OLIN BS ■ 1225 .C65 ^^^ ^w^Wti^ SBx 1863 H sex CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 1924 084 424 062 The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924084424062 REPLY — TO — BISHOP COLENSO'S m BY THE HEBREW WOOD CHOPPER. SAN FRANCISCO: BELL & LAMPMAN, BOOK AND JOB PEINTERS, 410 CLAY STBEET. 1803. v> ' S--\ %. V.'fi;^^ V4-}" PIIEFA.CE. I have undertaken to write a reply to a book, which viewed merely with reference to its intrinsic merits, neither deserves nor requires any reply at all. Regarded in the light of a contribution to scripto- rial criticism, I do not hesitate to say that the recent work of Bishop Colonso, exhibits neither the ability, originality, nor scholarship requi- site to give it importance. Its reasoning is remarkably shallow and inconclusive, and of such a character as would, if employed in legal political, or scientific discussion, be answered only with ridicule. But strange to say, in Scriptural and Theological debates, arguments are gravely advanced and gravely responded to, which would not be tole- rated or considered at all respectable in any other field of controversy. As to the originality of the Bishop's views, I will undertake to affirm that none of his " objections " to the veracity of the Pentateuch are novel to the student of the Old Testament, and that all of them have appeared in the works of the German Rationaliste writers of the last generation. To scholarship Bishop Colenso can assuredly make no pretensions. His blunders are of the grossest description ; and his ignorance both of Biblical literature, of the correct principles of inter- pretation, of Hebrew antiquities, Hebrew literature, and even of the Hebrew language, is manifested continually, in almost every chapter of his book. Nevertheless, in spite of all this, the work is very justly to be regarded as a mischievous and dangerous one, especially to unsettled minds, and to half-educated persons, sufficiently well informed to appreciate and magnify the force of scriptural arguments, but destitute of the learning or the penetration necessary to enable them to perceive their inconclusiveness. It presents in a popular form objections which though not new, seem formidable enough to those to whom they are suggested for the first time, — objections to which the answers are not always directly obvious. To raise difficulties of this sort is an easy task. There are many things in Scripture hard to be understood, which the unlearned and the unstable wrest to their own destruction. These difficulties exist not only in Scripture, but in all the histories 4 PREFACE. that have ever been written. They exist also in Science and in Nature. We know that the seed cast in the ground germinates and expands into leaves ; that the mind is active in dreams while the body sleeps; that the earth revolves; that the planets hang poised in empty space ; that the ocean remains salt century after century. We know these things as facts ; but if any ignorant person disputes or questions them, it is no easy task to prove them in such a way that the objector shall understand the explanation or the proof, and be rationally convinced. If Bishop Colenso's "native" had raised objections to the being of a God who had no beginning of existence, or to the possibility of the motion of the earth through the realms of space faster than the flight of an arrow, or to the reasonableness of the resurrection of the body, — could the Bishop have explained and proved these things to the satisfaction of the savage any better than he could the wonders of the Bible history ? No, we all believe and know much that we cannot bring home to the apprehension of the unlearned, and much that the wisest philosopher admits his inability to explain at all. Any child can propound difficulties which will puzzle a sage ; and only ignorance and folly dream that all the mysteries of Nature and Revelation can be rendered clear to every apprehension. In regard to Scripture, the objection is often more obvious and intelligible than the reply ; and frequently where the reply is in reality complete and satisfactory, fad the objection shallow and unsound, it requires consid- erable vigor of intellect and habit of thought, to be capable of perceiv- ing this. In science the same thing is true. No one now pretends to question the doctrine of the " atomic constitution of matter." No chemical theory is more firmly established. Yet if you state that theory to an unlearned person, — if you tell him that the block of granite, the ball of iron, the most solid substances in nature, consist of parr.ioles which do not actually touch each other, — that the spaces between those particles are really greater than the particles them selves, — that when you heat an iron ball the particles which compose it are forced farther apart so that the ball becomes larger, and that cold causes them to approach closer to each other ; — if you tell him all this, he may believe you but he will not clearly conceive how it can be so. He will probably make objections to the theory, which to the great mass of mankind would seem quite as plausible and unreasonable as the keenest infidel arguments against the truth of scripture. And after you have answered his objections, and proved the truth of the theory, — no matter how able your answer, nor how clear (to a philos- PREFACE. 6 opher) your proof, he will still understand and appreciate the force of the objections much better than that of your explanations. So much easier is it always, to object than to reply, — to raise doubts than to satisfy them. But Bishop Colenso's book is important and dangerous, and ought to be answered for still another reason, entirely independent of its intrinsic merits or demerits. It is the work of a high dignitary in the Christian Church — of one whose position implies learning and ability, — whose duty and business would seem to be to defend what he assails. An attack upon the veracity of the Bible emanating from a Bishop of the Church of England, must attract attention, however feeble the attack. Thousands will read this book, who would never have opened its pages had it been the work of an avowed infidel ; and thousands will give a weight to its careless statements, slip-shod logic, and flimsy reasoning, which would not have been conceded to the subtlest and most scholarly criticisms of the ablest known rationalistic opponent of inspiration. For these reasons I have undertaken a detailed answer to this much talked of book. I have thought it best to reply in detail to all the objections raised, however absurd and unworthy of serious refutation some of them might seem. Consequently I fear that my answer will be but dull reading, and will require much patience in the perusal. The details Into which I have been compelled to go, are not, and can- not be made interresting, if the examination is thorough. It will also be seen that I have limited myself to replying to Bishop Colenso. I have not undertaken to prove that the Pentateuch is his- torically (rue, — but simply that Bishop Colenso has not shown that it is false. In many places I could have removed other difficulties than those suggested by him, which might occur to the reader. But I con- sidered this as being aside from my present purpose. JTor thousands of years the Pentateuch has been received as true by many of the greatest and wisest and best men of every generation. Statesmen and scholars, warriors and poets, great authors renowned for genius and learning, illustrious discoverers in science, profound philosophers. Rabbis and doctors of the most enormous erudition, and who knew all the " objections " of the atheists by heart, have century after century attested their belief in " Moses and the Prophets," Newton and Bacon, Paschal and Fenelon, Kant and Locke, Milton and Shakespeare, Arnold and Woodsworth, Agassiz and Bulwer, may all be regarded as men not inferior in the gifts of intellect, to Bishop Colenso and his 6 PREFACE. allies. Most of them too, are no less eminent in scholarship than in genius, and I enumerate them as the representatives of the classes who have not disdained to accept the truth of the Old Testament. Such then are the liind of intellects (neither feeble, nor inactive, nor disposed to blind credulity) that dozon to the time of Bishop Colenso's book acquiesced in the truth of Scripture. They were not of course igno- rant of the general objections before that time, urged against it, and they must have had some satisfactory mode (satisfactory to themselves) of disposing of those objections. Therefore upon authority, I have taken the Pentateuch as authentic, so far as the light existing on the subject down to the time of Bishop Colenso is concerned. I have not undertaken to prove that to be true, which was generally received as true by the wise and learned, until the appearance of this book. Such an attempt would have seemed gratuitous, and even impertinent, — as it would to come out with a pamphlet to prove the good character of a citizen of received good standing in the community. Bishop Colenso however assails the Pentateuch, and I reply to his assault. If I succeed in refuting his arguments, the Pentateuch stands in the like position as before the attack. As to silencing objectors, and putting an end to deistic doubts, that is a quixotic task which I have no idea of attempt- ing. Cavilers and doubtei-s and objectors have always existed, and will continue to exist to the end of the world. If I can prevent good, and healthy- minded men, who do not by constitution and temperament belong to that unfortunate and wretched class of intellectual cripples and invalids, from being drawn among them, I shall be content. Chronic diseases are difficult of cure, while attacks of acute disorders may often be warded off with a little care ; and to prevent the spread of contagion rather than to relieve those already infected is my aim and hope. — TO — BY J. L. STONE. • The much talked of volume, which derives its chief, I might say its sole importance from the official position of its author, embraces some eighteen distinct objections against the historical veracity of the Pentateuch. These eighteen objections, based upon as many separate passages or portions of the Books whose authority is sought to be invalidated, constitute the whole 0/ Bishop Colenso's volume of over 200 poffes. They might all have been stated, with q nte as much clearness aud force, (indeed with a material gain in these qualities) without occupying twenty pages. I propose very briefly to examine these objections or difficulties in their order. In performing this task in the manner which I have thought best to adopt, I fear I shall often be uninteresting, aud sometimes even tedious. I might indeed, by treating the subject superficially, and avoiding all dry details, by selecting the weak points of the argument I am about to deal with, and handling them in a popular manner, employing ridicule rather than reason, and adopting generally the style of an advocate or a stump speaker, who aims at making telling "points," rather than at producing sober conviction, I might perhaps, by these means, have been much more entertaining, than I can possibly expect to be, where my sole aim has been to furnish a thorough but sober refutation of a pernicious and dangerous, though shallow book. With this end steadily in view, I could not avoid going into details which must seem dry, and calculations which must seem tiresome to the ordinary reader. For my own opinion is, that if Bishop Colenso's argument is worthy to be answered at all (and I do not affirm that intrinsically it is) it should be answered with a thoroughness and gravity, worthy of the momentous questions involved. The first of the eighteen weighty objections which have induced the Bishop to throw the Old Testament overboard, relates to the ' 8 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. supposed amazing increase of the family of Judah, the fourth son of Jacob, in the course of a few generations. Our author declares that Judah is represented in the sacred record as having greaUjrand chil- dren within twenty-two years after his marriage; "this" says the learned Bishop, "is a natural impossibility," wherefore he concludes against the reliability of the record. And the conclusion would be quite justifiable, if the statement were that Hezrom and Hamul, the sons of Pharez were bom within twenty-two years after their grand- father Judah married the daughter of Shuah. But unfortunately for the Bishop's argument, the Pentateuch states nothing of the kind. After quoting the 12th verse of the 46th chapter of Genesis,Hhe Bishop says : " It appears to me to be certain that the writer here means to say that Hezrom and Hamul were born in the land of Canaan, and were among the seventy persons who came into Egypt with Jacob. Now Judah was 42 years old when he went down with Jacob into Egypt." For the purpose of establishing the conclusion that Hezrom and Hamul were born within 22 years after Judah's first marriage, our author assumes the following false hypotheses : First, that Judah was but 42 years old when he came with his father into Egypt. Second, that Judah was but three years older than Joseph. Third, that Joseph was born in- the seventh year after Jacob's marriage. Fourth, that Judah married the daughter of Shuah, after the time when Joseph was sold by his brethren. Now it is a fact strongly illustrative of Bishop Colenso's loose and careless style of reasoning, that not one of these four hypotheses, is based upon any scriptural authority. On the contrary, the first three of these assumptions, ai e not only intrinsic impossibilities, but they are inferentially contradicted by the very authority to which the Bishop appeals. The last, would hardly have been assumed we should suppose, by any reasonable man, certainly not by any reason- able man who had carefully examined the scriptural authority bear- ing upon it. But let us attend for a moment to the Bishop's argument. "Joseph," he proceeds to say, "was 39 years old when Jacob came down into Egypt." Here at the very outset is another characteristic assumption of a doubtful matter as an indisputable fact. It may indeed be true, but A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 9 its truth cannot be established; and therefore it constitutes an unsafe foundation for an argument. In reality, the language of the record, and all the circumstances tending to throw any light on the subject, afford very reasonable grounds for doubting the fact as stated by the Bishop. This, I shall advert to more particularly by and by. Our author thus proceeds : " But Judah was about three years older than Joseph, for Judah was born in the fourth year of Jacob's double marriage (Gen. xxxix 35,) and Joseph in the seventh (Gen. xxx 24-26.) Hence Judah was 42 years old when Jacob went down to Egypt." Let us now see what the record says, to justifj' this statement. In the first place, I undertake to affirm that the age of Judah is nowhere stated either directly or inferentially^ in the Scriptures. Nor. is it anywhere said either in form or substance, that Judah was born in the fourth year after Jacob's marriage. I think that the most careful examination will result in the discovery of no passage affecting these questions, except the following : " And when the Lord saw that Leah was hated he opened her womb ; but Rachael was barren. And Leah conceived and bare a son, and called his name Reuben. And she conceived again and bare a son, and she called his name Simeon. And she conceived again and bare a son, and his name was cal ed Levi. And she con- ceived again and bare a son, and said, 'Now I will praise the Lord;' therefore she called his name Judah, and left bearing." Gen. xxix 35. The next succeeding chapter commences thus : " And Rachel saw that she bare Jacob no children. And Rachel envied her sister, and said unto Jacob, ' Give me children, or else I die.'" It would seem that Bishop Coleuso must have arrived at the con- clusion that Judah was born in the fourth year after Jacob's mar- riage, by supposing that Leah conceived immediately after her marriage, and then bore a child every year. Now at best this is one of those unauthorized asumptions or "guesses," to which the Bishop is so singularly addicted. If we are to " guess " at all upon the subject, might we not as reasonably assume that an interval of eighteen months, or even of two years occurred between each birth ? In regard to the other point, the language of the record is clearly against our author's hypothesis. Leah we are told, did not conceive until " the Lord saw that she was hated," implying that some time elapsed after the marriage before the Lord "opened the womb" of 10 A EEPLT TO BISHOP COLENSo's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. the despised wife. I dwell upon matters of this sort, not so much on account of their intrinsic importance, as to illustrate the reckless style of argument in which Bishop Colenso habitually indulges on the gravest and most momentous of all the subjects that can engage the attention of thoughtful men. And now let us glance for a moment, at the evidence bearing upon the assumption that Joseph was born within three years after the birth of Judah. " And Jacob's anger was kindled against Kachael ; and he said : 'Am I in God's stead, who hath withheld from thee the fruit of the womb V And she said : ' Behold my maid Billah, go in unto her ; and she shall bear upon my knees, that I may also have children by her.' And Billah conceived, and bare Jacob a son. And Rachel therefore called his name Dan. And Billah conceived again and bare a son, and she called his name Naphtali. And when Leah saw that she stopped bearing, she took Zilpah her maid, and gave her to Jacob to wife. And she bare Jacob a son ; and she called his name Gad. And Zilpah bare a second son, and she called his name Asher. And God hearkened unto Leah, and she conceived and bare a fifth son; and she called his name Issachar. And Leah conceived again, and bare a sixth son ; and she called his name Zebulon. And after- wards she bare a daughter, and called her name Dinah. And God remembered Eachel, and God hearkened to her, and opened her womb ; and she conceived and bare a son ; and she called his name Joseph." Here it plainly appears that Joseph was the eighth child that was born to Jacob after Judah ; and under the circumstances set forth in the narrative, these eight children could not have been born in three years. Even the " simple minded native," to whom the Bishop seems to have been in a large measure indebted for his "new views," might, one would suppose, have enlightened him on this point. I am aware that it may be said, that inasmuch as these eight chil- di'en were born by four different and contemporaneous wives, (so to speak) three or four of them might have been borne a year. But the record shows that Leah did not give her maid to Jacob to wife, until Rachel's maid had already borne two sons ; and it farther appears that Leah did not conceive her fifth son till her maid had brought forth two sons. It is equally clear that Rachel did not conceive Joseph until Leah had borne her sixth and seventh children, — the last being a daughter. Hence the time covered by this series A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 11 of births is necessarily about the same, as if all the eight children had been born by the same mother, and only one at a birth. But further than this, — what authority is there for assuming that these children were born to Jacob even as often as one each year ? None is adduced or even hinted at. In fact there is no such author- ity. It is merely another of our author's loose assumptions, not only without suflScient grounds, but in the very teeth of such inferential authority as exists on the point. According to the Bishop's theory, twelve children must have been born to Jacob in seven years. On this point he refers to Genesis xxxi. 41, where Jacob says to Laban : " Thus I have been twenty years in thy house ; I have served thee fourteen years for thy two daughters, and six years for thy cattle, and thou hast changed my wages ten times.'' Let us see how much reason the Bishop has for basing the conclusion he does upon this passage. It will not be claimed (certainly not upon Scriptural authority) that any child was born unto Jacob before his marriage. ()ut of the twenty years that he served Laban, he served seven years before he was married, and consequently seven years before any child was born to him. This would leave thirteen years of service after his marriage From these thirteen years, must be deducted the six years that Jacob served Laban for his cattle, because Joseph, the twelfth child of Jacob, was born before Jacob commenced the term of service for the cattle ; Gen. xxx. 24-29. Hence but seven years are left as the period in which the twelve children were born. But twelve children cannot be born in seven years, under the circum- stances recorded in reference to these children of Jacob. These circumstances I have sufficiently commented upon above, and shall not now dwell upon them. It is sufiSciently clear, however, from the details of the sacred narrative, that a longer period than seven years must, beyond all question, have elapsed between the date of Jacob's marriage, and that of Joseph's birth. But it may be said, that the Scripture statement is distinct, that Jacob served Laban twenty year^ and that it would seem that all his children except Benjamin must have been born during the time that he was in Padan Aram, and during the second seven years' service that he served for Kachel. To this I reply, that while the record does indeed state that twenty years was the period of Jacob's service, it makes no statement whatever in reference to the time during which he lived in Paden Aram. He may have been in Paden fifty years, for all that appears to the contrary, and out of that time have 12 A KEPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. served Laban but twenty years. On this point we have no positive knowledge, and no conclusive evidence. But I have as good a right to make an "assumption," or hazard a "guess," in the interests of Inspiration, as the learned Bishop has to use that privilege in the interests of Infidelity. Still, I am unable to conquer my aversion to arguments which rest upon the flimsy foundation of unwarranted assumptions ; and I shall accordingly waive my privilege. Nor, indeed, is there any necessity of resorting to it in the present case. For when we consider the language of the record, and the age of Jacob, we may arrive in a perfectly legitimate and logical manner at the conclusion that Jacob did, as a matter of fact, reside in Paden Aram at least forty-three years. Instead, therefore, of proposing a "guess" of my own to the "guess" of the Bishop, I propose to show the rash and ill considered character of his conjecture, by an appeal to the "testimony" — such as it is. And I shall confidently submit to the candid and intelligent reader, that it is at least suflS- cient to show that the great preponderance of probabilities is direct- ly against Bishop Colenso's theory. In mathematics and physical science, propositions may be rigidly demonstrated, so that none but an idiot can question their truth. But in matters such as we are now considering, demonstrative proof is seldom attainable ; and a wise man will not demand it as a necessary preliminary to conviction. It appears clearly enough that Jacob served Laban seven years before his marriage. When the first period of service had expired, he went to Laben and said : " Give me my wife, for my days are fulfilled." Gen. 29 : 21. Here the time of the expiration of the first period of seven years is distinctly indicated ; but we are not told when the second seven years expired. The Bishop, proceeding suo more, assumes the birth of Joseph as the date of the termination of this second period. In Genesis xxx. 25, we find it written : "And it came to pass when Rachael had born Joseph, that Jacob said unto Laban, ' Send me away, that I may go into my own place, and to my own country.' " Thus it woi;^ld seem as if the birth of Joseph were the cause of Jacob's wish to go home. Now if Joseph was born before the seven years were fulfilled, Laban would not (we should reasonably infer from all that we know of his character and his past dealings with his servant) have consented to his departure. But if, on the other hand, the seven years were then just fulfilled, Jacob would have said, (one would naturally suppose,) "My time is up; my contract is fulfilled, and I am going home to my own country." A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 13 This is the kind of language which would have been natural under those circumstances ; and is, as we have seen, the language he did employ at the expiration of his Jirst term of service. " Let me go home," he said on that occasion, ''/or my days are fulfilled." Now there are good reasons why Jacob did not express himself in this way at the second of the two intervals referred to. In the first place, the second seven