^*:^-«' 'Msm^^ ^^- ^t^ ■Ji* r ■f ^i* vi ' *i'-4-7^:i^ ..\=.«« -;.3-' .^^y Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924087959908 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 924 087 959 908 AENEIDEA, 01{ CRITICAL, EXEGETICAL, AND AE8THETICAL REMARKS ON THE AENEIS, WITH A PERSONAL COLLATION OP ALL THE FIRST CLASS MSS., UPWARDS OF ONE HUNDRED SECOND CLASS MSS. , AND ALL THE PRINCIPAL EDITIONS. BY JAMES HENRY, AUTHOR OF NOTES OF A TWELVE TKAHS' VOYAGE OF PISOOVEEY IN THE FITIfi-J' SIX HOOKS OF THE AENEIS. VOL. I. WILLIAMS AND NOEGATE, 14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LCINDDN; AND 20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET , EDINBURGH. 1873. -..i"^ « >» C l."_ row tLimt \. 4 2 i. ( LEIPZIG, GIESECKE & DEVRIENT, PRINTERS. C^ To mi I beloved daughter, Katharine Olivia Henry, for twenty years — almost the whole of her adult life np to the present moment — ever beside me, at home and abroad, at the desk alike and in the public library, suggesting, correcting, ad- vising, assisting, and cheering me on with all an affectionate daughter's zeal, solicitude, and devotion, I give, dedicate, and consecrate all that part of this work which is not her oivn. JAMES HENBY. Dalkey Lodge, Dalhey {Ireland). Oct. 10, 1872. "Haec nos de intimo fonte libavimus, non opinionum rivulos persequentes, iieque errorum, quibus totus mundus repletus est, varietate perterriti, sed cupientes et scire et docere quae vera sunt." D. Hieroiiymus, Epist. 138, ad Marrellam. PREFACE. * §1- Dresden, Nov. 16, 1865. It is now about four -and -twenty years since I first, being then somewhat over forh' years of age, began the study of the Aeneis. The first fruit of my labors was a translation into Eng- lish blank verse of the two first Books, published in Dublin in 1845, whilst I was still a practising physician in that city. Little satisfied with that first essay of my prentice hand, I threw it aside and, having in the meantime left my profession and being more at leisure, began a new translation in the same measure, only to be as little satisfied with it as with its predecessor, and to throw it too aside, even unpublished, when it had been already printed as far as the end of the sixth Book. Still I was not deterred, and began anew, and, convinced by my repeated failures that it was in vain for me to attempt to preserve both form and substance, and at the same time warned, by the ill success of all who had preceded me, not to sacrifice substance to form, adopted the sole remaining coui'se, viz. that of sacrificing the Virgilian* *Not in ignorance of the new fashion — ^how could 1 he ignorant of a fashion so ostentatiously paraded hefore my eyes at every turning? — hut in conformity with tlie opinion of the hest authority I know on the subject, do I adhere to the long established practice of writing Virgil and Virgilian, not Vergil and Vergilian. The opinion, as probably true as it is rational, which not only leaves me at liberty to do, but assigns a good reason for my doing, that which I was of myself previously determined to do, is thus modestly put forward by Schuchardt, VoTcalism des Viilgiirlateins , vol. 2, p. 58: "Die frage, ob der dichter der Aeneide Virgilius oder Vergilius zu schreiben sei, hat auch in nicht philologischen kreisen ein gewisses aufsehen erregt. Die Vergilianer sind VI AENEIDEA. form on the altar of the Virgilian meaning, and so at last succeeded — as I was then, and even yet am, fain to believe — in representing in English verse — errors excepted — the sense of the Aeneis as far as the end of the sixth Book. That trans- lation, under the title of Six photographs of the heroic times (on account of its diversity of form I did not honor it with the title of translation , did not even so much as connect it in any way with the name either of Virgil or the Aeneis), forms part of a volume printed and published in Dresden in 1853 under the title of My Book. Out of the critical and analytical investi- gations necessary for the due execution of that work, arose another, printed and published in Dresden in the sanie year entitled Notes of a twelve years' voyage of discovery in the first six books of the Aeneis, a work which in its turn gave rise to another, viz. a resume or abbreviation of itself, which, adapted to a periodical and translated into German and containing much new matter and many corrections of the old, was published in the Gottingen Philologus in 1857, under the title of Adversaria Virgiliana. My love for the subject, instead of diminishing, encreased with years, how much owing to the mere influence of habit, how much to the approbation with which my labors, imperfect as they were, had been received by competent judges both in England and on the continent of Europe and especially in Germany, how much owing to a consciousness of the daily increasing facility with which I brushed away, or imagined I brushed away, from my author's golden letters some of the dust accumulated on them during the lapse of nearly twenty centuries, I shall not take upon me to say, but certain it is, that it is only with increasing love and zeal I have since 1857 not merely re- wrought the whole of the old ground, altering, correcting, intro- ducing and eliminating, according as it seemed expedient, but taken-in the entirely new ground of the last six Books, and, u. a. von F. Schultz, Progr, von Braunsberg 1865 (Quaestionum wthographicarum decas) S. 23 fg. und Coprads, Progr. v. Trier 1863 {Quaestiones Virgilianae) S. III. Anm. , bekampft worden. Letzterer betont mit recht, dass Vergiliua eine rustikform sei. Doch ist zuzugestehen , dass auch ein urspriinglich rustikes Yergilius zutn eiuzig reohtmassigen namen einer familie werden konute.'' § I.] PREFACE. VII that nothing might be wanting to the completeness of the work, increased the previously very imperfect collection of variae lectiones, by the insertion in their proper places of those of all the first-class MSS. carefully collated by myself and daughter in two journeys made to Italy for the express purpose, and of ten, being all that were of any importance, of the Paris MSS. Neither on my part nor on that of the publisher, has commercial speculation had anything whatever to do with the work, i How could it ? or where are the crowds ready to give gold and silver in exchange for a work which is as little political, religious, or romantic, as it is Uttle useful either to competitive examiner or competitive examinee ? Still less has the work been accommodated in any respect to reigning literary fashion or dogma, or one word of it written to suit the taste of powerful patron. If I have kept clear of all such, rather gilt than golden, trammels, I have yet not felt myself free to gallop immissis habenis. On the contrary, the less the control from without,, the ^ stronger has always been the impulse from within, (a) never to speak until I had examined all that had been already said on the subject, nor even then unless I had, or thought I had, some- thing new to say ; (b) never to leave my meaning liable to be misunderstood so long as I saw a possibility of making it clear by further explanation, but always to prefer laborious, old- fashioned, and even, as I fear it may sometimes be found, tedious prolixity, to the safe and easy brevity of the modern professorial Cortina ; (c) never either to take or quote my authorities at second hand, but always directly ex ipso fonte, always from the best editions available to rae, always at full, and never putting-off the reader or student hungry for the living bread of the author's own words, with the indigestible stone of signs and ciphers sometimes wholly unintelligible except to the party employing them, sometimes rewarding the pains of the decipherer with cold and dry, too often careless and incorrect, references to works, or editions of works, which, in order to be consulted, must either be brought from distant countries at a great expense of time, trouble, and money, or visited in those countries at a still greater. Let not, then, the reader complain of the length VIII AENEIDEA. of the work I have laid before him. It is in his own interest and his author's it is long. Whatever any individual reader — for there will be a difference of opinion on the subject among readers — may happen to find too long, he can at pleasure curtail for himself. He would, perhaps, have found it less easy to lengthen anything I had curtailed. §n. The omission, from my Greek quotations, both of accents and .breathings, will, of course, be remarked. It cannot con- sistently be complained-of by those who do not complain of the so frequent and even usual omission, no less by my more immediate and modern than by my more remote aijd ancient compters, not of the accents and breathings only, but of the very words themselves. Those who cannot or wiU not read my Greek quotations because they are without accents and breath- ings, have in these quotations what they never have in the quotations of any ancient commentator, and seldom have in those of any modern one anterior to La Cerda, or even in those, of La Cerda himself, full and particular references to the places where they will find the words garnished-round with all those schoolboy sCratchings, all those grotesque and disfiguring addi- tamenta of the grammarians. 1 wish I could refer them to places where either inscriptions or papyri or first-class codices are to be found so bolstered-up. Alas! of these helps, so superfluous to the real scholar, not one, except the aspirate, has found ad- mittance even into the Herculanean Academicians' expos4 in Greek minusculae of the Herculanean papyri. Readers who are still dissatisfied, may e'en remain so. I decline both the trouble and the responsibility. xeroyciN AoexoyciN /VereTOicAN oyMexeiMoi § in ] PREFACE. IX §111. I have no apology to make for errors; all those which, with the advance of years, increasing power of discrimination, and fresh-accruing helps, I have myself been able to detect — and their name is legion — I have corrected. The legion which, with still fresh-accruing helps , and still increasing knowledge, remains to be detected, I leave for correction to my successors. The work is, in its very nature, incapable of perfection, never can be anything more than an approximation, the contribution of an individual to a general fund. ^Who shall ever define not merely the precise sense of all the debated or debatable words of a great poem in a dead language, but the precise connexion in which each stands with all the other words, near or remote, and the precise allusion which it may make to then present, or then past, or then expected, political, religious, philosophical, opinions or circumstances ? ,^ Who shall ever say in which of its hundred meanings literal and metaphorical, prosaic and poe- tical, each debated or debatable word, in a poem of ten thousand verses, is used — in a poem, too , written nearly two thousand years ago by a man living under a different regime, a different religion, a different philosophy, and of whose circumstances, habits of Hfe, and modes of thinking, little more is known than can be scantily gleaned from poems in which he seldom breaks an almost bashful silence respecting himself? ^Who, in the conflicting testimony of MSS., shall even so much as say whether the very word itself concerning whose meaning we are debating, is, actually and bona fide, Virgil's own word, and not the bastard changeling of some copyist, grammarian, or critic? ^Even in the rare case of agreement of MSS. , who , in these days, can be sure that he is reading Virgil, that he has not in his hand a manufactured, supposititious text? ^who, reading Virgil at the present moment in a modern edition — that of Heyne, suppose, or Wagner, of Thiol or Forbiger, of Jahn or Ladewig, of Haupt or Kibbeck — has the least suspicion that the "Paris" he finds at 10, 705, which makes so perfect and easy sense, which fits so pat into its place, and which he is informed X AENEIDEA. by Pottier is the reading of no less than six of the Paris MSS. (viz. Nos. 7925, 7926, 7927, 7930, 7931 and 8069, as they stand numbered in the Imperial library), is not from the hand of Virgil, does not exhibit either the Virgilian structure or the Virgilian sense? yet this word which has so unceremoniously ousted the old "creat", I have been unable to find in even so much as one of the six Paris MSS. cited by Pottier as autho- rity for it, in even so much as one of the nineteen other MSS. in which I have made special search for it (nine of those others being in the same collection with the six cited by Pottier), in even so much as one single edition previous to the appearance, in 1711, of Bentley's "praeclara facillimaque emendatio", in the archconjecturer's notes to his edition of Horace, published in that year. Let not then my reader lean with too heavy a hand on the- errors he may, notwithstanding all my care, find, or think he finds, either in these Remarks, or my previous Voyage or Adversaria or Photographs. Let him not point with too scornful a finger at striking discrepancies in the accounts I have given, in these several works, of one and the same passage. Those accounts were written at different periods of my life separated by long intervals during which my means of information no less than ray modes of thought were undergoing continual change. There never yet was, there never can be writer, who, treatingthe same subject for a long series of years, is always consistent with himself, continues always to take the same view of the same .thing. It is a moral impossibility, to which niy case constitutes no ex- ception. Let my reader bear in mind this impossibility, when he finds me in my Voyage and Adversaria reading, defending and explaining "nixae" (1,452) and in my Aeneidea reading, defending and ex- plaining "nexae". A long interval of time, many years elapsed between the two contradictory views and accounts. At the time of the earlier, I had not yet seen the Vatican fragment, was obliged to take for the basis of my argument, the account of the reading of that MS. as given (p. 170) by Bottari, who had had the MS. in his hand. At the time of the latter, I had had the MS. in my own hand, and had satisfied myself that Bottari had been de- § IV.] PREFACE. XI ceived, had not examined with sufficient accuracy, and had taken E for I, and that, consequently, my earlier view and argument rested on an unsure foundation, and must be renounced in favor of an argument built on the testimony of my own senses. Let no one, however, understand me to mean that I regard such errors as trivial or venial. They are derogatory of my author, deceptive of my reader, doubly deceptive of my brother commen- tator, who, influenced by my example and my arguments, adopts, disseminates, and perpetuates them, and humiliatory of myself; but they are unavoidable, and all I can do, and I do it with the greatest cheerfulness, is candidly to acknowledge them, as soon as I discover them myself, or am made aware of them by another, and publish my acknowledgment and recantation as widely as I had previously published my mistake. § IV. The variae lectiones of this no less than of the previous work (Twelve Years Voyage) of which this is an amplification, correction, and completion, have been all taken personally by myself and daughter. In all the important MSS., one of us has read the reading aloud and the other taken it down in writing, which writing has then been compared by both of us with the MS., and only after such comparison marked with a sign that it was correct. In most cases the reading so taken down and marked with a sign as correct, has after a number of years been again compared with the MS. and, any discoverable error having been rectified, again marked as correct. The readings of all the important MSS. have also been compared both by my daughter and myself with the quotations of them by Ribbeck, and the discrepancies, rather numerous in the case of the Medicean, rarer in that of the other MSS., noted, on the spot. I divide the sources of my variae lectiones into three cate- gories: (I) MSS. written' in Roman capitals; and on account of the now extinct MSS. cited by him, Pierius; (II) MSS. not written in Roman capitals; (III) commentators and editors. XII AENEIDEA. The following is a specification of the MSS. constituting the first category. (a) The !§t. Grallen fragment; in the Stiftsbiblio- thek in St. Gallon; discovered by Ildefonso ab Arx, and minutely described by Car. Gr. Miiller in his treatise de codd. Virgilii, qui in Helvetiae hihliothecis asservantur, prefixed to the Programme of the University of Bern, 1841; described also by Eibbeck, Prolegom. p. 219. This fragment consists of but eleven folios, of which seven only are of the Aeneis. It is partly palimpsest and its capitals bear a close resemblance, both in size and shape, to those of the Vatican folios of the so-called Augustan MS. The- two characters may be compared in the Ribbeckian copies (Pro%. Tab. 2.) of the specimens given of thembyMuUer and Pertz. (b) The Verona palimpsest. No. 4U (formerly 38) , in the capitular library in Verona ; being the palimpsest "e quo Angelus Card. Mai in lucem dedit Interpretes veteres Virgilii;" described by Keil (M. V. Prohi in Vergil, bucol. et georgic. commentarius. accedunt scholiorum Veronens. et Aspri quaest. Verg. Fragmenfa, Halis, 1848); by Eibbeck, who gives a speci- men* of the character, Proleg. p. 226 and Tab. 4, and, in the * In this specimen methinks I recognize an old acquaintance. In July 1865, the year previous to its publication by Eibbeck in his Prolegomena, being every day in the capitular library in Verona , engaged in the collation of the palim - psest, I was one day requested by the librarian, Monsignor Giuliari, to look at and ascertain for him , if possible , to what part of Virgil's works belonged a passage which he had just had copied in facsimile by an artist for a person whom he did not name. Having, and not 'without some difficulty, deciphered a few words of the passage, and informed Monsignor iuliari that it was in the Eclogues, and the copy full of errors, I was further requested by him to correct the copy, a request to which, having, in my own collation of the palimpsest, received from .Monsignor Giuliari the greatest and most polite attention, I acceded at once, and, in the course of a day or two, returned him the corrected — still, no doubt, on account of the almost inextricable complexity of the double writing on the very much stained and discolored parchment, far from correct — copy, the unrevised and therefore still less correct lithograj)h of which I think I recognize in the fourth plate of Ribbeck's Prolegomena published in the following year. Incorrect however as under the circumstances the lithograph must necessarily § IV.] PEEFACE. XIII "Commentarium criticum" of his edition of Virgil, a careful col- lation of the text; and by Arnold Herrmann, who also gives the scholia and a specimen of the character both of the text and scholia (Donaueschingen, 1869); see var. lect. ad ille — maetis, Aen. 1, 1 — 4. To the refusal of the chapter to allow me to apply reagents to several not yet deciphered folios of this MS. I could make no objection, the MS. having been in many places irre- trievably injured , even rendered permanently illegible, by the manipulations of the cardinal. I should not have bestowed so much labor on this MS. if I had not been compelled by circum- stances to remain in Verona, and so had time at my disposal. (c) The Vatican frag'ment, commonly so called; in the Vatican library; marked on the back, 3225'; described and published by Bottari {Antiquissimi Virgiliani Codicis Frag- menta et Picturae ex Bibliotheca Vaticana ad priscas imaginum formas a Pefro Sancte BartJioliincisae. Romae, 1741); described also by Ribbeck (Prolegom. p. 218); bears the following in- scription on fly-leaf: VmaiLii fragmenta quae peimo Id. Ioviani PONTAHI PUERANT, POSTEA PeTEI BeMBI CarDINALIS, DEINDE FuLVii Uesini. (d) The Bomail ; in the Vatican library ; 'antiquissimus Romanus' of Pierius; marked on the back, 3867; described by Bottari (ubi supra) and Ribbeck (Bericht der Kon. Preuss. Alcad. der Wissensch. 1854. p. 36 and Prolegom. p. 226). In this MS. there is a point after every word, except the final word of the verse, from the beginning as far as the 90th verse of the fifth Book, inclusive: OBSTIPVITVISVAENEASILLEAGMINELONGO be, and as Arnold Herrmanu (ubi supra) informs us it actually is, it may .serve to afford ihe reader, who is at the pains, first to write over the letters a nearly equa, number of Latin letters of the ninth century of about the same size, and then when these letters have become dry and thoroughly seasoned , to sponge and let dry, and sponge and let dry, the whole specimen thrice over with a strong infusion of coffee previously shaken np in an inkbottle along with the dregs of the ink, a sufficiently vivid notion both of the uninviting aspect of the palimpsest, and of the difficulties to be surmounted by those who are hardy enough to undertake the exploration of this literary north-west passage. XIV AENEIDEA. After this verse the points are discontinued and never occiir again except in the editorial verses prefixed to each Book. The only points which are used after the above mentioned verse, are the point in place of VE in the word QVE (thus: Q'), and the point in place of VS in the syllable BVS (thus: B) The points which occur after every word regularly from the beginning of the Aeneis and even from the beginning of the volume as far as the 90th verse of the fifth Book, have, I think, been added by some student of the MS. for the purpose of establishing a separation between adjoining words. Two arguments in favor of this supposition, besides the argument of their sudden cessa- tion and their non-recurrence, are, first,' the different color of the ink, generr.lly darker than that of the rest of the MS., and, secondly, the circumstance of their never occurring after the last Word of the line, plainly for the reason that there the separation from the next word is evident without such help. To which may be added that these points are placed so unskilfully as to inter- vene between the QVE and the word to which it is . appended, and not unfrequently to divide a word so as to form a word with a difi'erent sense out of one part, and a new, and, of course, wholly unsuitable' word, out of the remaining part and the following word compounded together; ex. gr., at verse 675 of the first Book the words, as distinguished by the pointing, are IVNONIAVERTANTand at v. 248, SVPERARET'IMAVI fej The Palatine : in the Vatican library; marked on the back, 1631; described by Bottari; also by Ribbeck (ubi supra); bears the following printed inscription on fly-leaf: Sum db Bibliotheca quam Heidelberga capta, spolium fecit, et P. M. Gregorio XV Trophaeum misit Maximilianus utriusqub Bavariae Dux etc. S. R. I. Archidapiper et Princeps Elector. [coat of arras] ANNO ChRISTI CIODCXXIli. (/) The Ifledicean; in the Laurentian library, Florence, except the folio containing from lAMQUEADEO verse 58.5, § IV.] PREFACE. XV to QUADRIGA.E v. 642 (inclusive) of the eighth Book, which folio is in the Vatican, appended to the Vatican fragment. Concerning this codex, Mabillon {de re diplomatica , ed. 2 da, p. 352) thus observes : "Fuit olim iste codex Rodulfi Pii Cardi- nalis Carpensis sub Paulo III. Pont. Max. Deinde ab ipso legatus Bibliothecae Vat. , attestante Aldo juniore in pagina 22 orthographiae suae in haec verba: . . . 'Qui liber quidem asser- vabatur aRodulpho Pio Cardinale Carpense; nunc Bibliothecae Vaticanae ab eodem testaniento legatus, ubi sit plane ignoro ; nee enim eum video inBibliotheca Vaticana custodiri, et opinor ab aliquo furto surreptum'." Foggini's admirable facsimile of this MS. (Florence, 1741), a stupendous monument of pains- taking industry, and which should render its author's name dear to all who take an interest in Virgilian criticism, is not, however, so absolutely perfect that it may be implicitly relied-on as everywhere exactly representing the prototype, and those critics who have put forward the readings of this facsimile as the readings of the Medicean MS., have not infrequently, as I shall have occasion to show in the course of these Remarks, both been deceived themselves and deceived their readers. Among the critics who have extensively quoted after this easy fashion not the Medicean only but the other first-class MSS. also, a conspicuous place is occupied by Heyne, Wagner, and Conington, not one of whom ever, even so much as once, saw either the Medicean or any other first-class MS. of Virgil. Ex- cept with respect to the Medicean MS., Ribbeck is not to be placed in the same category with these easy-going critics. He has visited Italy, and applied both skill and labor to the exami- nation of the archives, and all that is required to render the "Commentarium criticum" of his edition of Virgil an invaluable repertory of the readings of the Vatican, Roman, Palatine, and St. Gallen MSS.; of'as much of the Verona MS. as he was able to 'fish out' without the help of reagents, and within the narrow limits of time prescribed by the chapter; Prolegom. p 227: "quantum nullis adhibitis medicamentis temporis a canonicis permissi angustiis coercitus expiscari potui." (nescio quid tetrum exsibilavit, quod postea Latioum esse affirmabat.) XVI AENEIDEA. of one hundred and tHrty-two readings of the Augustan, quoted confessedly from the wholly unreliable Pertz ("cui tamen ■ nee de textu meo nee de ceteris libris testanti fides habenda est" Prolegom. p. 265, n.); of somewhat more than one hundred readings of the Medicean, taken directly from that MS., Bericht der Kon. Preuss. Akad. der Wissensch. 1854. p. 36 : "Der miihe einer durchgangigen revision des Mediceus wurde ich ' unfreiwillig duroh die angstlichkeit des bibliothecars iiberhoben , der nur ge- statten wollte unter seinen augen und mit seinen handen einzelne seiten . . aufzuschlagen. Doch habe ich den codex an mehr als 100 Ausgewahlten stellen genau gepriift und iiberall die zeugnisse von Foggini bestatigt gefunden." Prolegom. p. 220 : "cum enim integrum codicem conferre mihi non fuerit permissum , inspectis aliquot locis debui contentus esse.'' and of a residue of five thousand nine hundred readings of the same MS., taken at second hand from Foggini, is the addition to five thousand nine hundred Ms of an equal number of Fogg.s, thus : M (Fogg.) ; or, which would answer the same purpose, the elimination of five thousand nine hundred Ms and substitution of as many Fogg.s. Not that the copy from which these quo- tations have been taken is not, very generally, correct — having myself compared it with the original in four hundred and forty- two places, I have found it to vary in no more. than twenty- seven — or that the Virgilian text itself is likely to be very injuriously afi'ected by the publication even of five thousand nine hundred quotations of the Fogginian copy, as so many quotations of the Medicean MS., or that the cracked and rotten reed relied on by Conington, Schuchardt, Ellis, and so many others, to whom the Ribbeckian collation of Foggini is the Me- dicean MS itself, - Conington , ad 6, 462 : "With Ribbeck I have recalled "umbras', the reading of Heyne, supported by Rom., Pal.,etc.,for'umbram' Med., etc.'' Id. ad 7, 21 1 : "It now appears from Ribbeck that all the uncials [sic] (fragm. Vat., Med., Pal., Rom.) read'auget', and all 'numerum', except , perhaps Pal., which has 'numerum' altered into 'numero'." Id. ad 7, 257: "all Ribbeck'sMSS. give 'huic'." Id. ad 9, 51 : "'O iuvenes',the reading before Heins., is found in none of Ribbeck's MSS." Id. ad 9, 109: "'Sacris ratibus', the order before Heins., is found in none of Ribbeck's MSS." Id. ad 9, 122: "This line is omitted in all Ribbeck's MSS." Id. ad 9, 126: "'Turno fiducia cessit' is the order of all §iv.] PREFACE. XVII Ribbeck's MSS." Id. ad 9, 132: '"In manibus nostris', the order before Heins., is found in none of Eibbeclc's MSS.", and so'Conington ad infinitum, always quoting, as his ultimate authority, Eibbeck's MSS., the principal one of which is, as we have seen, except in respect of one hundred readings, no MS. at all, but only a printed edition. Schuchardt, Vohalismus des Vulgarlateins, vol. 1, p. 12: "Nach- folgendes verzeichniss enthalt die von mir gebrauchten* altesten handschriften, vollstandige und fragmentarisohe : des Virgil, Vaticanus, Sangallensis (Palimpsest), Mediceus, Falatinus, Komanus, Veronensis (Palimpsest), / in der Eibbeck'schen ausgabe." Ellis, Excurs. ad Catull. (Oxford, 1867. p. 344): "Ex Vergili Ribbeckianis haec constant .... ex his locis , quorum sex priores flagrare pro uri ponunt, duo posteriores pro redolere, fragrare duplici r scriptum exhibet M [Mediceus] bis, Aen. 9, 12, Aen. 1, 436 [MO] .... fraglantia Mediceus et Schedae Vaticanae G. 4, 169, flagrantia Aen. 1, 436 [440] Mediceus Romanus Schedae Vati- canae omnes habent a. m. pr." does not, in the vast majority of cases help through the slough as effectually as if it had been sound and without flaw, but that * Nothing is farther from Schuchardt's mind than any intention of deceiving his readers, of leading his readers to think that he has ever had in his hands, or even so much as seen, any one of the Virgilian MSS. which he here states in so express terms he has used: "die Ton mir gebrauchten altesten handschriften." Had he had any such intention he would not have subjoined: "in der Ribbeck'schen ausgabe," The addition of these words, less explanatory, indeed, than pointblank contradictory, of his immediately preceding: ''die von mir gebrauchten altesten handschriften," exonerates the highly respected philologist from all blame except that of confusion of style , exactly as the expressions of Conington : "Ribbeck's cursives," and "Eibbecks uncials" (expressions , by the way, which show that Conington did not always know the meaningof the technical terras he was using) exonerate that critic, — satisfactorily prove that that critic did not intend his readers to understand his quotations of the Medicean and other MSS. of Virgil, to be quotations made by 'himself personally and directly from those MSS., but only to be quotations made by others, and ac- cepted by him and republished as readings of the respective MSS. Neither critic practises deception ; both critics confound, in words at least, if not in thought also , actual readings of MSS, with readings which — found, or asserted to be found, in MSS. by certain original collators — have, in their transmission from critic to critic, suffered so much by various accidents as sometimes to be no more recognizable than was, in old times, the Fiery Cross of a Scandinavian or Gaelic rising, when it arrived charred and semi-extinguished at some remote John o' Croat's, or than is at present the telegram which has left-behind something or taken-up something, or both left-behind something and taken-up something at every station from which it has been re-forwarded. XVIII AENEIDEA. to publish five thousand nine hundred quotations of a mere copy, no matter how correct, as quotations of an original — especially of an original with which, on account of the jealousy with which it is guarded, it has become according to our critic's own testimony (see above), all but impossible to confront either copy or quotations — is to undermine the foundations not only of all criticism but of testimony itself Nor is it only in the interest of Virgil, in the interest of Virgilian criticism, in the interest of all criticism and even of truth itself, these five thousand nine hundred quotations should be acknowledged to be, not of the so inaccesible MS. but of the printed and publish- ed Fogginian copy, — such acknowledgment is due scarcely less to the zealous and indefatigable copyist himself, whose ignored labors have furnished Ribbeck with his whole Medicean collation save of one hundred places, and, through Ribbeck, poured, not on Conington, Ellis and Schuchardt only, but on the whole literary world, such a flood of ostensibly no more than once, in reality twice refracted light. This is the first indispensable step. The second, scarcely less required in the interest of Virgilian, than this in the interest both of Virgilian and general criticism, is to remove from the colla- tion not merely of the Meidicean but of all the other MSS. all that vast syrtis of orthographical varieties by which a sufficiently scanty gleaning of varieties afi'ecting the sense, has been swamped and overwhelmed almost as efifectually as the memorable half- pennyworth of bread by the whole two gallons and more, of sack. Not that these orthographical varieties have not their own proper value , but that, not affecting the Virgilian sense , they are a mere incumbrance in an edition of Virgil, and should be relegated to their own proper place: a disquisition on the practice and principles of Latin orthography. Let the editor and critic of Virgil study the practice and principles of that art in inscriptions and manuscripts, if he have access to them, or, if he have not, in the treatises of Curtius, or Corssen, or Fleck- eisen, or Schuchardt, or wherever else there is information to be found concerning them, and, having made himself master of the subject, adopt for his edition of Virgil that system which § IV.] PREFACE. XIX seems to him most suitable, either that popular system hallowed by the use of the Alduses, Stephenses, Heinsiuses, and Elzevirs; or, following the example of Philip Wagner , an eclectic system of his own; or, if he prefer it, let his Virgil like Foggini's, represent the precise orthography of the scrivener of one selected MS. (happy for him if its scrivenery be all by one hand, not by two or three hands, each of which follows a different system!), but let not the editor and critic of Virgil, forgetting both Virgil and criticism , and tui-ning himself into a teacher of Latin or- thography, and his edition of Vii'gil, into a Latin 'Universal Spelling-booh', distract and offend the more sedate of his readers, and set the more volatile a-laughing, by the nota-bene at every recm-rence of the thousand-and-one-times recurring 'baud', 'sed', and 'atque', that in such and such manuscripts the 'baud' is spelled 'haut', the 'sed' 'set', and the 'atque' 'adque'. The omission of this huge mass of paltry orthographical farrago, will, on the one hand, set the reader at liberty to turn his attention from the orthography — observe , not of Virgil ^ for what editor or what MS. has ever pretended to give Virgil's own orthography of even so much as one single word? but from the orthography of scriveners and editors, to the structure, meaning, and relation not only to each other but to the whole poem, of Virgil's sentences spelled no matter on what system ; while it will, on the other hand, leave the vast space at present occupied by extraneous matter, open for that equal bulk of various readings (as opposed to various spellings) the absence of which from Ribbeck's Virgil is so much to be deplored by all who are desirous of arriving at a right understanding of Virgil's meaning; and should few or none of the lacking various readings (as opposed to various spellings) be forthcoming, will at least, by reducing four large-paper octavo volumes to three, diminish, by one foui-th, not alune the labyrinthine intricacy but the clumsiness and cost of the work. So, here with the pitch- fork, and out with the whole mass to the dunghill, though the ejectment move Virgilian jobbers and new -edition mongers even to tears. The vile commercial crew! I '11' — No; I '11 not exhibit you clinging about your critic's knees, crying aloud to XX AENEIDEA. him for help, and kissing the well known, much trusted hand. Ah ! if he would only spurn you like curs out of his way , and never again be your cat's-paw to degrade the 'divinura opus', the 'Iliade maius opus', not, even in the cradle and swaddling clothes of the Renaissance, degraded below a puerile study of words and phrases, ■ Beyne, vol. i, p. 670 (de Virg. edd.): "Inter haec per familiare Com- mentum Herm. Torrentini , subinde repetitum , depressa est Virgilii L lectio ad puerile verborum et phrasium.studium." into the more than puerile, the infantile study, how words and phrases are to be spelled. Diis aliter visum. But what 's this? The vast, waste and barren syrtis of Ribbeck's orthographical varieties is passed, and yonder before us opens the splendid mirage of his conjectural emendations. Verily, as it is written. In the wilderness shall burst forth waters, and torrents in the desert, and the glowing sand shall become a pool. I see island- dotted seas and lakes, sailed-on by lateen-rig- ged vessels and reflecting, in their calm bosoms, bordering woods, mountains, temples, castles, and rosy overhanging skies ; I see rosy overhanging skies reflecting clear waters and lateen- rigged vessels and bordering woods, mountains, temples, and castles ; and Ribbeck , gigantic in the midst, building — no, not temples, not castles, but 'capsi' for those twelve wild swans you see wheeling round and round, high above him in the air, and not minding either him or his 'capsi'. What a pity so much well meant labor should be lost! Is he deaf and doesn't hear their singing? or is it possible he doesn't know that singing swans never live in 'capsi'? And now the 'capsi' are finished and the swans have flown away, no one knows whither, and Ribbeck, nothing daunted, is as intent on a search for Aeneas's twentieth ship, as he was just now on building 'capsi' for twelve wild swans; and success at last — at long and last, for we must go to his Epile.gomena (published four years after the last vdlume of his work and per anachronismum entituled Prolegomena) p. 68 for it — crowns his indomitable courage, perseverance, and energy: It is not § IV.] PREP' ACE. XXI Orontes's ship — that is to s'ay, the nineteenth ship of Aeneas — which the wave whirls round thrice, and the rapid sea- vortex devours, but Orontes's ship gets the .polite go-by and is left to swim or sink as it likes , while it is another — that is to say, the twentieth ship of Aeneas — which the wave whirls round thrice and the rapid sea-vortex devours; and no matter how the MSS. cry out uno ore, "you lie, you lie", and "shame! shame !' it is the twentieth, not the nineteenth ship of Aeneas which is devoured by the vortex, and Virgil wrote not 'illam' but 'aliam' Heed them not, Ribbeck. Nobody knows better than you what, rude, spoil-sport, impertinent minxes, what downright maenads, those same MSS. are, and how the malicious pleasure they take in pulling down is in the direct ratio of the pains it has cost to build up. Heed them not, Ribbeck. Your conjectural emenda- tions defy them ; are, none of them, least of all this 'aliam', of that gross, substantial nature which alone is subject to dissolution: the cloud-capped towers, the gorgeous palaces, the solemn temples, the great globe itself, yea, all which it inherit, shall dissolve, the Tery codices themselves dissolve, and, like an insubstantial pageant faded, . leave not a wreck behind, but your conjectural emendations shall not dissolve. Intellectual spiritual, ethereal, imaginary, irresolvible into elements, it is absolutely impossible for them either to go to pieces or dissolve or decay. There they stand — no, not stand, there they are, an imperishable essence, om, and amen, for ever and ever. Happy, happy Ribbeck! sole finder of Aeneas's twentieth ship, after it had been lost for nearly two thousand years. Anon — there being no view of the works of art contained in a large building at all comparable to that which strikes you just as you are going in — behold Ribbeck coming out of the great temple in which he and' Aeneas have been viewing, one after another, so many chefs-d'oeuvre, "ingenti lustrat dum singula templo," and turning and going in again immediately, in order to enjoy the coup-d'oeil of them 'intrans', not, of course, letting slip the oppoVtunity thus afforded him of obser- XXII AENEIDEA. ving more at leisure any remai'kable objects immediately on his right and left as he enters, which he might before have passed cursorily over, or, even not seen at all, especially if his and Aeneas's first entrance had been by the back-door, an hypo- thesis not so very improbable, if we take into account, on the one hand, Aeneas's present incognito, and, on the other, the predilection evinced elsewhere by the same hero for that some- times very convenient entrance into a building : "limen erat coecaeque fores et pervius usus tectorum inter se Priamij postesque relicti a tergo, evado ad summi fastigia culminis" Let us now, setting the knowledge of perspective exhibited ■ by 'intrans' against the ignorance of natural history manifest in 'capsos', and, counting the 'aliam'.of the shipwreck as neither pro nor con, neither plus nor minus, but rather as an alpha, an A per se, proceed with the so characteristic 'monte remittam' of the fourth Book. Here indeed our critic stands preeminent among critics, a Dido among her iuvenes, a Diana among her oreads, an Ajax overtopping the Argive host by head and broad shoulders'. Virgil is no more Virgil if he wrote 'morte remittam'. ,; Whose blood does not curdle with horror at the mere thought that noble no less than tender-hearted Dido ever proffered her own mors — nay, was not deterred by the mere omen of the word from ever proffering her own mors — as reward for the petty service she implored at the hands of her so unanima soror ? Virgil wrote not 'morte' but 'monte' ; Dido proffered her sister not her own death, but a mountain. "What kind of a mountain? of granite or dolomite?" It could not have been of the least use to her. "(iAn airy, unsubstantial mountain of the mirage?" Of less use still. "^A bona-fide astronomical moun- tain in sun, moon, or planet?" Pshaw! pshaw! "Well then, ia Venus mountain, a Horselberg with temple and statue in the middle of it, — on the clenched fourth finger of the Goddess's left hand a spell-bound sponsal ring, not to be got off except at a soul's price?" Hardly, Dido and her sister being both § IV ] PREFACE. XXIII Phoenicians, and no Venus mountain, no Horselberg nearer than Ysenacha in the remotest depths of the vast Ilercynian saltus. "iWhat other mountain theiiV" Why, phiinly one of those mountains of solid silver and gold, which it was so usual in old times to promise, so rare to have the least intention of paying, so much rarer ever to pay; and, if it must be ad- mitted that there is no similar promise either in Homer or any of the Greek tragedians, either in Lucretius or any other grave and staid poet, or in Virgil himself elsewhere, let us never forget, e contra , the generosity and munificence of Dido, the great wealth of her deceased husband (wealth in solid gold too* for, the Phoenicians having been a commercial, not an agri- cultural people, "ditissimus agri Phoenicum" can never stand, even with all the backing of'ditissimus agri qui fuitAusonidum", against "ditissimus auri Phoenicum"), and the mountain of silver and gold, "ignotum argenti pondus et auri" (where weight so happily surrogates magnitude) placed at her disposal by the ghost, for the manifest purpose of enabling her to make this truly magnificent, royal, never-to-be-fulfilled promise; least of all let us forget the aurei m ontes P-er^arum and the aurei montes Picorum, and how common such mountains must have been everywhere, before the invention of banks and paper money enabled us to do almost without gold and silver at all ; and if it should be objected by any one, not sufficiently aware of the panoply-of-proof in which our critic always enters the field, that it is as little likely that Dido should quote a vulgar proverb fit only to be used by some swaggering Palaestrio or Geta, and wholly unbefitting royal lips, as that, condescending to use such proverb, she should use it diluted to less than half strength, and, instead of promising mountains of silver and gold, promise only one single mountain (thus allowing her liberality, great and noble as it was, to be eclipsed and thrown into the shade by that of the most beggarly knave and swashbuckler of the comic stage), I answer triumphantly on the part of our veteran critic, that in nothing is the discretion of his and our author more to be ad- mired than in the care thus taken to hide from all eyes except those of some prying, profound, and rare as profound, critic, the XXIV AENEIDEA. unseemly use made by royal lips of a low proverb , and , at the same time, to protect that royalty which it is certain had no more than one mountain to give — we are yet but in the renaissance of criticism and shall scarcely before its re-adoles- cence see the singular "ignotum argenti pondus et auri" turned into the plural — from promising more than it was able to per- form. From all which considerations it appears clearer than moonshine, luce lunae lucidius, that the Ribbeckian 'monte' exhibits Virgil's ipsam manum no less surely than the Ribbeekian 'capsos', the Ribbeckian 'aliara', and the Ribbeckian 'intrans'. And now, while the salutary horror of mors and everything mortal, almost of everything which has even so much of mors as an R in it, is fresh and lively within us, let us turn to the 'moritura Amata' of the twelfth Book, and see whether it may not be metamorphosed by a similarly facile critical sleight-of hand into 'monitura Amata'. Amata is not thinking of dying, has no more notion of dying in case Turnus dies, than either I or Ribbeck himself has at this moment, and her own statement, six verses later, that the fate of Turnus, whom she regards as sure to fall if he venture to meet Aeneas in single combat, shall determine her fate, "qui te cunque manent isto certamine casus, et me,Turne, manent: simul haec invisa relinquam lumina, nee generum Aenean captiva videbo.", is a mere pleasant ^little joke. It is with a lecture, not a sui- cide, Amata threatens Turnus. Put two straight strokes meeting at an angle (thus: N), in place of one crooked stroke with a curlycue in the middle of it ( =1), and the thing is done, and we are rid of as malapropos a mention of the king of terrors as Dido's own, q. b. V. p. if I may, for this once, take a hint from modern criticism, and impose on my only too kind and in- dulgent reader not merely the labor of converting, but the risk of incorrectly converting, into language, one little one of those innumerable sigla by means of which the fashionable critic so ingeniously shifts to the shoulders of his unsuspecting disciple and worshipper, a not inconsiderable share of his own proper burthen. § IV.] PREFACE. XXV The veiy singular regulation of the Laurentian library, prohibitory of all collation of the Medicean MS. unless made not merely in the chief librarian's presence, but the chief libra- rian himself holding the MS. in his hand, had, I doubt not, rendered all effectual collation of that MS. as impossible to me as Ribbeck informs us it was to him (see above), had the chief librarian happened to be any other than Cavaliere Ferrucci. The patient courtesy no less than the unparalleled facility with which, during a seance of several hours, repeated daily for several weeks together, that accomplished scholar and gentleman first found in the MS. and then pointed out to myself and daughter every passage I had the least desire to see, not only did not impede but, on the contrary, very much lightened the labor, while it assured the correctness of my collation. Having in the course of my collation of this MS. (of the first six Books in the autumn of 1857, of the second six in the spring of 1861, and of the whole twelve in July 1865) compared the Fogginian ext with the MS. in four hundred and forty-two places taken at random, I have found it to vary only in the inconsiderable number of twenty-seven. The fact which I have ascertained by actual examination of the Ribbeckian collation, viz. that in not one of these twenty-seven places thus erroneously quoted by Foggini, has the Fogginian error been corrected by Ribbeck, but, on the contrary, in twenty of them the Fogginian error been repeated (repeated too with the almost microscopic mi- nuteness characteristic of Ribbeck), while the remaining seven places have not been quoted at all, is on the oue hand itself ex- plained by Ribbeck's own acknowledgment ^quoted above) that he had examined the MS. in no more than about one hundred places (probably, therefore, in none of the twenty-seven) and, on the other hand, establishes the conclusion I have above drawn from that acknowledgment, that Ribbeck had no other authority for his remaining five thousand nine hundred Medicean readings than the copyist Foggini, a conclusion for which there is besides the independent warrant of the library record to the effect that Ribbeck's visits, fourteen in all, between November 1826, when XXVI AENEIDEA. the record commences^ and July 12, 1865, when I examined it, were devoted to the collation of Tacitus. My confrontation of the Fogginian copy with the Medicean original in four hundred and forty-two places, having detected twenty-seven variations of the former from the latter, of which twenty-seven variations no less than twenty are repeated, seven omitted, not even so much as one corrected, by Ribbeck, it may be fairly presumed that had I extended my confrontation to six thousand places, the sum total of the Ribbeckian qu"otations, I should have found three hundred and sixty-six Fogginian ab- errations, and of these three hundred and sixty-six Fogginian aberrations two hundred and seventy-one repeated, ninety-five omitted, and not even so much as one corrected, by Ribbeck. And why, I am asked, have I not done so? why, it being open to me to deal with thousands of cases, have I chosen to deal with hundreds only ? Simply because, on the one hand, it was not my object to produce sensation, but conviction, and for all purposes of argument the proportion of cases answered as well as the actual numbers no matter how large and startling ; and, on the other hand, I had neither leisure nor inclination to make a larger collation either of the Fogginian copy or the alleged Ribbeckian collation than might be sufficient to convince my reader of the two facts of which even a much less extensive comparison had, at a very early period of my investigation, con- vinced myself, viz. (1) that the errors of the Fogginian copy are mainly of that kind which 'humana incuria fundit', and (2) that the alleged Ribbeckian collation is, in point of fact, not a collation of the Medicean MS. at all, but only (as the reader is, not indeed informed in plain terms but, left to infer for himself, if he be able, either from the statement in the Report of the Berlin Academy five years anterior to the appearance of the first volume of Ribbeck's work, or from the statement in the Prolegomena published four years later than the last volume) a collation of the Fogginian copy. ' Wonderful Fogginian copy ! inexhaustible source no less to the Virgilian critic of 1859 — 66, than to that critic's famous precursor of 1763 — 65, [ § IV. J PREFACE. XXVII I- Ambrogi, pref. p. 28: "Tempo v adesso, che in ultimo luogo io vi parlj del testo Latino, che e stato posto in uso in questa edizione, Esso e i 1 famoso codiceMS., che esiste neU a Imperial e Lauren zi- ana Biblioteca in Firenze da me veduto giJi lungamente, ed osservato con ogni quiete , c di cui il Burmanno" etc. again, p. 31: *'Di questa edizione adunque. per cui il mondo erudito sarasempre obbligato all'egregla fatica del C h. Sig. Foggini, mi sono io valuto per ristamparla nella pre- sente edizione, procurandone con diligenza, che venisse perfetta.S and vol. 2, pref. p. 12: "Niente del pari soggiungerovvi intornoal testo, che e Io stesso datovi pure nel torn. I , e copiato con fedelta dal MS Laurenziano dell a Im peri ale Biblioteca in Firenze, siccome nella stessa prefazione acceunai." of ever fresh and sparkling Medicean waters. It is not of choice but of necessity the critical element enters- so largely into this work. It was no part of my original plan either to consult or quote even so much as one single MS. The work was to be altogether exegetical and aesthetical, to consist solely of essays on detached passages concerning which I flattered myself I could give new either exegetical or aesthetical information. I soon found however that as correct aesthesis presupposes correct exegesis, so correct exegesis presupposes correct critique, and that no correct critique of- the Aeneis existed , and that unless content to build on a critique ivllicll informed me by the mouth of Foggini, that the Medicean MS., testified by my own senses to read FURIS (8, 205), MOLLISUBNECTIT (10, 138), CELA.RET (10, 417), reads FURIIS, MOLLISSUBNECTIT, CELERAT; which informed me by the mouth of the Benedictine Brothers (Nouv. Traitede Diplom. vol.3, p- 41), that their facsimile (vol. 3, plate 34) of the lost Pithou fragment, testified by my own senses to read THYIAS (4, 302), reads TYAS; which informed me by the mouth of Pertz (iibei'' die Berliner und die vaticani- schen Blatter der dltesten Handsdirift des Virgil, p. 115), that the facsimile of the lost Pithou fragment, published by Pertz at p. 101 of his memoir and testified by my own senses to read THYIAS, reads THYAS ; wliich informed me by the mouth of Ambrogi, that the Roman MS. ["Cod. Vat. 8865." XXVIII AENEIDEA. lege 3867], testified by my own senses to want the introductory verses, contains those verses (information republished and exten- sively circulated byWagner in his edition of Heyne'sVirgil (1832), along with the further information on the same authority that the Palatine MS., testified by my own senses to want not only those verses but the whole commencement of the Aeneis as far as "Mavortia condet" v. 280 (inclusive), contains those verses), \wllich informed me by the mouth of Pottier, that the Palatine MS., testified by my own senses to read CON- CITA (3, 127), reads CONSITA, and that no less than six of the Paris MSS. (viz. Nos. 7925, 7926, 7927, 7930, 7931, 8069, in the imperial library), testified by my own senses to read "Parin creat" (10, 705), read "Parin Paris"; Tl^llicll informed me by the mouth of Ribbeck, that the Vatican fragment, the Roman and the Palatine MSS. , testified by my own senses to read IVSTITIAE (1, 608), read IVSTITIA; that the Medicean MS. , testified by my own senses to read QUEM (3, 340), reads QUAE, that the Verona MS., testified by my own senses to read NEXAETEM (5, 279), ALTAMLUNAM (9, 403), DECER- NERE (12, 709), reads JSIIXANTEM, ALT AM AD LUNAM, and is defective with respect to DECERNERE ; that the Palatine MS., testified by my own senses to readNVMEN (5, 768), reads NOMEN , that the Roman MS., testified by my own senses to read FOSSAS (10, 24), reads FOSSAE, I should be at the pains to make a critique for myself. Great as was the undertaking, and foreign both to my tastes and habits,! did not recoil from it, but began immediately to make, with the very efficient assistance of my daughter, and use as fast as made, a pretty full and extensive collation not only of all the first-class, but of upwards of one hundred second-class MSS. scattered over a wide area of Europe, as well as of all the principal editions, from the in- cunabula of printing down to the present day. Hotfoot pressing upon this my first care , viz. to secure a firm and solid founda- tion whereon to build, came my second: to throw open to my reader, not alone, as I had at first intended, the superstructure, but the very foundation itself of my edifice. ''The mass of ori- ginal information , which I have collected at so much cost of §iv.l PREFACE. XXIX time and personal labor not to speak of money, will thus," said I to myself, "be of three further uses: (1) will enhance the prestige of a superstructure not merely stated, but seen , to be built oh a secure foundation; (2) will, so far as it goes, supply future builders with like secure foundation whereon to build; and (b) by affording deuterotypes more conformable to the prototypes than any existing, furnish a standard wherefrom to form an opinion of the relative correctness and reliability of other deuterotypes;" and so my essentially exegetical and aesthetical work became, to a certain extent, critical also. The critical part of my work, being thus merely collateral and of no greater extent than was required for the perfection of the exegetical and aesthetical part, enters therefore into no com- petition, except in respect of correctness and reliability, either with Ribbeck's or any other professedly complete critique of the Aeneis; and if it has happened that Ribbeck's so much more comprehensive, has been supplemented by my so much more limited, critique, with respect to the Verona palimpsest in at least ninety-six places, with respect to the Vatican fragment in at least thirty rfive, with respect to the Roman MS. in at least one hundred and sixty -four, with respect to the Palatine in at least one hundred and eighty-one, and with respect to the Medicean in at least one hundred and eighty-two places, and if it has happened besides, that in no less than one hundred and thirteen of the just specified place?, viz. 1, 12: "laeso" "laesa'' 1, 24: "verteret" "everteret" 1, 49: "infixit" "inflixit" . 1, 53: "imponet""imponat""imponit" 1, 213: '"altum" "alto" 1, 215: "diripiunt" "deripiunt" 1, 239: "revocato* sanguine" "levo- cato sanguine" 1, 430: "iura — senatum" 1, 452: "nexae" "nixae" 1, 510: "alte" "alto" 1, 582: "urbibus" "montibus" "ru- pibus" 1, 740; "in mensam" "in mcnsa" "immensam" "immensum" 746: "quem" "quae" 56: "stares" "staret" 179: "avexere" "advexere" 290: "alto a culmine" "alto culmi- ne" "alta a culmine" 331: "unquam" "nunquam" 362: "labores" "dolorem" "dolo- res" 683: "mollis" "molles" "molli" , 76: "Myoono e celsa Gyaroque" "Mycone celsa Gyaroque" "Mycono celsa Gyaroque" "Gyaro celsa Myconoque" , 127: "concita" "consita" 152: "insertas" "incertas" XXX AENEIDEA. 3 702 "Gela fluvii" "Gela a fluvio" 8, 185: "Gela fluvio a" 8, 205: 4 11 "forti" "fortis" 8, 223: * 42 "furentes" "vagantes" 8, 461: i 94. "numon" "nomen" i 166 "prima et" "prima" "primae" 8, 599: "tremuit" "primum ut" 8, 627: i 329 "tamen" "tantum" 8, 712: i 399 "remos" "ramos'' 9, 158: i 435 "remittam" "relinquam" 9, 241: i 587 "aequatis" "arquatis" 9, 244: i 593 "diripieiU" "deripient" 9, 369: 5 136 "considunt" "consistunt" 9, 417: 6 254 "Ida" "alto" "aethra'- 9, 423: 5 279 "nodis" "uodos" 5 535 "ipsius — liabebis" 9, 586: 5 638 "iam" "nunc" 5 756 "Troiam" "Troiae" 9, 9, 9, 597: 671: 733: 9: 109- 188: 277: 359: 378: 445: 476: 478: 601: 686: 710: 5 773 "funem" "funes'' 5 786 "satis est nee'' "satis est" "satis et" 5 5 6 S'lS 817 327 "accedet" "accedit" "auro" "curru" "et rauca" "nee rauca" "ne 10, 10, 10, 10, 10, 10, 10, 10, 10, 10, 10, 10, 6 448 rauca" "Caeneus" "Caenis" 6 6 6 738 792 810 "inolescere" "mollescere" "aboleseere" "divi" "divum" "pvimam" "primus" "primum" 6 6 6 811 828 852 "fundabit" "fundavit" "lumina" "limina" "paci" "pacis" 6 900 "litote" "limite" 7 72 "et" "ut" 10, 809: 7 99 "ferant" "ferent" 10, 850: 7 287 "invecta" "inviota" "inventa" 11, 87: 7 337 "tibi" "cui" 7 411 "Ardea" "Ardua" 11, 382: 7 444 "quis — gerenda" 11, 414: 7 577 "igni" "ignis" 11, 430: 7 598 : "nam . . . omnisque" "nam 11 626: . . , mortisque" "non . . , om- 11 857: nisque" 12 37: 7 660 "oras" "auras" 12 66: 7 771 "lumina" ''limina" 12 68: 8 14 : "Dardauio" "Dardanium" 12 79 8 183 "perpetui" "perpetuo" 12 79 "Evandrus" "Evander" "fuvis" "furiis" "oculis" "oculi" "abalto" "abarto" "in ipso" "aperto" "oingunt" "cingit" "vatum" "fatum" "toJ;a" "torta" "tuta""mota" "parari" "parati" "et" "ad" "primam" "primum" "regi" "regis" "librabat" "vibrabat" "recluse" "relicto" "re- ducto" "et placabilis" "implacabi- lis" "placabilis" "ingentem" "ingenti" "caelo" "tele" "fulmina" "fulgura" "metus" "deus" -110: "seu — sinistris" "crimen — paternae" "praecipere" "praeripere" "obnixa" "obnixi" "pelagus" "pelage" "tum" "tarn" "dum" "ea" "humeri" "humeris" "tandem" "partem"' "pectus" "penitus" "animi" "animo" "pastus" "pavit" "pascit" "pastum" "omnis" "omnes" "omnem" "exitium" "exilium" f proiectus" "prostratus" "de- iectus" "fossae" "fossas" "inertes" "inermes" "parva" "tarda" "sinu" "sinus", "tune" "tuque" "mut.at" "motat" "era" "ossa" "aut" "vel" "Rutuli" "Kutulum" "dirimamus" "dirimatur" §iv.] PREFACK, xx: 12, 81: '"rapidusque" "rapidus" "tre- 12, 790: "adsistunt" "insistunt" pidusque'' 12, 797: "mortalin" "mortalem" 12, 344: "brnaverat" "oneraverat" "mortali" 12, 437: "praemia" "praelia" 12, 862: "parvae" "parrae" 12, 667: "uno" "imo" 12, 881: "per" "sub" (places, all of them , more or less important, were it only on account of the questions raised concerning them by commenta- tors) I have quoted the reading not of one only but of all the first -class ]TIIi!§. which are not defective with respect to the place in question, while Ribbeck has either put off his reader with citations of seCOUd-claSS MiSS. and g^rammarians, or (with the exception of course of such odd waifs and strays as may possibly sometime or other be lighted-on by somebody or other, somewhere or other in that vast wilderness of epilogue Prolegomena in which tra- velers lose themselves as in the sands of Africa) liassed the passag^es over in total silence; and if it has further happened that I have in my work treated my readers to four hundred and forty-two readings, of the Aeneis alone, fresh from the Medicean , while Ribbeck in his work presents them with no mof 6 than one hundred from the same MS. for the whole of Virgil, all this has happened accidentally, without jealousy or rivalry, and in the mere necessary furtherance of the essen- tially exegeticfel and aesthetical work I had in hand. iy)The eng-raved facsimile published by Ruinart in the second edition of Mabillon, de Re Diplomatica, p. 637, of four verses* of a fragment of a MS. of Virgil in capitals. * The verses are 302 — 305 of the fourth Book of the Aeneis, and, except that they are of considerably larger size, and that THYIAS has an ornamented initial, stand thus in the facsimile : JLhYiasvbiavditostimvlanttrietericabaccho orgianoctvrnvsq-vocatclamorecithero tandemhisaeneanconpellatvocib-vltro dissimvl vreetivmsperastiperfidet antvm T I hY^AS in the facsimile, and neither, as stated at page 115 of his memoir by Pertz in contradiction to his own more correct representation at page 101, XXXII AENEIDEA. formerly in the possession of Pithou, but now lost. The en^ graving having, by the loss of the fragment, become, to a certain extent, authority, I have quoted it as such at 4, 302. All that is known historically of the fragment itself is that it formed part of the library of Pithou, that Mabillon had it. out of that library for some time in his hands, admired it, and showed it to his friends and amongst others to Ruinart who • published an engraved facsimile of four lines of it in the second edition of Mabillon's work. For these facts we have the explicit testimony of Ruinart himself: ''Primum locuijn in ea [viz. tabella apud Mabill. p. 637] obtinet Romana, si quae unquam alia, elegantissimis characteribus exarata scriptura, ex Virgilii frag- mento expressa, quod ex Bibliotheca Pithoeana aliquamdiu prae manibus habuit ipse Mabillonius, mihique et aliis nonnuUis non sine admirationis sensu ostendit." There is no evidence what- soever either how large or how small was the fragment thus possessed by Pithou, seen and admired by Mabillon, and of four lines of which a facsimile is to be seen in the second edition of Mabillon's work. Neither is there any evidence whence that fragment came into Pithou's possession, or what became of it when Pithou's library was dispersed. It presents itself first before us in the library of Pithou, and there vanishes It has however had, like many other historical celebrities, a my- thical existence quite distinct and apart from its historical, and only the more curious because filling-up the historical void not a parte ante but a parte post, not seen dim and glimmering' through the thick haze of antiquity, but clear and splendid in the Transactions of a Royal Academy of Science. On the 26 th Febr. 1863, G. H. Pertz, royal librarian, read before the Royal Academy of Sciences in Berlin a memoir, afterwards published in their Transactions for the same year, in which he informed JL hY-A-S , nor as stated by the Beredictine Brothers at p. 41 of volume 3 of their work, in contradiction to their own more correct representation, volume 3, Plate 34, J_ YAS ; also CITHEEO in the facsimile, not, as most unwarrant- ably corrected by Pertz on the ground that a horizontal line , indicating a final N, had fallen out, "ausgefallen" (out of the copperplate! ), ClTHpEON § IV.] PREFACE. XXXIII the Society, and through the Society the literary world, that at the time of Mabillon's visit to Rome, i. e. in the years 1685 and 1686, there existed in the Vatican library in that city, and had existed there from the year 1600 (when it passed into that library as part of Fulvio Orsini's library, in that year embodied with the library of the Vatican) a fragment of a MS. of Virgil, exceeding not only all other MSS. of Virgil, but all known existing MSS. of its kind, in antiquity, no less than in perfection and beauty of character ("nie zuvor hatte man ein ganz mit so herrlichen und grossen Romischen buchstaben geschriebenes buch gesehen" . . . "diese bewundernswiirdigen bruchstiicke, denen nichts anderes der art zu vergleichen sey" . . . "iiber- trifft die Florentiner und die beiden Vaticanischen handschrif- ten weit, an alter, schonheit und kostbarkeit") , consisting of twelve large parchment folios, and numbered in the library catalogue 3256; that this fragment was seen by Mabillon in the Vatican library during his visit in Rome ; that some verses of it selected by him were published after his death by Ruinart as a sample; that, of the four lines of which this sample consisted, two had been republished by the Benedictine authors of the Nouveau Traite de Diplomatique, and were to be seen in the XXXIVth plate of the third volume of that work; also, that having lately received reliable information from Rome that the fragment in question , viz. the Virgilian codex No. 3256 in the Vatican catalogue, consisted at present of no more than four folios, he wished to know what had become of the eight folios necessary to make up the twelve of which the fragment had consisted at the time of Mabillon's visit and which twelve folios had been seen in the Vatican library, in our own times, by Silvestre, whg in his Paleographie Umverselle , published in Paris in 1841, had not only described the fragment in terms , agreeing in every respect with Ruinart' s, but given an additional engraved facsimile of nine lines, viz. vv. 41 — 49 of the first Georgic, with the further information that the folios previously fourteen in number had been reduced to twelve during the confusion occasioned by a fire which occurred in the Vatican in August 1768 ("Moge es nun gelingen, auch die noch vor XXXIV AENEIDEA. zwanzig jahren in Rom vorhanden gewesenen acht blatter aus ihrem rathselhaften dunkel wieder an's licht zu ziehen"). Details so circumstantial and positive from under the hand of a veteran archivist and bearing the ferma of the high court of literary cassation of the country, excited only the more attention on account of the announcement with which they were accompanied of the annexation — I hope I use no improper term — of a supplementary fragment of the same MS. by the royal library of Berlin , of which supplementary fragment a minute descrip- tion and photolithograph inserted by the relator in his memoir were, along with a transcript of the two fragments (the alleged mutilated Vatican and the supplementary Berlin) published in the Berlin Transactiojis of 1863 and sent as a present to the library of the Vatican. It so became incumbent on the authori- ties of the Vatican to account for the disappearance of no less than two thirds of one of their most valuable MSS., and scarcely less incumbent on editors and commentators of Virgil to explain how no use had ever been made by them, no notice ever given by them to the public, of this to them and to every Virgilian student inestimable treasure. Nor were the authorities of the Vatican slow in performing their part. They produced their catalogue, Collectio Manuscriptorum Latinorum bihliothecae Vati- canae, bearing the 'arms of Pope Urban VIII. (therefore older than the year 1644, the date of that pontiff's death, and conse- quently more than forty years anterior to the visit of Mabillon to Rome) and describing the MS. in question (No. 3256) as consisting of four folios only, those four folios being of the first Georgic. The following are the ipsissima verba as read by myself and copied for me on April 1st 1865 by Monsignore San Marzano, prefect of the.library: "No. 3256. Virgilii fragmentum lib. primi georgicon: incipit = ignarosque viam [sic] mecum= ex perg. C. S. [chartae scriptae] No. 4. in folio grandiori in . litteris majuscolis — vetustissimus." The fragment, therefore, had not only not lost eight folios since the time of Mabillon's visit, but, in as much as not containing at the time of that visit, even one single line of the Aeneis, could not by any possibility be the fragment from which the four lines of the Aeneis in the § IV.] PREFACE XXXV second edition of Mabillon's work had been facsimileed; and so ended, and was acknowledged by its author to end (see Monats- hericht der k. Acad, der \]'in.',etisch. zu Berlin, April 21, 18G4), the mythical existence, or the existence for two hundred and sixty-three years