in this town. Boston harbor was frozen over, so that people went to sleigh rides on it. The only going too and fro in this vicinity was on snow-shoes. People who were fortunate enough to have any corn, could not carry it to mill,- and the settlers lived many weeks on boiled corn and broth, and, rarely, a meal of wild game. Wood was drawn on hand- sleds, or carried on their shoulders. In cases where the husband 106 THE HARD- WINTER. and father was absent in the army, women and children endured great hardship in getting wood enough to prevent freezing and keep the family alive. In cases where children were too poor to have any boots, which was often the fact, they sewed old rags round their feet making several thicknesses of them, and then saturated the whole with oil, and with this protection against freezing they started forth into the woods. It was a long and dreadful winter, and in these frontier towns the settlers, far apart and poor, endured untold privation and suffering. Each cabin, however scantily provided with food, was separated from all the world else. It was no unusual thing for the log house to be covered out of sight by the drifting snow. In one place in New Hampshire, it is said, a flock of sheep were dug out of a snow-bank that was sixteen feet deep above their backs, under which they had been buried and lost for a month. The few that were alive when found had subsisted by eating the wool off the dead. And at this time the larger places, like Dover, Portsmouth and Boston, were blockaded with snow, and busi- ness was nearly stopped. How desolate and fearful, therefore, to these lone cabins in the forest, must have appeared those long-continued days of blast and storm! As proof that all this is not exaggeration, we find that the Journal of the New Hamp- shire Legislature (Mar. 8, 1780), contains a " Eesolve to enable the Court of Common Pleas in the County of Hills- borough to take up and finish sundry matters pending at said Court at their next term, the hint term being lost hy reason of the stormy weather!^' And after such a winter of suffering and desolation, how wel- come must have been the warm days of spring ! At the present day with our comforts and unbroken communication with the world, we are poorly able to appreciate the endurances and heroism of those who established our institutions ! And closely following "The Hard Winter," and late spring came the "Dark Day," May 19, 1780. But little has come down to us concerning the day in this town, though in adjoin- . ing towns there were left many such records and traditions. The darkness was greatest in northern Massachusetts and south- ern New Hampshire. More or less it covered all of New England, was noticed along the Hudson River, but was not THE DARK DAY. 107 dense enough farther south and west to attract much attention. I will copy from my History of Antrim what I had gleaned and put together concerning the Dark Day in this vicinity. "For several days previous the air was full of smoky vapors, as if fires had been burning in the woods, the sun and moon appearing red and somewhat obscured. The early morning of May 19, was cloudy and showery and cool, with some thunder and light- ning. But about ten o'clock when the artisans were busy in the shop and mill, the women spinning and weaving, and the farmers hurrying with their spring work in the field, it began to grow dark. Soon the wild birds screamed and flew to their nests, — the hens went to 'their roosts, — the cattle came up utter- ing strange cries to their stalls, — the sheep bleating woefully huddled under the fences, — the buds and opening leaves on the trees were colored almost to an indigo blue, — robins and blue- birds flew into the houses as if they sought the protection of man; the rain that soon followed was full of a substance like burnt vegetable matter, forming a scum, with smell of soot, over everything, collecting on the streams, and on the Merrimac River here and there to the depth of half a foot; — and this strange untimely darkness increased until by noon people had to light candles to eat their dinners by ! Many were so much in fear that they could not eat. Lights were seen in every house, and, out-of-doors, people carried torches to light their steps. Every- thing took a different color from what it had by sunlight, and consequently the strange reflections of the torch-lights were in keeping with the marvellous and changed appearance of things. Hosts of people believed the end of the world had begun to come : men dropped on their knees to pray in the field ; many ran to their neighbors to confess wrongs and ask forgiveness; multitudes rushed into the meeting-houses in towns where they had such, where pious and aged ministers, pleading repentance, interceded with God in their behalf; and everywhere through- out this day of wonder and alarm, the once-careless thought of their sins and of their Maker ! The darkness somewhat increased all day, and before the hour of sunset was so intense that no object whatever- could be distinguished. Anxiously and tremb- lingly people waited for the moon to rise at nine o'clock, and even little children sat silently watching to see if its helping 108 FIRST SCHOOL MONEY. light would appear ! But they were disappointed, the darkness being too dense to be affected by the moon ! The most feeling prayers ever prayed in the town were offered at the familj^ altars that night ! Children never had more tender blessing than these mothers gave them that night! But while the little ones slept soundly for the most part, the parents chiefly sat up all night in anxiety, or rose long before the hour, to see if the glorious sun would shine again! Ah! how fear was turned iijto joy! Never dawned a lovelier morning than that of the 20th of May ! Never were hearts more thankful on earth ! Even thoughtless people praised God! And so much were the whole population affected by this event, that on the foUoAving March, nearly a year after, many towns votedto keep the 19th of May "as a day of fasting and jjrayer ! " In the year 1781 the first appropriation of the town's money for schools took place. In a subsequent chapter more will be said concerning schools ; but a few words may be expected here. An article had been in the warrant Mar. 8, 1779, "to see if the Town will raise Money for a Town School," upon which no action was taken. Their poverty and hardship were such as not to permit any other outlay, or any new undertakings. Children were privately taught, when it was possible, parents being generally the only instructors. But as the town's popu- lation had somewhat increased each year, a new effort was made (Mar. 12, 1781,) to start a public school. An article was in the warrant " to See if the Town will vote to have a Town School and if they Should to See how mucli Money the Town will vote to Suport it.'' And this time they voted without opposition to "have a Town School," and "Voted to Raise Twenty-five Spanish Milled Dollars to Support said School,"-^which for their time and cir- cumstances was a large appropriation. The toAvn now could raise a thousand dollars at less real sacrifice ! At a meeting May 7, 1781, the town declined to send a man "to Concord to meet the Convention." This Convention was called to form a new Constitution for the state, or a "Plan of Government," as they called it! This action is referred to on a preceding page, and is now mentioned only as giving an in- timation concerning the increase of population. In the month WAY OF CLEAEINa OFF FORESTS. 109 of March preceding the State Assembly sent out an order of of election as follows : " That such Towns & places as contain more than Fifty families be directed (if they see fit) to send one member for every fifty families, provided that each -Town, Parish or place so sending, shall pay their own members for their time & expense." This shows why so many of the small towns were not repre- sented i'n that long-di'awn convention, as they would rather forego the honor than bear the expense. It also shows that, as this town took action upon the order, it had "more than fifty faniilies " at the opening of the year 1781. There was not much increase in wealth, but there was a slow and constant increase in population, in spite of poverty and hardship and war. The people were full of courage and hope. July 24, 1781, the town passed a vote which is suggestive of their methods of clearing away the magnificent forests of that day: " voted to Cleare of the wood that was fell on the Ministeral [lot] this Currant year," and " voted Zachariah Richardson and Edward Byxby to Set fire to s" wood." It was customary to cut down the immense trees and burn them whole upon the spot. Sometimes they had what they called a "jam;" that is, they would cut all the trees on a certain tract nearly off, and then, when all was ready, they would start the whole by falling a big tree against one side, and that would start others, and the whole piece of forest would go down at once, with a fearful crash, filling the air with broken limbs and shaking the very earth for a long distance ! This was supposed to prevent the "lodging" of trees, and somewhat diminish the labor of chopping ! It was a magnificent sight to see from one thousand to five thousand of those original "giants of the forest" go down at once ! But it was dangerous business, as a premature fall, or a rising wind, might start the "jam'' before they were ready ! It was no unusual thing at the "snap" of a tree beginning to fall on one side of a "jam," for the workmen on the other side to run for dear life. And sometimes in spite of all precautions they were overtaken by the falling trees and killed. The chair- man of the Board of selectmen of Society Land, Gideon Dodge, Jr., lost his life in this way, being struck by the top of the last falling tree ! 110 THE MIKISTEEIAL LOT. When the trees had lain from one to six months to dry, they set a day for the "burning," which, though less dangerous, was hardly less exciting than the "jam." The ground being covered with timber and leaves and the dry moiild of centuries, the fire swept over it with frightful force and fury, and the heat was like that of a blazing oven ! Great precautions had to be taken to prevent its spreading beyond the desired bounds, and a strong force of men were put on guard. The town had voted, Dec. 25, 1780, to "accept of Lot No. 2, in the Odiorne Right for a ministerial Lot," and a part of it was "chopped over" that winter. May 7, 1781, they " Voted to Raise two Hundred Spanish milled Dollars this Currant year towards paying for the Ministeriel Lot of Land." This was more than they could pay for sclaools or roads or houses to live in. But they must have a minister, and they must have a home for him, and they must begin then, as so much time would have to be occupied in clearing the land and providing a home. On Sept. 6, 1781, the town voted that Robert Fulton should have the use of the ministerial lot, on condition of his clearing off, sowing and fencing the same; and they chose William Starrett " to see that the Grass sead is son on the Min- isterial Lot," said Fulton being required "to so four Pounds of clover Sead and two Quearts of heards Grass sead P"^ acre."' July 4, 1781, the New Hampshire Assembly repealed all laws that made paper money legal tender, — a step most needful, as said paper was nearly worthless. And, as by said Assembly it was declared "next to an impossibility to raise silver money," even by the state, the financial condition of affairs was at the worst. Even when the Francestown people called a minister, for lack of any other method of payment, they offered sixty pounds salary, " Beef at d. 2 1-2 ; Butter d. 8 ; Pork d. 4." But the patience and fortitude of the people seemed to have no bounds. At a town meeting Apr. 15, 1782, they chose a com- mittee to enlist men for the town " to serve in the Continentle Army for three years or During the war." This was seven years after the battle of Lexington ! Here was no disposition to give up ! After seven years of war and poverty TOWN BOUNDARIES. Ill and hardship and suffering, they were still unanimously deter- mined to fight on till they were free ! They also chose a committee to " Colect the Remander of the Eey that the Town Indetted to James Harood," so that every obligation to a soldier should be fully met. This year (1782) there were five town-meetings, which shows that many unsettled and important questions were before the public mind. At one of these they passed another soldier vote, namely, to restore to William Dickey certain money credited to the town on account of said Dickey's " Sarvice in the Continantle Armey." The boundaries between the several towns had become somewhat obscure by lapse of years and clearing of forests, oc- casioning some confusion and trouble; and many felt too poor to incur the expense of re-establishing them. June 24, 1782, an article was in the warrant "to see if the Town will vote to run the Line betwixt Halestown and this Town," which article was promptly dismissed. More important things taxed every energy and every resource. It is interesting to notice that Weare was still called "Halestown" by people generally, though incorporated under name of Weare, Sept. 21, 1764. In old petitions the name appears as "Hailstown," or "Col. Weare's Town." Even as late as forty years ago, Hales- town was the familiar term among old people in this vicinity. Nov. 25, 1782, a meeting was held "at the House of John Wilkins Inholder in Francestown," to join with voters of New Boston to vote for a representative and for councillors. This is the first notice of the kind on the Francestown records. They had been used to going to New Boston to vote. This time Reuben Smith, constable of New Boston, warned the voters of that town, and Jabez Holmes, constable of Francestown, warned the voters of this town; and after very dignified preliminary steps, they chose James Caldwell of New Boston, Moderator, and David Starrett of Francestown " Olarh." They then chose David Lewis to represent the two towns "for the tarme of one year in the General Assembly." 112 THE DECLAEATION OF PEACE. The following year (1783) very little business of importance is noticed in the town records. At the March meeting they " Voted to Raise No money For School this year," indicating the pinch and poverty which they were in. A curious record was made Sept. 29, as follows: " Voted David Starret Grand Jueryor A Tru Coppi P'' me Tho^ Bixby T. Clark" Also Dec. 2, 1783, the selectmen returned the voters of the town as follows: "Male Poles Paying taxes for themselves, 65." But the great event of the year 1783, was the declaration of peace. After the surrender of Cornwallis Oct. 19, 1781, it had been the general feeling both sides of the water, that the war would soon cease. It had cost Great Britain more than a hun- dred millions of pounds sterling and more than fifty thousand lives, and the prospect of subduing the colonies was poorer than ever. But after the above surrender, the Americans kept up their army as well as they could, and there were occasional conflicts and some severe fighting, especially at the south. Meanwhile the peace-party was rapidly growing in England, and soon the British House of Commons inflexibly resolved to "stop the war in America." Old King George was enraged and humiliated, but he had to submit to it. Things moved slowly but surely in the right direction. Yet it was not till Apr. 23, 1782, that the newly-formed British Cabinet signified to Frank- lin, who was in France at that time, its willingness " to treat at Paris for a general peace, conceding American independ- ence." And after much negotiation and long delay, a treaty of peace was signed Sept. 3, 1783, between the English and American representatives, and foimally proclaimed and acknowledged. The articles had been agreed upon some months before, but the announcement was kept back, till Great Britain should make peace with France, our ally. It was not the day of cablegrams, and it was some time before the event was definitely known in this country. Everywhere the people hailed the tidings with demonstrations of joy. The people were proud and happy over the result and the prospect, but they were left exhausted and poor. They had endured untold hardships and sufferings. THE JOY THAT FOLLOWED PEACE. 113 And none had. endured more than the scattered, small, frontier towns like this. Francestown did her part in all the public sacrifices, at the same time that her few inhabitants were strug- gling to clear away the forests, build their houses to live in, make roads and start school and church. Francestown was incor- . porated just before the war, erected her first church edifice during the war, had her first school during the war, and cleared more land during the war than in all the preceding years ! The work and patient endurance of those eight years of the war, as shown in this small community, were almost incredible ! Women faced dangers without flinching ! Mothers and little children' in lone cabins buried in the snow, managed to struggle through fearful winters, under the pinch of poverty and hunger, while their husbands and fathers, half-clad stood upon the battle-field, or huddled about the camp-fires far away ! Now it was over ! Who could chide this little community, if they laughed and cheered and shouted for joy? None entered into the universal gladness with more abounding enthusiasm than the scattered •people of this town. And all devout minds turned at once to God. Many of the irreligious joined heartily in praise to the Most High. As soon as possible after the definite knowledge of peace had been received. Congress issued a "Proclamation" (Oct. 18, 1783,) appointing "The Second Thursday in Decem- ber next as a day of public Thanksgiving." This proclamation was signed by Flias Boudinot of New Jersey, President of Con- gress, and is a paper most remarkable for reverence, humility, beauty and force ; and should be put into the school-boys reading- book, and held up as a model to put to shame many heartless aiid irreverent proclamations of the present day ! . Some citizens of this town were in the ranks, a few were at home on furlough, and a few others were preparing to march to the front, when the joyful tidings of peace reached this place. Many plans were at once changed. The struggle was past. On the Bd of November following, the Revolutionary Army was disbanded, and the worn warriors slowly returned to their homes. Many came with ragged uniforms and scars and un- healed wounds, and all came in poverty; but they came with glad hearts and sang of liberty on the way ! CHAPTER III. OUTLINE OF EVENTS IN EEANCBSTOWN FKOM THE CLOSE OF THE KBVOLUTIONAEY WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE CENTUEY. The long struggle with Great Britain being over, and the United States being now everywhere recognized among the nations of the earth, a bright prospect seemed to be before the land. Those among the returning soldiers, who had no homes, sought the new towns on the border where the soil was both good and cheap, and purchased and located as soon as possible. Several soldiers of this kind came to Francestown. Others who had not been in the arm}', but had been too timid to undertake settling down anywhere under the dangers and costs of war, now that these obstacles had been removed, had courage to start to provide homes of their own. New hope seemed to burn in every breast. A few of the soldiers, anticipating a discharge, engaged friends to purchase land for them and were all ready to change the gun for the axe, with a will. The year 1784 was a very busy one in this town. Those who had been in the army to the neglect of their clearings, had a year's work before them to set things right. New settlers began in various parts of the town. To clear off the forest, build fences, subdue the rooted soil, and erect or enlarge their small houses and barns, taxed all their energy and strength. It was a year of hard work and poverty, but a hopeful happy year, for this little com- munity. Only one extra town-meeting was held in 1784 except jury-meetings, and nothing of account appears upon the record. An article was in the warrant at the March meeting to see if the town would vote to finish the inside of the meeting-house; but the people felt too poor to meet the expense and dismissed the article. At the same time a proposition to " Join with Newboston "THE WOLF-YEAR." 115 in Regard of Representation," was treated in the same way, and for the same reason. The second town-meeting (Aug. 31,) was to see if they would give Rev. James Miltimore a " Call to the Ministry in S^ Town and See what mesures thay will Prosue Por that Porpus." And they voted not to give the calh This Mr. Miltimore was an able and good man, and loved everywhere he went; and prob- ably the town did not feel able to pay him. He afterwards had a long pastorate in Newburyport, Mass., and died there in 1836,- aged 81. He was the man who declined a call to Antrim because the people offered him more than they were able to pay ! It has been whispered about that such ministers and such people are scarce at the present day! The records of other towns bring out the fact, which appears in Francestown only in traditions and stories, that 1784 was known throughout the state as the "wolf -year." All summer and fall these fierce creatures crept in about the settlements in great numbers, from the forests of the west and north. They seemed to be in a starving condition, and did great damage in destroying sheep and calves, and even attacking>cows and oxen. Children were in constant danger: and even armed men could not travel safely by night. The State paid a bounty for killing wolves, and in addition some towns paid a bounty of five dollars for every dead wolf. Taking into account the financial pinch of the times, we see this was a heavy bounty, and it shows the great urgency and danger of the case. In the winter of 1784-85 the loss and trouble in this vicinity from these pests could hardly be exaggerated. It was a long, cold hard winter, and the snow was very deep, and the starving wolves seemed to lose the fear of man. They howled about the doors and at the win- dows of the snow-bound cabins and tried to get into the barns where the little flocks were sheltered. They made night and darkness dreadful. Toward sunset, when men began to hear their yelping in the woods, they left off work and hurried home. Flocks were put in shelter before night, and all doors and win- dows were closed and fastened at dark. It was more than a year before this special danger was over. But in the summer of 1785 these animals disappeared, never to be seen in any considerable numbers in this section again. 116 PIEST WRITTEN BALLOTS. At the meeting Mar. 14, 1785, having elected David Starrett moderator, the town "Voted that the town Clark and the Select men Be Chous By writen Votes." Previously these officers had been chosen by "hand vote;" that is, they had been nominated on the spot and chosen by uplifted hand. In those days they had no caucus. There were as yet no political divisions in town . But some personal reasons seem to have arisen, making it desirable to vote by ballot, as we do now. They then chose James Fisher "Town Clark," and David Star- rett, Thomas Mitchell and Israel Balch selectmen. Thus by the secret ballot they elected an entirely new set of town officers. They then adjourned to the 28th of March. But at the adjourned meeting, as soon as called to order they "Voted James Hogg Selectman in the Lew of Thomas mitchel He I^ot Being present and Could Xot Be Sworn." Then they " Voted Jabez Holms Selectman in the Lew of Israel Balsh he Being present and Timefuses to Serve." Then they " Voted to Reconsider Henry ferson from Being Constable for this year," and "Voted that Asa Lewis Be Constable in the Lew of Enoch Holms Said Lewis giving Conscent and said Holms Hiring Him the intent of it that it Should Serve Said Holms turn." It will be seen by this that the leading men were bound to take their turn in discharging the duties of an undesirable office, as previously stated in connection with the officers chosen at the first town meeting. At this same adjourned meeting (Mar. 28,) "Voted that the in Come of the towns Lot Be Sold to the Highest Biddr Bid of to mr. Fisher at one pound Eleven Shillings the modator Being the Vandue master." This was therefore the yearly value of the ministerial lot at that time. At a meeting May 2, 1785, they voted to use this an- nual rent for improving said lot. THE TIME OF BEOTHBELY LOVE. 117 In subsequent times the old people have spoken with much enthusiasm of the delightful spirit of union in Society in those early years. They had hardships and privations, but they all had them about alike. It was a time of brotherly love. All were struggling to better their condition, and the evils of pride and show and dress and envious rivalry had not yet crept in. We may make considerable allowance for the well-known ten- dency of old men to exaggerate, when speaking of former scenes ; and yet it must be admitted that these scattered families, in their log cabins and small clearings, did live together in delight- ful helpfulness and peace. There are indications of occasional friction between the Scotch and English portions of the people; but as they became better acquainted, and families intermarried, and they came to realize that their interests as townsmen were the same, these diif erences gradually and entirely disappeared. March 3, 1786, the legislature of the state ordered "a return of allthe inhabitants" before the "second Wednesday of June next," and that the selectmen who should fail to do this should pay a penalty of five pounds. This census had been forgotten for half a century, and the old returns were stowed away in the attic of the state house at Concord; but they were discovered and published in 1877. Strange to say, no return appears for Francestown, and none for New Boston. Likewise Deering, Lyndeboro', Litchfield, Londonderry and some other towns made no return. There was some uncertainty as to the meaning of the order, and probably on this account the "penalty of five pounds" was never collected. Of course with so many towns not reported, the aggregate would be too small ; but the popu- lation as returned was 95,801, for the whole state. There were five counties, of which Rockingham was the most populous. Hillsboro' County had thirty -five towns reported, besides the five named above as making no return, which would make forty towns in the county. Acworth, Alstead, Andover, Boscawen, Charlestown, Chesterfield, Cornish, Dunbarton, Newbury, Hop- kinton. New London, Salisbury and Sutton then belonged to this county. The population reported in the county was 25,933, — less than two-thirds of the number of jjeople residing in the one city of Manchester at the present time. At that time the popu- lation of Hancock, as by these returns, was 291 ; Society Land 118 CENSUS OF 1786. 157 ; Peterboro' 824 ; Nashua (Dunstable) 654 ; Weare 1574 ; and Amherst 1912. Probably the population of Francestown was about 500. Another authority gives the population of Frances- town in 1783 three j^ears earlier as 500, which no doubt was a guess, and a guess too high by nearly 100. It will be noticed that the population of many towns in New Hampshire was greater in 1786 than in 1886. The population of Amherst is now six hundred less than it was a hundred years ago. The population of this town rapidly increased from 1786, to 1790, and is reported at the last named date as 980, — which is larger than at the present time. As indicated by the census of 1786, slavery was nearly wiped out in New Hampshire at that date. In the order for said census servants were not called '^slaves" but "persons bound to service for a term of years." The constitution of 1784 in its very nature abolished or prevented slavery, as shown by its opening sentence : " All men are born equally free and indepen- dent." In furtherance of the spirit and letter of this constitution the tax-law, passed Feb. 8, 1789, "expunged male and female servants " from the lists of taxable property throughout the state. Slavery never had a legal standing in New Hampshire, such as it had in the south. It has been said by many historical writers that slavery was abolished in New Hampshire in 1810. But in 1810 there was no slavery in New Hampshire to abolish. No doubt the statement, made by one and repeated by many after him, arose from the fact that there was no "servants" returned in the census of 1810. The record of "servants" in this state was as follows: 1775,-657; 1790,-158; 1800,-8; 1810,-0. There has been no recognition of this bondage by way of legis- lation in New Hampshire since the tax-law of Feb. 8, 1789, referred to above. Sometimes in that day the courts sentenced persons both black and white to so many "years of service" as a penalty for lesser crimes. Oct. 3, 1771, the Court of Sessions at Amherst sentenced Jonas Stapleton for theft, that he be " whipt twenty stripes on the naked back at the publick whipping-post tliis afternoon," that he then pay the costs, that he return the stolen goods, that he then pay the owner twice the value of the goods stolen, and that in default of these payments, they should WARNING OUT OF TOWN. 119 " dispose of the said Jonas in servitude to any of his Majesty's subjects for the space of seven years." But no slaves v^ere ever held in any way or manner in Frances- town, though many of the older towns, as Weare, New Boston, Amherst, contained "persons bound to service," in the days before the Revolution. At the annual meeting of 1786 (Mar. 13,) after voting " Thurty Pounds for the Support of the Gospel this Currant year," they " Yoted to Fling out the artical in Regard of Chusing a Justace of the Peas." This is expressive of somewhat prompt and decisive action! They had had rather poor luck with such distinguished officials ! This year (1786) we find the first record of what used to be called "warning out of town." These papers are curiosities at the present time, and many will be. pleased to read the first one as a sample of a large number. It was as follows verbatim : — State of New Hampsheer rXo Tho^ Bixby Hillsborough SS J Constable of Fran- I cestown for the year [l786. Greeting. Whareas Eleazer Nuting and Sarah Nuting his Wife and Sally Nuting his Daughter hath Latly Com from Pepperal to sojorn or Dwell in this Town and it appeareth to Us that they have not an Estate Sufficient to support them in Case of seekeness or other Causalties and is thearfore Likely to becom Chargable to this town in Case Either Should happen therfore to Prevent the same you are hearby Eequired in the Name of the State Aforesaid, forthwith to warn the s" Eleazer Nuting and Wife and Daughter to Depart from and Leave this town forthwith to Prevent Further trouble, and you are to Return this Warrant to the Clerk of the Quarter Sessions of this County as soon as may be, and this shall be your sufficient Warrant — Given Under Our hand and seal at Francestown this Twentyf ourth Day of November Anno Dom. 1786 — Jabez Holmes ( „ , , William Stkrrt } ^^^""^ James Hogg ( A few days earlier, though recorded later, " Robert m" Clench and Mary ■"» Clench his Wife with two others belong- ing to there Family Lydda Clark and William Ceavers Latly Come from Marrymack," 120 FINANCIAL DISTRESS. were warned to leave this town. This was a mere legal form- ality to prevent what is now called a " settlement," it being the legal precaution, according to the law of those days, to avoid liability to support such persons in case of need. This form- ality being passed through and recorded, the towns such persons came from would be held for their support. But persons warned away were not obliged to leave town, and were never expected to leave on that account. Nor were they desired to leave. Often those warned off became the best of citizens, and accu- mulated large possessions. It would seem strange at first thought, that where all the people were poor, poor people should be discriminated against. But if we keep in mind the fact that this was a mere form, for the sake of pecuniary look- out, we shall not misjudge our fathers. This most unwelcome service was laid upon the selectmen by law ; and it must have cost them both labor and pain, to pry into the circumstances of every new settler and inflict this warning upon him if he were poor ! This law and custom of " warning out of town " have long since passed away ; though their spirit remains in the law as to settlements and support of the poor at the present day. At this time there was a feverish and alarming state of the public mind on account of financial matters. The depression and danger were greater than had been experienced in the hardest days of the long ^\'ar for independence. There was a dearth of coin ; it was extremely difficult to get anything to pay state and county taxes with; the state and nation, and county, and most of the towns, and great numbers of the people were in debt. Public credit Mas almost destroyed, and individual credit was at the lowest. The people thought Legislatures and courts could afford a remedy, and flooded these bodies with petitions and even threats. Old excitements and chscontents burned higher than ever. There was a popular craze for paper mouey, notwith- standing the calamitous failure of the Continental Currency; the idea being that a limited amount issued by the state would bring immediate relief, and be proof against depreciation. For tempor- ary necessity and by way of experiment, the legislature of New Hampshire passed an act making property of almost every kind a legal tender for the payment of debts, said property to be taken at an appraised value. This was in 1785. But people would shay's rebellion. J 21 not take for debts property which could not be turned into cash ; and the result was, to make specie scarcer and times harder. Things grew worse and worse. People clamored for relief by- law, as if some arbitrary enactments could accomplish what econ- omy and presevering labor and long patience have alone been able to do. Conventions began to be held here and there, to devise means of help. Some proposed to abolish county courts and establish town courts, to save expense. One curious peti- tion was sent in, that " not more than two lawyers should be allowed in any county. ! " Perhaps this last was a good plan, but most of the schemes were visionary and impracticable, and only added fuel to the flame. At length the excitement culminated in rebellion. Sept. 20, 1786, about a thousand armed men assembled at Exeter, sur- rounded the house where the Legislature was in session, sent in a petition, and declared their intention, if it was not granted, of exacting relief by force. Gen. Sullivan, President of the state and ex-officio a member of the Senate, spoke against the petition, showing its weakness and wrong, and declared that they ought not to pass any act under threats of violence, and that "no con- sideration of personal safety" could extort from him any such action as President of the state. The mob held the Legislature prisoners till after dark, when they found a way of escape ; the militia were immediately called out, ancj immediately responded, and before the next night the mob was entirely dispersed. There was no bloodshed, though the case looked desperate for a time. In Massachusetts the disturbance culminated in what is known as " Shays' Rebellion." Daniel Shays, a captain in the Revolutionary army, at the head of 2,000 men, many of them old soldiers, prevented the holding of courts, and marched to capture the arsenal at Springfield. But he was met by the state troops and after a short conflict the insurgents fled, leaving sev- eral dead and wounded upon the field. The next day they were pursued by a larger force, and after another struggle, a part of them were captured, and the rest fled in every direction, most of them escaping into New Hampshire. These refugees from the rebellion at once sought the frontier towns and scattered among the new settlements and lived in obscurity. Several of them settled in this vicinity, though not at first in this town. Most of 122 TOWN POUND. them were well-meaning, though misguided men, and became good citizens and their descendants are among our best people. This was the end of armed opposition, but the financial distresses continued several years, gradually disappearing in the general peace and gain of the land, and finally were forgotten in the establishment of the Federal constitution and the increase of commerce. It is not known that any resident of Francestowh participated in these disturbances, though probably none had a harder struggle with debts and poverties and privations than this new and scattered community. This year (1786,) the town "Voted to buld the Pound on the Common Near the meeting House." It was the custom in those days to "pound" any kind of live stock found doing damage. If any creatures were found on another man's land, he could drive them to the "pound" and put them in, and they would have to remain there at the owner's expense till he should pay all damages and costs. If the costs were not paid, the town would take the stock and sell it to pay the same. A "pound-keeper" was annually chosen by the town to take care of such stock according to law. At first, somebody's barn was used for this purpose. The selectmen were obliged to provide a place. The first record concerning the matter was made Mar. 11, 1782, when the question of "bulding a Poond" was talked over and they voted that the "Selectmen shall ap- point a pound" for that year as before. The common pound consisted of a very high stone wall enclosing from four to eight or ten square rods of land, the wall being surmounted by a heavy timber laid upon it; and there was a high door, with locks and bars, opening through the wall. It was quite a formidable structure and was held in those days to be of great importance. It was expensive and disgraceful to have one's cattle "put in the pound." The writer remembers such cases, and the great ex- citement they caused in the neighborhood and in the whole town. Sometimes advantage was taken of this law to " pound " cattle for purposes of revenge, when there was no just cause for complaint; and in some towns personal feuds were begun in this way, that lasted till death. The pound had no covering or shelter, and was a hard place for stock in storms or cold weather. But they continued in use till about 1855, since which time UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION. 123 they have gradually fallen into disuse and decay, and now remain as dilapidated monuments of the past. The pound in this town was built in 1787, and the.first pound-keeper managing the same was Peter Woodbury, he having been elevated to that then im- portant office Mar. 11, 1788. This pound stood west of the Academy, between the Greenfield road and the horse sheds. Complaint was made in 1799 that some one had carried away " part of the stones of the pound," and the town voted (Mar. 1800) to " Build a new pound on the South east Corner of the Common." But the old one was repaired instead and answered its purpose many years. The last of it was used for the foundation of the new meeting-house 1885. At the March meeting of 1787, the town "Voted the Selectmen be a committy to Say whare thay Shall Buld hors sheads on the Common." At this meeting an article was in the warrant to vote for " Presi- dant and Counselers," but no record was made of said votes. In September of this year a decision was reached to finish the inside of the meeting-house of which a careful account is given elsewhere. Many transactions of this year were of importance to the people at that time, but not such as need to be handed do-rni by the historian's pen. The year however is memorable as that in which the convention met to form the United States Constitution. This convention met in Philadelphia in May 1787 and chose George Washington as its presiding officer. It was absolutely necessary to have a stronger government than that offered by the "Articles of Confederation," under which Con- gress had no power to enforce the collection of taxes, or duties. But this Convention had a difficult work before it. The smaller states were jealous of the larger ones, Rhode Island not being represented in the Convention, and being the last to accept the Constitution, not accepting it till 1790 when Washington had been President of the United States a year. But at length, after a session of four months, with long debates and oppositions, and many compromises, the Constitution -cfas signed Sept. 17, 1787, and sent out out to the States for ratification. Strong opposition was made to it in every state. Ten states, however, soon accepted it, though some of them by small majorities, so 124 COJIMITTEB ON THE CONSTITUTION. that it went into operation in 1788, and Washington was elected President in November of that year. In tliis state the conven- tion to ratify or reject, met at Exeter Feb. 13, 1788. After earnest debate till Feb. 22, they adjourned to meet at Concord the third Wednesday in June (June 18, 1788,) and after sharp debate and much opposition a vote was taken June 21st by which the Constitution was ratified, the vote standing 57 yeas to 47 nays. New Hampshire was the ninth state to accept the Constitution and thus made the requisite number of states to put the new form of government in motion. Hence the action of our state was an occasion of joy to the friends of the Union throughout the land. But most of the delegates from this vicinity voted against ratifying, among them Atherton of Am- herst, Cochran of New Boston, Jones of Lyndeboro', Dow of Antrim and Deering, Dix of Peterboro, Dole of Bedford, and Bixby of Francestown. This town took hold of the question with great dignity and deliberation. At a meeting Jan. 24, 1788, they "Voted to Chuse a Commety of 13 men to take Into Consideration the Federal Constitution," and then adjourned to Feb 4. This committee was as follows: Maj' Oliver Holmes Thomas Bixby Wm Starratt Nath° Sleeper Zacariah ^Miiting Cap' Sleeper Jabez Holmes Sam^ Nutt John Dickey James Hogg James Fisher Boyd Hopkins David Starratt At the adjourned meeting this committee made a report ; but whether for or against nothing is known. It is, however, to be concluded that they opposed the constitution, since a motion was immediately made and carried "Not to except it." And then, though nothing was in the warrant with reference to it, they chose Thomas Bixby delegate to the Convention at Exeter "to Detarmain Whether it Shall be adopted in this State or not." Of course he went virtually instructed to oppose the new con- stitution. It is noticeable that a change of five votes in the convention would have prevented its adoption at that time; VOTES FOR CONGRESSMEN. 126 and no one can tell what delays and dissensions would have fol- lowed. The first meeting called in this town to vote for President and Congressmen was on the " third Mondy of Decem- ber," 1788, and the record for representatives is thus: "Timothy Farrar Esqr 19 vets Abeel Foster Esq. 19 vots Moses Dow Esq 19 vots Woodbury Langdon 31 for Electors the record reads : "John Duncan 5 vots Jonathan Gove 5 vots Archable mc Murphy , 5 vots John Sulleson 5 vots This record does not indicate any great enthusiasm in the matter of voting. In fact the people of this town looked upon the new constitution as a doubtful experiment, and hence any action under it would not be expected to be very zealous. In most of the towns in this vicinity, very few votes were cast, and there seems to have been no choice, as there was another town meeting Feb. 9, 1789, to "Bring Votes for Three men to Eepresent this State In Congress Agreeable to an Act of Cort." At this last meeting " Benjamin West, Nicholos Gillman and Abiel Fosster, each received 15 Vots." Hon. Benjamin West of Charlestown, being elected would not accept, as appears from the following article in the warrant for another town-meeting June 22, 1789: — "to bring in vots for a Kepresentative in the rome of Benjamon Wist who Declined his Appointment." No record is found of any voting under this article. At the previous March meeting they were "to bring in vots for Presi- dent and sinnetors " (state officers), but no action appears upon the books. Perhaps these votes were recorded on a separate paper, and the returns made in due form, though not entered in the books of the town. The same thing appears as to votes for members of the second Congress, Mar. 1790. But from failure to elect, another meeting was called (Aug. 30, 1790) at which they 1^6 CALL TO ME. BRADPOED. " Voted for the following Gentallmen to Represent this State in Con- gress, (viz) Samuel Livermore Esqr, Jeremiah Smith, John Samuel Sharburne ; " nothing being stated as to the number of votes cast. At a meeting Nov. 16, 1789, an article was in the warrant " to see if town will Agree to Anax with the Society Land people in Eeguard of Representation, " which they promptly decided in the negative. Feb. 15, 1790, at a legal meeting called for the purpose, the town voted to "give Mr. Moses Bradford an Invitation to Settel in the Gosple Men- nesstry." The church had previously given him a call, and the vote of the church is recorded in the town book. This call will be noticed at length in the chapter on ecclesiastical matters ; but is refer- red to here because the town as such took the whole undertaking into its own hands. The town determined the salary to be offered, fixed the date of ordination, voted that the "Select Men be- the Commettee to Provid for the Comical," chose Moses Eaton, Samuel Nutt, Samuel Nichols, James Fisher, David Starrett, and Oliver Holmes, a committee "to Build a Stage to ordain mr. Bradford on," and appointed John Dickey and Wil- liam Starrett to " deed him the Town Lot." Thus Mr. Bradford was the town's minister and the toivn paid his salary during all his long pastorate. Aug. 16, 1790, the town " "Voted that M^ Bradford if he Settels in this Town shall have three Sabaths in Every year to himself and that when Ever he Shall purchase a farm in Town the town Shall Give their security for the same and such a part of his sallary as he can Spare yearly to go to pay the same until it is paid up and he's likewise to have thirty Cords of Wood hall* to his Dore and Cut fore feet Long, he the s* Bradford to find the Wood in s^* town." It would seem that they intended to keep the good man warm ! Thirty cords of wood per year was certainly not a short allow- ance! The large old fire-places swallowed up wood like a furnace ! But cutting and drawing this wood came to be a burden in subsequent years. Sometimes it became an occasion of jest and fun at the minister's expense. An effort was made at first to CLAIM OF REV. DAVID ANNAN. 127 divide the town into four parts, each part to take its turn in providing the wood. But this plan did not work successfully ; and an article was put in the warrant annually to see what the town would do in "reguard to giting M''. Bradfords wood." In later years they gave Mr. Bradford |30, " in Lieu of the Town's getting his compliment of Wood." At the close of his long pastorate the work and cost of warm- ing the good man had greatly increased. But one way or another, the town kept its pledge to the last. The' same year of Mr. Bradford's settlement the town had some controversy with Rev. David Annan of Peterboro'. This Mr. Annan had a bad reputation, had been publicly charged with dishonesty and drunkenness, and was deposed from the ministry in 1800. His older brother, Rev. Robert Annan, afterwards settled in Boston, had been called (1781) to settle in Frances- town. I have not been able to discover the facts concerning this controversy. Mr. Annan wrote a letter to the town, which was read in public meeting (Mar. 15, 1790), and the selectmen were instructed to " writ a Letter and send it to M"^ Annen of Peterborough or go and see him and make Report." At a subsequent meeting (Aug. 16) they were called to act " in reguard of paying M'' Annen his Accompt Against the town." But the town refused to pay; and probably that was the end of the matter, as nothing further appears on the record concern- ing it. At the March meeting 1790 the following curious article was in the warrant: " To take into consideration in what manner the High way rate hath ben layed in times passt and Act Discrestionly in adapting Meathods for the futer." It seems that some individuals, by one excuse or another, would put off working out their tax till the year had expired, and would then refuse to work it out at all. Or they would work out a small part, and get rid of the rest in this way. But the people of Francestown hated dishonesty, and proposed a sum- mary remedy for this meanness just named. They put "the Highway Rate into the Constable's hand" and instructed him 128 LAST CONTINENTAL PAPER. to collect in cash and at once what "any person fales to work out" within the year. They certainly acted promptly and "Discrestionly," — and there was no more trouble "for the futer!" Mar. 14, 1791, the town voted that the Selectmen be a com- mittee to sell " the old Emittion Money that is in the Treasurers Hands." This was paper issued during the war, and now depreciated so as to be of little value. Nobody would take it, and it had long remained in the treasury, and now they determined to sell it for what they could get. The matter of paper currency has been touched on a previous page, but the terms, "Lawful Money," "Old Tenor," "New Tenor," "Old Emission," "New Emission," &c., continue to appear in endless confusion. No two were alike, and no one had any uniformity of value. In Massachu- setts after a certain date an ounce of silver was to be considered worth 6 s. 8 d., or three ounces of silver worth one pound ; and this was called " Lawful Money," and is said to be the origin of that phrase. Aug. 15, 1791, at a meeting called for the purpose, Jonathan Fisk was chosen " dellegate " to the convention to revise the constitution. As early as 1787 the matter of forming "classes" in town (school districts) was talked over, as it became more difficult for all to meet in one place; but the difficulties in the way were so many, especially of providing school-houses, that no action was reached. But the question continued to be agitated, and to grow in importance, till at a town-meeting called for the purpose Nov. 16, 1789, to see that "Every Class may Draw the proportionable part of the money that is Eaised by the town for the use of a school," they "voted that the town shall class themselves within one fortnight;'' otherwise a " Commette for that porpus " was to proceed to class them. This committee consisted of John Dickey James Fisher Joseph Guild Capt Sleeper Boyd Hopkens FIRST SCHOOL DISTRICTS. 129 But fortning school districts so as to satisfy people, was found to be a very difficult undertaking. To "class themselves" prop- erly, and agree about it, was mo^|e than could be expected of any people. Plans were suggested and opinions were expressed, but still nothing definite was done. Aug. 30, 1790, they again voted to "Class themselves in severl Classess." The necessi- ties of the case were now so pressing that the committee outlined the several classes or distiicts so as to satisfy the majority : and the town voted Mar. 14, 1791,' " to Asstablish the Classes for school as they now stand," though making no mention of bounds or names. For other items connected with this subject the reader is referred to the Chapter on Schools. Soon after the close of revolutionary war, some of the in- habitants in the north part of Lyndeboro' began to talk of a union with Francestown. They were nearer to the village in this town, and they were separated by high hills and hard roads from the centre of Lyndeboro'. Hence they attended church here, though belonging there. Matters went on in this way sev- eral years, till at last they petitioned this town to receive them. At a special meeting Feb. 15, 1790, an article was in the warrant "To see if the Town will hear a Pertition of a Number of the Inhabit- ants of Lyndeborough Addition so Called to this Town and Act thereon as thay shall think Proper; " — on which the town voted to receive them. On the 30th of Aug. of the same year, the town of Lyndeboro' also voted that the petitioners should be set off to Francestown. Thus the reasonableness of their wish seemed to be conceded on all sides. But meanwhile the project of incorporating a new town out of the western part of Lyndeboro' and southern part of Society Land was agitated. ' A petition for this had been sent to the Legislature in the spring of 1784, or a few months earlier, and that body " Was pleased to Appoint a Committee of the Court to come and view the Situation and the Circumstances of the Town of Lyndeborough." This committee advised a compromise between the parties ; and various efforts at harmonizing conflicting interests were after- wards made ; with no practical result, except to defeat for the time the plan for the new town, 130 PLANS FOE A NEW TOWN. But the enterprise was started again by the inhabitants of Society Land who, under date of Apr. 27, 1790, petitioned the "Generall Court" to be joined with a part of Lyndeboro' to form a new town. Lyndeborough Gore, sometimes called, Lynde- borough Slip, "a gore of Land lying between Lyndeborough and Peterborough," also petitioned for the same. And the town of Peterboro' voted (Oct. 18, 1790,) to give up the desired range of lots within its boundary, if the plans for the new town could be carried out. At the Jiine session 1790, the Legislar ture sent another committee to "view the situation;" and this committee recommended that the new town be incorporated. This report was made to the legislature in Jan. 1791. But it was met by the following remonstrance from those who wished to unite with Francestown, but lived within the bounds of the proposed new town: " To the Honourable Senate and House of Representatives in and for the State of New Hampshier. The petition of a Number of the Inhabitants of the Town o Lynde- borough Humbly Sheweth. — That whereas the Town of Lyndeborough at their meting on the .30 Day of August last past Agreable to our petition to them Voted the Following tract of Land being of the Town of Lyndeborough Should be Set off and annexed to the Town of Francestown with all such of the Inhabitants on said tract that chuse to be thus Annexed [here bounds are given]. Furthermore we would observe that we have Never Signed any petition or manifested any Disire of being Set off with the Inhabit- ants of the west part of Lyndeborough in the way and manner Expressed in their petition but on the Conterary have ever Been averse thereunto and have Constantly acted Accordingly. Therefore we Pray your Honours to take the premises into your Consideration and assign us to Francestown or Otherways Let us Eemain as we are Inhabitants of Lyndeborough with all the privelidges we now'injoy. And your peti- tioners as in Duty Bound Shall Ever pray Lyndeboro' Jan. 7th, 1791 Ithamar Woodward John Stiles Jacob Dutton Moses lewis William Merriam John McClurg Moulton Batchelder Mary Pearson Andrew Creesye Nathaniel Batchelder Jotham reed Rubin kimbel " thoihas Petterson INCORPORATION OF GREENFIELD. 131 To this was added the following petition, as this town had voted at a meeting specially called for the purpose (May 16, 1791,) to "Joyn with the petitioners in sending a man to Persue the matter at the General Court " and had chosen Jonathan Fisk to carry and enforce the petition : " Francestown January 13th 1791 To the Honorable Senet and House of Kepresentatives in and for the State of Newhampshire we the Inhabitants of Said Francestown Humbly ■ Pray yohr Honors to here & Grant the Prayers of the above Perticioners Jonapisk ) Selectmen Jabez Holmes f pranc" stown." On reception of these papers, and after considerable discus- sion, the legislature appointed (Jan. 24, 1791,) a third committee "to view the situation of said Inhabitants" in the whole disputed section and report in June following. At the last named session this last committee confirmed the recommendation of the preceding committee in favor of the new town ; and prompt action being taken upon it, the several tracts of land referred to were put together and incorporated under the name of Green- field June 15, 1791. And by this ac^ those who had sought to be united with Francestown were put in with the others to torm the town of Greenfield. But this turn of matters was a sore trial to them. The dis- tance to Greenfield was more than twice that to Francestown, and over an exceedingly hilly and difficult road, while the road to the latter place was one of the best, with much travel, and always open in the winter. They had business and social con- nections with Francestown, but never could have any with Greenfield. Hence their dissatisfaction with the result was loud and strong, and they determined to escape from it, if pos- sible. For this purpose they prepared to bring the question before the General Court again. Their first step was to see if this town was still willing to receive them, and to determine this they sent again a formal petition "to the Selectmen of Francestown." This was in the fall of 1791. Soon after the Selectmen called a special town-meeting and laid before the town this appeal of "a number of Inhabitants of Lyndsborough 132 " LYNDBBOROTJGH ADDITION." Addition So called." A strip on the south part of the original Lyndeborough grant had been takeja off to form the town of Wilton, and this strip of ungranted land was added on the north to make up for what was taken off on the south. Hence it was called "Lyndeborough Addition," aiid it retained its name long after being separated from that town. The petitioners, though belonging to Greenfield by the late incorporation, were known as "Inhabitants of Lyndeborough Addition." At this meeting .(Dec. 12, 1791,) they chose Jonathan Fisk moderator, and "Voted to Grant the Petitioners there request (viz) to Come of to this town." They then appointed Maj. Oliver Holmes to go before the legis- lature and present "their Petition." This document was long, but so emphatic and suggestive, as to be worthy of a place on these pages. "To the honorable the Senate & House of Representatives of the State of New hampshire in General Court convened the first Wednesday of June ADomini 1792 Humbly shew The Subscribers now living, within the bounds of the Town, lately incorporated, in the County of Hillsboro' in said State by the name of Greenfield — That it is with -unspeakable sorrow, they consider them- selves as included within the bounds of said Greenfield, to which they have been uniformly & decidedly opposed, since the first Movement with respect to said Greenfield, & with which they never can with any degree of contentment be connected — The high opinion they enter- tain of the wisdom & integrity of the honorable General Court, convinces them that their situations & dispositions were misrepresented to the Court, or they never would have passed an Act, which your petitioners consider, as totally disfranchising them from all Town priviledges, to which they were before entitled in Lyndeborough. There they had spent their best days in bringing forward the Town, building a meeting house, settling a minister & providing for the education of their child- ren, & flattered themselves, that under the enjoj'ment of our present constitution, the second article, of the bill of Fights, would have been a sufficient security against their being deprived, of those means of hap- piness without their consent, & are so pained at the Idea of finding themselves and their posterity in a place, where the greatest part of the burden, incident to new Towns, are yet to be submitted to, it their future prospects of ever enjoying the advantages, they once had of the Gospel — & of Schools &c. — that they are constrained to apply to your honours, andwith the most profound humility, but greatest importunity PETITION TO JOIN FEANCESTOWN. 133 supplicate the further attention of the honorable General Court to their unhappy situation — With the provision made for their poling to Lyndeboro', they cannot consider themselves, as properly belonging to any town, or entitled to priviledges in any — With Greenfield they can- not join, with Lyndeboro' they can claim no rights, tho' they doubt not of a friendly reception; but do not wish to be viewed as interlopers or enjoy priviledges by mere Courtesy — They beg leave to suggest to your honours, that the Estates of your petitioners, all lay contiguous to each other, & are not mixed with those of any persons, who wish to go a different way. That they are all on the borders of Francestown & within two or two & a half miles of Francestown meeting-house & the shortest distance from said lots to said meeting-house but one mile & seventy one rods & a good road leading thereto — That they have long attended public worship in s'^ Francestown, not only on account of its being the nearest & most convenient for them: but on account of the minister whom they highly esteem — & can be better accommodated with Schools there, than in any other place — That the distance from the place, now talked of, for holding public worship in Greenfield, is a quar- ter, or a third further, from your petitioners & the road much worse, & always likely to be so, & the real centre of Greenfield still more distant, and the annexing your petitioners to Francestown will mend the form of that Town without injuring that of Greenfield — your petitioners there- fore pray that they may be rescued from the bondage of belonging to Greenfield, or living within the limits of it, & be annexed to Frances- town, where they can enjoy priviledges, which they will consider, as a compensation, for those they had a right to in Lyndeboro' & on account of local situation, superiour to any they can ever hope in Lyndeborough or in Greenfield — Wherefore as your petitioners always have been averse to any connection with Greenfield, as their interest, convenience, inclina- tion, & local situation all so stronly lead to Francestown — as Greenfield will not be hurt in its form, and Francestown will be mended by our being set from one Town to the other — as Lyndeborough have consented to release us & Francestown to receive us And Greenfield have no pres- ent right to us & will be better able to do without us in all probabihty hereafter than at present, we therefore beg your honours to sett off the two east ranges of Lyndeboro' adition so called containing six lots from Greenfield, annex them to Francestown & thereby deliver your' peti- tioners from their present distress & misery, and they as in duty bound will ever pray &c Ithamar Woodward B,euben Kimball Jacob Dutton ' Isaac Balch John Batten Frances Epss Richard Batten William Draper Andrew Creesey Israel Balch." 134 PETITION PROM SOCIETY LAND. It would seem from this that they were still to vote in Lynde- boro', though included in Greenfield and taxed in Greenfield, which left them in part separate from both. Their situation was decidedly unpleasant; and when the facts in the case were laid before the Legislature, and the convenient proximity of Francestown was made to appear, the petition was granted, and these men with their estates were annexed to this town Dec. 11, 1792. And this result has continued to be satisfactory to the several towns to this date. But before this matter was settled on the south-east part of the town, another similar disturbance arose on the north-west part. The incorporation of Greenfield had left the rest of Society-Land both weak and small, and they began to think of scattering to the several contiguous towns. A petition was sent to this town by a part of said inhabitants, asking to be received here ; and probably they expected to be welcomed because the others had been. The petition was ad- dressed to the selectmen and was as follows: "The Petition of us the subscribers Humby sheweth that wharas by a Late Incorporating Act of the General Court haye taken off the gratest part of the Inliabitance of the Society land and Incorporated them with others into a 'town by the name of Greenfield and we your Petetoners being Inhabitnnc of land unencorporated it being a remnant of the affor s'' Sociaty land and as we Judge is insufficient to Carry on Town Matters of our selves we therefore wish to be Incorporated into Francestown as an Adition to said town and therefore pray that your Honnours would Lay it before the Inhabitance of your Town to see whether thay would admet us as such and if so that you would Joyn with us in preparing and forwarding a petiteon to the General Court for the above purpos, and we your petitioners as in Duty Bound well Ever pray Society Land Decm"^. 1791 Gawen Armer Jacob Puffer Matthew Gibson Solomon Pilsbury John Felch ISfatthew Puffer Zach'' Dusstain Joseph Huntington Moses Feavor Eobart Dinsmore Eleazer Nutting " This petition was laid before the town at its next annual meeting (Mar. 12, 1792,) and a vote was passed not to receive them. And this vote seems to have stirred up much bitter feel- ing among the petitioners and others, on the ground that they were rejected at the same time .that the town was undergoing PETITION FOR ANOTHEB NEW TOWN. 135 considerable expense to help the others to come in. Hence they started a petition for a new town, to divide this town, if they could not come int() it, planning to take a part of Frances- town and a part of Deering, and with the remnant of , Society- Land, form a township of respectable size. ' It is not plain at this day where they planned to have their village, as the centre of the proposed tract would probably fall in the woods north of crotched mountain. But they went ahead and pushed the matter vigorously. Their petition was presented to the Legislature at its June session that same year (1792,) and was as follows: • "To the honWe Senate & House of Representatives of the State of New Hampshire — Humbly Shew — That your petitioners being Inhabitants of a place called Society Land, Francestown and Bearing, now do'& for a long time past the greatest part of them have laboured under very great & distressing difficulties by reason of lying very remote from any place of public worship and almost destitute of any Town privileges: And judging it will appear highly reasonable to your Honors upon due information pray that they may have an incorporation, agreeably to the bounds hereafter mentioned (to wit) Beginning at the Northwest corner o"f Greenfield thence along the line of s<* Greenfield continuing a direct Course into Prancestown as far Easterly as to take in Mr. Benjamin Danes Farm, thence northerly by the Easterly line of said Danes farm to the North line of Frances- town, thence easterly to the East line of M'' William Aikens land; thence northerly to the South line of Packers right so called thence westerly by the South line of said right to the west line of M'^ William M<=Fersons land from thence a direct course to the eminence of Hedghog Mountain (so called) thence along said eminence to the northwest part thereof, from thence to the Eiver Contocook, from thence along said river to the bounds first mentioned — And as your petitioners judge the prayer of their petition to be highly reasonable they earnestly request the hon*^* Court to grant them the prayer of s* petition or the favor of an impartial Committee (at their expence) to view their Situation and to report whether the prayer of said petition ought not to be granted in whole or in part as to your Com- mittee & your Honors will seem- most just & your petitioners as in duty bound will ever pray — Joseph Huntington Benj» Killam Matthew Gibson John Colby Joseph Putnam Matthew PufCer Solomon Pilsbury Joel Reed Jacob Puffer Moses Favour John Dusten Samuel Burns 136 COMMITTEE OF LEGISLATURE. John Puffer Samuel Barnet Gawen Armor Robert Forsaith John Mitchel Thomas Newman James Wilson James Mills Eliphet Dusten Daniel Dane Ebenezer Newman Eleazar Nutting Fitch Gibbens Andrew Taylor George Sumner Gideon Dodge Zacheus Dustin True Webster John Falch Samuel Blasdel James Burns James Masterman John Thomson Matthew Obrion John Burns Seth Hart Oliver Mitchell Daniel Dane, Jun"' John Highland John Gibson " Upon this petition the Legislature appointed a committee to visit the place and hear the evidence, and report at the next session. This committee consisted of Hon. Robert Wallace, (of Henniker, member of the Senate,) Peter Clark, and Benjamin Pierce, and they gave early notice to this town of the time and object of their coming. But to this project of division Francestown made vigorous opposition. At a town meetiiig Aug 27, 1792, they chose David Lewis, Jonathan Fisk and Maj. Oliver Holmes "a CommittJ' to Meet the CJourts Committee which ware appointed to vew the Ground that a number had petitioned the General Cort to be Incorperated into a town." They also voted to measure the road from New Boston line past the meeting-house to society land, north of the mountain, to show that said meeting-house was near the centre of the town, and how much a division would injure and misshape the town. The committee of the town were wise, diligent in their work, doing all in their power against the new project. Deering also strongly opposed the above petition, and sent a committee to appear against it; but I have not found any records giving names, or further specifying the action of that town. Nothing is recorded of the hearing, and no report was made to the towns; but to the Legislature, (probably Dec. 1792) the following communication was made: FIKST EEPEESENTATIVE. 137 "The Committee on the Petition of the Inhabitants of the Society Land and others, haveing vewed the Situation of the Several tracts of Land Mentioned in said Petition and it appears to us that it would be very injurious to the Towns of Prancestown and Bearing to have So Great a part of said Towns Anexed to the Society aforesaid — ^it is therefore the Opinion of your Committee that the Prayer of said Petition Ought not tabe Granted — Which is Submitted by Robert Wallace for the Committee." Practically this ended the matter. And it would have been an ill-shaped and inconvenient town, if incorporated;, and at this date it is hard to see what advantages could have been gained by granting their petition. At the March meeting 1792, an article was in the warrant to see if the town would choose a representative. The growth df this community was such that they were now entitled to a repre- sentative of their own; and they voted to send one, and promoted Jonathan Fisk to that office. The Constitution of 1792 required one hundred and fifty voters, to send a represent- ative. Francestown has sent many noble men to the Legislature since that day ; and in the cljapter on Town Officers, their names and dates of service may be found. At this meeting also, the town was "to see if they will give any parson or parsons Liberty to Buld Sabbath Day Houses on the Common." And the selectmen, who had previously been directed to "say whare thay shall Buld hors sheads'" were now loaded with the additional responsibility of "saying whare any Persons shall Buld Sabbath Day houses." These were small cheap one-story structures, having only one room, made from ten to twent)'^ feet square, tight and warm and provided with an open fire-place. Such houses were numerous in some of the older towns, and stood near the church, neighborhoods or kindred families unit- ing together to build them. These made convenient places of shelter in cold weather when services lasted, all day, and there was no fire in church. The mothers who in those days brought their small children to church, would go to the "Sabbath-Day houses " to feed and warm the little ones. Generally the whole fanily would go to church, and would start early in the morn- ing, so as to get a good fire started in the Sabbath Day-House 138 SABBATH DAY HOUSES. * and get well warmed before the time of public service. 