years had expired long before the interview in question, and long before Joseph was born. But until the latter event Jacob was not ready to return home. He had entered Laban's service with a double object — to obtain a wife, and to avoid the danger with which he was threatened at the hands of his brother Esau. The former object was attained at the end of his first seven years' service ; the latter was not accomplished until the birth of Joseph. After that event Jacob's fears of Esau were at an end. He knew what, in later days the prophet has said: — "And the house of Jacob shall be a fire, and the house of Joseph a flame ; and the house of Esau for stubble ; and they shall kindle in them and devour them, and there shall not be any remaining in the house of Esau." (Obadiah I 10.) He therefore feared no longer for himself or his house, and was ready to return home. That the birth of Joseph took place after the fourteen years of his father's service had expired, will appear from a brief investigation as to the age of Jacob himself. When Jacob came into Egypt he was one hundred and thirty years old, and Joseph was (at the same time) thirty-nine or forty years of age. Deducting the age of Joseph from that of his father, we have ninety-one years as the age of Jacob when Joseph was born. And deducting the fourteen years of service before Joseph's birth, from ninety-one years, we have seventy-seven years as the age of Jacob (that is according to Bishop Colenso's calculation) at the time when his parents sent him away to Laban. Now is it not a little improbable that Jacob should have remained at home unmarried, to the age of seventy-seven years, and then at his mature age, hare agreed to serve seven yeara for a wife, before marriage ? This would make him eighty-four at the time of his marriage, while both his brother and his father married at forty. I submit that this does not in itself appear quite reasonable ; and no reason is given or suggested by Bishop Colenso. To say the least, the probabilities (if we are left to probabilities) are against it. , Having already ascertained that at the time of the birth of Joseph, 14 A REPRY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. Jacob was ninety-one years of age, let us see what data there are for an estimate of his age at the time of his leaving his parents to enter the service of Laban. We find, Genesis xxv. 36, that Esau vs^hen forty years of age, had married two wives. There is no reason to doubt that these marriages took place before Jacob was sent to Laban. No events are recorded as having taken place during the interval between Esau's marriage and Jabob's departure, except the proceedings by which the latter obtained from his father the blessings designed by him to be be- stovs^ed on Esau. All that is narrated with reference to this trans- action occurred in a iew days' time. The clear probability is, therefore, that the interval alluded to was a brief one. For the purpose of our present calculation however, let us be liberal, and allow five years as the time covered by that interval. The proba- bilities are that it was not nearly so long, and it could not well have been more. But as the greater the interval, the better it is for the Bishop's argument, I will give. him the benefit of the longest period that even he could reasonably claim. Esau then, being forty years of age at the time of his marriage, we will call Jacob, his twin brother, forty-five at the time of his departure to Laban, in search of a wife, for that was in fact the main purpose of his mission. Gen. xxviii 2. From Esau there was no immediate danger ; his violence was restrained from 'any open manifestation, until the death of Isaac should take place, for what he is recorded to have " said in his heart," after Jacob had obtained the blessing, is, "When the days of mourning for my father shall be at hand, then will I slay my brother Jacob." Hence, I feel author- ized in concluding that Jacob was forty-five years of age when he was sent to Laban. Now if he only remained there twenty years, he would have been sixty-five years old when he departed. Joseph was seven years of age at the same time. But we have an implied statement that he was thirty-nine years old when Jacob came to Egypt, and thirty-two years must therefore have elapsed between that date, and the time of leaving Laban. Adding this thirty-two years to sixty-five, and we have ninety-seven years as the age of Jacob on his arrival in Egypt. But the age of Jacob at the date last mentioned, is not left to inference or conjecture. It is expressly stated, in the record at one hundred and thirty years, showing a dis- crepancy of thirty-three years between his true age, and that which results from the foregoing calculations. All this leads to one inevi- A EEPLT TO BISHOP COLENSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 15 table conclusion, as the sole mode of reconciling the apparent con- tradiction ; and that conclusion is, that Jacob was fifty-three years in Paden Aram, and serving Laban twenty years of that time. If the reader has had sufficient patience to follow me closely and understandingly through these tedious calculations, he will perceive that Bishop Colenso's assertion that Judah was but three years older than Joseph, has been pretty eflfectually demolished. As the whole weight and force of the " First Objection " to the veracity of the Pentateuch, rests upon this assertion, objection and assertion must share the same fate. The first chapter of the Bishop's book, is wholly occupied with the " first objection," and contains nothing else. I think I may therefore consider that I have now performed my undertaking, so far as that chapter is concerned. The fact that the marriage of Judah stands recorded in Scripture after the sale of Joseph into Egypt, together with the fact that Joseph had been but about twenty-two years in Egypt when his father arrived there accompanied by Hezrom and Hamul (who were in the same position in point of time, to Judah, as if they were his grand-children,) these two facts might perhaps be made the basis of an argument in support of the Bishop's theory. But the argument would be entirely worthless, unless it be admitted, that the order of narration is necessary to be taken as the order of occurrence of the events narrated ; and we all know that this is not the case, either in sacred or profane history. The strict chronological order never is in fact pursued by any historian. If engaged in narrating one set or series of connected occurrences, he follows it out to its proper con- clusion, and then goes bach (in point of time) to take up another series, and bring that down in due order to its final issue. It is so with the narrative in question, and to infer that Joseph was sold before Judah was married, because of the simple position in the narrative which the two events occupy, is entirely unwarrant- able, and evinces an utter ignorance of the manner in which history has always been written, and the only rational manner in which it can be written. Lord Macauly narrates the great naval battle of La Hogue, by the issue of which the English people were relieved from their dread of an impending foreign invasion, in the eighteenth chapter of his History. In the nineteenth chapter, he describes King William's arrival in Holland, and his preparations for the campaign against the French ; yet the events last narrated, were prior in point of time. But I have already dwelt too long upon a point so obvious. A Eeply to Bishop Oolenso's Attack Upon the PentateucL BISHOP COLENSO'S SECOND OBJECTION TO THE TEBACITT OF THE PENTATEUCH. Formerly I experienced some difficulty in understanding the 4th verse of the 26th chapter of Proverbs ; " Answer not a fool according to his folly," in connection with the succeeding verse ; 'Answer a fool according to his folly lest he be wise in his own conceit." But since commencing the task of reviewing Bishop Colenso's book, I have gained some light touching these apparently conflicting passages. If a foolish difficulty is raised, through ignorance merely, and with no evil intention, the ob- jector, and others who share his ignorance may be enlightened and benefitted by a wise answer, to the exl^nt at any rate of becoming sensible of his folly, and losing his " conceit "of his own ■wisdom. If on the other hand the foolish objector, is animated by sinister motives, and mingles malice with his folly, it is idle and undignified to waste time in disputing with him. Now the objection to the Old Testament in reference to the "family of Judah," whether it was possible for Hezron and Hamul to have been born before the time that Jacob came down into Egypt, might perhaps appear to be a reasonable one to a person destitute of Biblical learning. I accordingly made a serious, and I think a complete answer to that objection, since it seemed to me to be such an one as might have originated in the sincerity of ignorance. But the second and third points made by the Bishop are of alto- gether a different character, and I am utterly unable to conceive how they could ever have been propounded in good faith, by any person of ordinary intelligence. Indeed they imply a degree of stupidity so enormous, that I am constrained to attribute them to something more, than simple ignorance. I might therefore pass these objections without condescending to offer a serious reply to them, yet as they may be very briefly refuted, I prefer to devote a little time to their consideration. The second objection raised by the Bishop against the veracity of A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. It the Pentateuch is founded upon the question whether the whole of the Israelites could go inside of the court of the tabernacle to wit- ness the consecration of Aaron and his sons to the priestly office ? This, says the Bishop, was an impossibility, because the court was but one hundred cubits in length, ind fifty cubits in breadth, and deducting therefrom the space that the tabernacle itself, which stood in the centre of the court, occupied, but fifty-four feet are left. For a million of men to go into a space of fifty-four feet, argues the Bishop, is an impossibility, or according to the statement, as made concerning " all the Israelites," and leaving their number an open question, it is a proof that the Israelites were no more in num- ber than could go into an enclosure of fifty-four feet. Hence he concludes that this contradicts the statement, which is repeatedly made in the Pentateuch, that the Israelites had over six hundred thousand warriors, or men that were over twenty years of age. In answer to this difSculty, I will simply ask the Bishop why, if he is certain that six hundred thousand men could not go into a space of fifty-four feet, he chooses without any reasonable motive, to so understand the record as to compel them to go in there ? The Bishop is by no means forced to this interpretation ; and it really seems to be with him a matter of preference. Indeed, where there are two modes of understanding any passage of Scripture, one of which tends to make the sacred writings inconsistent or ridiculous, the learned prelate seems invariably to choose it in preference to the other. This is rather singular, and if the same characteristic were equally manifested by a scoffing scriptical writer, I should be com- pelled to attribute it to the wilful perversity and malice, of one who hated the truth, and desired to assail and ridicule it by every possible means, — even by falsehood if necessary. But of course I cannot judge in this way of Bishop Colenso, and I must accordingly account for the peculiarity referred to on some other ground — difficult as that may seem. But the undoubted fact is, that we are nowhere told in the Bible that the Israelites were to go inside the court of the tabernacle ; neither does the passage quoted by the Bishop say so. It reads as follows — " And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying : Gather thou the congregation together unto the door of the tabernacle of the congregation. And Moses did as the Lord commanded him, and the assembly was gathered unto the door of the tabernacle of the con- 2 18 A REPDY TO BISHOP COLONSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. gregation." — (Leviticus 8 : 1-3-4.) This does not say that they had to go inside the court of the tabernacle. The Bishop, in the preface of his work, speaks of his companion, " a simple-minded but intelligent native, who had the docility of a child but the reasoning power of mature age." As I have no other knowledge of the reasoning powers of that native except the Bishop's word — and his judgment — I am incapable of saying what the intelligence and reasoning faculties of the native were. But I am quite confident that even a person belonging to one of the infe- rior races of savages, if gifted with the ordinary capacity of a savage could have suggested to the learned objector, a very natural and obvious solution of this particular difficulty. If the said savage should be informed that the tabernacle was 30 feet high on the inside; that the "court" that surrounded it, was not made of stone, or brick, or wood, but simply of linen curtains; that the command was that all the Israelites should witness the ceremony of Aaron's consecra- tion ; — I really think that if these particulars were stated to even a Hottentot of average sagacity, he might have suggested to the perplexed prelate, that it would be the easiest thing in the world to remove the curtains temporarily, erect a staging inside, and thus enable all the Israelites to be spectators of the ceremony. The next, (the third) difficulty is of the same character as the foregoing. It is thus stated : How could Moses or Joshua address all the people or congregation of Israel if they were so many as the Bible tells us they were ? The Bishop thinks that it was impossible for all of them (at least two milllions) to hear what either Moses or Joshua said. Here the question raised by the objector is not whether Moses or Joshua could speak before the whole congregation ; but whether the multitude heard what the speakers said. And inasmuch as the Bible does not say that they all heard, but simply that Moses or Joshua had spoken before the whole congregation, {women and children.) If there is a question at all, it answers itself, that the speaker spoke as loud as he could, and was heard by as many as could hear him. I think this a sufficient answer ; at least I shall hold it is, nntil he refers me to any place in the Bible where it says that every one who was present heard what the speaker said. Bishop Colenso must often have heard and read such expressions as,— "I affirm before the whole world,"— or "before all mankind," or "in the face of the world," — I wonder if he ever undertook to A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSo'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 19 interpret them in the same spirit which he evinces in his Biblical criticisms ? History gives us many accounts of generals having "addressed," or "harangued" their armies, where those armies could not by any possibility have heard at one time the voice of any man_ How does the Bishop understand such statements ? The President of the United States, " addresses," his fellow citizens, the people of the United States from the steps of the Capitol at Washington every fourth year on the 4th of March : do all th? people, of all the States hear him ? And yet if I should say ; "the President addressed all the people, from the Capitol steps," would Bishop Colenso be justi- fied in impeaching my personal veracity ? If not, why is it that he criticises the Pentateuch in a spirit so different from that applied to other works, or to other similar statements and modes of expression ? It cannot be of course because he hates the Bible more than other books, and wishes to make it out to be false, by any reasons and at all hazards. This supposition is inadmissible in the case of a dignitary of the Church, like Bishop Colenso, who has devoted himself to the work of carrying to foreign lands and heathen people, the religion whose foundation and corner stone, he labors so hard to overturn. The next objection, (the fourth) relates to, " The extent of the camp compared with the priest's duties and the daily necessities of' the people." After quoting the 11th and 12th verses of the 4tk chapter of Leviticus, the Bishop says, " We have seen that the whole population of Israel at the exodus may be reckoned at two millions." Now we cannot well allow a living man, with room for his cook- ing, sleeping, or other necessaries of life, less than three or four times the space of a dead one in his grave. Let us allow, however,, for each person on the average three times six feet by two feet, the size of a coffin for a full-growd man ; that is, let us allow for each person thirty-six feet. Then it follows that for two millions of peo- ple the camp must have covered "one thousand six hundred and fifty-two acres of ground." "Thus the refuse of these sacrifices would have to be carried by the priest himself, Aaron, Eleazer, or Ithamar — there were no others," — (This is another assertion of the author without proof or reason,) — "a distance of three-quarters of a mile frond the outside of the great camp, wood and water would have to be brought for all purposes, and indeed the command itself supposes the person to have a ' paddle upon his weapon,' and there- fore must be understood to apply only to the six hundred thousand 20 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSo's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. warriors. But the very fact that this direction for ensuring cleanli- ness, ' for Jehova thy God walketh in the midst of thy camp, there- fore shaJl thy camp be holy ; that he see no unclean thing in thee, and turn away from thee,' would have been so limited in its appli- cation, is in itself a very convincing proof of the unhistorical char- acter of the whole narrative." So far as I am able to understand the drift and force of this reasoning, it tends to establish no conclusion, except the dense igno- rance of its author. The Bishop concludes that the camp of the Israelites occupied a space of "one thousand six hundred and fifty acres of ground." What proof has he shown that they all camped in one body ? None other than his own assertion. Had he been as learned as we might reasonably expect one occupying his position to be he would have known that there were three camps, one within the other, namely : the Camp of Priests in the centre ; around that, the Camp of the Levites, and on the outside of them the Camp of the Israelites, which was subdivided into four parts. "And the Lord spake unto Moses, and unto Aaron, saying, " Every man of the children of Israel shall pitch by his own stand- ard with the ensign of their father's house ; FAR OFF about the Tabernacle of the congregation, shall they pitch. And on the east side, towards the rising of the sun, shall they of the standard. of the Camp of Judah pitch throughout their armies." All that were numbered in the Camp of Judah, a hundred and sixty'six thousand and four hundred. " On the south side shall be the standard of the Camp of Reuben." All that were numbered in the Camp of Reuben were a hundred and fifty-one thousand, four hundred and fifty. Then the Tabernacle of the congregation shall set forward, with the Camp of the Levites in their midst of the Camp. As they encamped so shall they set forward every man in his place by their standard. On the west side shall be the standard of the Camp of Ephraim." All that were numbered of the Camp of Ephraim were a hundred and eight thou- sand and one hundred. " The standard of the Camp of Dan shall be on the north side of their armies." All that were numbered in the Camp of Dan were, one hundred and fifty-seven thousand and six hundred. Num. Chap. II. Here we have a plain statement that they had five different and A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO'S ATTACK UPOK THE PENTATEUCH. 21 separate Camps, each one " Far off from the Tabernacle,'' and the Priests whose Camp was in the Tabernacle necessarily constituted a sixth Camp. I ask again, where does the Bishop derive his authority for congregating them all in one Camp ? If his calculation: that the w'ole of them together occupied a space of but 1652 acres is right ( which I do not affirm, and it is not worth while to dispute) an aveiage of them would occupy one-sixth part of 1652 acres, which is 275 acres, hence the Bishop may with as much reason and with the same force of argumen say : " It is impossible for a man who has a farm of 275 acres of land and a dwelling house in the midst of it, to come home to his dinner every day when he is at work anywhere on the line of his farm," as it was impossible for the Israelites to get ouiside of their Camps. The Bishop in this connection, quotes a passage from Josephus, as follows : Ant. Ill, 12, V : — " It was like an appointed market, and every- thing was there ready for sale in due order, and all sorts of artificers were in the shops, and it resembled nothing so much as a city, that was sometimes moveable and sometimes fixed." Hence they could not have congregated together, as the Bishop supposes them to have been. Consequently, if what he has quoted from Josephus proves anything it proves what the Bible says (above quoted) that the Israelites were divided into several Camps, and each Camp subdivided into Tribes, and probably each tribe again subdivided into families. This did indeed represent the shape of a city with streets ; and thus it was no more for one man to go out of his camp than for one who lives in a city to go out in the street. The Bishop goes on to say that from the outside of this great camp "wood and water would have to be fetched." Why would they have to bring wood and water from outside the camp ? Could they not have pitched their different camps around or near some woodland ? What proof has the Bishop produced that this camp did not occupy (that is all the camps together,) ten or twelve miles, or even more, and this would give them space enough to fell trees directly in front of their tents. And as for water they could have encamped around some spring, and if there was no spring they had a stone that used to supply them with water, and which could be carried about from one camp to another and supply each with water. From the learned Bishop's style of criticism on this point, one would suppose that he had never heard of the " watering stone " 22 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSo's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. which the Israelites had in the wilderness, though the Bible makes distinct mention of it in several places. But the objector continues : — '• Thus the refuse of the sacrifice would have had to be carried by the priest himself, Aaron, Eleazer, or Ithamar, for there were no others, a distance of three-quarters of a mile out of the camp." I ask again what proof has he given that there was even one of these sacrifices, to which he refers, and of which he has quoted a part, and placed at the heading of the 6th chapter of his book, or the chapter now under review? Or what proof has he shown that it was intended that the Israelites should keep and observe any of the laws which we find in the Bible, with the exception of keeping the Sabbath, during the time that they were in the wilderness ? He has shown none, and we find none in the Bible. The only proof that they kept the Sabbath during that time is the fact that they went out to seek for manna on that day, and were rebuked for it ; and that a certain man was stoned to death for gathering wood on that day. All the rest, or nearly so, they were commanded to do, and observe, from and after the time that they came to the land of their inheritance. They have not even kept circumcision, which they retained in Egypt. "And Joshua made him sharp knives, and circumcised the children of Israel at the hill of the foreskins." "And this is the reason why Joshua did circumcise. All the people that came out of Egypt that ■H ere males. All the men of war died in the wilderness by the way, after they came out of Egypt." " Now all the people that came out were circumcised, but all the people that were born in the wil- derness, them they had not circumcised." — (Joshua 5th chapter, verses 4 and 5.) "These are the statutes and the judgments which ye shall observe to do in the land, which the Lord God of thy fathers giveth thee to possess it." " Ye shall not do so unto the Lord thy God but unto the place which the Lord thy God shall choose out of all your tribes to put his name there, even unto his habitation shall ye seek, and thither thou shalt come." " And thither shall ye bring your burnt offerings and your sacrifices tithes and heave offerings." "Ye shall not do after all the things that we do here this day, every man whatsoever is right in his own eyes." "For ye are not as yet come to the rest and to the inheritance which the Lord your God giveth i!ou." " But when you go over Jordan