in the Vatican, of the fragment from which Mabillon had extracted his four lines. That this [Pithou's] fragment at some former period did actually form an integrant part of a Virgilian MS. of which the Vatican fragment 3256 formed a second integrant part, and the fragment with which the royal library in Berlin enriched itself in 1863, a third integrant part, the identity of character leaves no manner of doubt. This character, described by the author of the Berlin memoir, writing with the Berlin fragment before his eyes, as the largest and most beautiful Capital character ever seen ("von nie gesehener schonheit und grosse"), is indeed sufticiently remarkable, not for its beauty — for how little beauty is there even in the most perfect Eoman inscription character! — but for its size, the great breadth of its letters, of which not merely the M, but the C, the D, the G, the 0, the Q, and notably the N, are even broader than they are tall, and the great thickness and heaviness of all the down-strokes, a thickness and heaviness recalling rather the broad-limbed capitals of a modern printed title-page than letters drawn with a pen, but is so far, if we keep out of the lofty regions of myth and confine ourselves to those of humble reality, from being the largest Roman Capital cha- racter ever seen, that it is, as I have satisfied myself by actual admeasurement, though wider in the proportion of 3 to 2, no taller than that of the Palatine, and while wider only in the proportion of 1 1 to 10, is shorter in the proportion of 3 to 4 than that of the Roman. Never having taken the measurements of the character of the St. jQallen fragment, and many years having elapsed since I had that MS. in my hand, I cannot speak with equal precision to the height and breadth of its capitals as compared with those of the so-called Augustan; my impression, however, that the capitals of that MS. are not materially inferior either in height or breadth to those of the Augustan, is probably sufficiently correct, first, because, having taken a complete copy XXXVI AENEIDEA. of the MS. with my own hand, I had abundant opportunity for observation, and secondly, because such impression is confirmed by the specimen of the MS. given by Miiller, de codd. Virg. qui in Helvetiae bibliothecis assei'vantur. But though the Pithou fragment has remained since the time of Mabillon a non-est-inventum, though the Berlin frag- ment has only been known to exist since the date of the Berlin Academy's memoir, there was still the third fragment, viz. the Vatican. ^How has it happened that that third fragment, so unique, so surpassing in antiquity all other Virgilian MSS. has never, even although consisting of no more than four folios, — never up to the present day been put under contribution by any of those learned men who, from time to time during the last two hundred and sixty -five years, have made search for, and collation of, Virgilian MSS. their special pursuit? ^How has it happened that this most ancient of all Virgilian MSS. has never been once cited, never even so much as once mentioned, either by Nicholas Heinsius or Ribbeck*? An answer to this question will imme- diately suggest itself to every person who, in his search after knowledge in whatever department, has found himself under the unhappy necessity of knocking at the door of the Vatican library. Every such person knows, that after that door has been opened to the bearer of the golden branch, the Pope's permesso (obtainable only through the Cardinal minister of State, on istanza backed by recommendation from home government), the specified MSS. alone are brought to him one by one out of the adytum, and when those specified are exhausted, there is an end: all sight of the catalogue is as sternly refused as' all access to the adytum; prefetto^ scrittore, custode, scopatore, either know nothing or choose to know nothing, and sit stiff, silent, and frowning, no matter how humbly, with hat in hand, you urge your intreaty; Motu Proprio di N. S. Papa Pio IX, 1851: "written in Rome in January 1865, therefore at least a year before the puhlication , in 1866, of Ribbeck's Prolegomena containing a third-hand account (that is to say, Ribbeck's account of Pertz's account of Helbig's account) of the readings of the MS , with the nota-bene attached to Pertz's name: "Cui tamen, nee de textu meo nee de ceteris libris testanti, fides habenda est." § IV.] PREFACE. XXXVII "Riteranno [ i prefetti della biblioteca] le chiavi degl' inventarii e degl' indici, nh sia permesso senza Nostro speciale ordine in isci'itto farli vedere ed esaminare da chicchessia {Clement. XII, § 5) . . . Noil k. permesso a chicchessia non solamente di copiare i codici, ma anche di consultarli senza avere ottenuto il permesso Nostro deiNostri Successor! {Clement. XIII, 4). Per ottenerne facolta si fark la istanza in iscritto, che trasmessa dalla Segre- teria di Stato al Cardinale Bibliotecario si esaminerk la dimanda e se si stimerk espediente si concederk la facoltk di copiare o di studiare sulli codici per mezzo di un dispaccio della Segreteria di Stato. Colore poi che avranno la licenza di consultare i co- dici, non potranno averne che un solo E proibito espress- amente di fare confronti o collazioni di Codici {Clem. XII, § 7; Clem. XIII, § 4). Se per qualche straordinaria circostanza se no concedesse la licenza nella mahiera indicata, dovra sempre assistervi uno scrittore deputato dal custode per la sicurezza dei codici." This is the answer which suggests itself at once to every Vatican student, to every one practically acquainted with the Vatican library. Neither N. Heinsius nor Ribbeck quotes Vatican fragment No. 3256, because neither N. Heinsius nor Ribbeck had, before knocking at the door of the Vatican, learned that such a fragment existed inside, and because it is the in- struction and rule of the authorities to withhold not merely the catalogue but even verbal information, and so obstruct and render impossible all investigation. But this answer, perfectly good and true as far as it goes, is insufficient. The fragment in question is shown under glass to the ordinary visitors of the Vatican curiosities, as a specimen of the ancient Roman Capital character, and nine verses of it stand facsimileed by Silvestre in the second volume of his PaUograpJiie Universelle published in Paris in 1841, and so, Ribbeck, at least, might have come to a know- ledge of its existence, either by seeing it exhibited under glass as a curious work of art, or by seeing the nine facsimileed verses in the Paliographie of Silvestre. To be sure ! if it were usual for literary men to make the tour of museums of curio- sities or to take their information from flash works such as Silvestre's PaUogra/phie , works made to please the eye not xxxviil AENEIDEA. inform the mind, and fit for the library of a royal duke or dilettante book -collector, not for that of a scholar. Alas for literatvxre, when scholars, taking their information from such sources, inform an academy of science, and through an academy of science the whole literary world, that there existed from 1600 to 1841 in the Vatican library in Rome a Virgilian MS. con- sisting of at least 12 folios, that four lines of this MS. had been engraved and published in the second edition of Mabillon, de Re Diplomatica, and two of the four republished by the authors of the Nouveau traitf. de Diplomatique, that the same fragment had been seen in the same library by Silvestre who had, in 1841, published a facsimile of nine other lines of it in his Palio- graphie Universelle, that the character of this MS. (considerably smaller, as we have seen above, than that of the Eoman MS. of the same author) was larger than any known, and, in as much as presenting neither interspaces between the words nor abbrev- iations, was more ancient than that of the Berlin fragment of Livy of the first or second century ("sie steht in beider riick- sicht auch noch vor dem Berliner bruchstiick des Livius*, welches in eines der beiden ersten jahrhunderte zu setzen war"), in other words, belonged to an early part of the so-called Augustan period; a conclusion which carries with it the corol- lary that the world is at the present day in possession, not of seven folios only (viz. four Vatican and three Berlin) of an Augustan -MS. of Virgil, but, besides these, of no less than six, more or less complete, Augustan MSS. of Virgil, viz. the Medi- cean, the Roman, the Palatine, the Vatican fragment 3225, the St. Gallen fragment and the Verona fragment, all these MSS. being not only in Capital letters but as entirely without inter- spaces and without abbreviations as the seven folios on which the author of the memoir in the Berlin Transactions has been pleased to bestow the distinguishing appellative, Augustan. *the famous Toledo palimpsest leaf of Sallust, published by Pertz (Berlin, 1848) as a leaf of Livy, and of which a lithograph may be seen in Kritz's Sallust. Histor. fragmenta, Leipz. 1853, and an edition, with memoir and explanation, in Dietsch's Sallust. Histor. Beliquiae, Leipz. 1859. § v.] PREFACE. XXXIX §v. The MSS. constituting the second category are as follows: Six MSS. in the Laurentian library in Florence, viz. No. 2 (Bandini, Catal. codd. latin, hibl. Medic. Laurent, t. II, p. 300); XI century; 4to; parchm.; Aeneis. No. 3 (Bandini); XII century; 4to; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen.; frontispiece. No. 4 (Bandini); XII century; 4to; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen. No. 5 (Bandini); XIII century; 4to; parchm.; Aeneis only. No. 23 (Bandini); XII century; 4to; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen. No. 24 (Bandini); XII centui-y; 4to; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen. I shall, perhaps, have my reader's pardon no less than my author's for not collating more than these six of the Laurentian library's vast store of three and thirty second-class MSS. of Virgil containing the Aeneis. Elsewhere — in Bern, for instance, or Vienna or London, even one single second-class MS. of Virgil, albeit neither very ancient, nor very well executed originally, nor very well preserved, attracts the attention of the Virgilian critic. In the Laurentian library his attention wanders even from three and thirty second-class MSS., most of them elegantly executed, richly ornamented and well preserved, and eight of them older than the XIV century, to an unpretentious, unorna- mented, faded, defective, small-quarto volume of the thinnest, frailest parchment (kidskin, say the experts), No. 1 (Bandini), the Laurentian par excellence, the "Musarum deliciae ac Par- nassi decus," and there remains fixed — until he comes to Rome. One MS. in the Magliabechian library in Florence, de- scribed in library catal. as of XIII century. Twelve MSS. in the Vatican libra^r in Home, viz. five so- called Vatican MSS. numbered respectively 1570 (large folio, of X or XI century), 1571, 1572 (folio size; vignettes beautiful; penmanship elegant; emendations rare; neither marginal nor interlinear notes), 1573, 1574; one so-called Palatine, numbered 1634 (character Gothic), and six so-called Alexandrine (that part of the collection of Queen Christina, which was bequeathed XL AENEIDEA. to the Vatican library by Pope Alexander VIII. see Agincourt), numbered respectively 1393, 1495, 1536, 1669 (character Lom- bard; EX LiBB. FRANC. AURELii Written at bottom of first leaf), 1670, 1671. Jealous of all time spent in the Vatican library otherwise than in the collation of its first-class codices (the so- called Vatican fragment, the Palatine, and the Roman; see first category, above), I have collated only these twelve, of a store of second-class Virgilian codices in the Vatican, greater than either of the great rival stores, the Laurentian in Florence and the Imperial in Paris, and therefore, a fortiori, the greatest in the world — vedi Roma e poi muori. Three MSS. in the Ambrosian library, Milan, viz. No. 79 (on parchment, and of XII century), No. 107 (on paper), and the Petrarchian, so denominated because it belonged to Petrarch, who is said to have had it made for his own use. This last is a parchment MS. of large folio size, in red boards, contaiiiing, besides a beautifully executed allegorical frontispiece attri- buted, on good authority, to Simon Memmi, numerous annotations in Petrarch's own hand-writing, annotations which, as well on account of the crampness and minuteness of the character, as on account of the small probability they would throw much light on the Virgilian text, I made no serious attempt to decipher. In this MS. the ^our introductory verses are not only present but — great rarity whether in MS. or edition — embodied with the text. It is to this MS., not as stated by Heyne (vol. 4, p. 611, n.) to another Petrarchian MS. of Virgil . - there is but one Petrarchian MS. of Virgil, Heyne's "Codex Virgilii in papyro Aegyptiaoa scriptus" being a papyrus of Josephus, in Latin, which the Gottingen philologist, writing in Gottingen and misunder- standing the words of Montfaucon {^Bihlioth. Bibliothecarum nova, p. 530 : "In alio Bibliothecae Ambrosianae conclavi sunt quidam codd. qui elegantiae caussa in armario quodam asservantur. De Josepho Latine scripto egerunt multi; unum jampridem ohservatis adderelibet; charta, quam Philyram, sen Papyrum Aegyptiacam esse putant, multo densior est charts, item papyrea, qua confectus est codex S. Marci Venetiis, longe antiquior codice Josephi Ambrosiano. Est itidem Virgilii codex, olim Petrarchae, respersus notis observationibusque ipsius Petrarchae . manu, nitido charactere."), mistook for a papyrus of Virgil, §V.l PREFACE. XLI is prefixed that touching autograph of the most tender of all lovers and all poets, beginning thus: "Laurra propriis virtutibus illustris et meis longum celebrata carminibus, primum oculis meis apparuit sub primum adolescentie mee tempus, anno MCCCXXVII, die VI mensis Aprilis, in ecclesia Sancte Clare Avinione, hora matutina: et in eadem civitate, eodem mense Aprili, eodem die VI, eadem hora prima, anno autem MCCCXLVin, ab hac luce lux ilia subtracta est," etc. Had the collector, transcriber, and discoverer of ancient codices, the restorer of learning in the begin'ning of the fourteenth century, the co- founder , with Dante and Boccaccio, of a new and charming literature, been born as long after, as he was born long before, the invention of printing, he would probably have exhibited more skill in the spelling, less skill in the use, of words; had hi come into the world only towards the latter end of the nineteenth century, he would have poured that most ardent soul of his, not in sonetti, canzoni, and trionfi d^amore, btit in disquisitions how the words composing sonetti^ canzoni^ and tri(yiifi d^aiiiore were to be spelled , would have augmented our already considerable rolling stock of heterogeneous orthographies and recondite etymologies, with vast donations of orthographies still more heterogeneous and etymologies still more recondite; the world would have had one Petrarca less , one Grimm or Eitschl more , and I and my daughter would never have made our midwinter pilgrimage, afoot, to the fountain of Taucluse , never have gathered Pistacia and red Juniperus Oxycedrus berries on the steep and rustling brink of the . transparent, sweetly murmuring Sorgues. A MS. of the entire works of Virgil in the Biblioteca Civica in Trent J on parchment; wants a few pages at the end; the bequest of Mazetti, founder of the libi'ary. Three so-called Gudian, in the Bibliotheca Gvielferbytana at\i^olfenbuttel, viz. Nos. 70 (903, Ebert), 66 (904, Ebert), 164, "ex museoBernhardiRottendorfii" (905, Ebert). The oldest of these. No. 70, is often quoted by Heyne, Wagner, Conington, and other commentators, as the Gudian, par excellence. It is however not so very much better than No. 66, and in some respects is very much worse, having been so much corrected that it is frequently difficult, sometimes altogether impossible to ascertain what the original reading has been ; in other words, XLII AENEIDEA. this MS. has in many places lost all value as a record. Such mischievous corrections have greatly diminished the value of almost all the older Virgilian MSS. but of this (a MS. of the IX century) in an especial degree. There is indeed scarcely a passage in the whole of the first six Books of the Aeneis, which has not been altered in it, and sometimes even more than once. I have examined it most carefully and patiently in order to discover the grounds for the praises bestowed on it and the confidence reposed in it, by Nicholas Heinsius and Wagner; but all in vain; I have never been able to discover its superiority to other MSS. of the same alleged antiquity; generally, indeed, have been wholly unable, owing to the above mentioned corrections, to ascertain with certainty what the original reading of the MS. was. Three so-called Augustan MSS. in the Bibliotheca Guelfer- bytana atll^olfenblittel, viz. Nos. 906, 907, 908 (Ebert); the last, of no value. One Helmstadt MS. in the Bibliotheca Guelferbytana at Wolfenbuttel, No. 332 (910, Ebert). One MS. in the Stadtbibliothek of Hamburg', formerly No. 173 in theMorgenweg library; parchm.; folio, and assigned by Petersen (GescMchte der Hamburgischen Stadtbibliothek) to the X century. This is not either of the two Hamburg MSS. quoted by N. Heinsius and Heyne, those MSS., as appears from Dorphius (preface to his Vu-gil published at Copenhagen in 1829), having been purchased by the king of Denmark in the year 1784 and deposited by him in the royal library at Copen- hagen, where they are numbered, respectively, 2006 and 2007. Three MSS. in the Rehdiger library in Br eiSlail, respec- tively numbered 2, 3, 4; see Thomas Rehdiger und seine Bilcher- sammlung in Breslau, von Wachler, p. 57. No. 2, a good MS., but very much corrected by a modern hand, has a frontispiece in which the figure of a man, standing on a scroll inscribed : ARNOLDUS PLACIDUS NULLI PIETATE SECXINDUS., presents the MS. to the Virgin. No. 3 wants the whole of the first Book of the Aeneis except the last page. § v.] PREFACE. XLIII Two MSS. in the Bibliotheca Senatoria in I^eipzis'i) viz. No. 35 (Naumann): XIII century; longer and less broad than ordinary 8vo; parchm.; contains Eclog. Georg. Aen. Xo. 36 (Naumann): XIII century; 4to; parchm.; in double column; Eclog. Georg. Aen. One MS. in the royal Ubrary in DreiSdeil, D. 134 (Ebert) : XlVcentuiy; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aett.; neatly written and well preserved; despised and left unused by Wagner; - Wagn. (1830—1841) vol. 1, praef. p. 17: "Exstat in eadem Bibl. Reg. Dresd. sub D. 126 [D. 134, Ebert], codex saec.XIV scriptus, omaia Virgilii opera complectens, turn alius sub D. 81, Eclogas tantum ex- hibens; quos, si quid inde utilitatis Virgilio accessurum sperassem, L minime neglexissem." placed at my command by the politeness-of the late enlightened head-librarian, Dr. Klemm, and very much used by me during my long residence in Dresden. To the Leipzig and Dresden MSS., intrinsically as little important or interesting as MSS. of the XIII and XIV centuries usually are^ attaches the extrinsic interest that they are the only Virgilian MSS. a celebrated critic, interpreter and editor of Virgil ever saw, two of them the only Virgilian MSS. the same celebrated critic, interpreter and editor of Virgil ever used. Armed with the two Leipzig MSS., WagD. vol. 1, praef. p. 18: "Hi codices [Lips. 35, 36] hunc mihi praestiterunt usum , ut quoties parum constaret de lectione librorum mss. ad eos redirem tamquam aliquem fontem, unde, aqua mibi hae- rente, certior fierem quid in libris mss, legeretur." with the Commelinian , Fogginian , Ambrogian and Bottarian editions, and the Bottarian collation of the Roman, corrected, as best they might, by epistolary reports from Rome and Florence, Wagn. (1830 — 1841) vol. 1, praef. p. 13: "Dederam viro officlosissimo [Freytagio] chartulam, in qua locos complures e Bucolicis et Geor- gicis notaveram, quorum quae esset in Mediceo soriptura , dubium reliquerat Heinsii et Fogginii dissensio." id. vol. 5, praef. p. 13: "Cum Bottarium non cum esse intellexissem , cui satis fidere liceret, dudum optabam ut invenirem qui diligentius codicem Vatic, excuteret. . . . Aperui igitur quid vellem, F. G. Schnlzio etc. ... Is cum vix XLIV AENEIDEA. accepisset, qiias ad eum dederam, litteras, statim ipse codicem confert cum exemplo Bottariano tanta diligentia, ut facile credam ipsi asseve- ranti ne unam qjiidem litterulam'aut virgulam a se esse praetermissam. Susceptam a Soliulzio et ad Aen. i. 309, perductam operam, cum ipse Romam ad aliquod tempiis relinqueret, excepit Schweersius, . . . atque ita absolvit" etc. }d. ibid. : "Qui [Schulzius] cum accepisset gratissi- mum milii futurum , si quidquid esset in eo codice [viz. Romano] diversitatis, in meum iisum excerperetur, non multo post indicem mihi misit omnis discrepantiae , quae in Bucolicis deprehenditur, diligen- tissime ab ipso confectum, promisitque, si reliquam ejus codicis partem similiter pervestigari -vellem, se id nsgotium, cum ipse administrare non posset, idoneo liomini commissurum. Sed qui Romae veteres libros in usum extraneorum conferunt cum exemplaribus typis ex- pressis, tanti aestimant operam suam, ut philologi Germanici, qua fere sunt in rei familiaris tenuitate constituti, Tantalica sorte'contenti esse <- cogantur." Philip Eberard Wagner not only undertook and brought to a happy conclusion ("audentes" — immo audaces — immo audacissimos — "Fortuna iuvat") his copious parenthetic criti- cisms of, and supplements to, the vartae lectiones of Heyne, but added to Heyne's four volumes thoroughly wagnerized and appropriated, a fifth volume of his own : Publi Vergili, Maronis Carmina ad pristinam orthograpMam quoad eius fieri potuit re- vocata, and so , without ever stirring out of Dresden or beyond the precincts of the Kreuzschule, inaugurated a new era not merely of Virgilian but of Latin literature, and shone forth the bright Lucifer of Ritschl's and Mommsen's glorious , uprising sun; so true is it that great effects are sometimes produced with small means , and that for him who will , it is as possible in our own days as it was in those of Fabricius, to be parvo potens. Not that Philip Eberard Wagner, however parvo potens, was in all respects a Fabricius, or that Philip Eberard Wagner's march to fame was along a road as rugged and unfrequented as Fabri- cius's, but that whereas the sturdy Roman, steadily and to the end , refused all contract with redemptor Pyrrhus, your more supple Saxon executed his contract with redemptor Hahn, to take away nothing from the Heynian text, I id. vol. 1, praef. p. 8: "Suscepi Virgilium Heynianum ita denuo in L lucem edendum, ut adderem quae vellem, demerem nihil." § v.] PREFACE, XLV by taking away from it, and relegating to the bottom of the page, every Heynian reading of which he disapproved, and sub- stituting for it whatever reading liked him best: id, ibid. : "Uiiutn milii licere putavi, ut in contextu, si quam deteriorem lectionem ab Heyuio viderem receptam, reponerem earn, quam rationes criticae commendarent ; religioni enim ducebam, iiitidissimum poetam iis adhuc maculis deformatum pati , quae dudum erant abstergendae. j Sed ut vel sic statim in oculos incurreret quid a me mutatum esset, L ipsi textui subieci lectionem Heynianam,'' Four MSS. in the ducal library at GrOtlia (described by Ja- cobs). Xo.54 ("Liber Eneidos"): XI or XII century (Heyne: XIII or XIV); oblong 8vo; parchm.; Aeneis only; "ms. bonae notae" Cyprianus. No. 55: XV century; 8vo; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen.; very neatly written and in perfect preservation. No. 56: XI century ; 8vo ; parchm. ; Aeneis only ; defective in many places. No. 239 (236): XV century; folio; paper; Buc. Georg: Aen. Eight MSS. in the Hofbibliothek in Vienna, viz. No. 58 (113, Endlicher): X century; foL; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen.; "charactere ad imitationem scripturae longobardicae effigiato; literarum initialium fi'guris historicis vivis coloribus pictis; e bibliotheca monasterii St. Johannis de Carbonaria, Neapoli." No. 81* (114, Endlicher): XI century; foL; parchm.; fragm. of first Book of Je«e«s. No. 27 (115, Endlicher): XI century; "formae fere quadratae;" parchm.; Buc. Aen. No. 208 (116, Endlicher): XII century; "in 4to minori;" parchm.; Aen. No. 151 (117, Endlicher): XIII century; "in folio dimidiato;" parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen. No. 172 (118, Endlicher): XIII century; "in 4to minori;" parchm. ; Buc. Georg. Aen. No. 39 (120, Endlicher): A. D. 1456; folio; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen. No. 71 (121, Endlicher): A. D. 1412; folio; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen. A very beautiful MS. in the library of the Convent at H.loSter-HTeubnrg' near Vienna; the handsomest, I think, of all the Virgilian MSS. I have ever seen; on parchment; folio; in perfect preservation ; according to library catal. , of the XII century. XLVI AENEIDEA, A MS. inSchlossWeissenstein near Poiniliensfelden in Bavaria, No. 1796 in library catal.; XI or XII century; 4to; parchm. ; described by Jaeck , who gives (ubi infra) a specimen of the writing ; belongs to Count Schonborn, and has been lately removed by him from his residence at Gaibach (where it was when described by Heyne, vol. IV. de Virg. edd.) to his princely castle of Weissenstein at Pommersfelden. TwoMSS. in the royal library at Rainberg-, viz. M.'II.Ir (in the beginning of the volume the words: collegii soc. jesu, BAMBERG, 1654. and at the end: nicolaus foliis exherbis sceipsit anno 1467), and M. II. 5 (fragment containing sixth Book of Aeneis); both MSS. described, and specimens given of the- handwriting, by Jaeck in the preface to his ed. of Virgil, Weimar, 1826. Two MSS. in the Bibliotheca Fredericiana, now the univer- sity library, at Erlang'eil: one, oblong 8vo; parchm. j mark- ed in Irmischer's catal. 295: the other, 4to; paper; marked 859. Six MSS. in the royal library, lEimicli; viz. No. 305: saec. XI ; fol. ; parchm. ; JBuc. Georg. Aen. ; numerous interlinear as well as marginal annotations from Servius. No. 523: saec. XIII ; oblong 4 to ; parchm. ; Sue. Georg. Aen. with many lacu- nae; 11 th and 12 th Books of J.ewe«s wanting. No. 10719: written in 1453 by Philippus de Corbizis; 4to; paper; Aeneis; pi-esent- ed to the Duke of Bavaria by Bandini in the year 1779. No. 14466: saec. XIII; 8vo; parchm.; first five Books ot Aeneis, and first 38 verses of sixth Book. No. 18059: saec. XII; fol. ; parchm.; Sue. Georg. Aen. No. 21562: saec. XII; 4to; parchm.; Sue. Georg. Aen. on recto of first folio a helmeted Virgil sketched in red and lilac ink; on verso, the monk Altusvon Weihenstephan presenting his MS. to St. Stephen. Two MSS. in the Stiftsbibliothek at St. Gralleil ; saec. XV and XVI; on paper; one of them containing only first Book of Aeneis ; the other, only a part of the third. Three MSS. in the Stadtbibliothek of St. Grallen; the first, folio ; parchm. ; Sue. Georg. Aen. The second, much more § v.] PREFACE. XLVII modern and less correct; 4to; pai'chm.; Buc. Georg. Aen. The third, 8vo; parchm. ; Buc. Georg. Aen.; bears the colophon: Scriptus jussu et inpensa Jo. Camerarij Dalburgij per Jo. nicolai de confluentia. Paduae. Anno dm. 1477. These MSS., as well as the library, having formerly belonged to Joachim von Watt, "Med. Doct., Btirgermeister und Reformator der Stadt und Kirchen St. Gallen", have been denominated, from him„ Vadian. Ten MSS. in the public library at Bern, viz. No. 47: 4 to; parchm.; Buc. G'eor^. ^'lew., wanting first seven Eclogues, and part of eighth; very neat; colophon: Explicit liber eneidos. 1451. die 15. April. Xo. 165 : saec. IX (Sinner) ; fol. ; parchm. ; neatly written in very elegaiit Lombard hand; Buc. Georg. Aen.; mutilated at the end of the twelfth Book, of which the last thirty-four verses are wanting; bears the following in- scription : HTJNC VIKGLLII CODICEM OBTULIT BEKNO GRESIS B. MAKTINI LEVITA DEVOTA MESTE DOMING ET EIDEM EEATO MAKTINO PEEPETUITEK HABEHDUM. EA QUIDEM KATIONE TJT PEKLEGAT IPBUM AEEEBTUS COKSOBKINUS IPSIUS ET DIEBUS VITAE SUAE SUB PEAETEXTU B. MAKTINI HAEEAT ET POST SUUM OBITUM ITEEUM S. EEDDAT MAE- TINO. SI QUIS IPSUM EUEAVEKIT AUT ALIQUO INGENIO A POTESTATE S. MARTINI ABSTEAHEEE TEMPTAVEEIT, MALEDICTUS SIT ET CUM JUDA ET SAFFIEA QUI EX HOC QUOD IPSI DOMINO DEDEEANT FEAUDAVEKUNT PEEPETUAM DAMPNATIONEM NISI CITISSIME QUOD PEAESUMPSEEIT EMENDAEE STUDUEEIT, ADQUIEAT. From the circumstance that some verses of this MS. are written in capitals closely resembling both in form and size those of the Medicean, I regard it as older than the ninth, perhaps as old as the seventh century. A striking facsimile of two verses of it written in these capitals, as well as of two verses in the elegant Lombard character of the body of the MS., is to be seen in the third of the tabulae appended to Sinner's catalogue. This MS. has numerous marginal scholia partly from Servius, partly from other sources. No. 167: saec. X (Sinner); fol.; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen. No. 172: saec. X (Sinner); fol.; parchm.; contains Buc. Georg. and first five Books of Aeneis, and is dedicated by a certain Ildemar (no doubt the person at whose expense the MS. was made) in the following words, to St. Benedict : XLVIII AENEIDEA. CONTULIT ALME TIBI PATER HUNO BENEDICTE LIBELLUM ILDEMAEUS ALUMNUS ET IPSE TUUS. . . . Compare, above, the dedication of Eehdiger No. 2 by Arnoldus Placidus to the Virgin, of Bern 165 by Berno to Saint Martin, and of Munich 21562 by Altus von Weihenstephan to St. Stephen. " The dedication of the ancient MS: to a beatified saint, the Virgin, or Christ, has its modern representative in the dedication of the printed hook to a royal duke or prince. Between the ancestor and descen- dant there is the obvious resemblance that they are both compliments which cost nothing ; let me hope that the resemblance goes still far- ther, and that the descendant is as impotent to deter readers as the L ancestor was impotent to deter thieves. Ko. 184: saec. IX; folio; parchm.; "olim Bongarsii"; -S«c. Oeorg. Aen. No. 222: saec. XV; fol. ; paper; Aeneis alone; anonymous scholia. No. 239: saec. IX; fol.; parchm.; Aeneis; wants beginning of first Book as far as "ac prior, heus, inquit, iuvenes". No. 255: saec. IX; fol.; parchm.; Buc. Georg. and first Book of Aeneis as far as "coUecta fluentes". No. 269 : saec. XV; fol.; paper; Aeneis. No. 411: saec. XII; 4to; parchm.; "olim Bongarsii"; contains only glosses on the Aeneis, partly from Servius, partly more modern. Four MSS. in the university library at Basel, viz. B\ II. 23: saec. XI; fol.; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen.; described by Miiller, de codd. 'Virg. qui in Helvet. hihlioth. asservantur (Bern, 1841) ; formerly belonged to the Conventus Basileensis ordinis praedicatorum. F. III. 35: fol.; paper; Aeneis; wants all after V. 612 of tenth Book. F. III. 4: saec. XV; fol.; paper; contains only the first six Books of the Aeneis. F. III. 3: saec. XV; fol. ; paper; contains, except the Priapeia, all the works, whether of Virgil or attributed to Virgil; ornamented with an exquisitely painted miniature at the commencement of each Book. To this MS., affording, as it does, one of the earliest texts of the Ciris with which we are acquainted, attaches a greater interest than usually attaches to Virgilian MSS. of the XV century. Let me try therefore whether I cannot, from my own personal inspec- tion and collation of it, several years ago, supplemented by § V.J PEEFACE. XLIX notices with which I have just been favored by Dr. Ludwig Sieber, the present librarian, correct some of the erroneous opin- ions entertained concerning it. And first with respect to its entry in the library catalogue, in the hand of Johannes Zwinger, appoin- ted librarian, 1672, died 1696; "F. III. 3, Virgilii Maronis opera omnia, elegantissime scripta et sub initium librorum elegan- tissimis figuris variocoloribus exornata. Ann. 1465. fol." The date 1465 (repeated by Hanel, Gatalogi libror. MSS.) must be incorrect, if it were only because the MS. contains the two epistles (remarkable epistles, for which see § VI, below) of lohannes Andreas, Bishop of Aleria in Corsica and first editor of Virgil, dedicatory, one of them, of the editio Romana prima of the works of Virgil, (an. 1469), to Pope Paul II, the other of them, of the editio Romana secunda of the works of Virgil (an. 1471), to Pomponius Infortunatus. The MS. there- fore cannot have been written before the year 1471. The origin of the false date 1465 is thus explained by Dr. Sieber, in letters addressed to me from Basel in March and April, 1872: ."Bl. 2 — 6 des manuscriptes sind leer. Bl. 7, recto, beginnen die briefe des lohannes Andreas, bischofs von Aleria in Corsica. Der anfang des ersten briefes lautet so: lo. Andreae Episcopi Aleriensis in Gyrno: id est Corsica insula: in primam Virgilii impressionemadPaul.IIPontificem max. JEpistolalncipit. circa annum Christi 1465. Eloquentiae splendore : et rerum dignitate Locuple tiorem Virgilio poetam: unum fortasse Homerum graeci, nullum certe Latini invenient. Der senkrechte strich hinter 'Pontificem max.' und die zwischen die zweite und dritte zeile eingeschobenen worte 'circa annum Christi 1465', sind mit blasserer tinte und ohne zweifel von der hand des Prof. Pfister geschrieben, welcher . am anfang des 17. jahrhunderts universitatsbibliothekar war. Pfisters zusatz bezweckte, meiner ansicht nach, nicht eine datierung der hand- schrift, sondem sie bezieht sich wohl nur auf die lebenszeit des papstes Paul II, welcher am 31. Aug. 1464 erwahlt, am 16. Sept. 1464 geweiht und gekront wurde, und am 28. Juli 1471 starb. L AENEIDEA. Zwinger hielt Pfisters notiz fiir das datum der handschrift und setzte daher in seinen catalog das obenerwahnte und von Hanel einfacknachgedruckte: Ann. 1465." Such, I entirely agree with Dr. Sieber, is the ti-ue explanation of the false date, 1465, in the library catalogue. We now come to the erasure of this date, and the substitution for it, in a modern hand, of the words "de- scriptus ex ' editione Romana 1473," a statement as erroneous for these two reasons as the erased date itself: first, because the alleged copy not only contains the Bishop of Aleria's two letters dedicatory and Mapheus Vegius's thirteenth Book of the Aeneis (particulae not contained in the alleged original) and omits, inter alia, the Priapeia contained in the alleged original, but differs essentially in its readings : having myself collated the alleged copy and the original in ten places only, I have found the former to vary in two; viz. Aen. 6. 