'In church the minister often preached with his mittens on, the women had hot stones for feet and hands, and some had foot- stoves, and all were muffled up and huddled together, to keep as warm as possible through the forenoon service of two hours ! Then they hurried back to the Sabbath Day House for the inter- mission, carrying the children who were ofttimes crying with the cold. But there they "warmed up again," and rested, and talked over the sermon, and had singing and prayer. Sometimes it was a real "noon prayer-meeting." They passed round a little cider, or New England rum to all the family, and neigh- bors present; but this did not lessen the devotion or solemnity of the hour ! It was a place of decided comfort and usefulness ! Probably the children loved the Sabbath Day House more than the church! There also at noon some humble "luncheon" was eaten; and thus they made ready for the long sermons and praj-ers of the afternoon. So far as known, only one Sabbath Day House was ever erected in Francestown. It stood near the east end of the row of horse sheds east of the old church, and is remembered by some of the older people. It came after a time to be known as "the noon-house." In later years dwelling- houses in the village became more numerous and opened their doors; while it is whispered that the public tavern supplied warming-up facilities surpassing the dull, uninspiring helps of the "Sabbath Day House." The subsequent introduction of stoves into the churches ended the demand for these side-struc- tures ; and now the Sabbath Day House is a thing of the past ! At a meeting Nov. 12, 1792, this town cast only 16 votes for Presidential Electors. It was the second election of Washing- ton and there was no rivalry or opposition apparent. They were required also "to fill up the vacanseas if any shall be in the Representatives to the unighted States," — on which they cast for Paine Wingate 14 votes, and for Abiel Foster one vote. It seems that "Wingate failed of an election on a previous vote. , The modern political fires had not then begun to burn, and there was hardly rivalry enough. March 11, 1793 this town cast its first vote for "Governor" under the Constitution of 1792, the chief officer of our state * PIKST GtriDE BOARDS. 139 being previously called "President" on the records. There was no enthusiasm and only twenty-four votes were cast; twenty for John T. Gilman and four for Josiah Bartlett. The latter had been three years at the head of the state. The former was elected on this occasion, and was elected each succeeding year till 1805. In Dec. 1792 the Legislature passed an Act "for the Purposs of Erecting Post Guides throughout the state." Previous to that date, it is said that guide-posts were unknown in this vicinity. Perhaps the fathers of the day thought this was a silly scheme on the part of "Young America." At any rate, no notice wfis taken of the new law at the March meeting following its enactment. But the law was mandatory, and trouble likely to arise ; and hence a town-meeting was called to see what should be done, Aug. 6, 1793, at which meeting they chose "Jonathan Fisk, Maj'' Holmes and Elias Fairbanks a Committee to Erect those post Guides." And since that day these mute pilots have directed the traveller on his way, and helped many a bewildered stranger into the right path. It speaks well for a town, to have good neat guide-boards at the "partings of the roads;" and the writer has noticed that generally, tumble-down guide-posts indicate a tumble-down town. As showing the rapid growth and large population of Frances- town, may be noticed the fact, that an effort was made at this meeting (Aug. 5, 1793,) to divide the town so as to form two military companies within our borders. This had been talked of before, and a committee appointed "to make a Division of the Company in this town," and they reported thus : "the Division Line is Astablished in the following manner to begin at the Kiver whare it Empty s out of the town and follow the River up to Cap* Carsons Mills and then to take the road that Leads to the Meeting House and to take the Eoad that Leads to James Parsons Junr till it striks the river and to follow the river on what is Called the Midel Branch untill it comes to Bearing Line." It would be hard to trace three branches of the river at the present day, from which it is inferred, as shown further on, that the streams were much larger and more numerous a hundred years ago, before the forests were cut down. The military spirit of the day is also apparent. ' There must have been no small 140 LICENSE TO SELL LIQUOR. interest in these matters, to support two full military companies in this town. It was only ten years after the close of the war, and the state of the times, and the spirit of the old soldiers, both contributed to fire the patriotic zeal. See chapter on military affairs. As the forces may be supposed to be divided equally, it appears that the bulk of the population was still in the easterly part of the town. Concerning the sale of liquor in Francestown the first record reads as follows: "State of Newhampshire Francestown Aug. 12, 1793 this may Certify whom it may concarn that Peter "Woodbury is Aprobated to Sell Speretus Lequer's in s* town by Mixing and retail by us Jabez Holmes 7 Select Elias Farbanks J Men " This appears in the records of 1790, though dated as above. But "Maj'r olever Holmes" has the real priority in the rum busi- ness, so far as town action is concerned, his "aprobation" dating July 23, 1793, though recorded later. Oct. 7, following, John Witherspoon was "Aproved off" for the same distinguished business by the same officials. As early as 1767 a law was "re-enacted" laying a tax on all "Spirituous Liquors sold in the Province." "Taverners" were licensed by the county courts and paid a certain per cent, to the coimty treasurer. For some years almost anyone was "licensed" who made application. "Taverners," that is, those who kept public houses; and "Retail- ers," that is, those who kept a bar in their dwellings or stores to sell by the glass, were all alike licensed, if they could pay the fee. As population increased, applications for license multiplied. Counting all the "licensed taverns" and "Retailers," there were in 1771, ninety-one legalized rum-shops in Hillsboro' County! And that with a population about one-qiiarter as great as now I In New Boston, then including most of Francestown, the names of dealers were John McLaughlin, William Starrett, William Clark, John Grimes and Alexander Gregg. The population of New Boston and the "Addition" (Francestown) was then not far from five hundred, or about one hundred for each seller of liquor! This state of things became alarming; and the Court ordered (Jan. 1772,) APPROVED BY PTJBLIC OPINION. l41 "That no person be licensed to keep a Tavern or retail until they have obtained the approbation of the Selectmen of the town where they live, or the major part of them, unless it should happen that the Selectmen should unreasonably withhold such approbation, in which case, it being made to appear, the Court may nevertheless proceed to license such persons." This was designed to check the sale, and diminish the num- ber of dealers,^ — an object which it does not seem to have accomplished. For dealers simply went through the form of getting "An Approbation" of the Selectmen, — and then the Court felt obliged to appoint them. Hence the selectmen were beset with applications and there was no lack of those "approved" by these town officials. Public opinion then favored the free sale and use of intoxicating drink. For years the only record was that of the Court, touching these licenses; but in 1793 and subsequently, they were obliged to record the action of the Selec1> men in the town books for reference. Thus in 1793, Oliver Holmes, Peter Woodbury and John Witherspoon, were licensed dealers in liquor in this town ; and there were never a less num- ber of dealers in town until the modern temperance sentiment began to appear. From this date till 1848, a half-century, from two to ten persons were annually licensed to sell liquor here. It was not then considered a crime, and some of the best men of the town were at times engaged in this traffic. In those days everj'- merchant kept liquor for sale, and was expected to; and no disgrace was attached to it. It will be pleasing to many to see the names of the tax-payers in 1793, this being the first list appearing on the records since the first town-tax in 1772. Strange to say, only five men in town had more than five cows each ; and sixty-one men, mostly farmers, had only one cow each. The whole number of cows in town was 312. The number of oxen was eighty-three pairs ; the number of horses was eighty-seven. The highest tax was that of Zachariah Whiting, 4<£. 7s. 5d. It will be noticed that the minister (Moses Bradford) was not taxed for his farm, or for anything whatever. Only one woman's name appears upon the list, and no " heirs of" anyone were taxed, which indicates that widows and orphans were rare in this young and hardy commu- nity. Thft number of tax-payers was 212. The names just as recorded were as follows: 142 TAX LIST OP 1793. Margaret Aiken Jonath Austen Jonth* Austen Sam' Austin Elias Austen William Abbot Asa Bixby Tho» Bixby Tho^ Brown Kobart Butterfield William Butterfield William Butterfield Jr. Oliver Butterfield Eobart Bradford Sam' Barnet Oliver BuUard Josiah Beard Jeremiah Brown Isaac Butterfield Moses Butterfield Isaac Balch William Cilley John Carson Joseph M^Cluer William Gamble ISTenon Cochron William Cochron William M° Coy Nathan Clark Haniel Clark Daniel Clark Robart Carson Asa Cram Stephen Cram Joseph Cram William Coldwell Mathew Coldwell Andrew Crecy Eobart M<=Clench Benj"' Deen James M"=Farson James Fisher Abnar Fisher David Fisher Jason Fuller Nath' Ferington Nath' Boyd Sam' Boyd James Brewster Isaac Brewster John Brewster Israel Balch Richard Batten Israel Balch Jr John Batten Amos Batchelder Sam' Burns Eben Bullard John Baley Jon* Baley John Deen John Dickey William Dickey Sam' Dickerman Timothy Dorson Simon Dodge David Durrant .John Deniston Andrew Deniston Eliphalet Dustain Jacob Dutton Benj Dutton William Draper James Dodge Stephen Dieke Moses Eaton Peleg Ewell Prez Ewell Elez"^ Everett Frances Epes Jonathan Fisk Binj Felch Step" Fuller Elias Fairbanks Henry M°Farson Sam' M<= Farson Joseph Guild Laraford Gilbart Mathew Gibson Ebe Hopkins William Hopkin Thos Hiland TAX LIST 1793. 143 Tho' Ferington Hezekiah Feringtoa Nath" Fisher Kufus Fuller Nathan Fisher Jr. Tho^ Fisher Daniel Fuller William Follingbe Moses Fisher John M^Farson James M^Farson Seth Fisher Seth Fuller Peter Farnum Jacob Ferington Sam' Farmer Thadeus Fuller John Green John Gibson Hugh Montgomery Asa Lewis Isaac Lewis William Lord Malcolm McLan Hugh McLan Joseph Lamson Sam' Lolly Winslow Lakin Nath" Lewis Lem' Lincoln James Lasley Sam' Martain Phenias Marrel John Manahan Tho» Mitchel John Mitchel William Mitchel Tho^ Mitchel Jur. Timothj' Morse Andrew Morison Jese Martain Bobart Mellan John Mellan William Moor Samuel M^Mellan Obe* Morse Joshua Huntington Gideon Huntington Enoch Holmes Joseph hall Oliver Holmes Jabez Holmes James Hogg Boyd Hopkin James Hopkin John. Harwood Eben"^ Holmes Sami Hodge Philip Heath Sam' Johnson John Johnson Joseph Johnson John Knight Joseph Knight Joseph Kimbel David Lewis John Mucler Jonath Mills Sam' Nutt William Nutt Sam' jSTichols John Nichols Jonath" Patch Elez'' Nuting Benj" Patch Thbs Patch Abnar Pettee Joseph Farce Nathan Parce Sam' Potter Thos Quigley James Kolf Zach' Richardson Stephen Shadock Richard Stanley David Scoby Benj Sleeper Nath' Sleeper Moses Sleeper John Smith David Strrrett Esqr William Starrett Ju'' 144 TAX LIST CONCLUDED. William Starrett John Weatherspoon Abel Spaulding Ithamore Woodard Nathan Savage Amos Wilkins Abel Spaulding .Tun' Tho^ "\Mlson William Starrett 3''* James AVilson Sami Thorpe Sam^ Whte (white) Sami Thompson Peter Woodbury Luther Thompson James Whitney James Todd Joseph Whitney Alexan" Thompson Francis B Vose Aaron Townsend Jonth° Baxter Aaron Townsend Jur Thos Templeton Zach' Whiting James Weatherspoon James Weatherspoon Jr Daniel Weatherspoon At the meeting March 10, 1794, the town "Voted Zachariah Eichardson Saxon for s" town and to take Care of the Meeting House." This was the first appointment to this distinguislied ofBce in this place. The reference to the old race that conquered Britain is only orthographical! At this same meeting they "voted Not to Excuse Decon Samuel Boyd from paying Taxes to M"' Bradford." As intimated on a former page, the minister was a town-officer and paid out of the town treasury. Dea. Boyd was a Presby- terian and would not come into the union-agreement of 1790, and went to the Presbyterian meeting in Peterborough. He lived near Greenfield, and petitioned to be exempted from a minister-tax in this town. But he petitioned in vain! At a town-meeting Aug. 25, 1794, the highest vote cast for congressmen in this town was only 26. At this meeting they set up at auction "the cutting and di-awing" of Mr. Bradford's wood, and it was struck off at "2 Shillings and Nine pence P'^ Cord." This would be about 70 cts. per cord, less than one-half what it would cost now. At this meeting also, prompted by certain disputes between towns concerning the support of the poor, they ordered the THREATENED "WAR WITH PEANCE. 145 selectmen to warn off all new-comers alike, so as to be sure to hit the right ones, the record being, — "Voted that the Select Men for the Time Being Shall Warn out all Parsons that are now in Town that have not been in a year and all that Shall Come in hear after." This, as noticed on a former page, was a harmless formality, but it was not very lovely in name or performance. About this time (1794) the storm of war seemed to be gather- ing again around this young republic. The government of England had never looked very pleasantly upon this rising nation, and, though compelled to grant the independence of the United States, had continued to assert authority over us in vari- ous unwarrantable ways. But a new treaty was made with England in 1794, after long effort, which treaty, though not giving us all our rights, was advantageous to us on the whole, as keeping us from war, and from excessive taxation, thus eaabling us to grow both in numbers and resources. At that time, however, England and France were in such constant con- ' flict with each other, that, to be at peace with one of them, involved the others' dislike and opposition. We were soon en- tangled in questions and disputes which almost brought us into war with the old ally and friend that came to our help in the Revolution. There actually did occur some sea-fights between French and American vessels. France was in a state of fever- ish excitement, and would not receive the ambassadors whom we sent over, and denounced us as ungrateful, joining with an enemy and turning against a friend. Some of them suggested that we pay tribute-money to France, to cancel old obligations. This arousQd the American people and opened their eyes. One of our Ambassadors (Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina) responded, "Millions for defence ; not a cent for tribute ! " This sentiment became a watchword and was spoken by every tongue in the United States. At once preparations were made for war throughout the land. Things grew worse and worse, until General Washington, who had retired from the Presidency(1797 ) was called from his retirement to take command of the army. Minute-men were called for and enlisted and trained, all over the country. The plan of the government was to have a trained 146 MEETING HOUSE EEPOBTED FINISHED and well-furnished army ready to move at a moments' warning; and the quotas were apportioned to the states and towns. At our town-meeting (Mar. 9, 1795) the matter was taken up in the- most patriotic spirit, and they "Voted that Each Solder that is to be raised for this town Shall be Maid up ten Dollars p"^ Month whenever they are called into actual Servis and half a Dollar p'' Day when thay are called to any Extradanary servis at home." This was increased to twelve dollars a month, at a subsequent town meeting, to be reckoned "from their Marching till their Discharge," and at the same rate till they should reach home on their return. It appears that the requisite number of men were soon enlisted, and that when larger plans were made more were enlisted, so that this town bore with marked promptness its full part of the work. Thus things lingered along until the accession of Napoleon to power in France (1799,) with whom a treaty of peace was soon secured. Thus there was no war; but for three or four years, the American heart was on fire, and sentiments of patriotism were everywhere heard. And this, notwithstanding the fact that the sympathies of the people of this country were with the French from 1795 to 1815, through all the struggles- of those stormy years ! At the March meeting of 1795 the committee to finish the meeting-house made their final report and settlement; which shows that their attainment of a sanctuary was a struggle of many years, through many poverties, and brought to success just as the town became strong and comparatively rich. And this very year (Sept. 28, 1795,) an article was before the town "to Inlarg their Meeting house." This was voted down, but it shows the wants and the ambitions of the growing .community. They felt now that they were past the day of small things. Hence at the next annual meeting a proposition was made to take the balance left from the sale of peAvs for the purpose of "Purchaseing a Bell fo'r the use of s* Town," and they voted "not to buy a Bell," but "to convert the Money left of the Pews to the use of Building a Meetinghouse." Mar. 29, 1796, the town voted (54 against 45) to accept the report of a committee to build a new meeting-house 45 feet by 60 feet in size. This committee were COLLECTING-OF-TAXES SOLD. 147 "Maj. Holmes, Tho^ Bixby, D" Lewis, D° Starrett, Cap' Woodbury, Isaac Lewis and Elias Fairbanks." They had been chosen by the town, represented both old and young, and voiced the sentiment of the best part of the town. Yet at an adjourned meeting (May 2, 1796,) the former vote was reconsidered and the whole matter postponed. Sept. 19, 1796 in public town meeting they chose Daniel Clark grand juror, and "drew John Smith and Andrew Cresy from the Box To Serve as petit Jurors." This distinction in the methods of appointing the two classes of jurors was kept up for many years. Originally, both were chosen by public electa ion; now both are drawn "out of the Box." In the years 1797, 1798, and 1799, but little occurred in town, requiring notice at the preseM day. These were years of much progress and improvement in this place, and many things are recorded of interest to the people at that time, which it would not interest the general reader to narrate now. The last of the log houses of the first settlers gave way to larger and more con- venient framed buildings. Fences, roads, farms, barns, houses, orchards, all showed a marked improvement, to the great increase of the comforts of life. Mar. 13, 1797, for the first time, the collecting of taxes was sold at auction to the lowest bidder, but the custom continued for many years. And it was the custom to choose the tax-col- lector as constable, thus keeping these two offices united in the same person, as before. The fathers thought the collector must be backed by considerable authority ! If a poor or unworthy man were chosen collector, the town found its security in the bondsmen. The selling was in open town-meeting, and' the bondsmen were accepted or rejected on the spot by public vote. Sometimes it was hard to get bondsmen that the town would accept, and oft in this public way personal feelings were not a little wounded. These were generally the most exciting and often the most amusing, scenes in the town-meetings of those days. Sometimes in cases of personal rivalry and opposition the price of collecting taxes was run down to almost nothing, and people had the satisfaction of knowing that this dreaded ofScial "had to work cheap." Cases are on record in some towns where the excited and determined candidate actually paid money for 148 SELLING THE CAKE OP THE POOE. the privilege of collecting. But perhaps the honor was counted as no small remuneration ! At this same March meeting the town voted a bounty on crows and blackbirds ; the amount given for the former old or young, being "one Shilling & six Pence" (about 36 cts.,) and for the latter "four pence each." This considering the greater value of money at that date, was a very large bounty and shows that the farmers had grown desperate under the annoyances of these pests. The large surrounding forests were full of them; and ■they came forth in hoards to prey upon the crops. Mar. 13, 1797, occurred the first instance of "selling the poor" in Francestown. This was the bad-sounding name it came to be called by ; but it was only the custom which prevailed in all the towns of selling the care and support of the poor. According to the record they "Voted that tlie Towns Poor be set up at Vendue to the lowest bider the one that shall take them to Board them and do their washing and mending all extraordinary cost the Town to pay.'' Thus the charge that if the South sold negroes because they were slaves, the North sold white men because they were poor, had no foundation in fact, since it was only the boarding and caring for the poor, that was sold in our state. "Mrs. Matthews" and "Esther Jones' child," were the first persons thus "set up" in this town. The general humaneness intended toward these unfortunates is shown by the condition that the "child have the benefit of the Town School." These two were all the paupers then in Francestown, and the expense of keeping both was less than ninety dollars a year. The Governor vote this year in this town was 98, all for John T. Gilman, and not more than half voting. Evidently the wave of party strife had not yet struck Francestown. This year (1797) we find a change in the record concerning the choice of liquor-sellers. Hitherto the selectmen had ^'■approved" certain persons, and then these persons had been appointed by the Court of the County. But now the record reads, "we Appoint Cp* Peter Woodbury to Eetail and Tavern Foreign Dis- tilled Sperits as we think him to be a suitable person." THE TUElSr-PIKES. 149 This indicates that some new power in the matter had been given to the selectmen of the several towns. The history of legislation concerning the liquor traffic in this country would be very suggestive. From the first the State has exercised authority over it in various restraints, and licenses, and limit- ations of day or hour. The thought of prohibiting the sale entirely, seems not to have occurred to anybody, though all thought of curtailing the evil. But if it were not a wrong and a crime, what business had the state to disturb it? If it were a wrong and a crime, what business had the state to license it? Shall we license slander and stealing? About this time efforts began to be made to open up some great lines of road through the state, for the development of our resources. It was before the day of railroads and telegraphs and this seemed to be the only method of state improvement. These great roads were built by incorporated companies, and were called "turnpike-roads," and afterwards simply turnpikes, as the gates that turned across these roads at the places of taking toll originalljr had pikes of iron or wood projecting from them to prevent the passage of horses. The first of these turn-pikes was incorporated in June 1796, and extended from the Piscata- qua River in Durham, above Portsmouth, westwardly through six or seven towns to Concord, where the Legislature had met several times, and the centre and capital of the state seemed likely to be in the future. The "Second New Hampshire Turnpike" was from Amherst to Claremont, about fifty miles. It was incorporated Dec. 26, 1799. It seems that the leaders in this project first asked permission of the several towns they wished to pass through, and that they planned to build in a straight line, without much reference to hills or valleys. This town "Voted not to Remonstrate against the Petition for a Turnpike Road.'' Antrim "Voted the town have no objection." Generally the plan was welcomed as a public benefit, something as a railroad would be welcomed at the present day ! All along the way there were many to see in it the opening to new prosperity and wealth. This turn-pike was built for the most part in the year 1800, being pushed with great energy in all the towns. As soon as possible in the following summer it was completed and opened 150 TTJEN-PIKES CONTINUED. to the public. Stages were at once put upon it. Soon there was a- great stream of travel over this turnpike to Boston, com- ing from the towns above and from Vermont. For twenty-five years this was one of the most important thoroughfares in New England, the amount, especially of heavy travel, being enor- mous, loaded teams of all kinds, ofttimes in processions of a dozen long teams together working their slow way to the city. And these returning were loaded with store goods and rum. They carried lumber and all kinds of farm produce to Boston ; and teamsters were said to make a good thing out of it "by loading both ways." "The Third New Hampshire Turnpike" incorporated Dec. 27, 1799, extended from Ashby, Mass., to Bellows' Falls. "The Fourth" extended from Concord to Lebanon. For a few years there was quite a zeal for building turnpikes throughout the state and about twenty such were incorporated. Nearly all of them tended toward Boston, as the railroads do now. All these were bailt by companies, and they sought to benefit the public ; but they did not forget to plan for remuneration by a system of tolls. Gates were arranged so as to swing clear across the road, and close it against all passage. ■ At each gate a "toll-keeper" was stationed. The charge for passing a toll-gate on the turn- pike here was eight cents. These "toll-gates" were seven or eight miles apart, and did not affect travel between any two of theni, nor disturb local travel to any great extent. In this town the company took for the most part roads already made, widen- ing and improving the same; btit of course they could not prevent the town's people from travelling their own roads free. Hence the only toll-gates in Francestown were near the borders. One was a little south-east of Joseph F. Duncklee's, near the corner where the road branches off from the turnpike to New Boston ; and the other was a few rods south of the Gibson tavern. At, or near, each toll-gate was a toll-keeper's house, called the toll-house, some of which are still remembered. But in the course of a few years the payment of these tolls became exceedingly annoying as well as burdensome. Sometimes toll- keepers grew impudent and cross, when too often aroused from their mopish stupidity. Sometimes they were exacting and unaccomodating to the last extreme, so that often people would THE TOLL GATES. 151 go long distances round to avoid them. Not long before the Turnpike was made free Mr. Thomas Tucker of Vershire Vt. came to visit his sister Mrs. Aaron Draper, and when he reached the toll-gate near the Gibson tavern, he could not make the change to pay and lacked one-half a cent. Before he had time to arrange it to her satisfaction, the old woman who kept the gate began scolding and refused to let him pass. Somewhat nettled by her snappish independence, he grabbed an axe, and taking an old "Bungtown cent" from his pocket, cut it in two pieces with a blow, and handing her one-half, he said, "Madam, here's your half-cent, and I'm going on," — and on he went, not- withstanding some very vigorous remarks on her part! The other half of the cent he gave to his sister, and it is now held by Mrs. N. C. Draper as a reminder of old times ! At a reasonable hour in the evening the toll-gates were all closed and locked, a thing which would be very inconvenient to modern sports and lovers, and was occasionally embarrassing then ! But the happy swain of the "small hours" was not likely to mention it ! It was only whispered that "such a one went a long way round to get home ! " Some of these New Hampshire turppikes were profitable for a time ; but as they were generally built in a straight line and over hard hills, and as the tolls were exceedingly annoying and burdensome, it came to pass in a few years that other roads were built on better ground, in many places, which, being easier and being free, gradually diminished the travel and income of the turnpike. By and by the expenses of supporting gates and "toll-keepers," and keeping the road in repair, and keeping it open in the winter, balanced or destroyed the whole income ; and the proprietors were glad to withdraw their claims, and throw the care of this turnpike-property upon the towns through which it passed. Thus the several New Hampshire turnpikes, one after another became free ; this one was made free in 1837; the town appointed an Agent to keep it in repair in March 1838 ; the toll-gates were left to rot down ; and thenceforward belated lovers found no bars across their way home ! The snappish and growling "toll-keeper" was known HO more! At the close of the year 1799 the country was thrown into sorrow by the death of Gen. Washington. He died after a short 152 DEATH OF WASHINGTON. illness Dec. 14, 1799. The whole nation mourned. It is said that the old soldiers in Francestown were deeply affected ; that their voices choked as they spoke of their old leader, and that they wore crape for thirty days as a silent witness of their grief! At the March meeting for 1800, we find for the first time a division in the governor vote, it being previously all one way in this town. But this time Timothy Walker received 76 votes, and John T. Gilman 33 ; and from that day to this, there has been more or less party division, and opposite political opinions have been earnestly held and advocated in this place. This year (1800) for the first time the town accounts were kept in dollars and cents ; yet so jnuch were they wedded to the old way, that the collection of taxes was sold at auction to Isaac Butterfield at " eight pence on the pounds It was a long time before the old way of reckoning entirely passed away — and pounds and dollars were fearfully mixed together for a few years. The writer remembers when the old people made their calculations in shillings and " nine-pences " and "four pences." So hard is it to let go of the past ! So natural for people to cling to the old, just " because they know it ! " Aug. 25, 1800, the town voted to build a new meeting house ; but the reader is directed to the next chapter for the I'ecord of the execution of this vote. Also at this meeting they " Voted to give liberty to School Class, No. 3, to let their School House remain on the common where it now stands," it being thought best by some to move the school house farther out of the way of the proposed new church. In the autumn of 1800, the plan for a new town, defeated in 1792, was started up a second time ; and at a meeting Nov. 10, 1800, the town considered a petition which had been sent in some weeks previous. The Article in the warrant was " To hear a Petition from the Inhabitants of Society Land to this town, requesting that it may be laid before the town, to see if they will re- linquish a part of Said Town, to be Incorporated with Society Land and a part of Deering into a Town." , Upon this the town " voted that the Petitioners have leave to withdraw their Petition," THE DYSENTEEY-SCOTJEGB. 153 and instructed their Representative (Peter Farnum) to oppose the project, should it be carried to the Legislature. It does not appear that the plan was pushed any further, or carried again to the General Court. The probability of success was not sufficient to warrant the trouble and expense of another trial. And there were other hindrances more than at the first. As this chapter closes the record of events in this place for the eighteenth century, it may be added that at the beginning of the century this was an unbroken and almost undiscovered wilderness, while at its close, here was a comely town of about twelve hundred people, Avith many improvements, attractive homes, and considerable wealth. The population of this town in 1790 was 980 ; and of the United States in 1790, 3,929,214 ; while the population of the United States at the close of the century was 5,308,483. At the. same date 1800 the population of New Hampshire was 183,858; and of Hillsboro' County (then nearly double its present area,) 43,899. At the close of the century Francestown had only two town paupers, and this community were every way in a prosperous and encouraging condition as to business and public affairs. But the century closed amid mournings for the little ones throughout the towns in this vicinity. The scourge of dysentery swept over this part of the state, continuing its terrible work for two years in some places. It appeared in Francestown in mid- summer 1799, and was so general among the children and fatal in so many cases, that, at a meeting of the church Sept. 8, 1799, the church voted "on account of a great mortality caused by the Dysentery" to keep the 19th of the month "as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer * * to humble ourselves before God and implore his mercy." So gr^at were the anxiety and distress of the people that they invited the neighboring ministers to come and help them on that, day; and Rev. John Bruce of Amherst North Parish (now Mont Vernon) preached A. M. (2 Chron. 15 : 12) and P. M. (John 7 : 37-8) "to a very crowded and solemn assembly." The disease soon abated for that year; but when the hot season of 1800 came, it broke out again, and many children died in all this region. Three children by the name of Hall died in Frances- town in one day. The mothers of Israel were full of alarm and 154 SAD CLOSE OF THE CENTURY. sorrow. The disease was in almost every house, and there was great suffering, and many, chiefly children, were taken away. It was a dry, exhausting, burning, sickly year. The Historian , of Hancock says, "Dysentery was an awful scourge here in 1800." In Antrim in August of that year there were nineteen funerals of childi-en in one week. And thus the century, other- wise closing with so much encouragement for this community, slipped away leaving many a heart in sadness and many a mother's arms empty, and many a little grave under the snow! Was ever, was ever a tenderer tear Than that which falls on the baby's bier? Or a mother's more hallowed grief below Than that for her little one under the snow ? Was ever, was ever her heart oppressed Through the time for toil or the time for rest With sighing or longing for aught below Like that for her little one under the snow ? CHAPTER IV. OUTLINE OP EVENTS IN FEANCESTOWN mOM THE COM- MENCEMENT OF THIS CENTUKY JAN. 1, 1801, TO 1851. The opening of the century finds this people preparing to build a new meeting-house, with about the usual amount of sore- nesses and excitements in such cases. At the meeting mentioned in the last chapter (Aug. 25, 1800,) the town chose "D° Lewis D" Fisher Benj° Dean D" Fairbanks & Oliver Holmes Jr." a committee to draw up a plan and estimate the cost. They voted "to refund to the present Pewholders the original cost of their old Pews, or if they should purchase a Pew in the new Meetinghouse, the said original cost of their old Pew shall be credited to them in the payment of their new Pew." This vote was ratified at a subsequent meeting, (Jan. 5, 1801). The committee named above reported at an adjourned meeting (Sept. 22, 1800,) and the town, in presumed accordance with their report, "Voted to build the Meetinghouse 66 by 48 feet," and ordered by public vote the various details of the building. Then chose "D" Fairbanks Ben'" Dean & Oliver Holmes Jr," a committee to receive proposals. At a later adjourned meet- ing they voted to sell the pews at auction the last Monday in Oct. (1800,) which pews were all located according to an exhibited plan. Thus the pews were to be sold before a blow was struck. But the advantage of this, was that they could know by it the real popularity of the undertaking, and could have means forthcoming with which to build. A few who had not paid for their old pews were to be called upon at once for payment. Thus matters rested through the winter, except that a large jiumber of men were busy in getting out lumber for the 156 RAISING THE NEW MEETING-HOUSE. new building. The first town-meeting of the century (Jan. 5, 1801,) was called to act on meeting-house matters, but the details need not be chronicled here. At the annual meeting (Mar. 16, 1801,) the town "Voted that there shall be on the Belloony of the new Meeting house a Cubelo agreeable to the Draught then exhibited." And at a special meeting (Mar. 30, 1801,) the town voted that "the new Meetinghouse shall stand six feet to the South of the Porch of the old Meetinghouse and the East end of the new five feet to the East of the East end of the old Meetinghouse." This gives an idea as to where the first building stood, a little northwest of that of 1801. The work on the new house was pushed so vigorously that the town had another meeting (June 11, 1801,) and voted to "commence the Raising" of their meet- ing-house June 24th following. As it was to be an imposing structure for this vicinity in that day, the event was of great interest and wonder. A crowd was expected from other towns ; and here everybody would of course attend. Hence they "Voted that the Town treat with Liquor the Spectators." "Voted Nathan Savage, John Buckminster, Simon Dodge, and David Starrett Esqr, * » a Committe as assistants to the standing Committee in treating the Spectators." They then chose Peleg Ewell, Samuel Dickerman and Jonathan Patch a committee to keep order. Thus they had the larger committee to deal out the rum! At a town meeting Nov. 30, 1801, (Thomas Bixby, Moder- ator,) they voted to use the inside of the old meeting-house, as far as possible in finishing the new house. And at a meeting Dec. 27, 1802, they "Voted to Paint the whole of the enside of the meeting house including the Pews and to Leve it to Committee in regard of Collars." Thus the house was soon finished; and at the March Meeting of 1808, they chose their Moderator (Samuel Bell) in the old house, and then ad'ourned to the new one. And as subseqently reported to the town, the cost of the new meeting-house was as follows : Cost of building $5274.24, Paid owners of Pews in the old house $1013. .33 The pews sold for $6242.50 Balance against the town, $1045.07 PETITION FROM SOCIETY-LAND. 157 But as it furnished a town-house as well as meeting-house, it was considered a piece of good management for the town. Thus it stood without essential change till 1834. The old meeting- house stood in a dismantled condition along side the new one till the spring of 1803, when the town advertised it to be sold on the 25th of April. The frame Avas soon after taken down, and it is said that most of the timber was used in building the barn now standing on the farm of J. S. FoUansbee in the south part of the town. Long may even these relics be preserved ! Some weeks previous at the March meeting 1801, a petition was received for union of certain persons with this towri, upon which at said meeting they "Voted to answer the Praj-er of the Petition from a number of the Inhabitants of Society Land praj'ing to be annexed to this Town ; to receive so many as may be accommodated and that desire to come." This Petition followed the long struggle for a new town, which being a failure a few individuals sought to come here and unite themselves with this people. The petition was then carried to the General Court, and on June 5, 1801, the House appointed "Mr. Alcock, Mr. B. Pierce and Mr. Farnum" a committee, with such as the Senate might appoint, to consider the petition ; which committee reported that there should be a hearing on the matter "the first Tuesday of the Next Session," six weeks previous notice being given in Francestown and Society Land. This re- port was adopteH and its recommendations were carried out. But as there was no serious opposition the Legislature passed an act June 16, 1802, by which Robert Dinsmore, John Felch, and Hugh Bell, with their farms, were annexed to this town. The following is a copy of the same. "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court convened. — That the following Tract of Land be and it is hereby annexed to and incorporated with the said Town of Prancestown and to be considered a part thereof (to wit) begining on the West Une of said Prancestown on the line of lots between Robert Dinsmore and Eliza- beth Hogg, thence west by the line of said lots to the road that leads from said Dinsmore to Putnam's Mills (Bennington); thence to continue westwardly by the south and eastwardly side of said road to the west line of said Dinsmore's home lot — Thence south by the west line of said lot, and Hugh Bell's lot to the south-west corner of said Bell's home lot; thence east by the south line of said lot, to the north-west corner of lot 158 GREAT FEBSHET IK FRAKCESTOWN. number twenty-one in the right drawn to Jotham Odiorne Esq; thence south by the west line of said lot to the south-west corner thereof; thence east to Prancestown line, thence northerly by said line to the bounds first mentioned — And be it further enacted that the inhabitants of said land be here- kfter considered as Inhabitants of Said Town of Franeestown entitled to all the privileges and immunities, and subject to the rules and regula- tions of said town." This tract remained a part of Franeestown till the incorpor- ation of Bennington Dec. 15, 1842, when it became a part of that town. The following year (1803) others in the northeast corner of Society Land sought to be united to Franeestown; but the project ended when this town (Sept. 26,) "Voted not to except of Joseph & George Huntington to be annexed to this Town." At a town-meeting Nov. 30, 1801, on the question whether to push the work on that portion of the County road extending from "David Fisher's to the Dearing line," the town "Voted to choues a Committee to Procuer hands in the Best way they Can," and "voted to treat such hands as work Greates." Thus rum was offered as an inducement to work. Most labor- ers in that day would not work without liquor. Rum was everywhere. It startles us now, to know there were so many places where it was openly sold, and that nobody protested, and that the town approved of treating and selling, and that good men took the lead in such things ! At the close of April 1804 there was a severe freshet in Frances- town, carrying away the Carson Bridge (Mill Village,) about which there had been so much contention, and other smaller bridges here and there in town. So much damage was done that a town-meeting was called at once (May 2, 1804,) at which ("Elezer Evertt Modirator") they "Vot. To ajoin with Mr Dean in repairing ther Dam for the use of a road si Dean to put in ten feet More of a Waist way and Support it according to the first agreement with Carson;" and also voted "To Build the bridge be Low Mr. Cresys." CELEBRATING THE FOURTH. 159 These, with various small bridges and many "washouts," in- volved a large expenditure by the town and indicate one of the hardest floods ever known in this place. It is to be noticed that in those early years of the republic the Fourth of July was celebrated with more zest and regularity than now. The events associated with the day were nearer, and many a veteran was still alive, and coming before them, "Wept o'er his wounds, or, tales of sorrow done, Shouldered his crutch and showed how fields were won." The following notice appeared in the Amherst Cabinet July 7, 1803, and may be taken as a sample of quiet town-celebrations year after year, of which for the most part no record remains: "The Anniversay of American Independence was celebrated at Frances- town on the 4th inst. by a very numerous and respectable assembly from that and the adjacent towns. At one o'clock P. M. the Inde- pendent Company of Francestown in complete uniform, met at Capt. Woodbury's Hall, and, after performing military exercises and evolutions in a very soldier-like manner till 3 o'clock, escorted a procession of respectable citizens to the Meeting House, where a very ingenious and patriotic Oration was delivered by the Rev. Matthew Taylor. The exer- cises were closed with music adapted to the occasion. The Company then returned to Capt. Woodbury's Hall, partook of a refreshment, and drank a number of patriotic toasts. The utmost harmony prevailed throughout the day." At a meeting called to vote for congressmen (Aug. 27, 1804,) one article was to "See if the Town will do anything in respecting Leveling the Common and Raising the Grabil round the meetinghous;" — on which they directed Capt. Woodbury to expend fifty dollars. The records indicate that a great amount of labor and money has been expended on the common to dig down and fill up, one time and another, so that the ground must have been steep and broken at the start. At the meeting to vote for President (Nov. 5, 1804) the selectmen were instructed to repair the "grave-yard fences," these being broken by the removal of the old meeting-house. The first meeting-house stood partly in the cemetery, after the custom of those days. This was then the only cemetery in town, and, as it was nearly full, an effort was made at this time while 160 MUSICAL INSTEUJIENTS IN CHtTBCH. it was partially unfenced on that side, to enlarge it on the south, by removing what few horse sheds were in the way, and extend- ing the yard partly round the new meeting-house, as in the case of the old one. But the plan was very wisely defeated. At the March meeting 1805, as new ideas were creeping into this ambitious community, the Town "Vot^d to admit Instrumental Music into the Meetinghouse on the Sab- bath Day." Hitherto there had been only the luiman voice and a "pitching- fork." But there was determined opposition to this vote; and before the day was over it was reconsidered and "rescinded," and the Article in the warrant dismissed. And thus for a while longer the "Instruments" were kept out. Some of the oldest settlers objected even to the "pitching-fork," or "pitch-pipe," as some called it, and it did not lack the charge of being an "ungodly whastle" and a "wark of the Devil I " If some of those cautious and self-denying old saints could have dropped into our modern churches, with orchestras and brass bands and indescribable operatics and trills and echoes and responses and chants, in endless contoition and variety, probably they would have thought of the sphere of demons and would have run for dear life ! We tolerate anything in the music-line in these days, and call it "adoration and praise ;" but for real, reverent heart- felt worship probably the "stiff old saints" were ahead after all ! ■ The Legislature having at the June Session 1805 passed a law requiring a survey of all the towns in the state, this town directed the Selectmen to "cause a survey to be made." This was at a meeting Sept. 9, 1805, and is recorded as being "by Act of Coort." The "Plan of Francestown" made at this time was deposited with the Secretary of State at Portsmouth Dec. 25, 1805, as indicated by the town books. There are traditions remaining among the old people of a remarkable snow-storm which came Oct. 7, 1804, coverino- the ground a foot deep with snow. It filled the community with consternation and alarm ; for they had only begun to harvest their crops. I^otatoes were in the ground and apples hung on the trees that bended to the earth with snow: The leaves had not fallen ; and the gorgeous hues of the autumn were blended "THE BIG SNOW STORM." 161 with the whiteness of winter. And under all, the grass was hidden green as in the growth of summer, or appeared between the drifts like the beautiful background of a picture. But upon the fields and open places the snow soon melted away, and the farmers secured their crops with little damage ; yet in the woods, and in cold spots, the drifts lay unbroken till spring. This indicates that winter came early and was hard and long, as compared Avith winters now. From some cause there seems to have come a change of seasons in the past century, making shorter and more tolerable the rigors of the frost part of the year. It may interest some to know how much was raised ^'to defray town charges" in the former times. In 1800, the first year of calculating in dollars, the town raised $400; 1801, 1400; 1802, $600; 1803, $500; 1804, $500; 1806, $650; 1810, $500; 1815; $500; 1825, $800; 1835, $700; 1846, $1400; 1855, $1200; 1865, $4000; and 1884, $1500. An article was in the warrant (Mar., 1806) to see if the town would raise Rev. Mr. Bradford's salary — , which article was promptly dismissed, and the salary was raised the same as before. The town was accustomed to raise it without any vote; and was under oMigation of law to do it, as really, and on the same ground, as in the case of selectmen or town clerk. Yet the fact that the question was brought up at all, is evidence of a growing discontent with the minister and growing unwil- lingness to be taxed for the support of any church. It meant much, and was the beginning of the end, — the complete separa- tion of church and state. It is astonishing how little interest in politics was taken in the years from 1800 to the war of 1812. In 1800 the highest and whole number of votes cast was 109, which was less than one-third of the voters in town; in 1801, 68 votes was the highest number cast; in 1802 the whole number on governor vote was 99; in 1803 the whole governor vote was 102; in 1804, 114; 1805, 127; 1806, 134; 1807, 118; 1808, 120; 1809, 180; and in 1810, 186. This makes an average of 114 votes for eleven years, being but little more than one-fourth the voters then in town. But subsequently, circumstances in connection with the war then threatened, stirred up the political fires into some warmth. 162 FORMING SCHOOL DISTEICTS. Men of mature years who had never cast a vote in their lives for other than town officers, began to take interest in state and national affairs ; and the recorded voters were greatly increased in number. In 1811 the governor vote was 208; 1812, 207; 1813, 255; 1814, 252; and 1816, 267; making an average for five j'ears of 23S. The highest governor vote ever cast in Francestown was 330, in the year 1838, being for Isaac Hill 160, and for James Wilson, Jr., 170. In the year 1806 the town was "classed" or districted by the selectmen, for school purposes, into nine "classes" or dis- tricts. Then the "Col. Holmes District" (now Epps district) was the largest in town and the village district next largest. How much this differs from the "classes" as arranged in 1788, it is impossible now to tell. One seems to have been a union district with Lyndeboro'. The districts averaged more than thirty voters each, and all of them had large and interesting schools. From 1806 to 1812 there are very few events recorded that need special notice here. The long list of transactions given is of practical use, but not of historic importance. Mar. 10, 1807, the town chose Oliver Holmes and Benj. Dean a com- mittee "to Repair the Bellconey," with reference to hanging a bell; and at the succeeding March meeting they voted to "aproperate" the money due the town from the sale of the old meeting-house "toward Parchasing a Bell for the use of the town." At a later meeting (Nov. 4, 1808,) they appointed "Stephen Cram, Peter Woodbury and Joseph Kimball a committee to Purchase and hang the Bell." This was at once procured, and early the follox^ing summer was lifted to its place, and did good service for nearly fifty years, being taken down in 1855. Its cost was *456. Mar. 10, 1807, the town voted that the "Select Men pick Out a Saxton." Oct. 27, 1807, "Voted the Selectmen a Commetee as Eespext Mrs. Johnson," leaving us in ignorance concerning this good lady and her grievances. At this time, also, concerning a change in a certain road the selectmen gave the following report : "We think it our openion Said Road is Good as the old one," — MILITARY PARADES. 163 perhaps, like many distinguished officials in later days, not quite knowing what their real '■'■openion" was ! But how much better to report the ignorance than to assume the knowledge ! The following year (1808) several inhabitants of Deering sought to be united with Francestown. An article was in the annu.al warrant to receive Daniel Farrington, Phinehas Everett, Jonathan Page, Ezra Fisher and one or two others, but the said article was dismissed, and no further action in the matter was ever taken. < It was the custom, from the adoption of the Constitution of 1792 for more than a half-century, to hold occasional "military parades" in Francestown, th9ugh the "musters" were usually at "Cork plain." The Amherst Cabinet of that time speaks of a parade of the old Twenty-sixth Regiment here, Oct. 2, 1806, as an event of signal importance, and speaks of its com- mander, Col. David McClure of Antrim, then, and for several subsequent years, its soldierly and efficient chief officer. These parades were counted of greater interest than would be the encampment of an army now. The reader is referred to the chapter on Military Affairs. A parade of this kind which was of special jiote, occurred a few years later (Sept. 12, 1821), when "Col. Hugh Moore mustered his regiment" (26th) "in the field of Mrs. Polly Gibson;" and on this occasion rum and cider were licensed to be sold "in the Several Tents she may cause to be erected in her field," and in several tents of other parties, and in all the dwelling houses in the vicinity, and William Forsaith of Deering was licensed "to come and sell rum from his waggon,"— all which shows that musters and rum-barrels were expected to go together! In 1808, the number of tax-payers in Francestown was 237, being about the same as the number now; but the tax was much less than now. The amount raised for town charges was only five hundred dollars; the school tax was 1498.40; the county tax was only |85.98; and the highest ;individual taxes 164 SCHOOL INSPECTORS. were: John Gibson, 117.59; Peter Woodbury, $13.89; and James Wilson, 110.65. What would they have thought of the figures we have to meet now? A meeting was called Aug. 29, 1808, to vote for congress- men, New Hampshire then being entitled to five representatives, instead of two, as at the present time. The vote was thus: Charles Cutts, . . . 102 N. A. Haven, . . . 44 Clement Storer, . . . 102 William Hale, . . . 44 Daniel M. Durell, . . 102 John C. Chamberlain, 44 Jedekiah Smith, . 102 Daniel Blaisdell, . . 44 Frances Gordon, . 102 James Wilson, . . 44 This statement is given in full-to show that congressmen were not then elected by districts, but the whole state voted for the whole five together, as they do now in most of the states for Presidential Electors. These ten men were then prominent leaders in New Hampshire, but now all of them have passed away ; and it is suggestive of the transientness of earthly honors, to add, that now, after only eighty years, few, if any, of my readers remember a single one of them ; perhaps never heard of them before ! At the March meeting of 1809 the town chose & "Moses Bradford, Peter Woodbury, Daniel Lewis, James Walker, and Hart Merrill a Committee to visit and inspect the schools." These were called '-School Inspectors" for many years. This was the name given them in the Act of the Legislature requir- ing their appointment and creating the office, which Act was passed Dec. 22, 1808. This was the beginning of the "Super- intending School Committee," which continued in gr^at fame and power down to the year 1885. See chapter on Schools. A few statistics for the year 1810 may be pleasing or instruct- ive to the thoughtful citizen of to-day. The vote of the town was 133 for John Langdon for Governor, and 52 for Jeremiah Smith. The population of this town in 1810 was 1451. The amount of money raised by the town for all purposes was 11456.14, besides a small state tax. The number of tax-payers in town was 242. The four highest taxes were, John Gibson, 114.19; Peter Woodbury, 111.06; James Wilson, Jr., $9.87; and Joseph Kingsbury, 17.10; showing that taxes were very DEATH OF DAVID LEWIS. 165 light, and that property was evenly distributed, At the close of this year we find William Bixby, Benjamin Mather, Samuel Lolly, Peter Woodbury, Uriah Smith, Oliver Holmes, Jr., John Gibson, Charles Wells, and Peter Clark, all licensed to sell \ rum in this town. Who says there has been no improvement since those days? On the 3d of July 1811 occurred the death of Dea. David Lewis, whose loss was felt and mourned by the whole town. He was one of the original settlers, and was so prominent and useful as to justify a brief notice in this place. He was the first man ever chosen Deacon in the Congregational church, being chosen in March 1773. Men spoke of him at death as a "friend of man and a servant of God ! " By character and influence and life-long faithfulness to duty, he was placed among the noblest of the pioneers of this region. His age was 75. See Genealogy. A notice of this excellent man may be found in the Amherst Cabinet under date of July 9, 1811. In the following year (1812) the number of tax-payers had increased to 267, twenty-five in two years, showing a continued growth of population which now reached 1600. The State tax was 1220.20, the county tax 1228.40, and the whole amount raised in town was f 1778.87. The highest tax in town in 1812 was f 13.11, assessed upon Peter Woodbury. And the collect- ing of the whole whole was struck off to Col. Hugh Moore at one cent and a half on a dollar, or less than ten cents for each tax-payer. It was a time of unusual prosperity in all farming communities; — heavy crops, light taxes, — general peace, and health. But early in this year the difficulties between this country and England became so serious as to arouse the whole nation. The British people had never relished the idea of American Independence ; and our "relations" to them had always been what the diplomats now call "strained." They looked upon us as upon a rebellious child that ought to be kept under ; they put certain arbitrary restrictions upon our commerce ; and they insisted upon the right of searching American vessels and "impressing" into their own service any person who had been-'a British subject or had ever served in the British army or navy. These demands were executed with such arrogance andfrequency as to become intolerable, and as a last resort. Congress declared 166 WAR OF 1812. war against England June 18, 1812. Many people in New England were opposed to this war, believing it might be avoided, and thinking the nation was poorly prepared for it. In the iBourse of the struggle this opposition increased; as great damage was done to the commerce of New England by the war, and as the American troops were not successful enough to awaken much enthusiasm or pride in the popular heart. So great and determined grew this feeling that the famous "Hart- ford Convention" was called to devise means to defend New England and bring the war to an end. This Convention had its first meeting Dec. 15, 1814, and continued twenty days. Meanwhile negotiations for peace were going forward; and a Treaty was signed Dec. 24, 1814, on the other side of the water, at the very time of these painful deliberations here. There were no cablegrams and no telegrams in those days. It took several weeks for tidings of peace to reach the United States, the event not being known here till February following! Meantime the war went on, and Gen. Jackson gained his re- markable victory over the British at New Orleans Jan. 8, 1815, two weeks after peace was declared ! In this town, those who favored and those who opposed the war were about equal, though all were united in patriotic zeal for defence, and in loyalty to the American Union. For a list of the Francestown soldiers in this struggle, the reader is refer- red to the Chapter on Military Affairs. There were then eighteen states in the Union, and a population of about eight millions. Mar. 10, 1812, an article was in the warrant "to restrict horses and swine" from running on the common and highways. Hitherto all stock had gone free on any highway and on any unfenced land. But the legislature passed a law (June 1811) empowering the towns to restrict or prohibit this Swine especially were a nuisance to travellers. Highways were fed close, and sometimes there Avere rivalries among neighbors in getting their part of the "public pasture ! " In some places flocks of cattle and horses and sheep and hogs swarmed in the public road, making travel difficult, if not dangerous. Yet the town, at its first action in the matter, prohibited the running at large of only horses and swine, leaving the cattle free to wander SPOTTED FEVEE. 167 everywhere, at the peril of unprotected fields. One smiles at such a state of things, when now he can travel past hundreds of unfenced fields from one side of New England to the other, without seeing a single loose creature in the public road ! This year (1812) was memorable in this vicinity on account of the ravages of the Spotted Fever, so called. In Windham, whence many Fraiicestown settlers came, the deaths from this cause in the month of April were more than one each day. In Antrim this disease broke out Feb. 7, 1812, and spread rapidly, there b^ing two hundred cases and forty deaths in two months. The sufferer usually died in less than twelve hours from the time of being taken. All ages were taken from sixty years to the infant of days; and there were often tAvo or three funerals in each day, or three or four bodies were grouped together in the church and a few friends hurriedly assembled for a funeral service together! In Acworth there were fifty-thi'ee deaths from this cause. In New Boston this disease did not prevail to any great extent until the year 1814, in which year it swept away about forty persons in that town. And there were several deaths there from the same cause in 1815. In Hancock the spotted fever did not rage to any great extent, there being a few mild cases in that town in the spring of 1812. But in Francestown it was reported that there was not a case of this fever ever known; and why this town, lying midway between Antrim and New Boston, should be exempt while their losses were so heavy, was a question agitated in many minds, and one to which no satisfactory answer was ever given. And this question was made conspicuous by the fact that there were fatal cases of this fever in New Boston very near to the line of this town ! Merrill's Gazetteer of ■ New Hampshire (Exeter 1817) says that dysentery prevailed in Francestown in 1812, causing thirty-three deaths and that there were forty-five deaths in town that year. But the numerous deaths by dysentery here were in the year 1800, (referred to herein at that date;) and probably the writer named above, being told of the many fatal- ities in this vicinity in 1812, hastily grouped them all into this last named year. Certainly other such mistakes occur in said Gazetteer. 168 CHILDREN IN SCHOOL, 500. From 1797 onward, for a long series of years, we find sucli records as tliis (Nov. 5, 1804:) "Voted to set up William Abot to Vandue." But this was not so cruel as the face of it appears, since it was not the poor, but the care of the poor that was sold at auction, and of which a statement is elsewhere made. The poor thus said to be sold were to be provided with "victuals, Drink, lodging and Tobacco," — "including washing and mend- ing," and the selectmen were to look after them and see that they were properly cared for. In this way they were kept in their own town, and old associates looked upon them with sympathy, and no great disgrace was attached to their lot. In the year 1814 the "School Inspectors" reported that, "exclusive of the small scholars who attend in the summer only, there were in the schools during the past Avinter 460 scholars, of whom 82 were in the study of English grammar.'' This would make about 500 scholars in all, showing both a larger population, and a larger proportion of childi-en than at the present time. In 1814 the vote of Francestown for Governer was 252 ; of which 170 were for William Plummer, and 82 for John T. Gilman. At the same time, the question was raised as to revis- ing the Constitiition of the state, and this town cast 175 votes against revision and only 4 votes in its favor. The plan was defeated by a large majoritj^, but continued to be brought before the several towns every two or three years, for a long time. This year (1814) the taxes were collected for three- fourths of a cent on a dollar, and the amount raised "to defray town charges" was only $400 ! As their public burdens were so light, they promptly "voted to Add *100 to Mr. Bradford's salary," making it 1366.67. Surely the Good Pastor was not over- loaded with money! At a special town meeting (Aug. 29, 1814,) the town "Voted petitioners have liberty at their own Cost to moove the west end of the Signers Seat to the East end of the female Signers;" and it may be said, by way of explanation, that the "Signers" were really the singers, and that the "petitioners" were the POVERTY YEAR. 169 male singers, and that their ambition to sit near the fair charmers of the choir was quite praiseworthy and sensible, while the last expression, "the East end of the female Signers," must be left to the unaided interpretation of the reader ! In the spring of this same year a collection was taken, amounting to $310.58, in this town, to aid the sufferers by fire in the city of Portsmouth. The subscriptions are spread upon the record, and are so creditable to the people of Francestown as to justify being mentioned here. The fire referred to was the greatest known in the history of New Hampshire, and occurred on the 22d of December, 1813, sweeping over fifteen acres and destroying 173 buildings. In the same city, Dec. 26, 1802, 120 buildings, many of them small and cheap, were destroyed by fire, and Dec. 24, 1806, 20 buildings. The sym- pathy of the other towns in the state was greatly moved in behalf of that much-afflicted community. In the year 1815 the number of resident tax-payers in Francestown was 288, an increase of 21 since 1812, showing that the town was still slowly enlarging. The poll-tax was 51 cents, and the highest tax in town was $17.70, paid by John Gibson. The lightness of taxation will further appear by the statement that the next four highest on the list were James Wilson, Jr., -$13.09; Peter Woodbury, f 11.86; Thomas Eaton, 19.43; and Joseph Kingsbury, $6.77. Indeed, so low did taxes run about that time that, in 1821, the whole amount raised to defray town charges was only f 300, and the poll-tax onlj- 35 cents! The year, 1816, was called by the old people the "Cold Year," and "Poverty Year." The whole summer was chilly, and frosts, came very late in the spring and very early in the fall. The writer remembers hearing his father say that he worked at building stone-wall in New Boston, June 11, 1816, and was driven off by a snow-storm. There were two inches of snow, and the cold was so intense as to drive everybody indoors, and children huddled about the open fires as in mid- winter! The corn crop was a failure, and hardly enough could be matured for seed the following year. In some of the coast towns this was called "Mackerel Year," because the inhabitants were compelled to live largely upon fish. But the 170 THE NEW POUND. crops of grass and English grain were very good, preventing any great distress. The West, which is now our storehouse, was then an untravelled wilderness, a barrel of floui' was a thing unheard of, and farmers raised all they had to live upon oji their own ground. Not a bushel of corn was brought into New England. Hence, the loss of the corn crop was a serious thing for the people. But with their characteristic thrift, the farmers of Francestown succeeded a little better than their neighbors, and the pinch in this place was called as light as in any town in the vicinity. This year (1816) Dea. William Starrett was chosen town treasurer for the last time. He had held the office with great faithfulness, and for a long series of years, till the burdens of age were growing heavy. It shows the confidence in which he was held, and is worthy of being mentioned in this place. And this year eight tithingmen were chosen by ballot, showing that the office was still counted important, or that the difficulty of enforcing the old sabbath laws had increased. Curiously, also, the town "voted to put John Gibson on the worst road in town." This was not, however, a joke on that popular taverner, but all that was meant wn^ this, that his large highway-tax should be worked out where it was most needed. And yet, possibly the clerk recorded "better than he knew," since it might be a good thing, occasionally, to put the heaviest tax-payer "on the worst road in town," and let him feel the need of repairs that ought to be made ! Another vote was that the "Selectmen procure a suitable Bag for the Burying Cloth," SO as to keep smooth and clean that dark appendage of the coffin. Another vote was "to settle with Joel Jones as best they could," said Jones having brought suit against the town "for not hav- ing a pound." This shows that the pound the town had built years before (1787) had fallen out of repair. The people had not much use for it. But under spur of the law suit, the town at the March meeting of 1817 instructed the selectmen to build THE VILLAGE IN 1817. 