and dwell in the land which the Lord thy God giveth you to inherit, and when he giveth you A REPLY TO BISHOP COLONSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 23 rest from all your enemies round about, so that ye dwell in safety. Then there shall be a place which the Lord thy God shall choose, to cause his name to dwell there, thither shall you bring all that I command you. But in the place which the Lord shall choose in one of thy tribes, there thou shalt offer thy burnt offerings, and there shalt thou do all that I command thee." — (Deuteronomy Chapter 12th.) This, though impliedly, is nevertheless certain proof that, till they came to the land of their inheritance, they were not commanded to do anything. I now ask what has become of the Bishop's objections or arguments ; does he or they prove anything else than his own folly and ignorance ? Let us now see whether the women and children, as well as the 600,000 warriors, were compelled or commanded to have a " Paddle upon their weapons," during the time that they were in the wilderness ? The Bishop concludes, from the fact that it says they shall have the "paddle upon their weapons," it must be understood to apply only to the warriors. But (say^ he) the very fact that that direction for ensuring cleanliness "must necessarily imply women and children as well" — therefore, the two facts being contradictory to each other, is conclu- sive of the unhistorical character of the whole narrative ; this igno- rance is inexcusable. The command that each one shall have a "paddle upon his weapon," is found in no place but in the 23d Chapter of the Book of Deuteronomy. And that book was not begun until the first day of the eleventh month, of the fortieth year after the Israelites came out of Egypt ; as we are plainly told in the first chapter, and but one month before the Israelites crossed the Jordan ; yet the learned Bishop is so ignorantly blind as not to perceive that the command could not apply to the time that they were in the wilderness, because they knew nothing of it till after the forty years had passed and they were already out of the wilderness, and were in possession of the land of Moab ; and all the rest of the country which they had taken on the east side of the river Jordan. I now proceed to review the tth and 8th chapters of Colenso's book embracing the 5th and 6th objections against the Pentateuch. A Eeply to Bishop Oolenso's Attack Upon the Pentateuch, The fifth objection that Bishop Colenso has raised agaist the historical veracity of the Pentateuch, is based upon " The number^ of the people (the Israelites) at the first muster, compared with the poll tax raised six months previously." After quoting the 11th, 12th, and 13th verses of the 30th chapter of Exodus, (which he has altered to suit his purpose, and to which I shall hereafter refer,) he says : " We may first notice in passing that the expression. Shekel of the Sanctuary, in the passage above, could hardly have been used in this way until there was a sanctuary ; or rather until the sanctuary had been some time in existence, and such a phrase had become familiar in the mouths of the people. Whereas, here it is put into the mouth of Jehova, speaking to Moses on Mount Sinai, six or seven months before the tabernacle was made. And in Exodus, 38th chapter, we have the same phrase used again, of the actual contribution of the people towards the building of the sanctuary." If this is one of the insoluble questions which the learned Bishop has found in the Bible, and which have so sadly disturbed his conscience, I will, for his own sake, and the sake of humanity, solve it for him, and hope it will tend to the settlement of his mind. If he had referred to the 30th verse of the 26th chapter of Exodus, he could have found why that objectionable phrase was used, or how at least Moses came to know what a " Shekel of the Sanctuary" was before a sanctuary was built. It reads thus : "And thou shalt rear up the tabernacle according to the fashion thereof which was shown thee in the Mount." Thus he may have seen the Shekel of the Sanctuary in the taber- nacle that he saw in the Mount. The same as he saw the candle- stick ; in speaking of it, it says, " And look that you make them after the same pattern which was shown you In the Mount." Besides this it was clearly expressed what the value of a " Shekel of the Sanctuary" was. The Bishop is too anxious to make his readers swallow his crude theories and illogical conclusions. He has omitted A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 25 the language which explains what a Shekel is, in the three verses quoted from the 30th chapter of Exodus. I will here insert the 13th verse of that chapter, as it stands in the Bible, and also the same verse, as the Bishop has made it read in his book : COLENSO's COPT. " This they shall give every one that passeth among thein that are numbered. An half shekel shall be the offering of Jehovah." ORIGINAL. "This they shall give every one that passeth among them that are numbered, half a shekel, after the shekel of the sanctuary; A Shekel is Twenty Gebahs; half a shekel shall be the offering of the Lord." A comparison of the above passage is calculated to shed much light upon the spirit in ■\\'hich the Bishop conducts his argument. It was as easy for the Israelites to knovsr what or how much a Shekel of the Sanctuary was, when they were told that twenty " Gerahs" made a shekel, as it is for any one who never saw the coin of any nation, when ho is told what its value is in weight or other designation with which he is familiar, or explained in the simple manner that is done in the instance in question. The Bishop appears to know that " Shekel of the Sanctuary" is a mistranslation from the Hebrew word " Baishkel Hacondish," which means the Sacred or Holy Shekel. But he says (in that case,) " The difficulty would still remain, to explain what the Sacred Shekel could mean, before any sacred system was established." There could be no diflSculty in their knowing what a Sacred Shekel was, even before a sacred system was established, as the explanation given to them shows ; besides which the sacred system was shown unto Moses in the Mount, before it was established amongst the Israelites, and before the Lord spake unto Moses about it. "But," says the Bishop, "these words direct that whenever a numbering of the people shall take place, each one shall pay a ransom for his soul. Now we read in Exodus, chapter 38th, of a tribute being paid, but nothing of a census being taken. On the other hand, in Numbers, chapter 1st, more than six months after the date of the former occasion, we have an account of a very formal numbering of the people, the result being given for each particular tribe. Here the census is made, but there is no indication of any atonement money being paid. The omission in each case might be considered as accidental, it being supposed in the first instance the numbering really took place, and in the second the tribute was paid, 26 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. though neither circumstance is mentioned. But then it is surprising that the number of adult males should have been identically the same on the first occasion as it was half a year after." Here are involved what the Bishop calls two questions. First — Why the ransom money was not paid at the second numeration, and secondly— Why the males had not increased during the interval which had elapsed from the time they (the Israelites) were first numbered, to the time they were subsequently numbered, which the Bishop says was six months. We will glance at the first question, namely ; " Why was the ransom money not paid at the second numeration ? It is only nec- essary to say that the Bishop has adduced no proof to establish that fact, so coolly assumed ; the only reason assigned by him, and upon which he has based his conclusion, is, that the second census was taken by counting each individual, and not by each one giving a half shekel, as they were commanded to do ; and we do not find it mentioned in the first chapter of Numbers, where it relates to the second census being taken, that they paid in the half shekel as we do in Exodus. The Bishop shall have the benefit of the whole weight of his reasoning, and we will, for the sake of argument, admit as a fact that there is no proof that a poll tax was levied and collected from each one at the second census. But does this make the Bishop's case any better ? Now the burden of proof h^ it observed is by all rules of logic and common sense, upon the Bishop. He is bound to make out his case against Moses in the matter aflSrmatively, for he charges the great law — give of the Israelites with having himself violated the law by counting the persons of the people, and not the half shekels or bekah which he was commanded to collect. Hence the Bishop is in the position of an accuser, and Moses in that of the accused, who is presumed innocent until proved guilty. The Eight Rev. prosecu- tor however, seeks to reverse this condition of things, and calls upon us to presume Moses guilty, because his innocense is not afiirma- tively established ! There were two ways of taking the account ; one right and the other wrong. The Bishop charges Moses with having adopted the wrong mode, and undertakes to prove it by the alleged fact that he does not expressly state lohich mode he did really adopt. Can there be a greater outrage on candor and fair dealing than this ? A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 27 But we have no need to avail ourselves of this just and wise principal of the law in the present argument. Let Moses be placed in the position the Christian Bishop assigns him, — adjudged guilty in advance without proof and required to " prove his innocense." He can do even this triumphantly. The " fact " which we have above admitted for the sake of the argument, is in truth and reality no fact, but a falsehood. The Bishop is (as we have so often found him before) utterly mistaken in his assertion that we find nothing in the first chapter of Numbers about the ransom money, etc. I wonder how the learned critic of the Pentateuch understood the following passage, of which we cannot certainly suppose him ignorant : " Take ye the sum of all the congregation of the children of Israel after their families, by the house of their fathers with the number of their names, every male by their Polls." — Numbers, chapter 1 : 2. We ask what does the word Polls mean if not " The Poll Tax" which they paid and by which their numbers were ascertained ? We will now consider the second question, namely ; "Why the adult males had not increased during the six months which (the Bishop says) had elapsed from the first to the second counting." This is a question which is capable of being answered in more ways than one. It may be answered by saying that the second counting was made out from the "Eansom" money which they paid in six months before. Or, that the second counting was only ordered for the purpose of ascertaining the exact number of each family as it appears from the first chapter of Numbers. This would account for no increase being shown. Second — ^That the two reports alluded to are one and the same counting, namely : In Exodus it gives the total amount of the money that was paid in by the whole nation, and in Numbers it gives the separate number of each family which was made out from the records of the money they paid in. Also by saying that they were counted by tens or by fifties, as Kurtz has solved that question. Thus any number less than ten, in any family, was not counted. These answers are not mine, neither do I give them as answers to the question, but mention ^e fact for the purpose of showing that a question that may be answered in so many different ways is not worth answering at all. I will admit they were counted twice, and that six months elapsed 28 A REPRY EO BISHOP COLENSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. between the first and second counting, and that the number of males of twenty years and upwards was the same, but then, what conclusion can be drawn from that ? Why, simply that during the six months as many have died that were over twenty years old, as have arrived at the age of twenty, by the time the second count took place. For our own part, we must confess that in all this we are utterly unable to discern those "impossibilities" and "improbabilities," which loom up in such gigantic proportions before the Bishop's perturbed imagination. Perhaps this is because we do not look at Scripture through the same sort of spectacles, or with the same en- terprising determination to make frightful discoveries. In fact the Bishop seems to enjoy his "impossibilities" and "improbabilities" so much when he finds them, that we ought not to be surprised at the number which he detects. When a critic sets out to examine any book, on any subject, whether sacred or profane, in prose or verse, with the ivish to discover either defects or merits, things to praise or things to swear at, — he will be tolerably sure to find abundance of what he is in search of. The next " difficulty " with which the Bishop grapples, is based upon the " impossibility " that the Israelites could have had tents with them when they left Egypt. He quotes from the 26th chapter of Exodus, " Take ye every man for them which are in his tents," and then proceeds as follows : " Here we find that immediately after their coming out of Egypt the people were provided with tents, cumbrous articles to have been carried when they fled out in haste." They may have fled in haste, but nevertheless they were not un- prepared for this march ; they had received orders to prepare them- selves at a moment's notice to go, long before they went, as we are told in the 1st verse of the 6th chapter of Exodus, and other places. In fact, the Israelites were preparing themselves, and were in expectation of leaving Egypt from the time that Moses first came and spoke to Pharaoh to the time when they left. See the Book of Exodus, chapter 6 to 12. They were ordered to borrow all they could from the Egyptians. This proves that they had time to prepare themselves for the journey; and the promise that Pharaoh made, each time a plague came upon him, to let them go, is another strong proof that they were all the' time preparing to leave ; consequently they had plenty of time to make up tents. A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSo's ATTACK DPON THE PENTATEUCH, 29 The Bishop goes on to say, "Now allowing ten persons for cacti tent, two millions of people would require two hundred thousand tents. How did they acquire these ? Had they provided this enor- mous number in expectation of their marching, when all their request was to be allowed to go for three days in the wilderness ?" Here again the Bishop makes one of those careless statements which I have already had such frequent occasion to correct. I say careless, because in the present instance at least, the mistake really seems to have arisen from lack of that proper discrimination which should characterize the language and statements of every person who pret nds to make an argument, rather than from intention. When we see how frequently the Bishop falls into errors of this species, confounding things which an acute reasoner would readily discriminate, and allowing himself to be needlessly perplexed by "diflSculties," which any child with ingenuity enough to guess a child's riddle, or see through a child's "puzzle'' could solve, — when we note his elephantive floundering in the midst of subtleties which his intellect v^as never framed to grapple with, we cannot but regret the unhappy concatenation of circumstances by which such a man was placed in so false a position, and by which a person who might have been a useful and worthy member of society in some humbler sphere, was converted into a stumbling-block for fools, and an object of commiseration to the wise, by his attempt to meddle with theology. I regret that the statement upon which the "objection" last mentioned is based, involves an entire mistake, and exceedingly stupidore. The Israelites did not ask for three days leave of absence, as the Bishop tells us they did ; what they did ask for, was to be allowed to go a distance of three days^ journey into the wilderness. The " three days " are mentioned not as the time of their absence, but merely as the measure of the distance of their journey ; and distances were often expressed in the same way, — ^by the measure of the time of travel, rather than of the space traveled. The Bishop's blunder in this respect is undoubtedly an honest one ; it may not have struck him that there was any important difference between "going three days' journey into the wilderness," and "going into the wilderness to be gone three days," — but minds incapable of noting the importance of such distances as these, should und ;ubt- edly find some other sphere of activity than the field of Biblical criticism. 30 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. In this case, the distance was expressed, not the time. The time they were to stay away was not indefinite. We gather this from the fact that Moses told Pharaoh that they did not know what they would have to do when they arrived there. " We will go three days' journey into the wilderness and sacrifice to tlie Lord our God as he shall command us." — Exodus 8th chapter, 27th. Also, chapter 10, verses 24 and 25, "And Pharaoh called unto Moses and said. Go ye servo the Lord ; only let your flocks and your liords be stayed ; let your little ones go with you. And Moses said. Thou must give us also sacrifices and burnt offerings, that we may sacri- fice unto the Lord our God ; our cattle also shall go with us ; there shall not a hoof be left behind ; for thereof we must take to serve the Lord our God, and we know not with what wo must serve the Lord until we come thither.'' From the above passages it is clear that they were preparing themselves to stay sometime in the wilderness, and provided them- selves with tents. The learned critic next insists that if the Israelites did have tents, it was a matter of impossibility for them to have carried them. lie says : " But further, if they had these tents, how could they carry them ? Certainly not on their shoulders, as they had other burdens, such as infants and young children, who were unable to walk twenty miles a day, as they were required to do ; the aged and infirm also needed assistance ; their goods and treasures, which they brought away so plentifully for the making of the tabernacle, added to which they must have taken with them supplies of grain and flour, suffi- cient for at least a month, as we find no manna was given them till they came into the wilderness of Sin, ' on the fifteenth day of the second month after their departing out of the land of Egypt.' '' He then enters into a calculation that 200,000 oxen would be necessary to "pack" these tents. Now why in the name of common sense, should we calculate how much these oxen could "pack,'' when it was so much easier for them to draw ? In the 7th chapter of Numbers we learn that they had wagons, even covered wagons, and that the princes of Israel, of which there was one in every tribe, had donated six covered wagons, and two oxen to each wagon, to the service of the tabernacle. We also find that they had camels, and the capability of camels, as beasts of burthen, is equal to four times the weight that an ox can carry. Wo can find nothing in the Bible that the Israelites had packed oxen in the wilderness, there- 31 fore we conclude that they used wagons drawn by oxen to carry their tents and luggage. And if the weight of a tent was one hundred and twenty pounds, (as the Bishop says) two oxen could easily draw sixteen tents which weighed but nineteen hundred and twenty pounds. In that case it would only require twelve thousand five hundred wagons, and twenty-five thousand oxen ; and it cannot be supposed that that number is too great for two millions of people. Let us see whether we ought to concede that each tent weighed as much as the Bishop says it did. He says — "The Hebrew tents we must suppose were made of skins." Has he any Biblical authority for this supposition ? Has he directly or indirectly referred to any passage in the Bible upon which he based his idea that the tents were made of skins? He simply says, "We must suppose" so; and he has so concluded because it best answers his purpose. We have as much right to suppose that the tents were made of very fine linen, as he has to suppose they were made of skins. If we consider the amount of linen used for the Tabernacle, which was all donated by the people, we shall be compelled to come to the con- clusion that the tents were made out of linen. If so, this is equal to the lightest modern materials, and as the Bishop says, that tents, made of light modern materials weigh about forty pounds, a yoke of oxen that could draw sixteen tents, each weighing one hundred and twenty pounds, as we have before stated, could draw three times as many that weighed but forty pounds each ; consequently only one-third the number of oxen and wagons would be required, hence instead of twelve thousand five hundred wagons, as men- tioned above, three thousand one hundred wagons and twice as many oxen would accomplish all, and no reasonable being will suppose this an Impossibility or unhistorical, as the Bishop con- cludes it is. A Eeply to Bishop Oolenso's Attack Upon the Pentateuch. The seventh objection urged by Bishop Colenso against the historical veracity of the Pentateuch, is no less flimsy and far- fetched than those which I have already considered. It is based entirely upon the alleged statement of the record, that the Israelites were armed when they made their exodus from Egypt. The Israelites, says the Bishop, numbered over six hundred thousand ; now, if they were all armed, where did such a multitude of bondmen procure their weapons? But this keen querry does not exhaust the ingenuity of the learned objector, for he immediately proceeds to propound another, equally hard to answer, namely : If they were armed, why did they not show fight, and resist the Egyptians, instead of submit- ting to be taken back into bondage ? The Bishop then quotes the 18th verse of the 13th chapter of Exodus : " The children of Israel went up harnessed out of the land of Egypt," and declares that the Hebrew word " chamushim," which is here translated "harnessed," means "armed for battle." He next cites Joshua 1 : 12, and Judges 7 : 9, where the same word occurs, and is renderd "armed" in the English version; from which he concludes that in Exodus, also, it means "armed." Now it is undeniable that there is some very respectable authority for this rendering, notwithstanding which I believe it to be incorrect. The root of the word in question, is "chomish," (five.) From chomish, meaning _y?i;e, to chamushim, armed, seems a derivation by no means obvious ; and the reason assigned for attaching such a significance to the derivative will strike most persons as being rather far-fetched. It is as follows : The sword was usually girded on so as to be worn under the fifth rib ; in the 10th verse of the 26th chapter of Second Samuel, "So he smote him therewith in thejlfth rib," the Hebrew word rendered fifth rib, is "chomish." Such seems to be the best ground for considering chamushum as equivalent to armed. The Bishop quotes Josephus in support of his view ; but that writer is clearly an authority on the other side, as the Bishop would have perceived had he been more familiar with his writings. A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 33 For the Jewish historian declares that on the occasion of the Exo- dus the Israelites had no arms till they possessed themselves of those of the Egytians who were drowned. I also find, upon examination, that Moses does not anywhere in all his five books employ the word " Camushum," where he speaks of being armed, nor in any con- nection where it admits of such a meaning. On the contrary he uniformly uses the word "challootzim" (plural of "choUootz," ) in such connections. Joshua uses both words in such a manner as might seem to favor the idea that they had such a meaning as the Bishop claims. But in all cases where the former word occurs, it may quite as well be rendered "prepared," while the latter word is more distinct and unequivocal in its significance. And the result of a very careful examination has satisfied me that "prepared" is the true force of "chamushum," in the passages referred to by Bishop Oolenso, and that where the idea of being literally armed is meant to be conveyed, the other word is employed. To go into the philological question at length, would, I fear, be very dry business to the majority of my readers, and I shall therefore forbear to elab- orate it. I am confident, however, that the best Hebrew schollars will, upon consideration, agree with me in the opinion that the rendering " prepared," will in every case answer the requirements of the context where the word "chamushum" occurs, and will, in