438, while the edition reads "inamabilis" the MS. reads "innabilis", and Aen. 4. '217, while the edition reads "subnixus", the MS. (alone of 71 MSS. which I have examined) reads "subnexus;" and of the no more than nine readings of the alleged copy with which I have just been furnished by Dr. Sieber, I find a variation from the alleged original in no fewer than three: viz. Aen. 6. 96, while the edition reads "qua tua de", the MS. reads "quam tua te"; Aen. 9. 432, while the edition reads "transabiit", the MS. reads "transadijt"; and 9. 455, while the edition reads "tepi- dumque recenti", the MS. reads "tepidaque recentem". The MS., therefore, is not a copy of the Roman edition of 1473, and the statement, substituted in a modern hand in the library catalogue for the date 1465, is as erroneous as that date itself Nor less erroneous, how much soever better vouched than either, is the at present generally received statement that the MS. in question is a copy of the Roman edition of 1471 ; Naeke, Garm. Val, Ga^oww (Bonn, 1847), p. 365: "Hie liber, quem Broemmelii mei labore ac beneficio tam bene novi, quam si ipse contulissem, aut totus aut longe maximam partem descriptus est ex editione Ro- mana II. Id ut omnibus pateat, indicabo quae in codice Ba- sileensi continentur omnia, titulos et ubi opus sit, initia et con- § v.] PREFACE. LI clusiones cai-minum, omnia non ex praefixo codici indice, sed ex ipso libro exscripta: addo numeros: 1; lo. Andreae Episcopi Alerlensis in Cyrno: id est Corsica insula: in primam Virgilii impressionem, ad Paulum II Pontijtcem max. Epistola incipit. (Elo- quentiae splendore — pevpetuitatem exoptent. Vale.) 2: lo. An. etc. in secun- dam Virgilii impressionem: ad Pomponium infortunatum suum: Epistola. (Huc- usque ■ epistolam clauserain — sedulitate tua effecisti. Vale.) 3 : P. Virgilii Maronis vita. A: Alcinius poeta: de laiide Virgilii. 5: Cornelius Gallus poeta: de Aeneide Virgilii. 6 : P. Virgilii Maronis Hortulus, 7 : Argumenta XII li- brorum Aeneidos. 8: P. Virg. Mar. Culex: ad Octavium. 9: P. Virg. Mar. Dira'e, id est carmen execratoriuvi : ad Battarum. 10: P. Virg. Mar. Copa. 11: P. Virg. Mar. Est et non est. 12: P. Virg. Mar. Vir bonus. 13: P. Virg. Mar. Rosae. 14: P. Virg. Mar. Moretum. 15: P. Virg. Mar. Versiculi ad Caesarem. De eius deificatiane. 16: Pro mercede suscipienda a Caesare. 17: Ue pulckri- tudine Caesaris Augusti. 18: P. Virg. Mar. in Balistam latronem distichon. 19 : Yersus P. Ovidii Nasonis in Argumenta lihwum Georgicon Virgilii. 20 : Summa Virgilianae narraiionis in irihus suis opeHbus praecipuis. 21 : Bucolica. 22: Georgica. 23: Aeneis. 24: Incipit Argumentum in Tertiuvidecimum a Ma- pheo Vegio superadditum. Turn sequitur liber Maphei ipse. 25: de extrema Virgilii voluntate. Versus Sulpicii Cartkaginiensis. 26: Exclamatio Caesaris Au- gusti in iussum Virgilii pro Aeneide comburenda. PoSt hoC Carmen In- Cipit manilS altersi* 27 : Epitaphia Virgilio ab illustribus viris edita. 28: Musarum nomina et officia. 29: Incerti autoris Elegia. 30: P. Virg. Mar. Aethna quae ab aXiquibus Cornelio tribuitur. 31 : P. Virg. Mar. Ciris ad Mes- sale. 32 : P\ Virg. Mar. Catalecton. Priapus loquitur. (Vere rosa autumno pomis aestate frequenter — Datur tibi puella quam petis datur. P. Virgilii Maronis Catalecton desinit. Sieber) Comparentur haec cum descriptione nostra Romanarum I et II (p. 376 — 385), patebit simillimum ac geminum esse codicem • Basileensem Romanae maxime secundae, vel potius natum ex ilia. At vix opus est comparatione. Conficit rem hoc unum, quod insunt in codice Basileensi Epistolae lohannis Andreae Episcopi ad Paulum II. et Pomponium. Addo insuper aliud. Quum primum inspexissem collationem codicis Basileensis, mi- rans vidi lacunas esse in Ciri nonnuUas, et plures etiam in Cata- lectis. Inquisivi ; easdem cognovi in Romana II esse. Quodsi quis descriptionem Romanarum nostram non prorsus consentire cum hac descriptione codicis Basileensis, v. c. diversas esse inscriptiones multorum Carminum, animadverterit, is cogitet descriptionem Romanarum quam exhibeo, non ex ipsis libris LII AENEIDEA. ductam, sed ex praefixa iis libris Tabula esse. Sic versus quos commemoravi num. 16. 17. eodem loco legi in Romanis conii- cio quo in cod. Basil, leguntur, sed omissos esse in tabula propter brevitatem. De Maphei libro dubito utrum insit in Romanis an non insit. Si insit, facile explicabitur, cur nulla eius mentio flat in Tabula: nimirum quod alienum ad Virgilium additamen- tum . . . Vel sic tamen non expedio omnia, et quaeri posse hie illic video, an praeter Romanam II, vel praeter Romanam utram- que, aliam fontem habeat codex Basileensis. Animadvertimus in Catone [should be : "in Diris," for neither codex Basil, nor Romanae know anything of Cato] aliquoties discedere codicem Bas. a Romanis: sed haec fortasse omnia eiusmodi sunt, ut librarii, qui Basileensem scripsit, aut ne- gligentiae aut emendandi studio tribui queant. Verum quid de eo dicemus quod versus 22. Aen. lib. II, 567 usque ad 588 adsunt in utraque Romana, desunt in codice Basileensi? Coniicias hoc saltern loco aliam editionem vetustam ad manum fuisse librario. Nihil exputo quod probabile sit." Oh, most lame and impotent conclusion! 'ridiculus mus' of parturient mountain, pounced on, as if it had been worthy prey, and snatch- ed up and carried off to his eyrie by eagle-eyed, wide-hovering Ribbeck; Append. Verg. (Leipzig, 1868) p. 38: "Descriptum esse hunc codicem, 'aut totum alut longe maximam partem', ex edit- ione Romana altera, a.' 1471, et Orellius Silligium docuit et de- monstravit Naekius (cf. p. 367 et 380), quanquam sunt quae- dam inter hanc et exemplar Basileeuse differentiae, quae non possint librarii negligentiae tribui." Quite other is the 'mus' of Sillig similarly pounced on, snatched up and carried off, along with Naeke's, by the same voracious Rib- beck: "et Orellius Silligium docuit et demonstravit" Naekius.", unfastidious, truly epicurean Ribbeck, who puts up with treacle when he can't get honey, and with inimitable grace resigns himself, when far from the lips which he loves, to make love to the lips which are near. § v.] PEEFACE. LIIl - Append. Yerg. p. 35: "Inpressa exomplaria vetusta, de quibus co- piose Naekius in 1. 1. disserult, paucissimis quihusdam locis, quibus de auctoritate scripturae minus certo constaret, vellem oonsulere licuisset, sed succurrit ex parte desiderio Hinckius mens, qui et Mutinensem ed. anni 1475 et Aldinam priorem a. 1517 mea gratia passim, ubi operae pretium esset, inspexit. mihimet vulgati textus fontes duo patuerunt, principis ed. Romanae apographum Basileense et Aldina secunda [a. 1634]." ibid. p. 39: "Editionibus vetustis cum prorsus carerem, hunc [cod. Basil. F. III. 3] quasi vicarium omnium quotquot Aldinam alteram [a. 1534] antecedunt contuli ipse.'' No 'ridiculus mus' Sillig's, brought into the world with a moun- tain's throes, but a 'mus giganteus', the offspring of 'mures gigantei' in the easy and normal course of things: "Postea mihi lectiones codicis Basileensis et editionis principis comparanti nuUus de hac re dubitandi locus est relictus/' (Epim. editoris Dresd. in Girin, § 4), — fair, open, manly challenge, knightly gauntlet which I respectfully pick up, and address myself forth- with for combat (not mortal) with chivalrous foe. The codex Basileensis- is not a mere transcript ("merum apographum," Epim. editoris Dresd. in Cirin, see below) of the editio Romana II ; first, because the inscriptions of the several particulae of which the codex consists, differ materially, as acknowledged by Naeke himself, from the inscriptions of the same particulae in the edi- tion, — differ, too, not merely as Naeke, defending his theory, conjectures, where they occur in the table of contents, but (as shown by the collation kindly made for me by the Rev. Dr. Dickson, Professor of divinity in the University of Glasgow, of the Hunterian exemplar in the library of that university) where they stand, prefixed to the particulae, in the body itself of the edition. Secondly, because particulae 16 and 17, present in the codex, are absent, not — as conjectured by Naeke, still de- fending his theory — from the table only of the edition, but (as shown by the same collation) from the edition itself Thirdly, because the absence from the edition, of Mapheus Vegius's thir- teenth Book of the Aeneis — present in the codex (see Naeke's list above) and doubted by Naeke, ever on the qui-vive for his theory ("dubito" see above), to be absent from the edition — is certified by the same collation. Fourthly, because the Priapeia — d LIV AENEIDEA. absent from the codex, see Naeke's list above — are abundantly- proved by the concurrent testimonies of Audiffredi {Gatal. Ro- man, editionum saec. XV, pp. 24 n. and 80), Santander {Diet, hibl. vol. 3, p. 440) and Dibdin (Bibl. Spencer, suppl. p. 287, of the Spencerian exemplar: "Next follows the Priapeia in nine leaves complete, whereas in the previous impression [Romana I] the work is imperfect. At the end: Virgilii Priapeia finit foeliciter. Then the Etna: P. Virgilii Maronis Etna que a quibusdam Cornelio tribuitur"), to be present in the edi- tion. Fifthly, because the discrepancy between the readings of the codex and the readings of the edition, observed and com- mented on by Naeke as well in the case of the 22 disputed verses of the second Book of the Aeneis as in the text of the Dirae (Naeke's own especial object of study), is not limited to the case of the 22 disputed verses and the text of the Dirae, but is ob- served wherever collation has been made of codex and edition, (except of course in the Ciris, undoubted copy, in codex, of edition); ex. gr. Both editio Romana I, as collated Codex Basileensis Y myself, and editio Eomana II, as myself, reads: Dilated by Dr. Dickson, read: en. 1, 429: "optare" "aptare" ,, 1,640: ''laetitiamque dii" "laetitiamque dei" ,, 1, 710: "onerant . . . ponunt' "onerent . . . ponaut' ,, 4, 217: "siibnixus" "subnexus" „ 4, 329 : "tantum" "tamen" „ 4, 436: -'remittam" "relinquam" „ 4, 464 "piorum" "priorum'' „ 4, 641: "anili" "anilem" „ 5, 706: "hie" "haec" „ 6, 96: "qua" "quam" „ 6, 327: "et rauca" "nee rauca" „ 6,438: "inamabilis" ("in ama- "innabilis" bilis") „ 6, 452 : "umbram" "umbras" ,, 6, 852: "pacisque" "pacique" "Why should two fight who agree so well?" interrupted Sillig, bending one knee to the ground, and handing me his sword, hilt forward. "The codex Basileensis of which I speak in my Epimetrum, is the codex Basileensis of the Ciris; § v.] PREFACE. 1,V the codex Basileensis of which you speak, is the codex of the works of Virgil and |many particulae besides, the Ciris included. The former is the mere transcript of the Ciris of the Roman edition, a proposition you have just conceded. Of the latter I know nothing and have said nothing, except so far as a small fraction of it, the Ciris, is concerned. These are my words : Editionem principem huius carminis, Romae a. 1471 in lucem emissam, Parisiis a. 1824 contuli, Van-Praetio id com- iter permittente. Codicis Basileensis, cuius excerpta Heynius post Friesemannum dederat, plenam et accuratam collationem Grerlachius, professor Basileensis, Casparo Orellio Turicensi, quern hac de re rogaveram, impetrante instituit. Ipse tamen Orellius in Uteris ad me datis significavit, hunc codicem merum apographum editionis principis esse, quod ex epistola Ciri prae- missa clare apparet, quae eadem est, quam lo. Andreas Episco- pus Aleriensis iUi editioni praemiserat; postea mihi lectiones codicis Basileensis et editionis principis comparanti nullus de hac re dubitandi locus est relictus." "I accept the amende ho- norable", said I, condescendingly, as I took with one hand the surrendered sword, and with the other raised my humbled ad- versary from the ground. "It is not the codex Basileensis which is a copy of the editio Romana secunda, but it is the Ciris of the codex Basileensis which is a copy of the Ciris of the editio Romana secunda." The editor Dresdensis epimetri in Cirin laid his hand on his breast and bowed, and I proceeded: "And the 'epistola Ciri praemissa' is a non-entity, a mere imagination of the editor Dresdensis epimetri in Cirin." "He did not know what he was talking about," sighed Sillig; "there is no such thing whatsoever as an 'epistola Ciri praemissa'." "Perfectly agreed", said I; "and the coincidence of readings, which left no doubt in the mind of the Dresden editor that the Ciris of the codex Basileensis was a 'merum apographum' of the Ciris of the editio Romana II, was the coincidence, not of the readings of the codex Basileensis with the readings of the editio Romana II, but of the readings of the Ciris of the codex Basileensis with the readings of the Ciris of the editio Romana II." "Exactly so," bowed Sillig, and I returned him his sword and we shook LVI AENEIDEA. hands and parted, and retired out of the arena by opposite doors, Sillig, to write a new epimetrum in Cirin, in which the Ciris of the codex Basileensis being no codex at all, nothing more than mere schedae constituting a very minute fractional part, or particula, of the codex Basileensis F. III. 3, should no longer be dignified with the misnomer "codex", and confounded with the codex Basileensis F. III. 3 ; still less, be described as pre- senting, prefixed, an introductory epistle of the bishop of Aleria, but should be designated as schedae, or folia aliquot of that codex Basileensis which presents, prefixed, not merely an intro- ductory epistle of the bishop of Aleria, but two introductory epistles of that bishop, in the first and by far the longest and most important of which, addressed to pope Paul II, no mention whatever is made of the Ciris, and in the second of which, ad- dressed to Pomponius InfortunatuSj the mention made of the Ciris is limited to the statement that that poem, received in MS. from Pomponius Infortunatus, formed part of the bishop's second edition of the works of Virgil. Haec celerans ibat the Dresden editor of the epimetrum in Cirin, and I hastened — no, not to oppOiSe to Ribbeck's statement concerning the Basel MS. Append. Verg. p. 38 : "Codex Basileensis ohartaceus saec. XV, a do- mino lohanne de Lapide donatus cathedrali Basileensi, accurate - descriptus a Naekio, Cat. p. 365 sqq." either the testimony of Dr. Sieber, in his letter to me of March 21, 1872, r "lohannes de Lapide besass eine auserlesene sammlung meist auf das schonste ausgestatteter biiclier, und schenkte dieselbe dem hiesigen Carthauserkloster bei seinem eintritt in diesen orden (1487). Als das Kloster in folge der reformation aufgehoben wurde, fiel dessen ganze bibliothek am ende des XVI jahrhunderts an die hiesige universitatsbibliothek." or the testimony of the codex Basileensis itself, - on the recto of the first leaf of which we read : Titulus omnia opera virgilij. Liber Carthusiensium Basilee proveniens illis L a domino lohanne de Lapide confratre eorundem. nor to convert Ribbeck's two letters of the bishop of Aleria to pope Paul II, § v.] PREFACE. LVII Append, Very. p. 38 : "post lo. Andreae episcopi Aleriensis epistulas duas in primam et in secundam Vergilii impressionom ad Paulum II. pontif. max. datas, vitam Vergilii, epigrammata quaedam et argumenta XII Aeueidos secuntur culex, dirae^ copa, est et non est, vir bonus, ro- sae, moretiimy into one letter to pope Paul II. and one letter to Pomponius In- fortunatus (see Nos. 1 and 2 inNaeke's list, above), bnt, turn- ing my back alike on pope and bishop and Ribbeck and Naeke, to deposit safe among my xtiii.rik.y. and side by side with my own collations of the codex Basileensis and editio Romana I, those collations by Dr. Sieber of the same codex, and by Dr. Dickson of the Hunterian exemplar of the editio Romana II, to which I owed my easy and bloodless victory, and tlien, hav- ing sung — no, not sung, for I am neither musical nor demonstra- tive, but hummed to myself — my to Paean, and inwardly prayed to my Mnemosyne that it might be reserved for Dr. Sieber, who had all the resources of the Basel library at command, to vindi- cate for its mal-signale, little-understood codex the position to which it is entitled in the mundus VirgiHanus (viz. not that of a mere transcript in MS. of editio Romana whether prima se- •cunda or tertia, but that of a MS. formed by skilled selection and rejection as well from the manuscript sources of the first printed editions as from the first printed editions themselves, in other words the honorable position of a one-exemplar edition in MS. of the works of Virgil, ere yet the one-exemplar MS. edition was — whether for good or for ill, let those say who know better than I — squeezed to death in the iron embrace of the hundred-thousand-armed Briareus of Mainz, tov y.a.i uTtsSSsicav ftajtocps? 6eot,), to take up, and proceed vw^itlt, the next lot of my well nigh forgotten second category. Ten MSS. in the Bibliothfeque Imperiale, Paris, viz. No. 639: saec. IX; fol.; parchm. ; Buc. Georg. and Aeneis as far as beginning of eleventh Book; corrected in many places and wanting several pages at the end of second and the beginning of third Book. No. 640: saec. X; smaller fol.; parchm.; seven last Books of the Aeneis, except beginning of sixth and end of twelfth; less corrected than No. 7926; from Convent of St. LVIII AENEIDEA. Germain-des-Pres. No. 7925; saec. X; smallest fol.; parchm.; "olim Colbertinus" ; Buc. Georg. Aen. No. 7926 : saec. X ; large foL; parchm. ; "olim Colbertinus"; Buc. Georg. Aen. except from V. 137 of twelfth Book; so much corrected that it is difficult, often impossible, to ascertain what has been the original read- ing; at the end of last page bears the signature: P. Pithou. No. 7927: saec. X; large fol.; parchm.; "olim Colbertinus"; Buc. Georg. Aen. \ all after first line of Book X in a more modern hand. No. 7928: saec. X; fol.; parchm.; "olim Baluzianus"; contains four Eclogues, the two first Georgics, seventh and eighth Books of Aeneis and of the ninth as far as v. 640; also part of fifth and part of sixth Book. No. 7929: saec. X; fol.; parchm.; "primum Petri Pithoei, postea Colbertinus"; the last seven Books of the Aeneis except the first 13 lines of sixth Book and all after V. 867 of twelfth; at the end bears the signature: P. Pithou. No. 7930: saec. XI; large fol.; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen.; Lombard hand. No. 7931: saec. XII; small folio (oblong); parchm.; Aeneis ; marked on fly leaf Codex Bigotianus, and bearing on the inside of the board the arms of Johannes Bigot. No. 8069: saec. X or XI; large fol,; parchm.; "primum Jac. Aug. Thuani, postea Colbertinus"; Buc. Georg. Aen. Besides these MSS., I consulted as to the reading "Parin creat" (Aen. 10,705) Nos. 7932, 7933, 7934, 7935, 7937, 7942, in the Biblioth^que Im- periale. A MS. in the Bibliotheque delaVille in ValencieiineS : "Volumen totum scriptum est circa a. d. 880" (Ant. Sander, Biblioth. Belgica manuscripta, Insulis, 1641); the following words inscribed on back of volume : hoc volumen magno fuit . . . TBMPOEE MiLONis ET HUEBALDi (who livcd in the ninth cen- tury); large 4 to; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen.; wi-itten in same character as Gudian No. 70, with similar annotations in similar, very small hand; very much corrected; written partly in double, mostly in single, column; in perfect preservation; formerly, be- longed to the convent of St. Amand. A MS. in the Bibliotheque de la Ville in St. Omer ; saec. XII; 8vo; parchm.; Aeneis only; Gothic minusculae. § v.] PREFACE. LIX Seven MSS. of the Harleian collection in the British Mu- seum, JLoudon; viz. No. 2457: saec. XV; 4to; parchm.; Bug. G-eorg. and Aen. from v. 155 of fifth Book; a bad MS. with many- lacunae. No. 2534: saec. XIII; parchm.; Buc. Geon/. Aen.; a good MS. thus panegyrized by Nares : "codex magni pretii, olim Collegii Agenensis Soc. les. x£i[ji.v)>.iov." No. 2668: saec. XII; parchm. ; Buc. Georg and Aen. as far as v. 678 of Book IV. No. 2701: "scriptus anno 1447"; 12 mo; parchm.; Buc. Georg. Aen. ; "oHm Aldi Manuti." No. 2744: saec. XV; Buc. Georg. Aen.; a bad MS. No. 2770: saec. XII; Aen. No. 3944: "codex, ut mihi videtur, saec. XV, cui assignatus est, multo antiquior et coUa- tione dignus," Nares (Gatal.); 4 to; Buc. Georg. Aen. A MS. in the library of Trinity College, Dnblin : saec. XII; fol. ; parchm. ; Buc. Georg. Aen. ; illuminated and handsome, but mutilated in several places ; no corrections. The MSS. of this category, being of much less importance than those of the preceding, I have cited, in my variae lectiones, not indiAHidually, or by name or special sign, but collectively, or, if I may so say, in groups or masses. In other words, I content myself with saying: so many read so and so, and so many, so and so; and, to be as brief as possible, place the number of MSS. which agree in a particular reading of a word or passage, and the entire number of MSS. I have consulted concerning the word or passage, in the relative positions of numerator and de- nominator of a fraction. Thus at v. 522 of the first Book, the numbers IX ^^/es and II ^"/es placed after cunctis and cuncti respectively, indicate that I have examined sixty-five second- class MSS. concerning the reading of the word, and that of these sixty-five second-class MSS., twenty-five read cunctis, while forty read ctjncti. All the MSS. constituting the first categoiy, I have collated from beginning to end at least once; the Vatican fragment, the Roman, the Palatine, and the Medicean, twice. Of the MSS. constituting the second category I have collated the Laurentian, Vatican, Paris and Dublin with a certain uniformity from be- LX AENEIDEA. ginning to end ; the others, after the end of the sixth Book, ir- regularly only. Such is the account I have had to give of the Virgilian MSS. which have come under my observation in my search after the true readings and ti'ue meanings of Virgil. If it contain little to interest the paleographer, let it be recollected that it has not been made for the paleographer but only for the Virgilian student, nor by a paleographer, but only by an investigator of the Virgilian sense, and not even of that sense generally, but only of that sense in one particular poem, the Aeneis. So little has it been my object to give an account of the ancient Latin MS. generally, or even of the Virgilian MS. itself generally, that it is only in some rare case, such as that of the Basel MS. F. III. 3, 1 have taken even the least notice of the often sufficiently numer- ous, motley and bizarre contents of the Virgilian MS. over and above the Bucolics, Georgics, and Aeneis. The bare enumer- ation, without one word either of note or comment, of these ekes, or, if I may so call them, co-tenants under the same roof, of one hundred transcripts of- the works of Virgil, had required not merely the corner of a preface but an entire preface, or even volume, for itself. The interblending of note and comment, ne- cessary to make such enumeration instructive and interesting, had required perhaps five-fold more space. It is an open field in which some lohann Albert Fabricius may yet distinguish himself I quote the Codex Canoniciamis, now in the Bodleian library at Oxford, from George Butler's collation (Oxford, 1854). My quotations of Servius have been all made either from the Dresden iServius, a fine, large folio, paper MS. in the royal library of that city, marked D. 136 in the library cat- alogue and described by Ebert {GeschicJite und Beschreibunq der Icon. Biblioth. zu Dresden) as well as by Wagner (Zimmer- mann, allgem. Schulz. 1830, n. 24), and which the authorities of the library, with an enlightened liberality little reciprocated by the authorities of British librai-ies, allowed me to take home to § VI.] PREFACE, LXI my lodgings and keep as long as necessary for the purposes of my work; or from Liion'lS no less excellent than unpreten- tious edition in two volumes, Grotting'en, 1836. § VI In as much as the printed editions, commentaries, treatises and detached observations constituting the third of the cate- gories into which I divide the sources of my variae lectiones^ are, with few exceptions, sufficiently accessible to those of my readers who may think it worth while to inquire into the exac- titude of my notices, and are, besides, invar ably referred to, in the course of my work, each of them by its own specific desig- nation, I omit here, as supererogatory, all such synoptical view of them as I have thought it expedient to give of the MSS. con- stituting the first and second categories, all of them more or less, some of them extremely, difficult of access, and — those of the second category in particular — either so wbolly without, or so little known by, distinctive names or characters, that even I myself quote them not individually, but only by groups ; in other words, my second-class MSS. not being individualized in the body- of my work, are individualized here in the preface ; editions, commentaries, treatises and observations, being indi- vidualized in the body of the work, are here in the preface passed by unnoticed, except these following, rarer and more re- markable, viz. The edition printed in Rome in 1469 by Sweyn- heim and Pannartz with the colophon : Aspicis illustris lector quicunque libellos Si cupis artificum nomina nosse: lege. Aspera ridebis cognomina teutona : forsan Mitiget ars musis inscia uerba uirum. Conradus suueynheym: Arnoldus panuartzque magistri Kome impresserunt talia multa simul. Petrus cum fratre Francisco maximus ambo Huic operi optatam contribuere domum. LXII AENEIDEA. This edition bears prefixed the epistle dedicatory of the editor, lohannes Andreas, bishop of Aleria, to Pope Paul II, an epistle consigned by succeeding editors— no doubt on account of its unwieldy length — to the tomb of all the Capulets, but which I am fain to disinter and present here at full to my readers, that it may be at their option to hear or not, as it were from his own lips, with what views and what feelings the editor of the first printed Virgil, committed his work, just four hundred years ago, to that wonderful multiplier which was before long to produce editions almost as speedily, correctly, and cheaply, as were then produced by the pen single copies: Eloquentie splendore et rerum dignitate locupletiorem Virgilio'poetam, unum fortasse Homerum Greci, nullum certe Latini invenient, quern merito linguae lattnae excellent! ingenio Viri delicias nuncupant; quan- quam ne poetarum quidem caeteris vel Grecis vel Romanis proprie com- mendationes, ut verae ita ingentes, desunt. Maronem igitur, veluti faoun- diae dulcioris formatorem, pueris decantandum et perdiscendum tradimus; ita excoli ac fingi ingeniorum amoenitatem iudicantes, si poetae suavis im- primis atque castigati facundissima carmina cum nutricis lacte misoean- tur. Hac nos potissimum ratione, cum iam ab impi-essoribus nostris ef- flagitarentur poetae, Pater beatissime, Paule II, Venete, Pontifex Maxime, a Mantuani vatis operibus poetarum exprimendorum initia, domino auxi- liante, sumus auspioati, caeteros item temporibus idoneis, prouttibi placere didicerimus, per ordinem omnes impressuri. Ut autem in eo quoque velut perpetuam moris nostri servaremus rationem, quicquid Maronis soripto- rum indepti sumus, quantum quidem fuimus intelligendo in tanta tamque mendosa exemplariorum raritate, multorumque eiusmodi prope desuetu- dine, immo vero internecione, in corpus unum omne compegimus, laborio- siore licet nobis studio, arbitrantes tamen magnum nos discendi cupidis ad dootrinam compendium allaturos. Qua in voluntate, quoniam facile fieri potest, ut rectius nonnulla et frugalius efBci potuerint, ingrati erunt mea opinione lectores, nisi quicunque veriora habuerint exemplaria, et ipsi sua in medium prompserint; qui vero acrius perspiciunt, ac doctius, quod a mendo sit longius, nobis quoque communicaverint. Ut enim tu maxime omnium nosti, pater beatissime, qui quidem veritatis cathedram tenes, non lucri aviditate, non laudis ambitione, non iaoiendis bonorum amplioribus fundamentis, non vite degendae necessitate, non denique ullius imperantis arbitrio, tanto buic operi ardore insistimus, quod est re- vera difficillimum, neque interquiescendi unquam spatii quicquid sinit. Sola nos gratificandi tibi, et per te amatoribus doctrinarum omnibus ingens atque infatigabilis voluntas tenet ; qua excerpta, desit verbo invidia. § VI.] PKEFACE. LXIII nullum esse opinor premium, quod par huic labori atferri queat. Opere precium illud equidem amplum ratus sura, quod tibi studium nostrum cordi esse scio, pater beatissime. Quo circa iion prius oneri me subduoam, quam quicquid in egregiis est voluminibus, quamplurimis adiuvero exein- plaribus communicari, quantum fieri poterit, verissime; eo etiam fidelius ac promptius, quod nannuUos audio, quibus ut felix ao faustum sit deum omnipotentem queso, in huiusmodi artificio aut iam coepisse, aut non multo post pro virili coepturos laborare. Quod velim, te propitio, pater beatissime, fiat a plurimis, ut nullum qualibet in facultate opus sit, quod expositum pauperibus studiosis vili non inveniatur. Ceterum quia om- nibus kominibus pernotum est; bonore praecipue ac premio artes ali, ex quo sane fonte versus ille cantatur : Sint Mecenates, non deerunt Flacce Marones; attentus lector ex hoc facile discet volumine, in quo, si non om- nia, plura certe Virgilii sunt opuscula, quantum, honore praemioque pro- posito, divini perfecerit auimi atque orationis vates, ubi fortunam minime imparem sue adesse sensit Industrie, et doctas lucubrationes suas princi- pum orbis terre douis et honoribus cumulari. lacentem sane, immo laten- tem, et obscurum adhuc Maronem fuisse ostendit prope borridus, certe incultus, poete divini Culex, nisi si exprimitur a me hac confessione in- genii mei tenuitas atque hebetudo crassioris. Equidem Culicem Maroni- oum ingenue fateor, vix me ad plenum intellexisse, iterata etiam atque etiam lectione; neque ob id modo, quod inemendatum habui exemplar, que res plurimum obstare intellectioni solet, quinimmo ob id quoque, quoniam, dum id pangeret carmen, novicius adhuc poeta, natalis soli plus quam Castalii fontis preferens, tantus postmodum futurus totius latinitatis excultor ac prope summus doctrinarum omnium arbiter vates, nee quid ageret satis perspiciebat, nee quomodo eloqueretur facillime reperiebat; magisque inclyti poete adeptum postea nomen, quam proprius ullus nitor, et ipsi Culici, et opusculorum nonniillis, quasi nihil ex amplissimo illo in- genio non absolutum prodierit, peperit alioquin neglectis eternitatem. Omitto Actionem nuUibi in eo poeta minus elegantem. dicendi filum, ar- temque desidero. Eminet sane tamquam stupentis adhuc, nee satis nu- merosi ingenii dictionis facies quaedam salebrosa et coacta profecto; non fluit naturalis ilia quidem, sed affectata qualis potest eluctatur oratio. At in Diris, hoc est in execrabilis voti cantilena, Maro minus quidem vide- tur compeditus, non eousque tamen explicitus, ut poetico ad plenum cen- seas adipe saginatum. Copa incedit pexior ac moUior, et uberiore Pieri- dum haustu saltat hilarior. Est et non Virgilianum versiculi concinentes, ingenii satis, et non parum Industrie redolent. Vir ipse bonus et sapiens Maronicus, philosophic quidem multum habet, et non minimum elegan- tie. Rose, ut non enitent plurimum, rosas quoque ipsas, que odorem suum late non diffundunt, imitate, ita haudquaquam nitore deficiunt, atque suavitate. Lepidius multo est Moretum, et quantum gustus iudicare LXIV AENEIDEA. potest meus, etsi suam queque lactucam habeant labra, multum elegans, tantum post se Culicem relinquit, quantum ad Virgilianam, quae paulo post late effulsit, accedit propria suavitate dignitatem. Priapeam illam quidem spurce nimium scriptam, non inelegantem esse fateor ; sed an op- timi atque modestissimi sit vatis, quoniam_ nonnuUi ambigunt, nequaquam asseruerim. Ea tamen, si honesti tantum haberet, quantum latinitatis ostendit, forsitan posset operibus vigilatissimis comparari. Quae preter haec opuscula in nostro sunt codice, me arbitro, nemo epithaphii versi- culis duobus exceptis, vati tribuet Mantuano. Ex ingenio ilia quisque ceusebit suo. Ego omnes obsecro per te, pater beatissime, studiosos, ut grate civilique animo laboribus nostris faveant, tueque sacrosanctae ma- iestati, sancte item Komane ecclesie ac Christianae sospitati felicissimam perpetuitatem exoptent. Vale. Collated in the Laiirentian and Vatican libraries. Thie edition printed in Rome in 1471 by the same printers, with the s%me colophon, and presenting, on the first folio, the epigraph of the bishop of Aleria's letter recommendatory of this, his second edition, to Pomponius Infortunatus : "lohannis Andree episoopi Aleriensis in Cyrno, id est Corsica insula, in secundam Virgilii impressionem ad Pomponium Infortunatum suum epistola. followed immediately by the letter itself in two parts, the first part, from "Eloquentie splendore" as far as "perpetuitatem ex- optent. Vale.", being a copy of the same bishop's letter recom- mendatory of his former edition to pope Paul II (for which see ed. Rom. I, above) and the second part, viz. from "Hucusque" to the end, the bishop's letter proper to Pomponius Infortunatus himself, in these words : Hucusque epistolam oluseram, amantissime Pomponi, in superiore eden- da impressione Virgiliana, in qua tu testis es optimus, nostros artifices plus, nescio quomodo, quam communiter solent, dormitasse. Dein ipse antiquitatis totius studiosissimus, Maronis taraen aliquanto amicicior, dedisti operam, ut ex manibus tuis autiquissimum Virgilii exemplar, maiusculis characteribus descriptum, vix carptim possem evolvere. Erant in eo, quod meministi, minus prime Bucolicorum Egloge ; Georgica, Eneisque absoluta. Preterea nihil. Fateor aliquibus iji locis et verbis codicem mihi vetustum ilium iudicatum esse nostro veriorem. Et si fieri poterit, quod scero, ut possim diutius ilium per dominum eius in meis manibus tenere, diligen- tissime curaturum me spondeo, ut tertia fiat impressio, ne quid omnino videatur ex virgiliana a nostris maiestate desiderari. Tu tamen mihi etiam § VI.] PREFACE. LXV Etnam Maronis et Cirin, integras quidem, sed inemendatas, Catalecton vero etiam corruptius, et imperfectum tradidisti. Vitam item divini vatis brevissime scriptam, et nonnullos summarios operis versiculos, eos quo- que, quiHortuli nomine inscribuntur, que ego omnia, diligentia tua, ut de- bui, mirum in modum oblectatus, ascribi huic nove impressioiii curavi, tali tamen couditione, ut si quid imprimendo nostri artifices enarint, tua sit etiam emendandi cura, qui ut hec legi a pluribus possent sedulitate tua effecisti. Vale. That this edition, commonly called Romana secunda, is not a mere reprint of the preceding (Romana prima or princeps) with a new letter dedicatory, and the addition of the several parti- culae enumerated in that letter, but presents, along with those particulae, a revision of the text, at least of the Aeneis, appears from a comparison of fifty-five readings taken partly by myself from the Laurentian, partly by the Rev. Dr. Dickson and Ro- bert B. Spears Esq. at