171 a pound "in the bank at the west side of the Common." The structure was erected by Ebenezer Pettee, and stood- as long as any thing of the kind was needed. In Merrill's Gazetteer of New Hampshire, published in 1817, there is a sketch of Francestown, over the initials L. W. (prob- ably Levi Woodbury), which gives a view of things in, town at that date. He says; "Exclusive of the ordinary proportion of other mechanical business, there are here four large tanneries, a manufactory of musical instru- ments, and one of earthenware. The compaci part of the town con- sists of about 25 dwelling-houses, with a handsome meeting-house, several stores, &c. There are also 7 school-houses. A mail stage passes through Francestown twice a week to and from Boston." From this it would appear that the village has about doubled since that day, while the farm-population was about three times as great then as it is now. The manufacturing industries mentioned by the writer named, have all disappeared from town. As he does not mention the Academy, we infer that it had not gained any special standing or importance at that time. Uriah Smith was chosen town treasurer, 1817, to succeed Dea. Starrett, and continued to hold that important office for many years following. The Governor vote, 1817, was, Wil- liam Plummer, 192: James Sheaf e, 68. It is remarkable that, in 1818, with a population of about 1500, there were only two town paupers, a fact indicative of comfort and prosperty to all the people. Very appropriately, therefore, they again voted to 'iadd $100 to Eev. Mr. Bradford's salary, and also to abate his tax." The year 1819 was noteworthy as being a year of numerous and violent showers in some parts of New England. For several weeks in the summer there was a severe shower every afternoon, the roar of thunder and the frequent flash of light- ning, day after day, bringing alarm to many minds. Should such a season occur to us, everyone would say, "There was never anything like this ; " yet, many such a year has rolled by, and been forgotten, and the world continues to stand in tolerably good condition. In this vicinity considerable damage was done by lightning and hail and wind and driving rain. We 172 INCORPORATING THE ACADEJIY. are told that "buildings were set on fire, and many persons were killed by lightning." The church in Antrim was struck and set on fire, and with great difficulty saved from the flames. This town escaped with less damage than almost any other in this section. The year 1819 is specially to be remembered, also, as being the time of the incorporation of Francestown Academy. The Act of Incorporation was signed by Governor Samuel Bell, (who had been a student and afterwards a lawyer in Frances- town) and was dated June 24, 1819. The trustees named in the act were Peter Woodbury, Samuel Hodge, Eobert Nesmith, Peter Clark, James W. Haseltine, John Grimes," William Bixby, Uriah Smith, Oliver Holmes Jr., Thomas Eaton, Thomas Bixby, Daniel Fuller, and Titus Brown, — all prominent men in town and all now passed away. Before this Act the Academy had had a fitful, struggling existence of about twenty years, the first term having been kept by Alex- ander Dustin in the spring of 1801. It was then called the "Town High School"' and had gained some reputation before its legal existence, and had exerted considerable influence. But the Act of Incorporation was expected to give it solidity and permanence, and was looked upon as a sign of greater things to come. All this, together with its subsequent history, may be found in the Chapter on the Academy. An article was in the warrant this year (1819) "To see if the town will instruct the selectmen not to approbate a Licence to any person except a regular Taverner, and to see if they will recom- mend to discontinue the practice of giving Spiritous Liquors at Funerals." This was the thin edge Of the temperance wedge That somebody thought of driving, But they voted it out With a laugh and a shout As though that ended the striving! With prompt decision it was moved (and carried) to "dismiss the article from the warrant." That Avas to be expected at first. Everybody had been used to drinking liquor, and it had always TEMPERANCE MOVEMENTS. 17S been free at every tavern and every store ; at funerals and wed- dings and every merry-making or important occasion. There were, when this vote was taken, not less than eight licensed places of sale in this town. On funeral occasions liquor was passed to minister and mourners and generally to every person present; and often the multitude would drink so freely as to involve a large expense, to say nothing of more sinful and un- seemly results. And these several habits had been so long continued, were so general among all classes, and were so sup- ported by taste for liquor, that the custom was not easily to be broken up. But there were some who began to see the folly and wrong of the whole drinking business; and in the minds of good men there arose doubts and questionings as to the right- ness of the traffic. Hence this article in the warrant, stirring up the whole town in 1819. Francestown deserves the credit of being among the very first in this state to attempt any tem- perance movement. The first effort did not succeed, and indeed it was voted down with quick, and even spiteful haste. But it set people thinking. The licenses were still given to sell, and the drinking went on ; but there were some that stopped buy- ing, and the business in Francestown began to diminish. And two years later (1821) the town voted promptly and without opposition "not to license anybody to retail ardent spirits except inn-keepers, and then not in quantities less than a pint." It was still thought that inn-keepers and store-keepers must sell. Yet the town had taken one step in the right direction. There were, however, six who claimed to be "Inn-keepers," chiefly on the "Turn-pike" to accommodate the heavy through travel of teamsters and others ; and these with the several stores made selling-places enough still to meet all supposable needs ! But, as the temperance question came to be agitated and thought upon by the people, the custom of using liquor at funerals grad- ually passed away, and in the course of time the use of intoxi- cating drink by respectable people entirely ceased. There was a project started in 1819 to form a new county in this part of the state. The question had been before the people for some years, but came up for action at the March 174 "THE BRA OP GOOD FEELING." meeting of 1820. Several such schemes have been agitated within the memory of the oldest inhabitant. Just what were the object and bounds of this one the record does not state. It had, however, importance enough to get itself before the towns for decision, and was decisively voted down. The count in this town stood 10 in favor, and 59 against. It is to be noticed that for several years the important office of Hog-reeve has not been filled for some reason. Perhaps there were no newly-married men, of adequate character and worth, by whom the conjugal bonds were worn lightly so as to allow time and dignity foi' such an exalted position ! Or per- haps in the hurry of business the appointment was forgotten ! We regret that any worthy ones should fail of this distinguished promotion, and tluis lose the delightful service, the emoluments, and the honoi-, that were justly theirs ! For twelve years, (1815 to 1826 inclusive,) the town paid Rev. Mr. Bradford thirty dollars each year "in lew" of cutting and drawing his annual supply of wood. This was at his request, and the town remained true to its original agreemeijt till the good man's death. March 1820 the town "voted to Build Pews on the Lower floor of the Meeting-House where the Body Seats now are;" and to "reserve one pew on each side of the broad Aisle for the aged." This last was a very commendable act, giving them a free seat near the speaker. It appears that there was space left for only six pews, which were sold at auction for $80, each. At this time, under President Munroe (1817-1825) there was very little political excitement, and it has since been called the "era of good feeling." Nov. 6, 1820, the highest vote for Congressmeii or Presidential Electors was only 70, and nearly all one way. In 1821 the county votes in this town were all for one set of candidates, and the whole vote for Governor was only 75, and for the following year only 68. At the March meeting of 1821 the town chose "Richard Fisher, David Lewis, and Jabez Holmes , Jr. a committee to exert and use their influence to preserve good order in and about the Meeting House on the Sabbath." As tliey had already two good tithingmen for this same busi- ness, a painful state of things is suggested by this vote. Perhapg STOVES FOR THE MEETING HOUSE. 175 some temporary personal enmities had broken out, or some "cranks" existed in those days, and needed just then to be repressed, in this particular town. — 'Twas not all Eden in our fathers' day, Though back with pride they point us oft, and say. Ours was the golden age and better way. And then another cause of disturbance appeared in the fall of 1821. A subscription-paper had been started to buy a stove for the meeting house, and the danger from extravagance on the one hand, and from fire on the other, seemed so great as to stir the whole town with excitement! An article had been in the warrant as long before as Mar. 1816 "to Purchase stoves for the Meeting-House," — which had been promptly and vigorously dismissed. But as there was no hope that the town could be in- duced to vote such a costly and perilous innovation a few of the more progressive spirits of that day raised among themselves, 186.62, by subscription, went to Claremont, N. H. and bought a stove, and, without authority from the town, did deliberately set it up in the meeting house, and did kindle a fire in it! At once there was a cry of alarm. Some sensitive souls thought the dignity of the town had been insulted by this usurpation of rights! Some could not sleep for fear of being burned up! Somethine must be done! The conservatives determined to make a stand, and petitioned for a town-meeting; and, after some delay, (which the "stove-party" apparently favored,) a legal meeting was called for Jan. 12, 1822. But meanwhile the dreadful Stove worked well, and the fingers were warmed, and the large, cold church was made much more comfortable, and no buildings were burned; and consequently every sabbath made votes for the "Stove-party!" One or two fearfully cold sabbaths settled the matter ! And by time of the town meeting the Stove conquered, — and they voted that the "Stove'Lately pt up in the Meeting House remain for the Present!" They also "Voted that No Fire be taken from said Stove by any persons having Stoves for their use," i. e. they would not let them fill up their foot-stoves from it. And at the following March meeting, they chose 176 BFPOETS TO DIVIDE THE COUNTY. "David Lewis, Levi Bixby ai\d Daniel Lewis a committee to take Charge of the Stove in the Meeting House." They counted it a very important matter and put some of their first men on the committee ! Francestown was several years ahead of most other towns in tliis vicinity in warming the church. That iirst stove and pipe, delivered, cost $117.68. But it puzzles us at this day to know how previously they could live without it, in a house as cold as a New Hampshire winter could make it, men, women and children, all day long! Surely they were willing to "suffer hardship" for the sake of their religion ! A scheme was started in 1821, and voted upon at the March meeting of 1822, to "Divide the County for Registering deeds." The New C!ounty being defeated by the popular vote, this was thought of as a substitute for that, and was thought desirable by those living remote from Amherst, the County seat, where all records were then kept. In favor of this scheme Frances- town voted, though the yeas and nays are not given. But it failed of adoption by the voters of the County, and the records were not moved from Amherst till about half a century later. But only two years later (1824) the question was brought before the several towns, whether Amherst or Mont Vernon should be the shire town of the county. Some who had been defeated in previous efforts to break up the county now made a bold push to move everything from Amherst. It was claimed that Mont Vernon would be more central. Manchester then was little more than a sand bank, and Nashua (called Dunstable till 1837) was described a little earlier (1817) as "containing 8 or 10 dwelling-houses and 2 stores." Of course the bulk of the pop- ulation of Hillsboro' County was west of Amherst. But the people were sick of this wrangling over County matters, and being willing to "let well enough alone," they voted down all propositions for a change. In Francestown the vote stood,. 97 for Amherst and 33 for Mont Vernon. At the March meeting of 1822 the town chose "Moses Bradford, titus Brown, Dr. Luther Farley, Dr. James Crombie, and Daniel Lewis, School Visitors" (Comittee,) and empowered them to bring about "a uniformity of School Books & reform the System of Education Generally." TOWN FARM 177 It must be admitted that this was a strong committee; bat was not the undertaking rather large? The record does not state' what successes they reached, but it looks as though, even at this late date, some work might be done by way of "reforming the system of Education generally!.'" March 1823 the town instructed the Selectmen to purchase a hearse, — which was probably the first in this vicinity, Frances- town having a way of being in advance of most country towns. Wagons were not introduced into New Hampshire till about 1815 ; and the hearse was a rare and wonderful thing for many years, by some looked upon with dread and alarm, by others counted as a piece of extravagance. For 1824 and 1825 there is but little to record, except what will appear in special chapters. Up to the year 1824 the town warrants were posted and sworn by the constable, then a very important officer in the town. But, the coUectorship of taxes having been taken away from him some years before, and now the official connection with the town-warrant and the town- meeting being removed, the whole glory of the constable was gone ! Henceforth he was nothing but a police officer, with no salary and not much to do ! Subsequently, as at the present day, the selectmen posted the town warrants and certified to them. At the March meeting 1824 the town appointed Titus Brown, Dr. Thomas Eaton, and Maj. Daniel Fuller Jr, a com- mittee to enquire into the expendieney of purchasing a town farm for the support of the poor. Their report, made to the town at the annual meeting of 1825 seems to have been adverse, as the vote was against purchasing, and the care of the half-dozen paupers was again sold at auction. Subsequently (1882) a proposition to purchase a town farm was voted down. Again in 1839 a committee, consisting of the selectmen (Nathan Dane, James W. Haseltine, and Moses E. Bradford,) with William Parker and Daniel Fuller Jr., was appointed to "consider the expediency" of having a town farm, but no report of this committee is recorded. Nothing was done in the matter for several years, though there was considerable agitation about it, and many wanted a town-farm as the cheapest and most home-like and most honorable way to support the 178 GKASS-HOPPEE YEAR. poor. Nov. 7, 1848, the town chose the "old committee" to investigate the expenses of providing for the poor, and "to re- ceive proposals of farms," to report at the next March meeting. March 1849 the town chose "Israel Batchelder, Phinehas C. Butterfleld and Warner Clark, com- mittee to purchase a town farm;" which in due time said committee proceeded to do, as appears from the fact that March 1850, the town chose K. W. Emerson agent "to oversee the poor farm." And this farm made a quiet and happy home for the poor of Francestown for many years. Going back to the year we have wandered from (1824) we find that at the presidential election of that year only 58 votes were cast in Francestown, and these all one way. As tliis was at the election which resulted in the elevation of John Quincy Adams to the Presidency, it is concluded that the "era of good feeling" was not entirely gone, notwithstanding the bitter debates over slavery in 1820. At the March meeting of 1825, the vote in this town for Governor was, for David L. Morrill, 148, Benjamin Pierce, 13, scattering, 3. At the same meeting Francestown gave Titus Brown 152 votes, for congressman to succeed Hon. James Miller who had resigned. All but two votes were given to Brown. The year 1826 was known in all this region as the "Grass- hopper year." It was a dry, hot, exhausting summer, and through August the drought was the hardest ever experienced. By the first day of August the grasshoppers had multiplied so that they almost covered the pastures, and through the month they increased daily, and swarmed into fields and gardens and meadows and forests. They ate up half the hay crop, and in many places almost destroyed the grain. In some towns the farmers drove the grasshoppers in between the rows of potatoes and corn, and scooped them up by the basket-full to feed to their hogs ! This town did not suffer so much as many others, but here the desolation was sad to behold and the loss very heavy. Stock was fed from the barn in mid-summer, and farmers were almost ready to give cattle away. On the hills of Deering north of Francestown line, the well-stocked pastures were so bare and dead that cattle bellowed for hunger and ate twigs and gnawed the limbs of trees to save themselves from starvation. Men who COtTETS IN PEANCBSTOWN. 179 were then boys on the farm have told me that they remembered their fathers' going regularly every morning to the woods to cut down trees for the cattle to browse, and that the famished cattle followed them wildly ravenous to get at the leaves and twigs of a falling tree ! They would clean up everything but the trunk and the larger limbs ! From this we can get an idea of the extreme dryness and severity of that summer, and of the dreadfulness of the grasshopper scourge ! Many, with empty barns and large flocks, were in great alarm, and diminished their stock by sell- ing at one-quarter of former rates, good cows being sold for five dollars. And still the heavens seemed brass over their heads, and the multiplying devourers still moved over the fields with the noise of a tempest or of an army's tramp. But on the after- noon of Aug. 28 a rain came so heavy and fast as to sweep the grasshoppers off into the brooks and roll them in great piles down every valley and stream. Millions of them were drowned ; ,the soil was thoroughly wet; the dead grass seemed strangely to come to life and spring up ; the autumn was warm and long, covering the pastures and fields with plenteous feed far into December; — young cattle and sheep stayed in the pastures till new years' day; — and, with an early spring succeeding, the flocks never went through the winter more favorably, and the startling apprehensions of distress and famine proved, as usual, to be mistaken! It should be said here that the first session of the Probate Court ever held in Francestown was in the year 1825. Then, and for a long time subsequently, two sessions of the Court were held in this town each year. But since the rise of Greenville and Hillsboro' Bridge and the sessions of the Court in those places, only one session annually has been held in this town. There was a great excitement at the annual meeting Mar. 14, 1826, caused by the death of Uriah Smith, Esqr. He was then town treasurer, and had held that ofSce for many years. Now he was in the desk and they were "balloting for him for town clerk, when he suddenly fell down and immediately expired." Being a man in high position, and known and respected by all, his instantaneous death before their eyes, startled and excited them beyond measure, and for a time almost broke up the town-meeting ! But after the dead man was carried out, they 180 HBLIGIOtrS PROTESTS. sadly and sileiitly voted, and chose Isaac Guild town-clerk, and William Bixby treasurer. There is always somebody to step in where others have fallen! In 1826 there was quite a contest in town concerning relig- ious matters, the chief cause being dissatisfaction with Mr. Bradford who was old and broken somewhat in mind as well as body. - A new "Calvinistic" Society was formed, consisting of sixty-three members, representing much of the wealth of the town; and this society put on record (Mar. 31, 1826,) their protest against "being taxed to support Mr. Bradford." Twenty- eight others, on the ground of "different religious belief" also entered their protest, making 91 men in open opposition to the old minister. A town meeting was immediately called and' various plans of relief were proposed, and committees appointed ; and, besides several adjourned meetings, three special town meetings were called during the year to act on religious matters, the result being the dismission of Mr. Bradford, to take effect at the close of the year. His pastorate extended from Sept. 8, 1790 to Jan. 1, 1827, making, with some previous service, a little over thirty-seven years. All this will appear at length in the Chapter on Church Affairs, to which the reader is referred. But with this year (1826) the action of the town as such in ecclesiastical matters ceased. Tlie March meeting of 1827 was the first annual meeting ever held in town in the warrant for which there was no reference to church or minister. It may be further said here, however, that after the settlement of Dr. Richards (which took place Nov. 7, 1827,) a "Unitarian Con- gregational Society" was formed, and asked for the use of the church-building a part of the time (Nov. 6, 1832). The appli- cation was refused; but, to get rid of all such questions in the future, the town voted (Mar. 12, 1833,) to sell at auction the right of the town in the meeting-house, sheds, common and all the surroundings, "reserving the use of the house for Town-meeting and the Bell for town purposes as heretofore used, on condition that the Town shall keep the outside of the house and the tower and bell with its tackle, in good and complete repair." Some other unimportant conditions were added, and Peter GREAT POLITICAL MEETING. l81 Clark, Ebeuezer Boyd and Timothy Gay were chosen a com- mittee to carry the vote into effect^ "Eeserving to persons who have purchased pews in said house their full right to the same," the property named was sold at auction to the "Union Congre- gational Society," represented by its committee, William Bixby, Alexander Wilson and Titus Brown. The price paid was one hundred dollars. All this was ratified by the town at the March meeting of 1834. And in accordance with this, three years later (Mar. 1837) the town appointed, "Daniel McAlvin, Alpheus Gay and James Crombie 2d a committee to examine the belfry and exterior of the meeting house," and make necessary repairs. During the fall of 1828 the excitement and bitterness of the presidential election were very intense. John Quincy Adams had been President (1825-1829) and was nominated for a second term by the "National Republican" party. The opposing can- didate was Andrew Jackson. On the Adams ticket William Bixby of Francestown was candidate for Presidential Elector, and received in this town 168 votes, against 96 for the Jackson ticket. Oct. 16, 1828, a great meeting was held here, called a "Convention of Young men," with delegates from all the towns in the "Hillsborough Council District." It was in the interest of the Adams party. The delegates from New Boston were William Clark, Jr., Ninian C. Crombie, Samuel Caldwell, and John B. Fairfield; from Greenfield, James Patterson, Samuel Gould, Benj. B. Peavey, and Farnum Holt ; from Antrim, Clark Hopkins, B. F. Wallace, Giles Newton, Joel Wilkins, J. "B. Steel and Isaac Cochran ; and from Francestown, "Pearly Dodge, P. H. Bixby, J. C. Dodge, Nehemiah Epps, O. C. Butterfield, Wm. Patterson, Mark Fisher, Jabez Fairbanks, Nathan Dane, C. Chase, George Kingsbury, and M. C. Bradford." Thirty- seven towns, were thus represented by delegates, and large numbers of men flocked in from all directions, making one of the most imposing political demonstrations that had been known in the state. The Convention was held in the Francestown meeting house, and was organized by the choice of "David Steele of Goffstown for Chairman and Perley Dodge of Frances- 182 THE LITEEARY fund. town for Secretary." Hon. Geo. W. Nesmith of Salisbury (the part taken to form the town of Franklin in Dec. 1828) was a member of this conyention and helped prepare its "Addi'ess" to the people. The "Resolutions" were very bitter. Samuel Bell (formerly of Francestown) and Titus Brown of Francestown, were then in Congress, Bell in the Senate and Brown in the House, and their course in support of the administration was warmly approved, while the opposite course of Levi Woodbury of Francestown, then in the United States Senate, was denounced as "devious and winding" and giving evidence of "servility." From this it will be seen that Francestown was fairly repre- sented at Washington, as both the United States Senators were Francestown men, and one of the six representatives was Titus Brown who resided here and died here. It is also noticeable that then as now men of unquestioned integrity were denounced in the heat of politics. Party worship and party detraction and abuse, are among the evils and dangers of our' free government, of which less frequent elections woiild be some mitigation. At this day we have more tricks and dishonest counts than then; but certainly there has been no increase of personality nor of bitterness, in these more recent presidential choices! At the March meeting of 1829 the toAvn revived the great and honorable office of Hogreeve. For some reason this most imposing distinction had not been conferred for several years ; but this time, with becoming thoughtfulness, the town sought out Samuel Fuller, Jesse Duncklee and Levi Fisher, and pro- moted them to this distinguished and lucrative position ! These were newly married men, and these official honors were con- ferred upon them to encourage them at the beginning of their trials ! On the records of 1829 we find our first notice of the "Literary Fund." The sum of 1389.95, was paid by the State Treasurer to William Bixby, treasurer of Francestown, Jan. 3, 1829. March following the town voted "to invest it at interest for one year." The same vote was also passed the following year. But Marcli 8, 1831, the town voted to distribute the interest of the Literary Fund, "together with the yearly dividend hereafter received from the state," among the several districts according to the number of scholars between the ages of four and twenty- GREATEST PEOSPEEITY. 183 one years. As long before as June 29, 1821, tlie Legislature had passed an act establishing a literary fund by a small tax on the capital stock of banks, "for the purpose of creating and maintaining a State Institution for instruction in tiie higlier branches of science and literature." The clause of the act establishing this Institution was repealed the next year (1822,) but the rest of the act remained in force, so that a fund was accumulated and was invested year after year. Dec. 31, 1828, the Legislature passed an act to "pay over this money to the several towns in the proportion of their apportionment of the public taxes at the time ; and that all money that should subsequently come to the state treasury by the law of 1821 , should be divided in the same way and be used exclusively for the sup- port of public schools." Dec. 30, 1848, the law was amended so as to divide to the towns according to the number of scholars; and in 1867 another amendment was passed requiring the Superintending school committees to report the number of scholars to the Secretary of the Board of Education, instead of to the Secretary of State as before. This is the history of the Literary Fund which has helped for so many years to lengthen out the schools of New Hampshire. It appears that an Act had been passed by the Legislature authorizing the towns to appoint a Prudential Committee for each separate school district, but the vote here (Mar. 1829) was "to leave it to the several districts as before." The town continued so to leave it, and the districts made their own ap- pointments without further question, until the school law of 1885 came into effect. In some neighboring towns the experiment was made about the same time, of having the Superintending School Committee consist of one member for each district, and in some cases two from each district. But this made a bung- ling and discordant committee, was apt to bring in incompetent men, and involved much waste of time ; and the plan was soon abandoned wherever tried. The year 1830 probably found this town at its greatest pros- perity. On the vote for governor that year Matthew Harvey received 132, and Timothy Upham 120 ; but the resident tax-list 184 TEMPERANCE EFFORTS. shows 313 names, being 49 more than in 1820. The three highest taxes were John Gibson |48.01, Peter Woodbury $40.82, and Daniel Fuller 137.86. Of these 313 names, only about a half-dozen remain on the list at this date. That year (1830) there appears in the warrant for the first time the now-familiar words, "To hear the Report of the Superintending School Com- mittee," though the record shows no action upon it. About this time also the temperance excitement ran high in Frances- town, this community being some years in advance of others in that good cause. In 1829 Rum-licences had been given to Cochran & Smith Nahum Farnum John Gibson J. & N. Dane P. H. Bixby Guild & Fisher Joshua C. Dodge Timothy Gay, and "William Parker About this number held licences year after year, notwith- standing the decided vote of the town to the contrary in 1821. There seemed to be no way to stop the sale, at that time. There were, however, vigorous efforts made by the better class of educated and religious people to establish a public sentiment against the sale or use of intoxicating drink. In many towns "Temperance Societies" were formed, and there were a few "Total Abstainers," and all these exerted a widening influence, though suffering ridicule and abuse from the majority. At the Hillsboro' County Agricultural Fair held at Amherst Sept. 24, and 25, 1828, a premium was awarded to "Thomas Eaton of Francestown, for performing the labor on his farm that year without rum." It was then a remarkable thing ! Only four others in the whole County were reported thus. It required courage and fortitude to take and maintain such a stand. Few could do it. at first. Soon however, a "society" was formed in this town (1830;) of which the officers in 1831 were, Rodney G. Cochrane, President, William Balch, Vice-President, and Isaac Guild, Secretary. Many "signed the pledge that year," though the large majbrity TEMPERANCE AGITATION. 185 opposed. But the temperance agitation went on and stirred vip all classes of the community, and was carried into the church. Oct. 20, 1831, the church unanimously passed the following resolution : "Resolved that no person shall hereafter be permitted to become a member of this church, without having first agreed to' abstain from the use of distilled spirits, except as a medicine, and to use all suitable means to discourage the use of it in others." This rule has never been rescinded. At that time a large majority of the people of this town stood on higher temperance ground than the then-existing law of the state ; and soon all the licences were withdrawn or expired without renewal, within the limits of Francestown, except one "for medicinal and mechanical purposes," and astrong influence for temperance went forth from this place. In 1843 the town instructed the select- men "not to grant any license." But in 1844, and again in 1846 they licensed "one person" again, to sell for medicine when needed. Yet many began to question the right of the town to ''license a crime," and asked for a law to "prohibit" the sale of liquor. So loud and earnest all over the State was this call, that the "Question of Enacting a Prohibitory Law" was submitted to the towns at the March Meeting of 1848, and Francestown voted (135 to 8) to have the Legislature enact such a law. Subsequently towns were empowered to appoint liquor agents, if they saw fit, and this town made such appointments several times, to sell for medicine only. But even this grew offensive, till the town voted in March 1864, to dispense with it entirely after May following. It will be seen that Frances- town generally occupied advance ground on the temperance question. It was probably in the autumn of 1833 (some think 1834) that a curious event occurred at a great Democratic Flag- Raising in honor of Gen. Jackson, then President of the United States. (See Prof. White's History of the Academy.) After the flag was up, and cheers and speeches had followed, a bril- liant young student in the Academy, "a member of the opposite party, was invited to deliver a toast." With great dignity he ascended the platform, and, loud and distinct, spoke as follows : 186 EEVISING THE CONSTITTJTION. "General Jackson — May his meagre soul Rise no higher than yon shining pole ! And if there's a hell in the universe May he ride there in the Devil's hearse!" "Down with him!" "Kill him!" "Shoot him," shouted the Democrats on every side. Clubs, canes, stones, bricks and curses, were hurled at the offender, and it was with much diffi- culty that his friends got him off alive ! Guns were fired over his head, if not at him, and wrath unbounded was stirred up. The next day a sturdy young Democrat from New Boston challenged the offender to a fight on the common to avenge the insult ! The hostile meeting took place, but with no loss of life or limb. The audacious toastgiver held his ground with un- flinching courage, and the excitement soon died away. But the sequel was amusing as a proof of changing opinions. The dar- ing offender (I. B. Sawtelle) became not many years later a prominent official of the Democratic Party, while his ardent antagonist, (Clark B. Cochrane,) became a Republican Member of Congress from the Albany DisT;rict, New York! In 1833, Gov. Samuel Dinsmore for his third term received 113 votes in this town and only four votes were cast against him, indicating his marked popularity with the people. The following year 118 votes were given for William Badger, (Governor 1834 and 1835) and none were cast against him. During several years further efforts were made to bring about a revision of the Constitution of the state. The question was laid before the towns over and over, only to be voted down. Francestown cast in 1833, 16 votes for revision and 119 against; 1834, 25 for, and 129 against; in 1835, 23 for and 132 against, and in 1838 none for and 125 against. But though the project was lost, it was brought before the people again in 1842, when this town gave 110 votes against it, and only one vote for it. Again in 1844, Prancestown voted against revision by 90 majority, (145 against 55,) and it was again defeated. But in March 1850 the town was carried for revision (127 to 114,) and the whole state decided in its favor, leading to the "Conven- tion of 1850," which met near the close of the year. In June 1836 considerable damage was done in town by a bear which injured crops, and killed young stock, and frightened the people, creating quite an excitement. The following ap- ■ pears in the Amherst Cabinet of June 24 : STJBPLUS REVENUE. 187 "BEAE HUNT! The Citizens of Francestown had quite a treat last week in the shape of a bear hunt. Bruin had been doing a good deal of mischief among the flocks in the vicinity, and people determined to put a stop to his proceedings. Accordingly they mustered, and in a short time cornered and killed his sable majesty. His weight was 171 pounds." A portion of the meat was sent to Gov. Pierce of Hillsboro,' and was received by him with great shoW of thanks. It has been reported that one or two who had been the most valorous and demonstrative of the hunters at the start, when the bear appeared "suddenly and alarmingly near" were "too scared to fire;" and that Bruin was brought down by the shot of a quiet little man who had not assumed any courage or superiority ! At the March meeting of 1837 the town chose John Gibson to receive in its behalf the portion of the "Surplus Revenue" falling to this community. June 23, 1836, Congress had voted to distribute among the States a large sum which had accumu- lated in the National Treasury. The country was prosperous and growing, it was a time of peace, and for some years the revenue had been largely in excess of public expenditures. But New Hampshire was in good financial condition, and the state government having no need of the money, our Legislature passed an Act to distribute said "Surplus" to the several towns, each town by this Act receiving a part corresponding to its pro- portion of the State Tax. The whole amount received by the State was |669,000. I have not been -able to find the exact part of this which fell to Francestown ; but as Antrim received 13,000, I conclude from their comparative valuations, that it must have been about $3,500. By vote of the town a part of this was taken the following year to pay the expense of build- ing the new road, laid out by the "Courts' Committee," from the Turnpike to Bennington ; and at a special meeting Oct. 7, 1839, they appropriated the "Balance of the Surplus Revenue Fund toward the Jacob Whitteniore Road." That was the end of that Fund for Francestown. Each town on receiving its part of the money was required to give a "certificate of deposit there- for," which was understood to be a pledge to return the same in case certain special and unexpected emergencies should arise. But no one supposed it would ever be called for ; and now, after 188 THE STOJIMY TOWN-MEETING. more then half a century, the promise is forgotten, and the surplus in the United States Treasury is many times as great as it was then, when the prudent fathers thought it ought not to be hoarded up, and hence sent it back to the people. The March meeting of 1838 was probably the longest and stormiest ever held in Francestown, taking three full days for the ordinary town business. The road troubles of the preceding year had "set the whole town by the ears." Three new roads had been laid out or approved by the selectmen ; and the Benning- ton Road on the north side of the mountain had been laid out by the Court's Committee, and called for a large outlay. A special town meeting had been held (Sept. 12, 1837,) to act upon these roads, and the angry tax-payers voted them all down "with hot haste." The Selectmen and all others concerned were roundly censured. And yet each road had its advocates, and there were divisions local and there were divisions personal. Hence when they came together in March things were ripe for strife. All the old town officers (except treasurer) were thrown overboard. After wrangling and balloting two full days, they ■ succeeded in electing Daniel Fuller, Jr., moderator, P. H. Bixby, town-clerk, and Nathan Dane and James W. Haseltine, select men. The next morning at nine o'clock they met again, and after a time made choice of Moses E. Bradford as third select- man, and went on to finish the warrant. There had been a project talked up for two or three years, to have town-clerks record deeds. The convenience of it had been loudly proclaimed without much reference to the dangers and difficulties. In this town the vote against it was nearly unani- mous (2 against 173;) and it was rejected by the people in other towns so decidedly as to stay rejected to this day. At this meeting they "voted to hold town-meetings in the future in the vestry, if the Congregational Society would make suitable alterations and repairs." This was done in the course of the summer; and at a special meeting Oct. 11, 1838, the town accepted it in exchange for its claim upon the church. Yet an- other special meeting was held (Feb. 16, 1839,) to see if they would "hold their March meeting in the vestry," from which it appears that there was strong opposition to the step, and that MOVING THE "OLD VESTRY." 189 some conditions liad not been fulfilled. But they voted to hold the next meeting "iu the vestry on the ground where it now stands." An article to "build a Town-House" was promptly dismissed; but in March following they "Voted to Exchange land with the Congregational Society in case they should wish to move the Vestry on to the Common." The old vestry stood east of the church and east of the common ; and in' accordance with the above vote was moved the next summer (1839) onto the site now occupied by the Academy building. There a year or two afterwards the upper part was finished off and it was use'd for the purposes of the Academy till it was burned March 27, 1847. See chapter on Academy. March 1839 the town voted to "instruct the Superintending Committee not to visit the schools except by special request of the prudential committees." Perhaps this was to save money, or to bring down the high dignity of conceited officials ! Or may be, prudential com- mittees wanted a little more importance and power themselves ! — Again in 1849 the town voted to "dispense with the services of the superintending school committee in visiting schools." This, however, was reconsidered the next day, and the matter was left to the discretion of the said committee, as has been the case ever since. In 1840 there were three educated physicians established here,- Drs. Moses Atwood, S. I. Bard, and James H. Crombie ; from which fact we infer the large population and importance of the town at that time. In 1840 came the exciting and re- markable presidential election by which Gen. William Henry Harrison was promoted to the highest place in the nation. During the administration of Van Buren (1837-1841) the anti-slavery agitation began to assume importance and power, and to shake old political foundations. Business failures and commercial troubles unsettled many minds, and party moorings were disturbed or broken in the excitement. All these things conspired to prevent the re-election of Van Buren. At that 190 "THE GREAT WHIG MEETING." time the' Hon. George W. Nesmith (now the venerable "Judge Nesmith," known and honored all over the state,) headed the list of Electors for Harrison. These electors received 168 votes in Francestown, against 148 for Van Buren. It is worthy of note that after forty-eight years the Hon. George W. Nesmith again heads the list of Electors for New Hampshire, and that, though defeated in 1840, he is elected in 1888. Oct. 20, 1840, what was called "The Great Whig Meeting" was held in Francestown. Rev. Humphrey Moore of Milford, then noted for wit and eloquence, presided, and Daniel Webster delivered to an immense audience, one of the most powerful speeches of his life. The meetings was so grand as to be re- membered and talked of for many years ! In the year 1841 there was nothing for the historian to make special note of, as occurring iia this town, though it was a pros- perous year. The death of President Harrison Apr. 4, 1841, just one month after his inauguration, caused great sadness and no small alarm throughout the land, especially as the Vice- President, John Tyler, who was to succeed him had not the full confidence of the nation. And Tyler indeed proved to be a disappointment to his friends, and to almost every body else. He succeeded in getting people and parties well hold of each others' ears, and in hastening the stormy period of the slavery agitation. His administration brought about the annexation of Texas, and he signed the act in great haste on the very day of its passage, March 1, 1845, three days before he left the presidential chair. In 1842 came another bitter town meeting here. Harrison had a strong majoritj^ in Francestown; but it was unsettled and weakened by the course of Tyler, and the opposition to the Democratic partj- was divided. The March meeting lasted three full days. They succeeded in electing Daniel Fuller, Jr., moderator, without serious trouble ; but were unable to elect a representative, and spent two full days in choosing a board of selectmen. They were all new men who had never held an office in town before, Israel Batchelder, Jesse Pearsons and Warner Clark., No money was raised or appropriated for high- ways, and the town meeting ended with many sore and angry hearts. Another meeting was held March 31 following (as INCORPORATION OF BENNINGTON. 191 soon as it could be called,) to complete the work neglected by the former one. Also, Sept. 20, a meeting was held to take action concerning a transfer of a part of Francestown to the proposed new town, now Bennington, and the selectmen were instructed "by all lawful measures" to oppose the same. But nevertheless that town was incorporated Dec. 15, 1842, as stated on a former page, though apparently less was taken from Francestown for this purpose than was at first intended. Com- paring the bounds in the petition with those finally established, one would conclude that a compromise was effected, which would account for the fact that no serious opposition was made. Thus the smart little- Town of Bennington started with many blessings, and is now approaching its semi-centennial (1892) with evidences of growth and business prosperity. Its church was organized July 6, 1839, At the March meeting of 1843 Moses E. Bradford and Daniel Thompson were elected tithing- men, and this was the last election to this once important office, in Francestown. Yet tithingmen did not cease to be elected be- cause the people had grown so good as to keep the Sabbath with- out them, but because the fathers' reverence for the Sabbath had largely died away in their children. Perhaps we may be com- pelled for the public good, to take the old way again, as being, notwithstanding occasional inconveniences, vastly better than the opposite extreme of secularity and looseness to which at this day the people have swung, throughout the land. For three-qijarters of a century the office of tithingmau was counted so important in this town that the best men were appointed to it; and it did not fall at the end into degenerate hands, since the last incumbents named above were men in the front ranks of religion and noble character. This year (1843) the town accounts were first ordered to be "printed," and the first distribution of "printed town reports" was made at the March meeting of 1844. In 1843 it appears by the record that jurors were "drawn" for the first time as now done, bj'' the town clerk in the presence of the selectmen. At first jurors were elected like town officers by public vote ; and subsequently were selected by "drawing" in a regularly organ- ized town meeting. But the people soon neglected to attend 192 "THE FEEE-SOIL PARTY." town meeting for such an empty purpose, and the present law of necessity followed. In 1844 a vigorous effort was made to abolish capital punish- ment in this state, and the question was submitted to the people on the day of the presidential election, Nov. 4. The vote in Francestown stood 52 in favor and 145 against, and it was voted down generally throughout the state. The plan of pro- tecting murderers has never been very popular in New Hamp- shire. In 1844 the vote of the "Free Soil," or "Anti-Slavery," party first appears in this town, in a presidential election. James K. Polk was the candidate of the Democrats; Henry Clay, of the Whigs ; and James G. Birney of the "Free-Soilers," then generally called the "Liberal Party." Some people called it the "Nigger Party." In this state, William Badger headed the list of candidates for electors for Polk; Joseph Low for Clay, and Jes.se Woodbury of Francestown for Birney. In this town the Polk electors received 107 votes; the Clay electors received 91 votes ; and the electors headed by Jesse Woodbury, 48 votes. This last named number shows the advanced ground taken by the people of this place at that early day. The "Liberal Party" had nominated Birney for the presidency in 1810; but no electoral ticket was presented in most of the states. The long struggle which culminated in the election of Abraham Lincoln and the overthrow of slavery, first took earnest life and shape in politics in the election of 1844. At the March meeting of this year no party had a majority in Francestown, and no choice of representative could be reached. Likewise in 1845 they could not elect. The "Free-Soil" party cast 59 votes, and held the balance of power. In this state, in 1845, they had to vote three different times to elect a representative to Congress, so broken up were the old party lines. There being no election in March, the towns voted Sept. 23, and again Nov. 29. At this time, John P. Hale, the anti-slavery leader in the state, received 60 votes in this town. But still there was one vacancy, and in March, 1846, Frances- town gave Hale 78, showing a constant increase of the Liberal party. These several contests seem to have started up the long-debated question of "districting" the state for electing teachers' institutes. 193 Congressmen, — which question being submitted to the people, Francestown voted in favor of such division. The vote for Governor in 1846 was as follows: Anthony Colby, 93; Jared AV. Williams, 103; Nathaniel S. Berry, 67; and Williams was elected, Colby, who was governor at the time and candidate for re-elect- ion, being defeated. This year the town chose Nehemiah Wood "Field Driver," an officer whose duty it was to "take up and impound stray stock": and this appointment was made for several succeeding years. This was an additional step in clearing the highways of that nuisance, stray cattle, which was then so common. In 1847 the state voted for Congressmen by districts for the first time, and this district was the "famous No. 3," but there was no election in March, and a special meeting was held July 8 to fill the vacancy. About this time (1847), "teachers' Institutes" came into vogue in this state, and several were held in Francestown, Prof. Harry Brickett being a very popular leader in them. This town voted a sum equal to 5 per cent, of its school money to sustain this annual Institute, and a similar vote was passed in 1848 and in 1849. These semi-annual gatherings of the teachers of the county continued in popularity for several years, chiefly under direction of a "County School Commis- sioner." This office was held in its best days by Prof. Harry Brickett of this town. At the March meeting of 1848, the question was submitted to the people of New Hampshire, whpther we should have a "State Prohibitory Liquor Law" ; and this town voted (135 to 8) to have the legislature enact such a law, — another good record for Francestown. At the presidential election of 1848, the slavery agitation was more than ever conspicuous. Zachery Taylor was the Whig candidate, and Lewis Cass of Michigan (born in Exeter, N. H., Oct. 9, 1782,) was the Democratic candidate. But a large section of the Democratic party in New York, called "Barn-Burners," were dissatisfied with the pro-slavery senti- ments of Cass ; for a similar reason, Henry Wilson, of Mass., and others, withdrew from the convention (Philadelphia, June, 1848), which nominated Taylor; and these two factions, join- 194 AGAINST BUYING COUNTY PAEM. ing with the old "Liberty Party," held a convention (Aug. 9, 1848,) at Buffalo, N. Y., and nominated Martin Van Buren for President, and Charles Francis Adams for Vice-President. This divided the Democracy so much that it gave 'New York to the Whigs and elected Taylor. In this town the vote was 86 for Taylor, 106 for Cass, 53 for Van Buren, and 3 scat- tering. In 1849, the Governor vote was: Samuel Dinsmore, 111; Levi Chamberlain, 98; and N. S. Berry, 50. The town-meeting here was one of considerable excitement, neither party being strong enough to elect a representative. Several efforts were made in vain. On the second day of the annual meeting the Moderator, John Gibson, resigned, and P. H. Bixby was chosen in his place. This year (1849) it seems that the County Judges purchased a County farm for the poor. It was located on the Mast Road, in Goffstown, and proved to be an expensive and unwise thing. This purchase awakened a storm of indignation in nearly every part of the county. Francestown voted (Apr. 15, 1850,) at its next meeting, to "disapprove of the course of the County Judges in buying a County farm," and instructed their representative to advocate selling it at once. This vote was carried, 128 to 9, which vote fairly expressed the opposition of all this part of the county. . But the farm continued to be held for the County poor, specially by the influence of the City of Manchester, till the autumn of 1866, when the buildings were burned. The County Judges who made the purchase were Hon. Jacob Whittemore, of Antrim, and Hon. Jesse Carr, of Goffstown, and the price paid was ten thousand dollars. The present Country farm (West Wilton) was purchased in the early spring of 1867, and the price paid was twelve thousand five hundred dollars.* In 1850, by vote of the town, the "NeAV Engine House" was built. When new it was a neat and appropriate building, though small and only one story in height : but in course of time it fell into decay, and was no great ornament to the place. *In the autumn of 1893 the old farm in Groffstown was bought back by the County. WHITTEMOKE ROAD. 196 It stood on the east side of the Common, between the turnpike and the road to Mill Yillage. It was taken away in 1887. This year also came the noted "Constitutional Convention of 1850." Many times the project of revision had been voted down ; but in March of this year the state.voted by a small majority to call a convention *to revise the old charter of the Commonwealth. Town meetings were held on the 8th of Oct. following to choose delegates, and many of the best men in the state were called to this important service. Albert M. Holbrook was Moderator of the meeting in this town, and Daniel Fuller was chosen delegate. The convention met in Concord, Nov. 6, 1850. They had a long session, and labored with great faithfulness, and suggested some desirable changes, and adjourned with the ieeling that their work would be accepted. But they made too many sweeping and radical changes, and did too much for one time ; while, on the other hand, the people were not very anxious for a change. Many wished to amend one or two Articles only, and many said, "Let well enough alone." Hence, the "New Constitution" was voted down by a large majority. In Francestown not a single. Article was adopted. The very heavy expense and labor of the convention were thrown away, and the people had no dis- position to try again, and the old constitution went on for a quarter of another hundred years. At the town meeting, Apr. 15, 1850, there was a vigorous and decided opposition to building the "Abram Whittemore road," and measures taken to oppose the same. This was the road now travelled from Peterboro' and Greenfield across the south part of Francestown to New Boston, an outlet to Man- chester being the object announced. It involved a heavy cost and no advantage, to this town. But it was pushed through by aid of the County Commissioners, after much opposition and delay ; its friends, however, never realizing from it the advant- ages expected. It has been a large benefit to a few ; but new lines of railroads and of business now lead the travel in another direction. CHAPTER V. AN OUTLINE OF EVENTS IN PRANGESTOWN PEOM JAN. 1, 1851, TO JAN. 1, 1891, At the opening of the year 1851 a new political tempest arose in the state, and it was specially exciting in this vicinity. The Democratic State Convention had nominated Rev. John Atwood, of New Boston, for Governor. He had been six years State Treasurer, and was a capable and most excellent man. The party had a large majority in the state, and his election was looked upon as a sure thing. But certain "Free-soil leaders," in the party and out of it, induced Mr. Atwood to write a public letter touching slavery and other matters. The letter took somewhat advanced ground, did great credit to the heart of the writer, was true and just, and would be approved by nine-tenths of the people of the state at the present time. But public sentiment was not then quite ready to approve, and the South was dominant in the politics of the country. At once the Democratic leaders in the state, though for the most part feeling the justice of the sentiments of the letter and knowing the honest intent of the writer, were yet so vexed that anything should disturb the quiet sailing of the party, and so frightened by pro-slavery dictation from headquarters, that they called another convention, threw overboard the candidate they had nominated, and nominated Gov. Samuel Dinsmore for re-election. Mr. Atwood, being thus discarded by his party, was supported by many Democrats, and by all the "Free- soilers,"' — and the political cauldron boiled and bubbled in- tensely. Mr. Dinsmore (1849-1850-1851) was then Gov- ernor, and nothing but his extreme popularity saved his party. Many thought it would be safe to vote for so good a Governor as they had found him to be ; and he was elected for a third time, though by a small majority. In Franoestown the vote THE LEVI WOODBTJEf LEGACY. 197 stood: For Samuel Dinsmore, 66; Thomas E. Sawyer (Whig), 86 ; John Atwood, 90 ; P. H. Bixby, 2. Thus, Mr. Atwood, though defeated, had the highest number of votes in this, as in many other towns. He was too good a man to be a politician. This year (1851) the town voted (148. to 40) to have the state pass the "Five Hundred Dollar Homestead Exemption Act," which subsequently became a law, and is in force to this day. The following year the town voted (67 to 48) againat abolishing the Religious Test in the Constitution of the State ; and (98 to 28) in favor of abolishing the "Property Qualifica- tion" in the same. The proposition to abolish the Religious Test failed of a two-thirds vote and the Test remained, though greatly disregarded in practice; but the proposition to abolish the "Property Qualification" was carried, and Gov. Martin issued his proclamation to that effect Sept. 16, 1852. At a special meeting, May 18, 1852, the town chose William Bixby agent, to receive a legacy of Hon. Levi Woodbury. Judge Woodbury died Sept. 7, 1851, leaving one thousand dollars to Francestown, the interest of the same to be expended annually in purchasing books to be awarded to the best scholars in the district schools of the town. This, no doubt, has helped to maintain the high standing of the town in scholarship. In Nov., 1852, came the notable election of Franklin Pierce to the presidency of the United States. The leading candidates in the convention were James Buchanan, Lewis Cass, Wm. L. Marcy, and Stephan A. Douglas. Each of these had many friends, but • no one of them had enough for nomination. Pierce's name was not brought forward till the 36th ballot, and he was nominated on the 49th, receiving all the votes in the convention except eleven. The Whig party nominated Gen. Winfield Scott, and the Free-Soil party nominated John P. Hale. Thus, two of the candidates for President in 1852 were from New Hampshire. The slavery agitation was intense, hiding all other questions or smothering them, and in thousands of great meetings all over the land men argued on the rights of the South, the construction of the Constitution, the evils of slavery, and the possible 'disruption of the Union. The South- ern oratoi's were full of fire and eloquence in setting forth their 198 THE KEW BELL. patriotism, with occasional warnings of what might happen if the South failed of her alleged "privileges under the Constitu- tion." In New Hampshire the local pride of having a Presi- dent from our own state carried many votes, and the enthusi- asm for Gen. Pierce was very great. The result was that he received 254 out of 296 electoral votes, carrying all the states but Vermont, Massachusetts, Kentucky, and Tennessee. This state went strong for Pierce. Francestown gave 96 votes for Pierce, 94 votes for Scott, and 50 votes for Hale. But the popular vote of the whole land was: Pierce, 1,601,474; Scott, 1,386,578; Hale, 156,149; so that the majority of Pierce was less than sixty thousand. In manners, uprightness, and cul- ture. Pierce was a model president; but his course in favoring slavery alienated many noble and patriotic friends from him, while the agitation which he warned against went on louder than ever, and the "Free-Soil" party rapidly increased. In Francestown, in 1853, there was a long and bitter strug- gle to elect a representative to the legislature. In the after- noon of the second day the Moderator, Daniel Fuller, resigned, and Warner Clark was chosen to fill the vacancy, and the bal- loting went on. After balloting thirty-four times, the time to elect expired, and this town was without a representative that year. But on the renewal of the contest at the March meeting of 1854, Dr. Gambell was chosen representative on the fourth ballot. The Governor vote was: Whig, 93; Democratic, 81 ; Free-Soil, 60. About New Year's Day, 1854, the old bell purchased in 1809 was cracked by using a new and heavier tongue; — and a special town-meeting was held Feb. 15, 1855, "to see if the Umn would purchase a new bell for the use of the town and Society," at which meeting they chose Israel Batchelder, Saville Starrett, and Hiram P. Clark, a committee to investigate, and report what action the town should take. On their report, the town voted (March, 1855,) to purchase a new bell, and chose the same persons a committee to sell the old bell, and buy and hang the new one. At once the committee procured a bell, but it did not give satisfaction ; and, at a special meeting. THE NEW CHTJECH-SPIEE. 199 May 16, 1855, the town voted not to accept it. They wanted a larger and heavier one, and of different tone. And then a new difficulty arose from the fact that the church tower, being somewhat decayed from the lapse of more than fifty years, was not deemed strong enough for so heavy a bell. After debate on this point, the town voted to leave it to the selectmen (Thomas E. Fisher, Nahum Farnum, John H. Patch,) to repair the steeple or build a new one, as they might think best. On examination it was deemed best to rebuild, and the spire as now standing was erected and completed in the course of the summer. The large bell, which since that day has called the people of the town together, was swung to its place in October, 1855. It was considered quite an event in town, and a large company assembled to see it raised. The writer, being then an Academy student, saw it from his window in the Wood- bury house, as it rose slowly from the ground, and heard its first peal rolling over the town. In the fall of 1856 there came another sharp political strug- gle. The "Republican Party," formed of Whigs and "Free- Soilers,"' and others opposed to slavery, nominated their first candidate for President, in the person of Gen. John C. Fre- mont. The Democrats nominated James Buchanan, and the "American Party" nominated Millard Fillmore, who had been • President, and had been succeeded by Franklin Pierce. Buch- anan was elected, carrying nineteen states, including all the South, and receiving 174 electoral votes. Freemont carried eleven states, including all of New England, New York, and Ohio. Fillmore carried only Maryland. The popular vote for Buchanan was 1,838,000; for Fremont, 1,341,000; for Fillmore, 874,000. The vote in this town was: For Fremont, 169; for Buchanan, 99; and for Fillmore, 3. In the spring of 1860, the famous cattle-disease, called pleuro-pneumania, broke out in many places in New Hamp- shire, and people were greaily alarmed thereby. Stock-raisers became afraid to keep their cattle, and eaters became afraid to buy meat. Fearful stories were told about the fatality of this disease in other parts of the land. The flocks driven up from below were charged with bringing the disease into this state. Our Legislature, being in session as the excitement grew, 200 PLANS FOE A NEW COUNTY. hastily passed an Act giving the towns almost absolute power over live-stock, when exercised for the supression of the dis- ease. In Francestown the excitement was great, and nervous people began to fear and talk about starvation, and a vegetable diet became fashionable with some. But no public action was taken in this place, as cattle were not brought here for pastur- age to any great extent. In the grazing or pasture towns in this vicinity, however, town-meetings were immediately called and committees with arbitrary powers were appointed in most of the hill towns, to suppress or isolate the disease, at their discretion. In many instances, double fences were made be- tween pastures, these fences being twenty or thirty feet apart, to prevent all approach of one flock to another. Animals sus- pected of having the disease were killed. Men watched their cattle constantly, and had them examined by alleged experts, and travelled over their pastures week after week, and worried, and scolded, and feared. Drovers from below were accused of bringing the disease to New Hampshire to get rid of it them- selves. Some sold their cattle for a song. All sorts of ex- penses were incuri'ed, and all sorts of unreasonable things done. Yet, not an animal died from this disease in many towns where there was most alarm about it. It was a great scare from a small danger. But it cost the people of this state a large sum^ both in time and money ; and it was neither the first nor the last occasion when men spent more on their fears than on their faith! In 1859 a plan was pushed (referred to on a former page,) to "form a new County, to be called the County of Amoskeag, and to include Manchester, Bedford, Goffstown, Weare, New Boston, Auburn Candia, Chester, Londonderry, Derry, Salem and "Windham." Thus it would be composed of the city of Manchester and a circle of towns around it. The plan was strongly urged, and much was truthfully said in its favor, and subsequent changes have made these facts more decisive, as now Manchester is the business centre of all those towns, and the city alone has more than twice the population of Sullivan county, or Belknap, or Coos. But the opposition to the new county was too great to be overcome. Many thought it would involve heavy expense, JOHN brown's death. 201 and hence voted against it, even in towns it would most benefit. In Francestown 10 voted in favor and 164 against. At this March meeting the town cliose Milton G. Starrett, Treasurer, and passed a vote of thanks to William Bixby for his long and faithful service. He had served as Treasurer thirty-four years, and that nearly gratuitously. It seems that at first he received no salary ; and the town accounts shpw that subsequently he received ten dollars a year. Mr. Bixby was an accurate and careful servant, and did much for the town without pay. It i^ said that at the present day town officers like good salaries! But, of course, the statement is slanderous ! The year 1860 is specially noted for its fierce and intense political discussions, reaching every town and corner of the land, and culminating in the triumph of the anti-slavery party, and the secession of the Southern States. All through Buch- anan's administration things were tending toward a crisis. The Great North could not, and would not, submit to the Fugitive Slave Law, and Southern dictation, and Southern interpretation of the Constitution. People understood better and condemned louder the awful crime of slavery. Men turned to the "Party of Liberty," as they called it, and it increased rapidly all over the northern states. Oct. 16, 1859, John Brown, who had passed through the "Border Ruffian" contest in Kansas (1855- 6-7), commenced his famous invasion of Virginia for the purpose of liberating the slaves by force. He captured the United States Arsenal at Harper's Ferry, Va., hoping that the negroes and some northern white men would rally to his standard. But they came not to his support ; he was captured Oct. 1 8, tried and condemned Oct. 31, and executed by hanging Dec. 2. This transaction closing the year 1859, set the whole country, as it were, on fire. The South were united and embittered by it; and it had a great influence on the coming election and the events which followed. At the Chicago Convention, May 18, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was nominated by the Republicans for President. The Democrats nominated Stephen A. Douglas; the southern Democrats withdrawing, and nominating John C. Breckenridge. The "Constitutional Union Party" nominated John Bell, of Tennessee. Thus, there were four candidates, 202 SECESSION OF THE SOUTH. and the contest was long, excited, and bitter. The popular vote was: Lincoln, 1,866,452 ; Douglas, 1,291,574; Brecken- ridge, 850,082; Bell, 646,124. But of electoral votes, Lincoln received 180; Breckenridge, 72; Bell, 39; and Douglas, 12- It was the North against the South. In Francestown there were 163 votes for Lincoln, 86 for Douglas, and 4 scattering. Lincoln was elected by so decisive a vote that the result was not questioned, but the political leaders in the South were filled with rage. As soon as possible, conventions were called in most of the Slave States, and they began to "secede," claim- ing the same 'tState Right" to go out of the Union which they had to come in. South Carolina was the first to pass the "ordi- nance of secession," as it was called, (Dec. 20, 1860), and guilty of the first open treason. Six other states ,of the section along the Gulf of Mexico passed similar "ordinances" in rapid succession, (some states farther north seceding later), and they hurried the work of treason with such mad enthusiasm that the "Southern Confederacy" was organized, and Davis and Stephens were inaugurated before Lincoln and Hamlin. The "Confederacy" was formed by seven states, "seceding" in the following order, — South Carolina, Mississippi (Jan. 9, 1861,) Florida (Jan. 10, 1861,) Alabama, Georgia (Jan. 19, 1861,) Louisiana (Jan. 26, 1861,) Texas (Feb. 1, 1861.) Their dele- gates assembled at Montgomery, Ala., Feb'. 4, 1861, adopted a Constitution, and (voting by states) chose Davis and Stephens, named above, as their President and Vice-President. The Southerners began open war by firing on Fort Sumter Apr. 12, 1861, which was surrendered to them Apr. 14, 1861. Then Virginia seceded (Apr. 17, 1861;) Tennessee (May 6, 1861); Arkansas (May 6, 1861), and North Carolina (May20, 1861). Thus the Southern Confederacy contained in the whole eleven states, was fully organized, had come into possession of most of the arras and ammunition of the general government "which through secret treason had been ordered south," and thus far everything worked to their pleasure. But the cannon that battered down Fort Sumter roused up the whole North with tremendous power! No such mighty indignation ever was known on American soil before ! There was a call for vengeance from Maine to Oregon. ! Men flew to PILLING THE QUOTA. 