many instances, meet them much better than the rendering for which the Bishop contends. But waiving the verbal argument altogether, and accepting Bishop Colenso's rendering of "chamushum," let us see whether it is really as impossible as he supposes, for the Israelites to have been supplied with arms. And first, it is desirable to consider what kind of arms were used in those days, which inquiry may throw much light on the point of the comparative difficulty of obtaining them. There was a time when the population of almost every country in the world were much more generally armed than at the present day. The simpler and cheaper the weapons in use at any period, the more easy it is for a whole people to supply themselves with arms. At the period when long-bows and pikes were the weapons used by in- fantry, the entire yeomanry of England were much better "armed" than they are in these days of revolvers and minie rifles. And to look at the question before us in the light of the nineteenth cen- tury, is no less absurd than it would be to measure the learning of Josephus and Aristotle by the number of books they had read, and 34 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSo's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. by that test to pronounce them inferior to the barber's apprentice of the present day, who has access to the shelves of a circulating library, and reads all the new novels and books of travel. Now, according to be best information we can obtain on the sub- ject, bows and arrows, spears, swords and slings, were about all the weapons in use at the time alluded to ; and all these were probably of an exceedingly simple and primitive description, made of mate- rials neither costly nor difficult to be procured, and requiring little time or skill for their manufacture. Even the Bishop's "simple minded native " might, one would suppose, have suggested to him the ease with which, under such cii cumstances, a people could supply themselves with "arms." If the learned prelate had inquired of his savage mentor, "how long it would take him to manufacture a bow and arrows, or a serviceable spear, such as were in use among the native tribes," and had then reflected that, three days of darkness to the Egyptians which were light to the Israelites, preceded the exodus, during which the latter had an opportunity to provide themselves with weapons, I think that the particular objection under considera- tion would have lost much of its force, and would perhaps have seemed to him scarcely sufficient to overthrow the Pentateuch. At any rate there appears to be no improbability in the way. of their having provided themselves with bows and arrows at least during these three days of darkness ; as to the swords with which they slew the Amalekites a month afterwards, there seems to be nothing un- reasonable in the suggestion of Josephus, that they procured them from the host of Egyptians drowned in the Bed Sea, whose bodies were cast upon the shore. And Josephus is not the only authority for this notion. Several of the most eminent Hebrew commentators advanced the same idea, long before Bishop Colenso's "objection" was ever dreamed of. The 22d verse of the 15th chapter of Exodus, "So Moses BRoueHT Israel from the Red Sea," has been considered to imply that the Israelites were inclined to linger there, and the com- mentators alluded to have explained this reluctance to depart, upon the ground that the people were engaged in gathering the spoil of the Egyptian host, among which they would not be likely to forget their arms. Without wearying the patience of the reader by an examination of the other ways in which it was possible for the Isra- elites to have procured arms, (of which there are several,) I will at once pass to the remaining objection, namely : that if the Israelites were armed, they would have defended themselves when pursued A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 36 and overtaken by the Egyptians. On this point Bishop Colenso says : "If, then, the historical veracity of this part of the Penta- teuch is to be maintained, we must believe that six hundred thousand armed men had, by reason of their long servitude, become so debased and inhuman in their cowardice, (and yet they fought bravely enough with Amalek, a month afterwards,) that they could not strike a single blow for their wives and children, if not for their own lives and liberties, but could only weakly wail and murmur against Moses, saying, 'it had been better for us to serve the Egyptians than that we should die in the wilderness.' " This bitter sneer at the courage of the Israelites, proves the Af- rican Bishop to be as little of a philosopher as he is of a theologian. The noblest and sturdiest races become depressed, despondent, and, in a certain sense, even cowardly, by generations of oppression. Human nature cannot after all rise above the limitations of human- ity, and is not indomitable. Had the Bible narrative represented the Israelite s fresh from their Egyptian bondage, and just escaped from servile toil and the whip of their masters — had it represented such a people as evincing at once the courage, self-confidence, and high spirit of an unconqaered race which had never bowed to the yoke — it would have furnished a stronger argument against its own veracity than any which Bishop Colensd's ingenuity has constructed, and I triumphantly point to the fact that a Jewish historian hat re- corded this humiliating fact concerning his own people, as one of the most convincing proofs of the candid and veracious spirit which per- vades the Mosaic Boohs. Nevertheless, it is not difBcult to assign other reasons than the broken spirit of a long subjected people, for the apparent "coward- ice" of the Israelites on this occasion. In the 13th chapter of Exo- dus it is written : "And it came to pass when Pharaoh had let the- people go, that God led them not through the way of the land of the Philistines, although that was near. But God led the people about through the way of the wilderness of the Ked Sea." In the 14th chapter we find the following : " And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, speak unto the children of Israel that they turn and encamp before Pihahiroth ; before it shall ye encamp by the Red Sea. For Pharaoh will say of the children of Israel, they are entangled in the land ; the wilderness has shut them in." From this it will be seen that there was a nearer way for the Israelites to go out from Egypt and reach their destination, than that by which 36 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSo's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. they were led. Let us no glance at the condition of the people at the time spoken of. They were a nation of two millions of souls, and had, at the bidding of one man, left their homes, taking with them their wives and children into the wilderness. This man, Moses, had indeed assured them that he acted by the direction of God, and that he would bring them to a fertile land promised to their fathers hun- dreds of years before,*as the heritage of their children. But after all what proof, or surety, had they for the truth of all this, beyond the word of Moses ? True, they found themselves for the time freed from their bondage, but what must have seemed to them the prospect of reaching the promised land ? At the very outset, their guide and leader, instead of conducting them by the best and nearest way, had brought them through a desert region, until they found their course arrested by the waters of the sea, stretching directly across their path and barring their further progress. Under such circumstan- ces, they might well exclaim with Pharaoh, — "We are entangled in the land, and the wilderness has shut us in." It was while they were thus situated, that the pursuing Egyptians came upon them. What were they to do ? If they should fight, and prove victorious, how would t'cey be benefitted? The wilderness stretched its bar- ren expanse around and behind them ; the waves of the sea rolled in front ; they were bewildered, disheartened, and had lost confi- dence in their leader ; and to return might naturally have seemed the only practicable course, even if left to their own free choice, with nothing to fear from the Egyptian host. Thus desponding and uncertain, surrounded by nearly a million and a half of women and children, themselves imperfectly armed at least, confronted by the trained and well appointed hosts of Pharaoh, having nothing to gain by victory, it would seem to be no disparagement to their courage that they declined a useless contest. On the contrary, it would seem to a reas9nable man, capable of understanding the dif- ference between cowardice and prudence, that the course which they actually adopted was, under the circumstances, the wisest and most humane that they could have adopted. The first arrow dis- charged by them into the camp of the Egyptians, would have been the signal for a bloody conflict, which could not benefit them how- ever it might terminate. If they should prove victorious, they would still be in the midst of the wilderness, with no assured pros- pect of subsistence, and no apparent means of extricating them- selves from the perils and diffictlties that surrounded them. If, on 31 the other hand, the battle should be decided against them, their de- fenceless wives and children would be left to the cruel mercies of the infuriated Egyptian. If the falsehood of the Pentateucli is ever to be established, it will not be by such lame and suicidal logic as this. A Reply to Bishop Oolenso's Attack Upon the Pentateuch, The next question raised by Bishop Colons 3 to the veracity of the Pentateuch, is embodied in the tenth chapter of his book, •which is entitled, "The Institution of the Passover." And this portion of the Bishop's argument seems to surpass (if that indeed be possible) all that has preceded it in the stupendous ignorance of Biblical criticism which it exhibits, and the absurdity or disingeniousness of the reasonings which it contains. In fact, if it were at all germain to my present purpose to enter upon any in- quiry as to the motives of the writer, this chapter would furnish me with abundant materials for establishing, that no theologian of ordinary learning could have stated such premises, or drawn such conclusions as here set forth, without the deliberate intention to de- ceive and mislead the ignorant. But as I am at present engaged in an examination of the Bishop's "argument," (such as it is,) and not of his character or his motives, I shall strictly confine myself to a discussion of the correctness of his facts, and the soundness of his reasoning processes. Bishop Colenso commences his attack upon the Mosaic account of "The Institution of the Passover," by quoting from the 12th chap- ter of Exodus : — "When Moses called for all the elders of Israel, and said unto them. Draw out now, and take you a lamb, according to your familes, and kill the Passover. And ye shall take a bunch of hysop, and dip it in the blood that is in the basin, and strike the lintel and the two side posts ; and none of you shall go out at the door of his house till the morning. And the children of Israel went away and did as the Lord had commanded Moses and Aaron, — so did they." 38 A EEPDY TO BISHOP COLONSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. Commenting upon this, with a microscopic logic not unworthy the acuteness of that species of small attorneys who employ their tal- ents chiefly in justices' courts, the Right Reverened critic thus ex- patiates : "That is to say, in one single day the whole immense population of Israel, as large as that of the city of London, was instructed to keep the Passover, and actually did keep it ! ' This — namely, that the directions for keeping the Passover, could have been circulated among the whole population, in a single day, — the Bishop considers a sheer impossibility But how does he arrive at the conclusion that the directions were all given in one day ? I beg the reader to observe upon what ground the learned critic reaches this conclusion, which being reached, is immediately assumed as the unquestionable meaning of the record, and then made the entire basis of the "objection" that seems so formidable and unanswerable to the astounded Bishop. As an example of the rash and careless style of assertion and argument, in which this Right-Reverend assailant of Scripture habitually indulges, it is worthy of notice ; though intrinsically and logically of no weight or importance whatever ! "I have said," continues the Bishop, "in a single day; for the first notice of any such feast to be kept is given in the very chapter where we find it written, ' I will pass through the land of Egypt this night and will smite all the first born in the land of Egypt, both man and beast.' It cannot be said, (it is still the Bishop who speaks,) that they had notice several days beforehand because they were ordered to take the lamb on the tenth day of the month and kill it on the fourteenth, thus meaning on that night (namely, the night of the fourteenth) I will pass through the land of Egypt." This, says the Bishop, cannot be claimed; "for the Hebrew expression in this passage is distinctly "HAZEH" this, not "HAHOO" that. Now the Bishop would have done much better by adhering to the English version, and saying nothing about the original. In fact he is exceedingly unhappy in almost every attempt he makes to display his accomplishments as a Hebraist, and in nearly every instance of the kind he evinces a degree of ignorance quite extraordinary in a theologian. It is true that the English version reads "this night ;" but it is equally true, and beyond all controversy, that it ought to read " that night." I wonder if the Bishop ever read the 23d chapter of Leviticus in the original Hebrew ? If so, did he observe how many times the word hazek occurs there? Did he A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 39 further notice how that word in the chapter referred to is rendered in the English version ? I should be much gratified to learn on what day, or even in what month, the Bishop considers the contents of that chapter to have been spoken, upon the hypothesis that hazeh ■ has no other meaning than "this." Now we find in that chapter all the holy days of the whole year spoken of ; and the word hazeh is employed in connection with each one, so that if that word is to be rendered " this," then all the said holy days must fall upon the same day, and that must be the day upon which the contents of the chapter in question were uttered. Such is the legitimate inference from Bishop Colenso's argument. According to his reasoning, the chapter referred to must have been announced or declared in the first month, (April,) and on the 14th day of that month, because it speaks of the Passover feast, employ- ing the word hazeh. And it must, for the same reason, have been on the first day of the seventh month, because it speaks of the Feast of Memorials and Trumpets, (which is commanded to be observed on that day,) using the same word. It must, also, by the force of the same reasoning, have been uttered on the tenth day of that month — ^the day of atonement. But the feast of Tabernacles, which falls on the fifteenth, is likewise spoken of in the same chapter, w.ith the same magical word, " hazeh," and therefore it must have been upon the fifteenth that the contents of said chapter were promul- gated. Such are the absurd results that legitimately flow from Bishop Colenso's absurd premises — ^results which sufficiently demonstrate the futility of his argument, and his own incredible ignorance. I have under my instruction, in the Hebrew tongue, children of not more than eight years of age, who would smile at such blunders as this Eight-Reverend critic has been guilty of. And having shown the absurdity of the point upon which the Bishop rests his argument I might let the matter drop without further comment. But the utter disingenuousness of the objection in question can be made even still more apparent. The command is direct and explicit that the lamb should be taken on the tenth day of the month, and kept till the fourteenth. Consequently, the command must have been given at least as early as the tenth day; and there is not a shadow of a foun- dation for Bishop Colenso's preposterous notion that the people knew nothing as to what they were required to do until the four- teenth. 40 A EEPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. With the same kind of hair-splitting attorney logic, the Bishop argues that as the Israelites were not told to borrow what they could from the Egyptians until the fourteenth day, (or the day before the night of their departure from Egypt) they could not ■possibly have had time to obey the command. As this exceedingly paltry piece of reasoning, is based entirely upon the ridiculous blunder as to the proper force and eifect of the word hazeh, which I have already exposed, I shall pass it by without further comment. But our critic has another shrewd "objection" in reference to the borrowing of the jewels of the Egyptians by the Israelites. This "borrowing" could not, he thinks, have been effected, unless the latter lived altogether in one great city with the former. With characteristic keenness he then proceeds to calculate the number of sheep that the Israelites must have had, to enable them to make the Passover, from which calculation he arrives at the conclusion that they could not have lived in a city, but in the country, that is, in an agricultural district, to enable them to pasture so many sheep. The final result of the Bishop's reasoning on the "sheep objection" is, that one sheep was needed for every ten men, and in that case two million of sheep would be needed, in order to have one hundred and fifty thousand males of a year old. This calculation being triumphantly announced, the Bishop then proceeds : — " Taking then into account the fact that they also had large herds of cattle, we may fairly reckon that the Hebrews, then so much oppressed, must have possessed at the time, according to the story, more than two million of sheep and oxen. Let us allow five sheep to an acre ; then the sheep alone of the Israelites would have required four hundred thousand acres of grazing land — an extent of country considerably larger than the whole country of Westfoi dshire. We must therefore altogether abandon the idea of the people living together in one city, and must suppose a great body of them to have been scattered about in towns and villages through the whole land of Goshen, in a district of over four hundred thousand acres — that is twenty-five miles square." Such, in brief, is the Bishop's "sheep argument," an argument which evinces far higher qualifications on the part of its author as a grazier and stock-grower, than as a theologian or Biblical critic. That the Israelites possessed great herds of cattle, is beyond dispute, and the Bishop might have spared himself the trouble of an elaborate argument to prove an unquestioned fact. More than four hundred 41 years before the Israelites left Egypt, the promise was made to Abraham though they should be oppressed, yet they should go out from the land of their oppressors with great riches. Gen. xv. 14. Had they left the land destitute, the promise would have failed ; the Bishop's argument, so far as it proves anything, proves that it was fulfilled. Having completed his calculations in cattle statistics, the Right- Eeverend objector next indulges in a sneer at Scripture. "The Hebrews," he says, "though much oppressed, must have possessed at this time, according to the story, more than two millions of sheep and oxen.'''' The Bishop seems to think that people who "possess sheep and oxen," cannot be very badly oppressed ; as if oppression neces- sarily implied starvation. I know there is a class of persons who consider that a well-fed slave is not very badly off, and who would be reconciled to almost any oppression that did not interfere with their creature comforts. Does the Bishop share the sentiments of these ? or is he ignorant of the fact, that in many (indeed in most) countries where it has existed, even slavery has not been inconsistent with the holding of property by the slave ? There have, in fact, been slaves in Eussia within the last century, who have been worth millions, and the Israelites, though in bondage, were not deprived of all right to hold property. But the Bishop declares that he has demonstrated that these Isra- elite slaves were scattered by the necessities of their pastoral state, over a district twenty-five miles square. If so, I would ask him, how did they all manage to come every day to the city of Rameses, the place where they worked ? But I would further ask, why does it follow :^rom their possession of great flocks and herds, that their entire population must have been thus scattered ? Why might not the whole bulk of the population have been gathered in one great city, with their flocks and cattle and herdsmen, and shepherds dis- ' tribited throughout the land of Goshen ? Is there any impossibility in this ? Is it not in fact far more probable than the Bishop's con- clusion that a people must be scattered because their flocks are? In fine is not the entire notion which our author has expended so much labor and time and useless ingenuity in fortifying, — is it not alto- gether ridiculous ? The inhabitants of San Joaquin county possess vast herds of swine — more than any other county in the State — yet the fact is not inconsistent with the great bulk of the population being gathered into the city of Stockton. Sacramento county 42 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. contains large flocks of sheep, and extensive herds of cattle ; yet the majority of its inhabitants live in one city. And it might have been the same with the Israelites in Goshen. As to the difficulty raised by the Bishop in regard to the "borrow- ing from the Egyptians," I cannot help saying that the manner in wrich it is stated shows either the grossest ignorance, or the clear intention to deceive and mislead the reader. He evidently means to convey the idea that the direction in regard to the borrowing was not given until the day preceding that on which the Israelites actually left. Now is it possible that the Bishop was ignorant of the fact that it is stated in the Scripture narrative that when the Lord first appeared to Moses and directed him to go to Pharaoh, this very matter was also spoken of? The language used on the occa- sian referred to, may be found in Exodus iii, 21 ; 22, and is as follows : " And I will give the people favor in the sight of the Egyptians ; and it shall come to pass that when ye go, ye shall not go empty, but every woman shall borrow of her neighbor, and of her that sojourneth in her house, jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and raiment." The next "argument" of the Bishop against tHe truth of the Pentateuch, is based upon the circumstances narrated in the account of the march of the Israelites out of Egypt, and is embodied in the 11th chapter of his book. The Bishop commences with the following quotation : "And the children of Israel journeyed from Rameses to Succoth, about 600,000 men besides children, and a mixed multitude went up also with them, and flocks and herds, even very much cattle." Exodus, 12 : St, 38. Upon this he comments as follows : " We have seen that this large number of able bodied warriors implies a total population of at least 2,000,000. Here then we have this vast body of people of all ages summoned to start according to the story of the Bible, at a moments notice ; and they actually started, not one being left- behind, with all their flocks and herds, which had been spread out over a district as large as a good sized English county." Now this entire notion of the unexpectedness of the departure of the Israelites, is an unauthorized and gratuitious assumption on the part of the Bishop — and it is an assumption unsupported by a single particle of proof. I ask in all candor, what reliance can be placed in the reasonings of a writer, or what respect can we have for his conclusions, when he continnally assumes as true the very matters A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 43 in dispute, and deals habitually in a species of logic so loose and rambling as would make even an intelligent sophist blush ? But not only is the idea that the Israelites took their departure unexpectedly, unsupported by proof ; — in fact all the proof that exists on the sub- ject proves the other way, and it may be shown that they had for some time expected their departure, and that there was nothing sudden (to them) about it. That Moses knew the Lord's design respecting the Exodus of Israel long before hand, can be shown to the satis- faction of every unprejudiced mind by such passages as Exodus, 4 : 22, 23. And what person of ordinary common sense can doubt that Moses who was to lead and superintend the movement, would apprise the people as soon as was necessary to enable them to make the requisite