my request from the Hunterian, exemplar of this edition, with the readings of the prima taken by myself from the Vatican and Laurentian exemplaria; according to which comparison the two editions differ in five of the fifty-five places compared. the prima reading whereas t A en 1, 740: "immensum" "in mensam jj 2, 179: "auxere"' "aduexere" )j 2, 331: "nunquam" "unquam" J) 4, 168: "connubiis" "connuhii" J) 6, 96: "quam" "qua" This second edition, therefore, is not a mere reprint of the first, but a veritable new edition exhibiting a certain variety of read- ings. That it should be so, was to be expected a priori, as well from the appeal made by the editor, in the letter introductory of the editio prima, to the possessors of MSS., both to commu- nicate readings which might be better than those adopted in the prima, and to produce, for the common good, any "exemplaria" they were in possession of, which might be "veriora" than that which he, the editor of the prima, had used, ''Qua in voluntate quoniam facile iieri potest ut rectius noiinulla et frugalius effici potuerint, ingrati erunt mea opinione lectores, nisi quicunque veriora habuerint exemplaria, et ipsi sua in medium promps- erint, qui vero acrius perspiciunt ac doctius quod a mendo sit longius, nobis quoque communicaverint.". LXVI AENEIDEA. as from the acknowledgment in the letter introductory to the editio secunda, of the editor's receipt from his friend, Pomponius Infortunatus, of a MS. which, although he had not had it long enough in his hands to make a thorough collation of it, he ne- vertheless thought was more to be relied on than the MS. he had previously used : "Fateor aliquibus in locis et verbis codicem mihi vetustum ilium iudicatum esse nostro veriorem." And such, on examination, the editio Romana secunda proves to be : viz. a new edition, in which some of the gross typographical errors of the previous edition have been corrected, and several new particulae added, but of which the few new readings have been obtained less "ope codicum" than ope codicis, viz. of that codex for which the editor, in his introductory letter, thanks his friend. The expression "codicum ope longe emendatior," should hardly have escaped from the pen of a critic, who, himself an editor both of Virgil and Homer, had only to pause a moment to re- collect that MS. codices at the period of which he was writing, viz. that of the renaissance, were not collected, as in his own time and at present, in great libraries ostensibly and, with few exceptions (of which, elsewhere), really, for public use and ,of sufficiently easy access, but either lay buried in monasteries, and the sacristies of basilicas and cathedrals, or were the pri- vate property of individuals by whom they were guarded as jealously as were ever fair Circassians in eastern harems. The Goettingen editor of Virgil in 1767- — 1775, had only to ask him- self was it at all probable that the same person who had found it so difficult, so all but impossible, to obtain MS. codices for the Lucan he was editing in Rome in 1469 llo. Ad. episcopi Aleriensis ad Paulum II Venetum. Pont. Max. Epistola. * Hoc tempore, pater beatissime, Paule II, Venete, Pontifex maxime, bonam primum valctudinem ab omnipotenti deo per castissimas tuas preces opto, ut incredibili queam sufficere recognoscendi onevi, prius alieno rogatu suscepto. * A reference to, or short extract from, this letter, was perhap.s all that was required for my argument. Having, however, given at full length, above, the same editor's two letters introductory of the two first printed Virgils, I could not bring myself to treat as stepchild this his letter introductory of the first printed Lucan, no less interesting in itself than either, and illustrative of, and illustrated by, both. To treat this letter in another re- § VI.] PREFACE. LXVI] nunc manibus pedibusque, ut aiunt, mea sponte ita complexo, ut nulla videar posse difficultate revocari. Liberalem deinde illis animum dari, libros suos, quicunque habent, in medium exponendi, ut variorum exemplarium fideliore subsidio, facilius possim, alioquin tantopere* pauper ingenii, publico studiosorum commodo subservire. Aut si quos tanta occupavit vel rusticitas, ut multos, vel iuvidia, ut plures, vel item avaricia, ut nonnullos, ne eorum charte vilescant, quas ut predam, harpyiarum more, unguibus retinent, saltern in meam vel sug- gillationem, vel ruborem, nostram praesentem operam irridentes, carpant, modo proferant sua ipsi, vel ex Ubris, vel ex ingenio locupletiore, veriora. Tauto enim ardore flagramus huius quidem liberalise ceterum negotiosi ocii, ut dummodo prosimus litteratis, nostro etiam queamus in re huiusmodi dedecore gloriari. Ceteri sane stomacharentur, atque egre ferrent, ingratis, quales sunt multi, sue tempestatis hominibus, studia peritiora, et vigilie multum habentia, exhibere. Xos, absit ut egre feramus banc, Vere dixerim, inhumanitatem,. Neque enim nostri tantum aevi hominibus inservioius, sed futuris omnibus vacamus, cupientes quidem presentium voluntatem, sed non minus utilitatem futurorum. Nostra in eo virtus ob id clarior forsitan extabit, quod ne ingratitudine quidem irritati quo- rundam, nobis negantium exemplaria, ab optimo instituto fuerimus revocati. Sed deo gratia, optimo maximo, et tibi, pater beatissime, quod ex sacro Colligio Car- spect, too, with the same affection with which I have treated its cousins german, as well as to make this my free gift of it no less valuable than I flatter myself was that of its rela- tives, I have taken the same pains with respect to it as I took with respect to them, and presented my reader not with a transcript either of Quirini's or Botfield's transcript, but with a transcript of the letter itself as it stands in the princeps Lncan collated for me in the British Museum by my friend, J.P.DaviesEsq., on his way from Dublin to Paris, and to make which collation, one of the three proprietors of the largest and best private school in Ire- land paid me the compliment of submitting to be treated in the manner noticed in his letter to me enclosing the collation : "British Museum, July 4, 1872. - - I have got the book. Cost Lord Grenville 1166 francs. No title. It is a large-paper exemplar, and not allowed to be taken out of the Grenville library ; so that I am now there. Besides, they are now looking for the small-paper exemplar in the King's library, lest I should blot this. Great ceremony is used about the book. I would defy Hermes himself to steal it." Ineed hardly assure my readers that precautions which might have been effectual against the god of thieves himself, were not ineffectual against my friend Mr. Davies, and that the master of the Kingstown school not only did not steal, but did not even attempt to steal, the book. But it is only right to assure them that Mr. Davies performed the almost equally difficult feat of making the collation for me and them, and that a gentleman, accustomed only to the pri- vacy of his own library, or the courteous prevenance of the authorities of the library of the Dublin university, was able so to abstract himself mentally from the Argus surveillance to which he was physically subjected in the British Museum, as not merely to make the colla- tion required, but to detect the errors of previous collators, and so to render the book it- self more intelligible than it ever was before, even to its own most jealous owners: fas est et a fure doceri. See Modena edition, below. The epigraph omitted by some chance from the beginning of the letter, in the princeps Lucan, and only inserted after the colophon, I have restored to its proper place. * In the original, tpe; Mr, Davies's rendering of this contraction by tantopere, restores meaning to a passage of which Quirini's and Botfield's rendering of the contraction by temp ore, had made absolute nonsense. LXVIII AENEIDEA. dinalium tue sanctitatis fratrum, nemin^m adhuc repperimus, nostris studiis non incredibilitor affectum atque favorabilem, adeo ut quo maior sit in eis dignitatis splendor, eo etiam humanitas plenior elucescat, quod utinam de ceteris gradibus dicere vere possemus, forsitan essemus aliquando nonnullis de laboribus libe- rati, sed sciart tenaces isti, non se libros amare, sed chartas, quibus pro ingrati- tudine hoc solum recipimus, nos tanto plus laudis merituros, qui quidem sumus* etiam in avarissimos chartarum bonorum librorum copie munifice liberales. Sed iam M. Annaei Lucani vitam, deinceps poema Canorum audiamus.lj should, only two years later, viz. in 1471, have fonnd MS. codices so ready to his hand for the amended edition of Vir- gil he waspublishinginthe same city, as to justify the application to that edition, of the words : "codicum ope longe emendatior"? and his common sense would have answered: no; it is not prob- able, and would have recommended him, instead of presenting his readers with an idealized portrait of the first editor of Virgil luxuriating among MSS., to adhere to nature, and copy, for their use and behoof, the portrait which the first editor of Virgil had drawn of himself starving in the midst of plenty, searching, inquiring, beseeching, begging for MSS., and at long and last obtaining one, too late to be of much use for the present edition, but which, if its owner would allow it to remain so long in his hands, might be useful for a third. Alas ! diis aliter visum, and we have, in 1475, not the first Virgilian editor's third edition of Virgil but the first Virgilian editor's epitaph, on a tomb in front of the high altar in the church of S. Pietro in Vincoli in Rome (Mazzuchelli, Scrittori cP Italia) : 10 : AN. EPO. ALBRIEN. GNE. DE BUXIS. PATEIA. VIGLIEVAN. XYSTI IV. PON. MAX. REF. BYBLIOT. SECRETARIOQUB VENERANDO. SENATUI. AC TOTI EC- CLESSIAE.CAEO.QUI.PUITPIETATE.FIDB.LITTERISINSIGNIS.DEPATRIA.PA- RENTIBUS.AMICIS.ET OMNIBUS BENEMEEITDS. lACOBUS FR. GEE.PIBNTIS- SIME. VIX. AN. LVII. M. VI. D. XII. OBIIT AN. lOBELEI 1 475. PRID. NON. PEBR. I cannot take leave of the first editor of Virgil without wishing he had left us some more explicit data than: "anti- * In the original, scimus; plainly, as I think, amistake, in the printing of tlie edition, for sumus, s u written with a pen being hardly distinguishable by an illiterate compositor, from sci. sinius (Quii'ini, Bottield), written with a pen, is much less similar to, and there- fore much less likely to have been mistaken by a printer's compositor for, scimus. § VI.] FEEFACE. LXIX qnissimnm Virgilii exemplar : maiusculis characteribus descrip- tvT.m .... Erant in eo quod meininisti : minus prime Bucolicorum Egloge. Georgica Eneisque absoluta. Preterea nihil.", from whence to determine what MS. it was which he obtained from the hands of Pomponius Infortunatus, and on which he counted so much for his third edition. The data he has left us are in- deed sufficient to convict Heyne of error in asserting that the MS. was the "Oblongus Pierii" [de Virg. edd. : "In priore excu- denda non admodum bonis codicibus editor erat instructus; in altera Pompoiiii librum adhibuerat ; atqui is nuUus alius fuisse videtur quam Oblongus Pierii.") ,ifor how could a MS. wanting, as Pomponius's MS. wanted, the first Eclogues ("minus prime Bucolicorum Egloge"), be the MS. quoted by Pierius in the first Eclogue seven times, in the second four times, in the third fom* times, in the fourth three times, in the fifth four times, and in the sixth twice? but they are not sufficient fully and incontro- vertibly to establish the identity of Pomponius's MS. with the Medicean of Heinsius and Foggini, at present in the Laurentian library in Florence; for, however certainly that MS. presents the four characters : "antiquissimum Virgilii exemplar : maius- culis characteribus descriptum . . . Erant in eo quod memi- nisti: minus prime Bucolicorum Egloge. Georgica Eneisque ab- soluta. Preterea nihil.", it is still possible that some other MS. not the Medicean, may have presented the same four characters, and been the MS. referred to by the bishop. Happily, however, even this remaining uncertainty is removed by the double ob- servation just now made to me by my daughter, viz. that the liber Colotianus so frequently quoted by Fulvius Ursinus in his Ih'rg. collat. script. Graec. illustr., so frequently seen and exa- mined by him ("vidi in optimo libro illo Colotiano," "animad- verti in libro Colotiano"), so 'frequently designated by him "an- tiquus" and "vetustissimus," could have been no otherthan the Medicean itself, called at that time the Colotian from its recent possessor Colotius, as it was subsequently called the Carpensian from its subsequent possessor, the cardinal prince of Carpi, and as it is at present called the Medicean from its late possessors, the Medici, dukes of Tuscany : and tliat this liber Colotianus LXX AENEIDEA. is expressly stated by the same authority (ad Aen. 8, 690) to have belonged to Pomponius Laetus before it belonged to Co- lotius: "Liber Angeli Colotii qui fuit Pomponii Laeti.", a statement Wlticll, notwithstanding its repetition by cardinal Rocca (himself, no less than Ursinus, librarian of the Vatican) in his Bibliotheca Vaticana (Rome, 1591) p. 401, "Hie codex antiquior est Virgilio (viz. Virgilii codiee Komano) qui extat in Biblioth,eca Vaticana, necnon Virgilio qui olim fuit Pomponii Laeti, deinde Angeli Colotii, episcopi Nucerini, et in bibliotheca ex- tat Medicea." and its corroboration by the fact I have myself ascertained, that of the sixty-four Colotian readings quoted by Ursinus, no less than sixty-two (that remarkable one, "Arva" Aen. 1, 554 — found in the Medicean alone of seventy MSS. I have myself ex- amined specially for it — inclusive) are identical with the readings of the Medicean as taken whether by Foggini or by myself and daughter, IiaS yet been so entirely ignored by recent Virgilian critics, tliat 'we liave both Heyne and Wagner continually quoting Colotian and Medicean readings side by side, without even so much as once suspecting that readings agreeing with each other so marvelously — so much more closely than it is usual even for copies to agree with ori- ginals — might possibly be the readings neither of two different MSS. one of which was a copy of the other, nor of two different copies of the same archetype, but of one and the same MS. known at different times under different names: Heyne, ad Georg 2, 433: "Abest hie versus a Mediceo, et aberat ab Ursini Colotiano," on which observation of Heyne's Wagner observes: "Sic solet Colotiauus Mediceum sequi. Itaque hi libri duo unius instar habendi." Heyne, ad Georg. 4, 3-01 : "'obsuitur' Heinsius re- posuit ex unico Mediceo, in quo 'opsuitur' ut et in Gudian. a m. pr.'' where Wagner: "revocavi 'obstruitur' ; neque enim licet poetis quid- vis pro quovis ponere. Ceterum Mediceus et Colotianus unius testis pondus habent." Heyne, ad Aen. 2, 783 : '"res Italae' Medio, et Co- lot, ap. Ursin. miro lusu.," where Wagner: "Medic, et Colot. unius libri instar sunt." Heyne, ad Aen. 3, 673: "'Contremuere,' Medic, cum Colot.," where Wagner: "Quanquam unius codicis instar sunt Medic, et Colot., tamen 'Contremuere' non dubitavi restituere Virgilio." § VI.] PREFACE. LXXI Heyne, ad Aen. 4, 3'ii: '"horrida dicta,' Medic, et Colot. Ursini," where Wagner: "sunt autem hi duo codices unius instar." Heyne, ad Aen. J, 4,57: '"nunc deinde' Medic. . . cum Colot,,'' where \\'agner: "Mediceum autem et Colotianum unius libri instar esse iam aliquoties dictum.'' Heyne, ad Aen. o, 86U: '"voce vocantem' Colot. iMedic. et Moret. sec," where Wagner: "Colotianum et Mediceum unius libri instar habendos saepe iam dictum." Heyne, ad Aen. 6, 777 : "'gentes' Medic, a m. pr. et sic Colot.," where Wagner: "'gentes,' quae est prior Medicei lectio, si sensum spectamus, recte poterit defendi; sed quum i ■ in eodem ab antiqua mauu superscriptum sit 'terrae,' nolui illud ex ' unius huius codicis incerta fide recipere ; nam Colotianum et Mediceum unius testis instar esse saepe iam vidimus." Heyne, ad Aen. 10^ 22U: "'Cybebe' debetur Heinsii doctriuae, qui Colot. et Gud. sequutus est cum Leidensi.", where AVagner: "'Cybebe' etiam Medic, teste Fog- ginio, ([uem A'erum vidisse eo probatur quod Colotianus et Mediceus \ mire inter se consentiunt." Heyne, ad Aen 12, 520: "'Limina' e Colot. et Mediceo . . receptum est a Burmanno.,^' where Wagner: "Mediceum autem et Colotianum unius instar esse codicis iam vidi- mus aliquoties." nay, tliat we liave one of those critics going so far in the opposite direction as to identify in his imagination (the imagi- nation, of course, of a Virgilian critic who had never been out of Germany, who had never even so much as once seen a ve- tustissimus codex Virgilii) the "vetustissimus Colotianus," the "optimus ille codex Colotianus" of Fulvius Ursinus, the codex Colotianus quoted by Fulvius Ursinus in the twelfth Book of the Aeneis no less than four times, not Only with the codex Colotianus numbered 1575 in the Vatican library, a codex of the latter end of the twelfth century, and in which the whole twelfth Book of the Aeneis, except the first five verses, is wanting, ,^ Bottari, {Fragm. Vat. praef. p. 9): Cod. Vat. 1575, membr. in fine saec. XII scriptus. Codex hie fuit Angeli Colotii. . . . Veteris autem scripturae finis est ad V. 661 libri IX. Verum recentjore manu reli- qua suppleta sunt usque ad initium libri XII, cuius primi quinque ver- sus tantum hie habentur.'' bnt (potz tausend!) with a Colotian MS. not even of Virgil but only of Servius, THeyn. vol. 4, p. 612 {de Virg. codd. MSS): "Codex Colotianus Fulvii Ursini, qui olim- Angeli Colotii fuerat, quemque Ursinus bibliotheeae Vaticanae intulit, ubi nunc num. 157.0 servatur. Vide de eo Ursin. LXXII AENEIDEA. ad Eel. 8. 44. etBottarii praef. ad Pragm. Vat. p. 11 [9]. Varietatem ex eo passim notavit Ursinus in Virgilio collat. Script. Graec. illustrate. Consentit in multis cum Mediceo, vide v. c. Ge. 3. 236, 236. Perve- tustum eum appellabat Ursinus; in fine tamen saec. XII scriptum censet Bottarius." for "ad Eel. 8. 44/' ^what is it Ursinus says, but precisely : "Quam lectionem ut veram putemus adducit nos primum libri pervetusti auctoritas confirmata prae'sertim testimonio Servii manu- scripti qui fuit olim Angeli Colotii, nunc bibliothecae Vaticanae, in quo diserte scriptum est: 'Aut Marus, aut Rho- dope'." (F. Ursin. Notae ad Servium, Eel. 8. 44)? A considerable chapter is thus added to the history of the Medicean, and we are now enabled to trace this most important of all known Virgilian MSS. uninterruptedly downwards from the library of Pomponius Laetus on the Quirinal (or, if you please, from the library of Pomponius Infortunatus on the Qui- rinal , the same individual calling himself — according to the no less mischievous than absurd fashion afterwards so preva- lent among learned men and of which this very Pomponius, if he was not the actual inventor, affords at least one of the earliest examples — at one time Pomponius Laetus, and, at another time, Pomponius Infortunatus) to the library, lately of the Medici, now of the king of Italy, in Florence ; thus : In the library of Pomponius Laetus (born 1425, died 1497) ; lent by Pom- ponius Laetus in 1471 to the bishop of Aleria for the formation of the editio Romana secunda ; in the library of Angelus Colotius (born 1467, died 1549), secretary to pope Leo X in 1521, and successor of Pomponius Laetus as head of the Acade- mia Romana founded by the latter; in the pOSSeSiSion of cardinal Antonio del Monte (born 1461, died 1533) [o] ; be- qneathed by cardiiial Antonio del Monte to his nephew, cardinal Grian Maria del Monte, pope Julius III from 1550 to 1555, [h] ; preisented by pope Julius III to his brother Bal- duino's adopted son, Innocenzio del Monte, afterwards cardinal Innocenzio del Monte [c]; lent by cardinal Innocenzio del Monte to cardinal Rodulfi, prince of Carpi (born 1500, died 1564), [(^]; kept posisession of by cardinal Rodulfi, §vi.l PREFACE. LXXIII prince of Carpi, contrary to the will and pleasure of cardinal Innocenzio del Monte [e], and, from its possession by the former for so long a period (even up to his death), called codex Car- p ens i s , and cited as such, especially by Aldus Manutius, PauUi Manutii f. everywhere in the second edition of his Orthographiae ratio published in 1566 ; bequeathed by cardinal Rodulfi to the Vatican (Aldus Manutius P. Manutii f. Orthogr. ratio, p. 22: "bibliothecae Vaticanae testamento legatus"); restored by pope Pius V to cardinal Innocenzio del Monte [/]; soli- cited from cardinal Innocenzio del Monte by Cosmo, first grand duke of Tuscany \cj], and obtained at a great price . (Bandini, Gatal. codd. Latin, bibl. Medic. Laurent, tom. 2, col. 291: "ingenti pretio ab heredibus cardinalis Rodulphi Pii Car- pensis redemtus"). " \vhicli will not, speak then to me, who neither bpg nor fear your favors nor your hate. LXXXVI AENEIDEA. A considerable part of this preface was written in Dresden in November 1 865, on my return with my daughter from Italy, after our last collation of the Vatican and Laurentian MSS.; that part which refers more especially to the Augustan MS., was written in Rome in the previous January, and the remainder at Dalkey Lodge, Dalliey, Ireland, simultaneously with the print- ing of this volume. Dalkey Lodge, JAMES HENRY. Oct. 10. 1872. Fr. = Cod. Vaticanus No. 3:^25 (Vat Fragment). Rom. = Cod. Komanus. Pal. = Cod. Palatinus. Med. = Cod. Mediceus Ver. = Cod. Veronensis resoriptus. St. Gall. == Coil. Sangallensis rescriptus. prefixed to any of these abbreviations signifies that the codex is so mu- tilated or otherwise deficient as to afford no testimony concerning the reading in question. Where, in the Var. Led., I take particular notice of punctuation I draw the reader's attention to such particular notice by the abbreviation punct. prefixed. In a few cases I have thought it advisable, for the sake of greater clearness, to cite with punctuation a reading which has just been cited without punctuation. The perpendicular stroke | indicates punct- uation, without specifying the particular kind. ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. Pref. p. VI. At end of note, .idd : "To the authorities quoted by Schuchardt may be added: Theodor Creize- nach, der name Virgilms fJalirh. fiir Philol. 1SG8, p. 29GJ: "Die einzige iins Uberlieferte inschrift in Griechischer sprache, die unseres dichters nameii ent- lialt, stammt von dem denkmal des Clandianus, das zu anfang des fiinften jli. auf dem forum Trajani erriclitot wurde: in derselben wird dem Clandianus nach- geruhmt, evhabe siv EVi Bioy.X'.rjio voov xat [iousav Ojj.r)pou vereinigt. die .schi'eib- ung mit i ist bier unbezweifelt.'" Pref. p. XIII, line 8 from bottom, instead of equa, read equal Pref. p. XV, line 7 from top: ^uidem is a mistake of Mabillon's Aldvis Junior writes pri de m. Pref. p. XVIII, line 5 from top, after see above insert within the parenthesis: and Prolegomena, p. 225: "Sed haec, quae coUegit Suriu- garus, Hist. Scholl. Latl. 2. 152 sqq., num revera in Mediceo libro adnotata vel sint vel fuerint, docebunt ipsae membranae si cui inspicere concessum fuerit. Unum ad Eel. 10. 66 scholion revera in eo extare testatur specimen paginae ab Heinsio expressum." Pref p. XVIII, line 4 from bottom: dele Curtius, or Pref. p. XXI, line 1 1 from top ; instead ofmoenads, read maenads, Pref. p. XXXI, after line 24 from top, add: For an identification of this MS. both with the Colotian so frequently quoted by Fulv. Ursinus, Virgiliiis collatione scriptorum Graecorum illu- stratun, and with the MS. lent by Pomponius Infortunatus to the bishop of Aleria for the formation of his second edition of Virgil, as well as for a specification of the successive possessors of the MS., from Pomponius In- fortunatus do^vn to the present time, see pages LXVIII— LXXIV of this preface. Pref. p. XL, line 18 from top, after Memmi insert: (see Rossini, Storia della pithira Italiana, Pisa, 1839. epoca 1, tav. 16). Aen. p. 23, line 3 from bottom, after at once insert: "simul flare sor- bereque" Aen. p. 107, line 12 from top, supply comma after et ' Aen. p. 115, line 2 from bottom, supply comma after example Aen. p. 120, line 13 from bottom, dele parenthetic mark, and add: Claud. Laud. Slilich. 3. 282 : "posita ludat formidine pastor securisque canat Stjlichonem fistula silvis."). h< I AENEIDEA, BOOK I. ml— 15. That it is with less anxiety than he had anticipated, the au- thor now at long and last commits to publication these first sheets — primitiae of an undertaking so much in excess of his powers — is due no less to the general approbation expressed of Ihem by those judges to whose censorship they have been submitted, than to the careful revison they have received at the hands of his kind friends, J. P. Davies Esq. of Kingstown, editor of the Choephoroe and Agamemnon of Aeschylus, and Dr. Franz Schnorr von Carols- feld, secretary of the royal library, Dresden. .41 j'J- ■■at>U<\ AENEIDEA,: vv. 16-314. Since the publication of the First Volume of the Aeneidea the author has died, his death having been, apparently, accelerated by the death of his daughter, £atharin« Olivia, his fellow labourer and only child. He, however, left to trustees the pubhcafion of the remaining, and by far the larger, portion of the work, the manuscript of which was fortunately complete ; and to one of those trustees, John Fletcher Davies, the author specially and confidently entrusted the superintendence of the literary part of the work. Dalkey" Lodge, Dalket (I«blasd), June, 1877. AENEIDEA. I. 1—4. ILLE MARTIS VAS. LECT. u.i,E — MAKTis II g^. Ill Serv. (ed. Lion) proem ("Unde et semiplenos eius invemmus versiculos: Hie cursus fuit; et aliquos detractos, ut in principio ; nam ab akjhs non coepit, sed sic : ille ego etc. — maetis.") and again, Comm. ad aema ("cum eum constet aliunde sumpsisse prin- cipium . qua causa illi, ab eo primi positi, quatuoi' versus detract! sunt ; scilicet, ut causa operis obtineret principium") ; Priscian 12, 17 ; Rome 1469, 1473; Venice 1470, 1471, 1472, 1475; Ascensius; Aldus (1514) ; Pierius ; Paul. Manutius; Jul. Seal. Foet. 5, 17 ("quae qui ab- stulere, suam faciunt Aeneidem, non Maronis"); Fabric; Caro; D. Heins.; N. Heins. (1670, 1671); Philippe; Brunek; Pettier; Wagn. 1832 ("Virgilii esse hos versus censeo"). 32 ' ILLE — MARTIS OMITTED I Rom., Med. II .=-^. omitted or stigmatized 5 in Priscian, Formula interrogandi (ignored by) ; Cynth. Cenet. ; N. Heins. (1704); Markland (ad Stat. Silv. 5, 3, «); Heyne; Wakef.; Jahn; Thiel; Grraser {Hall. Allg. Lit. Zeit. Oct. 1835); Voss; Hildebrandt (Jahrb. fiir class. Fhilol. 26, 157) ; SUpfle; Peerlk.; Ladewig; Haupt; Gruppe ; Kibb. ; Coningt. ; Weidner (ignored by). 0. FV., Pal., St. Gall., Ver. This last mentioned codex, so far as yet deciphered, does not contain the verses ille —maetis. It is not im- possible however, that those verses may yet be discovered under the AENEIDEA [1-4 later writing of some folio in a different part of the codex. The folios, as they are at present placed, succeed each other in the order of the later work, not in the order of the Aeneis, and in the folio commen- cing with ARMA ViKUMQUE (viz. follo 256 of the later work) there is nothing whatever, neither larger initial letter, nor greater empty space than usual at the top of the folio, nor any other sign, to indicate that that folio, when it.formed a part of the Aeneis, was not preceded by a folio containing the verses in question. Since my own personal exa- mination of this codex in July 1865, a detailed account of it as far as verse 98 of the second book, with an admirable lithographed facsimile of folio 256, has been published by Arnold Herrmann, Donaueschin- gen, 1869. §1- I am fain to consider the four introductory lines as authentic, less on account of their own intrinsic merit, their modesty, sim- plicity, and purity ("praeclaro illo exordio I. Aeneid. illb ego QUI QUONDAM," ctc. La Cerda^ ad Ed. 1, 2. "In ipsis miror qui factum sit lat viri doctissimi non agnoverint orationis vim et elegantiam," Wagn. 1832); less because they do not contain a single word unworthy of Virgil ("nihil prorsus habent, quod non Virgilianum videri possit," Wagn. 1832; Forbiger); less because no other plausible origin than Virgil's own hand has ever been assigned to them; less because the same turn of thought, the same studied comparison of his own present sub- ject either with a former and different subject of his own, oi- with other and different subjects of other writers, is to be found not merely once or twice, but many times, and even ad satietatem; in our author (see below); less on account of the apt tallying of . . . . GKACILI MODULATDS AVENA -with {Ed. 1, 2) "silvestrem teiiui Musam meditaris avena:", and {Ed. 10, 50) ^ 1—4] BOOK 1. 3 . . . "Chalcidico quae sunt milii coiidita versu carmina, pastoris Siculi modulabor aveua.", of PAKERENT ARVA coLONO with {GcoTg. 1, 125) "subigebant arva coloni" and {Georg. 1, 99) "imperat arvis," of avido colono with {Georg. 1, 47) "avari agricolae," of gratum opus agricolis with [Georg. 1, 41) "ignai'osque viae mecum miseratus agrestes," and of HORRENTiA MARTis ARMA with {Aefi. 12, 124) "aspera Martis Pugna ;" less because it'was a much easier and safer task to strike out a passage than to add one , especially prefix one, which would fit so well ; less because we are informed both by- Tib. Donatus and Servius that after Virgil's death, the order was given by Augustus to Varius and Tucca, to strike out whatever they might think it advisable to strike out, but not to add anything ; less because we are informed by Tib. Donatus that Nisus, the grammarian, used to say that he had heard "a senioribus" that Varius had actually struck out these verses; less because from all those MSS. from which these verses are absent, other verses undoubtedly written by Virgil and forming an integrant part of his poem (ex. gr. Aen. 2, 567 — 588) are ab- sent also ; less because of the almost express reference in the "nunc age, qui reges, Erato, quae tempora rerum, quis Latio antique fuerit status, advena classem cum primum Ausoniis exercitus appulit oris, expediam, et primae revocabo exordia pugnae. tu vatem, tu, diva, mone,'' of the seventh book, to a previous division of the work into two parts, one part an Odyssey, as it were, and the other an Iliad, and the express reference in . "dicam horrlda bella, dicam acies, actosque animis in funera reges, Tyrrhenamque manum, totamque sub arma coactam Hesperiam. maior rerum mihi nascitur ordo, maius opus moveo.", to the second of those parts, the horrentia martis arma or Iliad, on which, having finished his Odyssey, our author was then and there entering (see Rem. on"Musa mihi causas memora,"vers. 12); 4 AENEIDEA [1-4 less because already so early as the age of Domitian , we find Saleius Bassus {ad Pisonem 218) figuring Virgil's ascent from bucolic to epic poetry, under the identical trope under which it is figured in these verses, viz. that of a rural musician issuing forth out of the obscurity of the woods, and presenting himself before the great world as a performer of the most complicated and difficult pieces : "ipse per Ausonias Aeneia carmiiia gentes qui sonat, ingenti qui nomine pulsatOlympum, Maeoniumque senem Romano provocat ore, forsitan ijlius nemoris latuisset in umbra, qnod canit, et sterili tantum cantasset avena, ignotus populis, si Maecenate careret.", where the reference, in the first three lines, to the Aeneis, and, in the second three, to the Bucolics, plain and unmistakeable as it is, is scarcely plainer or less mistakeable than the reference, in the fourth and fifth lines to the first, second, and latter half of the fourth verse of the first Bucolic, taken in connexion with the EGRESSus silvis of the disputed verses ; less because Priscian, although in his Formvila Iriterrogandi he parses the verse arma virumque cano, as first verse of the Aeneis, never- theless, in his Grammar, not only distinctly and expressly, but repeatedly, recognizes these verses (verses, be it observed, which make no sense except in connexion with arma virumque CANo) as Virgil's ; lib. 12 : "Nee mirum cum etiam tertia persona soleat figurate primae adiungi, ut Virgilius : ille ego qui quon- dam gracili modulatus avena." lib. 17: "Prima persona et tertia in unum figurate coeunt, ut Virgilius: ille ego qui quondam gracili modulatus avena carmen. Est enim intellectus, Ego Virgilius ille qui quondam scripsi Bucolica et Georgica." lib. 17: "Inveniuntur enim et alia pronomina appositiva [i. e. £7rtTaY[-t«Tix.«] ; Virgilius: ille ego, qui quondam gracili MODULATUS AVENA CARMEN."; less becausc two of our greatest English poets were unable to find nobler commencement for two of the greatest poems in the English language, than an imitation of the commencement afforded by these lines to the Aeneis (see Rem. 1, 1—5); than because the 1—4] BOOK I. 5 beginning aema virumque cano had been essentially and in itself a bad beginning, bad as being brusque, abrupt, turgid, the very- twin brother of the "cantabo Priaini fortunain et nobile bellum" immortalized by Horace, and wholly devoid of that fascinating molle atque facetum, which, especially in the beginnings of his books, is so peculiarly Virgil's characteristic ; and bad as being ambiguous, so ambiguous that commentators have never yet been able to agree, whether it is o{ Aeneas, the warrior (Burmann, Wagner [1832,1-861], and compare Ovid, Trist,. 3,533: "et tamen ille tuae felix Aeneidos auctor contulit in Tyrios arma virumque toros,'' where, as proved by Statius's \_Silv. 4, 2, 1] exactly pai'allel "regia Sidoniae convivia laudat Elisae qui magnum Aeneam Laurentibus intulit arvis.", ''arma virumque" can be neither more nor less than the ivarrior Aeneas), or of Aeneas and the wars between the Trojans ai%d Italians (^Interpr. Virg. Maii, Servius, Heyne, Voss, Thiel, For- biger, Caro, Tasso, Dryden, and compare Ovid, Amor. 1, 15, 25: "Tityrus et segetes Aeneiaque ai'ma legentur, Roma triumphati dum caput orbis erit." Auson. Epigr. 131: "arma virumque docens, atque arma virumque peritus, non duxi uxorem, sed magis arma domum."), or of Aeneas and his armour (Veget. de re mil. 2, 1 : "Res igitur militaris, sicut Latinorum egregius auctor carminis sui testatur • exordio, armis constat et viris." Tib. Donat. : "arma, h. e. scu- tum et alia quae Aeneae Vulcanum fabricasse praescripsit." and again : "virum qui talia arma et tarn pulcra et habere et gerere potuerit: qui Eomani imperii auctor esse meruerit" etc. and compare Virgil himself, Aen. 11, 746: . "volat igneus aequore Tarchon, arma virumque ferens" . . . Sil. 1, 132 . . "iacet [Marcellus] ore truoi super arma virosque tertia qui tulerat sublimis opima Tonanti." 