203 arms ! Public meetings were held everywhere ! Politicians forgot their differences and lifted their hands together in oaths of fidelity to the Union even unto death! Military organizations offered their services! And the great angry North began preparations for war I The day after the surrender of Sumter, President Lincoln called on New Hampshire for a regiment of infantry for three months — which was at once filled with volunteers, and started in a few days for Washington, under command of Col. Mason W. Tappan. Thus the country was aroused and the great war began; and continued four years; and on the 14th of Apr. 1865, the same Maj. Anderson raised on the ruins of Fort Sumter the very same flag which had been lowered at the beginning of the strife ! Secession was not a success ! Francestown was a loyal and zealous supporter of the cause of Union from first to last, much being done and much money being given, which does not appear on the records. A special meeting was held May 14, 1861, to see if the town would ''indemnify all who might enlist into the service of their country!" The earnest selectmen then in office (Thomas E. Fisher, Francis H. Duncklee, and Hiram Patch) probably did not realize how large those words were when they wrote them, and no doubt referred to Francestown soldiers only. But the broadness of the article in the warrant was too great for any safe action, or so it seemed, and no action was taken. There was also some illegality in the form of the warrant. Geo. F. Pettee was chosen Moderator and there was a large and excited meeting, and it "broke up without adjournment," the whole matter being understood to be left to the selectmen. Another meeting was held Oct. 29, 1861, to see if they would adopt the Act of the Legislature of June preceding, which uuthorized cities and towns to "aid the families of volunteers." The town record simply says "Carried unanimously." And then the selectmen were instructed to "hire money therefor." At another special town-meeting Aug. 12, 1862, they voted to give a bounty of $50, to every person who would enlist from this town iiito the army; and at an adjourned meeting (Aug. 22 following) they voted to increase this bounty to |150, till the quota should be 204 SURBBNBBR OF LEE. filled. At a meeting Sept. 23, 1863, the town voted to pay drafted men or their substitiites |300, each, and again the record says "carried unanimously." At another special meeting Nov. 25, 1863, the town voted to have the selectmen "fill the quota" under the "new call for 300,000 men" whatever the expense might be. At the March meeting of 1864 the town voted |150 to each of six soldiers who had already enlisted. At a special meeting July 21, 1864, the town voted to "pay the largest sum allowed by our state laws to fill all quotas this year.'' ' i Again at a special meeting Aug. 25, 1864, the town voted a "special bounty" of |200 each to drafted men or their substi- tutes. Two days later they voted to pay volunteers for one year, 1300 each; for two years, 1400 ; and for three years, 160-0. It must be remembered that all these sums voted from time to time were in addition to the support of soldiers' families, which was according to state law and was called "State Aid," though paid by the towns which formed the state. At the town meet- ing to vote for President, Nov., 1864, (at which Lincoln had 166 votes, and McClellan 81, the popular vote of the whole country being, Lincoln, 2,213,665; McClellan, 1,-802,237), the town voted "/« anticipation of futtci-e calls" to pay a bounty equal to the highest yet paid by them to all volunteers needed to fill their quotas. And again, at the March meeting of 1865, the town voted to pay the same bounty as under the last call till all quotas should be filled. Thus it appears 'that they were bound to fight it out, and were not second to the foremost in loyalty and patriotism. What more they might have done it is impossible to tell; but the war ended, and bounties and enlistments ceased. Gen. Lee surrendered his army Apr. 9, 1865 ; Gen. Johnston surrendered his division of the Southern army Apr. 26th following; Gen. Taylor surrendered the remain- ing rebel forces east of the Mississippi, May 14, and Gen. Smith surrendered all forces west of that river on the 26th of the same month. Thus the long and terrible war ended. Thou- sands laid down their lives, and thousands of those who re- turned were wounded or lame or sick or poor. Their uniforms / / THE WAK DEBT. ^05 were worn and dirty, their flags were blood-stained and hung in shreds, they looked haggard and old; but they came back with the joy of victory in their hearts. It was a time of great rejoicing throughout the North. This town had sufPered much in loss of men. Some were killed; some were disabled for life; some lingered and died in hospitals and prisons; some came home sick with fatal diseases to die ; and some came with the seeds of disease in them, growing unto weakness and suf- fering in subsequent years. From first to last, all quotas from Francestown were kept full. The town, or individuals, hired a few substitutes, but chiefly the citizens themselves filled the ranks as they were needed, and the whole record is honorable to the town. Further information will ji.ppear in the Chapter on the Military Affairs of the Town. Of course, when the war was over, this town, like others, found itself burdened with debt. Throughout the war, taxes had been high, and strong efforts were made to pay as they went along. Heavy sums were also given by subscription to encourage enlistments and help soldiers' families, or furnish supplies for the field. But in spite of all this, the debt reached the sum of 119,211.51, or about |20 for every person in town. With this debt the town has struggled along, and notwith- standing other heavy expenses, about nine-tenths of it is now paid (1889). In 1866 the town voted to add the interest to certain sums which soldiers in the field had not called for when due, thus showing a noble spirit to the last. At the March meeting of 1867 the town voted five per cent, of its valuation to help build the "Manchester & Keene Railr road" through Francestown, and strong hopes of its speedy construction were entertained; but the money has never been called for, though many yet expect to see the road in operation. At this same town meeting they were unable to choose a repre- sentative, and thus the town was without representation,, 1842, 1841, 1849, 1853, and 1867. At the presideritial election Nov., 1868, Gen. Grant received 214 electoral votes, against 80 for Seymour ; the popular vote being, for Grant 3,013,188, and for Seymour 2,703,600. Fran- cestown gave Grant 172 and Seymour 96. 206 BBVISING CONSTITUTION. Dec. 25, 1871, the town "voted one and one-fourth per cent of its valuation to aid in the con- struction of a railroad from Wilton to Greenfield." By Act of the legislature, July 4, 1872, a tract of about one hundred acres from the northeast part of Greenfield was an- nexed to Francestown, the object being to straighten lines, and "better accommodate in repairing roads." At the presidential election in 1872, Grant received 286 electoral votes, and Horace Greeley received 80 ; the popular vote being, for Grant 3,697,070, and for Greeley 2,834,079. Francestown gave Grant 156 votes, and Greeley 81. At the March meeting, 1873, the town voted to accept the library and property pf the Home Circle Library Association, for a Public Library, the condition being that the town assume the debt of the Circle and appropriate one hundred dollars per year to support the library. (See Home Circle in Chapter on Various Societies.) Soon after the unsuccessful efforts of the Constitutional Convention of 1850, efforts began to be made to call another convention. "Is it expedient to call a convention to revise the Constitution of this State?" was a question submitted to the people year after year, and answered in the negative. But in March, 1876, the State voted, bj^ a small majority, in favor of revision. There was a cry for "Biennial Elections," and some other changes, and these things were advocated as measures to diminish expenses. Francestown voted steadily against calling a convention. But delegates were appointed by the several towns in November following, Garvin S. Sleeper being chosen delegate from this town. The convention began its work the "First Wednesday in December, 1876." The session of the convention was short, and its conclusions were judicious, for the most part. The "New Constitution" was completed, and printed in season to be submitted to the people at the next March meeting (1877); and being adopted by the whole State, it became at once the Supreme law of our Commonwealth. The rapidity of its formation and adoption was in marked contrast witli the lingering efforts attending the Constitution of 1792, which it displaced. Francestown voted for the adoption of all the articles except the first. TAKING POSSESSION OP TOWN HALL. 207 At the presidential election of 1876, the candidates were Samuel J. Tilden, qf New York, Democrat, and Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, Republican. The vote of Francestown was 101 for Tilden, and 145 for Hayes. The result of the election was for a long time in dispute, as from several of the Southern States there were two sets of electors claiming to be the choice of the people. But, at the critical time. Congress established what was called the "Electoral Commission" to pass upon these disputed returns. This body consisted of five Senators, five members of the House, and five judges of the Supreme Court; and after long deliberation, they decided that the Re- publican electors were the ones lawfully chosen in Louisiana and Florida. This decision was reached by one majority (8 to 7); and it gave Hayes one majority of electoral votes (185 to 184). At the presidential election of 1880, Francestown gave 152 votes for Garfield, and 98 votes to Hancock. The former re- ceived, in the whole country, 4,450,921 popular votes and 214 electoral votes; the latter received 4,447,88^ popular votes, and 155 electoral votes. At the March meeting of 1881, the town appropriated |700 to repair the town-house. Four years before they appropriated $500 for this purpose ; but nothing seems to have been done at that time about it. There were some disputes as to the rights of the town in the building, and the selectmen found opposition in the way of carrying out the vote of the town. Hence, there was a special town meeting, Apr. 9", 1881, called for the town to take possession of the "Town Hall," as it was called. They met at the meeting-house, and adjourned to the hall, having first voted to "take and hold possession for the use and occupation of all the citizens of the town." Then the selectmen (Geo. F. Pettee, John G. Morse, and Harvey N. Whiting,) forced open the door, and the town then and since has occupied the premises. A suit was "threatened, but never pushed"' ; and soon the hall was put into excellent shape, and it now compares favorably with such buildings in other towns in this vicinity. This year the assassination of President Garfield created great excitement, reaching even a small town like ours ; especially 208 PRESIDENTIAL VOTES. as one American President had been murdered but a few years before. Was this to be the rule in our country? Abraham Lincoln had been shot Ajjr. 14, 1865, dying the next morning. Now, (July 2, 1881), James A. Garfield was shot down by an accursed murderer, in the waiting-room of a railroad depot in Washington. He was not immediately killed, but lingered, in great suffering and beautiful Christian assurance, till Sept. 19, when death bore his manly spirit away. While he lingered, there were meetings in this town giving expression to the uni- versal sympathy and full of prayer for him; and after he was gone, this town, like almost every other in New England, had memorial services to honor the Dead President, as scholar, statesman, orator, soldier, friend, patriot, and Christian! At the presidential election, Nov., 1884, Francestown gave Blaine 133 votes, Cleveland 94, and scattering 3. Blaine's popular vote was 4,848,334, and his electoral vote was 182 ; Cleveland's popvilar vote was 4,911,017, and his electoral vote was 219. At the November election of 1888, William H. Farnum was chosen delegate to the Constitutional Convention. This town gave for President in 1888, Harrison 140 votes, and Cleveland 91 votes. This year, also, (1888), the town voted to sell the town farm, and chose George F. Pettee as agent to convey the same. In 1889, the town voted to lay the concrete walks in the village ; and -the vote was carried into effect that year. Addi- tions and extensions of the same were made in 1890. In the presidential election of 1892, Francestown gave 129 votes for Harrison, and 73 votes for Cleveland. CHAPTER VI. THE CENTENNIAL CELEBBATION, JUNE 8, 1872. At the annual March meeting of 1872, an article was in the warrant to see if the town would celebrate its approaching Centennial Day. At once the people took up the project with enthusiasm, and voted that the selectmen (George D. Epps, George A. Duncklee, Elias A. Wilson,) should make all the necessary arrangements to "Celebrate the Day," and author- ized them to expend any sum not exceeding one thousand dollars to defray the necessary expenses. Very handsomely and vigorously these officers carried out the trust committed to them. They wisely appointed Geo. F. Pettee, Esq., corre- sponding secretary, and associated him with them in planning for the occasion. The following "Invitation" is a sample of many hundreds sent out over all the land: Old Francestown proposes to celebrate the One Hundredth Anniver- sary of her incorporation on the 8th of June, 1872, with appropriate exercises. We would gladly welcome all her wandering children to the place of their nativity on that occasion. Hoping the gathering together of her sons and daughters may result in good, by making the occasion joyous, by reviving the recollections of " long ago," and more closely uniting our hearts in the future, We subscribe ourselves. Yours fraternally, Geo. D. Epps, Committee. Elias A- Wilson, ) Francestovvpt, N. H., April g3, }873, VjKO. U. l^PFS, \ Geo. a. Duncklee, I ( Elias A. Wilson, ) 210 INVITATION TO THE CENTENNIAL. Also, the following Poem, written by Mrs. Flora A. D. Atwood, appeared in the Manchester Mirror and other papers, and attracted considerable notice, and helped in no small measure to add enthusiasm to the formal public call : INVITATION. ♦ White-winged messengers, go forth, East and west and south and north, Tell the Sons of Francestown That we celebrate in June; Tell them on the Eighth to come, And receive a welcome home ! Go to California's strand. To the far-famed golden land; Tell to all the wanderers there That we bid them gather here, That a welcome will await Each to the Old Granite State ! Go where Mississippi's tide Flows its fertile banks beside; — Where the Rocky Mountains rise On and upward toward the skies; Go to praries where they roam. Bid the children, all, come home! Go to sunny Southern Land Where the'goddess waves her wand. Where, upspringing all around, Brilliant flowers deck the ground, Where the date and orange thrive, — There our invitation give ! Cross the ocean's foamy tide. O'er the waters dark and wide ; And if any there are found On the European ground, Tell them what we mean to do June the Eighth, in Seventy-two! Tell them, one and all, to come. Gather once again at home, — Roam the hills ajid valleys o'er As they did in days of yore, — Greet the living friends, and shed Love's fond tribute o'er the dead ! In response to these enthusiastic solicitations, a large company came from all parts of the land, eager to celebrate the day. Those who were born here, those whose parents or grand-parents were natives of the town, those who had once lived here, and those who had studied THE DINNER; THE SINGING. 211 here, old friends making their last pilgrimage to the town, and joyous students just ready to enter upon the business of life, — all these made a large and interesting concourse lof people. The day, however, was exceedingly unfavorable, a day of mud and rain, on account of which the attendance from the neighboring towns was comparatively small. It was thought the weather diminished the attendance one-half. As it was, the assembly was a vast one, and was variously estimated from 1500 to 3500. The audience was light at the opening in the morning, but, in spite of the storm, it rapidly increased, and could not have been less than 2000 in the afternoon. With good weather and good travel- ing, it is hard telling what would have been done with the multitudes! The Dinner was "free and abundant," and much to spare, besides being excellent in quality. It was a characteristic Francestown dinner! The tables were in perfect order, and looked inviting enough to fasci- nate the palate of the most exacting epicure ! It is not known how many "baskets-full of fragments" were gathered up, but enough re- mained unbroken to feed quite an army! Everything was on the most generous scale ! Francestown grandly honored every guest and grandly honored herself! It is but just to add that the arrangements for Dinner on that day were in charge of Mr. Albert L. Savage, a native of Francestown, who had been a caterer in Boston, and was subsequently a merchant here. The singing was under the superintendence of that excellent singer and excellent man, the lamented Dr. John F. Fitz, and was all that could be desired. This people had had a reputation for high musical taste, and gave evidence of it on their centennial day. In the church, some ancient hymns were sung in the ancient way, — "the staple of our grandfathers' music," as it was called, — and several hymns, all icritten for the occasion by Mrs. Flora A. D. Atwood, some of which will be given below. Two "Brass Bands" were in attendance, whose abund- ant and charming music added largely to the life and delight of the day. The town engaged the services of the Cornet Band, of Pepperell, Mass , and the Milford Cornet Band came as the escort of the Masons. The exercises took place in the church,— then the only edifice of the kind in town, — and in and around the tent on the Common, though it was impossible to hoU the long-parted friends in any particular spot. In little groups here and there all over the village, and in the old cem- eteries, they might have been found, chatting together, weeping to- gether, laughing together, telling the old stories, and narrating the events of life since they parted! School friends of days long gone met again and renewed the old friendships, and walked up and down the streets to talk things over by themselves; and some, who had been mutual adorers in youth, to whom it was given "to love, but not to wed," crept back into the old Academy hall, and repeated with digni- tjed timidity those fond, early dreams which were never to be realized! The tent, covering a space one hundred and fifty feet by sixty-five 212- THE tEOCBSSION. feet, stood about midway from the old church to the Academy, was tastefully decorated, and four bright flags floated from its ridge. Inside, the motto which met every eye, "Welcome to Old Prancestown," was a just expression of the hearts of the people to their guests. At the church there was an antiquarian collection appropriate to the day, which contributed greatly to awaken the memories of departed scenes in all the aged, and inspire wonder and curiosity in all the young. The military escort for the Day was quite imposing for a country town, and the procession, notwithstanding the rain, was described by an outsider in strong terms of praise. The dawn of the day had been announced by ringing of bells, and by a "hundred rounds" from that ancient piece of ordnance, the "Molly Stark,'' of New Boston, a battle- scarred brass cannon captured from the British at Bennington. Lines of flags stretched across the street from house-top to house-top through the whole length of the village, making a fine appearance, and under these the people rode in crowds, the poor man's meagre conveyance, the farmer's old-fashioned wagon, the dainty and shining carriage of the rich, — all pouring along together, and on equal terms! About 10 A. M., after greetings and hand-shakings, the procession was formed on the Common. The Lyndboro' Artillery, whose honorable name is all the mention needed, was the chief military company of the day, and led the procession, preceded by the Pepperell Band. Then followed the Lincoln Eifle Company, of Milford, escorting the Pacific Lodge of Masons, and preceded by the Milford Band. Next came two hundred school children, under lead of the Superintending Committee of the town schools, George P. Pettee, and carrying banners with various inscriptions, as, "Links which bind the Past to the Future," "Chips of the old block," "All from Crotched Mountain," "Pioneers of the Future," "Bound for the next Centennial," etc. The Francestown company followed, under command of Capt. Samuel Stevens. This company consisted of sixty men, enlisted for the occasion, and all its officers bore military titles gained in the past. Then came the citizens and people generally, and in the line were carriages of ancient date, and some in which were men, and women swingling flax or spinning at the wheel. The whole was in charge of the chief marshal. Col. H. P. Clark, and his aids, Capt. Wm. H, Hopkins and Capt. John Morse. The procession, which was very long, marched up the street, and re- turning, received at the hotel the Officers of the Day, the speakers, and invited guests, and escorted them to the church. There, as soon as the long procession had entered, at the call of Chief-Marshal Clark, and standing in reverent worship, all united in singing the following hymn: Tune — Old Hundred. Our Father's God, to Thee we raise Rejoicingly, our songs of praise ; Thank-offerings full we bring Thee now, , And humbly at Thy footstool bow. THE WELCOME. 21S We feel Thy hand hath led us on, In all the way our feet have gone, And that Thine arm will still uphold, And guard Thy children, as of old. When on the wildly threatening sea Came o'er our noble ancestry, Their barque in safety, then was brought. To the fair haven they had sought. They rest in peace beneath the sod, Their spirits dwelling now with God, And we, who in their places stand, Desire the same protecting hand. As future moons shall wax and wane. The seasons come, and go again, May pure religion, from God given. Our souls allure from earth to Heaven. May less of worldliness appear Among thy chosen people here, And may these h. E. Adams of Wilton, and he was greeted with glad applause, and made a capital speech. The speaking now being closed, the chairman called for the reading of the following letters : Bradford, Vt., June 5, 1872. Geo. F. Pettee, Esq., — Dear Sir: Your favor of April 11th, inviting me in behalf of the Committee to be in Francestown June 8th, to take a part in Its Centennial celebration as a corporate town, came to me when on the wing. I have boped I might be present, and have delayed writing so that I might say yes. With regret I find it impossible ; other engagements forbid. I thank you for your kind invitation. I should love to be one of the crowd and contribute my share of the entertainment. When I left Francestown, I was a citizen in the fullest sense, having paid taxes and voted seven years. I came to Francestown, the first of March, 1844, and was principal of the Academy till June, 1851. Those seven years were among the happy years of my life. I remember the worthy men and women of that period. Many of whom, alas ! sleep with the dead. Their names will be repeated and their memories hallowed by those who survive. Please give my congratulations and good wishes to the gathered friends. Truly yours, Harry Brickett. Hopewell, April 23, 1872. Mr. Pettee, — Dear Sir: I can appreciate your kindness in forwarding to me the invitation of the citizens of your, as Well as my, native town, to at- tend the hundredth anniversary of the incorporation of Francestown. I can assure you I would gladly comply with your invitation, were it practicable for me so to do. Were my health such as it was six months ago, it would be quite a gratification once more to visit my native town, and particularly on such an occasion as you mention. I need make no further apology for not being with you on the 8th of June next, or taking any part in the interesting exercises of that occasion, than to state that about six months since I was at- tacked with a disease which has as yet been too obstinate for any medicine to conquer. While I endure but little pain or suffer but little for lack of nourishing food, yet while I remember that I am drawing near the close of my eighty-third year, I have urgent reason for calling to remembrance that the time of my departure is at hand. My oldest brother and sister have recently gone the way of all the earth. Most of my classmates in College and a large portion of my early associates are gone hence to be here no more, and soon I must expect the admonition will come to me, "Set thy house in order." My work is probably nearly done. Much respect to Francestown friends, E. Everett. At this point a motion was made and carried to adjourn to June 8, 1972, and with music by the band the exercises were brought to a close. The services throughout the day were characterized by the greatest harmony and good feeling. "A corps of police, with Elbridge G. Bush 222 POEM OF SYLVANtJS HAYWARD. at its head, was detailed for the day, but they found no work to do." There was no accident — no noise — no confusion — no dispute — no intoxi- cation — not a circumstance painful to remember. The speeches were exceedingly well received, and music by the bands was generously interspersed to the great delight of the young. It was a great and happy occasson for the town. June 8, 1772, was a day of hard struggle with forests and rocks, a day of beginnings and self-denials; — June 8, 1872 was a day of comfort, plenty and honor! The wilderness had been turned into a fruitful field! But the founders of the town were gone, and it was their grand-children that kept this Centennial Festival! May a worthy and godly posterity meet and take up the adjourned festivities June 8, 1972! The following Poem by Kev. Sylvanus Hayward of South Berwick, Me., a former Principal of Fraiicestown Academy, was received too late for use on the Centennial occasion, but is worthy of a place here, as having the real poetic spirit and flow: — Stand.s in our path the past to hide An inward-opening gate. Grim Sentries there on either side Time and Oblivion wait. Back from that gate returneth none ; Avails no power of art. Thither are gathered, one by one, The treasures of the heart. But when with slow and silent steps A Century marches down. We come with blessings on our lips His snowy head to crown. And while each son and daughter brings A leaf to deck his urn, Time slumbering folds his weary wings. Nor thinks his glass to turn. Oblivion clutching at each word Forgets the open door. While Memory darts like swift-winged bird Our treasures to restore. And when the sun with fading rays Sinks through the burnished west, The guards awake in blank amaze, Robbed of the spoils possessed. Their anguished voice in vain recalls Each shattered bolt and chain ; THE SABBATH EXEKCISBS. 223 O'er rifled vaults in empty halls They gnash their teeth in vain. For Memory mocks their bootless quest, Triumphant o'er her prey, Delighted still, at Love's behest, Her jewels to display. Exalting Love with gladness leaps ;— No more shall they depart.; — While ceaseless jubilee she keeps And locks them in her heart. As June 8, 1872, fell upon Saturday and many friends were expected to stay over Sabbath, arrangements were made for special exercises on the Lord's Day, June 9. There v»ras then but one church in town, and all went together, and old friends crowded in to hear the Gospel where they had heard it in their early days, altogether packing the large edifice full to the utmost. The old hymns were sung again as in departed years. It was a service at which many "tears of memory fell" and eternity seemed strangely near! In the forenoon, the Pastor, Rev. Charles Secomb preached a sermon of marked tenderness and appro- priateness, speaking at considerable length of the church, — its history and work in this place. In the afternoon a "concert of the Sabbath- School was held, at which a history of the School from its organization was given." This~Concert included several speeches, and much appro- priate singing, and unto many was the most enjoyable part of the whole occasion, being without the restraint of the more formal services. The Superintendent, Issachar Dodge, Esq., gave the above-named "History of the School,'' and gave in connection therewith many affecting inci- dents and lessons, which, however beautiful, there is not room to narrate on this page. But it maj' be added that many hearts were touched by the following "Address to the Past Century," composed and, delivered by Issachar Dodge , Esqr. Many will long remember his ability in speech, and his earnest and impressive manner. Roll on, ye Ages, and write down your pages; Tell now the story of the Past. Years ye have numbered, this day, just one hundred; We hail thee, Centennial, at last! Dark were thy footsteps, and silent thy tread, Naught in thy pathway long could stay ; Those who came with thee now sleep with the dead ; Thy mandate has borne them away. On in thy pathway, which none can descry, Heeding not sorrow, joy or pain ; 224 THE FAREWELL HYMN. Numbers have sought thee, but none could detain thee. And thou never wilt come back again. * Roll, mighty river, thy stream to the ocean ; Here thou canst never deign to dwell. Though still we tarry, we'll bow in devotion, And bid thee a lasting farewell. Every part of these concert exercises was specially adapted to the oc- casion; the multitude seemed unwilling to break up and part: prayer and exhortation followed in warm enthusiasm, as if each realized that such a meeting would not' come to them again in this world; and then late in the afternoon, all joined in singing this closing Hymn, written by Mrs. Flora A. D. Atwood: FAREWELL. Tune — '^Auld Lang Syne.'' Farewell ! we fain would pass it by, This day so full of joy. But there's no pleasure here on earth, That mingles not alloy. Chorus. Then farewell to you now. Unchanged through time, Rich blessings we would crave for friends Of auld lang syne. We bid you go to distant lands, But oh ! forget not there, The friends who gave you welcome home. Who still will linger here. Chorus. Bear with you, wheresoe'er you go. The memory of to-day; And may it mark, with shining lines, A milestone on your way. Chorus. We ne'er shall gather here again, To celebrate as now: Death reaps his harvest year by year, And soon we all must go. Chorus. But there within the pearly gates, Where pavements golden glow, May we all gather, there to greet. The friends we loved below. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 225 Chorus. Then farewell to you now, In that blest time Where Jesus dwells, we'll meet the friends, Of auld lang syne. In the evening of the Sabbath a large Congregation assembled to hear a sermon to young men, by Eev. Mr. Boardman, the Orator of the pre- ceding day. This effort has been pronounced "most excellent and able, a worthy termination of all the delightful Centennial services." The old were passing away; and as the town entered upon its new century, what could be more appropriate than a sermon to the young? It may be interesting to some to know that the expense of the whole celebration to the town was $684.26. CHAPTER VII. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. At the first town meeting July 2, 1772, Francestown voted "fiftey one pounds LafuU money for preaching" and otlier charges, and "voted John Quigly Sam'i Nutt Oliver Holm Comniity men for to git preaching for the present year.'' And at a meeting Aug. 31 following, they "voted that John Quigly Shall Build ye meeting House Sat up ye frame as Lang and as txood as Lyn Borough meeting House," from which it appears that a house of worship was one of the first things determined upon. They voted this before they laid out a highway or a burying ground. How far they were able to "git preaching" in 1772 cannot be fully stated. Many of them were members of churches before coming here, and counted their religion dearer than life. They studied the Bible, and knew it for themselves, and held a faith intelligently founded on it. Every man, woman and child in the town felt an intense hatred of Popery, and they were bound to have a religion that was free. Some of them were descendants of those who had been hunted and murdered by the Catholics. And all, whether Scotch or English, were of one mind as to the general character of the religious institutions which they desired to establish in this town ; for they all feared God, loved the Bible, and hated the Pope. They were too intelligent and too independent to allow anything that interfered with their religious convictions; and they watched against the beginnings of all popish authority as against fire in a powder-house. It was a bold fearless piety that began here. The first religious organization in town was without doubt a Presbyterian Church organized about August 1772. At that time and before, a majority of the people were Scotch Presby- THE PKESBYTEEIAN CHUECH. 227 terians, and whatever else they might have, or not have, they ivould have a "Sarmon" as often as possible. In some papers prepared for the Francestown Centennial Celebration (1872) the statement is made that the "first sermon ever preached in town was in the fall of 1775, in Dea. Hopkins' barn, by Eev. Mr. McGregor of Londonderry." But this is a very grave mistake. It was the first sermon in that part of the town no doubt and this is referred to elsewhere as a notable meeting ; but the town record shows there had been much preaching here before that date. Two churches had been previously organized in town, and certainly not without preach- ing. The preaching was chiefly by Presbyterians in those early years, it being natural for the sturdy families of that faith to turn to their own. Such were nearly all of those in the "New Boston Addition," then the most populous part of Francestown. Many of these were members of the New Boston Presbyterian Church, of which Rev. Solomon Moor was Pastor. Others were children of those who were members of his church. They looked to him as their "Pastor and Teacher," and were zealous adherents of the Presby- terian faith. Mr. Moor held occasional meetings here when this was a part of New Boston. He came here on funeral occasions, and sometimes for the baptism of children. Occasionally child- ren were carried to the church in New Boston for baptism. The names and dates cannot be given, as the early records of that church were lost; and it is impossible to give even the date of the formation of the New Boston Church. But in view of this fact it need not be counted strange that no record can be found of the formation of the Presbyterian Churcli in Frances- town. I have not been able to find any reference in the records of the Presbyteries to the organization of churches either in New Boston or Francestown. Nor have I been able to find in town any subsequent record of the Presbyterian church here. In Antrim and New Boston the church records were kept for many years on fly leaves and were lost; and the same was the case in Francestown. But the effort to have a Presbyterian Parish here, made while this was a part of New Boston, seems to have been carried out at once, on the incorporation of the town. It is much to be regretted that people then thought so 228 THE PEESBYTERlAi^ CHtJRCH. little of the importance of making and preserving records. As a consequence of this loss, we cannot give the names of the members of the Presbyteriah church in Francestown, except this much, that we know every Scotchman in the town was either a member of that church or a warm friend of it. Probably it had forty members at the start. The English part of the people here called it the "Scotch Society" and the Scotch people called the Congregational body the "English Society." The record of the Congregational church indicates that there never was much bitterness between these bodies of christians, as the Congre- gational church at one time "voted that the Presbyterian church have the Supper administered when Mr. Plow comes again amongst us." This is further shown by the fact that at a town meeting July 5, 1773, convened for the purpose of calling a minister, by common consent this Article was submitted to public vote, namely, "To see If the town Will a gree to Settel a menester agreabel to the Presbyterans Rules or to the Congregational rules." And it was "voted to Settel a minister a Cording to the Presbyterans rules." This being peacefully decided they "Voted to Give the reverend mr Bolch a Call," and voted him a "Set- tlement" of forty-flve pounds, and a "Yarly Sallery" of forty-two pounds "LawfuU money." Thus it seems to have been settled that there should be but one church and that it should be a Presbyterian church. But mucli to the regret of all "Mr. Balch [Rev. William] declined to settle, and the church continued without a pastor. May 26, 1774, the Presbytery of Boston directed "Eev. Mr. Hutchinson to supply at discretion at Francestown;" and it seems probable that he preached here, or sent candidates here, having an oversight of the church for some years. His name occurs in records of baptisms as late as 1786. Preaching was enjoyed a part of each year, and efforts were made to find the right man for the place. But the people here were not able to offer very flattering inducements, and "louder calls" attracted desirable men, and they were not able to unite upon any candi- VAEIOtrs CALLS To MINISTERS. 22& date. So it went on until, having been here a part of 1779, Rev. Experience Estabrook was called by the town (May 26, 1780,) with the understanding that he was to be settled as a Presbyterian ; but he declined, and was afterwards settled in Thornton and Plainfield. Oct. 31, 1781 the town "Voted to Give ye Rev. Robt. Annan a Call in the work of ye ministry in s<* Town," offering him a "Settlement" of 60 pounds, "and for sallary seventy pounds now and as soon as we have one Hundred Familees settled in s* Town it is to rise to Eighty pounds with the Hundred acres now oned by the Town allowing s"' Robt. Annan to be our Menister During his Abilities of Preaching." They then chose Samuel Nutt, Thomas Quigly and William Quigly a "Committee to Present the Peticion to the Presbittery with the Copey of the votes." Mr. Annan declined this call, and after waiting several years and having various supplies, the town voted (June 22, 1789,) to call Mr. Nathaniel How, offering larger inducements ; but this also was declined. The Congregational church gave Mr. How a call July 1 following. He had been previously called by the Presbyterian church, and the town vote of June 22 named above, was to "Concur with the Church, [i. e. the Presbyterian church] in Giving M'' Nathaniel How a Call to Sittle in the Gospel Minestra in this town." Probably these men declined to settle because they feared trouble between the Scotch church and English church, which, how- ever, was happily averted. Late in the year 1789 Mr. Moses Bradford came to this place, and preached a few Sabbaths; and a -town-meeting was held Jan. 11, 1790, to see if the town would vote him a "call to Settel." Rev. Lathrop Taylor in the "New Hampshire Churches" is in error in saying the town voted Mr. Bradford a call at this meeting with but one dissenting vote. The vote of the town was to pass over the article, but "to Hier M''. Bradford fore Sabaths Langer." Mr. Taylor's error evidently arose from con- sulting the records of his own church without comparing them with the records of the town. Undoubtedly it was the Congre- gational church that voted with "but one in the Contrary" that 230 UNION OF THE CHURCHES. "David Lewis should put it to vote to See if the Town would give M''. Moses Bradford a Call to Settle in the Gospel Ministry Either a Presby- terian or Congregational, to be at his Option." Perhaps they felt tolerably sure about his preferences ; but at any rate their action seemed honorable and was a step in the way of uniting the two churches. Mr. Bradford stayed "fore Sabaths Langer." Meanwhile it is probable the Presbyterian Church voted him a call ; at least it is certain that a majority of them favored him. The Congregational Church voted him a call Jan. 26, 1790. Immediately then another town-meeting was called, and the town voted (Feb. 15, 1790,) to invite Mr. Bradford to settle as their minister. It appears that the two churches on the same day (Jan. 26) deliberated and acted upon the call, and in the most christian and brotherly way, as Mr. Bradford's letter of acceptance speaks of how the " C/mrcA" has '■'■united" and how all ^'■have united" in him and "shown" him great kindness. But Mr. Bradfoi'd decided to follow the Congregational order; and the Presbyterians, true to their agreement, joined in settling and supporting him. Yet he delayed a formal ac- ceptance of the call till the two churches could be actually united in one. And his work and spirit were so excellent that he was enabled to bring them together. July 6, 1790, those Presbyterians who had participated in calling Mr. Bradford ex- pressed by formal vote their "desire to come into full commun- ion'' in the Congregational church, and they were immediately received. These constituted the main body of the Presbyterian church. A few others, more unwilling to yield, had written a letter to Mr. Bradford, promising to come in on certain condi- tions, which seem to have been complied with in full ; and they too were voted in, "on condition of their submitting to the Church Covenant." The church then "voted to have the Ordinances statedly administered according to the directory of the Presbyterian Confession of Paith." This compromise was satisfactory, and in this way the Presby- terian church was merged into the Congregational church and under the Congregational name, though the Presbyterian element and doctrinal stability were prominent here for more THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH. 231 than a half-century after the union. Thus the Franeestown Presbyterian Church ceased to exist July 1790. A few mem- bers went to the church of their order in New Boston from which they had come, and one or two Presbyterian families in the south-west part of the town connected themselves with the Presbyterian church in Peterboro' ; but the most went into the other church here in pleasant anticipation of being under the minister whom they themselves had called, and who was doc- trinally in accord with them. The rest will be given in the history of the Congregational church below. The Elders of the Presbyterian church, it appears, were James Fisher, Robert Hopkins and probably Ninian Cochran. But most of the town's action touching religious affairs will be given in the history of the Congregational church, as that came to be the church of the town . THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH. The second church organization in Franeestown was the Con- gregational church, organized Jan. 27, 1773. There was no council, but Rev. Samuel Cotton of Litchfield and Rev. Daniel Wilkins of Amherst came here by request, and having drawn up a brief and sufficient covenant, it was signed by twelve men. They then declared these twelve to be a "regular Church of Our Lord Jesus Christ." These then by vote received six women, wives of part of their number. They then made "choice of David Lewis as their Moderator & Clerk to take the care of their Church papers & make all needful Records Until they had the Gospel Settled among them." But no Book of records was kept until the union of the two churches, and the first entry was by the hand of Rev. Moses Bradford Jan. 28, 1791. Before his coming here the record was exceedingly brief,, and what there remains was copied from loose papers. Those papers, like those of the Presbyterian church, were lost long ago. The original members were : William Butterfield & Rebecca, his wife. William Starrett & Abigail " " Nathan Fisher & Esther " " 232 NAMES OF ORIGINAL MEMBERS. Zechariah Whiting & Desire, his wife Oliver Holmes & Bethia " " Moses Lewis Isaac Lewis David Lewis Samuel Dickerman & Bathsheba, his wife. Asa Lewis Benjamin Sleeper Nathaniel Sleeper. Until after the close of the pastorate of Mr. Bradford the town and the church were united in their action in religious matters. The town in its regular public meeting called the minister, and fixed his salary ; and he was paid out of the town treasury like any town officer. Often the town would "call" a minister before the church had taken any action; but sometimes the church would act first and the town would "concur." In the case of Mr. How, named above, the Presbyterian church gave him a call ; then a town-meeting was called and the town voted to "concur with the church;" and then two weeks later, the Congregational chfirch gave him a call, so that all were united in him. The town and the church thus acting together for years, there will necessarily be some repetition here of things previously stated in the regular history of the town. At their first town meeting (July 2, 1772,) they "voted that James fishers Shall Be the Place for preaching for the furst three munths." The meetings were held in barns in warm weather and in private houses in cold weather until the meeting-house was ready for use. These meetings were generally union meetings, and this prepared the way for the union of the two churches, as they found there was practically but little difference between them. Aug. 31, 1772, the town voted that after the above "three munths" were past, "ye pepoel in the North Side of ye town Shall Have their Equal parts of preaching." Hence meetings were held occasionally among the scattered families of the north part of the town, these oftenest occurring at the house of Dea. Robert Hopkins, now known as the "Gib- son Place." As the Scotch were most numerous in town these RELIGIOUS MEETINGS. 233 meetings were largely under charge of Presbyterian ministers, Rev. William Davidson and Rev. William Morrison of London- derry, and Rev. John Houston of Bedford occasionally making their long journeys hither on horse-back through the forests for this purpose. The records hint that Rev. David Annan of Peter- boro' occasionally preached here both before and after the call of his brother in 1781. But Rev. Solomon Moor of New Boston was here more than all the rest. A few times the Rev. Sewall Good- ridge of Lyndeboro' is believed to have held meetings here as he "baptised 100 children of the English Society." Dr. Whiton of Antrim speaks of a meeting of great interest which took place at the barn of Dea. Robert Hopkins in Oct. 1775, to which several sons and daughters of Antrim were brought for baptism and at which Rev. David McGregor, Pastor of the Presbyterian Church Londonderry, preached with great power. These ham meetings were quite romantic and had many pleasant features. The women were provided with various rough seats in the centre of the floor, — the men sat on stones or blocks of wood, or leaned against the hay-mow, while the small boys got in as best they could, on top of the hay and on the beams above ! They were clothed in homespun garments, most of them barefooted, poor, unadorned and humble toilers, but they all, young and old, listened with reverent attention to the words of life, and most lovingly and becomingly they worshiped Him who was born in a manger "where the horned oxen fed !" In those early days the religious privileges of these scattered people were small and few. The meeting-house was contracted for in Aug. 1772, but it was not completed till fifteen years had elapsed. The war of the Revolution kept everything back, and the people were poor and worn with toil. Yet they enjoyed intensely what religious privileges they had, and felt an appre- • elation of these things almost impossible to be understood at the present day. I might quote my own words in saying of them, that they "taught their children at home concerning religious things. The Bible and the Shorter Catechism were the chief literature in every house. They kept the Sabbath with great reverence. Nobody could even walk the rough paths cut through the forests without being liable to be called in question for violating the sanctity of the Lord's Day. Having no 234 rmsT choice op deacons. trash to read, or for their children to read, they studied over and over the Holy Book, and came to know its great doctrines and consequently to hold them with most vigorous tenacity." The Church, having been organized Jan. 27th vrith moderator and clerk, held a meeting Mar. 8 — and "made choice of David Lewis & William Starrett to Serve the Table." The Sacrament was first administered to the Congregational Church in Francestown May 9, 1773, by Rev. Daniel Emerson of Hollis. The early additions to the church v^ere said to "enter the Covenant." Those who were here, but not members here, were by vote admitted to "occasional Communion in this church." One quaint entrance reads, "Ester Jones got herself baptized." From 1773 to 1780 various candidates supplied in town, and much of the time all went together, the Presbyterians leading the way, as indicated in the narrative of that church. When all united in calling Rev. Experience Estabrooks (1780,) the Town offered him "for a Settlement one Hundred Acres of Good Land as near to the Meeting House as can conveniently be purchased also fifty pounds in rye at four Shillings per Bushel or Indian at three or Labour or Money E qivalent — and for a Salary sixty pounds per An- num [to be increased to eighty when there should be 125 families in town] during his ministry in said Town Eye and Indian as above Beef 2 1-2 pence Butter 8 pence Pork 4 pence." It must be admitted that this was a generous offer for the times. And though he declined it, the town went on to pro- cure a farm for their minister, whoever he might be, and voted (Dec. 25, 1780,) "to accept of Lot jSTo. 2 in the Odiorne Eight for a ministerial Lot." The circumstances of calling Rev. Robert Annan, and Rev. Nathaniel Howe, and also of calling Rev. Moses Bradford and the compromise and union of the two churches, have been given in the History of the Presbyterian Church above. And when by great wisdom and noble Christian spirit all round this most desirable result had been reached, Mr. Bradford sent to them the following letter; MK. Bradford's acceptance. 235 rrancestown Aug. 1, 1790. Respected Fathers and beloved Brethren: After returning hearty thanks to God, the Giver of every natural and spiritual endoWment, I would express my grateful feelings to the people for every mark of attention & expression of Friendship shown me. Whereas the Church has united in giving me a Call to Settle in the work of the Gospel Ministry * & Whereas the Congregation in this town have concurred with the proceedings of the Church * & as you have been im- patiently waiting sometime for my Answer — I would now release your mind by Answering your Call. Men & Brethren, I have taken your Call into sereous & deliberate consideration. And find some things agree- able & something not so agreeable as to the situation I shall be in, provided I answer in the afflrmative. On the one hand, it is not so agreeable to Sittle in a place so n^wly sittled as this is & among a people who have so great a diversity of sentiments, variety of customs & moods & diiference of Education among them as you have heretofore had — at a place so removed from my dear friends and acquaintance & so little able to support the Gospel in a stated manner — on the other. It is an agree- able Consideration that discord and annimosity have so far subsided that you have generally United in me, — And have so condesended to one an- other as to be United among yourselves in matters the most importantly requisite for the peace of society & the happiness of a people — ^hoping your future Conduct will comport with your late Unanimous proceeding, feeling the pressing necessity of your having a Minister of the Gospel settled among you Though I am in some degree sensible of my insuffi- ciency for the great & arduous work unto which you have caUed me ; yet encouraged by that glorious & gracious promise of our Lord, "Lo! I am with you alway even unto the end of the world" — trusting therefore in the divine aid I am induced to declare — My Cordial Acceptance of Your Call to the ministerial Work among you & likewise my Approbation of your proposals for my support. [Here he puts in conditions, that he have 3 or 4 sabbaths vacation, that the town be surety for his farm, and that the town draw up his wood, — which conditions the town accepted by public vote.] And now I conclude by requesting your hearty & con- stant prayers to Almighty God for me that I may enjoy peace & comfort & be a happy Instrument of Comforting the Saints & convincing the sin- ners among you that we may so live together in this world as finally to meet in the World of peace beyond the Grave. Men and Brethren, I am with all humility & due respects your friend & humble Sarvant in the Lord. Moses Bradford The way being now clear, the church and town united on Sept. 8, 1790, as the day for Mr. Bradford's ordination. The Council was composed of "nine Persons" as follows: Rev. Solomon Moor of New Boston, Rev. Ebenezer Bradford of 236 SETTLEMENT OP ME. BEADFORD. Rowley, Mass., Rev. Sewall Goodridge of Lyndeboro', Rev. Elijah Parish of Byfield, Mass., Rev. Abel Fisk of Wilton, Rev. John Bruce of Amherst North Parish, Rev. Jonathan Barnes of Hills- boro', Rev. Noah Miles of Temple, Rev. Stephen Farrar of New Ipswich. Of this Council Mr. Moor was chosen Moderator, and Mr. Fisk, Clerk. The Ordination-Sermon was preached by Rev. Ebenezer Bradford father of the Candidate; Mr. Moor "gave the Charge;" Mr. Parish offered the ordaining prayer; and Mr. Goodridge "gave the right hand of Fellowship." Thus the first minister was settled in Francestown. It was a great day for this people. They had waited for it in hope and prayer, and were filled with delight at its happy consummation ! By the terms of the union of the Presbyterian and Congre- gational Churches (July 6, 1790,) four new deacons were to be chosen by the united church, the old officers of both churches withdrawing. The Gazetteer of 1817, and other and more recent statements tell us that the Presbyterians joined the Con- gregationalists in 1792. But this is wrong in two points ; for neither church joined the other, since both put themselves at the "option" of Mr. Bradford whom both churches called, and since the union was accomplished in 1790, preparatory to his settlement. In order to carry out as soon as possible their agreement, the new church held a meeting (Sept. 22, 1790,) and elected David Lewis, David Starrett, William Starrett and Nathaniel Boyd, deacons. Oct. 20, following, David Starrett and Nathaniel Boyd were excused from serving, and James Fisher and- Isaac Lewis were chosen in their stead. But James Fisher did not accept, and at a meeting May 10, 1792, John Dickey was chosen in his place ; and Dickey not accepts ing John Smith was chosen the same day. Half of those elected had been Presbyterians, and all of them were excellent men. Yet perhaps there were some wounded feelings somewhere, as Isaac Lewis, who had accepted and served one year immediately on the election of Smith, asked to be excused from further service and the church "voted to release or dismiss Mr. Isaac Lewis from serving this Church as Deacon," and chose Jonathan Fisk to the place. Thus the "Session," as they called it, keeping the Presbyterian name, consisted when complete, of the Pastor, HENEWIITG THE COVENANT. 287 and deacons, David Lewis, William Starrett, John Smith, and Jonathan Fisk. A great meeting was held May 24, 1792, "for the purpose of renewing the covenant & to subscribe the same." The day was kept with strictness as a "Day of fasting,'" and in the afternoon Mr. Bradford preached from Deut. 29 : 9. Then 148 persons members of the church (71 males and 77 females) came for- ward and "signed the covenant." This meeting was very impressive and the result salutary, the church being quickened, and many conversions following. In the summer of 1795 Deacon Fisk, much to the regret of all moved from town; and (Oct. 27, 1796,) the church elected Elias Fairbanks to take his place. June 21, 1810, David Lewis resigned the office of deacon, and the church passed resolutions thanking" him for "his long and faithful services," stating that he had "sustained the Office of Deacon 20 years nearly in the United Church," besides serving as "Deacon and keeper of its papers" nearly eighteen years in the Congregational Church before the union, — making a service of more than thirty-seven years in the whole. Aug. 2, 1810, Nathan Savage was chosen in his place. The church had no "Confession of Faith" till 1811, when one was adopted "at the church fast on the 4 of April." ' This Con- fession of Faith was understood to have been prepared by Mr. Bradford himself, though Dea. Nathan Savage and Dea John Smith were with him on the committee appointed by the church to do the work. The Confession is very full, consisting of thirty-three articles, and was pronounced by high authority to be "very able and scriptural." It was stoutly Calvinistic, and remained unchanged till 1874. On the 29th of Nov. 1811, this Confession was confirmed by a series of eight most emphatic resolutions, one of which was, that the old Covenant, the Con- fession of Faith and the "resolves and regulations" should annually be read to the church and Congregation ; and another of which was that for all coming years "every person who shall accept a Call" to the ministry in this church "shall, before his Ordination, make a public declaration of his submis- sion to the Covenant of this church & of his consent to our confession of faith, and also solemnly promise * * that he will maintain and incul- 2S8 MUSICAL INSTRTTMBNTS. cate the Christian faith as expressed in our Creed * * and in opposition not only to Atheists & Infidels, but to Jews, Papists, Mohammedans, Arians, Pelagians, Antinomians, Arminians, Socinians, Sabellians, Uni- tarians & Universalists ; and to all hereses and errors ancient or modern * *." Surely this was strong enough; and as the Confession and Resolutions of 1811 continued unchanged for more than sixty- years, there was ample reason for the statement made in the "History of the New Hampshire Churches" by Rev. Lathrop Taylor (1855) that this "church from the beginning has held fast the form of sound doctrine as contained in the Assembly's Catechism." It may be of interest to some to read a few words here con- cerning the introduction of instruments into public worship. In the regular narrative of the events of the town for the year 1806 it has been stated how the matter was brought up in the annual March meeting and instruments voted in ; and how, then, as though something dreadful had been done, the vote was rescinded before night. But the advocates of instruments brought the matter before the church Apr. 4 following, and after discussion it was voted "lawful to use some kind of instrumental music * in the public worship on the sabbath." But apparently the singers were a little incensed, and would not move without being urged, (were ever singers known to be sensitive or tempery before or since?), and hence another step had to be taken, which took this form: "Is it expedient to invite the Singing Society * * to use on the Sabbath One or two Base Viols?" which question was "answered in the affirmative by a considerable majority of the active members present." The standing "committee to regulate the singing (Rev. Moses Bradford, Dea. William Starrett, Eleazer Everett, Thomas Bixby and Ninian Cochran) was "authorized" to extend the invitation. But it was a long time before the opposition to instruments was entirely gone. BEVIVAL OF 1811. 239 March 13, 1804, an article was in the Town warrant to see if the "town" would jpermit any one to "alter the Elder Seat" — which was prdmptly answered in the negative. This, (keep- ing the Presbyterian name) was a special pew reserved near the pulpit for the deacons (or elders, as they called them) of the church. It was a post of honor for them, and it was conveni- ent for the minister to have them near. It seemed as though they were there to "stay up his hands." The idea has been retained in modern days in reserving some of the front seats for the aged, as favoring their hearing; and some have even dared to suggest that the nearness of the "Elder Seat" to the desk was not so much to exalt the deacons on account of their office, but because they were old men hard of hearing, and that there- fore deacons ought always to be old men ! On the day of the adoption of the Confession of Faith (Apr. 4, 1811,) the meeting was large and solemn. Rev. E. P. Brad- ford of New Boston (Presbyterian) preached from Is. 44:5. Both text and sermon were most appropriate. A quiet and deepening work of grace seemed to begin with their awakened feelings. 94 persons came forward on the spot and "sub- scribed" to the Confession, and 24 others soon followed their example. For more than two years there was an unusual interest. 79 persons united with the church in 1812, and 28 in 1813. Aug. 27, 1810, the town voted to pay Mr. Bradford |60 on account of vacation sabbaths not taken by him, — which is sug- gestive of the patient, persistent hard work of the Pastor, and of the appreciation and honesty of the people. At the March meeting of 1814 the town voted to add flOO to Mr. Bradford's Salary, — which, coming after a service of twenty- four years, must have been a mark of confidence specially pleasing to him. A similar addition was also voted by the town March 1818. On the 14th of May 1818 the church elected Bucknam Fairbanks deacon to succeed Elias Fairbanks deceased. June 21, 1821, Willard Everett was chosen deacon in place of John Smith, resigned on account of old age. Aug. 2, 1821, Jabez Holmes, Jr., was appointed deacon in place of William Starrett resigned on account of old age. The church voted resolutions of thanks to these "aged Dismissed Deacons." 240 POEMATION OF THE CONGKEGATIONAL SOCIETY. About the spring of 1825 some difficulties arose on account of the apparent decay of the pastor's mental power. Mr. Brad- ford had been a strong man, and hard worker, following out every question with most painstaking investigation, and per- haps not sufficiently favoring himself. As years crept upon him, his mind weakened under the pressure, and he became dull and repetitious. He was prematurely old. Hence more and more the dissatisfaction grew, and many talked loudly of refus- ing him further money from the town. The Legislature had passed the "Toleration Act" (July 1, 1819,) setting all persons free from compulsory taxation for the support of any minister. But this town had settled, Mr. Bradford for life; and as he had ho enemies and had been a faithful servant, few if any, took advantage of the new law for several years. In the early days? however, of the year 1826 opposition manifested itself openly. "The Fii'st Calvinistic Congregational Society" was formed, consisting of 63 men, many of them young men, and a large part of them outside of the church; and on the 31st of March they in a body "protested against being taxed" for Mr. Brad- ford's support. On the ground of different religious opinions," which being interpreted (means at least in other towns) an ex- cuse for not doing anything, 28 other men entered the same protest on the town record. The case was growing serious, and a town meeting was held Apr. 28, 1826, "to see if the Town would settle a colleague with or successor to the Eev. Moses Bradford," and devise measures for the "tranquility" of the town. They voted at this meeting to continue the Pastor's salary till Sept. 8, and to "hire temporary supplies of ministerial services."' Aug. 28, 1826, in public town-meeting the town "voted that the First Calvinistic Congregational Society in Francestown have the use of the Meeting-house for public worship four months from the 8th of September next," — which shows their conviction that the work of their old pastor was done. Another town meeting was held Oct. 13, following, the chief outcome of whicli was the appointment of a committee to see on what terms Mr. Bradford would relinquish his con- ^^/i-u^ii^ (jtccyH^^c^^^ . END OF ME. BEADPORD'S PASTORATE. 241 tract with the town. He replied that terms of relinquishment should be proposed by them, and not by him; and stated his conviction that it would be "for the interest of the town and the peace of the church" to settle a colleague and let him retain his pastoral relation and salary. And the old pastor was right, notwithstanding he had committed the dreadful sin of growing old. But at the adjourned town-meeting (Oct. 27) they ignored the pastor's suggestion, and chose a Committee of 21 men (Titus Brown, chairman) to report what ought to be given Mr. Bradford to vacate. A second adjournment was then made to Nov. 17, at which time the committee reported that the town ' should give Mr. Bradford flOOO. This was adopted by the town, and offered and accepted; and a mutual council was called to meet Dec. 27th and carry this agreement into effect. The council decided that the pastorate cease Jan. 1, 1827. It will be noticed as seeming strange to us that the town arranged for the council, and that all these proceedings are spread upon the town record but do not appear at all upon the records of the church. But with Mr. Bradford's pastorate there was an end of all action of the town in settling and supporting ministers. In 1827 the "Society" and the church "concurred" in calling Mr. Austin Richards of Plainfield, Mass., and he was ordained and settled as pastor here Nov. 7, 1827. His settlement was soon followed by gracious revivals, and the next year 122 persons came into the church on confession of faith; in 1831, 62 per- sons; and in 1832, 43 persons. In his pastorate of eight and one-half years 320 persons united with the church. But as prosperity increased, serious difficulties arose in the church, to the bitter trial of the pastor; and a call coming to him from the /'Olive St. Churc"h, Nashua, (now Pilgrim Church,) he accepted the same and resigned here Feb. 17, 1836, and was dismissed by Council Mar. 10, [Dr. Richards was installed pastor of Olive St. Church, Nashua, Apr. 6, 1836, and dismissed from the same Nov. 16, 1866. j Rev. Nathaniel S. Folsom was installed here as his successor Oct. 12, 1836. On receiving a call to Provi- dence, R. I., he resigned July 27, 1838, and was dismissed Aug- 21 following. Rev. James R. Davenport was the next pastor. He was installed May 15, 1839, and dismissed Aug. 18, 1842. 242 VAEIOITS PASTOES. The church prospered under his care, but he resigned. Nothing appears on the cliurch record with reference to his resignation or dismission. After his departure a move was made to secure the services of Rev. T. D. P. Stone, and Rev. J. H. Fairchild; but church and society were not sufficiently united on either. July 8, 1843, a call was extended to Rev. Jonathan McGee, and he was installed Aug. 16, 1843. Mr. McGee was a good man and held in the highest respect by all, but dissatisfaction with his services arose after a time and some members of the church declined "to join the Society & pay their taxes." Hence Mr. McGee resigned, and he was dismissed Nov. 5, 1860. On the 20th of May 1861 a call was extended to Rev. ' Leonard S. Parker, which, on account of feeble health, he de- clined. Nov. 7, 1861, a call was extended to Rev. Lathrop Taylor of Springfield, Vt., and he was installed Nov. 19 of the same month. The following year twenty-two persons connected themselves with the church, and perhaps this might be called its most prosperous and promising period. The writer well remem- bers the large audiences, and imposing dignity of the church under Mr. Taylor; and especially the full prayer-meetings, of 160 persons or more. Sept. 3, 1862, a Silver Communion Ser- vice was presented to the church by Mrs. Deborah (Starrett) Burge, which was accepted by vote of thanks and a most appro- priate address to the Donor and the Church, by the Pastor. June 27, 1857, Rev. Lathrop Taylor resigned to accept a call to a church in the west. Oct. 9, following the church voted a unanimous call to Rev. Charles Cutler, who accepted the same and was ordained and installed as pastor Nov. 18, 1857. His ministry was a successful one, but his health became impaired, and he asked (Aug. 18, 1866,) for a vacation of several months, or a release from the pastoral office. The church and society acceded to both these requests. He was released from duty for two months, and also a Council was called which voted (Sept. 26, 1866,) that "the pastoral connection should be dissolved with (he close of the present financial year, which is filled by the vacation mutually granted." The church was then without a settled minister for nearly eight years, having Rev. Austin Richards, D. D., a former Pastor, SEMLBMENO? OP ME. CAMPfiELL. 24 S acting as their minister about four years, and Rev. Charles Sec- combe about three years. Dec. 25, 1873, the church voted (32 to 9) to extend a call to Rev. Henry F. Campbell to become their Pastor, and he was installed Jan. 22, 1874. Bui very soon dissatisfactions with his "religious sentiments and conduct" arose in the church, and at a meeting Feb. 2, 1875, the church voted (55 to 39) that it was their wish to have the pastoral relation dissolved. The Society, however, refused to concur with the church in giving the "notice required in the terms of his settlement." At a church meeting (March 30, 1875) the church voted (67 to 1) to call a Mutual Council, and, failing in that, to call an Exparte Council, and to refer all their difficulties to the same for advice. An Exparte Council met here accordingly, July 6, 1875; but its only result was that it secured the agreement of both parties to call a mutual council, with power "if deemed expedient to dissolve the pastoral relation." In accordance with this agree- ment and after much delay, a mutual council met Nov. 16, 1875, and this council dissolved the pastoral relation, to take effect Apr. 1, 1876. But after that date Mr. Campbell remained and preached as before, a small minority of the church adhering to him and claiming to be the Congregational Church of Frances- town. The "Society" also, affected by large accessions from the outside, and controlling the House of worship, adhered to Mr. Campbell. And thus two meetings began to be held, Mr. Campbell and his followers worshipping in the old sanctuary, and the church worshipping in the Chapel. Then a lawsuit was begun by the Society, to determine which of these should hold the communion service, or in fact which was the Congre- gational Church of Francestown; and the Supreme Court of New Hampshire decided that the majority, which had secured the dismission of Mr. Campbell in the regular way, was Hhe church and could hold the property of said church." On the other hand, a law-suit was instituted by the church, to deter- mine which party should hold the church building, and the said court decided that "the building being the "Society's" property the "Society" could, as before, continue to hold it. Hence the "church" was left without a house of worship, a legal technic- ality taking from them the sanctuary where they and their 244 NEW CONGIiEGATIONAL EDIFICE. fathers had worshipped, and which had been built and dedi- cated for orthodox purposes alone. Consequently the part which the Supreme Court had declared to be "the church," held meetings for a time in the chapel, or Association-Hall, or Town Hall; but in the spring of 1883, -steps were taken toward build, ing a house of worship. On the first day of Sept. following the people assembled on the spot chosen, and after "public religious services," the ground was broken to prepare a foundation. The new House of Worship was dedicated July 1, 1884, Rev. F. G. Clark of Gloucester, Mass., preaching the sermon, and Rev. W. R. Cochrane, D. D., of Antrim offering the prayer of Dedication. It was dedicated "free of debt." Following the dismission of Mr. Campbell Apr. 1, 1876, "the church," holding its meetings as aforesaid in chapel or hall, was supplied by various ministers for two or three years. Toward the close of 1879 Rev. Henry M. Kellogg came here, and after a time received a call from the church, and was installed as its Pastor May 20, 1880. His pastorate was of short duration, as he was dismissed May 31, 1882. Immediately on his departure Rev. John A. Rowell, then of So. Weare, was engaged to preach here; and he continued to serve till the close of the j^ear 1886, when he resigned, and went to the City of Brainerd, Minn. The Rev. A. C. Hurd, began service Nov. 17, 1887, and re- mained till Nov. 1892. Rev. Henry S. Ives is the Pastor at this time. It may be added here that the second meeting house (now called the Unitarian) which was occapiedby the Congregational Church for nearly three-quarters of a century, was built by the town therefor in 1801 (raised June 24;) and was turned round, enlarged and greatlj- improved in 1834. The membership of this church in 1855 was 310. It has always been a generous giver to the missionary boards of the denomination. I append a list of its ministers and deacons from the first. ( Began service Xov. 1789. Rev. Moses Bradford, i Settled Sept. 8, 1790. ( Dismissed Jan. 1, 1827. Rev. Austin Richards, D. D. \ ^f.