preparations ? But it is a waste of w ords and of time to reply in detail to arguments of this description — made up of shallow soph- istry, feeble sneers, childish cavils, and pettifogging quibbles. But another feature in the Scripture narrative strikes the Bishop as being incredible, from facts within his own personal experience. B,emembering as I do, says he, the confusion in my own household of 30 or 40 persons, when once we were obliged to fly at the dead of night, having been roused from our beds with a false alarm that an invading Zulu force had entered the Colony, and was making its way direct for our station, killing right and left as it came along, &c. — remembering all this, the unsophisticated prelate, from the confusion, and tumult, and dire alarm that attended his own little Exodus, finds it impossible to believe that the' great Exodus of the Israelites could have been managed with the order and celerity recorded in the Scripture. Undoubtedly the Bishop's incredulity on this point is natural enough. There probably was a great deal of disorder in his household on the occasion in question, and he was himself, I can well believe, terribly frightened. I have no doubt that the domestic Exodus of the worthy prelate was much less systematic than that of the Israelites. But instead of drawing an infidel conclusion from the circumstances I would offer a very simple explanation of it — namely, that Moses conducted the one movement, and Bishop Colenso the other. Now, in sober earnest, can any thing be more ridiculous than this ? If the subject were not so grave a one, and the questions involved so momentous, I think it would be difficult to find a more amusing book than that in which this learned prelate of ^ Christian church has attempted to subvert the foundations of the faith of ages. A Reply to Bisliop Oolenso's Attack Upon the Pentateuch. ACCOUNT OP THE EXODUS. The learned and Kight-Eeverend critic of the Pentateuch tells us that he cannot believe that Moses could possibly have managed the Exodus of so great a multitude of people, with the order and quiet described in the Scripture narrative. He thinks there must have been great confusion and alarm on the occasion of the sudden departure of the whole body of the Israelites ; and he gives as a reason for his incredulity the fact that he (Colenso) and his house- hold of not more than forty persons were in a state of tremendous excitement and perturbation when obliged to make a midnight escape from the episcopal residence at Natal, when threatened with an attack from savages. It seems to me that the Bishop has been guilty of somewhat misstating the circumstances under which the Israelites left Egypt. If a lawyer in pleading a case which he was hired to win, and which he was determined to gain at all hazards, should distort facts in this way, we should naturally charge him with a wilful attempt at deception. But in the case of a Christian prelate we feel bound to exercise a greater measure of charity, and we will therefore attribute his misrepresentation of some facts in the case, and his gross exaggeration of others, to that ignorance which we have so often been obliged to invoke as a plea on his behalf against graver accusations. Now what are the facts as given in the Mosaic record ? Instead of being roused from their beds in the dead of night, as the Bishop represents, the Israelites were commanded not to go out of doors that night but to remain in their houses ; and instead of their being in fear of the Egyptians " hilling them right and left^'' the Egyptians them- selves were in fear of being totally destroyed on account of the Israelites, who were quietly eating the Passover lamb in their dwelliiigs.' Instead of the Israelites being obliged to hurry away, from dread of Egyp- tian pursuit and Egyptian vigilance, their oppressors were entreating A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSo's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 45 them to leave for fear of the doom impending over themselves. " And Pharaoh fose up in the night, he, and all his servants, and all the Egyptians," (not the Israelites, as the Bishop represents,) "and there was a great cry in Egypt," (not among the Israelites,) " for there was not a house where there was not one dead. And he called for Mosea and Aaron by night and said, ' Rise up and get you forth from among my people, both ye and your flocks and your herds as ye have said, and begone, and bless me also.' And the Egyptians were urgent upon the people that they might send them out of the land in haste ; for they said, 'We be all dead men.'" Exodus 12 : 29, 34. Now I submit that it does not at all appear from this that the Israelites started out of Egypt on that night. There was no occa- sion for them to go secretly or under cover of darkness. The Egyptians, far from hindering them, were anxious for their depart- ure. Why then should they leave at night, or in the haste and confusion of terror ? But the fact is, they did not leave by night. The last verse of the chapter above referred to, expressly says that "it came to pass that the self-same day the Lord did bring the children of Israel out of the land of Egypt." But this is by no means the end of the poor Bishop's troubles and difficulties. Tlaere are other points in the narrative, touching which his faith is sorely perplexed. " We are required to believe," he says, " that in one single day the order to start was commanicated suddenly at midnight" (the Bible narrative requires us to believe nothing of the sort) "to every single family of every town and village throughout a tract of county as large as Hertfordshire, but ten times as thickly populated; that they then came in from all parts of the land of Goshen to Kameses, bringing with them the sick, the young, and the aged ; farther, that since receiving the summons, they had sent out together, their flocks and herds spread over so wide a district, and had driven them also to Rameses ; and lastly, that having done all this since the time when they were roused at midnight" (for which we have no other authority than that of Bishop Colenso, for the Bible affirms nothing of the kind,) " they were started again from Rameses on the same dayjand marched^^on to Succoth, not leaving any thing behind them." The above extract, presents two difficulties, or objections against the truth of the Mosaic narrative ; first, how could the order for 46 the Israelites to start be communicated throughout the entire land of Goshen in one day ? and second, how could the whole population assemble at Rameses with all their cattle, etc., and be ready to march thence to Succoth the same day ? N'ow in. regard to these " insoluble difficulties," I have simply to say: first, that I have already shown that the Bishop's assumption of the short notice which the Israelites had of the projected move- ment, is purely gratuitous, unauthorized, and destitute of a particle of proof ; and that it is moreover a false assumption, contrary to the express letter of the narrative, and contradicted by all the facts of the case and all logical inferences from the facts ; second, that it was as easy for six hundred thousand men to be warned of the time fixed for their departure, and to prepare at short notice to depart, as it was for them to assemble every day for their enforced labor ; third, that the Egyptians (as has already been shown) were them- selves urging them to depart; fourth, that (as has also been hitherto proved) either the whole of them lived in Rameses, or were accus- tomed daily to assemble there to work, in which case it is reasonable to suppose that said city occupied a central position in the land of Goshen ; and that entire district being according to the Bishop's own calculation only twenty-five miles square, it would not be difficult on either supposition to communicate from the central point to the extreme borders (only twelve and a half miles at the very most) in a day; and it may further be observed that those who lived on that side of the city which was on the road by which the Israelites were to go, had no need to go to Rameses at all, for they could join the rest as they came along. It has also been shown that the Israelites possessed camels and wagons capable of carrying the infirm or sick ; and shall we be told that it is " unhistorical " to say that a family with a team, can travel twelve and a-half miles in a day ? I have suggested these replies, rather for the purpose of showing how easy it is to destroy the force of the Bishop's microscopic objections by an equally microscopic analysis of those objections, than because such replies are at all necessary. In fact, the true and proper salutation of the difficulties last propounded, is a simple denial of the false assumptions upon which they are based. The cool- ness, for instance, with which the Bishop (and also his German friend Kurtz, whom he quotes,) assumes that the Israelites left Egypt in one army or body — without so much as pretending to A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 41 offer any proof on the point — is quite refreshing to one accustomed to at least the forms of logic. The famous Dr. Johnson once said, that " a man who commenced a sentance with an ' if,' could end it in any way he pleased ;" and it may be said with equal truth that the man who is permitted to assume his premises, will find no diflSculy in establishing any conclusion that suits him. To prove that George Washington was a myth, that the Calaveras " Big Trees" are merely a traveler's story, or even that the moon is made of green cheese, would be easy enough, proceeding according to the logical canons of Bishop Colenso. In fact, according to this peculiar, and exceedingly convenient style of reasoning, the desired conclusion is so effectually taken for granted, in some shape, that it becomes as easy to prove one thing as another, the process being identical in all cases. As an amusing instance of the Bishop's peculiar style of ratioci- nation, take the following, which I think will afford the appreciative reader as much entertainment as " Prentiss' last." The learned objector after setting out with the supposition that the Israelites when departing from Egypt, marched along fifty men abreast, (and it is nothing but the Bishop's own supposition,) proceeds to attack the hypothesis with great vigor, and to prove that it could not have been the fact — ^that is, that the Israelites did not march fifty abreast. Having at length demolished his own windmill, he concludes com- placently as if he had confuted Moses, whereas he had only confuted Colenso, not an achievement to be very proud of. I beg the reader to observe and note the detail and statement of the "argument ;" here it is : "And now let us see them" (the Israelites) "on the march itself. If we imagine the people to have traveled through the open desert in a wide body, fifty men abreast, as some suppose to have been the practice in the Hebrew armies, allowing an interval of a yard between each rank, the able-bodied men alone would have filled up the road," etc., etc. Having made this astounding com- mencement, the excellent Bishop of course gets on swimmingly, and shows with great elaboration, that what he "has imagined,"' and what "some suppose," is in this particular case, an absurdity. But is it after all, quite fair to hold Moses and the Pentateuch responsible for all that Bishop Colenso may choose to "imagine," and for aU that "some suppose?" Is it not rather a curious way of proving the Bible to be untrue, to commence a ferocious assault upon the crude "imaginations" of a crack-brained theologian, and 48 A EEPKT TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. the absurd "suppositions" of hair-splitting Grerman rationalists? Would it not have been the fairer and more logical course in the Bishop — a course which most men of candor and good sence would adopt in similar cases — would it not have been more natural, after finding how absurd and impracticable his own notion, and the "suppositions'' which he refers to were, to have abandoned them, and search for a more reasonable hypothesis ? This seems to me to be the course which any honest, sincere, unprejudiced, and truth- loving man would have adopted ; but Bishop Colenso does not adopt it. On the contrary, the more absurd the supposition seems, the closer he clings to it, as the true meaning of the Pentateuch. Whereas, had he felt any friendly solicitude to explain the matter so as not to impeach the record, his task would not have been difficult. 6ut no, the Bishop wasts no ingenuity on that side of the question. All his special pleading and hair-splitting, and fine spun, far-fetched quibbles are retained against Moses. To make the Pentateuch contradict itself, he will travel from Dan to Beersheba, quibble like a pettifogger, and split hairs like a strict construction- ist or an apologist for slavery. But he will not lift a finger, or make the most natural and obvious suggestion to explain an apparent contradiction. Alas 1 had he taken half the pains to reconcile difficulties which he has expended to raise them, the religious world would have been spared the scandal of a book as feeble in execution, as evil in design, and in regard to which we stand in doubt whether to weep at the spirit it manifests, or to laugh at the absurdities it contains. A Eeply to Bishop Oolenso's Attack Upon the Pentateuch, THE SITUATION OP BAMESES — THE TIME OCCUPIED BY THE JOURNEY TO THE RED SEA. Not content with the "objections" and "difficulties" furnished by the text of the Pentateuch itself, Bishop Colenso has a singular habit of finding difficulties in the explantions of the text given by various commentators, and then triumphantly refuting those expla- nations as if they were a part of Scripture. In this way he holds Moses responsible for all the absurdities of all the German writers who have chosen to expound and comment upon his histories. Now I have never offered myself as the champion and defender of Kurtz or the other German scholars who have written concerning the Old Testament, and I should be sorry to place myself in that position. My task is the vindication of the veracity of Moses — not of Kurtz and his brother rationalists. When, therefore, the Bishop chooses to run a tilt against ihem, I am content to stand by as a mere spec- tator, quite indifferent to the result. Whether the Bishop proves Kurtz, etc., to be bad Biblical critics, or merely makes manifest his own ignorance in the attempt, is no concern of mine. Sometimes however, he chooses to treat these writers as friends and allies adopting their views as his own ; and it is only in cases of this kind (as a general rule) that I shall allude to them or their reasonings. Quoting from Kurtz, the Bishop says: "Rameses was the capital of the province ; there is no doubt, Moses and Aaron were residing there. The procession started from thence, and after the main body had set out, smaller parties came from all directions and joined it, at the point of the road nearest to their own dwellings." Thus far I entirely coincide with the view of Mr. Kurtz, because we find authority for it in the narrative itself. He then proceeds : " It is true its site (that of Rameses) is not precisely known ; but it is certain that it must have stood somewhere in the immediate 4 50 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. neighborhood of the king's palace." This is by no means so certain as the writer imagines it to be. In the 46th chapter of Genesis, verses 33, 34, we find the following : " And it shall come to pass when Pharaoh shall call you, and shall say, ' What is your occupa- tion V that ye shall say, ' thy servants' trade hath been about cattle from our youth even until now, both we, and also our fathers' : that ye may dwell in the land of Goshen: — for shepherds are an abomination to the Egyptians." Now this very clearly implies that the land of Goshen was at some distance from the royal residence. Shepherds and herdsmen, and those having charge of cattle, were "an abomination" to the Egyptians, and would be removed as far as possible from the precincts of the court, in order that aristocratic nostrils might not be offended by the unsavory occupation ; the Israelites were to claim this obnoxious calling, in order that they might be sent to the land of Goshen, at a distance from the court. But again ; in the 26th verse of the 9th chapter of Exodus we find the following : " Only in the land of Goshen, where the children of Israel lived, was there no hail." Hence if Pharaoh lived in the city of Rameses, he would not have been troubled by the hail, (that city being in Goshen,) as the narrative declares it to have been. The location of Eameses is chiefly important in the eyes of Bishop Colenso and Kurtz, for its bearing upon the question of the possi- bility of the Israelites reaching the Red Sea, in three days after leaving that city. Although admitting that the precise location cannot be ascertained, Kurtz thinks it must have stood upon the more modern site of one of three cities — Heliopolis, Bubastes, or Zoar. He says : "We have certainly only those points to choose from, and the shortest road to the sea, taking into account the cir- cuitous route by which the Israelites went, (Exodus 14 : 2,) would be so long that it would be necessary to travel seventeen or twenty miles a day, in order to accomplish it in three days. Others may believe it if they please ; but I:cannot believe that such a procession as we have described could keep up a journey of seventeen or twenty miles a day for three days running."g Now here Kurtz does the very thing for which I have so often been obliged to censure Colenso : he assumes, without any ground, that Moses makes a statement which he never did make, and then goes to work to prove said statement absurd or impossible. The Bible says nothing directly as to the length of time or the number of days that it took the Israelites to reach the Red Sea. Kurtz cites A REPLY. TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPOy THE PENTATEUCH. 51 no passage of Scripture as authority for his statement, and offers no proof on the subject. In short, he proceeds in the true Colenso style of reasoning, precisely as if he had been a disciple of that learned but eccentric prelate. But the fad is that all the passages of Scrip- ture that throw any light upon this question of time, tend to show that more than three days elapsed from the setting out of the Israe- lites until their arrival at the Red Sea. The reader will remember that they asked leave of Pharaoh to go the distance of " three days' journey" into the wilderness ; and this was what was granted them. When informed that they had taken their final departure with no intention of returning, he at once pursued them. "And it was told the king of Egypt that the people had fled, and the heart of Pharaoh and of his servants was turned against the people, and they said, ' Why have we done this, that we have let Israel go from serving us?'— Exodus 14: 5. From the language here employed, " it was told the king that the people had fled," it is supposed by Hebrew commentators that Pharaoh had sent spies with the Israelites when they set out on their journey, to watch their movements, and that these secret agents having accompanied them three days, and found that instead of halting to perform their acts of worship, they were still pushing on into the wilderness, returned to Pharaoh on the fourth day with the intelligence. If this supposition is correct, (and it is the view universally taken by the Eabbis centuries before Kurtz or Colenso or their "objections" were dreamed of,) the fugitives must have been gone six days at least before Pharaoh started in pursuit ; for we must allow two or three days for the return of the spies, and the like time for the Egyptians to prepare the pursuing expedition. Now supposing the pursuers to travel twice as fast as the pursued, they would not overtake them in less than seven days from the time of setting out, or fourteen or fifteen days from the departure of the Israelites. Hence it must have taken the latter at least fourteen days instead of three to reach the shores of the Red Sea. All this, let the reader bear in mind, is upon Kurtz's hypothesis that they traveled seventeen or twenty miles per day. If Kurtz's assumption that the Israelites were three days in reaching the Sea, is based upon the idea that that distance was " three days' journey," he commits a blunder still more extraordi- nary. The expression, "three days' journey," is employed as a me7-e measure of distance, and of coiu'se does not mean or imply that any 62 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSo's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. man or body of men could travel it in three days, for that would make it an uncertain and not a fixed distance. It would mean such a distance as an ordinary traveler, traveling under ordinary circum- stances, could accomplish in three days. Of course it would take the Israelites, with their families and property, their flocks and herds, much longer than three days to make "a three days' journey." One would suppose all this too obvious to require explanation, But in arriving at the conclusion that the Israelites were fourteen days making the journey to the Red Sea, I have been arguing upon Kurtz's hypothesis, and as his hypothesis is false, the conclusion is also false. As they did not, in fact, travel seventeen or tvventy miles per day, but at a much slower rate, the spies of Pharaoh would require less time than I have allowed to return with the intelligence, and the Egyptian host would also require less time to overtake them. In regard to the actual time of the journey we arc not left to conjecture or to doubtful calculations. In fact, the day on which the Israelites crossed the Red Sea is known and comme- morated to the present time ; it has been observed as a solemn anniversary by them and their descendants, generation after gene- ration, from that day to the present, as has also the day on which they left Egypt. Throughout the world, wherever the descendants of the Hebrew race are found, those days arc observed, just as the people of the TJuited States observe and celebrate the 4th day of July as the anniversary of that day of the year 1716, when their forefathers signed the Declaration of Independence. And have wc any reason to suppose that that date will ever be lost or become uncertain f If, a thousand years hence, the American people shall still be in existence, preserving their identity as a race, their language, their history, and their laws, (as the Israelites do at this day retain theirs,) will not the date of the signing of the Declara- tion be known ? It was on the first day of the feast of the passover that they left Egypt and commenced their journey into the wilderness ; they traveled by night as well as by day, for we are told that a pillar of cloud went before them and guided them by day in their journey, and a pillar of fire by night. On the night of the sixth day of the same feast, they ciossed the Rod Sea, and on the morning of the seventh day they sung the triumphal hymn (the song of Moses) in praise of their Deliverer. On every anniversary of that wonderful deliverance, they celebrate the event, and the hymn of praise and A REPLY TO BISHOP COLONSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 53 thanksgiving ascends to Heaven, just as on our great national anniversary the Declaration of Independence is read in commemo- ration of the first proclamation of political freedom. Next in order, comes a difiSculty raised by the Bishop, as to the sustenance of the cattle of the Israelites during the journey through the wilderness. He states the point thus: "The people, we are told, were supplied with manna ; but there was no miraculous provision of food for the herds and flocks. They appear to have been left to gather sustenance as they could, in that inhospitable wilderness. We will now proceed to consider the possibility of such a multitude of cattle finding any means of support for forty years, under these circumstances. And it is certain that the story repre- sents them as possessing this flock during the whole of the forty years which they spent in the wilderness. Thus in the second year Moses asks, ' Shall the flocks and the herds be slain for them to suffice them ?" And in the fortieth year we read, ' The children of Eeuben and the children of Gad had a very great multitude of cattle.' Accordingly we find that at the end of the first year, they kept the second passover under Sinai, and therefore we must presume had at that time as before two hundred thousand male lambs of the first year, at their command, and two million of sheep and oxen also at hand." I have given the Bishop's argument at length, that he may have the whole benefit of it. It is really an astonishing argument — even for Colenso. Let us look at it. The first quotation from Scripture to support the idea that the Israelites still had such immense herds of cattle, exhibits either a culpable attempt to deceive, or the most amazing stupidity. The Bishop gives a part only of the quotation ; I will give the whole of it: " Shall the flocks and the herds be slain for them to suffice them, or shall all the fish of the sea be gathered together for them to suffice them?'''' These words spoke Moses in the bitterness of his heart ; their spirit of irony, and their true meaning become plain enough when the latter part of the clause (omitted by the Bishop) are supplied. The whole clause shows directly the contrary of that which they were cited to prove. It shows that the Israelites no more had the flocks spoken of, than they had the fishes spoken of. Let any person of common intelligence look at the entire passage as it stands in the 11th chapter of Numbers, and put any other construction on it if he can. Moses, bitter and despairing, almost losing his faith in God, bursts forth ; " Shall the flocks and 54 A EEPRY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. the herds be slain for them to suffice them, or shall the fish of the sea be gathered ? &c. And the Lord said unto Moses, ' Is the Lord's hand waxed short ? Thou shalt see now whether my word shall come to pass unto thee or not.' " It is a sad think to think that the Bishop did not understand this — but a sadder thing still — to think that understanding it, he could have used it as he has. So much for the first passage cited in proof ; let us now examine the second, which states that the tribes of Reuben and Gad, and the , half tribe of Mannassah had a multitude of cattle in the fortieth year of their sojourn in the wilderness. Upon this, Colenso himself observes as follows : — ■" This it is true, is said immediately after the capture of a great number of cattle and sheep from the Midianites. But the spoil in that case was divided among all the people, and therefore" (such is the Bishop's conclusion) " if the tribes of Keuben and Gad could still be distinguished among the rest as having a great multitude of cattle, they must have been so noted before the plunder of the Midianites." But the more probable explanation of the matter, and the one generally adopted, is that the tribes in question having resolved to settle on the east side of the Jordan, where the Midianites and other tribes whom the Israelites had destroyed lived, bought up the cattle (or a chief portion of them) that had fallen to the share of the others. These others, who did not intend to remain on the east side of the river, would be the more willing to sell, in order to save themselves the trouble of getting their cattle across t' e river — a matter of considerable diflfi.::ulty. It strikes me that this mode of explaining the matter is both reasonable and probable. It certainly is no more overstrained than the objection itself. But the Bishop's third, and as he evidently imagines his most formidable point, yet remains to be disposed of ; namely, that at the end of the first year in the wilderness they kept the second passover, for which they needed two hundred thousand male lambs, etc. Now the proposition for the proof of which this is adduced, is, that the Israelites had large flocks and during all the forty years they were in the wilderness. I think that it can scarcely fail to strike the reader that there is an enormous disparity here, between the proof and the thing alleged to be proven. Does it follow that because they kept the passover at the end of the first year, and must have bad a large number of sheep at that time, that they continued to A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO'S ArTACK DPON THE PENTATEUCH. 