6 AENEIDEA [1—4 Sil. 1, 362: "haec [lampas] vastae lateri turris ceu turbine fixa, diim penitus pluteis Vulcanum exercet adesis, arma virosque simul pressit flagrante ruina.") , Virgil, commencing his poem with the words arma vieumqub, professes to treat. Not only all this ambiguity, but all this abrixptness and turgidity ceases when the introductory lines are adopted as the commencement of the poem, ille ego affording an easy, simple, natural and not unusual beginning (Ovid, Trist. 4, 10, 1 [giving an account of himself to posterity] : "ille ego, qui fuerim, tenerorum lusor amorum, quera legis, nt noris, accipe, posteritas. Sulmo mihi patria est, geliclis uberrimus undis,'' compare Prisoian, 12 (cited above): "Nee mirum cum etiam tertia persona soleat figurate primae adiungi, ut Virgilius : ille EGO QUI QUONDAM GRACILI MODULATUS AVENA"), and HORRENTIA MAETis fixing the meaning of arma, happily separating that word from QUI, ILLE, UNDE, and the clauses connected with those rela- tives, and by such separation throwing an emphasis on it which it could not possibly have had, standing without preparation, without predicate, without explanation, first word of the poem (see Rem. 2, 246). But abruptness, turgidity and ambiguity are not the only faults of the commencement of the poem with the words arma viRUMQUE. Let us close our eyes to those faults or forgive them, and let us set about to choose between the various interpreta- tions of the words. Do they represent two distinct conceptions, arms and tlfie man, in the sense of tM wars of Aeneas, and Aeneas himself? if they do, how has it happened that the con- ception which, as placed in the first and most prominent posi- tion, must be assumed to be the principal and most important (see Rem. 2, 246), is left standing naked by itself, neither orna- mented, nor explained, nor rendered weighty by the addition even of one single word, while the conception which, as occupy- ing the inferior, less honorable position, must be looked upon as the inferior or secondary conception, is dweltupon throughout the whole of the long and labored exordium ? Do they repre- 1—4] BOOK I. 7 sent two distinct conceptions, arms and the man, in the sense oithe armour of Aeneas and Aeneas himself? if they do, how has it happened not only that the most important conception, the armour, has been left standing naked by itself, but that no further Word is said about it until nearly two thirds of the poem have been finished or until near the end of the eighth book? Do they, on the conti-ary, represent one single conception, the warrior? if they do, how has it happened that here, in this formal enunciation of the subject matter of the poem, a great and important, if not the greatest and most important, part of that subject matter, the wars between the Trojans and Latins — those wars out of which the settlement of the Trojans in Italy, the union of the Latin and Trojan races into one people, and the foundation of the Roman Empire, arose as consequences — has been wholly omitted ? Not one of the three interpretations satisfies our expectations of the poet, and there is no fourth, so we reject the words as the commencement of the poem, and turning to the verses in question, and finding in them neither abruptness nor turgidity, but, on the contrary, all Virgil's usual ease and suavity, nay, the strongest, most striking resemblance to his commencing verses of other poems ; observing, besides, that they not only remove all ambiguity from the enunciation of the subject matter of the poem, but restore to that enuncia- tion a limb which cannot well be absent without rendering the enunciation lame and imperfect ("A r ma sind ilberhaupt Haupt- gegenstand des Epos," Thiel), hail those verses with joy, and reinstate them in their rightful and most honorable position as the commencing verses of the great Roman epic. §n. The exordium of our author's heroic poem, the Aeneis, is cast in the selfsame mould as the exordium of his bucolic poem Va- rus ; the subjects of both exordiums being not only the same, viz. the contrast of the writing of bucolic verse with the writing of heroic, but handled in the same manner. With the single exception that the poem of Varus does not itself afford an 8 AENEIDEA [1—4 example of the contrast, that our author does not, in his poem of Varus, pass from his former more humble style into a loftier, but continues in the more humble, the parallelism is complete even to the most minute particulars, ille ego qui quondam of the Aeneis, corresponding to "Prima nostra Thalia" of Varus ; MODULATUS CARMEN of the Acneis, to "dignata est ludere" of Varus; geacili avena of the Aeneis, to "Syracosio versu" of Varus; egressus silvis of the Aeneis, to "[nee] erubuit silvas habitare" of Varus ; at nunc of the Aeneis, to "nunc" of Varus (there could be no at in Varus, there being no transition , no passing out of the one style into the other); and, finally, hor- RBNTiA martis arm a virumque cano, the new subject to which he is now passing in the Aeneis, corresponding to "Agrestem tenui meditabor arundine Musam," the old subject to which he expres- ses his determination to adhere, in Varus. Had the one exor- dium been fashioned on the other by an imitator, the verbal resemblance would have been greater, the real resemblance less. Only by the same hand could two beginnings have been made so essentially like, and, at the same time, so apparently different. .With a similar reference to , and contrast of the present subject with, a former, begins the Pollio: "Sicelides Musae, paullo maiora canamus. non omnes arbusta iuvant humilesque myricae ; si canimus silvas, silvae sint consule dignae.", where we have the same silvas and the same can ere as in our text, the same present greater, former inferior subject, with aspirations added after a still greater, viz. an epic poem: ''o mihi tam longae maneat pars ultima vitae, spiritus et, quantum sat erit tua dicpre facta: non me carminibus vincet nee Thracius Orpheus, nee Linus, huic mater quamvis atque huic pater adsit, Orphei Calliopea, Lino formosus Apollo. Pan etiam, Arcadia mecum si iudice certet, Pan etiam Arcadia dioat se iudice vietum." With a not very dissimilar reference to, and contrast of, a former subject, our author begins his second Georgic: "hactenus arvorum cultus, et sidera caeli : nunc te, Bacclie, canam" . . . 1—4] BOOK I. 9 where we have not only the very arva, the very nunc, and the very can ere of our text, but the can ere in the selfsame position in the verse. With a similar contrast of his present subject — this time, with the ordinary subjects of other writers — our author begins his third Georgic : "te quoque, magna Pales, et te memorande canemus, pastor ab Amphryso; vos, silvae amnesque Lycaei. caetera, quae vaeuas tenuissent carmina mentes, omnia iam vulgata.", where we have not only the cane re and the silvae of the commencement of the Aeneis, but the actual promise of an epic poem to follow the more homely one in hand : "interea Dryadum silvas saltusque sequamur intactos, tua Maecenas baud mollia iussa. mox tamen ardeutes accingar dicere pugnas Caesaris, et nomen fama tot ferre ijer annos, Tithoni prima quot abest ab origine Caesar.", an epic poem, the prevailing thought of Virgil from his earliest days, and always anxiously looked forward to from those juvenile poems which won for him his first laurels and to which it would have been strange indeed if he had not looked back from the threshold of the great work on which he was now, after so many delays, hesitations and impediments, at last happily entering; strange indeed, if he had left that reference to himself and his previous writings of which poets — and above all poets , Virgil — are so fond , to the chance hand of some bungling imitator ; stranger still, if he had omitted such reference there only where it was most excusable, viz. in the commencement of his greatest M^ork ; there only where it was ' most needed for the double purpose 'of introducing, at one and the same time, himself and his work to the reader, and of softening and rendering gradual, the otherwise harsh, abrupt, too concise, and almost rude and impertinent presentation of the work itself. But Homer, I am told, has omitted all such reference, and Homer is the paragon of perfection. Neither in the beginning of the Iliad, nor in the beginning of the Odyssey, is there, I am 10 AENEIDEA [1-4 told, one word about the author, except, in the latter, the single monosyllable (aoi, who the [j-oi is, being left wholly to conjecture or report. Very well, if the more ancient and ruder poem is to be, in all respects, the model of the more modern and highly finished; very well, if there are no excellencies in Virgil which we look in vain for in Homer ; very well , if the argument is used in its full strength, and we begin the Aeneis , neither with iLLE EGO, nor with arma virumque cano, but with musa, Mmi cAussAS mbmoea. Then, indeed, we shall have the Aeneis mo- deled on, not an improvement of, the Iliad and Odyssey, the whole three poems shall begin alike with the invocation of the Muse, the first verse of Virgil's poem correspond perfectly with the first verse of each of the poems of Homer , and , all being equally addressed to the Muse, who may be fairly supposed to be acquainted with each author, and to know who it is that is addressing her, there will be no more occasion for Virgil to in- troduce himself and explain who he is, than there was for Homer. If, however, my reader scruples, as no doubt he scruples, to go so far; if he insists, as no doubt he insists, on retaining aema VIRUMQUE cano, though without parallel either in the Iliad or Odyssey, with what vis consequentiae does he insist on rejecting ILLE — MAETis, the explanation and complement of cano, on the ground that there is no parallel for it either in the Iliad or the Odyssey? §in. JBut, say the propugners of an Aeneis commencing with arma VIRUMQUE, the Homeric example is not our only argument, we have an argument very much stronger than the argument founded on the hypothesis of a necessity that Virgil's commencement-should conform to Homer's, very much stronger than any argument founded on mere hypothesis; we have the silence of Servius, who, usually so full on Virgil's every individual word, commences his commentary at arma; proof almost logical that Servius cither knew nothing of the four verses or rejected them as spurious. In Servius's proem, indeed, they are stated to have been excised by Tucca and Varius, but Servius's proem too is supposititious, a . 1—4] BOOK I. 11 mere hotch-potch emanating from Tib. Donatus. What we rdij upon is, that there is no mention of them, or of anij part or parcel of them, in the actual commentary of Servius: "Servius omnia vetustissimorum hominum iudicia et factas in textu mutationes cognoscebat. Per eum accepimus, quid Maecenas, Messala, Pollio, alii veteres critici censnerint. De hoc Varii facto altum silentium. Et, quamquam Commentarii Serviani semper a recentioribus in brevius compendium fuerunt redacti, summa tamen rerum gravissimarum capita mansere servata, minusque credibile est, primam eius annotationem ita intercidisse, quum similes annotationes in aliis Aeneidos libris , quod ad ipsas res attinet, salvae sint." Peerlk. vol. I, p. 5; and again: "In Ser- vianis, farragine veterum Commentariorum, nihil de his versibus legimus. Servius igitur eos non vidit. In Praefatione quidem Serviana hoc factum Varii memoratur: sed tota ista Praefatio partim ex Vita, quae Donato tribuitur, partim ex aliis est libris consarcinata." Peerlk. vol. I, p. 2. Notwithstanding the strong impression produced in their favor by their own indignant, manifestly honest protest, not- withstanding the break-down of the opposite Homeric witnesses, it would still go hard with the four verses, if this argument of the bitterest of the counsel engaged ag'dinst them, had that foun- dation in fact, to which it pretends." ^ Happily for them it has not, and not only is Servius not silent about the four verses, but it is about the four verses Servius speaks first ; about the four verses alone treat the very first words of Servius's commentary. And what is it Servius says of them in the very first words of his commentary — of his commentary observe, not of his com- mentary's proem, where also there is a separate clause concern- ing them, only less full and particular — what is it he says? That they are bastard, never came from the hand of Virgil, and are rightly absent from the Aeneis then in vogue, and rightly left unexplained by himself as forming neither part nor parcel of the poem? No such thing. Servius informs us, first, that many persons discuss in a variety of ways why Virgil began his poem "ab armis"; secondly, that the folly of such discussions is- manifest, in as much as it is perfectly certain ("constet") that 12 AENEIDEA [1—4 he did not begin "ab armis ", but with a quite different begin- ning, as had been shown in the life (of Virgil) prefixed (to the commentaries); and thirdly, that the reason why the four verses with which he did begin had been taken away, was, that the work might begin (not with mention of the author, but) with the subject matter of the poem: *'arma; multi varie disserunt, cur ab armis Virgilius coeperit; omnes tamen in hoc assentire (Guelf. I. tam inania sentire) manifestum est: cum eum constet aliunde sumpsisse principium , sicut in praemissa eiusdem vita monstratum est; [qua causa illi, ab eo primi positi, quattuor ver- siis detracti sunt: scilicet, ut causa operis obtineret principium]" Serv. ed. Lion (the brackets signifying, as Lion informs us in his preface, that the words contained between them are absent from very many of the codices and old editions) ; as explicit testimony as it was possible to give of the genuineness of the verses in the opinion of Servius and of the better informed of Servius's age and the ages preceding Servius, and, at the same time, a satisfactory explanation of the removal of the verses by Varius and Tucca, viz. that they were removed, not at all be- cause they were thought to be either bad verses or bastard verses , but because it was thought (de gustibus non est dispu- tandum) that the poem would begin better with its own subject matter than with a mention of its author. Such is the express statement of Servius in his first comment ; he who runs may read. §IV. The remaining argument of those who regard the words aema viRUMQUE as the commencement of the Aeneis, viz. that they are cited as such by several of the Roman poets themselves, and notably by Persius, Martial, Ausonius, and Sidonius Apollinaris, nay, even by Ovid and Propertius, is, if possible, still more un- fortunate than either that drawn from the Homeric example or that drawn from the alleged silence of Servius. For first the words of Propertius, "qui nunc Aeneae Troiani suscitat anna," if they refer in "arma" to the arma virumque of the Aeneis 1-4J BOOK I. 13 refer, pari ratione, in "nunc" to the nuno hohuentia of its intro- ductory verses, and Propertius quotes, not from an Aeneis beginning with arm a virujique, but from an Aeneis beginning with iLLE EGO : "Sex. vero Propertium quis non videt dum is scriberet: 'Qui nunc Aeneae Troiani suscitat arma,' ad coniunc- tum illud Virgilianum carmen respexisse , q aod iisdem paene verbis est: at nunc moRRENTijA marItis arma ^virumque cano?" Pierius. Secondly, if any conclusion whatever as to the precise commencing words of the Aeneis, is logically deducible from Martial's (8, 56, 19): "protinus Italiam concepit et arma virumque," that conclusion is not that the Aeneis begins with the latter part, the mere fag end of the quoted words, biit that it begins with the whole citation, "Italiam, arma virumque;" quod absurdum, and Martial cites neither "Italiam, arma virumque," nor, a for- tiori, "arma virumque," as the coinmencing words of the Aeneis, but cites the former, viz. "Italiam, arma virumque," as words of the exordium sufficiently salient and remarkable to afford an apt periphrasis for the name of the poem. Thirdly, with the same vis conseqtientiae with which it is deducible from Ovid's (Amor. 1, 15, 25) : "Tityrus et segetes Aeneiaque arma legentur," that "arma" is the first word of the Aeneis, it is deducible also that "Tityrus" is the first word of the first' Eclogue, and "sege- tes" the first word of the first Georgic, quod absurdum; nay, that "Aeneia anna" are the first words of the Aeneis , quod ab- surdissinium ; and Ovid has employed the three expressions as representatives of the three poems respectively, not because they are — what they are not — the precise commencing words of the three poems respectively, but because they are — what they are — words in the respective exordiums sufficiently salient and remarkable to serve as equivalents for the names of the three poems, a conclusion confirmed, and. almost placed beyond doubt, (a) by the similar substitution by the same Ovid (Ars Amat. 3, 337) of the similar equivalent, "profugum Aenean, altae primordia Romae," for the name of the Aeneis : 14 AENEIDEA [l-i "et profugum Aenean, altae primordia Eomae, quo nullum Latio clarius extat opus," a substitution of salient words in the exordium, for the proper name of the Aeneis, from which the commentator remains yet to be found hardy enough to deduce the conclusion, that Ovid regarded either the words italiam fato peopugus, or the words ALTAE MOENiA EOMAE, as the first words of the poem ; and (b) by the so general, and, I do not hesitate to say, laudable practice of writers, to substitute for the names, whether of their own works or the works of others, equivalents suggested by the subject matter, in preference to equivalents formed out of first words or out of words culled from among the first; Ovid {Trist. 2, 535): "nee legltur pars ulla magis de corpore toto, quam non legitime foedere iunetus amor," where "non legitimo foedere iunetus amor" is an equivalent for "Fourth book of the Aeneis," as much more elegant than "At regina gravi," had been, as (Martial 14, 184): .... "Priami regnis inimicus Ulysses,'' is a more elegant equivalent for "Odyssey," than AvSpa \i.oi ev- VETTS, Mouca, or any translation of AvSpa [aoi evvsTre, Mouca, had been. And fourthly, with pretty much the same vis consequen- tiae with which it is deducible from Sidonius Apollinaris's {Garni. 3, 1) : "quid faceret laetas segetes, quod tempiis amaudum messibus et gregibus, vitibus atque apibus, ad Maecenatis quondam sunt edita nomen: bine Maro post audes arma virumque loqul.", that Sidonius in the words "arma virumque" points, not to a poem of the first verses of which "arma virumque" are pregnant words, but to a poem of which "arnia virumque" are the very first words, may also be deduced a conclusion altogether incom- patible with such deduction, viz. that Sidonius in the words "Hinc Maro post audes" points, not to the historical fact that the Aeneis was subsequent -in point of time to the Eclogues and Georgics, but to Virgil's own statement (viz. in the at nunc of the introductory verses), that he sang his epic poem after he 1—4] BOOK I. 15 had first sung Eclogues and Georgics. But enough of such ar- gument; no matter in what sense the words arma vikumque have been quoted either by the learned bishop of Arvernia, in the just cited passage, or by the facetious Burdigalensis, in his so similar "arma virumque docens, afque arma virumque peritus, noil duxi uxovem, sed magis arma domum.", or by the other, above cited writers more nearly contemporary with Virgil himself, the very utmost shown by those quotations, or that can be shown by any number of such quotations, is the existence from the earliest times, perhaps even from the date of the author^'s death, of an Aeneis without the introductory verses, a fact undisputed, nay affirmed and maintained even by those who no less affirm and maintain that the Aeneis did not so come into the world from the creative hand of its author and parent but only from the mutilating hands of its godfathers, and that, coexistent with such mutilated Aeneis, but — partly on account of imperial influence, partly on account of the invariable pre- dominance of coarse taste over refined — far less in vogue, there was always the uncastrated Aeneis as it came from the hand of Virgil, that uncastrated Aeneis which (a remarkable example and almost sufficient of itself to decide the whole question) wa find quoted in one of his works (Inst. Gramm., see § 1 above) by the same Priscian, whom, in" another' of his works (Formula Interrog., see § 1 above), we find quoting the cas- trated. But there is another ancient passage which the champions of an Aeneis commencing with aema virumque, cite even more triumphantly than any. of those already discussed, viz. Ovid, Trist. J3, 533 : "et tameu ille tuae felix Aeueidos auctor ' contulit in Tyrios arma virumque toros; nee legitur pars ulla magis de corpore toto, quam nan legitime foedere iunctus amor." This passage, it is insisted, testifies still more loudly than any of the preceding, to an Aeneis commencing With arma virumque, in as much as it testifies to an Aeneis in which arma virumque 16 AENEIDEA [1-4 means warrior, and arma virumqub ceases to mean warrior, as soon as it is preceded by ille ego and companions. To be sure; but it is to an Aeneis in the hands of Ovid it testifies, not at all to an Aeneis as it came from the pen of Virgil. The question of the removal of- the four verses by Varius and Tucca remains absolutely unaffected, untouched by this testimony of the Tristia, as it remains unaffected, untouched by Persius's famous "Arma virum, nonne hoc spumosum?" by Macrobius's (Saturn. 5, 2) less famous but no less explicit "Nee illud cum cura magna relaturus sum, licet, ut existimo, non omnibus observatum, quod cum primo versu promisisset, producturum sese de Troiae litoribus Aeneam : TROIAE QUI PEIMUS AB ORIS ITALIAM, FATO PB0FT3GUS, LAVINAQUE VENIT LITOBA, ubi ad ianuam narrandi venit, Aeneae classem non de Troia, sed de Sicilia producit", and by Priscian's parsing, in his For- mula Interrogandi, of ABMA VIRDMQUE CANO TROIAE QUI PEIMUS AB OBIS, as first verse of the Aeneis. The Aeneis to which all four wit- nesses refer, is, no doubt, an Aeneis without the four verses, but whether because those verses had not yet been put to it, or whether because, having originally formed part and parcel o'f it, they had been already removed by Tucca and Varius (the entire matter and nucleus of the question), remains, in three of the cases, no less in the dark than if there had been no testimony at all, either of the Tristia, or of the Satires of Persius, or of the Saturnalia, on the subject, while the fourth case (Priscian's) is in itself no less indubitable evidence of the existence in Pris- cian's time, and of the recognition by Priscian, of an Aeneis commencing with ille ego, than of the existence in Priscian's time and of the recognition by Priscian of an Aeneis commen- cing with ARMA viEUMQUE (scc § 1 abovo). Now the other testi- monies of antiquity adduced in proof of the aboriginal com- mencement of the Aeneis with the words abma virumque being, as we have seen above, still less conclusive than even this of the 1—4] BOOK I. 17 Tristia, or that of the Satires of Persius, or that of the Satur- nalia, or that of the Formula Interrogandi — nay, two of the four (viz. that of Propertius and that of Sidonius Apollinaris) testify- ing to the introductory verses with quite as much clearness and certainty as they testify to a commencement of the poem with ARMA viEUMQUE, and the assumption that either of the remaining two, viz. either Martial's or that of the Amores, testifies at all to a commencement of the poem with arma virumque, involving, as we have seen, an absurdity — it follows that antiquity affords no particle of evidence, not even so much as report or whisper, that the Aeneis, as left to us by Virgil, commenced with the words arma virumque, or that the so circumstantial account of Tib. Donatus and Servius, of its commencement with ille ego, and of the removal of four verses by Tucca and Varius, is a mere idle myth. Even were the evidence of the Tristia, Satires of Persius, Saturnalia, and Formula Interrogandi, not the only evidence of the early existence of an Aeneis commencing with the words arma virumque, even were we to admit, what, as we have above seen, is inadmissible, viz. that not only Ovid in his Tristia, but Ovid in his Amores, Propertius, Martial, Ausonius, and even Saleius Bassus quote from an Aeneis so commencing, still the fact remains to be shown that the Aeneis came from the hands of Virgil in this form and not in the form in which it is stated by Tib. Donatus and Servius to have come from them. This being only to be shown from the intrinsic merits (the MSS. are all of too recent date to show anything), and the intrinsic merits being, as we have seen (§ 1 and 2 above), against arma virumque and for ille ego, the legitimate conclusion is, that the Aeneis as it came from the hands of Virgil commenced, not with arma virumque, but, with ille ego, and that, with the exception of Priscian, who, as we have s^en, quotes both Aeneides indif- ferently, the only ancient authors who can be proved to quote from an Aeneis beginning with arma virumque, quoted from it, either because they knew of no other, never had seen, perhaps never had even so much as heard of, the removed verses, those verses so expressive of the moving feeling at the bottom of every poet's heart, and especially of Virgil's, the "victor virum volitare 18 AENEIDEA [1—4 per ora," or, if they were acquainted with those verses, despised them, and, agreeing in taste with our own Dryden* and our own Heyne,** thanked Varius and Tucca for removing verses whose only effect was to deprive the poem of the eclatant com- mencement : AEMA viRUMQUB CANO ; Scrv. (ed. Lion) : "qua causa illi, ab eo primi positi, quattuor versus detracti sunt; scilicet, ut causa operis obtineret principium." ^ Sir W. Scott's edition, vol. 14, p. 225: "I have omitted the four preliminary lines of the "first Aeneid, because I think them inferior to "any four others in the whole poem, and conse- "quently believe they are not Virgil's." [Even if the premiss were true, the conclusion is false — non sequitur. But the premiss is not true; the lines, so far from being inferior to any others in the poem, are quite equal to the general run of Virgil's verses ("in hisipsis miror qui factum sit ut viri doctissimi non agnoverint orationis vim et elegantiam,'' Wagn. 1832. "nee quidquam continent quod non Virgilianum censeri liceat,"' Forbiger), as much as is to be expected of commencing lines, always and of ne- cessity, on account of their peculiar position, peculiarly difficult of composition. J "There is too great a gap betwixt the adjective "viciNA in the second line, and the substantive "ARVA in the latter end of the third, which keeps "his meaning in, obscurity too long, and is con- "trary to the clearness of his style." [Even a, much greater interval between adjective and substantive is of so ordi- nary occurrence in Virgil f^Aen. 5, 448 : .... "ut quondam cava concidit aut Erymantho aut Ida in magna radicibus eruta pinus." where the interval between 'cava' and 'pinus', is of nine words, or nearly double as great as the interval complained of; 7, 64 : "huius apes- sum mum densae, mlrabile dictu, • stridore ingenti liquidum trans aethera vectae obsedere apicem,'' where the interval between 'summum' and 'apicem' is of ten words, or double as- great; Georg. 2, 127: "quo non praesentius uUum, pocula si quando saevae infecere novercae, miscueruntque herbas, et non innoxia verba, auxiliiim venit, ac membris agit atra venena." "■* "iLLE EGO. Vulgaris sententia est quatuor hos versus auctorem habuisse Virgilium, sed a Vario esse sublatos. Quod si ita res se habuit, acutior sane Varius Virgilio fuit." ■ Heyne. 1^] BOOK I. 19 If, with all the concessions just made to the partisans of an Aeneis commencing with aema virumque — concessions to which those partisans are not entitled, and which should not be made — the scale nevertheless preponderates so heavily on the side of an Aeneis commencing with ille ego, how much more does it not preponderate on the same side, how entirely does not an Aen. 5, 17$: "at gravis iit fundo vix tandem redditus imo est iam senior, madidaque fluens in veste M e n o e t es ," in each of whicli the interval is of fourteen words, or nearly three times as great) that it is difficult to believe that the author of the assertion had ever read either the Aeneis or the Georgics in the original.] "tJT QUAMVis AVIDO is too ambitioiis an ornament "to he his,'' [How is AVIDO, applied to coloxo, a more ambitious ornament than 'avari* applied to 'agricolae,' Georg. 1, 47 ? or how is it an ambitious ornament at all ? Do not the similar epithets AVIDO and 'avari' applied respectively to the similar subjects COLOHO and ^agricolae,' and forming parts of sentences tallying so per- fectly as and . . . VICIXA COEGI VT QUAMVIS AVIDO PAKEKENT ARVA COLONO, "ilia seges demum votis respondet avari agricolae,'' point rather to one common origin, than to two distinct, unlike, and unequal ori- gins? Methinks Dryden should have better known what ambitious ornament is, examples of such ornament being afforded by almost every line of his own poetry, whether original or translated. See Eem. on "Ubi tot Simois'' etc. vers. 104, and Dryden's translation of these same four introductory linesof the Aeneis, below.] "and GRATUM OPUS agkicolis are all words "unnecessary, and independent of what he had "said before." [The conclusion intended, but omitted, to be drawn, "and therefore not Virgil's," is a non-sequitur, until it is first shown that Virgil-never wrote words which were unnecessary, and Independent of what he had said before. If Virgil did not, at least Virgil's master, Theocritus, did, whose precisely similar words [Idyll. 22, 42) Xaaiais tyiXa epf* fJ-eAtaoai?, interjected in precisely the same manner, are as wholly unnecessary, and independent of what goes before, as those in question. But neither the words in question, nor the similar words of Theocritus, are either unnecessary, or independent of what goes before. The words in question are necessary to express the thought, that the Georgics had not been a thrown-away labor, but useful, and therefore acceptable, to agriculturists ; and the words of Theocritus are necessary to express the thought, that the flowers of which he was Speaking were not there for nothing, but supplied honey to the bees. The words in question, so far from being independent of those which go before, are suggested 20 AENEIDEA [1-4 Aeneis commencing with aema virumque kick the beam, when, confronting the testimony of the Tristia, in "contulit in Tyrios arma virumque toros," with the testimony of the Amores, in "Tityrus et segetes Aeneiaque arma legentur," we find the most weighty witness for an Aeneis commencing with AKMA VIRUMQUE tergiversating, now swearing that he un- iby tliem, and stand in the closest relation to them, in so close relation that, sepa- irateid from them, they lose sense altogether; and the same is true of the words of Theocritus, which are also, taken by themselves, devoid Of meaning, but, like .those in question, derive an appropriate meaning from their very dependence on, and connexion with, the words which immediately precede.] "borkentia MARTIS AKMA is worse than any of the t_ "rest. HOBRENTIA is such a flat epithet as Tully "would have given us in his verses. It is a mere ^'filler to stop a vacancy in the hexameter, and "connect the preface to the work of Virgil." [The words might be "worse than any of the rest" and yet stJU be Virgil's. But they are not worse than any of the rest; or, if they are, in what respect are they? horrens is one of the very commonest of Virgilian epithets; applied to a stubble field, to a serpent, to a hoar, to the hut of Eoraulus, to dens of -wild beasts, to brambles, to thistles, to javelins, why is it a naere stop-gap when applied to arms ? Is it not to arms the epithet is pecnliairly applicable ? are not arms par excellence horrentia? Who hut Virgil himself says "horrentes Marte Latinos'' (Aen. 10, 237 J, and "ferreus hastis Horret ager" fll, 601), and "stric- tisque seges mucronibus horret Ferrea" (12, 663), and "densisque virum seges horruit hastis" (Georg. 2, li2), and "densos acie atque horrentibus hastis" (Aen. 10, 178), and "arma Horrendum sonuere'' (9, 731) ? who but Virgil himself says "aspera Martis Pugna" (12, 124:), and "duri Martis in armis" (Eel. 10, 44) ? and what hand so likely to have written horrentia martis, as the same hand svhich, at the same moment, wrote arma?] "Our author seems to sound a charge, and begins "like the clangor of a trumpet: arma virumque canO troiae qui primus ab oris "scarce a word without an F, and the vowels, for "the greater part, sonorous." fSo, the four verses rejected, the poem begins with a charge, with trumpet clang, with a noble line full of litera latrans and sonorous vowel, and in order that it may so begin, we are to reject the four verses. Very well, if only we had arrived at the beginning of the poem.; but we are not there yet, we are only in the argument (see Rem. 1, 1 — 15); the singer has not yet begun to sing, is but tuning his instrument, but preluding. By and by, he will invoke his Muse (musa mihi caussas memora), and, having invoked his Muse, then at last begin to sing, begin the poem : urbs antiqua fuit, and so forth to 1—4] BOOK I. 21 derstands aema in the commencement of the Aeneis as forming part and parcel of the compound expression arma virumqub meaning warrior, and then again swearing that he understands the same arma as separate and distinct from virum. and meaning wars; in other words, now quoting from an Aeneis commencing with ARMA viRUMQUE, and then again from an Aeneis commen- cing with iLLE EGO, or, if always quoting from an Aeneis begin- ning with ARMA VIRUMQUE, SO unablc to determine the sense in the end. Maladroit poet, to waste his trumpet claug, his Balaklava charge, on a mere preliminary reconnaissance, not reserve it for the real encounter!] "The prefacer began with ille eqo, which he "was constrained to patch up in the fourth line "with AT sri^c, to make the sense cohere; and "if hoth these words are not notorious botches, "I am much deceived, though the French trans- "lator thinks otherwise." ["much deceived," in sooth, and neither for the first nor for the last time. We may safely pit the French translator's opinion, whoever the French translator may have been, against Dryden's, and then strike both quantities out of the equation.] "For my own part I am rather of the opinion "that they were added by Tucca and Varius, "than retreucTied." [in other words, the veiy first act of the imperial commissioners, was outrage- ously to violate their commission: "Nihil igitur auctore Augusto Varius addidit, quod et Jlaro praeceperat, sed summatim emendavit," Tib. Donatus; "Augustus vero ne tantum opus periret, Tuccam et Varium hac lege jussit emendare, iit su- perflua demerent ; nihil adderent tamen," Serv.J "I know it may be answered, by such as think "Virgil the author of the four lines, that he as- "serts his title to the Aeneis, in the beginning "of this work, as he did to the two former in the "last lines of the fourth Georgic." [Exactly so; and why not? what more likely than that he should follow his own precedent? Most men are fond of doing what they did before; driven by similar causes, fall into action similar to their previous. So much is this the case, that it is an axiom of all courts of justice, that every man is to be judged by his own antecedents.] "I will not reply otherwise to this than by de- "siring them to compare these four lines with "the four others which we know are his, be- "cause no poet but he alone could write them. If "they cannot distinguish creeping from flying, "let them lay down Virgil and take up Ovid, de "Pbnto, in his stead." 