**!*^."^ ^^^V^' \f'^^..r ' I Dismissed Mar. 10, 1830. Rev. Nathaniel S. Folsom. | ^'''^'^ ^^^ ^'^^ If ^ ( Dismissed Aug. 21, 18.38. List op Ministees. 246 Rev Tames R Davennort I ^^^^^^"^ ^^^ 1^' ^^^^■ Kev. James ±4. Davenport. | Dign^igged Aug. 18, 1842. T> T 4-1, TVT n ( Settled Aug. 16, 1843. Rev. Jonathan McGee. j dismissed Nov. 5, 1850. -r, T 4-1, rr 1 ( Settled Nov. 19, 1851. Rev. Lathrop Taylor. J ^^.^^.^^^^ ^^^'^g^ ^^^^ Rev. Charles Cutler. \ ff.«led Nov. 18, 1857 I Dismissed Sept. 2o, 1866. -a A i-x)-i,j -n-rv ( Acting Pastor from Dec. Rev. Austin Richards, D. D. -i -,oon ^ c ^ im-n ' 1 1866 to Sept. 1870. Rev Charles Seccomhe I Acting Pastor from Apr. Kcv. (..naries beccomoe. | -^g^.^ ^^ g^^^^ ^g^g^ Tj IT 17 n 1, iM Settled Jan. 22, 1874. Rev. Henry F. Campbell, j j^^^^^^^^^ ^p^' ^^ jg^g^ T> Ti ^^,r t- ii < Settled May 20, 1880. Rev. Henry M. Ivellogg. | j^^^^^^^^^ ^.y'gi^ iggg. -o T 1 A T) n ( Acting Pastor from Dec. 17, 1882 Rev. John A. Rowell. J ^^ j^ = ^ ^ ^gg^^ Rev. A. C. Hurd. 5 ^^ting Pastor from Nov. 17, 1887, Rev. Henry S. Ives, -j Began service in spring of 1893. , DEACONS OF THE CONGEEGATIONAL CHUKCH. No Name ^^" "^ ^'^^'' "^ Death or Choice. cessation of service. l_David Lewis 1773 1810 2_ William Starrett 1773 1821 (Lewis & Starrett resigned July 1790 on their forming the "United Church," but were re-elected in the fall of that year.) 3- -Isaac Lewis 1790 1792 4- —John Smith 1792 1821 5- -Jonathan Pisk 1792 1795 6- -Elias Fairbanks 1796 1817 7- —Nathan Savage 1810 1838 8- -Bucknam Fairbanks 1818 1862 9- -Willard Everett 1821 1844 10- -Jabez Holmes 1821 1855 11- -Seville Starrett 1838 1862 12- -Caleb Weston 1844 1854 13- -Thomas P. Rand 1854 1880 14- -Moses B. Fisher 1865 1872 15- -Caleb Weston 1862 1871 16- -Levi B. Bradford 1862 1884 17- -Stephen Holt 1872 1876 18- -Ama.sa Downes 1873 246 I'HE SABBATH SCHOOLS. 19— John P. Eichardson 1876 20— Hem-y F. Ksher 1880 CONGEEGATIONAL SABBATH SCHOOL. There was a sabbath school in full operation in Fi'ancestown in 1818. It would seem as though it must have started in 1817. The children were assembled in the several school houses in town at nine o'clock sabbath morning, recited their lessons, and then went to church for public worship. At a church meeting Apr. 1, 1819, the church "voted their appro- bation of a Sabbath School" and "voted to extend the benefit to all parts of the town," and appointed a committee to "Confer with the Moral Society" for this purpose. At a meeting May 13, 1819, the church "appohited Deacon Bucknam Fairbanks President of the Sabbath School in this town." For that year the school (or schools) opened the fiist of Juue and "lasted till cold weather" and the children "committed about 100,000 verses in the Scriptures, catechisms, & Watt's Songs for Children." In 1822 these several schools Avere transferred to the meeting house and blended into one. For several years the School was managed by a "Board of Direction" with "Superintendent and Assistants." Dea. Bucknam Fairbanks seems to have been "President," or leader, till 1829. In that year the "Frances- town Sabbath School Association" was formed, with written constitution, its object being the "support, regulation and instruction of the sabbath school in Francestown." This organ- ization lias been maintained and has kept its record until the present time. Its first meeting was Sept. 23, 1829, and its first officers were as follows: liev. Austin Eicliards, President. Jabez Holmes } vice-Presidents WiUard Everett } ^^^'^ rrcsiaent^. Titus Brown, Superintendent. P. H. Bixby, Secretarj'. Bucknam Fairbanks, Librarian. The largest number of scholars belonging to the school at any one time was 440, which was in the year 1860. The largest annual average attendance was 250 1-2, which was in the year 1859. I append a list of Superintendents, in honorable notice of these most worthy officials. S. S. SUPERINTENDENTS. 247 Bucknam Fairbanks 1818—1828. Titus Brown 1829—1836, Bucknam Fairbanks 1836-7. Issachar Dodge 1838-9. Titus Brown 1840. Alexander Wilson 1841-2. William Balch 1843-4-5. Caleb Weston 1846. Bucknam Fairbanks 1847. Dudley Carleton 1848. William Balch 1S4!). Thomas P. Band 1850-1. Henry E. Sawyer 1852-3. William Butterfield 1854-5. Sylvanus Hayward ISnC. Dr. M. N. Root 1H57. Issachar Dodge 1858-9. Thomas P. Band 1880-1. Caleb Weston 1862-3. Levi B. Bradford 1864-5. George E. Downes 1866-7. Caleb Weston 1868. Stephen Holt 1869-70. Issachar Dodge 1.S71-2-3. Samuel D. Downes 1874-5. John P. Eichardson 1870. George E. Downes 1877—1881, Albert Dodge 1SS2— 1888 Kev. A. C. Hurd 18S!). Albert Dodge 1890-91. George E. Downs 1892-1894 THE BAPTIST CHURCH. A small Baptist Churcli was organized in Francestown July 14, 1835. Several who had been immersed were living here, and some troubles in the old church of the town seem to have encouraged them to move for a church of their own order. At a meeting of these brethren in June 1835, they voted to call a Council for July 14, at Osgood Hutchinson's house, "to consider our situation & assist in organizing us into a church if they think proper." The Council convened according to the letters missive, and the following ministers with delegates appeared. 248 THK BAPTIST CHtJECH. Rev. George Daland Peterboro' Rev. John Atwood New Boston Rev. Joseph Davis East Antrim Rev. John Peacock Gofifstown Rev. Mark Carpenter Milford The Rev. John Brooks, then sui)plying the Baptist church in Society Land, was present and took part in the Council. Rev. George Dahmd was chosen Moderator and Rev. John Atwood Scribe. They voted to organize, and the public exercises were held that same afternoon in the Hall of Parker's Tavern. Rev. John Peacock preached the sermon. The church consisted of 28 members, 13 males and 15 females. They chose John True to be deacon and Osgood Hutchinson, clerk. They had no pastor for a time, but the Baptist ministers in the neighboring towns took turns in preaching for them. Their first pastor was Rev. John Atwood who came in March 1836 and staj'cd the year out. F"reeman G. Brown, a student, preached here through the summer of 1837. In the summer and fall of 1838 Rev. Joseph Davis then preaching at the Brick Church, East Antrim, (now gone) supplied the Baptist church in Francestown one sabbath each mcniLh. In the summer of 1839, Rev. Zebulon Jones, teacher in the Baptist Academy then existing in Han- cock, spent his sal)baths here and preached to this people. Through the summers of 1840 and 1841 they were stippliedby Rev. O. O. Stearns, also teacher at Hancock. This was their last regular preaching. They continued their meetings among themselves, and had occasional preaching till 1847, when, on account of deaths and removals, they became so few that they gave up further services. A sabbath school was organized in connection with the church and was quite vigorous in its work and had more than 200 volumes in its library. A communion service was presented to this church Sept. 30, 1835, by friends in Boston, — also Bible and Hymn-book for the desk. This Communion Service was donated in 1883 to the Baptist church in Globe, Arizona. "The First Baptist Society in Frances- town" was formed according to the laws of the state Jan. 14, 1834, a year and a half before the organization of the church. The public meetings of the Baptist church were held from the first in Judge William Parker's Hall at the tavern, and he THE UNITAEIAF CHUECH. 249 offered them "its use gratuitously as long as they wished to occupy it." Subsequent to the formation of this church twenty- one persons united with it, fourteen by profession and seven by letter. The little flock made heroic efforts to succeed, and though compelled to give up were credited with great courage and zeal. THE INDEPENDEJSTT CONGEEGATIONAL CHUKCH, (UNITAKIAN.) For many years there existed a small Unitarian element in town. At the town meeting Nov. 5, 1832, an Article was in the warrant to "see if the town will grant the use of the meeting-house to the First Unitarian Congregational Society for a part of the time." The next year the town sold the building at auction to the orthodox society, and nothing further appears on the records with reference to the Unitarian body. How long its organiza- tion was maintained, is not known. A few, however, of this way of thinking continued to abide here : and some others that chafed under the strict creed of the old church of the town, and desired something alleged to be more liberal. Hence, soon after the dismission of Rev. Henty F. Campbell from the pastor- ate of the orthodox church (Apr. 1, 1876,) those members of the old church adhering' to him, and others from without formed a new organization called "The Independent Congregational Church." The old "Society" reinforced by addition of out- siders, supported this organization, and as the "society" by law controlled the old church edifice, this also came into possession of this new church. In 1884 they extensively repaired and improved' the venerable building, making it a very attractive house of worship. The expense of these repairs was a little over 12800. The circumstances which led to the formation of the new church, and the several steps of the division, have been given briefly in the history of the "old church," and need not be re- peated here. I have given throughout only such statements of facts as appeared on the various records, not feeling that it would be becoming or desirable to express any opinions of my own. The division was similar to those which took place in 250 TJNITAEIAN CHTJECH CONTINUED. SO many towns in New England in the early part of this century. In many of the older towns it was said to be one advantage of these separations that those claiming to be "more liberal and progressive" could have their preferences met, while the "more conservative and orthodox portion" could enjoy their religion better by themselves. On the Fourth of March 1879 this church passed resolutions, "that we the covenant members of the First Congregational Church in Francestown re-affirm our devotion to its ancient organization and im- memorial customs;" "that the mode of government and discipline known as the Congregational Polity is that to which we are especially allied;" and "that, consistent with this polity as announced by the fathers * * we are an organization independent of any and all extraneous interfer- ence." Dec. 31, 1881, the church adopted the following resolutions : 1 — "That the Confession of Faith, and the Covenant which has been used by this church are hereby annulled." 2 — "That the following declaration of faith and purpose shall stand as the basis of this Church, namely: Our Faith is in God as our Father and in Jesus as the Christ, the Son of God. Our Purpose is, as disciples of Jesus, to co-operate together in the •study and practice of Christianity." Since that day this church has gone on successfully "without any break in their regular Church or Society Organizations nor in their Sunday School or religious services." They have an excellent parsonage left to them as a legacy by Mrs. Amie A. Starrett, and are a flourishing and zealous flock. They are in fellowship with the Unitarian Denomination. Their Pastors have been as follows : Eev. Henry F. CampbeU to Nov. 1881. Mrs. Caroline R. James Nov. 1881 to Nov. 1882. Rev. Joseph "Wassail from Ionia, ( began Nov. 1882 Mich., now of Windsor Vt. | closed July 1887. He was succeeded by Rev. A. J. Abbott, who came here from Winthrop, Mass., and remained till July 1, 1893. Rev. W. F. Place is the present pastor. CHURCH OFFICERS. 251 Mr. James T. Woodbury has been the efficient Superinten- dent of the Sunday school ; and the church has from time to time appointed -five deacons as follows: Stephen Holt Phiaehas C. Kidder W. H. Lincoln D. W. Duncklee B. F. Dean. CHAPTER VIII. THE MILITARY EECOED OF FEANCESTOWN. This town was not incorporated till after the wars jjreceding the Revolution were over. James Woodbury "was engaged beside Gen. Wolfe when he was killed at the siege of Quebec" Sept. 13, 1759. Woodbury also belonged to the celebrated "Rangers," at one time commanded by Gen. Stark. Capt- Richard Batten, also of Francestown, was out in the last French war, and was among the number surrendered Aug. 9, 1757, to five times their number of French and Indians. The little garrison held out five days, and till their ammunition was gone, and then surrendered on honorable terms. But when they laid down their arms and marched out of the fort the Indians (1700 in number) began to fall upon the unarmed soldiers for plunder, and next began to murder them. The New Hampshire men ■ were the last to leave the fort, and therefore, being in the rear were first attacked and suffered most. Out of two hundred New Hampshire men the record shows that eighty were mur- dered. What could be more to the curse and dishonor of the French? Batten was seized by two armed Indians and led aside into the surrounding forest. But as one Indian fell a little in the rear. Batten who was a man of superior strength threw the other heavily to the ground and ran for life. Com- ing to a large fallen tree in the deep forest, he bounded over it, and then crouching down, he instantly turned back and slid under the side of the tree for a hiding-place. The Indians passed directly over him, and rushed on in pursuit. When they were out of the way Batten lost no time, but turned aside in another direction, and so escaped. In the scrimmage with the Indians, his clothes were nearly all torn off; he wandered "six days, eating nothing but berries and bark; to elude his pur- suers he was obliged to swim the Hudson River three times ;'" The Alarm op wae. 25S the woods were swarming with Indians; but at length he reached Fort George, and was welcomed and provided for. Several other names I have found among these soldiers which in all probability were names of men who afterwards lived here, and several such entered Massachusetts regiments ; yet as I am not sure about them, I omit the names. William Starrett, Peter Woodbury, Josiah Woodbury, Moses Eaton and William Butter-field, Sen., were among them ; but it is simply impossible to give at this day any very accurate account of how many Francestown settlers had been out in the service against the French and Indians. Certainly a large proportion of them had had a taste of war before coming here, as "scouts" or "guards" or in the ranks. They were men inured to hardship and dan- ger — men not easily intimidated, or turned back from a purpose. "The Spirit of '76" was in every one of them before the war of the Revolution came. On a previous page I have stated the circumstances of the breaking out of that war, and the excite- ment that followed. It is believed that nearly all the men in Francestown started for hexingtoA, flying together and hurry- ing away at the first signal of war. Those in the west part of the town went in the Society Land Company under Capt. Isaac Butterfield; those in the east part, with the New Boston and Lyndeboro' men. They soon learned that they were not im- mediately needed, and were sent back, to "plant their clearings" and hold themselves ready to march at a moment's notice. On their return the town voted to pay back to the men the "money they had spent in going to the army;" and it is worthy of being repeated that Francestown voted her first money for the war May 15, 1775 — only a few daj's after the Battlie of Lexington, — and was one of the very first towns in New Hampshire to take this action. Most of the men and boys in this town were out more or less in the Course of the Revolutionary War. Some were out at Portsmouth or Rhode Island for a short time ; and some went "for three years or the war." An early resident, speaking of the Francestown settlers who came from Dedham says that "every man of them had served more or less in the Revolution." The Scotch part were on fire for the war; and so in this little settlement there was no lack of excitement or de- termination. 254 BtTNKEE HILL. No military company was formed in Francestown for a time, as most of the men were by previous association connected with New Boston and continued to drill with the company there, while the west part continued to unite with the Company in Society Land. About the first of June 1775, heavy re-enforcements were added to the British in Boston and they began to plan for aggressive operations. This became known to the Americans, and they determined to anticipate the foe. During the night of June 16 they threw up a redoubt on Breed's Hill, which was in fact a lower part of Bunker Hill on the side toward Boston. The New Hampshire men under Stark constituted more than half the American force on that memorable day of the Battle, June 17, 1775. It was past noon when Stark, marching in from Medford, reached the scene. Immediately he took position behind the rail fence between the Redoubt and Mystic River. The soldiers strengthened the fence by doubling it and putting new grass and hay between. Part of the way they built a rude stone wall, filling the space between the fence and the Redoubt. The battle commenced at half-past two in the afternoon. Three times from this rail fence the foe in superior numbers were driven back by the deadly fire of the New Hampshire farmers; and even after the fall of the Redoubt the New Hampshire men were victorious and leaped over the fence in pursiiit of the fly- ing foe I But Stark, perceiving that the fort was lost, drew back his men and retreated, being the last to leave, and march- ing ofE with the same good order with which he had marched onto the field! About eight hundred of the British were left dead on the ground, besides tlaree hundred wounded. Stark said the "dead lay as thick and close as sheep in a fold." What Francestown men were in the Battle of Bunker Hill cannot now be positively stated. But it is certain that William Campbell, Robert Bradford, Thomas Bixby, and Edward Bixby partici- pated in that struggle. An old statement makes John Mc- Pherson of Francestown (probably meant for James) a soldier in that battle. The Battle of Bunker Hill made it certain that there was to be Avar to the finish, and determined preparations were made to defend American liberties to the last. The army remained VARIOUS BATTLES. 255 around Boston watching the British. Gen. Washington took command July 3, 1775. Lack of powder prevented the Ameri- cans from attempting anything for a time, but at length the British were driven out of Boston, the day of their departure being Mar. 17, 1776. The Declaration of Independence fol- lowed July 4, and in the fall of that year, the several battles took place in the vicinity of New York City. The disastrous attack on Quebec had occurred on the last day of Dec. 1775. In regard to the invasion of Canada the following record, appears : "The Inhabitants of Francestown being meet at Thomas Quigley's House in order to Chousse men to go to Canada Chousse John Dickey moderator Voted to add to the bountey to reasse it to flftey Dollars to be reassed of the town by pole and Estate an it Shall be allowed for there turn who Ever will go out of Said town they payen there part of the reats Equal to the other Inhabitants of Said town." At the close of the year 1776, New Hampshire had 5000 men in the field, and Gen. Sullivan wrote to the Committee of Safety saying, ''Gen. Washington and all the officers * acknowledge that New Hamp- shire Eorces for bravery & resolution far surpass the other Colonies & that no Province discovers so much zeal in the Common Cause." The year 1776 was a year of reverses and discouragement, but stilL the patriots yielded nothing, and every little frontier town like this had a hard struggle in doing its part of the public service, and subduing the forests and rocks at the same time. A town meeting was held in this place Apr. 7, 1777, to act on war matters at which they "voted that the town will begin at the begiaing of the alearm and so on by tax by pole and Esteat till these men is resed that is now into 'the armey and bring Everyone upon a level according to What they posses." The object of this- vote was to equalize expenses from first to last. Many town meetings were held in 1777 to arrange war matters. The men of Francestown "took turns" with one an- other, going three or six months each at a time. In May there was an alarm that New England was to be invaded by a vast army from Canada, and two regiments in the western part of New Hampshire were at once ordered out. Probably a dozen Francestown men responded to this call. But this proved to 256 btjegoyne's appkoach. be a premature alarm, and the men returned in about three weeks. Yet before all of them had reached home, a second alarm came, that Burgoyne and his army had begun the threat- ened invasion. Immediately the men were called out again, and started in companies and parts of companies, just as they could, and as soon as they could, to meet near Ticonderoga. But that Fort was evacuated by the Americans July 6, and, it being reported that the "enemy had retired," those called out for the emergen cjr returned as before. Concerning the action of this town on this second alarm, I find among the state papers this record: "From Francestown a party of seven men, under William Campbell, Sergeant, marched July 7, 1777, and returned home, hearing of the retreat, and were out five days." But within a Aveek of their return an alarm came louder than ever. Burgoyne had determined to send a part of his large army through "The New Hampshire Grants" (Vermont) and to "subjugate New England," while with the rest he would march down the Hudson to join the British forces in New York city. Thus he planned to "divide the rebels" and close up the war at once. Excited by the retreat of the Americans into great ambition and conceit, he thought his plan could be easily carried out. Immediatelj'' the Legislature of this statewas con- vened, and voted to raise two brigades for action. One of these, covering the east part of the state, and put under command of Col. Wm Whipple of Portsmouth, could not be got into Ver- mont in season to resist the British there. But the west brigade, put under command of Gen. Stark, being nearer, and marching- at once in squads to their place of meeting, were able to face the foe before he had made much progress. Of course Stark's regiments were only partly full in so short a time, and he pushed on with what men he had, 500 in number, leaving orders for others to follow as fast as they could. At a town meeting here -ruly 22, the town "voted Each man Now Going into the armey three pounds for the term of 2 months." And when their time was nearly out and others had to be raised to take their places, the town voted the same bounty to them, BATTLE OP BENNINGTON. 257 at a meeting Sept. 29, 1777. A company was mustered in at New Boston July 23, of men from that town together with those from Deering, Antrim, Greenfield, Lyndeboro', and Frances- town. Of this company Peter Clark of Lyndeboro' was captain, Daniel Miltimore of Antrim, first lieutenant, Benjamin Brad- ford, 2d lieutenant, and William Beard of New Boston, ensign. About a dozen Francestown men were in this company, and took part in the Battle of Bennington, which occurred Aug. 16, 1777. It is impossible to give their names with certainty. The pay-roll of those who went on the first alarm from the ap- proach of Burgoyne, gives the names of William Campbell (sergt.,) William Starrett, Thomas Bixby, Asa Lewis, John Nickols, Simon Carson, William Nutt and Joseph McCluer; and at the last alarm, several others marched with them. Thus the above-named and also Oliver Butterfield, Asa Lewis, Nathan Fisher, John Smith . and Samuel Martin, and perhaps others, participated in that memorable battle under Stark, which was the beginning of Burgoyne's overthrow. The State War Rolls tell us that "Serg. Campbell's Detachment" was "raised out of Captain John Carson's Company of Militia," — from which it appears that Carson was captain of the town, and that all able to bear arms were drilled at home by him. Counting boys of sufficient size and old men able to march, there were about 75 in this home company. When the special efforts were made to raise men in this state for the struggle against Burgoyne, the apportionment to Francestown was 46, considerably more than half who were then able to bear arms. The number required of Deering was 40 ; of New Boston 118; and of Lydeboro' 130. This shows how sweeping were the demands of the time. Most of the Francestown men who were in the Battle of Bennington, stayed beyond their time, or re-enlisted, and took part in the subsequent battles which resulted in Burgoyne's surrender, which last event took place Oct. 17, 1777, to the great joy and encouragement of the American people. A special town-meeting was held Apr. 17, 1778, to arrange for getting "two men for three years to fill the quota of Frances- to-w-n," at which meeting they instructed "Capt. John Carson to enlist the two men," and the "quota" was kept full. Feb. 22, 1779, they voted to exempt the "soldiers of 1776" from tax- 258 HELPING THE SOLDIEES. ation, and to add five dollars a month to the pay of the '-men that went to Stillwater and Sarahtoga." When the noted "Beef- Tax" was laid upon'the towns in 1780 and 1781, — about three thousand pounds of beef each year for Francestown, — they in- structed the selectmen to procure the beef." The load was heavy, but there was not a murmur. It is astonishing, in view of their hardships and poverty, to see their inflexible zeal and determination to help bear every trial and "/ceep their quota full." Much of this has been stated in the history of these years in the regular narrative on former pages. It may be re- peated here that Apr. 15, 1782, seven years after the battle of Lexington., they chose a committee to enlist men for "three years or During the war," — which certainly does not look much like being discouraged, or. giving up. This was the spirit of the American people, and this shows us why liberty could be won against fearful odds. And the town was very faithful in its regard for the families of absent soldiers. Some came here and "picked out locations" for settlement, and made a small "chopping" as a "mark" upon their "claim," and then enlisted, but never returned; so that a few names given below though enlisting from this place were never subsequently known as Francestown men, and never really moved here. But others who had made "beginnings" and "clearings" and had the usual "log-house," were helped right along in their work in absence. Those who stayed at home worked harder than those in the field. They did their own and also their neighbors's work. They worked by moon- light because the day was too short. Women and children took hold of the hardest labor, and with incredible toil against forests and rocks carried on the soldier's ground. So, when they took turns, those absent came home to see their work going on, and those starting off knew that their "clearings" and families would be cared for. All this was done not by tax,, but by voluntary apportionment of labor. They had no money; but they had hearts that could not be conquered, and hands that were made of steel ! This town had no great generals or captains in the field, but for service and faithfulness was second to no other. Several Francestown men were in the force which was last upon duty. CLOSING EVENfS OP fHB "WAR. 269 During a large part of the war the quota for New Hampshire was three regiments. Lord Cornwallis surrendered Oct. 19, 1781, which virtually ended the contest. By order of Gen. Washing- ton the Third New Hampshire Regiment was merged into the First and Second; and by a second order Jan. 1, 1783, the Second was consolidated with the First. The treaty of peace was signed in Paris Sept. 3, 1783. As soon as this was known in America the army was disbanded (Nov. 3,) except such as Washington specially desii/nated to remain on duty for the honorable services of escort and honor at the evacuation of New York by the British, which last event occurred Nov. 25, 1783. During the long struggle many more British than American soldiers lost their lives ; but the sacrifice of life on the part of the colonies was great in proportion to their numbers. And many were disabled for life, not only by wounds received in battle, but by sad exposures to cold and disease. The suffer- ings of the Americans were intense. A great deal of romance and personal adventure entered into the strife. There were tests of courage and acts of daring, that remained untold. Hunger, poverty, hair-breadth escapes, individual conflicts with tories and Indians and wild beasts, — all these connected with the clash of many battles, could they be woven together, would make a story of marvels not exceeded in human history. Every little community had some share in these things. Almost every soldier could tell tales of the marvellous from his own experi- ence. And things laughable, or absurd, or wicked, were not wanting. Daniel Fuller used to tell of an experience of his in the dark days of 1779 when the army was greatly demoralized in con- sequence of a general want of food and clothing. Fuller was a boy only about sixteen years of age, but full of courage and life. At the time referred to, no rations had been issued to the army for two days and they were waiting for supplies, with in- creasing and almost mutinous anxiety. And yet strict orders had been given not to plunder, so careful were the fathers to deal righteously. On the second night of this fasting two sol- diers came into the tent where Fuller and his companion were lying, and said, "we are determined to have something to eat." They talked over the "strict orders not to plunder," but never- 260 STEtTGGLES WITH TORIES. theless Fuller and another soldier "started out." After travel- ling two or three miles in the darkness, they came to a Dutch farm house and found a pig four or five months old. They "knocked the pig on the head" to prevent its noise, carried it to a brook, washed and dressed it, burned off its bristles, and started with it for the camp, making about the quickest march on record notwithstanding their load. The other two soldiers meanwhile had quietly "visited" a grist-mill and came back with a bag of flour. All had succeeded in eluding the guard and had not been missed from camp. Fuller and his companion gave up half the pig and took half the flour. Then they made a soup with the meat and what they called "Dough Boy," or flour cakes boiled, similar to those which now are called "dump- lings." On this dish they feasted before morning; and Fuller used to say in after life that he "had never eaten a meal of such good relish before nor since !" After roll-call in that hungry camp the next morning. Fuller over-heard his captain saying, "I would eat a solid meal though I knew it came from hell," and at once he took a bowl of the soup and slipped into the captain's tent and left it without saying a word. An hour after- wards Fuller was sent for, and his comrades said to him, "Now you'll catch it," "you'll be flogged for plunder;" but the Cap- tain gave him a Bottle. of Rum, and said in an undertone, "Daniel, there's your bowl to take home,'" — and that was "all that was said about the soup." Our fathers had many struggles with the tories, and these were the bitterest and most personal struggles of the war. There were very few tories in Francestown, but more in the older places like New Boston, Bedford and Amherst. Wherever they were, they were constantly watched by committees of Safety, or bj- soldiers detailed for that purpose. These tories were intensely hated by the patriots, especially if they gave any aid or comfort to deserters and enemies. In such cases the patriots dealt with them in "righteous indignation." It is related that Sergeant Obadiah McLane, who was commissioned to look after tories and deserters in this vicinity, learned that two deserters were concealed in the house of a prominent tory in the north part of New Boston near Francestown, then closely identified with this place. McLane called several citizens to his mSBANDlN-G IHE AKMY. 261 aid and went to arrest them. Having surrounded the house, he and another man attempted to force an entrance at the door. The assistant got partly in when he was struck on the head with an axe, and fell back senseless outside, and the tory closed the door and held it. Instantly McLane shot at him through the closed door, the large bullet passing through his hip and bringing him down, The report of the gun and the outcry of the fallen tory, brought all to the front of the house, taking advantage of which the deserters jumped out of a back window and escaped. This is given as an example of many trying scenes. The indirect hindrance and trouble caused by the tories was very great. They concealed deserters and harbored enemies and talked about subjugation ^nd royal revenge at the end of the conflict. If tories kept their mouths shut, and were quiet at home, they were not molested, yet they were called "abandoned wretches," and "villains" and "traitors," and the hand of violence could not be held back from such as were outspoken. And it is no wonder that when the patriots were doing and suffering to the utmost to resist a foreign foe, they should have no patience with traitorous enemies at home. And thus, the great war came to its glorious end. It was not great in the numbers engaged, but it was great in the principles established and in the influences of the new nation upon the world. The final act of Gen. Washington, before resigning his com- mission, was the appointment of a small force to remain on duty after Jan. 1, 1784. Nearly half of this last reserve force con- sisted of a part of the First New Hampshire Regiment. By act of Congress June 2, 1784, this reserve was honorably discharged, and the last ranks of the Patriot Army of the Revolution dis- appeared! Thus the First New Hampshire had a continuous service of nine years and two and one-half months, being the longest service rendered by any regiment in the whole army, or in the whole history of the United States ! I append a list of the Revolutionary Soldiers from this town. Nearly all of these were residents here before the struggle began, or made purchases or beginnings here before or during the long fight for liberty ; but a few are mentioned who enlisted 262 IfAMES OF EEVOLtfTIONAEY SOLDIERS. from other towns, and came here for the first time after the war was over, to settle and spend their days. These names have been picked up in various ways as the town had no record of them, and even the "Revolutionary Rolls" published by the State contain by no means all the credits that should be given. I find by an old Receipt dated Aug. 22, 1776, that John Brown, John Nichols, William Montgomery, William Brown and Robert Butterfield, "of Francestown" were paid for having "gone in Col. Wingate's Regiment to Canada." Every one named below was certainly an "ewZisteti" soldier for some part of the war; and I have spared no pains to make the list contain the name of every man from this town, who was actually in the field. But, on account of imperfect records, it is to be feared that some fail to appear. 1 Nathan Aldridge 2 John Bayley 3 Edward Bicksbey 4 Lient. Thomas Bixby 5 Asa Bixby 6 Nathaniel Boyd 7 Samuel Boyd 8 Robert Bradford 9 .James Brewster 10 John Brown 11 William Browu 12 Richard Batten 1.3 Amos Batchelder 14 Thomas Brown 15 James Burns ' 16 Oliver Butterfield 17 Samuel Butterfield 18 Robert Butterfield 19 Isaac Butterfield 20 William Christey 21 Andrew Cressey 22 William Campbell Sergt. 23 Charles Cavanaugh 24 Simon Carson 25 Capt. John Carson 20 Daniel Clark 27 Ebenezer Coston 28 Peter Christy 29 Simeon Chubbuck NAMES OF SOLDIBES. 263 30 John Dickey 31 William Dickey 32 Simeon Dodge 33 Eliplialet Dustin (went part of the time for New Boston) 34 Robert Dinsmore 35 Benjamin Dean 36 David Durant 37 Jacob Dutton — also went for Lyndeboro'. 38 Prances Epps 39 Eleazer Everett 40 Seth Eisher 41 Elias Fairbanks 42 Peter Parnum 43 Abner Pisher 44 Thomas Fisher 45 Nathan Pisher 46 William Follansbee AT T\ • 1 T- 11 r witnessed the execution 47 Daniel Fuller { ^f Maj. Andre. 48 Stephen Puller 49 Thaddeus Puller 50 Eufus Puller 61 Eobert Person 52 Archibald Gamball 63 Leariford Gilbert 64 Henry Glover 55 David Gregg 66 John Gregg 57 Abel Hadley 58 William Hopkins 59 James Harwood 60 Oliver Holmes, Lieut. 61 Robert Hopkins 62 James Hogg 63 John Johnson — in Navy 64 Thomas Jones 65 Asa Kemp 66 Winslow Lakin 67 Simon Low 68 Aaron Lewis 69 Asa Lewis 70 Capt. William Lee — later also for Lyndeboro'. 71 Dr. Samuel Lolley, Surgeons Mate. 72 James Martin 73 Jonn Manahan 74 Samuel Martin 264 NAMES OF SOLDIERS. 75 Jesse Martin 76 James McFersonn 77 Thomas McLaughlin 78 John McLaughlin 79 Thomas Mellin 80 John Mellen 81 William McMaster 82 Joseph McCluer 83 Hugh Moore 84 James Moore • 85 Edmond McDonald (or McDaniel) 86 William McFerson 87 Timothy Morse 88 William Montgomery 89 Hugh Montgomery 90 John McUvaine 91 James Illvaine 92 William Mcllvaine 93 Lieut. Thomas Mitchell 94 David Kichols 95 James Nesmith 96 John Nichols 97 William Nutt 98 Eleazer Nutting 99 Samuel Nutt 100 Arthur Nesmith 101 Henry Parkinson — Quarter Master of Gen. Stark's [Eegiment. 102 Abner Pettee 103 Samuel Punchard 104 John Kamsey 105 Simon Euggles 106 James Richardson 107 Zachariah Richardson 108 David Scoby— Lieut. 109 Stephen Shattuck 110 John Smith 111 William Starrett 112 John Todd 113 Abel Walton 114 William Wheeler Jr 115 Whitney 116 Ithamar Woodward 117 Thomas Warren TRAINING BAND AND ALARM LIST. ■ 265 Some of these served in part for other towns, and it is pos- sible that there may be an omission of a few Francestown men who served in Massachusetts regiments. Many New Hampshire men enlisted in that state for greater bounty, whose names it has been found difficult to obtain. And it should be remem- bered that the aged men and the half-grown boys were all under arms, and ready to march "if worst came to worst," show- ing the universal will of our fathers to continue the struggle if need be as long as there was one left able to march and carry a gun ! But when the Revolution was over, the Ship of State was soon found to be launched upon a stormy sea. England and France were generally at war, and this new free nation was almost drawn into their conflicts again and again. A new treaty with England (1794) quieted our troubles with that nation for several years; but in 1795, and for two or three years later, we were almost in a state of war with France. At that time the old Revolutionary plan of drilled "minute-men" was revived. These men were enlisted, trained, and ready to march at a "minute's notice." Francestown enlisted her quota at once, and voted (Mar. 8, 1795) to make up their pay to flO per month, and fifty cents per day additional for "any extraordinary service at home," — which was an honorable com- pensation, considering the greater value of money in those days. Yet two years later to fill a larger demand the town voted to advance said wages to twelve dollars per month. The "minute- men" were kept in training and readiness till after the last war with England was over. During the Revolution the legislature passed an Act (Mar. 18, 1780) by which all the younger and abler men were formed, in each one of the larger towns, into "A Training Band," to be constantly drilled and always ready, while all others in the same town under seventy years of age were formed into an "Alarm List," and were called out for drill twice a year. But in the smaller towns the "Training Band" and "Alarm List" were drilled together. By a change of the law June 24, 1786, those over sixty years of age were released from all military duty. But the military spirit was so active in those days that many aged men refused to be "exempt," and came out, with youthful step and white hair floating in the wind, to 266 ■ "THE CEACK EEGIMENT. "do military duty" to the last. And this system was in oper- ation till the "constitution of 1792" became the supreme law of the state, and upon this an entire change in our militia system was made. The whole force in the state was divided into twenty-seven regiments, with "two battalions in each regiment." Francestown fell into the Tweirty-sixth, which was known sub- sequently as the "crack regiment" in the State. In this regiment the companies of Antrim, Deering, Henniker, Hills- boro' and Campbell's Gore (Windsor,) formed the first battalion ; those in Francestown, Greenfield, Hancock, Lyndeboro', and Society Land (Bennington) formed the second. Each regi- ment had also its cavalry company, or "troop" as they called it, generally made up of squads from several adjacent towns. The first commander of the "Old Twenty Sixth" was Col. Benjamin Pierce, a Revolutionary soldier, and father of President Pierce. He was called in the military phrase of that day "Lieut. Col. Commandant." David Campbell of Henniker was major of the first battalion, and Daniel Gould was major of the battalion in- cluding this town. This military arrangement, though often made an object of experiment and amendment in the legis- lature, continued without great change till the act of July 5, 1851, which made military duty voluntary and without pay, and was practically the end of a system that had continued thi;ee-quarters of a century. A few companies in the state, like the Lyndeboro' Artillery, kept up their organization ; but nearly all disbanded soon after the passage of the above-named law. In most of the towns the old "Training Bands" had gradually passed into what were called "uniformed companies," which were specially drilled and looked finely and were the pride and boast of their several localities; while the old "Alarm List" gradually came to include all of military age who had not the interest, or could not afford the time and expense of the more popular organizations. These ununiformed companies came to be called the '■'■militia" and in later years made often a very rude appearance, as they included all ages and sizes, and were rarely called out for drill. The writer remembers them well as they appeared at the annual musters. They wore all colors of coats and pants, and all shapes; and some had hats (no two alike,) and some wore caps; some were weU-dressed, and some were 267 quite the reverse ; a few were barefoot and in their shirt-sleeves and all carried the old, rusty, flint-lock gun handed down from the days of the Revolution. For these reasons the "old militia companies" had few attractions for small boys, and they became the butt of manj' a jest and joke. In one regiment they were called "Barn-Door" companies, because an old farmer who com- manded, not being able to remember the right word, gave the order, "Swing round like a barn-door!" Throughout the state they were called "Slam Bang" companies, because when, at muster the "sham-fight" occurred and the command was given to fire," the well-drilled uniform companies fired together and only one report was heard, while the "militia" companies dis- charged their guns two or three at a time, slam, slam, bang, so that it would be four or five minutes (seeming half an hour) before the firing ceased! Then a great shout of laughter from the uniform companies and crowds of spectators rolled over the field! Yet be it remembered that these untrained common people, these "embattled farmers," were of the kind that stood at Lexington and Bunker Hill ! The annual musters under the old military system were occa- sions of great importance to the men and small boys ! These were generally held in September, and immense crowds attended. There were generally from a thousand to two thousand soldiers in line on each muster-field ; several brass bands ; "fife and drum" corps bj' the dozen; mounted officers with imposing horses and trappings, a showy cavalry company ; magnificent marching ; a speech from the "Brigadier General Commanding," (if not too drunk;) and the whole closed up with a "sham-fight," which stirred the small boys heart to its depths with excitement and wonder! And traffic of every name and kind was there. Shows and clap-traps without number were ready to catch a dime from the unwary rustic. My allowance for the muster was a nine- pence, a coin now never seen, worth twelve and one-half cents, — and with it I felt richer than ever I have felt since. This large sum wa,s very judiciously invested in candy, ginger-bread and other such attractions for the small boy. The musters of the "Crack Twenty-Sixth" were chiefly held on "Cork Plain," on the bank of the Contoocook river in West Deering. This place was both accessible and convenient, and was the most 268 FEANCESTOWN LIGHT IKFANTEY. celebrated muster-field in the state. The river supplied plenty of water, needed both for man and beast at so great a concourse ; and it used to be said with a jest that liquids of a more fiery nature were both "abundant and cheap." Not a few got back from the "Mooster droonk." Oft times the officers of the day found it convenient to be "relieved from duty" in the afternoon. In those days when "everybody drank" it was difficult to ar- range these potations in public with very accurate calculations as to results. Hence there was always more or less disorder, and in the course of years the excesses increased, disgusting the bet- ter class of people. Gradually all sorts of shows and grab-games crept in, till the muster became to a great extent an occasion of hawking, auctioneering, drinking, gambling and fighting. This more than anything else led to the end of the old military- system, the growth of the temperance movement demanding it. I find by Amherst Cabinet that the Old 26th Regiment '■'■paraded'''' in Francestown Oct. 2, 1806, under Col. McCluer of Antrim. The Francestown Light Infantry made a fine appearance in the old and better days of Cork Muster. It was second to no com- pany of its kind in the state. This company was organized Jan. 29, 1818, and disbanded Apr. 15, 1844. Its first officers were James Martin, Capt., Joseph Willard, Lieut., and Peter F. Farnum, ensign. Its subsequent commanders were Capt. Joseph AVillard " Peter Clark " William Balch " Nahum Farnum " Samuel Person " Jesse Woodbury " Samuel Stevens " Lewis Holmes " William W. Parker " William J. Fislier " Pliram P. Clark. The last named Capt. Clark was promoted to be Colonel of the regiment and served with ability and to the acceptance of all. When the law of 1851, abolishing the ©Id military system was passed, the New Hampshire forces consisted of four Divis- The 6-RElsrADiEES. 269 ions, eight Brigades and forty-two Regiments, of which Gov. Samuel Dinsmore was commander-in-chief! The officers of the "Old Twenty-Sixth" at that time were, Edward Patten, Colonel. Lewis Kichardson, Lieut. Col. H. B. Butler, Major. James H. Bradford, Adjutant. Joel BuUard, Quartermaster. The Act of Dec. 28, 1792, had provided that each regiment should have a company of "Grenadiers." Formerly this name applied to those selected to throw grenades — small powder- hombs thrown by hand — requiring the strongest men to throw them sufficient distance. But it came to be used to designate a select company of the largest, heaviest men, who occupied the position of honor on the riglit of the regiment and was supposed to lead in any attack or any parade. The "Grenadiers" for this regiment were organized in 1807, under John McNiel, afterwards Gen. John McNiel, distinguished in the war of 1812. McNiel was six feet and six inches tall, and received no one into his company who was less than six feet in height. Their uniform consisted of black coats gorgeously faced with red, dark pants with broad red stripe down the side, and tall caps with high, brilliant and tossing plumes, which altogether made the men look tall as giants, and gave an exceedingly stately and commanding appearance to this noted company. Nothing equal to it was known in New Hampshire, and probably not in the whole United States. It was the admiration of all, and the great wonder of small boys. These tallest men were picked out of Antrim, Deering, Francestown, Greenfield, Hancock, Hillsborough, Henniker and Windsor. Some old men over six feet tall look pride in marching in these ranks, and men of 250 and 300 pounds stepped lightly and proudly as the young dwarfs of 100 pounds to-day. This company gradually became an Antrim Company, and was wholly from that town after the year 1823. The several captains of the "militia," or ununiformed citizen soldiery in this town, so far as can be ascertained, was as follows : 270 WAE OF 1812. Capt. Abel K. Whiting " John M. Collins " Ebenezer Hopkins, 3d " Mark Manahan " William H. Hopkins " Horace Hopkins " Merrill Dodge " K. W. Emerson " David Smiley " George Whitfield Jr. " Herchell Farmer " Elias A. Wilson Going back a little in order to complete the military record of the town, we find quite a number of our men had a part in the last war with Great Britain. The treaty of 1794 did not settle disputes but merely quieted them; and serious trouble was only barely avoided on many occasions. The British government became more offensive every year in searching our vessels, and encroaching upon our rights at sea, till the humiliar tions became intolerable, and an extra session of Congress was called (Nov. 1811) to take some action in the matter. Mili- tary preparations were begun at once, but every possible effort was made to secure our rights by peaceful means. Still matters went on worse and worse, till Congress, declared war against En- gland June 16, 1812. New Hampshii-e escaped the devastation of battle on her soil ; though from her nearness to Canada, and the exposui'e of Portsmouth it was expected that a blow would be struck here at the start. Companies were speedily sent to the coast and to the northern part of the state. The rolls of these companies are so imperfect for the most part as not to show the towns from which the soldiers came ; so that it is diffi- cult to give credits aright. Dec. 17, 1812, our legislature passed an act organizing "Voluntary Corps of Infantry," only to resist invasion of New Hampshire, and formed of those by law exempt from military duty. In most of the towns in this vicinity companies were organ- ized in accordance with this act, and many that bore the scars of the Revolution entered into this new .movement with the enthusiasm of youth. The fathers called these companies "The Alarm List," reviving the old familiar name. Boys, and those DEFENCE or NEW HAMPSHIKE. 271 men not admitted to regular organizations on account of physi- cal disabilities, and white-headed pilgrims of four-score years, put down their names together; but nearly all were men from sixty to seventy-five years of age. They were commanded by old officers or soldiers of the Revolution and drilled two or three times a month. New Hampshire was thoroughly aroused, and was ready for heroic defence ; and this no doubt explains why an attack was not made. The entire male population of the state drilled and equipped was ready to march at a moment's warning to resist invasion. The forts and defences in the vicinity of Portsmouth were kept well garrisoned throughout the war, — generally by men in that part of the State, though often relieved by those in this vicinity, whose names cannot now be given. But toward the close of the war several full companies were raised in this section, and marched to the sea- board, as invasion was daily expected. Capt. Hugh Moore of Francestown raised a company of 102 men, who signed their names Sept. 13, 1814. This was in addition to several detach- ments from this regiment previously made by draft or voluntary enlistment. In many towns the draft had to be made because all volunteered, and only a part were wanted till further need should appear. In Capt. Moore's Company David McCauley of Antrim was 1st Lieut, and Thatcher Bradford of Hancock 2nd Lieut. Two weeks later Capt. Wm. Gregg of Antrim stai-ted with a Company of 105 men, in which Peter Peavy of Green- field and Peter Farnham of Francestown, were officers. Several Francestown men, likewise, were in the companj^ of Capt. Trevett of Mont Vernon. Capt. Josiah Converse of Amherst, Capt. Phinehas Stone of Weare, and Capt. Timothy Putnam of Lyndeboro' also marched, with a hundred men each, to join the forces at Portsmouth. Some of these companies were for ninety days, or a shorter time; but most of them remained at the post of danger till peace was proclaimed in Feb. 1815. No battle occurred, though quite a number lost their lives by exposure and sickness. The war had been specially burdensome to the New England States, almost crushing our commerce and manu- factures; and hence all were ready to rejoice together loud and long when the bitter strife was past. I append a list of the saldiers from Francestown in the war of 1812, so far as I find 272 SOLDIEES OF 1812. the names on rolls and records. No doubt there were others from this place. Some enlisted for other towns,— or even for other states, — and were not counted here. 1 True Ayers 2 Francis Austin 3 John W. Bean 4 Joseph Butterfleld 5 Eobert Butterfleld 6 David Brown 7 John Carson 8 Lewis Cram — Fifer 9 David Campbell 10 Stephen Cooper 11 Thomas Draper 1-2 John Dustin 1.3 Francis Duncklee 14 Ira Fisher 15 Peter Farnum 16 David Hopkins 17 John Hopkins 18 Samuel Huntington 19 Nathaniel H. Lakin 20 John Loring 21 James Martin 22 Capt. Hugh Moore 23 Samuel McClure — enlisted for Francestown 24 Joseph Pierce. 25 Jonas Kichardson 26 Ezra Smith 27 Charles Stiles 28 David Smith 2!J Benjamin Sleeper 30 Daniel Short 31 John R. Wright On May 11, 1846, Congress declared war to erist between this country and Mexico. Many in the north looked upon it as a war in the interests of slavery. Others declared that the Mexicans provoked resistance and then resented it. Others raised the cry that ours was a strong nation trying to crush a weak one. The writer well remembers the angrj' opposition to the "Mexican Wnr" in this vicinity. Comparatively few men enlisted from New Hampshire. No son of Francestown is known to have enlisted. But probably the results of that war "WAK. OF THE REBELLION. 273 have been advantageous to the United States, and no injury to divided and ill-ruled Mexico. On the other hand, the great war to put down the Rebellion was popular in this vicinity as being "a patriotic and holy war." The "Rebels" began the terrible struggle by firing on Fort Sumter Apr. 12,' 1861: and it lasted four years, Gen. Lee sur- rendering Apr. 9, 1865. In the regular narrative of events in town covering those years, I have already stated the principal facts in this town's action during the war. The record of zeal, unanimity and determination is honorable to the town. The list of our soldiers is given below, and great effort has been made to have it correct. Several Francestown men enlisted for other towns, and some enlisted in Massachusetts regiments, and a few enlisted in the west where they were at the time ; and all these men were credited where they enlisted, on account of which it has been difficult to find all the names belonging here. Not many from this town lost their lives in the war; but quite a number were wounded, and many lost health so as to drag out a life of suffering all their days. Probably none returned without bringing in their bodies the seeds of disease and pain. Therefore what willing honor and respect we should pay to every soldier's name ! The whole number of men that went from New Hampshire into the war of the Rebellion, was 31,426, a large number for our little state, and a larger number than were ever massed in one army in the war of the Revolution. The whole number from Francestown was 117, — being nine more than our quota under all the calls. This town had 117 men in the Revolution; 31, in the war of 1812 ; and 107 in the war of the Rebellion, — making 265 men in all. The list of names given below has been made from the Adjutant General's Reports, and from various other sources. No complete and accurate statement of the part of New Hampshire men in the struggle has ever been given. Many brilliant soldiers from the Granite State are credited to the west. The Francestown names, arranged chiefly by Maj. Bixby, are as follows : 1 George Ames 2 Solomon D. Avery — Musician 3 Henry A. Belcher — died in service, Nov. 9, 1863. 274 NAMES OF SOLDIBES. 4 Auo-u Trustees. Daniel Fuller, William Bixby, After "much cori-espondence and enquiry," the Board em- ployed "Mr. Sim IngersoU Bard" for six months "to instruct the Academy" at $25 per month, and "contracted with Esqr. Woodbury to board Mr. Bard at 8 1 [eight shillings] per week." It is said that Mr. Bard had taught the "High School" several terms before this, and that, after looking about to their satis- faction, they could do no better than to hire him for the first Principal of their now stately Academy ! At any rate, he assumed the position, and the institution started off with un- expected numbers and strength. The Academy for the year paid expenses and left $64.29 in the treasury. Among the students of its first term was Franklin Pierce (President of the United States, 1853-1857), who completed here his prepa- ration for college, and entered Bowdoin in the fall of 1820.* * Franklin Pierce was a student at Francestown Academy the spring term of 1820, and recited Greek and Latin to Sim IngersoU Bard. While at the Academy he was a sprightly lad of about eighteen sum- mers, and full of fun and frolic. He would frequently call at the rooms of those near his size and manage to get into a squabble, but at leaving would upset the table, chairs, and sometimes the bed. This frequently occurred at the room of two who boarded at Capt. William Bixby 's, so much so that Mrs. Bixby told her husband she could not have so much noise in that room. The Captain was informed that it was Frank Pierce that caused the noise. The Captain being a quick, nervous . 300 "THE MACADEMY." Mr: Bard had 84 scholars, many of whom came to honor. Mne of them became "prominent ]3hysicians," and one (Rev. William Thurston Boutwell, Dart. Coll., 1828,) a missionary to the Indians. Mr. Bard was still young (born 1797), and was "small in stature," but keen, clear, critical, and every inch a teacher. He studied two years in the college at Middlebury, Vt., when he was compelled to leave, on account of the death of his father, and did not complete his course. Buta class-mate says he was held in "great admiration" by his class, and was known in college as "The Walking Dictionary." He was certainly a very painstaking and exact scholar ; manly, gritty, and fearless as a disciplinarian ; thorough and excellent as an instructor. His son writes me that one morning on the way to his work he was met by a patriarchal stranger who resided in the back part of the town, and who concluded from Mr. Bard's diminu- tive size and very youthful appearance that he was one of the pupils ; and hence he laid Iris fatherly hand on his head, and smiling a great smile of condesending kindness he asked, "Sonny, do you go to the Macademy?" to this he modestly re- plied that he did. "How do you like j'our Conceptor?" the kind questioner continued, — at which Mr. Bard pleasantlj^ com- plimented the said "Conceptor," and passed on ! The venerable Dr. Gregg of Boston, one of his pupils in 1820, said he ^\as accustomed to double up one leg under him, and then tilt his chair back against the wall, and fi'om that as a thro)ie rule the school and put them through his rigid drill." It would seem to be a mistake oji his part that he did not follow teaching as a profession, having such remarkable aptitude therefor, but the efficient little "Conceptor" was already studj-- man, says, "J'H stop it." So, seeing JFrank going to tlie room one day, placed himself behind tlie door at the foot of the stairs. Prank, get- ting wind of it, slipped down the back stairs, and out through the shed. After waiting a while, the Captain crept up stair.s, and peei-ing into the room, asked, "Where's Frank?" lie was answered, "Frank has just gone down the back stairs and out through the shed — and there he goes down the street towards his room." "Zounds !" says the Captain, "if I had got hold of the little fellow I would have shook him up." The Captain lived to see the little fellow President of the United States. OLD BEICK ACADEMY. 30l ing to be a physician, and soon after began the practice of medicine in Hillsborough, where he had married; subsequently, however, moving to Francestown. We shall meet with Dr. Bard in the later history of the Academy, and an extended notice may be found in the genealogies connected herewith. After the incorporation June 1819, the unfinished upper story of the school house (more recently known as the "Old Brick ■ Academy") was completed and put in good condition for those times, for the use of the new Institution; and probably this work accounts for the delay in organizing the company, before referred to. The "Proprietors" of this upper story were Daniel Lewis, Thomas Bixby, Robert Nesmith, John Grimes, William Bixby, Samuel Hodge, Daniel Mclvaine, James W. Haseltine, Oliver Holmes, Jr. and Thomas Eaton ; and at the close of the successful work of Mr. Bard, they donated their rights in the building to the corporation, and deeded the same Dec. 4, 1820. The land had been previously "donated" by John Mcllvaine "as long as kept for school purposes." For the year 1821 the Academy' was in charge of Mr. Isaac O. Barnes, a graduate of Middlebuiy College, Vt. His manage- ment and instruction seem to have been very satisfactory to the ' trustees, but the numbei' of students was less than the preced- ing year and the corporation had to struggle with a small deficit in consequence. Mr. Barnes afterwards traveled exten- sively, and was noted as U. S. Naval Officer at Boston, U. S- Marshall, and Pension Agent. See Genealogy of. the Wood" bury family. In the fall of 1822 the Academy was put in charge of Mr. Jeremiah Stowe who was graduated that year from Dartmouth College. He received the tuition for his services, and was one of the best of teachers: and his work here was completed to "the mutual satisfaction of the Instructor and Trustees." He was soon ordained to the ministry and died in Livonia, N. Y. 1832, aged 86. The Academy for 1823 was taught by Mr. George Freeman, (Dartmouth C'oUege 1822, afterwards Rev. Geo. Freeman, Parma, N. Y. ; died 1868, aged 73,) who had about fifty students. But again the expenses were greater than the income. 302 VARIOUS TEACHERS. and the deficit was made up by several individuals in town, who had voluntarily guaraiiteed the same. In 1824, Perley Dodge of New Boston, then a senior in Union College, for which he had pi'epared chiefly at Frances- town Academy, came back and taught here six months to the satisfaction of all concerned. Was afterwaixls a lawyer here, and died recently in Amherst. In 1825, though lacking funds and public encouragement, the Academy was ({uite successful under charge of Mr. (Jliver Carlton, who was a graduate of Dart. College 1824, and was a Tutor in that College for the j-eai' succeeding his service here, 182.5-0. From this time onward till 1841 there is no record either of corporation or trustees. But from other sources we learn that the Academy ^\■as kept in operatioii most of the time, the several teachers taking the tuition for their salary. In 1 827 Rev. Mr. Pigeon taught tlie Academy and also much of the time during the spring and summer sujjplied the puljiit of the church. The old people speak of him as a man of unusual ability and worth, but of too much self-withdrawmeiit and severe modesty to push matters under the conditions liere. In 1828 Rev. Benjamin Laliaree, D. D., L. L. D., President of Middlebury College, Vt., more than a cpiarter of a century, had charge of the Acadeniy, being at that time a senior in Dartmouth College. He was a rare instructor and gave great satisfaction. In 1829 and 1830, Dr. S. I. Bard again took charge of the Institution and again did a valuable service. In 1831, the Charter was stretched a little in making' this a school for ladies only. The teachers were Miss Lucretia S. Longly and Miss Trask, from Ipswich Female Semi- nary. Their methods were peculiar buttheir spirit was excellent, their attainments and standard among the foremost, and their work highly successful. They had a short Bible lesson daily, like the scliools of the Evangelist Moody at the present time; and a dee]) religious spirit pervaded the school, contributing not a little to the stirring revival in the town that j'ear. Mrs. Lucretia (Longley) Coolcy was b. Hawley, Mass., Oct. 1811 and d. Marysville, Cal. 1881. VAEIOUS TEACHERS. 303 For the years 1832, 1833, 1834, 1836, the Academy was in charge of Benjamin F. Wallace of Antrim, and "flourished under his instruction." He published the first catalogue of the institution containing each year more than a hundred names, Mr. Wallace had been a student here under Dr. Bard, and worked with intense zeal to build up the "old school." He was a good man and a good teacher. When excited he was a fearful stammerer, sometimes to the great amusement of his pupils. The writer was under his instruction for a time at the Academy in Piscataquog (now Manchester) and well remem- bers the twitching nervousness and the "hem!" hem I" which always preceeded any unusual announcement, repeated over and over if any offender was to be rebuked. The students used to say, "When his chin begins to drop, then look out for stam- mer and storm;" — and it generally came at about the third "drop." After his excellent work in Francestown Mr. Wallace taught in various places, chiefly in Manchester where he was Principal of "Squog Academy" several years. Was editor of the "Manchester Messenger;" was everywhere respected; died in Antrim May 5, 1864. "In the summer of 1835" there was a notable "Exhibition" by the students under Mr. Wallace, which, as being the first thing of the kind of any account in this place, awakened much interest. The printed Programme preserved fifty-four years lies before me as I -write. It was not a play, but a long list of dis- cussions and orations. Among the speakers were some after- wards prominent in various places, such as Prof. Nathan B. Barker of Buffalo, N. Y., Hon. N. W. C. Jameson of Antrim, Hon. A. H. Dunlap of Nashua, Hon. John Nichols, Dr. Thomas H. Cochran of Rutland, Vt., and Prof. Mark True. No ladies took part, but thirty-four men had each an oration (most of them original,) and all these men were an honor to the Academy. In 1836 Rev. James Boutwell, then of Lyndeboro', (Dart. College 1836,) was Principal of the Academy; Rev. Royal Parkinson (Dart. College 1842) took charge of the same in 1837; John P. Averill (Dart. College 1842) taught here in- spring of 1838, and Hon. John Nichols (Williams' College 1839) presided in the fall of the same year; while in 1839 Rev. 304 THE NEW BUILDING OE 1841. Charles Peabody (Dart. College 1839) was at the head of the Institution, as appears by his advertisements in the Amherst Cabinet of that year. In 1840, as in 1831, this was a school "for ladies only," and was under charge of Miss Emily Brown. In the early part of the year 1841 an effort ^sas made to establish a '■'■permanent''' school, i. e. a full year of four terms instead of half a year of two terms, and to arrange for this for five years at least. Much enthusiasm was awakened, and under date of Apr. 30, 1841, seventy-eight persons "subscribed the agreement," representing "one hundred and one shares'" each "share" meaning one of the one hundred and one equal parts of any annual deficiency that might occur during the period named. The "old vestry" which had stood on the northeast corner of the common had been moved aci'oss to the present location, and now the second story was finished off for the use of the Academy, the Ijuilding known as the "Old Brick Academy" being left to the district scbool. But as the vestry way not planned for a two-story building, the upper room was narrower than the one belo^\■, -sA'as long and low and without bell or belfry. Some improvements were made and a belfry added by subscrip- tion, in 1845. June 7, 1841 Rev. Horace Herrick (Dart. College 1834) took charge of the Academy, at a salary of $500. His efforts to build up the school were at once successful. His first term had 21 pupils; his second term had one hundred and twenty. During the stay of Mr. Herrick about four hundred dollars were expended for "Apparatus" for the Academy. The Trus- tees called him "the the indefatigable Principal;" and under him the school -was built up to the surprise of everybody, and great hopes were kindled for the future of the Institution. But, much to the regret of all, he left in the early spring of 1844 to become pastor of the Cong, church in Fitzwilliam. Rev. Harry Bricket (Dart. College 1840,) then teaching at Fitzwilliam, came Mar. 4, 1844 to fill out the year. Being about to take the degree of M. D. at Dart. Medical College, he • came here for only one term. But he was prevailed upon to stay longer and remained until June 1851, when he left sud- denly in the middle of the summer term, to take charge of the ACADEMY BUILDING BURNED. 