55 have a large number all the forty years ? But it is a very singular fact, and one worthy of the Bishop's attention, that after the first passover in the wilderness, we do not find any other recorded or meru- tioned until after they had crossed the Jordan, finished their wanderings in the desert, and possessed themselves of the cattle of the Midianites and others. Thus the passover at the end of the first year of their sojourn in the wilderness, and another passover celebrated at the end of the fortieth year, when they had obtained a supply of sheep from a con- quered tribe, are all that we have any evidence of, or that we have any right to assume to have been observed, or that we can base an argument upon. There being then no proof at all of the observance of the passover during the forty years in the wilderness, but infer- ential evidence to the contrary, we may if we choose explain the omission, on the ground of the lack of the necessary flocks and herds. This course at any rate, is far more reasonable and more in accord- ance with the rules of just interpretation, than to assume as Colenso does, that Moses says what he does not say, and then after proving the improbability of the thing assumed as the statement of Moses, claiming that his veracity has been successfully impeached. Among the numerous absurd notions adopted by the Bishop, not the least glaring is that concerning the number of sheep requisite to keep the passover. But so many of his statements and calculations require correction that the task seems endless, and I often find myself perplexed and in doubt where to begin, and in what order to expose the errors and absurdities which come more frequently in entangled groups than singly. But I have already gone beyond the limits of a single article, and will therefore reserve what I have to say further, concerning the passover, for a future occasion. A Eeply to Bishop Oolenso's Attack Upon tlie PentateucL [ MOKE ON THE " SHEEP QUESTION" — THE BISHOP'S " STOCK" ARGUMENT CONSIDERED — THE NUMBER OP LAMBS NECESSARY FOR THE PASSOVER. On all matters connected with grazing and stock-raising, the Bishop seems to feel particularly at home, and he continues to harp upon the "sheep qiiestion," through I don't know how many dull and dreary pages. In order to follow him through all his statements and calculations, with any degree of thoroughness, I shall have to be as tedious as my leader into this dry and unprofitable field of discussion ; I warn the reader accordingly, in advance. " It cannot be supposed," says the Bishop, " as some have sug- gested, that the flocks and herds were scattered far and wide, during the sqiourn of the people in the wilderness, and so wei'c able the more easily to find pasture. The story says nothing, and implies nothing of this sort, since we find the whole body of the people together, on all occasions specified in the history." Now although this diflBculty has already been substantially disposed of on a prcvi- our occasion, I will here add one or two observations to what has been heretofore said. In the 2nd chapter of Numbers, we are told that the Israelites were divided into four separate camps "far from the tabernacle." In the 33d verse of the 10th chapter of the same book, we find the following : "And they departed from the mount of the Lord three days' journey ; and the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord went before them three days' journey, to search out a resting-place for them." And in the 2d verse of the 24th chapter of the same book, we read, thus : — " And Balaam lifted up his eyes, and saw Israel abiding (in his tents) according to their tribes." (The words, "in his tents" are not in Hebrew copies of the Bible.) Now I think we may very justly infer from this, (as has been infer- red by many commentators who never heard of Bishop Golenso,) A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 5T that the people were at times at least a good deal scattered or marched in such a way as to cover a large extent of country ; we may also infer that the camps were usually separated from one another by a large interval. The next and last of the Bishop's "stock" difficulties, is in regard to the possibility of the Israelites celebrating the passover at Mount Sinai, at the end of their first year's journeying. The Bishop thinks this a clear impossibility. " They spuldn't observe the Passover there (as Moses says they did) because they needed two hundred thousand lambs ; and where could they get them all from ?" Such is the substance of the Bishop's new stumbling-block — or rather his old one, for the same difficulty has already been raised nearly half a dozen times in the course of his book, in a slightly modified shape. Now, however, it is brought more formally into the field, its author clamoring to "have it answered satisfactorily." In fact, the Bishop maneuvers his "objections" very much as a stage manager does a scanty band of supernumeraries whom he wants to represent a formidable army. As the manager marches and countermarches his half-score of vagabonds — out on one side of the stage, round behind the scenes, and in again at another entrance, just as if they were new-comers ; and so keeps them passing before the audience until the "army" seems big enough; — in precisely the same manner does the Bishop maneuver and marshal his little hoard of " difficul- ties," the same one appearing again and again, but at each appear- ance claiming to be bran-new, and more "insoluble" than its predecessor. This time, the Bishop introduces it, with a new stage-wig as it were, and puts it in the shape of an argument against the possibility of the Israelites keeping and feeding so large a number of sheep and cattle in the neighborhood of Mount Sinai for an entire year. The Bishop quotes the account of certain modern travelers who describe the Sinaitic peninsula as being an exceedingly barren spot. But when so triumphantly adducing this testimony as quite conclu- sive on this point, did the objector consider that it only applies to the condition of the peninsula at the present day? Surely so learned a man as the Bishop does not require to be told that it is no uncom- mon thing for the physical character of a country, as regards its fertility, to undergo a complete change in the course of a few centuries, and much more in, the course of several thousand years. It would be very easy to adduce many very striking and well authen- 58 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLONSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. ticated examples of this were it necessary. In the 3d verse of the 34th chapter of Exodus, the Israelites are commanded not to feed their cattle in front of Sinai, from which it would seem that there must at that time have been something there upon which they could feed, — or the command would have been quite unnecessary. Again, we are told (Exodus 3d, 1st,) that Moses was herding the flocks of his father-in-law in the immediate neighborhood of the mount, not long before the Israelites cam* there. But aside from all this, the Bishop has fallen into a great error in his estimate of the number of sheep needed for the passover. He calculates that two hundred thousand yearling male sheep were needed, and that this number of yearling males would imply, in due proportion, a total of two millions of sheep. But this calculation (as he tells us himself) is based upon the supposition that two hun- dred thousand yearlings were required each year ; whereas I have already shown that this passover at Sinai was in all probability the only one which they kept during the entire forty years' sojourn in the wilderness. And since it is but eleven days' journey from Sinai to Kodesh, and a still less distance to Mt. Seir or the land of Edom, (1st chapter of Deuteronomy, 2d verse,) it cannot be supposed that the Israelites would conceive there was any necessity for keeping any sheep for the third passover ; for by that time they might reasonably expect to be in an inhabited land. They might therefore very naturally have killed as many as they required, (of the flocks which they had brought with them from Egypt,) during the first month of their journey before they received supplies of manna, and have reserved only the young male lambs for the passover. I am aware that this style of argument may seem (like that of the Bishop) too much based upon suppositions and probabilties; but if reasoning of this kind may be employed against the veracity of the Pentateuch, I cannot perceive why it may not also be used in its vindication. It is certainly very unreasonable in those who split hairs, and indulge in far-fetched, wire-drawn inferences against Scripture, to object to being answered in a similar style ; yet those infidels whose whole . stock of argument consists of cavils, and quibbles, and puerilities, are the first to cry out against the "special pleading" of those who undertake to draw inferences in support of the Bible from the same kind of premises assumed by themselves as good enough to attack and invalidate it. As I have had occasion to observe already, I am not making an argument to prove that the Pentateuch is true, (in A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK 0PON THE PENTATEUCH. 59 ■which case I should pursue quite another method,) bu^am simply replying to Colenso's assault upon it. The burden of proof rests upon him; and I submit with entire confidence, that on the point in question, my inferences above given, are quite as good and conclu- sive as his. And now let us examine the Bishop's assumption that two hun- dred thousand lambs were required to keep the Passover. He tells us that one sheep was enough for ten persons ! In the name of all that is gluttinous, what can be the basis of a calculation like this ? Preposterous as this enormous allowance seemed to me, I have yet, out of difference to the Bishop's judgment in a practical matter of this kind, (which I thought it possible he might understand better than he does the Hebrew language,) taken pains to enquire dili- gently of numerous butchers and others, in regard to the details involved in the calculation. The result of these investigations is, that the average weight of a yearling sheep is (in England) about one hundred pounds. The Bishop has not informed us of any reasons for estimating the sheep of the Israelites at a less weighty and in the absence of such reasons, we may assume one hundred pounds as the weight of the passover lamb of the Israelites. Now this would allow to each man, woman and child, as his or her share of the passover supper, ten pounds of meat besides other victuals, (for they were enjoined to eat it with unleajpned bread and bitter herbs.) Ten pounds of flesh for each person at a single meal ! and that meal a religious ceremonial 1 What would the Bishop say to an argument against the possibility of the church in Natal, under his care, having celebrated the " Communion of the Lord's Supper," based in part upon a calculation requiring ten loaves (or ten pounds) of bread for each communicant ? And yet such an argu- ment would not be more absurd than the Bishop's against the passover. But English sheep weigh much heavier than California sheep ; let us grant that they iseigh much more than did those of the Egyptians and the Israelites. We will estimate the average weight of the paschal lamb, when dressed and ready for cooking, as low as thirty pounds, and even upon that estimate I claim that one lamb, instead of being barely suflScient for ten persons, would amply suffice for three hundred persons, and more if necessary. In fact there is scarcely any limit to the number who might, in case of necessity, make the passover upon a single paschal lamb. For be it remembered (and it is very strange that the Bishop should need to 60 A KEPLT TO BISHOP COLENSo's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. be reminded of it) that the purpose of the passover was not to furnish a gluttinous feast at which participants might gorge them- selves like so many famishing savages, but to celebrate a religious ceremonial. The due and proper observance of the commemorative rite did not at all depend upon the quantity of meat eaten ; it was enough if (as in the Christian communion) each participant had a morsel oi the appointed food. But the whole "argument" on this particular point is so comically absurd, that it is difiBcult to resist the sense of the ludicrous which strikes one, as he peruses the half- dozen pages in which the Bishop (all insensible to the fun of the thing) goes through his learned calculations and deductions with undisturbed gravity — -just as if he were pouring forth the utterances of oracular wisdom. I have dwelt altogether too long on this piece of puerility, which scarcely deserved to be treated seriously ; and I will dismiss the subject with one further observation. The father-in-law of Moses was at this very time in the camp of the Israelites ; he could not have lived at any great distance from the camp, for Moses is repre- sented as feeding his (the father-in-law's) sheep in the vicinity. Therefore, if they had not themselves enough lambs for the passover, they could easily procure as many as would suflSce (though not upon Colenso's plan of ten pounds to each participant) from the flocks of Moses' father-in-law. And now I have done with the Bishop's " sheep argument," very much to the reader's relief I have no doubt. Things that amuse us at first, cease to be amusing when too often repeated. One grows tired at last of the jokes and antics of even the most skillful buflFoon. And though there is unquestionably something exceed- ingly funny in the Bishop's peculiar style of "reasoning," yet the reader has by this time become so familiar with his eccentricities, that they must in a great measure have lost their power to afford entertainment. The next objection which the Bishop presents, is a very remark- able one, being an attempt to prove not that Moses states anything which is untrue in point of pact, but that he hints at something as a contingency, or as the reason for a future event, which reason involves an improbability. But the reader will understand better the extraordinary character of this objection, when he sees the passage upon which it is founded. The passage is as follows: A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON TEE PENTATEUCH. 61 " And I will send hornets before thee, which shall drive out the Canaanites from before thee. I will not drive them out in one year, lest the land will become desolate and the wild beasts of the field multiply against thee." Now observe the "objection." It is this; — That it is highly improbable, if not absolutely impossible, that the land could become desolate by reason of the increase of wild beasts. And to establish this improbability the learned critic labors through ever so many dull pages of hypothetical reasoning. He does not undertake to over- throw any fitct alledged in the text, or to disprove any statement made therein, but seizing upon this mere expression concerning the wild beasts, expends an immense amount of childish ingenuity in assailing the probability of a contingency which is expressed, so to speak, "in the paulo past-future tense, and the potential mood." I ask, in the name of common sense, whether this is not the climax of absurdity? It would really seem as if "the force of folly (even Colensian folly) could no further go." Truly, the enemies of Scripture must be driven to desperate extremes, when compelled to resort to arguments like these I A Eeply to Bishop Oolenso's Attack Upon the Pentateuch. THE "wild beast" OBJECTION PUETHEE CONSIDEEED — THE COVENANT. Although I have already (as I conceive) made all the reply to the Bishop's "wild beast" objection which it deserves, yet as there is a class of exceedingly literal-minded persons, with whom even such a wooden style of aigument as is there employed, would have weight, I will say a few words further on the subject, in a spirit as literal as that of the objection itself. . The objection, the reader will bear in mind, is based upon the expression employed in the 23d chapter of Exodus : " I will not drive them (the Canaanites) out in one year, lest the land will become desolate, and the beasts of the field multiply against thee.'''' Upon this passage, the Bishop observes, that the reason assigned for not driv- ing the Canaanites out in one year, is not a good reason, because it was impossible that the beasts of the field could multiply to such an extent as to prove dangerous to man. In support to this cavil (for assuredly it is nothing more) he informs us that " the whole land which was divided among- the tribes in the time of Joshua, including the counties beyond the Jordan, was in extent about 11,000 square miles, or 1,000,000 acres ; and according to the story, this was occupied by more than 2,000,000 people." He next compares the country spoken of to certain agricultural counties of England, which contain (he assures us) one-half the number of acres, and also a population about one-half of the- number of the Israelites. Upon these assumed facts (which in reality are not facts at all) he con- structs the following lucid and convincing argument: "By doubling the above results, (the population and the extent of the three counties, (we find that these counties of England are at this very day, about as thickly peopled as the land of Canaan would have been, with its population of Israelites only, without reckoning the aboriginal Canaanites who already filled the land, — 'seven A EEPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 63 nations, greater and mightier than Israel itself/ — and surely it cannot be said that the agricultural counties referred to, with the flourishing towns and villages, are in any danger of ' lying desolate' from the wild beasts multiplying against the human inhabitants." Such is Bishop Colenso's " argument," which I have given in his own language ; and it proves one thing conclusively, namely : that the man capable of employing reasoning of this kind, is entirely incapacitated for the discussion of any serious question whatever. In the first place, it is quite obvious that the danger of any partic- ular country being overrun by wild beasts, does not depend merely upon the density of its population. It depends also upon the charac- ter of the surrounding and adjacent regions. At this day a tract of land as thickly settled as one of the agricultural counties of England " might be in danger of the depredations of wild beasts, if it were located in certain portions of the African continent, or even amid the wilds of Russia. It is palpably absurd to Institute com- parisons, or draw inferences based upon the condition of things in an island, secluded and separated as England is from the rest of the world, and apply those inferences to a country situated like Canaan, surrounded, not by the waves of the ocean, but by an immense unsettled region, capable of sustaining vast numbers of " the beasts of the field." Again, the idea held out in the text, is not that the wild beasts will become troublesome because of the thinness of the population, but on account of the dead bodies, which would attract them from every quarter, in all the adjacent country, or that the general effects of the desolation produced by the war, would be an extraordinary multiplication and gathering together of beasts of prey. Now the character of the surrounding country was (even long after the period in question) such as to make the appre- hension in question a very reasonable one. Wild animals abounded on all sides, — unless we are to reject the whole Scripture history as fabulous, and repudiate it in the mass, without waiting the slow process adopted by Bishop Colenso, of assailing it item by item. Certain it is that the entire narrative agrees consistently in repre- senting the region as being much infested by wild animals. The story of Sampson and the foxes, of David killing the lion and the bear, of the bears that devoured the children who insulted Elisha, and others that might be specified, together with the fact that the entire country of the ten tribes, (of which country Samaria was the 64 capital,) was infested by wild animals long afterward, — all these tend to show that the expression in the text, "lest the land become desolate," etc., is not so absurd as the Bishop argues. But again, did it never occur to the literal-minded objector, that Scripture phraseology is often figurative ; that often where it is not strictly figurative, it has a certain oriental richness of coloring, which forbids it to be interpreted and construed like a formal legal document, or an act of the legislature ? The Bishop does not always construe texts in this downright word-for-word style. No, when it suits his purpose and humors his argument, he can make due allow- ance fo. the genius of an oriental language, and grasp the larger meaning of an oriental phrase. For we presume that the Bishop is as fierce as any of his brother Churchmen against the Popish dogma of " transubstantiation,'' and that when he comes across the texts, — "This is my body,'' "This is my blood," etc., he finds it convenient to lay aside his microscopic spectacles, and interpret them in a less pettifogging spirit. Had he undertaken the criticism of the passage in question, in a similar mood, what would he have found in the language, "lest the land will become desolate and the beasts of the field multiply against thee," to imply that as a literal fact the wild