22 AENEIDEA [1—4 which those words are used, as, at one time to understand them to be united together in the sense of warrior, and, at another time, to understand them to stand separate and to mean wars and the man, and so, unintentionally giving conclusive evidence against the party which had placed him in the witness-box? If exception be taken to the preceding argument, on the ground that all the equivalents for the name of the work have been taken from verses subsequent to those disputed, none from the disputed verses themselves, the rejoinder is obvious, that no equivalents were, or could be, afforded by verses treating [A very little more of this mens diviuior, this high, divine, poetic instinct with which there is no arguing and against which there is no appeal, had assuredly- discovered for Dryden that not merely the four introductory, but all the verses of the Aeneis were unworthy of Virgil, and therefore not by any possibility Vir- gil's, and so, at one and the same time, spared him all trouble of translation and won for him a fame more glorious than even Peerlkamp's or Gruppe's.J / "My master needed not the assistance of that "preliminary poet to prove his claim." fPetitio principii ; that the verses are those of a preliminary poet, not Virgil's own; a petitio principii too, foreign from the argument, which is not whether his master had need of a preliminaiy .poet to prove his claim, but whether his master had need of preliminary verses (by himself or by another poet) to prove his claim.] "His own majestic mien discovers him to be the "king, amidst a thousand courtiers." [Aye, if all men had the discernment of a Dryden, and there were not so many fit only to read Ovid. Well aware how far this is from being, the case, the author of the Georgics, instead of relying on his majestic mien to declare him every inch a king, sets the crown on his head with his own hand, and cries : "gare qui touche." Why may not the author of the Aeneis do the same?! "It was a superfluous office, and therefore I "would not set those verses in the front of Vir- "gil, but have rejected them to my own preface: I, who before -with shepherds in the groves sung to my oaten pipe their rural loves, and, issuing thence, compelled the neighbouring field a plenteous crop of rising corn to yield, manured the glebe and stocked the fruitful plain (a poem grateful to the greedy swain^, etc. "If there be not a tolerable line in all these six, "theprefacergavemeno occasion to write be tter." LPoor, relegated verses, I pity you ; though there is not one good line among you, I pity you. Nay, I don't know but I pity you most, just because there is not one 1—4] BOOK I. 23 not at all of the work, but only of the author, still less by verses which having been studiously suppressed, were not, unless in a rare case and after difficult search, forthcoming. §V Future editors of Virgil, should words of mine ever reach your earSj I warn you against separating these foui' verses and placing them apart, at some distance in front of the Aeneis, like a vanguard or picket in front of an army* If my arguments have failed to convince you, if ye still agree with Heyne and ^o many of your predecessors , that the verses are spurious and form no part of the poem, banish them altogether; what business have they there? dare not— even though it be in diffei'ent type good line among you; sent out of the very society where you were so much at home — where there were so many like you, so many to keep you in countenance! — put into Coventry, ostracized, banished to pine alone without so much as one good line amon^ you to save appearances, to recommend you to any one I I wish I could help you; perhaps I can; let me try: I, who before with shepherds in the groves sung to my oaten pipe their rural loves, accompanied myself upon my oat and sung, at once, and oaten-piped the note — as some deft smoker in his teeth is bold, even while he talks, tobacco pipe to hold, and talks and smokes at once, I piped away, and sung, at the same time, of Melibay and Tityrus, and poured the tender lay, spread with gaano thick the neighbouring field, and bade the desert a rich harvest yield ; a welcome poem to the greedy swain, skilled to scan verse no less than winnow grain. But now I sing of filibustering Mars and wounds and deeds of arms, and horrid wars, and the bold hero whom the Fates, of yore, and haughty Juno, unrelenting more than even the Fates, across the billows' roar exiled from Troy to the Lavinian shore; long labors both by sea and land he bore — Bravo! there are verses need not be relegated to a preface, verses with plenty of rs in them. If those verses don't sound a charge, I don't know what a charge is. Besides they are intelligible verses, and explain what is rather obscure in the original, how it is possible for a man to sing to his own piping, to pipe and sing at once — to whistle and chaw meal, as the saying is. Not one in a thousand could do it; only Virgil himself, the king amidst a thousand courtiers.J Stabile Fezzini^ ai Cavaleggieri^ Livorno, Mar. 18. 1867. 24 AENEIDEA [1—4 and at the interval of a blank space— to place in apposition with Virgil's verses, spurious verses not only in construction with them, but materially affecting and even determining their sense. Ye will then at least neither have deceived nor puzzled your readers, neither have led them to believe that to be Virgil's which ye don't yourselves believe to be his, nor have set them on the vain inquiry why an apodosis has been thus separated from its protasis, a substantive from its adjective, and a sen- tence divided into two halves the first of which is nonsense without the second, and the second of whidh can by no possibil- ity have its meaning determined, without the first. Follow not therefore, future editors, I beseech you, the example set you by Heyne : let not your act stand in flagrant contradiction to your conscientious opinion, but with Dryden, Wakefield, Voss, Rib- beck, and Conington, eliminate the verses altogether. What matter that the sense of aema viehmqub can by no possibility be determined without them ? let others see to that : be ye consis- tent with yourselves and conscientious. Still more I warn you, if your case is the opposite one, not to follow that same fatal example set you by Heyne. If, whether directed by your own independent judgment or persuaded by my arguments, ye have come to the deliberate conclusion that the verses are genuine, beware, tenfold more beware, of separating them from the ad- joining context, and setting them to stand, dislocated, apart. If they are genuine, if Virgil has commenced his poem with them, what right have ye to cut the head off the shoulders, and, pre- senting the bodiless head and the headless trunk to the reader, bid him unite them ? even if ye' have the right, in vain ye bid him: "iacet ingens litore traiicus avulsumque humeris caput." This is what Wagner has done ; take his "curavit Gr. P. E. Wagner," and look at his handywork ; see how the four verses stand separated from the context, not even like a head separated from the shoulders, but like a head which belonged to other shoulders, and avoid his example ten times more than even Heyne's. Nor is this, chance, or the bungling of a printer who 1—4] BOOK I. 25 might have printed after the Heynian original. Wagner himself shall testify whose the unmitigated barbarism is : "Virgilii esse hos versus censeo ; retinui tamen, quum ipsum Aeneidis opus hoc versu inchoetur arma virumque gang, typorum diversitatem, qua Heynius exprimendos curaverat." As if the "ipsum opus Aeneidis" commenced with the latter half of a sentence ! Far be from you, future editors, such preposterous proceeding, such stultification of your own selves ; farther still, the publication of it to the world either by such statement as I have just quoted from Wagner's edition of Heyne, or by such inscription placed over the sepai'ated verses as was sometimes placed over them by incunabula editors : "principium a tucca et vaeo [sic] sub- latum" (Venice ed. of 1562), a statement by which readers were informed in one and the Same breath, both of the displacement of the verses by Varius and Tucca, and of the editor's dereliction of duty in not replacing them. Future editors of Virgil, yotir path is clear ; if, in your deliberate opinion, the verses are Vir- gil's, give them back to Virgil, restore them to the place from which they were so wantonly, removed ; if, on the contrary, your deliberate opinion be, that they are not Virgil's, content not yoiirselves with removing them a few steps with a gentle shove of the hand, but eliminate the intruders altogether and without further ceremony, and let not one of the finest poems in the world, perhaps the finest poem in the world, be any longer de- formed by a huge, ugly stumbling-block, a "monstrum horren- dum, informe, ingens, cui lumen ademptum," on the very thre^old. Ye have become' accustomed to it, no doubt ; some of you even hug and kiss it, as a lover the scar on the eyebrow of his mistress ; it is not on that account the less a deformity, the disgixst and bye-word of the impartial public, the disgrace of Virgilian literature. Disestablish it, get rid of it one way or other — if not by the only right way, consolidation, even by the wrong way, expulsion and elimination — and let worshippers have an open, unobstructed entrance into the temple of the God. But I have better hopes of you, future editors of Virgil. Ye will, indeed, take care that worshippers have a free, unobstruct- ed entrance into the temple, but it will not be by making a- 26 AENEIDEA [1—4 way with the broken off, dislocated .frontispiece; it will be by restoring it to its place ; ye are no Tuccas and Variuses, no im- perial commissioners charged to remove the builder's (the future God's) name, and substitute for it the despot's coat of arms, the despot's own and despot's ancestors' exploits. The temple is indeed his, nor is the testimony to that effect to be called in question : . . "viridi in campo templum de marmore ponam propter aquam, tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat Mincius, et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. in medio mihi Caesar erit, templiimque tenebit. in foribus pugnam ex auro solidoque elephanto Gangaridum faciam, victorisque arma Quirini ; atque hie undantem bello magnumque fluentem Nilum, ac navali surgentes aere columnas. addam urbes Asiae domitas pulsumque Niphaten, fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis. et duo rapta manu diverse ex hoste tropaea, bisque triumphatas utroque ab litore gentes. stabunt et Parii l^pides, spirantia signa, Assaraoi proles, demissaeque ab love gentis nomina,'Trosque parens, et Troiae Cynthius auctor. Invidia infelix Furias, amnemque severum Coeyti metuet, tortosque Ixionis angues, immanemque rotam, et non exsuperabile saxum. interea Dryadum silvas saltusque sequamur intactos,'' with which compare Ovid, Trist. 2, 533 (to Augustus) : "et tamen ille tuae felix Aeneidos auctor • contulit in Tyrios arma virumque toros." The temple is the despot's, every thing within a despot's do- minions is, must be, the despot's, and nobody knew this better than Virgil, nor any one better than Virgil, how to evade the difficulty : "I might venture" (methinks I hear him), "might venture to say who it was, built so magnificent an edifice." He did venture, and inscribed the building with his autograph, his ILI.B EGO, not doubting but in time, when the despot and all the despot's dynasty had gone the way, that only way, which des- pots and slaves tread alike and together, the temple would 1—4] BOOK I. 27 become his temple, and he, not the despot, be worshipped in it. Alas! man proposes, God disposes, "the best laid schemes o' mice an' men gang aft a-gley," and scarcely is the breath out of Virgil when imperial commis- sioners, appointed "ut tantmn opus summatim emendarent," remove the frontispiece, and foi'thwith, and so long as there is a Caesar, every eye, whether of worshipper or architect, or mere chance visitor and passer-by, finds the building perfect, nay, gazes enraptured on the despoiled and mutilated front. But ye are neither Tuccas nor Variuses, neither Ovids nor Per- siuses, nor Macrobiuses, not even Serviuses ; ye have no Caesars either to fear or obey, and your sympathies are all with the poet; neither are ye Heynes, who, coming two thousand years later, take the despoiled and mutilated, for the perfect and ab- original, front, and finding the broken -ofi' fragment on the threshold, leav6 it there however unconnected with the building, however obstructive of the entrance, that none may enter without gazing at the venerable relic and wondering what brought it there. Least of all are ye Wagners, who, recognizing the frac- ture, and acknowl&dging the piece to be the very broken-off fragment, leave it, nevertheless, exactly where they found it, for every one who enters the temple to stumble over. I have better hopes of you ; despair less of the future destiny of the Aeneis. Ye will restore the fragment to its place, and no longer suffer the entrance of the temple built by Virgil to his patron beside his native stream, to call up to the mind of the beholder the dilapidated den of Cacus: . '"saxis suspensam hanc aspice rupem, disiectae procul ut moles, .... et scopuli ingentem traxere ruinam.'' Bathgar Road, Dublin, Oct. 1862. Falazsetta Taddei, ai Cavdleggieri, Livorno, Mar. 1869. 28 AENEIDEA [1—5 1—5. ILLB EGO QUI QUONDAM GRACILI MODULATUS AVBNA CAEMBN ET BGRESSUS SILVIS VICINA COEGI UT QUAMVIS AVIDO PAEBRENT ARVA COLONO GRATUM OPUS AGRICOLIS AT NUNC HOERBNTIA MAETIS AEMA VIRUMQUB CANO imitated both by Spenser and Milton : "Lo ! I, the man whose muse whylome did maske, as time her taught, in lowly shepheard's weeds, am now enforst, a farre unfitter taske, for trumpets sterne to chaunge mine oaten reeds, and sing of knights' and ladies' gentle deeds." Faerie Queene, 1, 1. "I who erewhile the happy garden sung by one man's disohedience lost, now sing recovered paradise to all mankind by one man's firm obedience fully tried through all temptation, and the tempter foiled in all his wiles, defeated and repulsed, and Eden raised in the waste wilderness." Parad. Reg, 1, 1. each, no less than the original from which it is taken, a modest as well as dignified and happy comparison of a present nobler, with a former humbler, subject, and strongly contrasting with the presumptuous comparison, on the one hand, of himself with the authors of the Aeneid and the Odyssey, and, on the other hand, of his hero Domitian with their respective heroes, with which Statius (Silv. IV, 2, 1) has the consummate effrontery and bad taste to commence his Laudes coenae Domitiani : "Regia Sidoniae couvivia laudat Elisae qui magnum Aenean Laurentibus intulit arvis, Alcinoique dapes mansuro carmine monstrat aequore qui multo reducem consumpsit Ulixen; ast ego, cui sacrae Caesar nova gaudia coenae nunc primum, dominaque dedit consurgere mensa, qua celebrem mea vota lyra ?" BOOK I 29 PARERGON. Let those who miss, in the poems of Spenser and Milton , such dash- ing commencement as is afforded to the Aeneis by the Augustan onslaught, akma vibumque; those to whom the Aeneis is no longer the Aeneis, not even an epic poem, if it commence with ille ego, begin, if they please,' an English verse translation of the Aeneis with Arms and the man J sing, who first^ but let not Mr. Conington do so ; let not the modest no less than judi- cious, the judicious no less than honest and honorable author of the best — the only good — commentary on the Aeneis which has ever ap- peared in England , let not the poet whose octosyllabics make youth- ful ears tingle and youthful hearts throb, in a manner unwonted since the time of Scott's Marmion, let not, I say , Mr. Conington , a scholar at once and a poet, hark in with the vulgar cry. Let him rather take into his hand that first strophe of his: Arms and the man I sing, who Jirst, hy Fate of Ilian realm amerced, to fair Italia onward bore, and landed on Lavinium^s- shore: — long tossing earth and ocean o'er, hy violence of heaven, to sate felX Juno's unforgetting hate : much laboured too in battle-field, striving his city's vjalls to build, and give his Gods a home : thence come the hardy Latin brood, .the ancient sires of Alba' s blood, and lofty-rampired Rome., and ask himself, as a poet, if Arms and the man I sing, whofrst, be the dignified commencement of a great epic poem, and not rather the commencement of a sophister's exercise. Let Mr. Conington then ask himself, as a grammarian, is that commencement grammatical, and, if it be, what is the antecedent to the relative who. Arms and the man ? Impossible ! unless Arms land- ed on Lavinium's shore, imless Arms Long tossing earth and ocean o'er, By violence of heaven , unless Arms Much laboured too -in battle -field, Striving his city's walls to build, And give his Gods a home. Arms and the man is not the antecedent to the relative who ; what then is the ante- cedent? Of course, the man alone. But the man is not alone; the man is in company, in company with Arms, bound to Arms by the strong- est bond known to grammarians, the copula and. In vain you lay hands on him to take him to Lavi- nium's shore, leaving Arms behind; he struggles and resists, forbids you to separate parties joined toge- ther in grammatical wedlock. You turn beseechingly to Arms. Arms has a horror of Lavinium's shore, a horror of Long tossing earth and ocean o'er, will neither go herself nor let the man go without her: — '-Those whom grammar has joined, how dare you attempt to sunder?" What 's to be done? Try Arms again. Arms was not always so 30 AENEIDEA [PAKEBGOH selfwilled, so very headstrong. Arms was once before persuaded to go with the man : "contiilitinTyriosarmavirumquetoros/' Try her again. Well ! what does she say now? "She says she will go, but only as she went before ; she will not go as one of a pair, but she will go identified with the man. She thinks she could so travel respectably. The entry, then, in the travellers' book would be no longer 'Arms and the man', it would be 'the armed man', 'the warrior.'" That 's a capital idea; women have wit after all, no matter what somepeoplesay of them. How would it stand then ? The arm^d man I sing who first, That would do,«wouldn't it ? There's high authority for arm^d: "She leaned against the arm^d man, the stafue of the arm^d knight," But you don't like it, I see. You shake your head; and I shake mine too. Identified or not identified, Arms must not over the sea, must not Long tossing earth and ocean o'er. Arm.s must stay at home, that's poz. Egad ! I have it now. Another attachment must be got for Arms. Arms will let the man go without her, if we get her a better man at home, a stronger liaison here. Would that be possible? let me think: INSIGSEM PIETATE VIEDM — GEHUS UNDE LATINUM, ALBANIQUE PATKES ATQUE ALTAEMOENiAROMAE. How canwc cvcr come up to, much less surpass, that? Hercules falls short of that. Stay — let me think; no, it wouldn't do: "ambo animisj amboinsignespraestantibus armis; hie pietate prior." It wouldn't do ; Hector himself wouldn't do : "non si ipse meus nunc afforet Hector." We must have a God for her: a Grod would do. Grods sometimes condes- cend in this way. Mars might answer. Whatwouldyouthinkof Mars? Mars is the very thing ; you would swear, Mars was made for her; Mars, the patron God not of Rome only, but of gallantry; chivalrous Mars, the paramour par excellence, Venus' own cicisbeo. And where had Mars more suitable domina for the nonce than Arms, AprjVa TEuxsa? Put them together at once : mabtisakma; pat; the very thing; the nail hit on the head ; no dictator could have hit it nicer. Vieum, you may go where you , like, bear as much Long tossing earth and ocean o'er as you like, as much Much laboured too in battle- field as you like, as much Striving Ms city's walls to build And give his Gods a home as you like; not one step MAKTis aema goes with you. A pleasant journey and God speed, to you, and don't fret. A rivederci. This matter thus happily settled, and Mr. Conington, as I hoped, per- suaded that iLLE EGO would afford a betteribeginning for the third edition of his Aeneid than aema vikdmque, I was proceeding with my next Re- mark, and had already written "ille EGO— ikae; the proem, preface, or argument of the poem," when I heard a voice calling me back, and inquir- ing whether I had nothing further to say concerning that remarkable work of which I had so suddenly begun, only as suddenly to drop, the BOOK I. 31 discussion, Mr. Conington's "Trans- lation of the Aeneid of Virgil into English verse." I was conscience- struck, put my pen back into the ink-bottle, and began to muse. An excursus, thought I to myself, is always a delightful thing, whether it be on paper or on terra firma: . "iuvat ire iugis, qua nulla priorum Castaliam molli divertitur orbita clivo," and — I remember well — the joyous exultation with which I used to set out with Heyne on one of his excur- sus into the environs of the Aeneis, was nothing less than that with which I so often set out from the Ca- pitol, or the Emporio, or the Ponte Molle , with Pietro, worthy scion of Salvator, Rosa, on an exploration of the Campagna di Roma. Yes, I will make an excursus into "The Aeneid of Virgil translated into English verse by the Corpus Professor of Latin in the University of Oxford." The reader, no less than the author, of the Aeneidea, will be refreshed and amused by such an excursus, and go through, only with the more alacrity, afterwards, the graver, drier work which is before him. AUons ! But softly, softly. Mr. Conington and I are friends. * Is it right for a friend to break into, and disport himself in, a friend's preserve? Yes, perfectly right, the preserve having been, as this preserve of Mr. Coning- ton's has been, previously assigned over to the'public, made publici iuris, and so become a common. In this common I will take my pleasure, and if Mr. Conington by chance come across me in it we will shake hands, chat together, and part as good friends as ever. AUons ! aliens ! So taking up my pen again, I proceeded forthwith in reply to the voice which had, so apropos and at the right moment, called me back from the new Remark I was just commencing. EXCURSUS. "The Aeneid of Virgil translated into English verse by the Corpus Professor of Latin in the University of Oxford," is a poem which will be read with pleasure by persons un- acquainted with the original, but it is not the Aeneis. It is the story of the Aeneis told over in English by a troubadour or minnesinger, a tale of which the incidents alone are Virgil's, the rhythm, style, and em- bellishments not only not Virgil's, but as different from, as opposite to, Virgil's, as can well be conceived, as un-Virgilian an Aeneis as ever was presented to the public under * Written in Leghorn in the spring of 1869, my much respected friend being theii, not only living and well, but in the prime of life. Alas ! in the autumn of the same year "multis ille bonis flebilis oceidit, nulli flebilior quam mihi." 32 AENEIDEA [PAKERGOH the proud title of a translation of the Aeneid of Virgil. Mr. Coning- ton's work is a translation, if I must so call it, which does not even so much as pretend to represent either the sense or the form of the origi- nal. Mr. Conington himself tells you so, plainly enough, in his preface : "A translator not so constituted" [i. e. of a different mental constitu- tion from Vii-gil, who has nothing at all in him of Virgil] "will be better employed in endeavouring to bring about resemblance to his author by applying a principle of com- pensation, by strengthening his version in any way best suited to his powers, so long as it be not repugnant to the genius of the original, and trusting that the e f f e c t of the whole will be seen to have been cared for, though the claims of the parts may appear to have been neglected"; in other words: if anywhere in my transla- tion, the reader find I have given him less than Virgil, don't let him be uneasy, he shall in another place have more than Virgil. And so faithfully, so conscientiously, has Mr. Conington kept his word, so lib- erally and ingeniously supplied with matter not Virgilian the defi- ciency of Virgilian matter manifest everywhere throughout the work, that the reader unacquainted with Latin, and therefore without a touch- stone wherewith to inform himself whether the metal with which he is presented, be gold or pinchbeck, asks himself the question: Which of the two improbabilities am I to choose, the improbability that Vir- gil, living two thousand years ago in a totally different country and climate, among totally different cir- cumstances, under totally different institutions, social, civil, political and religious — used in his writings by mere accident the identical rhythm, style, thoughts, images, and even turns and forms of expression, which we have seen used in our own times by Sir Walter Scott in his lays of border chivalry, or the improbabi- lity that the Lady of the Lake, Mar- mion, and the Lord of the Isles are not original poems but mere copies of the Aeneis, theVirgiUan thoughts, the Virgilian imagery, the Virgilian rhythm, adapted to Scotch stories? The reader who accepts Mr. Coning- ton's work as a veritable Aeneis in English, has no escape from the di- lemma. Either Virgil's immortal soul, when Virgil died, transmigrat- ed incog through sixty generations of men, to reveal itself again to the world in the airs and melodies which were all at once heard thrilling from that "Harp of the North, that mouldering; long had hung on the wych elm that shades Saint Pil- lan's spring," or Sir W. Scott was base enough to foist himself upon the world as the composer of those delicious airs and me'odies of which he was no more than the performer on that harp of the north , which had so long hung mouldering by Saint Fillan's spring. But nobody now believes in the transmigration of souls, and as little does now, or did ever, any one be- lieve in any alloy of baseness in Sir W. Scott; the reader, therefore, of Mr. Conington's translation, however BOOK I. 33 illiterate he may be, finds himself under the necessity of regarding Mr. Conington's work, not as the Aeneis of Virgil faithfully done into English (if I may use that rather antiquated, but more genuinely English expression than transla- ted), but as the Lady of the Lake, Marmion, and the Lord of the Isles carefully done into the Aeneis; in other words, as a valuable accession to English poetical literature, in which the incidents of the Aeneis, stripped of a garb which the lapse of two thousand years had made look a little grim and old-fashioned, and tastefully dressed up in the picturesque costume of Metrical Romance, need not be ashamed to take their place on the drawing- room or boudoir table, between Lalla Rookh and Hiawatha. Hear Mr. Conington himself: "It is true of course that if Homer's heroes are, as my friend Mr. Arnold so strongly contends, not mosstroopers, Virgil's have still less of the Border character ; but it is better to run the risk of importing a few unseasonable asso- ciations than to sacrifice the living character of the narrative by making it stifl' and cumbrous." And again: "Even the simpler peculiarities of A^irgil'a style, such as his fondness for saying the same thing twice over in the same line, I have not always been at pains to copy. What is graceful in the Latin will not always be graceful in a translation; and to be graceful is one of the first duties of a translator of the Aeneid. It has often happened that by ignoring a repetition I have been able to include the entire sense of a hexameter in a single English line of eight syllables; and in such cases I have been glad to make the sacri- fice." I am sure Mr. Conington's well known candour and openness of heart will excuse me, if, in reply to these observations, which (unin- tentionally on his part, I doubt not) bear rather hardly on some trans- lations of mine in which gracefulness has been invariably postponed to faithfulness, I quote a very high authority: 'Infimarum virtutum apud vulgus laus est, mediarum ad- miratio, supremarum sensus nuUus." I will not believe that the Baconian maxim influenced Mr. Conington in his deliberate preference of grace- fulness to faithfulness. The author of the Commentary on the Aeneis was independent of the applause of the vulgar, had no occasion to seek, where it was not to be found, that fame which is dearer than life itself to the noble-minded, was already in possession of it, had already found it there where only it is ever to be found, among the noble-minded. That already won fame among the noble-minded, that only fame worth seeking or having, was little likely to be increased by the sacrifice of the fortiter in re to the suaviter in m o d , and still less by the sub- stitution of a suaviter in modo foreign not only to Virgil but to Virgil's times, for that singular, most singular and most extra- ordinary combination of suaviter in modo and fortiter in re, which has made Virgil the theme and admiration of the cultivated of all ages and all nations from his own time down to the present. The 34 AENEIDEA [pAKERGON experiment was a dangerous one, and may cost Mr. Conington dear. I am sorry he staked his solid repu- tation as a scholar, against the ephemeral laurels of a fashionable poet, and hope he may not be visit- ed, in a severer age, with the reproach of having added one to the already too numerous unfaithful, unscholarly translations of the Aeneis — he who, had he only judg- ed less diffidently of himself, had nobly rendered a noble poem into a noble language, and so, not only filled up a void in the literature of his country, but established his title to that perpetual seat in the Upper House of Helicon , which is the birthright of gentle poetic blood, and, in company ^ith Surrey and Milton, looked down from thence on clouds and mists and lakes and lake poets far below. But let me not wander from my subject, which is neither Mr. Coning- ton , his merits or demerits, nor Mr. Conington's Aeneis, its perfections or imperfections, but the commence- ment of Mr. Conington's Aeneis as compared with the commencement of Virgil's. Having noticed in Mr. Conington's commencement that grammatical solecism which is so distinguishing a feature of all com- mencements of the Aeneis with the words Arms and the man, and which is indeed inherent in, and inseparable from, even a Latin Aeneis commen- cing with AEMA VIRUMQUE, let US now see whether that solecism, forced on Mr. Conington by his unfortunate preference of arma virdmque to ille EGO as the commencement of Vir- gil's Aeneis, is not in company with. and kept in countenance by, similar solecisms in grammar or in sense, forced on him by. his still more un- fortunate preference of rhyme to blank verse, of octosyllabic to decasyllabic, and of the flippant, romantic cast of thought and expres- sion, to the staid and dignified he- roic — the staid and dignified heroic, sole English representative of that hexameter so inalienably consecrated hot only by the example first of Homer and then of Virgil, but by the judgment of Horace, to the celebration of the exploits of heroes: 'Tes gestae regumque ducumque et. tristia bella quo scribi possent numero , monstravit Homerus." Far be from me the invidious task of ransacking Mr. Conington's Aeneid for such solecisms. For aught I know practically of it, they may be there or not. Theoretically I know but too well , they must be there. The work came into my hands only yesterday, when it was obligingly lent to me, by a friend who had just imported the second edition from England into Leghorn where I write, as a work which could not be over- looked in my Aeneidea. I have as yet read with attention the first thir- teen verses only , am prevented by the printing obligations of my own work from proceeding further at present; but the first thirteen verses ai-e enough, and, seated in my easy chair beside my desk, as on a royal throne, I receive and deal with them as an emperor of the west, or sultan of the east, receives and deals with thirteen plenipotentiaries of a great, and mighty nation — China, suppose. fakekgon] BOOK I. 35- or Japan — of which, however much he may have heard, he knows practi- cally little or nothing; or — for, odious as comparisons are said to be, I love comparisons — I sit in my study in my easy chair and sift and examine these thirteen verses, as a farmer in a remote part of the country, before he leaves his break- fast table , sifts and examines, while he smokes his pipe, a sample of wheat he has just received by post, and determines by it the quality of the far distant heap. Let us proceed, beginning with verse second, verse first having been already disposed of. Amerced is a misrepresentation of the sense. Amerced is fined, pu- nished by a fine or mulct. In the original there is neither punishment nor fine, either expressed or implied, either literal or figurative. Aeneas is represented as profugus, fugitive before superior force, not as a culprit. Nothing was farther from Virgil's mind, nothing more directly opposed to the whole meaning and intention of Virgil , than to introduce and re- commend his hero as a culprit. Vir- gil has not so stultified himself. But that Mr. Conington has represented Virgil as so stultifying himself, and has not used amerced ignorantly or supposing himself at liberty to use it in the loose sense of deprived — deprived simply, and not by way of punishment — is placed beyond doubt by the passage of Milton quoted by Mr. Conington as author- ity for, and exemplification of, his use of the term: "millions of spirits for his fault amerced of heaven." Paradise Aat, 1, SOU. where the meaning is: for his fault punished with the loss of heaven. Now how does it happen that Mr. Conington, who knows the meaning both of PEOFUGus and of amerced as well as I do, adds to the injustice done to Virgil in his first verse, this new injustice in his second? Is it that he has been betrayed into this new injustice, as he was betrayed into the former, by an injudicious choice between two commencements of the original poem ? No; he was here beyond the two commence- ments, had no second reading to mislead him : he was not misled or betrayed here, he was compelled, compelled by his rhyme. Rhyme is the rhymester's lord, and, no matter how frivolous or impertinent a lord he is, must be obeyed. Rhyme sent Mr. Conington in search of a word which should chime with Jirst, and should also , if possible to find such a word, mean PEornGus. No word would be accepted which did not chime with first , but a word would be accepted which did not mean PEOFUGUS ; for Rhyme, however frivolous and impertinent, is not so utterly unreasonable as to. insist on the finding of words which are not to be found. Let the word but chime vf ith Jirst and its not meaning peofu- Gus might be put up with , provided it came within a certain length of meaning peofcgus, and in the far distant amerced, such a word was at last found. Rhyme was contented, amerced installed in its position, and Mr. Conington left at liberty to proceed to his next couplet, for who could for one moment suppose that Fate of Ilian realm would raise any 36 AENEIDEA [PABEEGON difficulty, or that the reader, who had by natural and irresistible in- stinct so connected those words, would not, as soon as he arrived at amerced , and found that the words so connected afiorded no intelligible sense, stop short, and, casting his eye back, discover, at a single glance, that the connexion /asie of was a mere optical illusion, and that the connexion required by the sense and intended by Mr. Conington was amerced of? There was , therefore, no occasion for Mr. Conington to delay, in order to guard against this unavoidable mistake of every reader ; many readers could , and some readers would, correct the mistake for themselves almost as soon as they had made it, and for those who could not, or did not choose to be at the trouble, it was hard Mr. Coning- ton should be obliged to take the other order : of Ilian realm by fate amerced, an order which, although presenting no trap into which a reader must fall without fault of his own, might on close examination be found to be quite as objectionable on other grounds as the order which Mr. Con- ington had — not, of course, without due consideration, here in his very first couplet — adopted. So Mr. Conington proceeds to his second couplet, and, with his hero, to fair Italia onward ijore, and landed on Lavinium's shore : — whether from east, west, north, or south, Mr. Conington does not say, either because he has thought it mere supererogation in Virgil to inform the reader that his hero was coming from Troy , or because he is in such a press of rhymes as to be obliged to attach to his first hurriedly yoked pair, a rt«p»iopos, and set oif at once three abreast: to fair Italia onward l/ore, and landed on Lavinium's shore ; — lonff tossing earth and ocean o'er,. But if superabundance is little less inconvenient to Mr. Conington here than just now was famine — this is a strange, ill-constructed world, and we are always out of one extreme into the opposite — yet it is not by difficulty of this kind Mr. Conington feels himself most embarrassed. He is in the still worse predicament, that while Virgil authorizes him only to bear onward to Italia, his octosyllabic verse insists he shall bear onward either to far Italia or near Italia,' or long Italia or short Italia, or square Italia or round Italia , or rich Italia or poor Italia, or great Italia or small Italia, or fair Italia or foul Italia, or black Italia or white Italia, or gray, green or blue Italia, or any Italia he pleases, so it be an Italia with a monosyllable before it. No use in remonstrances; Octosyllabic is a master no less imperious than Rhyme, and must be obeyed no less implicitly. Virgil's bidding, to Italia onward bore, is too in- compatible with Octosyllabic's su- preme will and pleasure to be taken into consideration,evenfor a moment, and Mr. Conington, having passed in rapid review before him- the sug- gested monosyllables, and found them all, and especially "foul", inj convenient and objectionable, fixes on the least inconvenient and least objectionable and BOOK 1. 