305 Brown High School, Newbuiyport, Mass. During Mr. Brick- etts' term of service the Academy building was burned in open day (Saturday, March 27, 1847,). books, apparatus and nearly every movable thing being saved. Tliere were over one hun- dred pupils at the time, but they were crowded into the "Old Brick Academy" and the instruction went on without much interruption. Many were glad the old building was gone, as it was small, inconvenient and uncomely; and such prompt and vigorous measures were taken to rebuild, that the present struc- ture was up and ready for use at the opening of the fall term, less than five months after the day of the fire. It is noticed that the Records of the Corporation, and the Records of the trustees, contain no reference to the burning of the old build- ing, nor to the erection of the new. This was erected by subscription, and it is said that every man in Franeestown and many women contributed thereto; and many donations were made from without. The "eagle" was presented by friends in Boston, and Capt. Peter Clark gave to the Academy certain lands in town which were sold for several hundred dollars, from which a new bell was procured and some "old debts" for repairs of the burnt building were paid. Under Mr. Brickett the Academy reached its greatest pros- perity and gained a high reputation throughout the state. In 1848 the winter term had 43 pupils, the .spring term 136 (134 paid tuition,) the summer term 24, and the fall term 103. He was a "born teacher," pleasing, cheerful, wide-awake, scholarly, ambitious, and specially calculated to inspire others to earnest work. Mr. Brickett was Preceptor more than seven years, and nearly all that time his excellent wife (Eliza Cutter of Jaffrey) taught as Assistant in the Academy and contributed in no small measure to the success of those years. May &, 1851, the Semi-Centennial of the Academy was cele- brated with great enthusiasm. The committee appointed by the Corporation (Dec. 2, 1850,) to have charge of the celebra- tion were P. H. Bixby, Israel Batchelder, Daniel Fuller, William Parker and Mark Morse. Hon. Levi Woodbury, L. L. D., then Justice of the U. S. Supreme Court, delivered the Address. Hon. Franklin Pierce, who was elected President of the United States the following year, made a characteristic speech — smooth. 306 BEICKBTT; SAWYEE; HAYWAED. beautiful and stirring. Principal Brickett spoke with the fire of his youth, and added eloquent words of joy and hope and prophecy, till the meeting almost ran aAvay \vitli itself in view of the memories, the prosperity, and the prospects of the old Academy I Alas I those fond dreams have been but poorly realized I When Mr. Brickett left about June 5, l'S51, many of the pupils withdrew, but a good number remained, and the term was finished out acceptably by Albert H. Crosby (Dart. College 1848, Medical College I860,) who in subsequent years became a prominent physician in Concord. Mr. Henry E. Sawyer (Dart. College 1851) took the Acade- my at the commencement of the fall term 1S51 and continued at its licad for two years, when he was compelled to leave on account of failing health, Hia woj'k was of a high order and gave universal satisfaction, At the commencement of the fall term of 1868, Sylvan us Hayward of Cilsum became Principal. He had just been graduated from Dart. College with high honors. He was a most thoi'ough teacher, and the Record of the Trustees speaks of his work with decided praise. The writer was here over a 3'ear in fitting for college under Mr. Hayward and bears witness to his accuracy and, efficiency as a teacher. The attendance was large, the students were of more mature age than in recent times, each year had its "graduating class" ready to enter col- lege, many going from this school to Dartmouth and Amherst, and three pupils of Mr. Haj'ward (R. C. Stanley, C. H. Boyd and W. R. Cochrane,) being promoted to be tutors in college, The lyceums and exhibitions under Mr. Hayward were marked with a dignity and ability not equalled by any other school in the state at that time, so that teachers spoke of them as "exceptional," and "capable of passing professional criticism." The writer vividly remembers the long and able debates, the stirring orations, the vigorous fortnightly publication called the "Evening Star," the crowded audiences, and the general enthusiasm of the school! Mr. Hayward left at the close of the summer term of 18.'")6, having served three years. For the fall term of that year the Academy was not open; but the winter term following was VARIOUS PEINCIPALS. 307 taught by Dr. JMartin N. Root (of the class of 1849 Amherst College,) as "an independent school." For the rest of 1857 he was hired by the Trustees; and he acted as Principal sub- sequently as occasion required a part of the time for several years. Dr. Root was justly considered a scholar of large and varied ac.--omplishments, and a most helpful teacher and genial man. But neighboring schools were so numerous, and the corporation was so pinched for lack of means, that the Acade- my had a hard struggle for some years, and was compelled to make "assessments" oh those who had guaranteed its support. Charles E. Milliken (Dart. College 1857) was Principal in 1858, as appears from other sources, there being no reference to him on any of the records. Samuel B. Stewart (Bowdoin College 1857) was at the head of the Academy for the first two terms of 1859, tlie summer and fall terms being in charge of Dr. Root, who also continued Principal through the years 1860 and 1861. Frank G. Clark (Amherst College 1862) commenced with the j:'all term of 1862 and continued Principal for five years, and under him the Academy soon gained its former strength and numbers. A gift of .f477, from the estate of George Lewis and one of 1*4000, from Plon. William Bixby, gave new courage to the friends of the institution. In 1864 $400 was raised for enlargiing the Library, and in 1867 $300 was raised to secure a piano. Mr. Clark closed his service with the summer term of 1867. No Principal of the Academy was ever held in higher esteem than he. Pie was ordained in this place to the ministry of the Congregational Church Sept. 2, 1869, and has had a long pastorate in the city of Gloucester, Mass. With the fall term of 1867 the Academy passed into the hands of Samuel P. Preseott (Dart. College 1867; lawyer, Princeton, 111.,) who taught so much to the satisfaction of all that a larger offer was made to him to continue a second year, which offer he accepted, but was prevented by sickness from continuing the work. Mr. Thomas O. Knowlton (Bates College) took the Academy at the commencement of the fall ternj of 1868, and held it suc- cessfully till the close of the summer term of 1870, when he 308 RE-UNION OF 1870. gave it into the hands of Henry R. Monleith (Dait. College 1869,) and the latter remained in charge one year. Aug. 17, 1870, just before the opening of the fall term, there was a notable "Reunion of the Teacliers and Alumni of Fi'ances. town Academy." The gathering was large and the enthusiasm was great. From all the land they came, and tlie long-parted met and rejoiced together. A very able "Address" was given by Hon. Charles Levi Woodbury of Boston; a Poem was delivered by Rev. W. R. Cochrane; and Prof. Geo. H. White gave the "Historical Address," which was gi'eatly ejijoyed by all. These were followed by a royal free dinner, and capital speeches and pleasing reminiscences, till the "day was going down," and the company parted with prayers and blessings for the "Old Academy and its children I" Geo. W. Flint (Bates College) came here as Principal and commenced work Aug. 9, 1871. In the previous year quite an addition had been made to the funds of the institution. Mr. James G. Clark, whose father, Capt. Peter Clark, had given the Academy bell (1847,) and who had himself given the present bell (Dec. 18(U,) offered the Trustees (Mar. 16, 1870,) one- eigth part of four thousand dollars, if from other sources they could raise the rest. This was successfullj- done and the sev- eral amounts were paid in the following year, as will appear l)v the list of Donors named below. Mr. Flint received flOOO per year for his services, and continued the same with general approval for two years. At the commencement of the fall term of 1873 Prof. James E. Vose took charge of the Academy, and remained two years. For the year 1874 he was paid $1800 to "run the school," which was the highest salary they had ever given. The records speak of the great "ability" and "untiring energy" of "Mr. and Mrs. Vose" and their "excellent assistant" (Miss A. J. Cochran,) and tell us they "made the School more Popular at home and abroad." Mrs. Mary (Neville) Vose, a rare scholar and beauti- ful woman, died here Jan. 6, 1875 aged 28, greatly lamented. Mr. Vose was called to a higher position at Ashburnham, Mass., where he did a great work continuing as Principal there till his death May 30, 1887. He was of keen and ciritical mind and large acquirements and was a most thorough teacher. PROSPERITY UNDER PROF. COWELL. 809 Dartmouth College conferred on Mr. Vose the Degree of A. M. in 1881. From Aug. 1875 to Aug. 1876, the Academy was in charge of Mr. Charles W. Savage, Harvard College 1874. In Aug. 1876 Mr. Henry S. C!owell (Bates College 1876) began work as principal. He came at the age of twenty years and began with twenty scholars. But the interest and attendance steadily advanced under his care, and during his long stay of seven years the Academy greatly prospered and^ its friends greatly rejoiced. New desks and seats were put into the main room in Oct. 1879. It is proof of Mr. Cowell's wisdom and hard work, that he carried the Academy without cessation of growth through the intensely bitter church controversy which almost paralyzed everything else in town for a time. No teacher ever had greater enthusiasm in his calling, or won more the honest love of his pupils. Under him fine classes were graduated, and young men were sent forth that will make their mark. Pi of. Cowell went from here to Shelburne Falls, Mass., in 1883, and several of his best pupils followed him there to comj)lete their course. He is now (1890) Principal of Cushing Academy, Mass., and has had remarkable success as a teacher, and has everywhere been esteemed for ability and christian excellence of character. The successor of Prof. Cowell in this place was B. S. Hui'd, who had been Assistant and had won the respect of all; and he remained with general acceptance till Nov. 188.5, when he was called to a favorable position at Beverly, Mass. Mr. Ilurd was a graduate of Bates College, Class of 1878. His second year as Principal was filled out by N. F. Wilcox, A. B. (Wil- liam's College) who taught in the winter and spring of 1886. He was succeeded by Charles S. Paige, A. B. (Tufts College 1884) a former student of the Academy, who is now (Jan. 1890) on his fourth year as Principal. The Old Academy, it may safely be said, has been a jjower for good in this town and this vicinity. It has added to the intelligence of the people, and helped to give them standing and character. And if we should judge its work by the lecord of those who have gone out from it, probably no school in the land of the same number of students, would stand higher than 310 LIST OF PKINCIPALS. this. Its graduates have reached the highest attainments and positions in the land. Among its students have been one President of the United States; two U. S. Senators; many members of Congress ; Judges, from Police Court to the U. S. Supreme^ Court; one Major-General in the Union Ainij ; and a great number of Profe.-isors, Tutors, Ministeis, Pliysicians, Mis^ionaries, Governors and leaders in every department of learning and enterprise. And moie than half, perhaps, of all the good and the honor flowing from this (_)ld Institution has been through the hearts and minds of noble women who received good influences here, wliich in cjuiet ways have made truth more manifest and life more beautiful. That glorious home-record the historian may not write. But it is a matter for congratulation that this Academy has done so much for the s])read of knowledge, for the increase of human happiness, and tor the maintenance of tlie religion of Christ! liright be the future of the old Academy ! I append a list of the Principals; and also of the Assistants, as far as ])0ssible. To this is added some of the names of the more conspicuous Alumni, and then a list of the names of the donors of its funds. Wlien the Academy was burned (1847) almost eveiy man and womin in town gave liberally to re- build. As times have changed and expenses multiplied, more money is now re(piired here to put things at the best. What incalculal)le good one might do by a further endowment of this Institution ! riilNCIPALS OP FRAISCESTCIWN ACJADEMY, WITH THEIR ASSISTANTS. Peincipai.s. Yeai!. Assistants. Alexander Dustui 1801 Oliver (or Elihu) JNIasou ISOd .TaiiR's Moi-risou 1809 .Tames Howe IKl!) S. I. ]5ard 18-20 Isuae (). JJariies 18-21 .lereniiah Slow ]8'2-J (leory-e rreemnii 182.'! Ferley I)oili;-e 18-2J Oliver Carldon 182") Rev. Piiieou 1827 LIST OF PRINCIl'ALS. 311 Principals. Benjamin Labaree Sim. I. Bard Siin. I. Bard Luerelia Lougley > Miss Trask [ Beuj. r. ^Vallace Benj. F. Wallace Benj. F. Wallace Benj. F. Walluee James Boutwell Royal Parkinson John P. Averill ) John Nichols \ Charles Peabody Aliss Emily Brown Horace Herrick Horace Herrick Horace Herrick Horace Herrick ) Harry Brickett J Year. 1828 IS-il) isyo 18,31 1832 1833 ' 1S.34 18,3.-; 1836 1837 1838. 1839 1S40 1S41 1S42 1843 1844 Assistants. Harry Brickett 1845 Harry Brickett 1846 Harry Brickett 1847 Plarry Brickett 1848 Harry Brickett 1849 Harry Brickett 1850 Harry Brickett 1S51 Albert 11. Crosby 1851 Henry E. Sawyer 1S51 Henry E. Sawyer 1862 Mrs. Horace Herrick Mrs. Horace Herrick Mrs. Horace Herrick ( Miss. Ursula Stevens ) Miss E, H, Brown ( Mrs. Horace Herrick ( Miss Ursula Stevens } Miss E.H. Brown ( Miss Ermina Cutter ( Miss E.H. Brown ] Mrs. E. C. Brickett ( Charles F. Patch ( Mrs. E. C. Brickett I Charles F. Patch {Aurilla P. Wellman Charles F. Patch James L. Goodale Mrs. E. C. Brickett fMrs. E. C. Brickett J Samuel H. Partridge 1 F. F. Forsaith (^Caroline M. Burnham fMrs. E. C. Brickett J Caroline M. Burnham 1 Kebecca Jewett 1^ James L. Goodale. Mrs. E. C. Brickett Abby W. Jaquith Joanna Cressy ( Joanna Cressy } Miss H. S. Bouton ( Edward P. Eansom 312 LIST OF PRINCIPALS. Principals. Ilcmy E. .Sawyer } Sylvanus Ilaward j Sylvanus Ilayward Sylvanus Ilaywaj-d Sylvanus Haywaix Year. 18.53 l,s.-,4 IS.j.-) ISOO JMai-tin X. Ituot IS.-jT Charles E. Milliken IK.jS Samuel B. Stewart } Martin N. Root ; 18,59 Martin N. Boot 1800 Martin N. Root 1861 Charles Little f Frank G. Clark \ 1802 Frank G. Clark 18(53 Frank G. Clark 18(i4 Frank ti. Clark 18(irj Frank G. C4ark Frank (i. Clark Sanuiel P. Prescott Samuel P. Prescott ) Thomas O. Knowlton f Thomns (). Knowlton Thomas O. Knowlton } Henry R. Moniieth \ Henry R.. Moniieth t George W. Flint | IKOH 18(;7 18(18 18(i!) 1870 1871 Assistants. f Miss II. S. Bouton I Edward P. Ranson Charles W. Savage J Charles W. Savage > Henry S. Cowell ^ Henry S. Cowell Henry S. Cowell Henry S. Cowell Henry S. Cowell Henry S. Cowell Henry S. Cowell Henry S. Cowell ) B. S. Hurd i B. S. Hurd B. S. Hurd > N. F. Wilcox \ Charles S. Paige Charles S. Paige Charles S. Paige Charles S. Paige Charles S. Paige Charles S. Paige Charles S. Paige Howard P. Haines Year. 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 ASSISSAXTS. Miss Lizzie Montieth Mrs. M. E. Flint Mrs. Mary N. Vose 5 Mrs. Mary N. Vose I Miss A. J. Cochran Miss A. J. Cochran ( Mary Grace Carr j Flora C. Cobb Flora C. Cobb 5 Dr. _M. N. Root I Nellie A. Wilson Annie D. Brackett Mary L. Putnam . Arthur L. Keyes Carrie S. Austin r Laura B. Whitlen J Mary A. Tenney I Miss M. K. Pike (^ Charles H. Puffer ( Angle E. Hanson } Clara C. Gutterson ( Susan F. Cleaves ( Angle E. Hanson } Clara C. Gutterson ( Mrs. Emma M. Huntley j Angle E. Hanson I Clara C. Gutterson f Angle E. Hanson I Clara C. Mowry Julia B. Jackman Geo. K. Wood Addison Tuck Julia B. Jackman Geo. K. Wood Addison Tuck Mrs. Charles S. Paige Geo. K. Wood 314 ALUMNI. Names of some, of the more Conspicuous Alumni. Neal McLane, Judge Ark. Supreme Court. Eben Locke, "whose father fired the first gun of the Revolution." Samuel Bell, Governor, and United Stales Senator. Peter P. Woodbury, M. D. Levi Woodburv i Governor. U. S. Senator, Cabinet Officer, Judge ( U. S. Supreme Court. Jesse Woodbury, nearly .50 yrs. Trustee of the Academy. Gen. Franklin Pierce, U. S. Senator, and President of United States. Samuel Gregg, M. D. of Boston. Plon. Isaac O. Barnes, Naval Oflicer at Boston. Hon. Perley Dodge, Lawyer, Clerk of Courts. Hon. John L. Clark, Lawyer. Hon. Peter Clark, Lawyer. James G. Clnrk. Hon. Charles L. Woodbury. Lawyer, Boston. Rev. William T. Boutwell, Missionary to the Indians. Rev. Ebenezer Everett. Moses Wilson. Mark Morse. Nathan Savage. John Johnson. Rev. James W. Perkins. Mary Woodbury, wife Luke How, M. D. Prof. James D. Pratt. Prof. John P. Averill. John Nichols, A. M., Clerk of Court, Janesville, Wis. Emily Brown, Preceptress. Maj. Gen. Christopher C. Andrews, U. S. Minister to Sweden and to Brazil. Isaac O. Baldwin, Lawyer, Clinton, Iowa. Rev. George I. Bard. Hon. Charles James Fox. Charles E. Balch, Cashier Manchester National Bank. Isaac T. Campbell, Inspector U. S. Boston Custom House. Rev. William O. Baldwin. Samuel D. Downes, Esqr., Treasurer Francestown Savings Bank. Hon. A. H. Dunlap, of Nashua. Hon. N. W. C. Jameson, U. S. Revenue Collector. Prof. B. F. Wallace, Editor, Principal of Academy. Charles W. Whitney, Merchant. WilHam A. Jones, M. D. Francis H. Morgan, 22 yrs. Supt. in U. S. Treasury. Charles F. Patch, Academy Asst. Teacher, Boston. William H. Ramsay, Treas. State of Wisconsin, Hon. William Butterfield, Editor N'tl. Patriot. ALUMNI. 315 Hon. Alpheus Gay, Mayor, Manchester. Paul IT. Bixby, Cashier Franceslown National Bank, Levi Bixby, U. S. Consul, Surinam. Prof. Heman A. Dearborn, Prof. Tufts' College. Hon. .Josiah G. Dearborn, N. H. Secretary of State. Rev. William Dearborn. Prof. Samuel L. Dulton, M. D., New Haven, Conn. High School. Hon. John P. Bartlett, Judge Police Court, Manchester. Bev. W. R. Cochrane, D. D., Tutor Dart. College, Historian of Antrim and Francestown. Rev. Charles H. Boyd, Tutor Dart. College. Prof. Richard C. Stanley, Prof. Bates' College. William W. Colburn, Supt. Schools Springfield, Mass. Rev. Henry Marden, Missionary, Turkey. Col. Smith A. Whitfield, U. S, Cavalry and Asst. Postmaster Gen'l. George H. Twiss, A. M., Merchant and Publisher, Columbus, O. Geo. H. Bixby, M. D., Surgeon U. S. Navy. Jesse P. Woodbury, Asst. Paymaster U. S. Navy. Capt. Gustin F. Hardy, Capt. 111. Volunteers. Prof. George H. White, Prof. Obcrlin College. Capt. Nathan B. Boutwell, U. S. Custom House, Boston. Rev. William R. Adams. Hon. John B. Smith, Hillsboro' Bridge, Governor of New Hampshire. Sergt. Perley F. Dodge, died in Union Army. Hon. Joseph E. Bennett, City Clerk Manchester. Hon. Charles H. Campbell, President N. H. Senate. John B. Cochrane, Surveyor. William J. Campbell, M. D., Derry. James H. Crombie, M. D., Derry. Levi Dodge, M. D., Fall River. John C. Dodge, Esqr. George F. Guild, Merchant, Boston. Dea. Albert Gay, Merchant, Boston. Charles Howard, City Messenger, Chelsea, Mass. Samuel B. Hodge, Esqr., many yrs. Clerk of Trustees. David Gilchrist, Merchant, Manchester. Maj. Horace E. Whitfield. Maj. Augustus H. Bixby. Hon. Charles H. Mooar, lawyer, Kentucky. Dea. Thomas P. Rand. Charles Roper. Ithemar B. Sawtelle. Hon. Clark B. Cochrane, member Congress. Daniel Stevens, High Sheriff, Manchester. Levi Woodbury, merchant, Antrim. James P. Walker, M. D. 316 ALUMNI. Col. L. W. Cogswell, N. H. State Treasurer, Bank Coinniissionor. Morris Christie, M. D., Antrim. J. K. Wheeler, of Hudson. J. F. Whittle, M. D., Nashua. Thomas E. Fisher, M. D. James M. Rollins, Bedford. Eev. Samuel II. Partridge. Granville P. Conn, M. D., Concord. Charles W. Everett, long known Conductor Concord R. R. Mrs. Joanna (Cressy) Wellman. Dea. John Fletcher. Francis F. Forsaith, M. D. Hon. ,Iudge John O. French. William H. Faxnum, Esqr. Hon. Wm. Grant, St. Paul, Minn. George B. Melendy, Civil Engineer, New York City. Levi B. Morse, Esqr., Boston. Hon. Benj. F. Gale, Mayor of Concord. Edward C. David, Surveyor General, Wyoming. Rev. Augustus Berry. Orrin S. Batchelder, Esqr., Worcester. Charles H. Darling, Boston. Wm. F. Holcomb, M. D., New York City. Oliver L. Bradford, M. D., Fitchburg. Hon. John G. Walker, Admiral U. S. Navy, ISSi). Capt. John 11. Grimes, IT. S. Marines. Joel Gay, Noted teacher of Music. M. G. Starrett, Teacher of Music. .Tesse P. Woodbury, Paymaster U. S. Navy. Maj. Arnold Wyman. Capt. Geo. A. Bruce, Pres. Mass. Senate; Mayor, Somerville. Capt. Lewis P. Wilson. Lieut. Daniel P. Bixby. Lieut. Martin L. Colburn. George D. Epps, Musician in Army. Elias A. Bryant, Musician in Army. Dea. Amasa Downs. Lieut. Charles T. Bobbins. Prof. Charles S. Paige, Principal Francestown Academy. Rev. George L. Todd. Wm. A. Wood, A. B. Milton G. Starrett, A. B. George A. Chapin, A. B. Arthur L. Keyes, A. B. John S. Parker, A. B. Wm. 1!. Whitney, A. B. ALUMNI. 317 Rev. Charles H. Cliapin. Joliu T). Hutchinson, C. E. Dart. College. Alden C. .Hutchinson, A. B., Bates College, '91. Hayward Cochrane, M. E. Cornell University, 1890. Geo. K. Wood, Trustee and Teacher. John Ji. Warren, M. D. Hon. Fred H. Hodge, Auditor Pine Co., Minn. Hon. C. V. Dearborn. Henry H. Sawyer, Merchant, Boston. A. J. Todd, M. D. W. S. Carr, M. D. Perley E. Goodhue, M. D. Prof. John C. Parker. William A. Woodward, A. B. Charles J. Hamhlett, lawyer. John Counell, M. D. Arthur Harrison. J. R. B. Kelley. Eva M. Fletcher. Helen Titus. Hon. John Wilson, Judge Supreme Court, Illinois. William Thompson, M. D. Hon. A. G. Fairbanks, Manchester. Clarence B. Root, M. D. Thomas L. Bradford, M. D. John P. Rand, M. D. Wheeler Band, M. D. Charles Kingsbury, M. D. E. N. Kingsbury, M. D. Addie E. Gould, of Antrim School Board. Herbert D. Gould, M. D. New Boston. List of Donoes to the Fund op the Academy. 1862. George Lewis, $ 477.43 1864. Hon. WilliHm Bixby, ($-1000, less tax,) 3711.82 1871. James G. Clark, Esqr., Boston, Hon. Charles Levi Woodbury, Boston " Albert Gay, " George F. Guild, " "0.00 Albert L. Savage, " 28.90 " Elias A. Bryant, " SOU" Horace K. Batchelder, " 5(1.00 Benjamin P. Cheney, " 100.00 Levi B.Morse, " 100.00 Edwin Hadley, " 25 00 Sylvester H. Roper 500.00 50.00 100.00 100,00 Isaac T. Campbell, " 25.00 318 LIST OF D03SI0KS. 1871. Leonard V. Spalding. Haverhill, Mass. Orren S Batcbielder, Worcester, " William B. Dinsmore, New York City, Amos P. I airbanks, " Alpheus Gay, Manchester, Horace Pettee, " ' Holmes R. Pettee, " Peter J. Frje. Francestown. Thomas E. Bixby, " Edward F. Roper, •' Kimball W. Emerson, Francestown, William H. Farnum, " 1 liram Patch, " William A. Lord, John G. Morse, " John West, "' T. B. Bradford, A. H. Bixby, George D. Epps, " Elias A Wilson, George A. Duncklee, " Mark Raich, " Herbert Vose, " Jesse Woodbury, " Thomas P. Rand, Frank B. Starrett, Leonard Spalding, " James H. Starrett, " Luke W. I'reston, " William R. Sawyer, " George F. Pettee, Hiram P. Clark, ' " Luther F. Atwood, " Charles A. Vose, " James T. IJixby, " Charles O. P. Wells, Newell D. Dean, " Luther Hardy, " William H. Stevens, " Issachar Dodge, " Joseph Kingsbury. " Francis H. Duncklee, " Garvin S. Sleeper, " Benjamin Dean, " Pacific L, Clark, Ephraim W. Colburn. " Mrs. S. E Kingsbury, Mrs. .v. II Kingsbury, " William H. Hopkins, " Mason H. Balch, " Willard Carter, " 100.00 .iO.OO 100.00 10.00 TiO.OO 100.00 L'.'i 110 no.oi) 100.00 2."i.00 200.00 200.00 200.00 100 00 200.00 2o0.on 2.5.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100 00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 lOO.QO 100.00 100.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50 00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 25.00 50.00 LIST OF DONOES. 319 18 71. Moses B. Fisher, Fran cestown. 25.00 John P. Richardson, " 5(1. on Francis H. Morgan, " 100.00 Samuel B. Hodge, " 50.00 Daniel F. Patch, " 30.00 Samuel D. Downes, (( 300.00 George E. Downes, •' 200.00 Rev. Frank G. Clark . M in Chester, 50.00 Alfred G. Fairbanks, •' 100.00 Charles E. Balch, " 100.00 1873. Rev. Harry Brickett, 25.00 1877. Mrs. S. F. Wallace, (by S D. Downes. Ex.,) 013.49 18 80. Israel Batchelder, 500.00 $11,1)41.64 The Trustees of the Academy at this date (1890) are as follows : Hiram Patch, President. .Samuel B. Hodge. John G. Morse. Augustus H. Bixby. Edward E. Bixb}^ George F. Pettee. Henry Eiehardson. Charles A. Yose. Geors;e K. Wood. CHAPTER XJ. THE CEMETEIUBS. For almoat fifteen years after the first settlement of this town there was no burial place within its borders. This is acconnted for by the early and long-continued union with New Boston, the dead being carried there for burial. Some were carried to that town long after there was a suitable place here, that they might be laid beiide their kindred. To this fact refeience is often made in the body of this work. The first entranc:c on the town record concerning the matter is under date of Oct. 19, 1772, when they voted to buy "foor acres" of land for "a Burying place and Meeting House," "wliere the Comniiltee Hath flxt;" and chose "John Dickey James Hopkens Oliver Holmes iSiim' Nutt James Hopkcns Sener" a committee "to See the Land Cleared." But it was already late in the season and but little was done that year. At the March meeting following (1773) they voted "that Every Server Shall AVork one Day With his men on the Grave- yard and Place for the meeting House." A record kept by the wife of Dea. William Starrett says, "Apr. 10, 1773, the burying place was cleared," which means that the trees were all down that day, the present site of the village being then almost an unbroken forest, the ancient trees outside standing strong and thick, and hiding all view beyond. Tliis "First Burial-place" was what is now called the "Old Ceme- tery" and is "hard by the village church," as was the usual locality in those clays. The first burial here was that of the body of Mrs. Bathsheba (Epps,) wife of Samuel Dickerman who died May 1, 1773, aged 20 years. For this purpose the fallen trees were moved aside and a path made into the yard, and a grave cut through the web of green roots that covered the earth. As before stated, the fii'st death of an adult among FENCING THE GRAVEYARD. 321 the settlers of Francestown was that of Caleb Whiting in spring of 1770 ; and the second (being the first entered on town record) was that of Janet McMaster, Oct. 4, 1772. These were taken to New Boston, as was also the body of the wife of John Carson in March 1773, of which particular mention has been made on a former page. Soon after the burial of Mrs. Diekerman two small children were laid in this ground; and of the twenty-six first burials twenty-two were children. On this spot many little bodies have been left in God's care, and many weeping mothers have turned away with breaking heart. Probably more than three-fourths of all the deaths in town for more than thirty years from its settlement were children. Of many of these there is no family or town record, and the little graves are un- marked and the memory is gone from earth ! Mar. 23, 1780, the town "voted to fence the Grave Yard," as before it was only a cleared space in the forest. At a meet- ing May 29 of the same year the town "voted to fence the Grave Yard with stone wall," and chose David Starrett, John Dickey and John Brown to carry out said vote. But, on account of poverty and hard time^and the absence of men in the army, not much was done that year. Some question seems to have arisen as to how much land should be fenced in, and then they waited for the town to decide it. Hence at a meet- ing Apr. 7, 1783, the town "Voted to Fence the Grave Yard with Good Stone Wall Seven by Forten Rod." This meant seven rods on the street and fourteen rods back, which would include all they thought available on that side of the church. The work seems to have been, completed that year (1783) and has stood well to this day. Nov. 1804 the selectmen were in- structed to make any needed repairs "of the Grave Yard fences," and again, Aug. 27, 1810, they were instructed to make such repairs, and to "remove all incumbrances." Again,' Sept. 16, 1822, the town voted to repair the "fence of the Old Grave yard." Mar. 1847, the town voted to build a "Good faced wall" on the west side of the old grave yard. This was completed that year, and was a great improvement. These votes from time to time indicate the deep interest cherished for this first cemetery of the town, where most of the bodies of the original settlers were laid to rest. It is indeed "holy ground!" May it 322 THE OLD CEMETERY. never be neglected nor forgotten ! What can be more for the honor and prosperity of future geneiations of this people than to keep in good order this resting-place of the fathers ? This was the only Burial Ground in town for forty-five years (1773- 1818,) and probably more than live huiidred bodies lie in this narrow bound! Only a few comparatively had head-stones or monuments of any kind, such things not being then so common as now, and many being too poor to obtai]i them. An old record (May 1814) tells us there were "about 100" deaths in this town "fi'om its settlement to 1790 ;" and tli.it from 1790 to May 1814 the deaths amounted to 401, a lajge proportion of whom were infants." This would be an average of 16f per year, and if we contuiue the same average till 1818, (four years) the whole number of death,-; in town before the o[)ening of an- other cemetu'.j' would be 568. Many in the earlier years were carried to New Boston for buiial and some to other toAvns ; but some also were brought from other towns heie; so that, after all allowances, more than the 500 named above are left to sluml)cr heie I Oh I ever let love's kind hand adorn aijd guard the spot I , AVhilo year Ijy 3-ear shall brhig its waste, — And wear, — and slow decay, As chiseled lines, by time effaced, Fade from our sight away, Let deathless love and holy trust Each faded word restore, — Till at (rod's voice the silent dust Shall wake to sleep no more! And o'er each little nameless face By all on earth forgot, Long sheltered in this sacred place. Still be love's offerings brought! Let earth be green, and flowers be fair. Till these, — death's bondage o'er, — Sweet answer to a mother's prayer, — Shall wake to sleep no more! It was early foreseen that the old cemetery could not long answer the purposes of the town. While the population was small and the community was shaping and arranging itself, there was little said about it. But at the last Annual Meetjuo- MILL VILLAGE CEMBTEKY. 323 of the cemetery (Mav. 10, 1800) the town appointed James Fisher, David Starrett and Thomas Bixby, a committee to look out a suitable place, and report to the town. No further action, however; was taken ; and they seem to have dropped the question for a time, in the midst of the excitem.ent and expense of building their new meeting house. Then at the Annual Town meeting 1811, the subject was again called up for action, and the selectmen (Daniel Lewis, James Wilson, Nathan Sav- age,) were instructed to examine and ]-eport "concerning the purchase of land for a Graveyard." At the next Annual meeting (1812) they instructed the select- men to "procure a piece of land" for this purpose. But there were so many conflicting opinions as to localitj' that the select- men were unwilling to act, and nothing more was done. But the need increased and the agitation over it increased, until at the March meeting 1817 a new effort was made, and a com- mittee appointed "from all parts of the town" in hope that they might agree upon some locality. This committee consisted of Daniel Lewis, John Gibson, Ebenezer Hopkins, Peter Wood- bury, and Thomas Eaton. They seem to have agreed upon the ground on the south side of the road between the two villages, since at the next March meeting (1818) the town directed "their committee to purchase li^ acres of land of James S. Fisher for a Grave Yard." This was called for a time the "New Cemetery," but later has been known as the "Mill Village Cemetery." Mar. 14, 1826, the town by vote directed the selectmen to build a "faced wall" on that side of this cemetery joining the highway. The town voted also, Mar. 1854, to repair the walls of the same, and "put up stone posts on the plats." The writer well remembei's' the neatness with which this was done, and the order and attractive- ness of these grounds, as they appeared to him in the Academy days of 1855. The first burial in this cemetery was that of Mrs. Joshua Huntington Aug. 14, 1818. Rapidly the years added to its silent occupants, and after about one generation had been laid there, the question of enlargement began to be talked over. Nothincr was done, however, till the need became imperative, 324 THE NEW CEMETEEY. when at a special meeting, May 3, 1860, the town "instructed the Selectmen to enlarge the Burying Ground." But many, on consideration, concluded this could not be done to advan- tage, and other localities were suggested; and hence at a town meeting May 29, 1860, the former vote was rescinded, and the selectmen were "instructed to buy five acres of land of William Stanley and to fence the same." • This now constitutes the "New Cemetery" on the turnpike, and even thus soon has almost become "a crowded city of the dead." The first burial in this new yard was that of Elizabeth, dau. of John Balch, who died July 23, 1860. This Cemetery is neat, accessible, and conspicuous, — "a goodly ground" where honored faces are waiting the "last call !" There have been only two private burying-places in Frances- town. The elder Sleeper families prepared such a ground, situated on the farms of Nathaniel Sleeper, and Capt. Benjamin Sleeper, taking a few square rods from each. There is a record of 36 burials in this ground. The first was a child of Capt. Benj. Sleeper, dying Dec. 20, 1772. This was the first bui-ial in Francestown; and thus this yard is older than that at the Centre. The last interment in it was that of Miss Elizabeth Sleeper who died Nov. 2, 1873, aged 86. The other family cemetery is on the Bryant farm in the north-west part of the town. CHAPTER XII. ROADS AND BKIDGES. Many roads and pieces of roads, laid out according to law, were never built, and other pieces have been so long unused and forgotten that it is difBcult now to trace them out. As a rule the first foot-paths through the forest were afterwards "established" or "recorded" as roads. These old paths were generally "the shortest cut," not turning aside for hill or stream, though sometimes turning aside to pass a settler's cabin. In- deed they seemed to prefer the highest and steepest places. Previous to 1790 there was nothing in town that would now be dignified by the name of a road. There were no wagons, and very few of the farmers owned a cart. All travel and all movements of merchandise, were on horseback, except when people went on foot and carried their loads upon their shoulders. At first therefore our roads were "paths cut out;" that is, the brush cut out of the way and the trees marked, so that they could be readily followed through the forest. Next they were made "passable for horses ;" that is, the impediments were moved out of the way and limbs above cut high enough for the rider to pass under without hitting his head. Hence the establish- ing of new roads was not a very difficult matter in those days. But it was only the slow improvement of along course of years that brought our modern roads. In the early days of the town there were no bridges, and there was no special need of them according to their modes of travel. They forded the streams with horses, and waded througlrthem on foot, and did not seem to think of it as a hardship. In places where there was con- siderable passing they would fall a large tree across the stream, and use it for a "foot-bridge." Sometimes a row of stakes was driven down beside it for a railing. Such a foot-bridge existed for a long time over the river south-east of the Lovejoy place 326 THE FIRST PUBLIC GOADS. on the turnpike. It is said that Maj. Oliver Holmes then living on that place met Samuel Butterfield in the middle of the stream, the Major being on horseback and Butterfield walking on the log. They sliook hands, and then playfully "held on to each others' hands to try their strength," and Butteifield pulled the Major off his horse into the water! The first bridge in town, other than a tree fallen across the stream, was of much later construction, as all the streams were shallow and easily forded, Our bridges were never very numerous or expensive. For fui-tLer notice of them, see close of this chapter. Of course the first roads laid out in Francestown were next to New Boston to which we then belonged, and within whose bound the first settlements were made and first roads needed. That town laid out our earliest legal highway July 5, 1763, previous to which there were plenty of "paths" and nothing more. This first "laid-out road" began at Amherst line (now Mont Vernon) at the old Taylor farm in New Boston, thence northwesterly past "George Christy's" (now Mr. Reed's) and over the river where now is the "Mullet Bridge," thence up "Cochran Hill" to "James CVjchran's" (now the large square house) thence westerly "to the Ne^v Addition thence running northwest or as near that Point as Good Ground will alow till it Strikes the old Road that Corns from Lins borow thence as that old Road Gooes or as near as the Best ground will alow throw Thomas Browns and Samuel Nickles and John Carsons till It goes out — of the town." It will be noticed that the road from Lyndeboro' was spoken of as an "old road" at that early date (1768.) Of course it was only an old well-known forest path, probably made by the Pro- prietors. Hollis and Amherst were settled early, the latter in 1735 ; so that pioneers from the south began to push into Lynde- boro', though a mountainous town, nearly as early as into New Boston frojn the east. Hence the new path northward and westward would be for the interest of the Proprietors, to open up a way to the sale of their lands here. This old Proprietor's path was said to have extended as far north as Hillsboro', and was probably cut through about 1751. The map of this section given in this book was made in 1753, and a few leading paths THE OLD COUNTY EGAD. 327 were opened some years earlier. This "old Road from Lins borow" was nearly iLe same as what was afterAvards known as the "Old County road," though made twenty years before there was any county formed in the state. It extended fiom North Lyndeborough northwardly along where now is the turnpike, up past the old Isaau Lewis house, thence past the Samuel Nichols or McCaiiie place to the corner on the hill where the Starrett-Carson tavern stood, and thence northweslerly where now is Mill Village, and thence, perhaps at first a little east- ward of the site of the present main village of the town, on through Deering to Hillsboro'. This "old county road" was obviously crooked, and but little of it is in much use to-day. That part of it north of the village was long in dispute, -and in subsequent years it was required by law to be made "passable for teams." New Boston laid out a second road within our limits in 1766, described as follows: "Beginuing at the Esterly End of John Carsons house and 'Runs noreast about thirty Bhods and then East about fortey Ehods to the westerly Side of tlie meedoes then noreast by marked trees to Said Carsons north Line." From this it appears that John Carson was living at that date in h-is "new framed house" on the hill at the corner afterwards the Starrett tavern stand, there being then no settlement nor path, north or east of said Carson within the present limits of this town. The "old Road from "Lins borow" and the road from New Boston south of Scoby pond, were then the only highway-paths known. This road which was laid out in 1766 extended from the Carson house "noreast" about where the No. 5, School House now stands, then east over the hill to the meadow, thence "noreast" near the present Whiting residence to Carson's line. No doubt this was intended specially to ac- commodate Caleb Whiting who had made a "beginning" on his place as early as 1765, and probably asked for a way out, and then built his log house in the spring of 1766. It will be noticed that this new road had an indefinite terminus; but no doubt the intention was to extend it further, to meet at some subsequent day a road from New Boston north of the pond, and to reach anticipated new settlements in that part of the "Ad- 328 ACROSS THE SOUTH PART. dition," and northward of the same. A third road was "accepted" by New Boston in 1771, which was the last laid out by that town within our present bounds of which any record appears, and this extended from "David Lewis saw mill to Lindeborough line," This path or sled-road had been in use for some time, hut was "accepted" or made a legal road at that date. Other roads no doubt were talked of, but these and other plans were put a^ide when the question of incorporation arose, as a new town and a new centre would require them to be changed. Hence, though the town charter was not granted till June 8, 1772, three new roads were laid out before the close of that year. The first record of a road laid out by this town is as follows : "1772 The Demeushens of a Road be viz Begiuniug at a White pine on the Leading Road from David Lewas milles to j'e Senter then Westardly through Charlfs mclanes Laud and Joseph Dickey's and James Bettons to ye line Betwixt William Butterfield and William Butterflelds juner and through John aikens and John Dickeys Said Road as Straight as Grood Land Will alow." This was the old road (now greatly changed) across the south part of the town. I find no record of the road from the Epps place to the centre as now travelled; but probably it was a well-trodden path before incorporation and "accepted" by general consent. Then the "White pine on the Leading Road from David Lewas milles to ye Senter" stood at the Maj. Holmes (Lovejoy) place where this parting of roads remains to the present day. The next record is as follows : "1772 A Cros Road Beginning at William Butterfield Northeast Corner and Running Northerdly on ye Line of William Butterfield and James Betton to William Butterflelds juner." And with it is joined a third for the same year thus: "Beginning at John Dickeys House then Run- ning westerdly throw Nathaniel Boyds Land and Samuel Martens and Thomas Boyds and Adam Dickey to Alexander Parker." The last named lived south of the mountain in Society Land, now Greenfield. It must be borne in mind that the mention of the names of these property-owners is not proof that they lived at the places indicated or that they lived in town, but simply that they were understood to own the land. No mention is VARIOUS ROADS. 329 ever made of any land-damage in laying out roads for many years, as people were always glad to give the land for the sake of the advantage. In the traiiscripts of roads given below it will be difficult for those not familiar with the early names and residences to locate said roads. Some of them were never more than paths, and were thrown up long ago, and in woodland and pasture not a trace of them remains. All have been changed more or less for better ground, or to meet new demands ; but it is presumed that, for reference or curiosity, many will be pleased to find here the transcripts of these "old paths." "May 15, 1773 Begineng at a red Oak on Adam Dickeys Southrcdly Line Euning Nortliardly through Adam Dickeys and William Holms and David Greggs Land to the South East Corner of Wilsons Land then Northordly to Benjamin Sleeper Hand to Nathaniel Sleepers Euning to a Eock mepal on the North Line of the town." * [This was the road to the Sleeper residences, and thence northward to Deering.J "April 1773 beginning at the South East Corner of James Fishers Land then North to the Senter then Northwest to Eobert Fultons Hous from thence to William Quigleys new Hous from thence North by Eobert Hopkens Barn to William Quigleys hous then northest to a Largh beach and rock niepel tree Standing on the North Line of the town." [This was what is now the street through the village and the old road to the Gibson place thence, over the hill by Eussell's into Deering.] June 1773, "Begineng at a Beach on the East Line of Wilsons Lot Euning Southwestardly to Henry mcFerspns then by the road to Hills- borough old Eoad then Southwestardly to a Largh Ston Near the Senter of the town." [This seems to extend from a point on the Sleeper Eoad to the village.] June 9, 1773, "begining at Thomas Browns Northwast Corner of his Land Joyning to the Cuntry road runing East on a Line between Thomas brown and John Carson Land till it Comes to the Noreast Corner of the Said browns Land then south east through moses Lewises Land and James Hopkins Land and a Long the south Sid of His Hous and barn then East between moses Lewises Lan and James Hopkins Land to the East Corner of their Lands being a Pain tree East to William Cristys House then East by the road that is now marked to the J^ine between New boston and francestown." [This seems to be the road about as now used along the south side of Haunted Lake to New Boston.] July 5, 1773, "voted that the roads Shall be three rods Wide through- out the town." 330 VARIOUS i:OAD>S. "Fraucestown Aprile y'^ 23, 1774, begining at the road about twelve rods west Irom William Quiglys House Said road Iseing on the Line betwixt Sail! <2uigl.v and Francis Diamonds Land then North about Eighty rods to the Lino betwixt Francestown and L>(.su-ing." 177(), "l)cgining at Ilamloek tree Ix'iiig the Conior betwixt Nathaniel boids I^aid and Samuel martins then runing Nnrtlu'Hy on the Line lietwixi Nathaniel Bold and Samuel Mai'tin to the Leading road to pelterlxirough." Oct. lii, 177!), "^'otcd a Pboad from t'liinlcs :Melli)iis [south of village, near Leonard Spalding place,] to the Meeting House." Oct. 1.3, 177'.), "Voled a lload from Davitl Sfarrclls [(U:<>. V. Pcltce's] to the JNiecling House, 'Mvliich ivns thus described, '■l.cgiiiing at s.aid Starretts ruiiiiiug weslcily as (Jrouu.l will admit of Slraigbl to the South si.'le of Samuel Lickeniiaiis mill I'amm thence straight to t)ie Meeting House." April 17S(l a I'oad was laid out from the road loading from C'harli s ISli lion's [near Spalding place] tn Thomi.s McIj lUghlinV, beginning '-on the Line bilwixt (liailes ]\I(llons and Thomas McLaughlins and St'^er- ing Northwardly on sai I line to l''aslnia?is I'lai-c tbeure to Daniel Hixbys Southeast Corner ami then on the Line betwixt .lames Fisher and Thoma.s jMellon to the road that leads from Xathan Fishers to tlu' meet- ing House." Apr. S, 17S0, a road was laid out from the "north road" soulliward to Daniel Scobe}''s. 17S1 A road was laid out from the northest part of the town as fol- lows: "lieginning at a Head oak Mai'ked on the North side of William Dickeys Cleai'ing on the weasl line from thence Hunning on his west line to the South to a i-ead oak ucare his Southwea.st Oovnei- upon Neane C'Ir. Ealon made the first ascent with horse and carriage. There was a large gathering on the summit ou the Fourth of July following, and also in (lie evening a fine display of fire-works, seen for long distances, and enjoyed bj^ many in the neighboiing towns. CHAPTER XIJl. TOWN OPFICEUS. Previous to the war of the Revolution a per.-.oii \vn,-; ic(|uirecl to be a laiid-liolder or to possess the value of £"2() o!' other tax- able property in order to be a voter. Only owners of real estate eould vote on the question of settling a ni'nisjer or fix- ing and raising his salary; yet taxes for the minister's support were assessed on all polls and all kiiids of property. No man was eligible to the office of Representative to the Assembly or Proviueial House unless he was the owner of real estate to the value of ^300. In the troubled and unsettled years from 1765 to 1789, the border towns and small towns were not regularly lepresented in the General Couit, oi- Congress of the State, as it was some- times called. Some towns felt too poor to shaie the additional expense ; and if, oceasionaU3% two or three towJis met and chose a representative together, the fact was seldom entered upon the town records, and the minutes hept on loose papers were soon lost. And the Journal of the Assembly affords but little help, inasmuch as for most of those years the names of reja- resentatives are given, but not their residences. Generally only the surnames appear, sometimes the title being added, as Capt. Barclay, Col. Goffe, Duncan, Jr., &c. I have spent several days searching the Records in the State House; but with meagre results. The following is a list, so far as could be ascertained, of our Town Officers, from the in- corporation in 1772 until the present time. They took the oath of loyalty in office to George IH, King of England until 1776; afterwards to the State of New Hampshire. 336 TOWN OFFICBES. MODERATOR AND TOWN CLERK. 1772. John Quigley, Mod. Samuel Nutt, Clerk 1773. John Qviiglej', Jilorl. Wm. McMaster, Clerk 1774. John Quii^ley, Mod. 'Win. McMaster, Clerk 1775. John Qui;,'ley, Mod. Wm. McMaster, Clerk SELECTMEN. John Quisley John Dickey William Starrett John Quigley John Dickey William Lee Oliver Holmes John (Quigley Robert Fulton John Quigley James Fisher John Dickey 1776. John <^)uigley, Mod. Wm. McMaster, Clerk 1777. Oliver Holmes, Mod. Wm. IStcMasler, Clerk 1778. Oliver Holmes, Mod. Wm. McMaster, Clerk Henry Parkinson, " 1779. Oliver Holmes, Mod. Henry Parkinson, Clerk 1780. Oliver Holmes, Mod. Henry Parkinson , Clerk 1781. David Starrett, Mod. Benjamin Drury, Clerk John Quigley John Dickey Thomas McLaughlin Oliver Holmes John Dickey ^\'illiam Starrett Oliver Holmes John Dickey William Starrett Oliver Holmes Nathaniel Boyd Asa Lewis David Lewis Asa Lewis Zachariah Whiting- Thomas McLaughlin Benjamin Sleeper Jabez Holmes REPRESENTATIVES. None known New Boston and Fran- cestown not repre- sented. New Boston and Fran- cestown not repre- sented. To Apr : Ninian Clark, of New Boston. May: Thomas Wilson, of New Boston. Dec: Classed with Dccr- ing and Hillsboro' and represented by Capt. Joseph Simonds. Benj. Dodge for New Boston and Frances- town (1776-1777). Archibald McMillan for New Boston and Fran- cestown (1777-1778). Archibald McMillan for New Boston and Fran- cestown. Wm. Starrett for New Boston and Frances- town (1778, '79, '80). James Caldwell for New Boston and Frances- town. James Caldwell for New Boston and Frances- town. TOWN OFFICEES. 337 MODERATOR AND TOWN CLERK. 1782. Will. Starrett, Mod. Benjamin Drury, Clerk SELECTMEN. John Dickey William Starrett Asa Lewis 1783. Oliver Holmes, Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk ■ 1784. "Capt. Holmes," Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk 1785. David Starrett, Mod. James Fisher, Clerk. 1786. "Capt. Holmes," Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk 1787. Oliver Holmes, Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk 1788. Oliver Holmes, Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk 1789. Jonathan Fisk, Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk 1790. Jonathan Fisk, Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk 1791. Jonathan Fisk, Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk 1792. Jonathan Fisk, Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk John Dickey William Starrett Asa Lewis Asa Lewis Isaac Lewis David Lewis David Starrett James Hogg Jabez Holmes Jabez Holmes William Starrett James Hogg Jabez Holmes William Starrett James Hogg Jabez Holmes William Starrett James Hogg Jabez Holmes Jonathan Fisk William Starrett Jonathan Fisk Jabez Holmes Elias Fairbanks Jonathan Fisk Jabez Holmes Elias Fairbanks Jonathan Fisk Jabez Holmes Elias Fairbanks REPRESENTATIVES. Nov. 25, David Lewis chosen representative for New Boston and Francestown. David Lewis for New Boston and Frances- town. "Voted not to join New Boston" to elect Rep- resentative. No Representative known. No Representative known. No Representative known. No Representative known. No Representative known. No Representative known. No Representative known. Jonathan Fisk First Representative of Francestown alone. 338 TOWN OFFICERS. MODERATOR AND TOWN CLERK. 1793. Jonathan Fisk, Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk 1794. David Lewis, Mod. Thomas Bixby, Cleric 1795. No Moderator named Thomas Bixb}', Clerk 1796. David Lewis, Mod. Joseph Guild, Clerk 1797. Isaac Lewis, Mod. Joseph Guild, Clerk 1798. David Lewis, Mod. Joseph Guild, Clerk 1799. David Lewis, Mod. Joseph Guild, Clerk 1800. David Lewis, Mod. Joseph Guild, Clerk 1801. David Lewis, Mod. Joseph Guild, Clerk 1802. Thomas Bixby, Mod. Elias Fairbanks, Clerk 1803. Samuel Bell, Mod. Elias Fairbanks, Clerk SELECTMEN. Jonathan Fisk Jabez Holmes Elias Fairbanks Thomas Bixby Joseph Guild John Gibson Thomas Bixby Joseph Guild Elias Fairbanks Joseph Guild Thomas Bixby Elias Fairbanks Joseph Guild Thomas Bixby Elias Fairbanks Joseph Guild Elias Fairbanks James Wilson Joseph Guild Elias Fairbanks James Wilson Joseph Guild Elias Fairbanks James Wilson Joseph Guild Elias Fairbanks James Wilson Elias Fairbanks Samuel Hodge Thomas Bixby Elias Fairbanks Jason Fuller Oliver Holmes, 3d REPK ESENTATIVES. Jonathan Fisk No choice of Bepresent- ative appears on record. David Lewis Peter Woodbury Peter Woodbury Thomas Bixby Peter Farnum Peter Farnum Peter Farnum Peter Farnum Thomas Bixby TOWN OFFICERS. 339 MODERATOK ANDTOWN CLSKK. 1804. Samuel Bell, Mod. Thomas Bixby, Clerk 1805. Samuel Bell, Mod. Ellas Fairbanks, Clerk 1806. Samuel Bell, Mod. Ellas Fairbanks, Clerk 1807. Samuel ]Bell, Mod. Elias FMrbanks, Clerk 1808. Samuel Bell, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk 1809. Peter Woodbury, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk 1810. Peter "Woodbury, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk 1811. Peter Woodbury, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk 1812. Peter Woodbury, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk 1813. Peter Woodbury, Mod. James Wilson, Clerk 1814. Peter Woodbury, Mod. James Wilson, Clerk SELECTMEN, REPRESENTATIVES. Thomas Bixby Oliver Holmes, 3d Peter Farnum Elias Fairbanks Peter Woodbury John Mcllvaine Elias Fairbanks John Mcllvaine James Wilson Elias Fairbanks John Mcllvaine James Wilson Daniel Lewis James Wilson Nathan Savage Daniel Lewis James Wilson Nathan Savage Daniel Lewis James Wilson Nathan Savage Daniel Lewis James Wilson Nathan Savage Daniel Lewis Nathan Savage i John Gibson James Wilson Nathan Savage George Dean James Wilson George Dean Nathan Fisher, Jr. Samuel Bell Samuel Bell Samuel Bell Peter Woodbury Peter Woodbury Peter Woodbury Peter Woodbury Peter Woodbury Peter Woodbury Peter Woodbury John Gibson 340 TOWN OFFICERS. MODERATOR AND TOWN CLERK. 1815. Peter Woodbury, Mod. Levi Woodbury, Clerk 1816. Peter Woodbury, Mod. William Bixby, Clerk 1817. Peter Woodbury, Mod. Hugh Moors, Clerk. 1818. Levi Woodbury, Mod. Hugh Moors, Clerk 1819. Levi Woodbury, Mod. Hugh Moors, Clerk 1820. Titus Brown, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk 1821. Titus Brown, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk 1822. Titus Brown, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk 1823. Titus Brown, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk 1824. Titus Brown, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk 1825. Titus Brown, Mod. Daniel Lewis, Clerk SELECTMEN. REPRESENTATIVES. Levi Woodbury James Wilson Nathan Fisher, Jr. William Bixby Hugh Moors George Dean Hugh Moors Alexander Wilson John Starrett Hugh Moors John Starrett Ebenezer Boyd Hugh Moors John Starrett Ebenezer Boyd Daniel Lewis Alexander Wilson Daniel Guild Daniel Lewis Alexander Wilson Daniel Guild Daniel Lewis Alexander Wilson Daniel Guild Daniel Lewis Alexander Wilson Daniel Guild Daniel Lewis Alexander Wilson Daniel Guild Daniel Lewis Alexander Wilson Daniel Guild John Gibson John Gibson William Bixby William Bixby Titus Brown Titus Brown William Bixby Titus Brown Titus Brown Titus Brown Alexander Wilson TOWN OPFICEES. 341 MODERATOR AND TOWN CLERK. 1826. Peter Clark, Mod. Isaac Guild, Clerk 1827. Titus Brown, Mod. Isaac Guild, Clerk 1828. Dan'l Fuller, Jr., Mod. Isaac Guild, Clerk 1829. Dan'l Fuller, Jr., Mod. Isaac Guild, Clerk 1830. Titus Brown, Mod. Isaac Guild, Clerk 1831. Dan'l Fuller, Jr., Mod. Isaac Guild, Clerk 1832. Titus Brown, Mod. Isaac Guild, Clerk 1833. Titus Brown, Mod. Isaac Guild, Clerk 1834. Titus Brown, Mod. Isaac Guild, Clerk 1835. Daniel Fuller, Mod. Simeon I. Bard, Clerk 1836. Dan'l Fuller, Jr., Mod. Titus Brown, Clerk SELECTMEN. Alexander Wilson Daniel Guild Oliver Holmes, Jr. Alexander Wilson Daniel Guild Oliver Holmes, Jr. Daniel Guild Oliver Holmes, Jr. Jabez Fairbanks Oliver Holmes, Jr. William Balch Ebenezer Boyd Oliver Holmes, Jr. William Balch Ebenezer Boyd Ebenezer Boyd Daniel Fuller, Jr. Alexander Wilson Ebenezer Boyd Daniel Fuller, Jr. Alexander Wilson Ebenezer Boyd Alexander Wilson Moses E. Bradford Ebenezer Boyd Alexander Wilson Moses E. Bradford Ebenezer Boyd Ale?;ander Wilson Moses E. Bradford Ebenezer Boyd John Gibson Alpheus Gay REPRESENTATIVES. Alexander Wilson Daniel Fuller, Jr. William Bixby Daniel Fuller, Jr. John Gibson John Gibson John Gibson Daniel Fuller, Jr. Ebenezer Boyd William Bixby Ebenezer Boyd 342 TOWN OFFICERS. MODERATOR AND TOWN CLERK. SELECTMEN. REriiESENTATlVES. 1837. John Gibson, Mod. Titus Brown, Clerk 1838. Dan'l Puller, Jr. , Mod. Paul H. Bixby, Clerk 1839. Dan'l Fuller, Jr., Mod. Paul H. Bixby, Clerk 1840. Dan'l Puller, Jr., Mod. P. H. Bixby,' Clerk 1841. Dan'l Fuller, Jr., Mod. William Balch, Clerk 1842. Dan'l Fuller, Jr., Mod. Charles McKeen, Clerk 1843. Dan'l Fuller, Jr., Mod. AVilliam Baleh, Clerk 1844. Dan'l Fuller, Jr., Mod. Charles McKeen, Clerk 1845. Simeon I. Bard, Mod. Herbert Vose, Clerk 1846. Dan'l Fuller, , Jr., Mod. Nathan Dane, Clerk 1847. Paul H. Bixby, Mod. Nathan Dane, Clerk Alpheus Gay Titus Brown Willard Carter Nathan Dane James W. Haseltine Moses E. Bradford Nathan Dane James W. Haseltine Moses E. Bradford Nathan Dane John M. Collins, Jr. Abner Pittee John M. Collins, Jr. Abner Pittee Seville Starrett Israel Batchelder Jesse Pearsons Warner Clark Abner Pettee Saville Starrett Alexander Wilson Israel Batchelder Warner Clark Jonathan Patch Israel Batchelder Warner Clark Jonathan Patch Israel Batchelder Warner Clark Samuel B. Collins Israel Batchelder Samuel B. Collins Reuben M. Sawyer Titus Brown Daniel Fuller, Jr. Daniel Fuller, Jr. Paul H. Bixby Paul H. Bixby No choice. David Atwood No choice. No choice. John M. Collins, Jr. John M. Collins, Jr. TOWN OFFICERS. 343 MODERATOR AND TOWN CLERK. 1848. Paul H. Bixby, Mod. Nathan Dane, Clerk 1849. John Gibson, Mod. Herbert Vose, Clerk 1850. Paul H. Bixby, Mod. Herbert Vose, Clerk 1851. Daniel Fuller, Mod. Thos. B. Bradford, Clk 1852. Daniel Fuller, Mod. Thos. B. Bradford, Clk 1863. Daniel Fuller, Mod. Saml. D. Downes, Clk 1854. Daniel Fuller, Mod. Saml. D. Downes, Clk 1856. Daniel McCaine, Mod. Saml. D. Downes, Clk 1856. Daniel McCaine, Mod. Saml. D. Downes, Clk 1867. Daniel McCaine, Mod. Saml. D. Downes, Clk 1858. Daniel McCaine, Mod. Saml. D. Downes, Clk SELECTMEN. REPRESENTATIVES. John M. Collins, Jr. Mark Morse Luther Hardy Jesse Woodbury Israel Batchelder Jesse Woodbury Hiram P. Clark Israel Batchelder Hiram P. Clark Kimball W. Emerson No choice. Israel Batchelder Hiram P. Clark John M. Collins, Jr. Kimball W. Emerson Thomas E. Fisher Hiram P. Clark John M. Collins, Jr. Thomas E. Fisher Jonathan Herrick, Jr. Thomas E. Fisher James C. FoUansbee Thomas P. Band Thomas E. Fisher James C. Follansbee Thomas P. Band Thomas E. Fisher Nahum H. Patch John H. Patch Nahum Farnum John H. Patch Luther Hardy John H. Patch Luther Hardy Milton G. Starrett Nahum Farnum Luther Hardy Kimball W. Emerson No choice. Willard P. Gambell Willard P. Gambell Daniel McCaine Daniel McCaine James T. Bixby 344 TOWN OFFICERS. MODERATOR AND TOWN CLERK. 1859. Thos. B. Bradford, Mod Saml. D.Downes,Clk 1860. Saml. B. Hodge, Mod. Saml. D. Downes, Clk 1861. Saml. B. Hodge, Mod. Daniel F. Patch, Clerk 1862. Saml. B. Hodge, Mod. Daniel F. Patch, Clerk 186.3. Saml. B. Hodge, Mod. Daniel F. Patch, Clerk 1864. Saml. B. Hodge, Mod. Daniel F. Patch, Clerk 1865. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. Daniel F. Patch, Clerk 1866. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. Daniel F. Patch, Clerk 1867. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. Daniel F. Patch, Clerk 1868. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. Daniel F. Patch, Clerk 1869. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. Daniel F. Patch, Clerk SELECTMEN. REPRESENTATIVES. Hiram P. Clark David Butterfleld William H. Farnum Hiram P. Clark Kimball W. Emerson Francis H. Duncklee Thomas E. Fisher Francis H. Duncklee Hiram Patch Thomas E. Fisher Hiram Patch Elias A. Wilson Thomas E. Fisher Hiram Patch Elias A. Wilson Hiram Patch Elias A. Wilson George A. Duncklee Hiram Patch George A. Duncklee Luke W. Preston Hiram Patch George A. Duncklee Luke W. Preston Thomas E. Fisher Henry Kichardson Newell D. Dean Henry Eichardson John West Augustus H. Bixby Henry Kichardson John West Augustus H. Bixby James T. Bixby Daniel F. Frye Daniel F. Frye Fraticis H. Morgan Francis H. Morgan Samuel B. Hodge Samuel B. Hodge Hiram Patch No choice Hiram Patch Samuel D. Downs ■£ tSHi.d^^»*«>- 7/^^^^^^>^^^ TOWN OFFICEKS. 345 MODERATOR AND TOWN CLERK. SELECTMEN. REPRESENTATIVES. 1870. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. Hiram P. Clark Samuel D. Downes Daniel F. Patch, Clerk. William H. Hopkins Newell D. Dean 1871. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. George D. Epps Garvin S. Sleeper Luther F. Atwood, Clk George A. Duncklee Elias A. Wilson . 1872. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. George D. Epps Garvin S. Sleeper Luther F. Atwood, Clk George A. Duncklee Elias A. Wilson 1873. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. George E. Pettee John G. Morse Luther P. Atwood, Clk William A. Lord Abner B. Woodward 1874. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. Hiram P. Clark John G. Morse Mark Balch, Clerk William A. Lord William H. Hopkins 1875. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. Hiram Patch Charles A. Vose Mark Balch, Clerk George A. Duncklee Samuel E. Stevens 1876. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. Hiram Patch Charles A. Vose Chas. E. Nutting, Clk George A. Duncklee Samuel E. Stevens 1877. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. George F. Pettee Henry Richardson Luther F. Atwood, Clk Jonathan Danforth Thomas E.Taylor 1878. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. George E. Pettee Henry Richardson Luther F. Atwood, Clk John G. Morse Thomas E. Taylor 1879. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. George F. Pettee Thomas E. Fisher Luther F. Atwood. Clk John G. Morse William A. Lord 1880. Garvin S. Sleeper, Mod. George F. Pettee Thomas E. Fisher Luther F. Atwood, Clk John G. Morse (Chosen in Nov. pre- Harvey N. Whiting ceding.) 346 TOWN OFFICEKS. MODERATOR AND TOWN CLERK. SELECTMEN. KEPKESENTATIVES. 1881. Geo.W. Cummings, M. George F. Pettee George E. Downes Luther F. Atwood, Clk John G. Morse (From this date chosen Harvey N. Whitins; for two years.) 1882. Geo.W. Cummings, M. George F. Pettee George E. Downes Luther F. Atwood, Clk John G. Morse Edson H. Patch 1883. Geo.W. Cummings, M. Henry Eichardson Augustus H. Bixby Luther F. Atwood, Clk Edson H. Patch George A. Duncklee 1884. Geo.W. Cummings, M. Henry Richardson Augustus H. Bixby Luther F. Atwood, Clk George A. Duncklee Jonathan Danforth 1885. Geo.W. Cummings, M. Henry Richardson George F. Pettee Luther F. Atwood, Clk George A. Duncklee Harvey AVhiting 1886. Geo.W. Cummings, M. George D. Epps George F. Pettee Jas. T.Woodbury, Clk Charles H. Clark Jonathan Danforth 1887. Geo.W. Cummings, M. George W. Cummings George A. Duncklee Jas. T.Woodbury, Clk Charles H. Clark Jonathan Danforth 1888. Geo.W. Cummings, M. George D. Epps George A. Duncklee Jas. T.Woodbury, Clk Jonathan Danforth Charles H. Clark 1889. Geo.W. Cummings, M. Henry Richardson George W. Cummings Jas. T.Woodbury, Clk George A. Duncklee Charles E. Nutting 1890. Edson H. Patch, Mod. Henry Richardson George W. Cummings Jas. T.Woodbury, Clk George A. Duncklee Charles E. Nutting 1891. Edson H. Patch, Mod. Henry Richardson Martin L. Colburn Jas. T. Woodbury, Clk George A. Duncklee Charles A. Patch TOWN OFFICERS. 347 MODERATOR AND TOWN CLKRK. 1892. Geo.W. Cummings, M. Jas. T.Woodbury, Clk 1893. Geo.W. Cummings, M. Jas. T.Woodbury, Clk 1894. Geo.W. Cummings, M. Jas. T.Woodbury, Clk SELECTMEN. Edson H. Patch Elias A. Bryant Daniel B. Tobie Elias A. Bryant Charles A. Patch George E. Smith Elias A. Bryant George R. Smith John M. Morse REPRESENTATIVES. Martin L. Colburn James T. Woodbury James T. Woodbury CHAPTER XIV. CUSTOMS AND HABITS OF THE OLDEN TIME. As noted on another page, Francestown was settled bj- two different races of people — the Scotch and English. Near a half century earlier the latter had opposed the Scotch settlers in New England, and in some places had subjected them to considerable persecution. But at the date of the settlement of this town the Scotch had become so well known and so much respected that the two races lived together in complete peace. Yet, each race had its peculiar customs, and all are delightful now to look back upon. The Scotch were the first settlers of this town, and for many years were in the large majority. They were people very decided in everything : but especially in their religious convictions. All of them, without exception, could read and write, and all, both young and old, were constant readers of the Bible. They listened to the preacher, Bible in hand, and were quick to discern and censure anything that was not according to the Book. Every family must have its morning and evening worship at home, like that of which Burns gives a beautiful picture in "The Cotter's Saturday Night." They kept the Sabbath with great strictness, beginning Saturday night at sunset. No work of any kind was allowed except in cases of most urgent necessity; and no travel whatever except to go to the House of God for worship, save that in cases of special urgency or danger the doctor might visit his patients. As soon as there was a meeting in town, it was the custom for all the family to attend, traveling on foot, aiid in the sum- mer without shoes. The aged and feeble, and the mother with babe in her arms, came on horseback, sometimes three besides the babe riding on the same horse. Young ladies came to church barefoot when there was no snow, and thought nothing LONG SERMONS. 349 of a walk of three or four miles for this purpose. In later days, when they became a little more stylish, they carried their stout, calf-skin shoes in their hands, and put them on just before entering the church. They had no cushioned seats, and no short sermons. Their worship had no characteristics of modern ease and comfort. It was their custom to worship all day, a two-hour sermon in the morning and a two-hour sermon in the afternoon, with prayers and other exercises of corresponding length. Mr. Bradford was noted specially for long sermons, often extending bej'ond the two hours* In the later years of his ministry a clock was put into the church, marked with the initials, D. L. P. At one time Mr. Bradford asked his hired man what those letters meant. He replied that he did not know, but he guessed it was "D'd Long Preaching ! " In those times they concluded that the Sabbath was "The Lord's Day," and they would spend it all for him. The old people used to say that "they got up early on Sabba' Day," and those certainly had to, who lived in remote parts of the town. The Scotch were particular about "catechising" their children ; and in some places they had all under twenty-one years of age meet at nine o'clock Sabbath morning to recite the "Catechism" an hour before the regular service. In subsequent years the "Catechism" was taught in the common schools, a part of Saturday being used for that purpose. The children were uni- versally taken to church. Mothers with babes in their arms were in the House of God every Sabbath, and nobody thought^ of it as noticeable or strange. As all had large families, a neigh- borhood meeting was made up of a few parents and a crowd of children. It had long been the custom to put children from about four to fourteen years of age, in large box-pews by them- selves, and assign a "tithing-man" to keep them quiet during the long sermon. This custom it seems had begun to change before the close of the last century; and probably was never very strictly carried out in Francestown after the settlement of Rev. Moses Bradford, except in cases of unruly, or of orphan children. But there was here, considerable enforced order (or disorder) at church, on account of tithing-men, dog-pelters, children, and thick boots and cow-hide shoes slamming on the uncarpeted floor! But some blustering, officious tithingmen. 860 SEATING PERSONS AT CHURCH. like certain school-teachers I have had to deal with, made a great deal of noise in keeping people still, and much confusion in preserving order. Sometimes a brawling or frightened child would have its yell out in spite of these fearful officials, and much to the detraction of their dignity. Instances are given of tithing-men who were overbearing and not a little cruel and hard ; which led in later years to the appoiiatment of the most judicious men to this trust. Many curious incidents might be given from the experiences of these officers; but one, happen- ing elsewhere, will not .wound any sensitive person if given here. A certain tithing-man having "been chose to wake ye sleepers in meeting, must need have afoxtaile fixed to ye end of a long staff wherewith he may brush the faces of them y* will have naps in time of discourse ; likewise a sharp thorn wherewith he may prick such as be moste sounde. On ye last Lord his day, as he strutted about ye meetinLC-house, he did spy a farmer sleep- ing with much comforte, his head kept stufldy by being in ye corner, and his hand grasping the rail. And soe spying, he did quicklie thrust his staff along the rail and give him a grievous prick upon ye hand. Whereupon the farmer did spring upp much above ye floor, and with a terrible force strike his hand against ye wall, and also to ye great wonder of all, prophainlie exclaim, in a loud voice, 'Cuss the wood- chuck,' he dreaming, as it seemed, y* the woodchuck had bit him" It is to be feared that many people nowadays "have naps in time of discourse," and dream of woodchucks, and many other things, and sleep "moste sounde;" but alas! now we have no man among us who has "bin chose to wake ye sleepers ! " The people of ye olden time manifested considerable pride, as to their place in the meeting house. Front seats were highest in rank. Women were generallj^ seated separate from the men. If a man was known to be in debt, it took off much from the "degrees" of his "dignity" at church. Persons of no special standing in the community were expected to take back seats. There was the pauper pew and there was the negro pew. If any question arose concerning supersedure or rank in the House of the Lord, the selectmen of the town were accustomed to decide it. In some places the selectmen were instructed to seat the people in the order of their "dignity." As late as 1794 this town appointed at the March meeting a special com- mittee for the Gallery to "see that Every one takes thare Seats OLD TIME PLBASTTKES. 