beasts wou d grow so numerous as to devour and exterminate the human inhabitants ? He would more probably have smiled at such a matter-of-fact interpretation, and have insisted that the text meant merely to convey a striking and impressive image of the blight and ravage which the country must undergo if the aboriginal inhabi- tants were driven out suddenly (in one year) and with great slaughter, instead of by a more gradual process. If it were at all worth while, I might easily knock away the entire " underpinning" upon which this childish argument rests, by showing the great error which the Bishop has fallen into in his estimate of the extent of the tract of country in question. But I have already devoted much more time and space to the matter than it merits, and I will dismi^ it with the remark, that in estimating the extent of the country at 11,000 square miles, the Bishop is (as usual in all his calculations of numbers, etc.,) very wide indeed of the fact, — ^that being really much less than one fifth part of the area, — an assertion which I hold myself ready to make good whenever it shall be seriously questioned. The Bishop's next difficulty, relates to the time of the sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt. Quoting the 40th verse of the 12th chapter A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 65 of Exodus, " Now the sojourning- of the children of Israel who dwelt in Egypt was four hundrpd and thirty years," — he says : " The question which we have here to consider is this : to what sojourning do the above words refer ? whether to that of Jacob and his descen- dants in the land of Egypt only, or to the entire sojourning of them and th ir forefathers Abraham and Isaac in a strange land, both in Canaan and Egypt, from the time the promise of old was given to Abraham, and he sojourned in the land of promise as in a strange country." Upon this question the Bishop (for once) decides correctly. He concludes that the sojourning referred to, includes a period com- mencing from the birth of Isaaq, comprising the sojourning of the descendants of Abraham in Egypt as well as the land of Canaan. But he says that inasmuch as the period from Jacob's arrival in Egypt to the time when the Israelites left the country is but 210 years, the covenant that they should be in Egypt 400 years was not fulfilled. That the Israelites were but 210 yeiirs in Egppt is true ; and the Bishop might have arrived at this conclusion by a much simpler and more obvious path than the one he has adopted, and thus spared himself a great deal of unnecessary trouble. In the 3d chapter of Exodus we find the following : "And the Lord said, I have suruly seen the affliction of my people which are in Egypt, and have heard their cry by reason of their task-masters ; for I know their sorrows. And I come now to deliver them out of the hand of tlio Egyptians. Now therefore behold, the cry of the children of Israel is come unto me, and I have also seen the oppres- sion wherewith the Egyptians oppress them. Come now therefore and I will send the unto Pharaoh that thou mayest bring forth my people the children of Israel out of Egypt." Now according to one mode of computation, but 210 years of the allotted time was now fulfilled, and it might be said that the Lord moved by the "cry of the children of Israel" that rose to him, mercifully shortened the time of their affliction. Yet it was even then literally fulfilled ; for Isaac and Jocob were strangers and sojourners in a land which was not theirs, long before the latter came to Egypt. And here, before making any further cammeuts upon this subject, it may not be out of place, to say a few words concerning the cove- nant made by Jehovan with Abraham and his seed. Abraham's father, we are told, was an idolater ; hence Abraham 5 66 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. himself must have been brought up to worship idols. See Joshua, chapter 24, Terse 2. In the first conversation recorded between God and Abraham, we find that the latter is required to leave xhe land of his nativity and the house of his father, and to go to a land which God will show 'unto him. Genesis, chapter 12, verse 1. Nothing is recorded similar to the circumstances under which the Lord first appeared unto Moses, such as the burning bush, etc., nor similar to those under which He manifested himself unto some of the prophets. From this, it has been inferred by some, that Abraham "sought after God," as his Creator, so that when he revealed himself it was as one expected and looked for, and not as to a stranger who would be surprised and overwhelmed by fear at the manifestation. Hence the Lord revealed himself (it has been thought) familiarly to Abraham, and not in dreams, or portents. However this may be, from that time Abraham served the Lord ; he left his house and the house of his fathers, and went wherever he was directed by the power he had invoked and found. But instead of receiving any reward for his devotion, he seemed to have entered upon a career of continual wanderings and unceasing trouble. Yet the "reward" was promised by Jehovah himself: "Fear not Abraham, I will reward thee exceedingly," is the language used by him whose promise cannot fail. " What canst thou give me," was the reply of Abraham, "being that I am childless ; and the servant of my house will inherit me ?" Then followed the assurance that no servant or stranger should succeed to his inheritance, but that the Lord would give him an heir ; that his children should be strangers in a land that was not theirs, and be afflicted there, for a term of 400 years. The covenant on the part of Abraham, was that he and his seed should for the term of 400 years devote themselves, under all cir- cumstances of trouble and privation, to the carrying on of the work confided to them by the Lord ; and as both Isaac and Jacob devoted their lives to this work, it is eminently fitting that the covenanted term of 400 years should commence from the time of Isaac. The great object to be accomplished by Abraham and his descendants, was to make God and his will known to all the nations of the earth. For this purpose they were selected and set apart ; this was the object of the covenaut, and of all their afflictions. As a light shines out more brightly amid surrounding darkness, so they testified more effectually to the goodness of God, through their troubles and their sufferings. All that they endured and suffered, all their trials A REPLY TO BISHOP COLEXSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. Gt and persecutions, and afflictions, tended directly or indirectly to this one great end, the accomplishment of their covenanted work, the fulfillment of their divinely appointed mission. Sometimes it is hard for human wisdom to discern the use and object of their bitter experiences ; often it is easy for the sliallow objector and the pro- fane scoffer to criticise the question, and to cavil. But how shall the finite mind, with its poor human sounding-line, fathom the depths of the divine wisdom. Man cannot always comprehend the counsels, or judge the plans of the Almighty. Yet "fools rush in, wliere angels fear to tread," and we find in those modern days, legions of critics puffed up with the vein conceit of a little super- ficial learning, who do not hesitate in their presumptions folly, to arraign Jehova himself before them, and to pronounce his wisdom foolishness. Truly hath it been said, "A little learning is a dangerous thing, Drink deep, or taste not the Pierian spring ;" — for the doubts and difficulties which never trouble the mind of the simple and the child-like, and which make infidels and scoffers of the half educated, who have learned enough to make them vain and presumptions, but not enough to make them truly wise, and sure to disappear or sink into insignificance, before the deeper and more thoughtful investigations of those who have penetrated beyond the outer vestibule of the temple of knowledge, and aided by a higher philosophy, seek in reverent spirit to discover the Truth which God has revealed to his creatures. The great object of the covenant with Abraham, as already stated, was to make God, his power and his will, known in the world. Abraham and his descendants were the chosen human instruments for the accomplishment of this purpose. Four hundred years was the period of "affliction'' originally fixed, during which the seed of Abraham were especially to serve the Lord in this work. But their " cry"' arose to the all-merciful Father, and by the plagues inflicted upon Pharaoh and his people the power of God was manifested to the Egyptians, and Jehova made known to them before the fulfill- ment of the stipulated period. Thus the contemplated work was accomplished, and the covenant virtually fulfilled, when the Israe- lites had been but 210 years in Egypt. Yet, as I have also shown, we may regard the 400 years as being literally completed, by count- ing from the birth of Isaac, who was an appointed and consecrated instrument in the covenanted work, even from his birth. 68 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. The Bishop's next objection is based upon the scriptural account of the " Exodus in the fourth generation." The discussion of this subject occupies the 16th chapter of his book. Not satisfied with having devoted one entire chapter to the task of elaborately ^roOT?i(/ a fact which required no proof, and which no Biblical scholar ever denied, (namely, that the Israelites were not 400 years in Egypt, but only 210 years,) he resumes the subject in another chapter. Now not only is this fact universally acknowl- edged, but it is plain upon the face of the narrative, and the period is even printed in figures in the margin of a common edition of the English Bible, with which Bishop Colenso must be familiar. What then can be his motive in making all this parade of pj-oof of an admitted fact ? Surely he cannot wish to deceive ignorant readers by producing the impression in their minds that the defenders of the veracity of the Pentateuch maintain that the Israelites were 400 years in Egypt. If I could permit myself to believe that the Bishop, like an unprincipled lawyer, was only anxious to win his case, by any means however unconscientious, I could then easily account for these two chapters of superfluous proof. I should then recognize at once, in the kind of tactics he has adopted, that stale trick of dis- honest reasoners which logicians designate as the "suppressio veri," the suppression of the truth — a trick which in morals is equivalent to direct falsehood. For according to an accepted maxim in ethics, "suppressio veri est suggestio falsi" — that is, the wilful concealment of a known truth in reasoning, is equivalent to a suggestion, or indirect assertion of a lie. In the present instance, if any person- age less venerable and respectable than a Bishop had followed so crooked a path in his argument, I should have been driven to the conclusion that it was his purpose to deceive and mislead. It would have been clear to me that the only object of pretending to prove that the Israelites were only 210 years in Egypt, was to make the reader suppose that defenders of the Bible claimed and argued that they were there 400 years. Then having produced this false impression, nothing could be easier than to go to work and prove that they were not there any such period, from all which the infer- ence would seem to be that the veracity of the Pentateuch had been successfully impeached. Such is the view of the matter which I should have taken, had the argument I refer to been advanced by some infidel writer. As it is, I am obliged to acquit the Bishop of indirect falsehood, on the plea of ignorance. Of course it is very A IJEPLT TO BISHOP COLENSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 69 hard to conceive how the Bishop could be ignorant of the fact that all commentators admit that the Israelites were but 210 years in Egypt, and that the narrative clearly shows that such was the case ; but then it is harder yet to charge him with knowing the fact, and pretending to be ignorant of it for purposes of deceit and falsehood. As the case therefore is necessarily one either of ignorance, or something much more reprehensible, I will, as I have done in sev- eral previous instances of the same kind, acquit the Bishop of the graver charge — though the evidence is so overwhelming that a jury would be likely to bring in a verdict of guilty, upon it, without leaving their seats. "Again," says the Bishop, "when it is said (Genesis 15 : 16) 'In the fourth generation they shall come hither again,' this can only mean in the fourth generation reckoning from the time when they should leave the land of Canaan, and go down into Egypt. Thus we find Moses and Aaron in the fourth generation from the time of the migration, viz : Jacob, Levi, Kohath, Amram, Aaron. As Jacob was so aged, and Moses and Aaron also were advanced in life beyond military age, we may reckon from Levi, who went down into Egypt in the prime of life, and then the generation of Joshua, Eleazer, &c., in the prime of life, will be the fourth generation." Now if there is any obscurity in this, and if the reader fails to see clearly the point of the objection, he will please to attribute it to the Bishop, and not to me. From his statement as it stands, it would appear as if he did not understand how to compute "four genera- tions," for he has counted ^ve for /oMJ-. At least I confess myself wholly unable to guess upon what principle he estimates it as "four generations" from Levi to Eleazer. According to the ordinary and obvious method of computation, it is five, viz : Levi one, Kohath two, Amram three, Aaron four, Eleazer five. Inasmuch as neither Aaron nor Moses returned to Canaan, while Eleazer did, it is not at our option to consider that Eleazer and his generation were the fourth. Neither Aaron nor any of his generation, nor any of those who were over twenty years of age at the time they left Egypt, came to Canaan ; they all died in the wilderness. Thus, if we reckon from Levi, it would be the fifth and not the fourth that returned "hither." The fact unquestionably is, that the four gene- rations are reckoned from Kohath the second son of Levi, who came to Egypt with Jacob, as well as his younger brother Marory, and was probably under 20 years of age, just as Eleazer must have been 70 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. at the time he left Egypt. I say he must have been under 20^ because otherwise he would have died in the wilderness as all the rest did. The Bishop thus proceeds : " Moses and Aaron are descendants — and thus of Joshua and Bleazer, in the fourth generation, from some one of the sons or adult grandsons of Jacob, who went down with him into Egypt." He then goes on, counting from Levi to Aaron, Mishael, Blezephan, Korah, and from Reuben to Dathan, and Abram, whom he places in the third generation ; and also from Pharez to Nashan, whom he places in the fourth generation. But inasmuch as we are told that Nashan was the elder of the tribe of Juda a year after they left Egypt, (see Numbers 2 chapter,) he must have been over 20 years of age at that time ; and this was before they sent the spies into Canaan. Consequently he died in the wilderness, and his son must have been the one who came "hither ;" and he was of the fifth generation from Pharez. There- fore we must in this case also, begin to reckon from Hezron, of whom the Bishop had so much to say in a previous chapter, when he undertook to prove the impossibility of his having been born in the land of Canaan. In establishing his present point, the Bishop seems to have entirely forgot his former argument, for the two are in perfect contradiction, while the fads in the two cases are consis tent and harmonious. In truth, one strong inferential proof of the veracity of the Bible history is to be found in the remarkable cir- cumstance that the attacks upon it contradict and confute each other ; and even the same infidel writer in criticising one portion of the narrative often gives the lie to what he has advanced in assailing another part. Such is certainly the case with the Bishop, whose memory in regard to what he has himself written seems to be as defective as his arithmetic and his logic. The Bishop's argu- ment on this point is exceedingly dry as well as exceedingly weak, and any reply to it cannot fail to be both long and tedious ; I shall therefore spare the reader a minute examination of it. But if any person has suflScient curiosity about it to pay him for the trouble, he has only to compare the statements in the chapter where the critic undertakes to prove that Hezron was not born in Canaan, with the statements in the chapter upon which I am now commenting, to see how flatly and recklessly he contradicts himself. Our critic next exhibits his Biblical learning in a striking light, by ascribing the genealogies found in Joshua, Ruth, and Chronicles, A KEPLY TO BISHOP COLONSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. *I1 to the Peatateuch. This singular error can scarcely, however, be attributed to ignorance for in several places the Bishop uses allu- sions which seem to show that he really does understand what is embraced in the term — the Pentateuch. He certainly speaks of the Book of Chronicles as not being a part of the Pentateuch, and the following passage (from Colenso) may perhaps throw some light upon the question of his motive for ascribing the genealogies found in Joshua, Ruth, etc., to the Mosaic Books, against the veracity of which his logical artillery is specially aimed: "In 1 Chronicles, T, 22, 27, we have a remarkable exception to the above rule (that all the genealogies referred to are found in the Pentateuch) where we find the genealogy of Joshua given as follows : ' Joshua the son of Nun, the son of Elishama, the son of Ammihud, the son of Ladan, the son of Tahan, the son or Telah, the son of Rephah, the son of Ephraim,' — that is to say, Joshua is given in the 9th generation from Ephraim, or the 10th from Joseph. "Upon this," says the Bishop, " I would first remark, we are not here concerned with the Book of Chronicles, but with the narrative in the Pentateuch and and the Book of Joshua, and must abide by the data which they furnish." Thus we see that so soon as our critic discovers something in the Book of Chronicles which he sees makes against his theory, he straightway resolves to throw Chronicles overboard and repudiate it altogether. The Pentateuch must be proved to be false at all hazards, and whatever tends in any way to sustain it, must be assailed or thrown out of the account. . The reason why the genealogy of Joshua is, or may be an excep- tion to the above rule, is this, — namely, that all the rest of the gen- ealogies found in the Pentateuch, are of the fourth generation, from these that came into Egypt with Jacob. The 16th verse of the 15th chapter of Genesis, which says, " In the fourth generation they shall come hither again," cannot be applied to the children of Joseph, because as they were never in Canaan, the words can have no application to them. They can only be applied to Joseph himself, who was of the first of the generations that came into Egypt ; and if the fourth generation after him were to "come hither again," it would be necessary that they should have left Egypt three genera- tions before the rest of the Israelites did, because the first generation was counted from the grandsons of the sons of Jacob, at least in some, as in the tribe of Judah, which was reckoned from Hezron the grandson of Juda. 12 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSo's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. The Bishop further says : " We have no express statement of the age of Joshua at the age of the vexodus ; but we may suppose it to have been about the same as that of Caleb the son of Jephenneh with whom he is so often coupled ; and Caleb was 40 years old when sent to spy the land at the end of the first year of the exodus. Hence since the exodus took place 215 years at most after the migration into Egypt there must have intervened between the birth of Zelah and that of Joshua 215 years. Take from this the 10 years that Joseph lived, — for he was alive when grandchildren were born to Ephraim, — and Zelah was a grandson of Ephraim, and the 40 years of Joshua's age at the time of the exodus, and we have left 105 years from the birth of Zelah to that of Joshua. So according to the chronicler there must have been six complete generations in 105 years, which is hardly credible." Now let us see if this is really as incredible as the Bishop declares. In the first place Zelah may have been born before the death of Joseph ; and if he was born 15 years before, ivhich he probably was, the time from the birth of Zelah to that of Joshua would be 120 years, giving 20 years between each generation. Does the Bishop mean to say there is anything incredible in a father being only 20 years older than his son? Such instances are by no means uncommon, and though it certainly can- not be assumed as a general rule, it is absurd to speak of it as an impossibility. But second, from the statements in Chronicles, it cannot be made out whether the generations spoken of were suc- cessive generations, or were brothers, the children of Ephraim. The language employed by the Bishop, and purporting to be that of the Book, is in fad different from thai which we find in Chronicles. Tlie Bishop begins from Joshua, thus : "Joshua the son of Nun, the son of Elishoma, the son of Amraihud," etc., down to Ephraim, conveying the idea that each of the individuals named, belonged to a different generation. But the language of the record by no means makes it clear that they were of successive generations. After relating that Ephraim begat a son, and called him Beriah, and after stating why he was so called, the account goes on ; " And Raphah his son, and Resheph his son, and Zelah his son," and so on to Joshua. Thus it will be perceived that Zelah instead of being the great grandson of Ephraim, was according to the language of the chronicle, the son of Ephraim. But it cannot be said that they were all sons of Ephraim, for this would make Joshua the son of Ephraim ; and this cannot be, since we are told that he was the son A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 73 of Nun. Neither can it be said that they all belonged to successive generations, because the account mentions nine sons of Ephraim who were killed before Beriah was born, employing the same kind of language. Hence it would have to be said that Ephraim lived till nine successive generations were born, and that he then begat a son named Beriah. For these reasons it has always been understood that the account in Chronicles did not speak of generations in regular succession, but spoke of fathers, sons, and brothers of the same generations, without that kind of strict reference to regular succession, which the Bishop seems determined to insist upon. The only account we can find of the regular generations of Ephraham is in the 26th chapter of Numbers. This account, the Bishop refers to, but is unwilling to make any use of, because it does not suit his purpose, or sustain his hypothesis. It is easy enough to assail the veracity of the Bible, or of any history that was ever written, by adopting Bishop Colenso's mode of proceeding. It is in fact, as Hamlet said of playing the flute, " as easy as lying." You have only to torture the text into something it does not mean, and was never designed to say, — to put your own construction upon it, and then go to work with owlish gravity and a great show of logic and learning, to prove that it (your own forced construction) is utterly false. Having done this, it only remains to declare with complacent triumph, "this statement is clearly incredible." And thus the work is achieved ; the card house set up on purpose to be demolished, is demolished. Such seems to be Bishop Colenso's receipt for proving the Pentateuch a fable ; and by making use of precisely the same method, it requires no great amount of skill or ingenuity to prove that all history ancient and modern, is no more reliable than the adventures of Baron Munchausen or the voyages of " Sinbad the Sailor." A Eeply to Bishop Oolenso's Attack Upon the Pentateuch- Let any man possessed of the ingenuity of an average country attorney, select any history ancient or modern, sacred or profane, and go mousing through it in search of " objections" and "difficul- ties," and he will find abundance of the same microscopic sort that Bishop Colenso delights in. If he fails to find more plausible ones than many such as the Bishop exults over with a ludicrous compla- cency, he must be a dull fellow indeed. In fact, not a few of the "points" gravely made by our critic, are so trifling in their charac- ter as to cause me an embarrassing hesitation whether to give them any serious answer at all. If on the one hand I pass them without notice, there may be individuals (though it is difficult to conceive it) who may suppose them unanswerable ; if on the other, I under- take seriously to reply to these puerilities, I seem to myself by the very act, to bestow upon them some small degree of importance. Several of these difficulties are such as I should imagine none but a child would raise, and such as many intelligent children could easily solve. "Again," says the Bishop, "according to the chronicler, Elishama was the grandfather of Joshua. But Elishama was the captain of of the host of Ephraim about a year after his grandson Joshua had commanded the whole Hebrew force which fought with Amalek, — which also is hardly credible." Now I confess myself utterly at a loss to guess why this should appear at all incredible to any intelligent Biblical student. The Bishop himself concludes (and very properly) that Joshua was 40 years old at the time spoken of. Hence, if Joshua was born when his father was 30 years old (which assuredly is not "incredible") the latter would be 10 years old -at the time spoken of. If Nun, the father of Joshua was likewise born when his father Elishama was 30 years old (which is not "incredible") Elishama would be 60 years older than Joshua, — that is 100 years old at the time spoken of- A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 75 What is it that the Bishop iinds incredible in all this ? Is 100 years so great an age for those days that he cannot believe in it ? or is it incredible that a man of 30 should beget a child ? In one of these two things the fact which is pronounced incredible must consist, if there is any thing at all incredible in the statement. The age of 100, seems at that time to have been no greater than 10 in these modern days ; and even so late as the wars of Napoleon, men of 10 and upwards have commanded armies, and acquitted themselves with credit. But after all, it is quite improbable that Elishama was "captain" or leader of the "army in any sense, or that he had any military command at all. Had Bishop Colenso's acquaintance with Hebrew been other than of the most superficial character, he would not require to be told that "Ifossi/" (which is the Hebrew word he refers to as meaning captain) is frequently translated "elder," or "prince," and that it does not necessarily involve the idea of military rank. A theologian and a Bishop should not argue dogmatically from a mere word or phrase of a text in a translation, like an unlearned person ; and there is no excuse in this instance, for the importance which our critic attaches to the word "captain" in the English version. The idea of pre-eminence, is the radical idea of " N^ossy ;" it may be pre-eminence in age, or in something else. In the present instance it means simply that Elishama was the head man of his tribe; and such was his position, he having in fact nothing whatever to do with military business, Any scholar, (even though ignorant of Hebrew) will easily understand how this may be so. Instance!! of it abound in all languages ancient and modern. The Latin word "dux," which sometimes means a general, is quite as often used (more often in fact) where there is no allusion to martial command or rank, and where it has to be rendered by the English words, prince, leader, guide, conductor, etc. The same is the case with the French word "chef," which sometimes means a general, and sometimes a head cook. But in his eagerness to convict Moses of falsehood, our literal minded Bishop disregards all such scholarly distinctions ; and pouncing upon a particular word, and fastening upon it whichever of its many significations suits his purpose best, drives with all the recklessness of ignorance and prejudice combined, right onward through thick and thin, toward this goal. In order to lay a proper foundation for his next objection, the Bishop finds it necessary to add to the text some words which are found 76 A REPLY TO BISHOP OOLENSO'S ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. neither in the original or in the translation, previous to assailing it. He commences thus : " But in truth, the account of Joshua's descent, in 1st Chronicles, involves a palpable contradiction. Thus in verse 24 chapter 1, we are told that Ephraim's daughter built two villages in the land of Canaan. If we suppose this to mean that the descend- ants of Ephraim's daughter after the conquest in the time of Joshua did this, yet in verses 22, 23, we have this astonishing fact stated — that Ephraim himself, after the slaughter by the men of Gath of his descendants in the Ith generation, mourned many days, and then married again, and had a son Beriah, who was the ancestor of Joshua." Now I am prepared to admit, that if the Book of Chronicles makes the statement which the Bishop avers, its veracity stands impeached. But if the Book contains no such statement, what shall we say of the Bishop's veracity ? And the fact is, that the record contains no such statement. Here is what it does say : "And his (Ephraim's) daughter was Sharah, who built Bethharon the neither and the upper, and Uzzen Sherah." There is not a word here about this having been done " in the land of Canaan ;" that phrase is an addition to the text made by the Bishop — made, probably, because he thought in his hasty blundering way, that it must have been in Canaan, and that there could therefore be no particular harm in adding the words. The Bishop probably argued thus: " It is certain that the childfen of Ephraim were killed by the men of Gath in Canaan, for Gath is undoubtedly in the land of Canaan, and the statement concerning the killing of the children of Ephraim, and that concerning the building of the villages, are both in the same chapter." Such I imagine must have been the Bishop's logic ; and it would be no looser or more slovenly than usual with him, if it were not for the significant words, "that were born in the land," were not annexed to the statement concerning the men of Gath. That statement reads thus : " And the sons of Ephraim, Shuteloh, Bered, Tahath, Eloda," etc., "whom the men of Gath, ' that were born in that land slew,' because they came down to take away their cattle," etc. The Bishop says that these were the des- cendants of Ephraim of the seventh generation ; while the chronicler calls them "the sons of Ephraim," which would seem (in the absence of some reason to the contrary) to imply clearly enough that they were Ephraim's own children, and of the first generation. As to the force of the phrase " that were born in that land," I suppose A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 71 there can be little serioua question among Biblical scholars. It clearly does not mean, that were horn in Oath. We would scarcely speak of " Frenchmen who were born in France," except with some special reference which does not exist in the case in question. Frenchman alone implies prima facie, that the individual to whom the term is applied was born in France. But if we were speaking of something done by Frenchmen in Canada, and were to use the expression, " this was done by Frenchmen who were born in that land," every one would understand, not France, but Canada, by "that land," and would infer that the deed spoken of was done by people of French extraction residing in Canada. Hence the phrase in question must be applied to the land of Egypt where Ephraim and his sons then were ; and the meaning is, "men of Gath who were born in Egypt." Nor is there anything more singular or incredible in the notion that "men of Gath" were born in Egypt. During the seven years of famine throughout the land of Canaan, (which included Gath,) there was plenty in Egypt ; and men of the various tribes of that land went down thither as did the children of Jacob, to obtain supplies. Of these, some would doubtless remain in the new country, and beget children there ; thus there were men of Gath born in Egypt, as there were Hebrews born there. Of these, some doubtless returned with their children to their own country, when the famine was over. These children growing up were those spoken of as having killed the children of Ephraim, when the latter came to them after their cattle. So much for this terrible objection, over which the Bishop indulges in such a triumphant flourish of trumpets. The whole "difficulty" of the case, has no other foundation than the critic's own ignorance and want of reflection. A Eeply to Bishop Oolenso's Attack Upon the PentateucL THE bishop's great DIFFICULTY— THE NUMBEE OP THE ISRAELITES AT THE EXODUS. We now come to the consideration of one of Bishop Colenso's most weighty objections to the veracity of the Pentateuch, — or at least one to which he seems to attach more importance than to any other. This has reference to the number of the Israelites at the time of the Exodus, and the whole of the Itth chapter of his book is devoted to the attempt to demonstrate that it is impossible that they could at that time have been as numerous as the record represents them to have been, — and consequently that the record is unreliable. The Bishop maintains with great confidence and complacency that it is a natural impossibility that the Israelites could have numbered 600,000 males of over 20 years of age at the time in question, or that the total population could have numbered 2,000,000 at that time, which must have been the case to admit of the proportion of adult males above stated. But let us permit the Bishop to speak for himself. He says : — " In the first place it must be observed as already noted, that we nowhere read of any very large families among the children of Jacob or their descendants, to the time of the Exodus. We may suppose, in order that we may have the population as large as pos- sible, that very few died prematurely, and that those who were born almost all lived and multiplied. But we have no reason whatever from the data furnis' ed by the sacred books themselves, to assume that they had families materially larger than those of the present day. We are told in Genesis, chapter 46, that Reuben had 4 sons, Simeon 6, Levi 3, Juda 5, Issachar 4, Zebulon 3, Gad t, Ashar 4, Joseph 2, Benjamin 10, Dan 1, Napthali 4. The 12 sons of Jacob then, as appears from the above, had between them 55 sons, — that is on the average 4^ each. Let us suppose that they increased in A EEPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 19 that way from generation to generation. Then in the first genera- tion, — that of Kohath, — there would be 54 males ; according to the story 53, or rather 51 only, since Er and Ovan died in the land of Canaan without issue. In the second generation, that of Amram, there would be 243 males ; in the third, that of Moses and Aaron 1094 ; and in the fourth, that of Bleazer 4923 ; that is to say, in- stead of 600,000 warriors in the prime of life, there could not have been 5000." Such is the Bishop's statement of the case, and such the conclusion which he arrives at. * Now transparent as the fallacity of the Eight-Eeverend critic is in the present case, and superfluous as any serious attempt to expose it, will seem to most Biblical students, I presume it is incumbent upon me to comment upon it, in the faithful discharge of the task which I have assumed. The intelligent and well-informed reader, who sees through the "difficulty" at a glance, will bear with me then, while for the sake of those who may never have bestowed any attention upon such matters, I indulge in a few comments. And first, it seems from the Bishop's mode of stating the case,, that he must have been under the strange impression that in the days of Jacob and his contemporaries, a change of country on the part of a man, stopped any increase of his family. He tells us "Eeuben had 4 sons, Simeon, 6," &c. ; and fails to mention that all those whom he enumerates were born in Canaan. Neither does he furnish us ■ any hint as to the foundation of his preposterous assumption, that none of the fathers whose names he quotes had any more children after they went into Egypt. In his first chapter, our author maintains that 12 children were born to Jacob in 7 years, and that 8 of them were born in 3 years ; now I should like to ask him how many children could have been born (upon a similar calculation) to Eeuben, or any one of the sons of Jacob, after they came into Egypt, or even during the It years that Jacob lived in that land ? If I am told that the History does not mention any children born in Egypt, my answer is, that it is ridiculous to claim that none were born because none are mentioned. What should prevent the sons of Jacob from having children after going into Egypt as well as before ? The probabilities are all the other way, and there is abundance of room to argue that they would have a great many more children in Egypt than in Canaan. If I considered it worth while, I could easily cite many strong (and some very curious) authorities to show that there was something in the climate, or other physical conditions 80 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLONSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. of ancient Egypt, which in a wonderful degree faTored fecundity, and made it more remarkable in this respect than California is sup- posed to be. Several ancient writers, speak of cases of three, four, and five, or six children at a birth, as having been not very uncom- mon in Egypt. But I do not care to dwell upon any consideration of this kind, nor do I rest my argument at all upon testimony of this character. The Bishop's objection can be easily and as I think, satisfactorily disposed of upon independent grounds. liF the reader recollects the4)Ositions taken by our critic in the first chapter of his book, he will remember that it was there claimed that Judah was but 43 years old when he came with his father into Egypt. Now if at that time Judah had 5 sons (as it is admitted he had) how many more might he have had when as old as Jacob at the time Benjamin was born, — that is the age 97 years ? For let it be remembered that (according to the Bishop) Jacob was 84 when he got married ; that he then served Laban the second term of 7 years for Eachel, and 6 years for his cattle, (13 years in all) adding to which 84, his age at the time of his marriage, we have 97 years. If Jacob had 8 children in 3 years, under the circumstances of this case, how many could Judah have had in 55 years ? (that being the difference be- tween his age at the time of coming to Egypt, and that of Jacob at the time Benjamin was born.) But again, let us take the case of Benjamin himself, whom the Bish-jp credits with 10 children, (which is in fact the number he had before going into Egypt) and no more assuming, as he does in the case of all Jacob's sons, that he had no children after arriving in Egypt. Now according to the Bishop's own calculations, Benjamin must have been 6 or 7 years younger than Joseph ; and Joseph was (according to the same calculations) 39 years old at the time Benjamin and his father came down into Egypt ; consequently Benjamin was not over 32, (or 33 years at the most) when he arrived in Egypt, at which time he was already the father of ten children. Now I ask in the name of common sense and common probability, why we are to suppose that there was no further increase to this family in Egypt ? I ask, on what ground the Bishop assumes such an improbability, not only in Benjamin's case, but in the case of all his brothers ? The difference between Benjamin's age at the time of his arrival in Egypt, and Jacob's age at the time when Benjamin was born, is 65 years ; and we have as much right to assume that during that whole period Benjamin con- tinued having children, as the Bishop has to assume the contrary. A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. 81 Nay, if Jacob had 8 children in 3 years (as the Bishop makes out that he had) why may we not estimate the increase of Benjamin's family at the same rate, and declare that he was in all human prob- ability the father of over a hundred children before he reached the age of Jacob at the time of his own (Benjamin's) birth ? Such a line of argument would be at least as much supported by reason and \ probability, as that adopted by the Bishop. In short, the notion that no children were born to the sons of Jacab in Egypt, is too preposterous for argument. The Bishop seems to think that if any had been born, they would have been recorded, because express mention is made of the birth of Jechabed ; and if her birth is put on record, why not other births, if there were any ? The answer to this is obvious to every one but Bishop Colenso. Jechebed was destined to be the mother of the great Hebrew Law giver ; surely there is good reason why the mother of Moses should receive special mention, — a reason not at all applicable to the case of those who were to play no great part in the national history. If some future Bishop Colenso, should a thousand years hence, go through the an- nals of the United States, and make a list of all the names recorded in it, and then make those names the basis of a calculation of the population of the country, he would act about as wisely as his illus- trious predecessor of Natal. Let us now see whether we are in fact compelled (as the Bishop says we are) to resort to the supposition of "very large families" for the children of Jacob, or to the supposition that " very few died prematurely," or that "everyone that was born lived and multi- plied," or that there was any miraculous and unnatural increase, in order to sustain the theory that at the titne of the Exodus, the Isra- elites numbered 600,000 adult males, or a total population of 2,000,- 000. The calculations which I am obliged to go into, in order to elucidate this matter, must necessarily be dry and tedious ; and they are such as cannot be made interesting to the ordinary reader. Yet as I have undertaken to answer the Bishop's reasonings, and to expose his sophistries, I cannot avoid entering into statistics and calculations of this perplexing and minute character. If the reader finds these details too much for his patience, his only resource is to skip the remainder of this chapter. We are told that Jacob had 12 sons and 1 daughter — 13 children in all. Also, that when he came into Egypt his entire family (including sons, grandsons, and great grandsons) numbered 10. 6 82 A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. Each of his 12 sons had an average of 4 J children, — certainly not an extraordinary number. The Bishop himself has elaborately proved (what nobody ever denied) that the Israelites were 210 years in Egypt. Thus far there is no dispute, and no room for dispute, about the data. But in regard to the next point (that is how long it took Jacob to raise his family of tO) there may be a difference of opinion. According to the Bishop's calculations, it took him 46 years ; for he says that Joseph was 39 years old when Jacob came down to Egypt (the time when Jacob's family numbered 70) and he (Joseph) was born 1 years "after Jacob's double marriage." See the 1st chapter of Colenso. Adding 39 and 1, we have 46 years as the time in question. But according to my explanations in answer to tha,t chapter, and as I understand the narrative, it took Jacob 18 years to raise his family to the number stated. This result I arrive at as follows : — he went to Laban when he was 45 years old, served him t years, and was then married at the age of 52 ! and we are told that he was 130 years old when he came into Egypt ; hence from his marriage till his arrival in Egypt was T8 years; and ' during this period his family reached the number of 70 as already stated. It will be seen how great an advantage accrues to the Bishop in the argument, by adopting my estimate of the time in- stead ot his, since he allows an increase of 70 in 43 years, while I allow 78 years for that amount of increase. Nevertheless I will take the latter estimate (however much it may make against me) because I believe it to be correct. Now if Jacob could in 78 years, raise a family of 70 persons, we may suppose that each one of those 70 persons, could in the like period increase in the same ratio ; that is, in 78 years after the arrival in Egypt, the Israelites then would amount to 70 times 70, which is 4,900. Then in 78 years more, these 4,900, increasing in the like manner, would number 70 times 4,900, which is 343,000. But the Israelites were 210 years in Egypt, and twice 78 years is only 156 years, which leaves 54 years more of the 210, during which the 343,000 population would continue to increase in the same ratio as heretofore. Now in 78 years more these 343,000 would by the same method of computation heretofore adopted, amount to 70 times 343,000 which is 24,010,000, or over twenty-four millions. If they would amount to this number in 78 years, how many would they amount to in 54 years ? — this is the only remaining qugstion to be determined. Let the reader bear in mind, that I am .answering Bishop Colenso^s objection merely. My object is not to A REPLY TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK DPON THE PENTATEUCH. 83 show what the actual increase was, but that there is no impossibility in its having been as great as the Bishop says the Pentateuch rep- resents it to have been. Therefore if any person feels disposed to criticise my calculation, or the principle upon which it is based, let him be quite certain that the criticism affects the entire validity of the calculation as an answer to the Bishop, — that is as designed to show that it is not impossible that the Israelites increased to 2,000,000 during their sojourn in Egypt. But to resume ; — if I am correct thus far in my computation, the Israelites amounted to (or may have amounted to) 343,000 souls at the end of the second 78 years of their sojourn in Egypt. Had they remained there 78 years more, they would have amounted to 24,010,000. But they in fact only remained 54 years more ; and if we take 54-78 of that number as a fair esti- mate of what the population would be in 54 years, we have about 16J millions as the result, or what amounts to the same thing, if we make a simple proportion, as follows ; — 24,010,000 is to the answer sought, as 78 is 54, we obtain as the result, 16,494,102. Now, one obvious objection to this calculation is, that no allowance is made for deaths before arriving at maturity, &c. It may also be urged that the increase in 54 years would not be 54-78 of what it would in 78 years, because the actual increase would continually become greater, (though the ratio would' remain the same) as we approach the end of the period. Other difficulties also, having more or less plausibility may be raised ; but with 16J millions as the result of our calculation, we are in a condition to make very liberal deduc- tions and allowances, and still retain a figure sufficiently large to satisfy the Bishops call for 2,000,000 at the time of the Exodus. He only demands 2,000,000 ; and after striking off 11-12 of the number arrived at by the above calculations, for deaths &c., we will still have all that he says the truth of the Pentateuch requires. It will be seen therefore, that we can afford to be very liberal with the Bishop ; and by adopting his own estimate of 46 years, instead of 78, as the time during which Jacob increased from a unit to 70 souls, we can be still more liberal, and instead of allowing 22,000,- 000 for deaths &c., as we have done, we could make a discount of twice that number. Yet satisfactory as this result would seem to be, we have all along conceded a great deal more to the Bishop than there was any neces- sity for conceding. We have every reason to believe that the Israelites increased while in Egypt in an extraordinary and almost 84 A EEPLT TO BISHOP COLENSO's ATTACK UPON THE PENTATEUCH. unprecedented manner. It is true that the Bishop gravely assures us that the Bible furnishes us no ground whatever for supposing that they increased very rapidly. But the reader must long ago have become quite accustomed to our author's vast assertions and unfounded statements. He will not therefore be much surprised at another instance of the same kind. If he will turn to the 1th and 12th verses of the 1st chapter of Exodus, he will find the following extraordinary language, which the Bishop most certainly must have forgotten entirely when he made the strange assertion above quoted: "And the children of Israel were fruitful, and increased abundantly and multiplied, and waxed exceedingly mighty, and the whole land VAS FILLED WITH THEM." " But the more they (the Egyptians) affected them, the more thej multiplied and grew; And they (the Egyptians) were grieved because of the children of Israel." Now I repeat, that this is remarkable language. It would be diflEicult to accumulate in a few sentences, more emphatic and expressive terms in which to declare the extraordinary manner in which the Israelites multiplied. Observe the rhetorical accumulation of words : — they "increased abundantly;" they "multiplied ;" they "waxed exceed- ingly mighty;" the "whole land was filled with them;" they "multiplied and grew ;" and finally so enormous was the increase of the Hebrew bondmen, that it began to inspire their Egyptian oppressors with alarm, — ".they \