351 properly." But all these distinctions and rules have long since passed away. In this and other newer towns they were never very rigidly carried out, though traces of them remain in the "paupers' seat," and in the fact that in most churches, to this day, the best-dressed stranger is shown to the best seat ! The social habits of the first generations of the town were far different from those now in vogue. The}' had no news- papers and few books, and seldom met except on the Sabbath; but they were more "chatty" and "neighborly" than now. Hard work did not take the fun and cheer out of them. They were full of jokes and quick at repartee. They had their "log-rollings," and their "burnings," and their "huskings," and their "spinning-bees," and their "reaping-bees," and their "apple-pearing-bees," and many more. They had no pianos and no organs, but fife and drum and bagpipe and violin made lively music for march or dance, and tradition hints that some of the log-cabins, and in later days the large, old-fashioned kitchens, showed many gay scenes of laughing faces and "flying-feet." The dance, however, was never very common in this town, except in the kitchen at home; and even this was forbidden in many families. Mr. Bradford is reported as having "preached that it was a sin to dance," and the better class of people gradually set themselves against it. On one occasion the young people of the neighborhood, to the nvimber of about fifty, had assembled in the northeast part of the town, in a large, old-fashioned house, and begun to dance, when the pious grandmother came oiit of her room with her broom in hand and said, "Ye are all going to the devil !" And when the grandfather followed her and said, "Let the young folks have a frolic," she promptly added, "You are going to the devil, too," and then, by vigorous blows with that distin- guished household utensil, she "broomed them all out!" Who will say that "Woman's Rights" is a new thing under the sun ? "In ye olden time" the young men and fathers had for entertainments certain rough and severe exercises which would be cjonsidered as intolerable hardships now. The "chopping- bee," for example, was to them a great delight. This was the gathering of from thirty to fifty men to fell the trees on certain tracts of land. They put themselves under one leader, 352 CHOPPING BEES. and worked like giants. The constant blows of the axe, the crash of falling trees, the laughter and shouts of all the com- pany, the rivalry of ambitious choppers, and the fierce calls of the leader, all contributed to a scene of wild and excited plea- sure, immensely enjoyed by those tireless and athletic men ! With the rivalry and spur of each others' company, the popular excitement, and a fair supply of rum, they accomplished almost incredible tasks, and reckoned it as an amusement! Sometimes, under strict orders, they would begin on one side of a lot and cut all the trees nearly off, but leave them standing, and when all was ready, at a signal they would start those on one side and let the old, towering, ponderous, crowded trees of the whole tract go down at once ! The thunder of the crash was louder than the roar of battle, and could be heard far away in other towns. The air was full of flying limbs and leaves and dust and screaming birds! And this was accom- panied by the shouts of men and boys, from far and near, assembled to behold the startling scene ! But it was a danger- ous and difficult feat. If any wind should arise, or if any tree was cut too near off so as to go down before the signal, the risk was great. Several lives were lost in this way in neigh- boring towns. But the advantage of a "clean fall," and the excitement of the last scene, were so great, that occasionally the plan was tried. After the trees on any tract had been down about six months, it was the custom to "burn over the lot," and generally, from the vast amount of material accumulated on the soil, the fires were fierce and long continued, and the ashes left were suf- ficient for enrichment for years. But after the best "burn" the huge trunks of trees were always left, and it was a vast undertaking to remove them. Oft times for this purpose they had what they called "piling-bees," just for a little innocent pleasure. This was the hardest, blackest, dirtiest kind of work, and had to be done chiefly by hand. But thirty or forty men and boys would go at it with shouts of laughter, and toss the huge, charred logs over the rocks like playthings ! They made piles of logs thick as hay-cocks in a field, and some of them of enormous size, as the old growth on an acre was immense. Then, black and dirty as possible, they "treated," FEMALE AMUSEMENTS. 353 and "cheered," and went home. It was a peculiar kind of "amusement," and it would not have many charms for young men of the present day ! Of a milder, yet heroic, type were the entertainments of the other sex in those days. They were a jollier, happier set than the sickly, pining women of the present day, though even their pleasures would be counted pain by their grand-daughters. Apple-parings, quiltings, carding-bees and spinning-bees, were among their chief social pleasures. They took turns from house to house, or all went together to help any that were sick. The good mother would take her baby under one arm and her flax- wheel and flax under the other, and walk a mile or two to her neighbor's on a day agreed upon. They would do all the work up at home, and get together soon after sunrise. Then a dozen or twenty would set their wheels buzzing at once, and above the noise of their wheels their ringing voices kept chat and laughter rolling all the day ! What pleasure it was ! What a work they accomplished! Twenty babies and twenty flax- wheels ! Then about sunset each would take baby and wheel, walk back home, get supper for a large family, patch the child- rens' clothes, and go to bed thankful for such a happy day! In those times all that the people wore was made in their own houses. Not a yard of anything else was to be found in the town, except in rare instances one might have a silk hand- kerchief, or iu late* days a silk dress. Of course all the girls were brought up to card and knit and spin and weave. Every house had its flax-wheel and spinning wheel and loom. Many girls were good spinners at ten years of age, and some at twelve would spin a "hank a day." A "hank," or three "skeins," was however considered a fair day's work for an experienced woman. Girls "went out spinning" at fifty cents per week, or eight and one-third cents per day, with board. The very smartest could make only one dollar per week, i. e. by doing a double day's work. Every, family raised a "patch of flax," and every family had a few sheep. Hence they made all sorts of flannels and linens, and were accustomed to walk to New Boston or Amherst to sell them, and back the same day, a half-dozen together, as a mere pleasure-walk! 354 HOME-MADE CLOTH. The maiden manufactured her own "outfit" in those days: and it was a fair test of her skill and her "saving;" and her "intended," as they used to call the rustic lover, was given ample chance to judge of her work beforehand. Perhaps some- times the work made sale for the worker. Certainly the more skilful were proud to show what they had jnade. And general- ly the exhibit was very honorable. Many beautiful things were made all by hand. They did not embroider towels then, but they ivove them in charming figures; nowliere in the world ex- celled even to this day. Blankets and table-cloths were all home-made, and were specially noticed as tests of the woman's skill. Every girl knew how to do every part — to card and spin and weave and color and warp. They wove linen in raised figures of stainless white, and they mingled colors and textures in many beautiful forms, which seem truly marvelous, in view of their simple means. All done with a hand-loom, in a log- cabin ! The women wore a plain linen dress in the summer, and a plain woolen dress in the winter, both woven and made up at home. Each woman colored her own dress to suit her own taste. In later days, but before the era of cotton mills, they bought "raw cotton" and spun it by hand, which they used for "filling," and, with linen "warp," made a cheaper and excellent cloth for common wear for both sexes. With linen "warp," and a coarse, "slack-twisted" cotton "filling," they manufactured cloth which they took to the fulling mill, where it was dyed, a "nap" was raised on it, and it was "pressed" — after which it was called "Fustian," though very different from anything now known by that name. It was considered "very pretty," and wore like iron.. All-wool cloth was "fulled," and dyed, and "carded" to make a "nap" on it, and pressed, to be used by men for their best wear. The first "black coat" the writer ever had was woven by his mother and prepared in this way. And I helped "spool" the "quills" for it, and we all thought it was very fine ! The men wore for common use what used to be known as "striped cloth," blue and white, and all home-made. The warp was generally all white, but the "filling" was first a "quill" of Avhite and then a "quill" of blue, making stripes about an eighth of an inch wide. And "TO"W SHIKTS" AND "LEGGINS." 365 sometimes the stripes were put into the warp. This cloth was warm and good to wear, and was the common material for pants, "spencers," and frocks. This was universally worn by males when the writer was a boy. He used to wear a "striped frock" to school, and did not think of having anything nicer. Generally, the men, especially the Scotch, wore tow shirts in summer — a cloth made out of the coarser, poorer, cheaper part of the flax, while most of the "fine linen" was sold. This tow cloth would wear for years, was clean and healthy, but very rough to the skin. At rough work the men also wore leather aprons, which, like all the rest, were made at home. The "best" suit of clothes, both for men and women, lasted for years. Things were never made over to conform to new fashions. Old and young, men and women, all went "bare- foot" at home. A pair of boots would last a man from six to ten years, as he only wore tliem Sabbath days and on special occasions, going barefoot all summer and wearing shoes in the winter. The writer can remember seeing men barefoot on the road when the ground was frozen. They wore "leggins" to keep the snow oiit of their shoes. These were sometimes knit or neatly made, but were often only old waste pieces of cloth, and in all cases were tied with strings around the ankles and ovei' the mouth of the shoe. These were comfortable, though making a clumsy and bungling appearance. Moveover, what boots and shoes thej* did have were made at home. They carried hides to the nearest tannery to be tanned and returned, every family in town having its own tanning done. Then a shoemaker went from house to house, making and repairing for the year. Many of the people learned to repair shoes for themselves. A cobbler's shop was an unheard-of thing in the- first half-century of this town. Old people can remember the rude "shoemaker's bench" which stood in some of the kitchens for use in occasional repairs. Tailors or tailoresses (more generally the latter) went from hotise to house to do the cutting and making when required, working for about twenty-five cents a day and board, with long days, beginning ivork at sunrise. "When Francestown was at her most prosperous period, there were several such "seam- 356 HEATING AND COOKING. stresses," and they were accustomed to stay about two weeks each year with each of the well-to-do families, "clothing them up." The methods of heating and cooking in the early days of this town were of the simplest kind. The log-cabin was gen- erally built against a huge rock, which answered for a "fire- back," and then a rude chimney was built of stones laid in clay. This chimney was low, but very wide and large ; and they kept a hot fire and an immense bed of coals glowing all the time from autumn round to spring. The log-cabins were far from tiglit, having many places for wind and snow to blow in, and the people must have perished but for the huge fires. The fire was never allowed to "get low." If a family moved out, they were expected to leave a rousing fire and bushels of glowing coals for the family moving in. Wood was plenty and almost at their doors, and the more they could burn,- the better. They began with a big "back-log" in the morning, six or eight feet long and as large as a man could roll in. Then they piled before it and upon it as much smaller wood as possible, and so started in for the day. It was a most cheer- ful fire, which it would do our modern hearts good to see. In the coldest days they drew closer to the blaze, and warming one side would turn the other, and thus take advantage of the fire. In the earlier cabins, notches were left on the top of the "chimney-rock," or in the sides of the chimney, about four feet above the fire, and a stick of green wood, called the "lug- pole," was put in these notches, thus reaching across over the blaze. If in time it became dry and caught on fire and burned off, it was easily replaced by another. On this "lug-pole" they put iron hoops, and on these hoops they hung iron hooks of various lengths, on which their pots and kettles were sus- pended over and close to the fire. Then the kettles were lifted off with a wooden lever five or six feet long, it requiring no little strength to handle them in this way. In later days, when they became able to build solid and substantial chim- neys, they had a huge iron crane, from five to eight feet in length, hung on the side of the chimney, so as to reach over the fire, but swing out into the room. This was considered a great improvement. It brought untold relief to the weary and "PIRE-CAKES" AND ROASTS. 367 heated house-wife. She could now swing off her kettles from the fire, and examine and replenish them, and swing them back, without the lubor of lifting them on the end of a lever ! Stoves were then unheard of, and likewise all modern culi- nary conveniences. Cooking was all done over the open fire, summer and winter. Potatoes if they were so fortunate as to have any, were roasted in the coals. Bread of evei-y kind was baked before the fire, the dough being spread thin upon a maple board hewn out with an axe. When one side was browned, it was deftly turned to bring the other side to the fire. Sub- sequently the good wife was pi'ovided with a broad "tin," as it was called, wljich was set up close to the fire, with a small stone or stick of wood behind it. The writer can remember wheat cakes baked this way, and also the "Indian Bannock," made generally of only Indian meal and water. And with all respect to the achievements of modern cooking, I believe I have never found anything so exquisitely delicious as the "fire-cakes" and the roasted potatoes just out of the ashes ! And their methods of cooking meats, though laborious, certainly gave them a better flavor than they have now. The coon, the goose, the wild turkey, the pig, the quarter of bear or heifer, were hung before the fire by a stout cord fastened to a hook in the chimney above; and then a child, or the old grandmother, with a long stick kept the roast revolving, and when the cord was slowly twisted hard, it would slowly unwind itself, so that every part was perfectly cooked, and had a rare sweetness that modern palates never knew. A "Dripping-Pan" was placed beneath, to save all the juices. This was the old hard way, but oh ! the sweetness, the relish! How we would like the old way again, at least for a day ! When the settlers became able to replace their log cabins with framed houses, and had brick chimneys, they built large brick ovens, some of which remain in the older buildings to the present day. The brick oven was another blessed improvement for the house-wife. Yet it took a large amount of wood and a long time to heat it. The woman could not make any hasty use of it for company. Usually it required a hot roaring fire about three hours to heat it well; and then it was ready for the great baking of bread, beans, pies, and all things desirable. It was 358 COOKING STOVES AND FOOT STOVES. the custom to "heat the oven" once a week. The old "fire- shovel," having a flat thin iron blade about ten inches square and an iron handle four feet long, was used to slide the articles into the oven, and draw them out at the proper time. The nimble hand would take an unbaked pumpkin pie full to the brim and slide it to the farthest side on the end of the shovel without spilling a drop ! After a time the "tin baker" was invented, it being a sort of hand oven to set up before the iire. It was placed on legs about six inches above the hearth, was closed behind, and opened like a tunnel toward the heat, was light, was made of tin and kept scoured and shining, and it did some excellent cooking. It was a quick way to cook, answering a fine pur- pose in any sudden call. It was generally introduced in this section about 1840, though known and used before. I remem- ber the first one brought* to my father's house, how it aston- ished us, and ho\v great an invention it was declared to be. But it was soon superseded by the cooking stove. Stoves had long been in use more or less for heating purposes. As early as 1815 an article was in our. town warrant to "purchase stoves for the meeting-house." It was however, many years before they were used for cooking. The first cooking-stove the writer ever saw appeared about 1843, being a rude affair as compared with the elegant ranges of the present day. There was great prejudice against them, and even fear of them, and they gained very slowly their way to popular favor, not being in general use in this vicinity much before 1850. At first they were set up beside the old fu-e-place, and both were kept running at the same time, wood being so plenty that they cared not how much they burned. It seems strange when they had such rousing fires at home, that they got along so many years without warming the church. Then the minister in winter was accustomed to preach with his mittens on and his stout overcoat ("sartout") buttoned tight about him, while the list- eners bundled themselves up in everyway to keep warm, having small resemblance to the sleek-garbed audiences of the present day. The mothers and older women were somewhat helped through the long services by the "foot-stove," when they could afford to have one. This was a tin box about ten inches square THE OPEN FIRE. 359 and eight inches in height, set in a light wooden frame, and having a bail to carry it by as one would carry a pail. In one side of the box was a door through which they would slide in a small tin box holding three or four quarts of glowing coals, and when the door was shut the heat was retained for a con- siderable time. Sabbath noons these were replenished from the nearest house, or from the "noon-house.'" They were considered a great luxury. The facilities for lighting their houses were of the simplest and most limited kind in the olden times, consisting chiefly of the old open fire alone. Few could afford to use candles. Lamps were rare, and poor inconvenient things at best. Pine torches were used to carry about. Oliver Butterfield said that in his day they took "pitch pine splits to light them down cellar." A pine knot, or a roll of birch bark, burning in front of the "fore-stick" made the only light for the girls to spin by, or the bojrs to read by. Many of us now living can remember getting our lessons in the chimney corner by the blaze of a pine knot. The men and boys of Francestown were accustomed to go about twice a year to the "Pitch-pine Plain in Greenfield" for a supply of "pine knots" and "splits;" and even these were sparingly used. Subsequently lamps were invented which would "burn any kind of grease" and these were counted a "great blessing," and were universally used. But they were dirty and dim, and oft had offensive odors, and were so poor that one such would not now be tolerated for an evening. Some improvements Avere made from time to time, though the common people could not afford them. At length the kerosene oil lamps came into vogue. This is the poor man's light, being the cheapest as well as the best light known. These last were introduced into New Hampshire about 1855. I bought the first of the kind that I hes^rd of, at Dartmouth College January 1856. It was the early custom to "keep fire in the family" with as much care as they kept food. Bushels of live coals were "raked up" at night, i. e. covered up with ashes a foot deep, to keep them for the next day. In the morning the "Bed of coals" was "opened," and a few dry chips and sticks, preserved for the purpose and kept standing "in the Corner" of the large fire- 360 THE OPEN FIEE. place, were laid upon the coals, and then wood was piled above as high as possible, and soon a "roaring fire was a going." They burned green wood, and that of all kinds shapes and sizes, bringing it in out of the snow and never housing it, except enough for one day ahead. It was a long time before people thought of such a thing as cutting a year's stock of wood ahead; and even then it was left out^doors the year round. If by any mistake or neglect, the fire went out in any house, they Avould go to a neighbor's, sometimes a mile off, to "get some fire." In cold weather it was a serious thing to have the "fire run out." If no fire could be had from neighbors, then they had to resort to flint, steel and tinder, to start it, and it required much skill to succeed with these. Some families had each a "tinder-box," — a nice tight little box containing flint and steel, and some very inflammable mateiial like burnt linen or thin pitch-pine shavings. Then by skillfully striking fire with the flint, the shavings would catch and burn, though often many trials were necessary to succeed. Sometimes with the old flint-lock gun they flashed powder to set wadding or tinder on fire. Friction matches, at first called "lucifer matches," were not common in this vicijiity before 1835, and were used very sparingly for many years. Only a few families thought they could afford to have them. The principle of starting fire by friction with phosphorus was introduced into London in 1680, but the friction match as we know it, was invented by an English chemist in 1829, and soon after began to be used in this country. It is said that now matches are used at the rate of about seven per day on an average for every individual in the United States. Many a smoker strikes dozens of matches per day whereas in the old time the pipe had to be lighted with a burning coal or the end of a stick drawn out of the fire ! Many old people can remember when women and girls worked in the field at all sorts of work done by men. They would do up their house-work and often then "do as much as a man" in a day, — shovel, plant, hoe, reap, split wood and drive the team, with aptness and energy enough to put their male competitors to shame. Women always "took care of the barn," more or less, and were skilful at it. They raised their own flax, took care of the garden, milked, raked hay, held the plow, and chop- BEGINNING POOK. 361 ped wood at the door; and all this was not counted strange, and they took pride in it. They were not "tailor-made-girls," not parlor dolls, but strong healthy, fearless, and ambitious to be good for something. With few exceptions the settlers of this town began poor, as was the case in all the adjacent towns. Those who had plenty of means in the old country or in the lower towns, were not the ones to strike into the hardships of a new settlement. Many who came here ran in debt for a lot of land in the forest, cleared a spot, put up a cabin, and after a struggle of years, succeeded in paying the debt. Some began without a dollar. Heroic and noble girls married and went with their young husbands into the cabin in the woods to begin life, having no adornments and no conveniences. Cases are reported where the whole outfit of the couple starting for their forest home was a small bundle of sheets and quilts, a fry-kettle and an axe ! And then in spare time they hewed out wooden plates, split a thin piece out of a log and put legs into it for a table, made wooden bowls and wooden spoons, and stools to sit down upon, and thought themselves quite well furnished! But let it not be supposed that these much-enduring hearts were without happiness. They found a certain wild romantic delight in this kind of a life. Healthy, brave, strong, brought up to habits of endurance, deeply religious and full of hope, they met all their hardships and privations joyously. All were poor but all were confident. They were of the persevering kind, and they worked patiently and hard and continuously, year after year, till they worked themselves out of debt, built comfortable homes and left well-improved farms to their children. Of course in those old days they had no carpets and sofas and pictures and easy chairs! Sweet parlors and exquisite bric-a-brac had not j-et visited the dreams of the young house- wife ! In the log houses there was no "spare room." At the present day there is not a dwelling in Francestown without engravings, or flowers, or some efPorts at ornamentation even if in some cases cheap and small. Now the piano, or organ, may be found in almost every house. Now the neat parlor, stored with keepisakes, choice books ajid fancy needle-work, all taste- 362 DEINKING CUSTOMS. fully and delicately arranged, is the joy of every woman. Not so with the eaiiy mothers of Francestown. When they came to be able to have a "best-room," it was without carpet, or paint, or picture, and its furniture was scanty and plain. The "best room" always contained a bed, and two or three hi[.di, straight- backed basket-bottomed chairs, and a "light-stand," and that was all. And that was considered quite high-toned and stylish ! We have not space for all that might be said concerning the habits and customs of the early days of the town, but must add a few words as to the use of liquor. For more than three quarters of a century after the settlement of Carson it was the universal custom to drink "spirit" more or less, both with the Scotch and Englis]i parts of the community. The minister was "treated" at every house where he called, and the apologies were most profuse and humble, if by any miscalcultion they liappened to be oat of rum! Sometimes, in cases where tlie minister made man}- calls, it was whispered that he arrived home at night in considerable mental cojifusion, and was even perplexed to find the door of his own house! They condemned drunken- ness, but they approved of drinking ! It , was considered a pleasant and proper habit! Women took their drink v/itli the rest, though generally a less amount. Many now living can remember when it was the "fashion" for all to drink. It was the special act of courtesy to 'a guest. And long after "treat- ing" ceased to be universal it was thought indispensable on every special or important occasion to have "spirit" on hand. If a neighbor was called in to help in a job of planting or chopping or butchering, the bottle was sure to be passed round. I remember as late as 1845 that among the best of people rum was distributed to help in the field in haying-time, and almost nobody thought of getting hay without it. This history shows on another page that when the meeting-house was raised, and when tlie minister was installed, rum was provided free by the town. In the day of our grandfathers a guest thought himself misused if he was not supplied with rum. All the "trainings" and "huskings" must have plenty of rum. Stoi'e-keepers gave a glass of rum to those who traded with them, and a store without rum was a thing unknown. Rum or, if it could be afforded, brandy, or gin, was freely supplied at weddings and GETTING A DRINK. 3G3 funerals, as will be seen in the description of these ceremonies on a later page. In those clays it would not have been con- sidered so extravagant for a farmer to buy a bairel of rum as to buy a barrel of flour. And then there were a few men in every town too poor to buy, who would hang round the stores and taverns to get a "drink" on some pretext or other. One such in this town thought himself a great "speller" and sought oppoi'tunities to "spell for the drink." He was ignorant enough, but was willing to expose that ignorance for a drink, to the amusement of lookers-on. At one time, amid a crowd of gig- gling men and boys, a stranger promised him a drink if he would spell a certain word. The word was "cocked-up-hat," and when it was given out the boys laughed and the speller scratched his head, and said "That is an awful hard word!" But just then an idea struck him and he spelled it without any noticeable approach to correctness. The crowd shouted with laughter saying, "Not right," "Not right" The speller, however, accord- ing to the idea that «truck him, replied, "you did not say, if I spelled it rights but if I spelled it, I should have the drink!" That turned the laughter onto the other party, and the poor clown "got his drink ! " Such were a small class of hangers-on at the rum-shops, even within the memory of the living. Those accustomed to their drams and unable longer to get them, were often called to artful games and strategies "for a drink." In 1833 a large tall man in the south part of the town dislocated his shoulder and the doctor ordered it to be "bathed in spirit." An intemperate neighbor heard this and resolved to drink at the injured man's expense. So he went and asked for "a quart of rum as quick as possible." The answer was, "'I sent him a quart yesterday — is that all gone?" But the thirsty man replied, "The Doctor says he is so tall and large a quart a day is not enough!" Often in the old days liquor was taken at meals, and was thought to be important to stimulate and strengthen the system. It is said that Jonathan Patch went to reap rye for Capt. DriscoU and they all had for dinner simply old-fashioned hot hasty Indian pudding, with a mixture of rum and molasses for sauce ! I remember hearing an old man say about 1844, "a gal- 864 MAKING CIDER. Ion of rum will go as far as a bushel of corn in my family!" And I used to think he would "go as far" after the rum as almost anyone ! Especially cider came to be used at the table, and as a "luncheon" in the field. Of course at first there were no orchards and it was a long time before cider l)ecame common. But about 1790 to 1800 every farmer had his orchard in bear- ing condition, and the chief use of the orchard was for cider. The plan of raising apples to sell had not been tried, and grafted fruit was almost unknown. Almost every farmer had his "cider-mill," and kept it in use most of the fall, for "early-cider" and "late-cider." I remember nine of these mills in my father's neighborhood, though some of them were in a state of decay. These mills were very rude affairs. They consisted of two cuts of a hard-wood log about twenty-two inches in diameter, and about two feet long, set upright and made to revolve or roll against each other, cavities being morticed into one, and projections which they called "nuts" being set in the other to fit these cavities, and draw in the apples. The apples were poured into a "hopper" so arranged that their weight would press them against the revolving surfaces. From the top of one of these vertical I'ollers, extended a wooden crank twenty feet long, ten inches square at the wheel and tapering to five, and so crooked as to reach nearly to the ground at the outer extremity. To this small end a horse was hitched, and sup- plied the motive power by walking round and round in a circle. It required a man and two small boys to run the thing to advan- tage. One small boy was to follow the horse and keep him from stopping, and the other was to "scrape the nuts," while the man "poured in the apples," bringing them a bushel at a time upon his shoulder and dodging under the "crank" as it swept slowly round. The mill only crushed the apple, and generally the crushed apple would stick to the nut and must be scraped off. I have "scraped the nuts" manj? a day, a work not difficult, but exceedingly monotonous for a small boy. The grating creaking noise of the cider-mill could be heard for half a mile. The process was slow, a cart-load of apples going through in about three hours. Then the "trough" must "stand over night," and then it was put into a "press" and the juice FIRST RAISIKG WITHOUT RUM, 366 squeezed out. Afterwards it was "cut up," soaked with water, and pressed again. The last result was called "water-cider," and was considered strong enough for boys and women to drink ! The process of making cider was laborious and hard. But the amount of cider made in this town from 1790 to 1840 was enormous. Most well-to-do farmers put from twenty to seventy barrels in the cellar each year to drink. Always when a neigh- bor called the "•boy" was expected to "draw a mug of cider" and pass it round, the "mug" holding about two quarts. I have seen a man drink or guzzle down a quart mug full of cider at one draught; not breathing or taking the mug from his lips till the last drop was down. Everybody drank cider long after the temjDerance crusade against brandy and. rum. Most farmers took a large "jug" of cider into the field forenoon and after- noon, and into the woods for drink in winter. Then the cider was icj'-cold, but it was said to "warm-up" the drinker ! The old-fashioned cider-mill has now almost ceased to exist. They began to decline about 1830. I played with the ruins of ' one in my father's barn in 1840. Not one twentieth of the cider made seventy-five years ago, is made in town now. At that time cider was distilled by some, making what was called "cider-brandy." I often heard old people speak of it. Sometimes farmers swapped their cider for the brandy, the rate being a barrel of cider for a gallon of brandy. They also had "cider-wine," which consisted of the brandy reduced with clear cider. This was counted the most merry-making draught of all, and a tumbler-full of it would so "set up" a man as to make him feel large enough for any office. And these drinks, together with "flip," "sling," "punch," "toddy" and "egg-nogg," besides common rum and brandy, would seem to be sufficient for all ordinary needs ! The first building raised without rum in Francestown was a barn erected by Aaron Draper, in 1834, pronounced at that time the best barn in town. Dea. Oliver Holt of Greenfield was the carpenter. It had always been the custom to have rum and cider free on such occasions ; but when this frame was nearly ready to raise, Draper said, "Deacon, I'm a temperance man and this barn must go up on temperance principles." The 866 TEMPERANCE LAWS. Deacon replied that he did not believe it could be raised with- out liquor, and advised him to furnish cider. 'iNo," said Draper, "if it cannot go up without liquor, it shall never go up at all." "Well," said the Deacon, "I'll help all I can!" So men were invited to the "raising," and told that they would be furnished with coffee and food, but no liquor. Every man came and the building went up in perfect order. When all was done except jjutting the old-fashioned heavy ridge-pole in place, and the men were on the top of the roof holding it, a messenger came on horse-back and shouted, "Mr. Ames, your little boy is drowned." Ames who was helping hold, up the timber, let go, and springing from beam to beam, reached the ground and was away, while the othei's, losing his help, with most desperate efforts were baiely able to swing the long timber into place. When all was over and all got down safe, the good old Deacon said, "If they had been half-crazed with liquor as is frequently the case, there would have been a terrible accident." And from that time liquor was provided less and less frequent- ly on sucli occasions, until the practice ceased altogether. This raising was on the "Draper place," now unoccupied; and this barn was taken down about 1880 by Mason H. Balch and re-erected on his home-farm. It was so well-framed and well- luised without the rum, that it was difficult to get it apart after nearly 50 years! From the earliest daj-s of New England attempts were made in all the colonies and states to regulate the sale of liquor by legislation, the object being, not to prevent selling or drinking, but only to prevent drunkenness. The Assembly of the Colony of New Hampshire seems to have passed an act as early as 1733, requiring all retailers and taverners to procure a license, and pay a small tax per gallon on their sales. Previous to this all persons had been forbidden by law to "sit tippling more than two hours or later than ten o'clock at night." The number of taverns was limited by law. In 1791 the state passed a more rigid license law. This continued, with certain amendments and changes from time to tiine, till 1849, when a Prohibitory Law was submitted to the people and adopted by a three- fourths vote. This was coniirmed and improved in 1855, and PROGRESS OF TEMPERANCE. 367 with few ameiidinents has remained the law of the state to the present time. We see the progress of temperance by looking back upon the past. When the Turnpike was in its best days there were in this town foui' taverns on that thoi'ough-fare, all licensed to sell liquor, besides the stores where it was sold or given away. In other parts of the town licenses to sell were occasionally asked for, — all which has been stated in the body of this work. But Francestown was one of the foremost in agitating the temper- ance reform, and gradually, and earlier than in most towns these excesses came to an end. For many years there has been no open sale of liquor in this place. Probably no community could be found in the state more free from drunkenness and disorder than ours to-day. Not even cider is made for drink- ing purposes now, to any great extent. Not so much is put i]ito all the cellars in town as was put into one cellar in 1810. Here the day of strong drink has gone by, and the people are every way healthier, richer, happier, and better without it! CHAPTER XV. THE HARDSHIPS OF OUE FATHERS. Much lias been said or suggested in this work already with reference to the trials and inconveniences which the pioneers of the town had to contend Avith ; but I must risk being cen- sured for some repetition for the sake of impressing on those who may succeed us some just views of what it cost to procure our piivileges and comforts. The first log cabins had but one room, one small window, (which window in cases where glass could not be afforded was only an openiiTg to let in air and light), a chambei' small and dark reached only by a ladder, and a small dark cellar which they crawled into through a trap- door in the floor. These log houses were cold, and low and often entirely covered with snow in winter, so that the smoke would seem to be issuing from the ground instead of from a human dwelling. It was in many cases ten, and in some cases twenty or thirty years, before these rude cabins could be re- placed with anything better. And even when they built their framed houses these were loose and cold; the large bare kitchen could not possibly be warmed in the coldest weather; and hence, by hanging up quilts and blankets they made a smaller room, a semi-circle round the fire, within which they were enabled to keep warm. Families that could afford it had a "settle," which was a bench long enough to seat four or five persons, with a plain, straight, board back, reaching high above their heads, and this they would draw up before the fire, and in it they could be comfortable in a cold day, and they called it a luxury, though bare and hard. The small children were ex- pected to crawl into the "chimney corner," i. e. into the end of the large fire-place, and of course the warmest spot. I remem- ber one such (then near 100 years old) from which while the fire was blazing I could "look up chimney" and see the sky HORSE-BLOCKS. 369 above. But often at the best there was great suffering from the cold, and the poverty-pinched household huddled close about the green-wood fire on which actually depended life itself. There were no roads, and neighbors were far away, and snows fell deeper than in modern winters, and if any were sick they were expected to suffer it out, as no physician could be obtained. Men carried their grain to mill, on their shoulders, to New Boston, Amherst, or Peterboro", until a "corn-mill" was built here. The luxury of riding was out of the (Question. Even horse-back riding was rare for a long time. Few could have horses, and those who could have them reserved them for .the infirm and old. When they came to have meetings almost all walked to meeting, even as late as 1820. It is sa,id that a,t that date, when the people were let out of church and started down the turnpike, the long procession looked like an army on the march. What would young ladies think now of walking three or four miles barefoot to church? When horses came to be common, they were all used for riding to church, and horse- blocks began to be placed at the church door, and subsequently at stores and public houses. In some towns the selectmen were instructed to "set up horse-blocks." These were blocks of wood sawed off from a log of chestnut or oak and set upon one end, and were allowed to be nearly two feet high, the object being to, assist old men, small boys and women in mounting the horse. The horses were "led up to the block," and thence the individ- ual could easily rise to the horse's back. It was considered quite an honor to be appointed to "assist" the matrons in mount- ing, and especially any fair damsel that might be privileged to ride. Nor was it a small,matter to do it handsomely. , It re- quired both skill and politeness. Sometimes an evil horse would "shy the block," i. e. knew too well what it meant and wished to keep off; and this increased the difficulty of lifting the fair ones to their place. Always however the "horse-block" was a great help. Private houses soon began to have. them. I well remember the old chestnut one at my father's door. But when wagons came, these gradually disappeared. In what has been said in the preceding chapter about their methods of heating and cooking, the hardship of it appears very manifest to our modern eyes. It would now be deemed 370 THE FOOD THEY ATE. unendurable. Then the cook's face was red with heat from the roaring fire over which she was compelled to bend and reach. It was a hard thing to lift the pots and kettles off the fire, holding them at arm's length ; and it was a difficult thing to keep the smoke and cinders out of them. I have, seen four pots on the "crane" at the same time, with the "spider" full of meat frying on the coals at one side, and the coffee-pot on coals at the other side, and a big "Johnny-cake" baking in front, all at once ! Of course the woman had to be on the lookout, to keep eveiything cooking, and everything from being burned or smoked. Skill and practice were required. Often the close woolen dress would catch on fire. (No "hooped skirts" in those days !) It was quite a feat to turn the "short-cake," and "ban- nock" and "Johnny-cake;" and if the young wife dropped it, or broke it, or tumbled it into a heap, in the process, she felt greatly humiliated. It was hot and laboiious to "fry dough- nuts over the fire." But doughnuts are comparatively modern and could neither be procured nor afforded in the earliest days of the town. Tea and coffee were absolutely un- known in many a log-house for years. Fish and wild game were plenty, and largely supplied the early settlers with food. A constant dish also was broth, corn broth, bean broth, barley broth, and sometimes for a rarity a mixture of these. "Hasty- pudding" and milk was the ordinary supper. Cases are known of high-toned evening parties with "hasty-pudding and milk for supper." The old Scotch people had a dish called "sowens" which was very "popular," which consisted of oatmeal, sifted and left in water to sour, and then boiled down to a jelly, eaten in milk, and sometimes with sauce. Jf no milk could be had for hasty-pudding or sowens, a little salt was made to answer the purpose, and it was not counted strange, and they did not grumble. Their cheap and humble food was healthy, and as the "appetite makes the feast," they enjoyed it perhaps as much as costly and dainty meals are enjoyed now. For many years dishes and household implements were scarce, and sometimes the good house-wife was at her wits' end to know what to do. At first some cabins had only a piece of a log sawed off and set on end for a table. Oft at the hasty-pudding supper. only two or three could eat at a time for lack of spoons. WOODEN DISHES. 371 An easy chair was a thing unheard-of, and even the cheapest wooden cliairs were few. Most of them were narrow and small, with a "basket-bottom" and a straight high back. Pewter plates were counted quite "high-toned," while wooden plates and wooden bowls and wooden spoons were in common and daily use, china ware and nice earthen ware of all kinds coming much later. Some of these wooden dishes long continued in use. At the ordination of Dr. Richards in 1827 an eccentric man from out of town was present, and, being asked if he had had a ■good dinner, replied, "yes, as good as heart could wish. And water to drink in a wooden dish." The wooden dish to dip water with was called a "noggin." It had a handle about ten inches long, held in later days about a pint, and, when new and clean, was very welcome at well or spring. Children generally stood up at mealtime, and always in case company were present, standing back in silence and taking in their fingers what was given them ! No nice knives and forks, no glittering chinarware, no table-cloths, no cake, and no dainty cake-basket ! ♦ For many years the patient mother had to carry every pail of water from five to fifty rods. Wells were dug when they became able to have such luxuries, but were generally at some distance from thip house. Meantime they went to the nearest brook or spring, and the tired woman lugged her pail of water through rain or snow. And when they succeeded after long waiting in securing a well near the house, she hung her pail upon a hook on the end of a pole, and stooping down with it so as to reach the water, she drew it up full by main strength. The "well-curb" and "well-sweep" were most precious inventions and came later, being luxuries in their time, though now passed out of use. The pump came much later and few could afford it for a long time. More recent still is the water-pipe, bring- ing water into the house. Many can remember when there was not such a thing in town. I have asked myself what the housewife of 1780 would have thought of a complete modern kitchen, supplied with cold water and hot water, grained floor, delicately tinted ceiling, extension- table, screen-windows, fine drawers, polished ranges, cane- 372 CHEAP FARE AT TABLE. seat chairs, silver-ware, and clioice bric-a-brac ! Would not the dear grandmother have been frightened? Would she not have credited the oil-stove to the devil? What would she have thought of the egg-beater, and the clothes-wringer, and the "lightning-apple-parer," and the sewing-machine! It is said that sometimes the pioneers of the town suffered the pinch and hardship of scanty living, which has been already- referred to, in connection with Carson the first settler. Only very small stores could be laid by for winter. Through fierce storms, or ill success in hunting, sometimes families were reduced to very narrow supplies. Children were sometimes put to bed without their supper. The family would get along with almost anything that would support life. Often the good man would go to the woods with a cold boiled potato, or apiece of frozen bean-porridge for dinner! At best times they had oat-meal, corn-meal, and rye-meal to use, but no wheat flour for common use, that being of recent date, the first "barrel of flour" ever sold in Francestown being brought here in 1820. Some wheat was raised in town at a much earlier date, but the wheat flour was kept for company, or for special occasions, as they could not otherwise afford it. Even potatoes could not bp afforded for ordinary use for many years. I have heard niy grandfather (who was a small boy in New Boston when Francestown was a part of that town) say that during the Revolution a well-to-do family thought itself nicely off, if it could have a barrel of potatoes for winter use. And these were kept for rare and special luxuries and a choice honor to a guest! But potatoes flourished so well in the new soil that as early as 1790 they became a staple article of food; and roasted potatoes and a little wild game, or "roasted potatoes and salt," made a frequent meal ! Sometimes a baked pumpkin was, made to answer for a family a day or two, in a pinch. They cut out a square piece from the top large enough to let the hand in, then scraped out all the seeds and loose parts, then put in a piece of pork, and then, replacing the part cut out, they baked the whole thoroughly in the oven. Then all would gather round and eat out of the shell, as they would eat out of a pan. I remember some of the hard baked shells of pumpkins, supposed to have been prepared this way, which were tied up to the wall by TIME PIECES. :378 strings as "rag-bags"' or Teceptacles for seeds and herbs. Occa- sionally they filled the pumpkin with milk instead of pork, but baked and ate the same way. Many considered this last a wel- come dish. All thes'e things, however, were of the cheapest order of living possible, and the humble and hardy people did not grumble at their lot I I have already mentioned the scarcitj- of money for business transactions for many years. The settlers were not only poor, but the lack of any circulating medium was perplexing. At times "corn at one dollar" was made a basis of trade. Their calculations were made in pounds, shillings, pence, and farth- ings; and we should now count it quite a hardship to be obliged to reckon that way. Few people now would under- stand the terms. A woman now living in the village (Mrs. N. C. Draper) was asked some years ago what she would do a small job of work for, and replied, "Two-and-three-pence" (37i cts.), when the other said, "That is too high; I thought I could get it done for fifty cents!" About the same time a fashion- ably educated young lady went to the ston-e to get an umbrella, and was told jokingly that the price was "five-and-nine-pence, about 96 cts." She replied, "I don't feel able to pay so much, but I'll give you a dollar!" For a long time there was much confusion between the two ways of reckoning money, many clinging to the old methods till they died. The old coins, "nine-pence" and "four-pence-hap-penny," (ha' penny, or half- penny) so called, were common as late as 1850. The latter coin (worth 6i cents) was the first money that came into the writer's possession, and was the most valuable piece of money that he has ever owned! For the first half-century of Francestown the people experi- enced much difficulty in "keeping time." They could nofrmake exact appointments, but would agree to meet "about sunrise," or "about noon." This made a fine excuse for the tardy man, and for those always late at church! People in those days set their houses "square with the sun," or as near to it as they could, and then put a "noon-mark" on the window-sill, which would give them the time once a day in fair weather. Or by going out of doors they could tell very nearly when it was noon by the shadow of the sun on the sides of the house. A very few S74 TIME tlECES. families had "sun-dials," which answered a good purpose when the sun was shining, and required no attention to keep them in order. The "sun-dial" consisted of a plate or disc of pewter (sometimes of wood) about twenty inches in diameter, with hours and half-hours marked on the circumference, and with a perpendicular piece of wood about two feet long and an inch square rising from the centre of the plate. The shadow of the erect piece falling upon the circumference indicated the hour. The "sun-dial was set on a pedestal or table near the window, so that the movement of the shadow could be more readily seen. It was considered quite fine and aristocratic in its day. Of course these things were of no service in cloudy weather, or when the frost covered the windows, or in the night hours. There were a few houses where the hour-glass might be found. Physicians had these to time their medicine, lending them, or leaving them with the prescriptions in critical cases. This was very good for an hour's time, but had to be instantly turned when run out, in order to give two or three hours correctly. It had no marks and, strictly speaking, did not indicate time, but from the moment of starting it took just an hour to "run out." Similar in principle was the clepsydra, sometimes called the "water-clock," but it used water instead of sand. It was, how- ever, far superior to the hour-glasB, in that it would run from one to twentj'-four hours ; and it was good in cloudy weather and in the night. It consisted of an erect cylinder of glass, of various heights and various diameters, and filled with water, which would empty itself out in a certain number of hours, by a very small orifice at the bottom. Hours and half-hours and quarter-hours were marked on the side of the cylinder, begin- ning at the top, and the time was shown by the fall of the surface of the water. It was often quite accurate, and was very ornamental and stylish. But it involved considerable expense, and a great deal of work to fill and set it; it was liable to be clogged by any small substance in the water, and to be destroyed by freezing in cold weather, and never was in any general use in this country. A few were in use in New Hampshire 125 j'ears ago and some in the adjoining towns. "THE OLD CLOCK." 376 Clocks were first used in Europe about 1120 A. D., and were introduced into England about 1288, but were coytly and rare for several centuries. Few were ever brought to America; but they began to be made this side the water at an early day. Brass clocks were manufactured in New England as early as 1720, and in New Hampshire as early as 1730. Clocks were made in Weare before the close of the Wat of the Revolution, and in Antrim a few years later. Because of the difficulty of keeping time, evening meetings used to be "given out," as they called it, or appointed, at "early candle lighting." Every one would know when it began to be dark. But they would have one advantage in those days in this, that they could not be looking at their watches nor turn- ing round to see. the clock, before the prayer-meeting was half done! The clocks of those days cost from forty to a hundred dollars, so that even within the memory of people now living many families could not have them, and had to go to the neighbors to find the time of day. The clock of the olden days stood in the corner of the room, was tall and large, and ticked away with great dignity, and seemed almost like a creature of life, speaking and keeping guard. They were handed, down in fam- ilies from generation to generation, and after being used a hundred years, many of them are more valuable now than when they were first sold. The cheap clock is an American inven- tion, and, though quite recent, may be found all over the world. A very good time-keeper, with the "alarm," and "illuminated face" and very neat and ornamental in form, may now be bought at the country store for two dollars. What would our fathers and mothers have thought of that? The hardships of our ancestors in respect to transportation from place to place, though already referred to, deserves further notice. The first wagon in Francestown was brought here ■about 1812 by Samuel Hodge, (Ichabod Gay brought one here from Deerfield, Mass., about the same time,) but it was many years later before wagons were common. At first they were heavy and low, with the body placed on the axletree, and of course jarring and painful to ride in. The axletree was of wood only, and the wheel was fastened on with a "linch-pin," 376 FIRST WAGON IN TOWN. the end of the axletree projecting about two inches beyond the wheel. "Thorough-braces," were a later invention and were a great improvement to relieve the jar of riding. Steel wagon- springs came into use in this vicinity about 1845. I well remember the old thorough-brace wagons, and the first "spring- wagon" that was driven to church. Ox-wagons were brought about some j'-ears earlier. To those who had never seen them it was a great puzzle to know how they could be turned round ! But the "chaise" was in use by a few rich people in New Hampshire as early as 1802. It was a sort of light cart, with long thills for the horse instead of "spire" for the oxen, and with a heavy, uncouth top as square as a box. And all these vehicles of every kind were of rude and clumsj" build, and hard for horse and driver. The tires of wheels were not whole, but were in pieces about two feet long, and were nailed on, and sometimes riveted on, of course "breaking-joints" over where the "felloes joined together." The whole tire came later into use. It is not known when the first chaise or gig was brought here. It is said that a certain man in the north part of the town was once asked the age of his son, and he replied, "I know just how old he is, sir; he was born the year old Dr. Crombie bought his new gig, sir." But at this late day it is difficult to tell when the Doctor made this notable purchase, it being cer- tain, however, that the chaise was used in FrancestoWn much earlier than his settlement here, and probably about 1810. Previous to this last-named date nearly all riding was on horse- back. This was not a hardship when people were well and strong, and had good horses, and could afford it: but it was tedious when they had to ride double, the man before, and the woman on the "pillion" behind him, with a baby and a few bundles to carry! Of course progress must be in such cases very slow. Yet there was a large amount of transportation of light articles on the horse's back. The large old-fashioned "saddle-bags" were generally stuffed full of sugar, butter, eggs, rum, and all sorts of merchandise, while the rider's hands and arms were filled with various wares. It was no unusual thing to see a woman on horseback, driving the horse with one hand and carrying her "flax-spinning-wheel" in the other. Families are known to have "moved" forty or fifty miles in one day, — GOING WEST IN 1843. 377 the husband taking the bed and household utensils and farming tools on a horse with him, and his wife taking the baby and clothing and keep-sakes on another horse with her, and follow- ing after, and the two jogging along together all day ! People always "went to mill" on horseback after thej' became able to have horses. Women and boys were often thus employed. I can remember being put on the old horse's back top of a bag of corn and sent to mill in this way in 1844. Boys and girls in those days would spring onto a horse with great agility and ride anywhere without fear. It is said that Keziah Stanley (dau. of Richard, then living on the Adoniram Dodge place) was on horse-back with a willow stick for a whip, and dismounting near the house of Daniel W. Duncklfee, stuck the stick into the ground. Starting off in a hurry she sprang onto the horse and forgot the stick. It is now standing, a large and growing tree. But the laughing maiden has passed away ! Even after wagons became common it was difficult to trans- port merchandise and took a long time to make a journey. Railroads had not entered into the dreams of men, and "going west" was a large and laborious undertaking. Dea. Willard Everett, then sixty years of age, moved from Francestown to Metamora, 111,, in 1843, starting with his family and household effects with a four-horse team! And one of the horses was thii'ty years old ! Were there not courage and strength and patience in those days? Long journeys were sometimes made even with an ox team. Who could endure such things now? Of course, as elsewhere intimated, in the earliest years of the town travel was on foot and utensils were carried on the shoul- der. Even a cart was costly and rare. It was long before people could have horses. In the winter they travelled largely on snow-shoes, with which they could go across lots anywhere, skimming along on the surface of the snow. Sometimes the snow-shoe was made large for a heavy man, but ordinarily it was about a foot wide and three feet long. A tough piece of oak or ash or walnut, was shaved an inch square and six feet long, and bent into an elongated oval form, and the ends riveted together, and this last or riveted end was the heel of the shoe. Then two cross-pieces were framed into this "rim," and from rim and cross-pieces a stout net-work of leather sti'aps was 378 SNOW-SHOES. woven and drawn tight. A loop was fixed on top of the for- ward cross-piece so as to slip the foot into it and have the weight of the person come on this cross-piece. The foot was not tied in, the forward pressure always keeping it in place. The heel of the shoe was the heavier part, and was expected to trail in the snow, only the forward part being lifted when the person stepped. In walking with the snow-shoe it was necessary to swing out the foot as a boy does skating, and, as with the skater, this process aided the forward movement, and enabled a strong and skilful man to make rapid progress over the pathless snows. Every family was supplied with snow-shoes. Physi- cians used them, travelling where no horse could go, and where no human being could go without them. Women would put them on and go across lots alone through blinding storms to minister to the sick. Many went to church in the winter on snow-shoes. Soldiers made winter campaigns against the Indians, marebing sometimes thirty or ioiiy miles a day wliere lliereAvas no road or path, and carrying provisions and weapons upon tlieir backs ! In the first fifty years of this town it was difficult to get many desirable things even for money. People knew thej' must get along without these things, and patiently endured the privation. There was no such thing as a "general furnishing stor.e," and no such thing as "ready-made clothing." It requiied long time and much calculation to get up a suit of clothes Thfe wool must be raised, washed carded, spun, and woven at home. Then the cloth must be carried to the fulling mill, washed, bleached, fulled, "napped,'" colored and pressed. Then the tailor must be engaged to come to the house, and cut, and make — which last process required about two weeks for a suit! Tailoi's then went from house to house cutting and making for men and boys, and thus visiting well-to-do families once in two or three years. Female apparel was generally made by the wearers. No "dress-maker" was known in Francestown until a time within the memory of those now living. The "fashion" had not then gained supremacy in these country towns. No luxuries were for sale. The stock of goods in a country store was small, and limited to a very few articles. Rarely could any tool of any kind be bought there. No "hardware" passed CAERYIKG PEOBTJCB TO BOSTON. 379 over the counter. No boots or shoes could be bought there. Children went "bare-foot" and "baby-shoes" were unheard of. No women's shoes were for sale. Shoe-makers^ went, like the tailors, from house to house to make shoes for the men and women. Shoes for women and girls were made of cow-hide" with thick soles projecting entirely round to protect the leatlier — projecting enough, as the old people used to say, "for a mouse to run round on the rim." In later days women who could afford it had "calf-skin shoes," and these were thought to be the height of things nice ! What wovld they have thought of "gaiter boots" and "]?rench-kids ! " Or of a store where man or woman or child could be fitted out in fifteen minutes with every thing wearable, from the top of the head to the sole of the foot, any day in the year, and in the latest style ! "In ye olden days" there was no sale for farmer's produce here, and the farmers were accustomed to go to Boston or Salem with loads of produce for sale, going generally with an ox-team. As all were not able to have oxen, they clubbed together, and carried their stores of hogs, butter, cheese, poultry, wool, flax and furs, which they exchanged for salt, sugar, powder, shot, and other necessary articles. Only a small part could be received in money. These "barter" journeys were usually made in the early part of winter. The main roads to Boston were crowded with such teams. On the road there was a hotel for nearly every mile, with large open fire, good accomodations and plenty of rum. It generally took a week to make the round trip. Teamsters were not always sober when they got home, but the oxen, being wiser, knew where to stop. Some- times storms and drifting snows came on, and teams were delayed days and even weeks. On one occasion it took an ox- team two weeks to get from Lowell to Francestown on its return. From 1800 to 1840 a very common farmer's team con- sisted of one yoke of oxen with a horse ahead. There were some that made a business of this teaming, loading both ways, and making regular trips. These "teamsters" in due time came to do the "bartering" for country merchants. At one tiine Aaron Draper and William Barnes "went down to Boston" loaded with pork and grain, and stopped at "Hard Scrabble" (South Merrimack) for the night. A man from Greenfield not 380 FIliST TJMBEBLLAS. reputed to be anj- too honest also stopped over at the same tavern. By and by a stranger came along with a sled loaded with bags, and also put up for the night. Very early the next morning the Greenfield man went out and emptied one of the bags on the stranger's sled into the cribs of his horses, suppos- ing it was a bag of oats. When they all went out together to "harness up" and "yoke up," they found the Greenfield man had baited his horses with shoe-i)egs ! It is not told us how much damage he had to pay, but his horses went hungry that day, and he did not fail to hear often gf the stolen oats ! Many of these drivers were jolly, rollicking, fellows, up to practical jokes, generally full of drink, and sometimes quarrel- some and ugly. Commonly an ugly, half-drunk driver would take the whole road and fight any one that remonstrated. At one time wliile on the road to Boston Dea. James Fisher met a man who shouted ahead to him, "turn out or fight ! " Very quietly the Deacon replied, "I am not a fighting man ; but here behind me is Billy Moor, who would as soon fight as not." The man came along and looked at Billy, "and thought best to get by without fighting!" "Billy Moor," then living about sixty rods north of the Old Brick Academy, was a fearless "giant of a fellow," and was "always master of the situation." Our fathers endured many hardships from exposure to snow and rain as well as to cold and heat. Rubber coats and para- sols and umbrellas were unknown among them. The umbrella in its present form was invented about 1786, and introduced into England from France, for general use, as early as 1790. But in some ruder form it had been in use for ages, specially as a protection from the sun, as appears from old paintings of the Greeks and Romans. Slaves carried them to shade the Greek women, and Roman lovers held them over the heads of their fond charmers. Generally, both in England and this country, umbrellas were considered an efPeminate and ques- tional)lo innovation. Some called them marks of sinful vanity. Some called them childish and silly. Some said they could never be of any practical use. Some denounced them as wicked interferences with the kind Providence which sent rain upon the earth! In some places there was much opposition to them ; and as the price was five or six dollars, they were very slow in CLtXMSY TOOLS. 381 making their way into these country towns. Log-cabins could not afford such luxuries. The first umbrella ever owned in Francestown was brought here by Polly Fairfield. And in due time a few others ventui-ed very timidly to try the same exper- iment. Now they have become so common that some people possess them without buying them ! Probably in no one thing was the hardship of the old days more manifest than in the tools used at that time. These were heavy, clumsy, and poor, and it took a giant's strength to wield them. Some of these uncouth implements, now preserved in our antiquarian rooms, excite our wonder. "Labor-saving machinery" was entirely unknoAvn. I have heard my grand- father say that when he was a boy all the manure was carried out in a hod on a man's shoulder, and that previously it had always been the custom with the settlers. It was then almost impossible to procure a cart, and stumps and rocks wei'e so thick as to prevent its use. Their forks were rude iron bung- ling concerns, made by the nearest blacksmith. They had only wooden shovels. These were split out of red-oak logs, into pieces fourteen inches wide and two and one-half inches thick, and about three and one-half feet long. Then, at one end, the shovel was "hollowed," as they called it, and the opposite end was all cut off except enough for a large, straight handle in the middle, and then the end of the blade was "shod," as they called it ; i. c, edged with steel. Some of these "shod-shovels," being shod over and over as the old wore off, were handed down for generations, and came to be used in our day to shovel grain or apple-pumice or snow. I have used them many times, and owned a fine specimen a few years ago; but I never could see how any ordinary human strength could do much with it at a manure-heap or a bank of earth. It is said that steel or iron shovels were first seen in this vicinity about 1808. Hoes were made by common black- smiths, out of the cheapest iron, but were sometimes "edged" with steel. They were thick and very heavy, had an "eye" at the top, into which a stout handle was inserted and wedged, and were used largely to cut off small roots and tear up the new soil. Plows were not used in town for many years after the settlement, the ground being dug up by hand, and the planting 382 THE OLD-FASHIONED PLOW. being a work of extreme and trying severity. It is to be said, however, that when they iiad dug a hole and in it placed the manure and covered the seed, but little had to be done by way of hoeing, as there were no weeds. Their only hoeing was to "knock" the "sprouts" off the stumps ! But when the roots had rotted in the ground, and they became able to purchase plows, these' useful implements gradually came into use. These were all made in town, or near by. There was not a plow factory in the world. It was customary to hire the nearest cai-penter to make the "wood-work" and the nearest blackKmith to put on the rest. Some plows thus made did admirable service, and would "turn" the furrow better than any cast-iron plow ever invented, as I do know from personal use ; but some of the earlier specimens were fearfully bungling and unhandy things. At first the handles were large and long, and so low that one had' to stoop all the time in holding it. The "beam" was about seven" feet long, made of oak, five inches square, rounded and tapered toward the team; there was a wooden "frame" and a wooden "mold-board," and all tliese togetliLa- formed what they called the "wood-work." Then the blacksmith put on the "share," and the "point," and the "wing," — these three together being called the "plow- irons." Over the wooden mold-board they nailed strips of tin or sheet-iron, to prevent its being worn by the furrow. When the "irons" became dull, they would send them to the black- smith to be "sharpened." Of course, these plows were too heavy to be lifted or moved without great effort, but they did go with remarkable steadiness among the roots and rocks, and they were not easily injured or broken. In the early days of the town the cost and difficulty of pro- curing nails were so great that houses were made without them as Ear as pissible, the timbers being fastened together and the bo;i,rds fastened on to the roof with wooden pins. Every tack and every nail, even every shingle nail, had to be liammered out by hand. It is said that at the be- 'ginuing of the present century 60,000 men were employed in ISirmingliam, Eng., alone in hammering out nails for sale. A "cut nail" was not known in this vicinity before 1805. Of course the nails made by the blacksmith were irregular in size and MAKING NAILS. 383 form, and somewhat difficult to use. It required great labor to make nails enough to shingle a house. Every nail for every purpose came from the anvil. Every bolt, or hinge, was ham- mered out by hand. The blacksmith's apprentices hammered a,waj from dawn to sunset making nails, while he himself made scythes, axes, hoes, hinges and knives. The scythe-snath was then simply a straight stick, or some natural bend picked up in the woods, while the blacksmith put on the "nebs," and made a stout ring and wedge by which to fasten on the scythe. As late as 1805 no such thing as an "ox-swing" was khown in town. Blacksmiths went from farm to farm to shoe oxen. They would catch the ox, lead him into the barn, "cast" him down on his back on some straw, cross his legs and tie them, and then and there nail on the shoes. From all this we see wdiat a hard way our fathers had to do everything. Theirs was a day of hardships. They were com- pelled to do everthing by "main strength" and at constant disadvantage. But they were schooled to "endure hardness," and they were I'eady for any toil. No labor could dishearten them. On every side and at every turn they encountered diffi- culties. They had a vast work to do, and poor implements to do it with. Under the circumstances what they accomplished seems almost incredible. I cannot further dwell upon their hardships without writing at too great length, and with some repetition; but I must express my renewed wojider and admir- ation at the work and the courage of the settlers of this town! CHAPTER XVI. THE SCOTCH AND ENGLISH IN THIS TOWN. The American people of the present day have Ijccome so used to the admixture of foreign elements in our population and foreign accents in our speech, that they expect such things and jjass them by without comment, except in case of something specially remarkiible or offensive. But the student of early New England history finds here a dominant, dignified English race who though themselves foreigners of recent date, were not slow to manifest jealousy and dislike toward any comers to this vicinity who were not with and of themselves. Brogue was to, them suggestive of intruders and enemies. They were as suspicious of a foreigner as of an Indian. Almost all foreigners, except the English, that came at that daj' to New England were Catholics; and the Puritans remembered Roman Catholic ignorance, bigotry and persecution too well to allow any of that following to secure a foothold in their domain. Hence, when the Scotch people who came here from the north of Ireland, sought a place of settlement, they were supposed to be Papists, and bitter prejudices were aroused against them. They came from Papal Ii'eland, and in their customs and language they were so different ivoiw the English, that the latter were almost moved to eject them by force of arms. This last was actually the case in Worcester, Mass., about 1740, where a small colony of Scotch Presbyterians were driven away by violence. Every- where efforts were made to prevent their obtaining titles to land. Tliey were opposed and annoyed on every side. A small company of .them were obliged to winter in Portland harbor (then a part of Massachusetts) and fell short of provisions, and in a proposition to help them they were termed '■'poor IrixJt people." The petition of the Londonderry colony for incorpora- ELEMENTS OF SCOTCH CHAEACTER. 385 ation was indorsed, (1719) "In behalf of a company of Irish at Nutfield," much to the mortification and anger of this Scotch colony. In view of all this the question may rise in some minds, why did the Scotch and English dwell together in such har- mony and affection in Francestown ? The answer is that in the course of thirty or forty years the Scotch came to be known as Protestants, and as a brave, hardy and noble race. It took several generations to wipe out prejudices and obscure peculiar- arities, and traces of accent and nationality may be observed yet; but the Scotch settlers soon so far won their way to the confidence of their neighbors as to live together with them in peace. The Scotch, here as elsewhere had sharp and conspicu- ous characteristics. In writing in this connection concerning their peculiar traits, I shall quote freely from my own words in another volume. It is just that some special notice be given ' them hei'e, as they- were the pioneers of this town, and labored with a most unselfish spirit for the common good. They were not Irish. Not a drop of Irish blood was in their veins. Their fathers came from Argyle and Ayr in Scotland, and settled in the north of Ireland; but were never amalgamated with the natives of that land. In language, habits, tastes, education, religion, history, spirit, ambition, appearance, and manner of life, they were always distinct from the Irish. It is said that, a century and a half ago, a stranger riding through Ireland could pick out the Scotch communities by their general thrifty and prosperous appearance, while poverty and squalor marked the Irish who still occupied the best part of the island. This distinction is still more obvious at the present day. Then and now in that land the Scotch prided themselves in being unlike the Irish. To call one of them a "Paddy" was to make sure of being knocked down before the words were fairly out! A hatred of the Papacy, and bitter memories of Catholic perse- cution and murder, and a general disgust at Irish un thrift and ignorance and bigotry, — all united to make them sensitive when the name was applied to them. But a word would set them on fire. So great was their feeling on this point that Rev. James McGregor, their first minister in New Hampshire, took up the matter promptly and with much spirit protested to the 386 THEIE GENBKOUS-HEAETEDNESS. Governor against their being "termed Irish people." The Scotch settlers of Francestown, like the Scotch everywhere, were men of bold strong individuality. They were as high-spirited, decided, independent a set of men as could be found. They would do their own thinking. They could not be controlled by a priest, nor be driven in any way. They had opinions and convictions; and they were not ashamed to tell what they believed, and were never afraid to declare what they meant to do. They stood for individual rights to the death. Brave,' skillful, ready, quick, keen-minded and determined, they were not men to be opposed or trifled with. In another place I have spoken of the religious traits of this element of our early population, but I may add here that while the Scotch were so intensely independent toward men, they were most submissive and humble toward God. Never were there more devout worshippers than they. Tolerant of all sincere convictions in others, for themselves they were stiff Presbyterians, aad could always give the reason why. But it speaks volumes for their real broadness and nobleness of faith that, notwithstanding their strong preferences, they could agree with the Congregationalists to give up both church organizations and unite to form a new one out of both, for the future harmony and good of the town. The Scotch settlers here, as elsewhere, were generous- hearted, though not having much to be generous with. Car- son's cabin was a shelter for many weary feet. And he was not the only one that opened the door to the hunter or pioneer. Every cabin in the town was a place of refuge: It was the custom to "have the latch-string alwayS out," so that friend or stranger could enter at any hour, night or day. Some families were actually kept poor for generations by the free entertainment of every friend or strahger that came along. And this generous-heartedness, blunt and honest,' explains their civilities and manners towards others. Sometime^ they gave rough greetings, but they were always hearty and honest, and meant just what they seemed to mean. Their politeness was the simple politeness of the heart. They put nothing on for show. There was no make-believe in their intercourse with men. Etiquette might lift up her little, showy, empty, silly head, SCOTCH TEMPER. 387 and say these fathers and mothers were rude and unmannered. But they had kind and generous feelings, without which there can be no value to outward forms of friendship. The Scotch have been called quick-tempered, and haid-tem- pered,^and the charge is true. Their anger was instant and fierce, bjjt it was soon over. They resented an insult on the spot, and in the boldest way, and with tremendous force, like the shock of battle. They despised secret enemies, and they could not endure any abuse behind one's back. If' one felt hurt by his neighbor, he went to him openly, no matter who he was, great or small, and he went with his head up and with a ^efiant air, and demanded an explanation with a loud voice, an4 on the spot. It was no unusual thing for the parties to come to blows. Instances of this kind are mentioned in the records of the town. Some are handed down in tradition, but most have been forgotten with the actors that have passed away. These conflicts were like a shower in a sultry, summer day, fierce, frightful, and dark, but clearing the sky and bring- ing fair weather afterwards ! Hence, they had few long-con- tinued enmities. They settled things up at once. Closely connected with this disposition was the tendency of the Scotch to tsi^e the law into their own hands at times when the ordinary pt'pcess seemed too slow or too uncertain. Occa- sionally they inflicted penalties which the court did not direct, and which the Bible did not name. And in all such cases their English neighbors were quite willing to look on and "enjoy the fun," and sometimes to "lend a hand." Nor were the women lacking in such matters when their indignation was aroused. It is related that about 1790 a drinking Scotchman lived near the east line of the town, who, when in liquor, abused his family, in spite of rule and remonstrance. Accord- ingly, in due time, about twenty-five of the neighboring men, disguised as women, accompanied by some indignant wives and mothers, met to give the aforesaid Scotchman a "ride on a rail," and marched in orderly silence to his door. Stationing them- selves in the darkness on either side of the way, they sent a small boy to get him out into the road. Years afterward he told the story this way : 388 FUNERAL CUSTOMS. "The boy cam in greeting (crying) and said the old mere had kicked up, and thrown the bags off, and I jest got stepping oot to put them on, when the weemen cam spooting oot frae one side and spooting oot frae toyther side, and they put me on a brae round pole, and carried me up to Maj. Holmes' tavern and gave me some grog, and I sang them a sang, and I jest got stepping- hame again!" This is ratlier a lovely description, but the reality was not over-agreeable, as the man vi^as roughly handled, frightened, and jeered at by men and women ! The cure seems to have been quite effectual, as nothing more was heard of trouble in that family. The writer has seen cases of more recent date where he thought a similar discipline would be highly useful! The Scotch part of the people had at first some funeral and wedding customs different from the English. In case of death, all work in the family was immediately stopped, except cleaning and cooking ; and also all the families in the neighborhood stopped work. Friends and neighbors watched with the body all the time, night and day, until it was buried. At these night-watchings they read the Bible, and prayed long, and warned each other, and wept, and talked over the virtues of the departed, not forgetting to pass round the liquor freely. Some would volunteer to " watch with the dead,"' as they called it, for the sake of getting the drink. Occasions have been known, not a thousand- miles from Francestown, where parties grew somewhat hilaiious befoie the morn! Yet it was not an "Irish wake." Generally it was most orderly, solemn and religious. They thought it heathenish and contradictory to all the ties of love not to "watch with the dead." Nothing would induce. them to omit it. I can recall instances in my own day of this faithful watching with the silent, cold faces under the winding-sheet from eve till morn, and sometimes the watchers' faces were pale with fear, and they watched trem- blingly, and every sound alarmed them, and it seemed as though each hour grew into a score of them and the long night never would pass away ! At the funeral service all the Scotch part of the people, far and near, were sure to be present. As soon as they were ready for the public service to begin, liquor was passed round to the minister and mourners and invited friends, and, if the parties DRINKING AT FUNERALS. 389 were able, to every person attending. Sometimes it would take a half hour to distribute the drink. Then they had prayer and sinking. Then the minister preached and "talked to the mourners," often speaking minutely of the dead, and always warning the living personally and by name. Each relative was separately "spoken to," and in the "long prayer" that followed, each relative was separately "prayed for." Then they passed round the liquor again, before lifting the body. Then, closing the uncomely coffin, which was hurriedly made, and smelled of new paint and varnish,' they foimed a long procession, always on foot in the early years of the town, and marched to the grave. Thence they all marched back in the same order to the house, where for the third time liquor was passed to every one. Then those who could remain were sumptuously fed, and this ended the last ceremony in honor of the dead. It will be obvious that these services would involve considerable expense and much work, and would occupy nearly the whole day. At first, in this and other towns, the English . inhabitants looked upon the Scotch burial services as bits of papal super- stition, but gradually they fell in with most of them. Drink- ing liquor at funerals became universal in this town, and con- tinued so for many years. Some customs were modified in the lapse of years, and the two races became as one in the out- ward semblances of their griefs and farewells ! On occasions of marriage also the Scotch had some peculiar methods. With them a wedding was a great event. All the relatives of both groom and bride, and all the near neighbors, were invited. Guests had to be "invited in good season," gener- ally a week, or ten days in advance, a short notice. being considered an insult. On the day of the wedding "spirit" was used abundantly and frequently. The "day" was introduced by firing guns at dawn, a custom perpetuated by the pride of the Scotch, who while sojourning in Ireland, had been permitted to retain their arms, while the Irish were deprived of theirs. Also this accounts for the fact that our ancestors in all the older Scotch communities of New England, were married with swords by their sides. On the wedding morning, the bridegroom, with his near relatives and friends, started on horse-back and with 390 MAEKIA6E CUSTOMS. considerable pomp, for the house of the bride, each one being armed. At the proper time a similar party of the bride's friends, armed and equipped in the same way, set out to meet the approaching company. When they met, they saluted each other with great formality, and then each party deliberately chose one of its own number "to run for the bottle" to the house of the bride. Then followed an exciting race by the two mounted champions to determine which should "carry the bottle." Soon the two returned together, but the victor "carried the bottle," and was saluted with special honor; the waiting companies formed as one cavalry regiment before him ; he gave a toast ; drank the bridegroom's health ; and the^ "passed the bottle" to every one. This done, they "fired a salute," and proceeded on the way to the bride's residence, some one discharging a pistol every half-minute or oftenfer. The people of the houses which they passed came out and saluted the bridal party with the firing of muskets. An enemy would fire "squibs" as the com- pany passed by, in token of derision. When all were assembled and everything was ready for the ceremony, the bridegroom was first led into the room, formally introduced by name, and put into the proper position before the minister. Then the bride was led in and placed at the bridegroom's right hand. The groomsman and bridesinaid quietly took their places im- mediately behind the pair to be married. The marriage-service was very solemn and somewhat lengthy, was never read from a book, always commenced with prayer, and always included the affectionate exercise of "joining hands." Nor could they be gloved hands. Hence, to increase the precious formality of the occasion, the minister, having asked them to "join right hands," waited with imposing dignity ; and they, turning half round and their faces toward each other, each reached back the right hand to the attendant behind, to remove the glove. This was very elaborately and very gracefully accomplished. Of course the two gloves must come off so as to free both parties at the same instant of time. This was a matter of nice and large importance. Then the hands were "joined," some very wise remarks and comments were made and advice given by the clergyman in his "address," and assent was acknowledged to a solemn marriage-covenant. The whole was closed by a second MARRIAGE CUSTOMS CONTINUED. 391 prayer, after which the minister requested the husband to kiss his newly->made wife, — which authoritative order was gracefully complied with.. Then the minister proceeded to do the same thing. After him, the gentlemen in the company kissed the bride, and the ladies the bridegroom. Then they sat down to dinner, with untold abundances to eat and drink, and lingered long at the board. "The marris^ge-feast'' being over, there fol- lowed a jolly, rollicking "good time," finishing up the day and evening. Often the great old kitchen was cleared for the dance. All rules of order were dispensed with, and the laughing fun- loving guests, young and old, took matters into their own hands and had their own way, sometimes carrying their jokes and pleasantries to such absurd extremes as could not receive ap- proval at the present day ! The lapse of years has changed these methods very much. Perhaps, however, we have lost by making less and less of the marriage ceremonj\ Perhaps we make it a too easy and un- important step to get married now. The old-fashioned Scotch wedding was a grand affair. No doubt these ceremonies were carried out to completeness many times in Francestown, though two reasons operated to modify them here ; one being that ex. ceptions to the old custom had become quite common before the settlement of this town; the other being that this was a mixed community almost from the earliest settlement. At first a private marriage was considered disreputable among the Scotch ; but in time such mariiages increased in number, and occasionally couples went quietly to the minister and were married, after which the man and wife, both mounted upon one horse as they came, rode to their proposed home. In such cases, if known, they were generally honored by the firing of muskets at every house they passed, and were often serenaded at night with uproarious, if not melodious, mirth. At the present time the .formal wedding is quite rare, and couples run off to be married in haste» and divorces follow. Ought not efforts to , be made in the line of impressing and deepening the religious solemnity of the marriage-covenant? As said in another place, the Scotch were first on the ground in this town, and were the only occupants for several years. For a long series of years they outnumbered the English. 392 SCOTCH LEADERS. They owned the best part of the town, and held most of the prominent offices. They were chiefly the soldiers of the field, the committees of safety, the military leaders, and the men to be consulted on affairs in general. They were characterized by a force and fearlessness, calculated for pioneers. Carson, the Dickeys, the Quigleys, McMaster, Parkinson, James Fisher, William Starrett, and most others of the town's foremost men, were of the Scotch race. The Lewises, and some other excel- lent men, were English, but they were few in number. At the close of the Revolutionary War, however, men of the En- glish race began to come here more numerously than before, so that at the time of the union of the two churches (1790) the two races were about equal. Men who served in the army from Massachusetts came here to make a home ; some of them before the close of the war. By 1800 the English far out- numbered the Scotch, but by that time the two races in this town had become so united, by intermarriage, business inti- macy, and church fellowship, that the distinction of races was little noticed. It has been said that while the two races were blending together in this town, the Scotch mothers, being talkative and gossipy, did specially retain those characteristics, and that the "old noon-house" (a Scotch institution, by the way), where they retired to warm themselves and eat a bit of lunch Sab- bath-days, could witness to conversations not over-religious for holy time. One is handed down thus : "My son John is a nice young man; he reads three chapters in the Bible every day, and makes beautiful shoes; does your hens lay?" But how would it work to report the Sunday conversation of the present day? Would it all be appropriate to the house of God? Then they had some excuse, since they had no papers, and the Sabbath was the only time when they were together. Nor could the gossip-talent be monopolized by the Scotch. We have no evidence of any lack in their English neighbors in this respect. And the descendants of both have developed all necessary talent in this line up to the latest date ! CHAPTER XVII. MILLS AND MANUFACTTJXIES IN PEANCBSTOWN. This was never to any large extent a manufacturing place, and never had great water power. Yet, in the first half cen- tury of the town, the water power was probably twice what it is at the present day. In several places there were mills well provided with power half the year where now no water runs except in the wettest times. The same is -true of all the sur- rounding towns. With the loss of the old forests, either less rain falls or it evaporates more rapidly from the ground. New England is drier than it was a hundred years ago. There were more brooks, more meadows, more marshy, water-covered land than now. This helps to account for the settlers locating on the high ground, since ruany low valleys and "runs" now valuable were then under water a large part of the year. Changes of population and changes in methods of manufac- ture have also contributed to carry all kinds of "mill business" away from this town. For half a century there were several small but vigorous tanneries in operation here, which were all swallowed up or driven out of the field by immense establish- ments below, which, doing business on so large a scale, could do it cheaper. All over New England and in all kinds of busi- ness, small factories have been swallowed up by large ones. And railroads have helped along this change'. There was also, in former years, more of strictly home man- ufacture than now. Families made many things out of their own material for their own use. People bought less than they do now. They depended more upon themselves. Every house was in some way a factory. I find in the Amherst Cabinet, 1824, that Mark Morse received the award of the "County Agricultural Society for home-made blankets as fine as any imported," 394 THE FIEST SAW MILL. Below is given a list of mills of various kinds that have had a place in town at one date or another. It is difficult to give exact dates, and it is not claimed that this list is arranged in the exact order of time, except for three or four first named : 1. The David Lewis Saw Mill. — This mill was the first mill of any kind ever built in Francestown. It stood on the main stream of the town, nealr the south east Part, and was commenced as early as the fall of 1768. It was running in 1770. The New Boston records speak of "David Lewis' Mill" in 1771 as well known at that time. It was a small, low, old-fashioned saw mill, with the ancient "mill-crank" and perpen- dicular saw. More is said about it in the body of this work in the reference to David Lewis 1763. It was on the spot now occupied by George G. Sargent's saw mill. 2. The Butterfield Saw Mill. — This was built by William Butterfleld, (grandfather of the painter William) about 1772, on whui has at times been known as the Taylor farm. It was in the soulh-west part of the town, and was a great aid in developing that section. Lumber for build- ings in that part of the town and parts of Greenfield adjoining, was prepared in this mill. It was in vigorous operation for about forty years and became extinct not far from 181.S. 3. "Dacid Lewis' Corn Mill." — This was on the same stream and near the same spot where the first saw-mill was built. It was probably begun in 1772, and was running, to the great joy of the people, in 1773. The record speaks of "David Lewis' Corn mill," and tells us that the "Dam was broak" by a spring freshet in 1774. The old mill was rebuilt by John Fisher about 1840, and was burned in 1865. The present mill on this site is occupied by Hiram P. Clark in the manufacture of pails and fancy boxes, and was built by him. In the "Old Corn Mill," in the days when bags and everything else were home-made, was posted the following notice : "Gentlemen All — It is a good thing to make and Mend your Bags well, and keep a good string." 4. Cram's Oil Mill. — This mill was built by Stephen Cram about 1800. Oil mills of various kinds were in operation in this vicinity from 1795 to about 1835, and for the first half of this period were very profitable. A large' one in New Boston gave name to Oil Mill Village in that town. Oil was made in these mills from various kinds of seeds, but chiefly from pumpkin-seeds and flax seeds. This was the only oil mill ever in operation in Francestown and flax-seed or "lin-seed" oil was the only kind manufactured here. The flax-seed was put through four processes ; . e. driven between rollers to crush and break the seed; then it was "ground," as grain is, between wheels of stone; next the ground sub- stance was put into a huge iron cylinder laid horizontally and made to THE OIL MILL. 396 revolve slowly over a fire till sufficiently heated ; then the oil was pressed out in a way similar to the method of pressing out cider, and ran down into a tank below. Old people say the general price was about $1.50 per gallon. After the oil was pressed out the hard "cheese'' that was left was ground over again and then made a dry meal, which was sold for "feed" for stock as cotton-seed meal is sold now. And all this was an excellent thing for the people, as every farmer raised flax, and the seed sold better than eggs or butter at the store. Every country store bought flax-seed, and sold it in turn to the manufacturers. All this went on finely till cotton came into market and superseded flax, after which flax seed could not be procured, and the mills stopped of necessity. When Cram went out of the business, the mill was transformed into a carding and fulling and cloth factory and occupied by Clark Ames. In recent years Geo. G. Sargent has run a grist mill and shingle mill on the Stand of the "old oil mill." 6. Dodgers Carding and Grist Mill. — Oliver Butterfleld's record states that this mill was built by Simeon Dodge, Jr. Was built about 1816. It stood about a mile south of the village near the road from Greenfield to New Boston, on place now occupied by Mrs. Eliza Presby. 6. Thorndyke'^ Carding Mill. — This mill stands just above Mill Village, and was built by Willard Thorndike about 1816. This was a prosperous and popular mill of its kind for a long time. Subsequently this mill was owned and occupied by Issachar Dodge; and after the decline of the carding and fulling business, it was used as a planing mill and grist mill. It is now used as a shingle mill and wheelwright shop. Is owned by Mrs. Laura G. Wilder. 7. The Grist and Saw Mill in Mill Village. — The original "saw and grist mill" on this spot was built by John Carsou about 1785. It was referred to as "Capt. Carsons Mill" in town records of March 1793. At first the broad stone dam was used by the town as a highway. This was mostly carried off by a freshet about Apr. 1796, and a controversy arose as to which party should restore it. A town meeting was held Sept. 19, 1796, to see if they could compromise, and an arrangement was soon made, Carson giving the use of his dam, and the town giving 38 pounds to build the bridge. The present mill, replacing the old, was built by George Dean. It is now owned by Charles Williams, and a new part was added in 1889 for sawing soap-stone. 8. Scohy Mill. — This was a saw and grist mill, erected about 1780. It stood at the outlet of Haunted Lake. Became extinct about 1860. For half a century it did considerable business ; but subsequently it was run by Daniel Fuller only for himself and a few neighbors until it became unfit for use and was abandoned. 9. The Nail Factory. — This was erected by Daniel Bixby (son of Asa) near his father's house, at the foot of Ewell Hill. Oliver Butter- field's record says it was built as "a Chair and Bobbin Shop," and that afterwards he and "his cousin Levi (son of Thomas) got up a machine 396 MILLS AND MANUFACTUEES. and worked at cutting and heading nails." This mill was built about 1817; it has been gone about fifty years. One says it was "taken down about 1840." 10. Bixhy's Wheelwright (S7io|).— Built by Dean Bixby about 1830. It stands in Mill Village, on the opposite side of the stream from the Carson mill, drawing water from the same pond. Is now owned by Daniel Moody, who carried on the wheelwright business in it many years, closing it in 1890. 11. Sleeper Saw Mill— Sow gone. Stood at the mouth of Pleasant Pond. Built by John Sleeper about 1820. Was in operation fifty years. Now only the site and ruins remain. 12. Fisher'x Savi Mill. — Now owned by Samuel E. Bryant, was built by David Fisher about the year 1800. He died in 1827. This mill stood about two miles north of the village toward Deering. Bryant put up a new mill in place of the old in 1890. The stream is called Fisher's Brook. l.S. White's S(tni and Shingle Mill. — Built by Levi "White about 1855. It stands about three miles north of the village, close to Deering. Is now owned and run by Perley White, son of Levi. 14. Datton'.s Grist Mill. — Known as the Fairbanks Mill, and later as the Hovey Mill. Now gone, was built by Israel Fairbanks in 1810. Stood near the home of the late Dea. B. Fairbanks, about two miles south-westward from the village. 15. MitcheWs Grist Mill- — Now gone. Stood near the school-house in the north-west part of the town. Was built by Thomas Mitchell about 1790, and was kept running about sixty years. No sign of its existence now remains except a part of the broken dam. 1(3. WiUdrd's Fiirnitnre Shop. — Was said to be in the village, though on the brook a few rods east of the street and back of the Willard house. Was built by Joseph Willard about 1806. Willard's name first appears in the*tax-list of 1807. This shop is now gone. It became extinct about 1850. 17. Bixby Box Shop. — This is the large Shop in the village, now owned by Dr. Geo. H. Bixby. Was built by Daniel Bixby about 1821, for the manufacture of furniture. Afterwards used for the manu- facture of fancy boxes by Daniel Bixby, and James T. Bixby till about 1880. Was used for a Creamery 1886 to 1889. Is now used as a plan- ing mill, cutting out finishings, &c. 18. The Clark Bobbin Mill— The Record of Oliver Butterfield speaks of it as where "Warner Clark, son of Daniel & Grandson of Daniel, built & worked at making bobbins." Was built about 1829. Has been gone many years. The writer remembers how it looked, and how astonishing it was to the small boy in 1846. It stood on the north side of the turnpike, just east of the Lynch house, and on the Piscata- quog South Branch. MILLS AND MAMUPACTTTRES. 397 19. The Starrett BoUin Mill.— Built about 1846 by Milton G. and Prank B. Starrett. Burned in 1861. It stood in the south-east corner of the town, about a mile east of the Dea. Band place. Was not rebuilt. 20. The Axe Shop. — This was a small shop just east of the Meeting- house, and was built by Hammon Starrett about 1831 , tor manufacturing axes. Subsequently he worked in the north part of the village near where the brick blacksmith shop now stands', For the most part he worked alone at the business, and no great number of axes were turned out. 21. Vose Hat Shop. — Josiah Vose put up a building about 1802 "where Robert Bradford's House stands," for making hats. The busi- ness was continued by his son Elisha Vose, and was for a long time a profitable line of business. The last hat manufactured in Francestown was probably made in Feb. or March 1847. 22. Haseltine Hat Shop. — As early as 1812 James Haseltine manu- factured hats in a shop that stood at the corner where the Daniel Bixby house now stands. This business was continued many years, Frances- town being quite noted therefor. Jonah M. Davis succeeded him and carried on the business for several years, employing from three to six hands, till he left town for New Orleans about 1834. Then Charles Howard took the business, and pushed it successfully till the return of Davis about 1838, who then resumed the work. 23. True's Tannery. — There were four tanneries in successful oper- ation in Francestown at one time. Of course these were not large, but they added considerable life and value to the town. Butterfield's record tells us that this tannery was built by Thomas Bixby, Jr. (probably about 1805) and afterwards passed into the hands of Dea. John True. It stood about a mile north of the village near the house now occupied by Samuel Newton, where the ruins can still be traced. The small brook was then a considerable stream. Ceased operation about 1830. 24. The Qibson Tannery. — This stood near the famous Gibson tavern in the north part of the town, the small stream of water being then sufficient for the purpose. It was on the west side of the road, a little to the south of the present barn. Old people say that a "big busi- ness" was done in this tannery. Is said to have "ceased running in 1827." 26. Ewell Tannery. — Butterfield's Becord says that "Perez Ewell built and worked at tanning where William H. Farnum's Barn now stands." This was afterwards carried on by Amasa Downes, sr. The bark was ground by horse-power. Butterfleld says he worked there for Downes in 1811, his part being to "break up the bark with an old axe, shovel it into the hopper and keep the horse going." The last busi- ness in this tannery ceased in 1860. 26. Farnum ranraery.— Butterfield's Record says that "Peter Farnum, father of Peter, worked at tanning where Charles Parker now lives (now Mrs. Rhoda B. Parker's) at the crossing this side of the Starrett 398 MILLS AND MANUFACTURES. place." Was carried on many years by Mr. Downes, father of the present Downes Brothers. Business ceased in this Tannery in 1860. These four were called "Large Tanneries" in the Gazetteer of 1817. 27. Musical Instrument Shop. — This was in a small building which stood a few feet north of where the Bank Building now stands, and the business was carried on by Ezra Barrett. It was in vigorous operation in 1817. 28. Potash Factories. — A small building was put up about 1790 on the place now owned by Mary J. Bailey in the south-east part of the town, for the manufacture of Potash. This was owned and operated by Peter Clark. Soon after a similar "Potash Factory" was built and carried on by Peter Woodbury. It stood on his farm a little east of the village. A third concern of the same kind was on the Ebenezer Pettee place in Mill Village. These all ceased operation about 1835. 29. The Earthen Ware Factory. — Such a factory was started in this town by Peter Clark as early as 1800, and the business was pushed vigorously for a time, but ultimately failed on account of the "poor quality of the clay," it is said. A good business was done here in this line in 1817. The factory stood on the west side of the road between the Sargent-Mills Bridge and the present factory of H. P. Clark (No. 3 above.) 30. Brick-making Establishment. — For more than half a century a Brick-yard was in operation in this town. Date of starting not known. Was in the south part, and was owned and operated for a long time by Saville Starrett. But it ceased to be remunerative and was closed up about 1860. 31. Everett's Mill. — Eleazer Everett built a saw-mill about 1799, on the South or Main Branch of the Piscataquog spoken of as "on the Lyndeboro' line." On this site Phinehas Kidder has now a "carding and threshing and cider, mill," built by him in 1876. As now built, the pond is in Francestown, but the buildings are chiefly on the Lynde- boro' side of the line. 32. The Wliip Factory. — William Anderson manufactured whips in a building near the Gibson Tavern for about a dozen years, (1833-1845.) The quantity was not large, but the quality was of the finest. These were mostly sold to the trade in Boston, and the "Francestown whips'' had quite a reputation. CHAPTER XVIII. THE SOAPSTONE QUAERY. This has attained so much note and name as to demand a chapter of special notice. The material itself is known in different places by different names, as talc, steatite, soapstone, potstone, French chalk, etc. In this section it was called "freestone" for many years, it is said because it could be freely cut by ordinary tools. It is called saponite, or soapstone, be- cause feeling soapy or greasy to the hand. It is found in more than a dozen localities in the United States. There is a soapstone quarry in Pelham, this State, and another in Keene, but neither of these last named is of a character adequate to being profitably worked. The deposit in Francestown is con- sidered the best in the world. Dr. Charles T. Jackson, the distinguished geologist, testifying as an expent in a law case, said: "The Francestown stone, for color, beauty, and evenness, surpasses all other soapstone known." For years it sold for $36 per ton in Boston, while the best from any other place could not be sold for over $24 per ton. It has no flaws, no grit, no hard spots, no rusty streaks. It can be sawed, or planed, or bored, or cut, like wood ; or it can be ground up, like grain, and from its greasy nature can be used to lubricate machines, or to mix with other material and solidify into vari- ous forms. Soapstone has been used for making stoves, ovens, hearths, floors, pencils for slates, sinks, mantels, and various other purposes. It is not affected by acids, and hence is used for "sizing-rollers" in cotton mills, and things in that line. When cut and smoothed it receives a most beautiful polish, and retains it for a long time. Merrill's Gazetteer of New Hampshire (1817) speaks of "two quarries of free stone, one in the easterly and one in the southerly part of the town." But really there were pever two 400 THE SOAPSTONE QUARRY. quarries, that in the southerly part of the town consisting only of a few boulders of soapstone which were discovered near the south base of Crotched Mountain, about 1813. Several of these were partially imbedded in the earth, and there was quite a craze about them for a time, as though they were indications of an immense deposit. But these hopes were soon disap- pointed, and work soon ceased in that place. The discovery of the soapstone quarry in the easteily part of the town and its increasing value, awakened much interest and led to close searching for similar deposits in other places in the vicinity. People now living can remember when much money was spent in digging here and there by those who hoped they were on the way to a quariy of their own. Old excavations look as though they began to build a railroad through the town and suddenly stopped. Nothing of importance, however, has ever been found since the first discovery. The main quarry lies about a mile east of. the village. Its discovery, as the family say, came about as follows. Daniel Fuller, (who came here in 1786, and was chosen highway surveyor in March 1787) and Joseph Guild (who came a little later) together bought a tract of land of some three hundred acres, including the present quarry. They put up a small house in 1789. The next year Fuller married, and Guild boarded with him. After a time Guild wanted to marry, and wanted to divide the land. It is said that Guild gave Fuller $100 for choice of parts, "to get rid of the rocks" — which he did, — little dreaming of their value. Fuller kept the "rocks," but was not very successftil in busi- ness. He had much sickness in his family and was obliged to mortgage his farm to keep along. He grew despondent and began to talk about giving up his home. One morning about the first of May 1808 he and his son John were talking the matter over sadly, and the two started out to mend the fence, and "went on talking in a sad strain of the outlook," when absent-mindedly the elder Fuller dropped his axe, He had taken great pains in grinding it, and it fell edge down, much to his vexation. But, to their surprise, the axe was not dulled, though it had fallen hard enough to cut a chip out of the ledge. Then they examined the ledge, cut into it, and Fuller said, "It cuts like old cheese." Before the year was out they began THE SOAPSTONE QUARRY. 401 to work the quarry, and soon Fuller's debts were paid, and he had cleared enough to build the large Fuller house in 1811. A hearth and fire-place are slsill in use in New Boston, which were taken from this quarry in 1810. It made Fuller rich in a few years, and a large amount of money has been made out of it since his day. The stone sold in 1817 for seventeen dollars per ton, twelve cubic feet weighing a ton, being very uniform in weight and character. It was carried by ox teams to Boston, and soldf in a store on Milk St. It took six days to go to Boston and back with this team, which was generally loaded with something for the return trip. People came long distances to get pieces for foot-stones for use in cold weather, as it re- tained its heat for several hours. These were well heated, and then used to keep the feet warm on a journey, or to warm fingers and toes at church, or to make more comfortable the bed in the spare chamber in a frosty night. More or less each sum- mer the quarry continued to be worked to some extent. It passed, after the death of the discoverer, into the hands of Daniel Fuller, Jr. Other versions of the discovery of the quarry have been given, and the statement has been made that its existence was known much earlier, but I have stated the facts as told by the Fuller family, who certainly ought to know them as well as any. If its existence was earlier known, certainly its value was not. After the death of Daniel Fuller, Jr., in 1857, the quarry remained unworked for a time, until an organization was formed for its further development. The Francestown "Soap Stone Company" was incorporated by the Legislature, June 22, 1865, its corporate members being Frederick A. Barton, Frank H. Kelley, Abner B. Woodward, Harrison Eaton, Gil- man Wheeler, and John West. At once the work was opened, and it has been pushed ever since. In a newspaper article of October, 1869, it is said that they had reached a depth of eighty feet, and that "the company employ about 30 hands. The stone is worth $35 a ton in the yard/ and they calculate to get out about 4000 tons per annum. 402 THE SOAPSTONE COMPANY. Four six horse teams are running all the time and convey about 20 tons daily. All the hoisting, pumping, and loading teams is done by a steam engine of twelve horse power." The same article speaks of "revolving ovens, nine feet in diam- eter," used in large bakeries, for which much of the soapstone was required at that date. It is just reported (1891) that the "Fraucestown Soapstone Co." have now worked to a depth of 134 feet, and find no signs of failure of the stone, and that they now employ about 60 hands. The company has officers now as follows: President. — Charles Williams. Clerk — Charles H. Bartlett. Treasurer — A. H. Williams. Directors — Charles Williams, J. L. Stevens, A. H. Williams. This company has its factory in Nashua, whither all the stone is carried by rail from Greenfield. Though this quarry has been worked so long, there has been singular immunitj'^ from serious accidents. Frank Dumas lost a foot in 1884, a-id by a premature explosion Daniel R. Henderson lost both hands Oct. 5, 1886. "The Union Soapstone Co.," another organization similar to "The Francestown Soapstone Co.," works an arm of the old quarry on the northeast, and does a large business, employing about 50 workmen. Of this company, Charles H. Burns is president, and Geo. W. Cummings, secretary and treasurer. They have a fine, new factory at Greenfield, and have sales to the amount of 150,000 per year. This company was organized in 1884, with a paid-in capital of |8,000, which has been increased to 150,000. This compan}' quarries more than 2000 tons annually. It also operates another quarry, and has another set of mills in Chester, Vt. CHAPTER XIX. VARIOUS CORPORATIONS AND SOCIETIES IN PRANCESTOWN. Statements concerning the Academy and the various re- ligious societies of the town have been given in the previous chapters. Others will be given here, as far as known. "The Soapstone Company was incorporated in 1865 and is referred to in the Chapter on the Quarry. As nearly as convenient these are given in the order of time. 1. "T^e Moral Society." — This was organized in Francestown as early as 1810. I cannot find its records, nor trace its work to any great extent, but And it referred to in old papers. Titus Brown was a lead- ing spirit in it. Its best days were about 1818-1820, and it seems to have disappeared about 1828, most of its members uniting with the churches that year, and transferring their religious work thereto. The object of the "Moral Society" was to "restrain profanity. Sabbath- breaking, and intemperance," which shows that these sins existed to an alarming extent at "that time. Its' members were generally not members of the church, but anxious to maintain good morals. They pledged themselves to abstain from profanity, and to respect and keep the Sabbath, and "not to drink too much!" Similar societies were formed in many other towns in the State. Like the bridge part way across the stream, they were "good as far as they went." They were said to have restrained some from gross sins, and to have started others toward the Christian life. They might be called the "Christian En- deavor Societies" of that day. 2. The Social Library. — This was incorporated by Act of the Leg- islature, June 15, 1805, under the name of "Proprietors of the Social Library of Francestown," said "Proprietors" named being Moses • Bradford, John Mcllvaine, David Lewis, and "William Starrett, and their successors. They had an excellent library, though not large. It was kept for many years in the oflSce of Hon. Titus Brown. It was a source of information and pleasure, and not a little town pride, as being the first of the kind in this vicinity. It was burned in the great fire af 1855. 3. The Musical Society. — "The Francestown Musical Society" wag incorporated June 20, 1817, and consisted of Eleaser Everett, Peter 404 COEPOEATIONS AND SOCIETIES. Woodbury, Uriah Smith, Mark Morse, William Dodge, Mark Fisher, Daniel Fuller, 2d, David Bailey, Phinehas Butterfleld, and Isaac Guild. This society was very popular for years, but ceased at the death of its original leaders. It did much, however, to elevate the musical stand- ard and taste of the town, and its good impression still remains. 4. The, Flowaye Company. ^^This Company was incorporated by Act of the Ltjgislature June 27, 1821. David Lewis, Jabez Fairbanks, Phinehas Butterfleld, John Sleeper, their heirs and successors, were empowered "to flow or drain" Pleasant Pond. This company made great plans and great talk, but never did any thing but plan and talk. An old resident said "Their mighty scheme went off down stream!" 5. The Engine Company. — "The Francestown Engine Company," consisting of Peter Woodbury, J. W. Haseltine, Peter Clark, Herbert Vose, Isaac Guild, Sydney Bingham and Daniel Bixby, was incorpo- rated July 1, 1829. This was kept up vigorously for several years. Its records are now lost and its corporate existence has ceased. The present Fire Company has the following officers: Engineer, Reed P. Ordway. Assistant, Martin L. Colburn. Sec. andTreas., Martin L. Colburn. 6. The Hotel Company. — The "Francestown Hotel Company" con- sisting of Daniel Fuller, Paul H. Bixby, Daniel McCaine, Mark Morse, Herbert Vose, Hiram P. Clark and Samuel D. Downes, and their associ- ates was incorporated at the June session 1856. The object was to build a Hotel in the place of the one burned, and to control it, and make sure of a temperance house. The present hotel was built by this com- pany in 1856. Subsequently Alexander Wilson bought up all the stock and became sole proprietor of the property. For a time he leased it to Samuel B. Hodge, Esqr. It is now (1891) owned by William H. Farnum, and occupied by Arthur H. Spalding. 7. The Francestown Bank. — This was incorporated at the June Session of 1851, with a capital of sixty thousand dollars. The Grantees were "Paul H. Bixby, William Parker, John M. Collins, Mark Morse, Daniel Fuller, William Bixby, and their associates, successors and assigns." The flrst meeting of the grantees was held July 26, 1851, at which Daniel Fuller, William Bixby, Mark Morse, Herbert Vose, Thomas B. Bradford, Israel Batchelder and John Aiken, were chosen as the flrst Board of Directors. Then the Directors met and chose Daniel Fuller, President, and Paul H. Bixby, Cashier. The Bank was a great convenience to the community and went on with unbroken prosperity, till the spring of 1863. At that time, under the pressure of the war, the currency, which had been chiefly issued according to the laws of the several states, was taken into the control of the General Government. Congress passed an Act Feb. 25, 1863, entitled "An Act to provide a national currency secured by a pledge CORPORATIONS AND SOCIETIES. 406 of United States stocks, and to provide for the circulation and redemp- tion of the same." Under this Act nearly all the state banks either prepared to go out of business or to become national banks. On the 4th of May, 1863, this bank was reorganized according to the new law, under the title of "The First National Bank of Francestown," -with a capital stock of one hundred thousand dollars. The new Board of Directors were Thomas B. Bradford, Israel Batchelder, Abner B. Woodward, Joseph Kingsbury, Kimball W. Emerson, David Atwood, and John G. Morse. Thomas B. Bradford was chosen President, and Paul H. Bixby, Cashier. It is now more than a quarter of a century since this became a national bank, during all which years it has never ceased to prosper . nor lost the confidence of the public. Its present officials (1890) are : President — Mortier L. Morrison. Cashier — George W. Cummings. Directors — Mortier L. Morrison, Hiram P. Clark, George S. Peavey, Hiram Patch, Gilman P. Fletcher, Charles S. Peavey, and George W. Cummings.* 8. The Francestown Savings Bank. — At the June session, 1868, a charter was granted by the Legislature, according to the terms of which Paul H. Bixby, Oliver Butterfleld, T. B. Bradford, Eobert Bradford, John West, Joseph Kingsbury, Hiram Patch, Luke W. Preston, George S. Peavey, William Butterfleld, David Atwood, James T. Bixby, Thomas E. Bixby, Daniel Bixby, Israel Batchelder, D. P. Bixby, Charles A. Vose, Luther Chaney, E. K. Batchelder, George Kingsbury, Samuel B. Hodge, and Issacher Dodge, were "constituted a corporation to be known by the name of Frances- town Savings Bank." A meeting of the grantees for organization was held, according to the provisions of their charter, Sept. 16, 1868, at which time they chose Thomas B. Bradford, Joseph Kingsbury, George S. Peavey, John West, Hiram Patch, Eobert Bradford, James T. Bixby and Paul H. Bixby as their first Board of Trustees. Subsequently the trustees made choice of Thomas B. Bradford as President, and Paul H. Bixby as Treasurer. This bank was at one time embarrassed with losses and ♦The Francestown National Bank voted, October, 1891, to "discontinue business and close as soon as practicable." This was accomplished in due time, and the bank has ceased to exist. It was understood that this step was taken, not because of any losses, but because the funds were wanted for use elsewhere. 406 THE MASONS. reverses, but rallied from them, and has kept on its way with increas- ing deposits and increasing helpfulness to the community. Its officers at this writing (1890) are as follows : President, Hiram Patch. Treasurer, Samuel D. Downes. Trustees: Hiram Patch, Niel McLane, Samuel B. Hodge, F. B. Starrett, Charles A. Vose, Samuel D. Downes, Augustus H. Bixby. 9. The Masons. The Pacific Lodge (No. 45, A. P. and A. M.,) was instituted in October, 1826, Daniel Fuller being the first Worship- ful Master, and Charles Whitmarsh and Daniel Fuller, Jr., being the Senior and Junior Wardens. This lodge flourished and increased until the anti-Masonic, semi-political excitement which, commencing in New York in 1827, gradually swept over the country and was promi- nent in the presidential election of 18.32. The opposition to Masonry became so great and so general that few joined the order, and this lodge, never being large, yielded to the pressure of public opinion and ceased to hold meetings about 1835, and finally, in 1840, gave up its charter. The records, regalia, jewels, and property of the lodge, were burned in the Parker Hotel in the great fire, Dec. 12, 1855. No attempt was made to revive the order in this vicinity till the winter of 1867-8, when a "dispensation" was granted to brothers, Daniel F. Frye, William B. Walker, Augustus H. Bixby, John Carkin, Thomas E. Bixby, John W. Flagg, Garry Morgan, Alonzo T. Andrews, John West, A. B. Woodward, Samuel B. Hodge, Samuel D. Downes, Willard D. Chase, John G. Morse, G. C. Terhune, Aug. E. Morgan, R. P. Lovering, Nathan Parley, Jr., Benjamin P. Woodbury, S. S. Bailey, John Atwood, Henry P. Wheeler, B. P. Huntington, Bartlett Simons, . Samuel Baldwin, and Walter Woods, "to meet as a regular Lodge in Francestown,'' and "appointing Auo-us- tus H. Bixby to be the first Worshipful Master." On the 30th of July following (1868) this lodge received its charter and was organized uuder it, taking its old name, "Pacific Lodge, No. 45," with the following as officers: Augustus H. Bixby, W. M. Alonzo T. Andrews, S. D. Abner B. Woodward, S. W. Samuel B. Hodge, J. D. CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION. 407 Thomas E. Bixby, J. W. John G. Morse, S. S. John West, Treas. Benj. F. Woodbury, J. S. Samuel D. Downes, Sec. Solomon S. Bailey, Tyler. This lodge has attained to a large membership for a scattered com- munity like this, and continues its work and prosperity. Its roll of Past Masters since reorganization is as follows: Augustus H, Bixby. Otis N. Holt. Abner B. Woodward. Eben B. Bartlctt. Garvin S. Sleeper. George H. Chandler. George D. Epps. Perlcy E. Bartlctt. David N. Butterfleld. Clarence H. Dodge. George F. Eastman. The officers of the lodge at the present time (1890) are : Herbert D. Gould, Worshipful Master. Charles S. Paige, Senior Warden. Arthur J. Todd, Junior Warden. George D. Epps, Treasurer. Augustus H. Bixby, Secretary. Martin L. Colburn, Senior Deacon. Lyman H. Belcher. Junior Deacon. Sidney H. Dodge, Senior Steward. David C. Butterfleld, Junior Steward. Samuel D. Downes, Chaplain. Nelson J. Wheelock, Marshal. , Edward F. Eoper, Tyler. 10. "TAe T. M. C. .A."— The Young Men's Christian Association was organized in Francestown in 1869, and has continued its good work until the present time. In the stormj' days of the church controversy (1876-1880) this Association was of special value, keeping on in its peaceful work and way through all oppositions and changes. By the will of Mrs. Elizabeth Whiting the Association received 1500 in 1889. W. A. Richards was its first President; At this writing (1890) its active members number 18, and its associate members 28. The follow- ing list gives its presiding officers from the first with the years of their service. W. A. Eichards, 1869, 1870. .Dr. J. F. Fitts, 1871. George E. Downes, 1872, 1879, 1885, 1886, 1887, 1888. George W. Flint. 1873. Nathan R. Marden, 1874, 1875, 1878. John P. Eichardson, 1876 . Samuel D. Downes, 1877, 1880, 1881. E. C. Cochran, 1882, 1883, 1884. Daniel E. Henderson, 1889. Hiram Patch, 1890. 408 THE HOME CIRCLE. 11. The Home Circle. — This Society was organized about Jan. 1, 1851. It originated in the mind of Mrs. .Jesse Woodbury ; but Joanna Cressy and Hannah W. Duncklee were the "active agents" to solicit membership, the terms of admission being a "signature" and a "fee of 25 cts." It was started as an auxiliary to the Academy, specially to provide means for purchasing maps, books, &c., as needed. Most of the leading and younger people of the town, of both sexes, joined in this enterprise, as also did the older students here at school. In the spring of 1852 there were 136 members, and much interest was mani- fested. The ladies sewed and prepared articles for sale; had fortnightly meetings at the dwelling-houses of members; had occasional "sales," (now called fairs) ; and all the meetings had literary exercises of a high order. The minister, Principal of the Academy, the Physicians and teachers of the town, were all enthusiastic members. The writer well remembers the stirring, charming meetings of 1854-5. In the course of years the Home Circle, having done much for the Academy, and having considerable means, began to purchase some books for them- selves. These accumulated on their hands, and ere long began to assume the appearance of a library, though of small proportions. The organization was kept up, and considerable interest continued to be manifested, the library being steadily increased, until the feeling became general that it ought to become a free town library. Finally the town voted (March 1873) to accept the "Library of the Home Circle" on con- dition of assuming its debt and appropriating SlOO per year for its sup- port. The debt was $229.91. The library then contained about 1000 vols., and has now (1890) about 2000 vols. It is in charge of three trustees chosen by the town (one chosen each year), and is open every Saturday and free to all. The present trustees are, James T. Woodbury. Augustus H. Bixby. George K. Wood. 12. Grand Army. — In 1867 the John A. Rawlins Post of the G. A. E. was established in Prancestown, and was called No. 9. Its com- mander was Maj. Augustus H. Bixby, who after two years was succeeded in command by Geo. D. Epps. This Post, though able and devoted to the cause, was necessarily small, and its members were so scattered that, with increasing infirmities in the case of some of them, it became difficult to maintain its meetings; and for this reason the Charter was surrendered in 1871, and the Post disbanded. 13. The Francestown Cornet Band. — This Band was organized Jan. 8, 1889, and has been much praised for superior excellence. The names of its members are as follows: Orren S. Waldo, Leader and President. James H. Starrett, Vice-President. James W. Merrill, Secretary. ^ BANDS OP MUSIC. 409 Charles F. Stevens, Treas. Samuel E. Stevens. John J. Henderson. Perley Holt. Eddie B. Starrett. Warren Ordway. Frank Belcher. Christie Belcher. Fred Peters. Charles Wells. ' Ernest P. Bixby. Arthur E. Starrett. John B. Livingston. Fred White. Charles W. Jellison. There was a previous Band in this town organized about 18.S.5 and flourishing for some years, and coming into use in the exciting political contests of that time. This Band led tjie processions of 1844, and per- haps later. The leader was Milton G. Starrett. The members were as follows : Milton G. Starrett. William A. Starrett. Frank B. Starrett. Shepherd W. Richmond. Charles A. Koper. Charles Howard. George W. Hodge. Tyler Tupper. Charles O. P. Wells. Amos Flint. 14. Oak Hill Grange. — This was a Branch of the "Patrons of Husbandry," so called, an organization instituted in the interest of the farmers, and quite popular at the present time all over the country. This Grange was organized in June 1874 with thirty charter members. The first Master was E. W. Colburn, his successors in office being Geo. D. Epps, Geo. F.Pettee, Henry Eichardson, andEdsonH. Patch. For some years the membership increased, till Oak Hill Grange, with 112 members, was the largest in the State; and high literary and social privileges were enjoyed, with full meetings and much enthusiam. Some unfortunate litigation in connection with the "Grange Store," and other causes, weakened the organization for a time , and diminished its numbers ; but it now enjoys "the reputation of a live and prosperous Grange." 15. The Francestown Water Company. — This Company was in- corporated by the Legislature of January 1893, "for the purpose of bringing water into the village of Francestown and into Mill Village." 410 THE WATER COMPANY. This '-body politic" consisted of William H. Farnum, Edwin W. Farnum, Charles A. Vose, Samuel D. Downes, George E. Downes, Amasa Downes, George W. Cummings, James T. Woodbury, Samuel B. Hodge, Augustus H. Bixby, Daniel E. Henderson, Hiram Patch and their suc- cessors and associates. CHAPTER XX. THE VILLAGES. Francestown village was a place of large business for a half century following 1795. From three to six ample stores were in vigorous operation all the time. The County Courts for this part of the County were mostly held here. The "second New Hampshire Turnpike" ran through this village, and for years "through stages for Boston" and heavy teams without number, and a large amount of general travel poured through this place. AUithis, with the several factories elsewhere noticed, and the Academy, made the village seem lively and enterpris- ing. And for situation and character it has been justly considered one of the most attractive villages in the state, so that the sons and daughters of the town may be pardoned for looking back withi large pride on their early home. The village is located on a high level, and its tall spires are seen at a great distance, and it looks from other towns as if placed on the gently-sloping side of the great mountain, though in fact there are valleys and streams between. The appearance, however, from the east, is that of a beautiful village sleeping on the mountain side, with buildings and spires rising above leafy gardens, and with the grand old mountain standing be- hind and above, as a mighty defender, guarding against the winds of the north. The village consists principally of one street, about half a mile long, a wide and shaded street, with venerable buildings, — concrete walks, — neat and clean, — and with an air of quiet retirement. Several small streets branch off, one toward Greenfield, one toward Mill Village, and one to the north-west, on the "old County Road," and one to the north- east part of the town. The first building put up in what is strictly the village, except the church, was built where the 412 FIRST HOUSES IN THE VILLAGE. Hotel now stands by Zachariah Richardson about 1777, It was a small one-story farm-house, and was also made to answer for a tavern. (See No. 18). The second house in the village was in the north-west part, and is now known as the Lewis house. It is not positively known who built it, nor when it was erected. It is now the oldest house in the village, the previous one having been re- moved. Built as early as 1780. The third house was built by Peter Woodbury in 1787. He came here quite j'oung and opened a store in a room in Maj. Holmes' tavern, but not long after built a small store on the spot now occupied by the north end of the Woodbury house. An old person who remembered it said (in 1860) that it was a "shanty one-fourth as large as the present low part." It had but one room; yet in it he opened a store and also lived until he could build larger, which by his energy and prosperity he was enabled soon to do. The fourth house was built by Aaron Townsend about 1788, and was afterwards known as the "Old Vose House." Town- send was a merchant and cabinet-maker, and had a store and a cabinet-shop in a part of his house. Sold to Josiah Vose about 1800. The fifth house in the village was built by Dr. Samuel LoUey, on the spot afterwards known as the "P. H. Bixby place." The date of its erection was also about 1788. Dr. LoUey soon after built the house now known as the "Stevens house," and had a store in it, and kept tavern here for a time. He bought his land of Zachariah Richardson in 1787, and probably built the follow- ing year. The sixth house in the village was what is now known as the Willard house. It was put up by James Witherspoon about 1791. Remains about as it was built, while all the older ones have been changed or replaced by others. The seventh house was built (says Col. Bixby in notes taken down in 1850) by Aaron Townsend, Jr., about 1792. After- wards it was enlarged by James Mcllvaine, the tailor, who lived there and carried on his business there many years. It is now know as the "Dea. Weston house," and is now occupied by Solo- mon Bailey and son, near the northwest extremity of the village. THE VILLAGE IN 1812. 413 It will be noticed that before 1795 the village was of very slow growth. The people nearly all lived on farms ; and when E'rancestown had a population of a thousand, (more than its population now) it had almost no village. In 1810 the popu- lation of the town was 1451, but the village was less than one-fourth its present size. An aged inhabitant gives the dwelling-houses in 1812 subject to possible errors of memory, as follows, beginning at the south end. 1. The Uriah Smith house. (This was the house now occupied by Daniel Henderson. Smith then had a store where the Unitarian parson- age now stands). 2. Hohert Nesmith, Postmaster; on spot where Amasa Downes now lives. .3. The Woodhxiry house, then occupied by Peter Woodbury. 4. The Hotel, then occupied by James Wilson. 5. The Willard house, then occupied by Joseph Willard. 6. Tlie Bixhy house, now occupied by Hiram Patch. 7. JJr. Crombie house, now occupied by Dr. Root. 8. Hon. Titus Brown's, (this house was moved away and is now the residence of N. E. Harden). The large brick house .was built in its place. 9. P. H. Bixhy house, now occupied by Maj. A. H. Bixby. 10. Fhe Aaron Townsend house, then occupied by Mr. Vose. 11. The Israel Batchelder house, now occupied by Mrs. Dean. 12. The Copeland house, where now is the elegant residence of Hon. Geo. W. Cummings. 1.3. The Burge house or Lewis house, near the brick blacksmith shop. 14. The house where Solomon Bailey now lives. 15. The Fiske house, where was afterwards built the Haseltine house in which Thomas E. Bixby now lives. 16. The house now known as the Dr. Lolley house or Stevens place. Thus there were only sixteen houses in the village in 1812, mostly small one-story buildings and several of these were new and half-finished. Others, however, were built soon after; for in 1817 (see Gazetteer of that date) there were twenty-five houses in the "compact part of the town," which means the village together with its immediate neighborhood. The same authority tells us there were then, 1817, also "a handsome meeting-house, several stores &c." There were also in the vil- lage at that time (1817) a blacksmith shop, a shop for making musical instruments, a school house, a noon house, and one tannery, (Ewell's), at the south end. This last was called one 414 THE VILLAGE IN 1890. of '[four large tanneries" then in town. And even then it appears they were proud of their village, as being smarter and more attractive than others in the vicinity. But, could they return at this day, they would not know the large and stately village that has taken the place of the old. Now we see the Old Academy, and the New Academy, two attractive churches, a chapel, a Library Building, (Masonic Hall), the Bank Building, the Box Factory, &c. &c., besides more than double the number of dwelling houses found here by the writer who pictured the place in 1817. And tlie houses now are much larger and finer than at that date. Perhaps it may please present, as well as future, inhabitants, to find below some items concerning every dwellbig-house, public building, shop, and store now standing in the village (1890). Almost every house has its comely barn and out-buildings, adding to the apparent size of the whole. This description begins at the extreme north, goes down the west side of the long street, and thence back on the east side. 1. Buxton House. — It was formerly called the "Old Woods House.'' Was moved down from the "Mountain District" about 1840. Now owned and occupied by widow Jiimes Buxton, who lived in it in her childhood, when it stood on the former site and was owned b.y other parties. 2. The Foote House. — The former house on this grotind was moved here by Franklin Ordway in 1852, and was burned in 1881. The present house was built by Thomas F. Foote in 1886 and is owned and occupied by him. The one burned was the "Old Abner Fisher House," and formerly stood on Oak Hill. 3. The Old Paesonage. — BuiltforEev. Austin Richards, D. D., in 1829, and was occupied as the parsonage of the Congregational Church for about fifty years, when it was sold by the "Society."^ It is a spacious and attractive home, beautifully situated on the height of land , over- looking the village, and retired a few steps to the west of the main street. It is now owned and occupied by Jesse P. Woodbury. 4. Blacksmith Shop. — Built by Samuel Burge about 1820. This shop has been occupied by various parties in recent years. At one time axes were manufactured in it by Hammond Starrett. Now owned by Mrs. P. L. Clark. Oliver Butterflekl writes that, previous to build- ing this, "Burge had a shop where P. L. Clark's House is." 5. DuNCKLEE House. — Built by Jesse Duncklee about 1830. Now owned by Mrs. J. W. Bryant and occupied by John F. Chase. Frances towa P.O. TOWN OF FRANCESTOWN j-(j LLSB 0/^OliG|/ GO. ^^d3urJ■ -C^^arretf