37 to /air Italia onward bore, and landed on Lavinium'B shore: — long tossing earth and ocean o^er, — But what do you stop me so short for? What puts you so out of breath? — "Where in the name of heaven was he going to? Is Lavi- nium another name for America, that he was so Long tossing earth and ocean o'er going to it? Does Virgil say that, or is it all !Mr. Con- in gton's? Do tell me, don't keep me in suspense." What a silly question! Why, if it had been to America he was going, he would hardly have got there yet, considering it took ' him seven years to go from Troy to Italy. To America! Lavinium an- other name for America ! Are you dreaming? Where 's your common sense? Do you make no allowance for the difficulty, the next -to -im- possibility, of turning Latin hexame- ter into English octosyllabic, blank verse into rhyme, ancient thought into modern, epic into romance? I say: making due allowance for the difficulty of the task, the perform- ance is wonderful. I would like to see you or any one else do better, or half as well. "But what does Virgil say about the ocean? Tell me that." Virgil says nothing about it, good or bad. The ocean was as far from his mind as the antipodes. It was of the Mediterranean he was thinking It was over the Meditei'ra- nean he was bringing Aeneas, that being the readiest way from Troy to Italy , and if he does not say M e d i - terraneo but alto, what wonder? the sea not having in his time got its present sobriquet, and, even if it had, Mediterraneo being a long, sprawling word, hardly ma- nageable in a hexameter, while smart, . tidy little alto looks, for all the world, as if it had been cut out by nature for a spondee in the sixth place. To be sure the ocean was an altum as well as the Mediterranean, but it was an altum which Virgil, with all his knowledge, knew little about. He had never been on it, never even near it, had rarely even so much as heard of it. All outside the pillars of Hercules was to him if not fable-land at least fable-sea. He had no occasion, not even a pretext, to use the fine sounding word oceano. You may be sure he would have used it if he could, the word being so grand and fine sound- ing, and oceano would have cut a great figure where alto cuts little or none. But the case was different with Mr. Conington, almost the child of the ocean, living all his life in a little island on the edge of it, seeing and hearing daily of shipfuls of people crossing it to and fro as if it were a frith, and having himself crossed it, not impossibly, more than once. The ocean was as fit a place for him to toss his hero on^- or o'er (for I perceive it is o'er and not on) — as it was an unfit place for Virgil, who had himself never been outside the basin of the Mediterra- nean, to toss his hero o'er. With Mr. Conington ocean and the deep were all but synonymous; — with Virgil altum was the Me- diterranean; oceanus, all the almost wholly unknown sea beyond. When you are reading Mr. Coning- ton's Aeneis, you must always bear in mind that it is Mr, Conington, not 38 AENEIDEA Virgil, who is speaking, and you will not make such mistakes. It will then not be Virgil's Aeneas, but an Aeneas fashioned by Mr. Coning- ton, you see crossing the ocean to America or Australia; not Virgil's Aeneas, but an Aeneas of Mr. Con- ington's, who is amerced hy fate of his Ilian realm, for his sins. It will then be a Tyber of Mr. Conington's, not Virgil's Tyber, you see flowing through the Scotch Highlands; a Dido of Mr. Conington's, not Virgil's Dido, you see wooed and won in Grlen Tilt and basely deserted in the port of Leith. But to leave the thought and come back to the grammar. Bad grammarian as I have always been, I never distrusted myself as I do now; never before was at so com- plete a nonplus Priscian, help me ; Lindley Murray, help me; Zumpt and Bopp, help me. I invoke you all four in my distress; if there were grammatical Gods, I would invoke them, but never having heard of any, and never having had a gram- matical gift from heaven, worth the office-fees it cost me, I conclude that there are no grammatical Gods, and feel confident that even if there be, thejr will not take it ill of one to whom they never vouchsafed even so much as to reveal themselves, if he address himself to the next highest grammatical thrones, domi- nations, princedoms, virtues, powers, of which he has any knowledge, the grammatical demigods, Zumpt, Bopp, Lindley Murray, and Priscian. Hear me then and listen to my prayer, and turn not deaf ear to my request: if there is any grammar at all in tossing, tell me what it is; if there is none, say so at once and don't let me stand puzzling here and racking my brain for nothing: hoc tantum. I knew it. I was right. There is no grammar at all in it. It is a Sir Anthony Absolute, de- pendent on nothing, yet not able to stand by itself; neither nominative, possessive, objective nor vocative; without concord, without govern- ment, a profugus, like Aeneas himself, and amerced by fate of its realm for its sins. And now for thought again. There is a spirit of equity within me, which commands me to divide fairly, forbids me to bestow all my attentions on gram- mar, as if it were no matter about thought, as if there were no such thing as thought in the world. But there is such a thing, plenty of it too, and especially here in this work of Mr. Conington's, in which, however great occasionally may be the dearth of Virgil's thought, there is always such foison plenty of thought not Virgil's, that a considerable deficit, an alarming void, is of as rare oc- currence in it, as in the budget of a chancellor of the exchequer, equally up to the principle of "compensation" so luculently set forth in Mr. Con- ington's preface, and equally am- bidexter to reinforce failing right hand with fresh left, and when Di- rect Taxation teat is dry, fill up and overflow the pail from swollen and bursting Indirect, *'or vice versa, as the case may be." Here however, in Mr. Conington's sixth and seventh verses, I find neither Virgil nor Mr. Conington, neither epic nor romantic poet, BOOK I. 89 neither Milton nor Sir Walter Scott. 1 say to myself: thought of some kind there must be here, if only I could find it out. I look from Mr. Conington to Virgil, from Virgil to Mr. Conington, and from Mr. Con- ington back again to Virgil. Light begins to glimmer at last; it is Virgil shining on Mr. Conington, the original on the translation, not the translation on the original. Vi supEKUM is joined with iactatus by Virgil; therefore Mr. Conington's hy violence of heaven belongs to tossing not to sate. The dawning opinion is confirmed by the undoubtedly in- finitesimally-better sense which toss- ing by violence of heaven makes, than by violence of heaven to sate. I give the junction of by violence of heaven with tossing, the benefit of the infinitesimally better sense, and fix as firmly as I can in my mind : tossing by violence of heaven. Suc- cess encourages, "possunt quia posse videntur," and I push on. Something, some person or thing, is, or has been, or will be, tossing; there can be no doubt of that. Now if we could find out who or what that person or thing is, it would be another step. Can it be Arms and the man'? I doubt it; Mr. Conington himself forbids us to think of it, has placed at shore not merely a colon, but a colon followed by a dash, to prevent our entertain- ing even for a moment any such notion. It must be something, some person or thing, at this side of the colon and dash, which is tossing, or has been, or will be, tossing. I have again recourse to the original and find there a sign-post with out- stretched finger pointing to virum. Delighted, I return to the trans- lation, and, kicking down with my foot the double barrier which the illiterate printer had set up between the man and tossing, join the two, hand in hand, as I now see it was Mr. Conington's intention to join them. Elated with continued suc- cess, I begin to imagine myself ir- resistible, and ask myself, as a great conqueror asked himself once before, why might not one who has conquer- ed Tigris and Euphrates, conquer Indus and Ganges also, the whole east, the whole world? Audentes Fortuna iuvat. Before setting out on a new conquest however, it is the part of a prudent general, to com- plete and secure his last, and the affairs of my last conquered pro- vince, the man tossing, are anything but satisfactory. I don't quite under- stand this tossing yet, said I to my- self. Though I no longer doubt but it is the man who is tossing, and though I have ascertained to a moral certainty that earth and ocean o'er is no more than Mr. Conington's way of saying earth and the deep o'er, still I have but a dim, confused notion what either tossing earth and ocean o'er or tossing earth and the deep o'er is. Is it tossing earth and ocean o'er, as hay- makers toss hay o'er? No; for cui bono the man's tossing earth and ocean o'er, as if they were hay, even granting he were able, which we all know he was not? Grammatically, however, this is the only meaning the words bear. No matter; it is not their meaning here, for Mr, Coning- ton is not the man to write nonsense. If the words have no other meaning 40 AENEIDEA PAREKGON grammatically, they have some other ungrammatically. Let us turn to Virgil; he who helped us before, may help us now. What does Virgil say? lAOTATus. There it is! tossing is used for tossed. Poets, and especially octosyllabic poets, are fond of such licenses, and if the prince and patriarch of octosyllabic poets has used, in one of his most exquisite passages, the past par- ticiple passive, for the present par- ticiple active ^ "and thus an airy point he won, ■where gleaming with the setting sun, one burnished sheet of living gold, Loch Katrine lay beneath him rolled," where, in as much as it is impos- sible by any stretch of imagination to conceive a lake rolled beneath him on an airy point, and by a great stretch of imagination it is possible to conceive^ a lake rolling beneath him on an airy point, it is but fair towards Sir Walter Scott to regard "rolled" as used by poetic licence for rolling^I do not know what is to prevent the catechumen from using in a passage in no respect inferior to his master's, tossing, the present participle active, in place of tossed, the past participle passive. So far therefore is the man from tossing earth and ocean o'er as if they were so much hay, that it is the man himself who is tossed o'er earth and ocean. This is another lift for which we ought to be grate- ful to Virgil. But let us not halloo till we are out of the wood. It is certaii^ly the man who is tossing earth and ocean o'er, i. e. who is tossed earth and ocean o'er, there is no doubt of that, but what picture does a man tossed earth and ocean o'er, present? I find it difficult to realize any picture of him, to fix any picture of him steadily in my mind's eye. I have something dancing there. Let me try to fix it. It won't stand steady. I think I see some- thing tossing like a cork or buoy on agitated water. That is not Mr. Conington's picture; he says quite plainly, o'er not on; the man is o'er, not on, earth and ocean, the cork is on, not o'er, the water; tossed like a cork on agitated water is not the picture, and, even if it were and perfectly represented the man tossing ocean o'er, would very imperfectly represent the man tossing earth o'er, and however tossing ocean o'er might be winked at or ignored (all that species of tossing being now at the back of theman, who has just landed on Lavinium's shore) tossing earth o'er is neither to be winked at nor ignored, it being precisely that species of tossing which is before the man just landed on Lavinium's shore. Let us therefore, turning our backs too on tossing ocean o'er, fix all our attention on that tossing earth o'er which is before us. The difficulty of tossing has been already surmounted; we have ascertained it to be a mere poetical equivalent for tossed; so, to simplify and facilitate matters, let us take tossed instead. Now tossed is as clear as daylight. There is not a child has not seen a pancake tossed, and if few of us have seen, all of us have heard of, "tossed in a blanket", and some of us even have by heart: PAREKGON BOOK I. 41 Cloncurry, Cloncurry, why in such hurry to see the disgrace of the squire? I am sure unto you , such a sight can't be new, for a blanket has tossed you much higher. There is. therefore, no difficulty whatever in tossed; the picture it affords is as clear as it is striking; but tossed earth o'er is less easy to manage. To be sure a pancake may be tossed earth o'er, or a man may be tossed in a blanket earth o'er, but I doubt either of these is exactly the picture we have here. Much more likely the picture we have here is that of the man tossed earth o'er like a shuttlecock, hue et illuc. Still however there is the objec- tion, that we hear almost as seldom of a shuttlecock tossed o'er any- thing as we hear of a pancake, or a man in a blanket, tossed o'er anything. Disheartened but not despairing we turn again to Virgil for help, and finding he has neither per, nor super, nor insuper, nor supra, nor other equivalent for o'er, nothing but simple iacta- Tus, we perceive at once the whole rationale of u'er, perceive at once that o'er is a chime which has forced itself in, despite Virgil, perhaps even despite Mr. Conington him- self, for we saw just now how chimes of litera latrans and broad o swarmed in about him from all quarters, crowding, squeezing, crush- ing, and tumbling over each other, as soon as they heard the "Harp of the North" twang bore; a sight to delight the soul of Dry- den, if ever "pius vates qui Phoebo digna locutus" gets a peep back into this sunny world out of those dismal Elysian subterranea. O'er thus happily disposed of, set down neither to Virgil nor to Mr. Coning- ton, but to forward, intrusive, im- pertinent Rhyme, and set down to the same vast and comprehensive account, both sate and hate, of neither of which, more than of o'er, is trace to be found in our original, but of both of which the "linked sweetness" is every where to be found in another original never not present to the mind of our trans- lator : "nor doubt of living foes to sate deepest revenge and deadliest hate," I come back, for "suum cuique" is my motto, to grammar, and inter- pose my YENi-viDi-vici shield be- tween Mr. Conington and the re- doubtable ferulae with which the whole four grammatical demigods are laying on him at once. "What have I done ?" he cries , as soon as, crouched under the broad buckler, he has a little recovered his breath — "what have I done to deserve this punishment? how have I unwitt- ingly offended your most mighty mightinesses? quo numine laeso Quidve dolentes? non ego cum Cockneybus Grammaticam exscindere gentem Londini iuravi. classemve Purleiam misi, nee patris Harrisii cinerem manesve re- velli — " "No ; but if you have not done that, jou have done what is just as bad," cried they all, striving which would be the loudefft; "you have dared, not having the fear of us before your eyes, and in open contraven- tion both of common law gramma- 42 AENEIDEA [PAKEBGON tical and the statute in that case made and provided, whereby it is enacted that every finite verb shall agree with its own nominative in number and person, a thing plainly impossible unless the finite verb have a nominative provided for it — you have audaciously dared to leave your finite verb without all such provision, to use your finite verb infinitively, to use your finite verb as if it were not finite but infinite and required no nominative at all, thereby wantonly disturbing the established order of things in this our realm of Grammar, setting an example of insubordination — the worst example which can be set to those tender minds which it is your special duty to guide in the narrow paths of grammatical truth and righteousness — and disappointing and frustrating, as far as in you lies , all ■ our so strenuous and un- ceasing efforts to outlaw, and banish beyond our confines, those fantastic licenses, those barbarous solecisms, those vulgar patois-isms, which are the sworn enemies of all gramma- tical concord, and render all gram- matical government impossible. So great was the hubbub, increased as it was by Mr. Conington's cries for help, that it was with the greatest difficulty I was able to collect and reduce into connected sense the simultaneous exclamations , of four voices, each at its loudest, each issuing from a wide open mouth, a real os rotundum, not one of our English slits, better adapted by na- ture for making pasta lasagna or tapeworm, than for giving pas- sage to full fledged tnia nregocvTci. After a lull scarcely sufficient for my jotting down as much as I had collected, the storm was beginning again, "extremaque Conington Par- cae fila legunt," when thoroughly alarmed, and scarcely less for my- self than for Mr. Conington — "nee sopor illud erat, sed coram agnoscere vuUus velatasque comas , praesentiaque ora vide- bar ; tum gelidus toto manabat corpore sudor" — I cried out: "Hold! read the motto on the shield." They all paused at once, and I saw Mr. Conington was saved; and one of them, I think it was Priscian, stooping down, read in a loud voice for the others : " veni. VIDI. viGV "What 's that to the purpose?" cried Bopp. "What re- lation has that to Mr. Conington, more than to Ariman or Vishnu?" "It is a fine alliteration," said Zumpt, who had become more composed, and was twirling his ferula as a dandy twirls his cane. "It 's Latin, and Latin 's not my province," said Lindley Murray, gruffly enough. "May I be permitted to explain to your grammatical highnesses ?" said I submissively, as 1 motioned Mr. Conington to be off: "Here are three verbs, not one of them a bit better provided with a nominative than Mr. Conington's laboured." "True," said Priscian, "very true. I begin to think we have been precipitate." "Anything but precipitate," said Lindley Murray, who had been all along the most furious of the four ; "Latin 's no rule for English; a nice language we 'd have of it, if it were. Suppose an English general were to send home a despatch consisting of parebgon] BOOK I. 43 the three words, came. saw. con- quered., what would the secretary at war make of it? What member of the cabinet council before whom the secretary at war laid it, would understand one word of it? All measures to be taken on the des- patch, should be postponed until a committee of grammarians had de- cided who it was came. saw. con- quered., the enemy, or the writer of the despatch, or who else. There would be a variety of opinions, each with more or less show of probabi- lity on its side, and while with each member it was a point of honor not to surrender as long as he could hold out, the despatch would remain unanswered, and matters be left to settle themselves on the field of operations, the best way they could. No, no ; Latin has its own rules and English has its own. veni. vidi. via. is no excuse for Mr. Conington. But there is an excuse for him. I perceive it now at last, and am sorry I allowed myself to be put into so unseemly a fury. Laboured is not a verb finite and, therefore, requir- ing a nominative. Laboured is a participle, and not only can do, but ought to do, and must do, without a nominative. Have patience with me for one moment and I'll make this clear to you. Laboured once installed as verb finite and sup- plied with a nominative before it— no matter whether that nom- inative be who expressed, or who understood, or he understood — Striving becomes, by unavoidable necessity, laboured'^ nominative after, and we have the structure who laboured striving, or he laboured striving, and the sense: the man's labour in the battle-field consisted in striving to build his city's walls there, viz. in the battle- field, and give his Gods a home there, viz. in the battle-field. Now to that sense, or that nonsense — for what but nonsense is: laboured in the battle-field striving to build his city's walls there and give his Gods a home there ? — I will never agree, so long as I have the better sense, say rather, the less nonsense, open to me: [the man] laboured [participle] in the battle-field, [the man] Striving his city's walls to build, = the man belaboured [harassed] in the battle- field, the man striving his city's walls to build; laboured and Striving being coordinate, the former past participle passive, and the latter present participle active, and both agreeing with the substantive man. No, no; it is we who are wrong, not Mr. Conington. Laboured is as good a Participle as it is an Imper- fect, and you might as well ask what is its nominative in that verse of Comus : "what time the laboured ox in his loose traces from the furrow came," as ask what is its nominative in this verse of Mr. Conington's. To be sure the structure is a little scab- rous: [the man] laboured (= bela- boured, harassed, done up with la- bour) in the battle-field, not perfectly smooth, easy, fluent, and plain to a child, but it is, on the one hand, quite as smooth , easy, fluent , and plain to a child, as either of its fellow structures, By Fate of Eian realm amerced, and Long tossing earth and 44- AENEIDEA PABEKaON ocean o'er, and, on the other hand, affords a sense very much preferable to that afforded by the rival struc- ture \who\ laboured too in battle- field. Striving, and therefore I not only myself adopt this structure in preference to the other, but warmly recommend it to my learned col- leagues for their adoption also.'' "There 's reason in what the author of the English Grammar says, as there always is,'' said Bopp, "and I am inclined to agree with him; but there 's something else here, which offends me as much as or even more than laboured." "What 's that?" cried Zumpt: "what 's that?" cried Lindley Murray; "what 's that?" cried Priscian; while I, relieved fi-om all apprehension for Mr. Con- ington, who was already out of both sight and hearing, leaned forward all agog and listened with undivided and increasing attention : — "I '11 tell you," said Bopp ; "laboured might pass, if it were not for field. It 's field does the mischief; for which of the whole four of us, being told, in one and the same breath, of la- bouring in a field, and of striv- ing to build the walls of a city, does not, by a natural in- stinct, identify the labouring with the striving, and figure to him- self the city's walls a-building up before him in the field? Now if it is so with us demigods, notwith- standing our superior education, penetration, and means of know- ledge, how will it not be with mortal men, so much inferior to us in every one of these respects? how will it not be with mortal women, for whose still less enlarged intellects this, I must acknowledge, most charming, most enticing, most cap- tivating little lay, this "only readable of all the English versions of the Aeneis", seems to have been ex- pressly designed and executed? I shudder to think of it." "Don't shudder, Bopp," said Zumpt. "Shud- dering does no good to any one, least of all to the shudderer. I, for my part, have never shuddered since I got the ferula into my own hand, and out of my master's. Besides, what is there to shudder at in that, certainly no less true than graphic, picture to which you have just in- vited the attention of your col- • leagues ? Where 's the harm if ladies, or even gentlemen, don't understand one word in twenty, of a poem they are reading, especially if it be a lay, or idyl, or ballad ? They read the poem neither for the sake of picking holes in it, as you or I would, nor for the sake of being made wiser or better by it , as that redoubtable Quixote there with his VENi-riDi-vioi shield would; they read it solely for the sake of the pleasurable feelings it excites in them. Let it excite those feelings, and their object is gained; it is exactly the book for them, the best book in the world except the last they read in the same manner. The poet's object too is gained, he has succeeded delectare, edition after edition of his book is called for, let who will, be at the pains p r o d e s s e." "Exactly so," said Bopp, while Zumpt paused to recover breath; "populus decipi vult, decipiatur." "That 's not it, Bopp," said Zumpt; "populus delectari vult, delectetur. BOOK I. 45 People don't like grammars and accidences and prosodies; have got enough of them at school. It 's stories, they like, and lays and romances and idyls and songs and ballads, and to be transported', in thought, not back to the desk and the form and the task, but *to shallow rivers, to whose falls melodious birds sing madrigals; there will we make our peds of roses, and a thousand fragrant posies\" "Then Mr. Conington's is the very book for them," said Murray. "To be sure," said Zumpt; "don't you know it 's at the second edition, and a third coming?" "I wonder will the new edition show any signs of the lesson he has got today," said Bopp, drily. "Do you take him for a fool, Bopp," said Zumpt, "or think he has never heard the proverb : 'let well enough alone' ? What does he want more than edition after edi- tion, as fast as they can come out?" "But which of his readers," said Bopp, "especially of his lady readers, will be able to understand a single strophe, if we are to judge by the one we have just been examining? To me this very first strophe of his presents more difficulties than an entire chorus of the Prometheus Vinctus." "And to me too," said Zumpt ; "but you seem to forget that it 's not you and I and Lindley Murray and Priscian who call for the editions, but the people who take pleasure in the poem, the people to whom the poem presents no difficulties." "The people to whom the poem presents no difficul- ties, Zumpt!" exclaimed Bopp in astonishment; "who are they? 1 would like to see some of them. To me it 's all difficulties ; every word from beginning to end, difficulties." "And to me too," cried out together both Lindley and Priscian. And to me too, thought I to myself, but said nothing, only drew nearer and nearer. "I 'd tell you how it is," said Zumpt, "but for that imper- tinent fellow with the shield, there, whom Mr. Conington's cries brought on our backs a while ago. He 's listening to every word we say." "Never mind him, Zumpt," said Bopp; "he is one of ourselves, as the ladies say of the doctor." "No, he is not," said Lindley ; "he is an interloper, and I for one would be easier if he were out of that: 'The Lord preserve me from my petters'." "Let him stay," said Priscian; "he 's a very old friend of mine, and I '11 be accountable for anything he says or does. Go on, Zumpt," So I was let stay, and Zumpt proceeded. "Well, I '11 tell you how it is. Not one of us grammarians knows how to read a book. The first thing any one of us does when he takes up a book, is to set about to parse it, to make out the grammar ; if he pays any attention at all to the sense, it is only as a help to making out' the grammar. Now this is a preposterous way of reading a book, nothing short of putting the cart before the horse. I say, the reader of a book has nothing whatever to do with the grammar; the sense is all he wants; let him attend to that and he will have few difficulties or none.'' "How is he to get at the sense," said Priscian, "except through the grammar? Grammar 46 AENEIDEA [PAEEKGON is the only door ; a narrow one, no doubt, but the only one. Before I allowed one of my Constantinople pupils even so much as to guess at the sense of any one of Virgil's verses, I made him parse twenty.'' "To be sure," said Zumpt, "for they were at school, learning Latin. The readers of Mr. Conington's Aeneis, or of any other lay or idyl, are not at school; their object is not to learn grammar but to apply the gfammar they have learned, or, if they have learned none, to get on, as well as they can, without it; to be amused , pleased and delighted with the plot and the images and the rhythm and especially with the rhyme ; if there are errors, to con- done them ; if there are difficulties, not to break their shins on them but avoid and go round them; and, above all, never to stop or hesitate or inquire or look about, but go smoothly and swimmingly on to F for figs, J for jigs, N for knuckle- bones, J for jackstones, and S for stirabout. To get at the sense, Priscian, and that through the grammar ! It 's not at the sense the reader wants to get, but at the plea- sure. Let him get the pleasure, and who will, take both sense and gram- mar. You might as well ask a inan to inquire into the grounds of his faith, as ask him to examine into either the sense or the grammar of his romance. He begs you not to disturb him, not to awake him out of his delicious dream. He doesn't want to be informed, wants only to enjoy. You 're troublesome, be off out of that." "Othello's occupa- tion 's gone, if what Zumpt says be true," sighed Murray. "It 's too true," said Bopp ; "the more gram- mar, the less pleasure ; every school- boy knows that." "In the whole range of literary pleasures," conti- nue'd Zumpt, growing excited with his theme, "there is none to be com- pared with the delight with which an illiterate man reads a rhymed romance the thoughts of which are sufficiently like his own to be mis- taken by his illiterate, undiscerning, easily-imposed-on mind, for his own. In case the author is of reputation, such ignorant reader, flattered to find so eminent a person agreeing entirely with him on all points,, begins to entertain a higher opinion of himself; if he has a good memory, revels in an almost perpetual cita- tion of some of the most striking verses; if he has a full purse, buys the book, lays it on his drawing- room table, makes presents of it to his friends, and is continually in- quiring after the newest edition. In the opposite case, the same illite- rate reader wonders how it is pos- sible so sweet, so touching, so na- tural, so true a poet is so little- known, inveighs against the bad taste and want of discernment, of the times, and predicts a career of glory to a poet who requires only to be known, to be appreciated ;. a prediction which seldom fails to fulfil itself, and Hiawatha, The- Course of Time, The Idyls of the King, and Evangeline rapidly reach fifth and tenth editions." "I '11 not throw away my ferula yet, for all that, Zumpt," said Murray. "It 's. no doubt very pleasant to find our thoughts reflected back to us from. BOOK I. 47 every book we read, and I know no surer or speedier way of becoming enamoured both of one's own self and one's author; neither do I doubt that most of the favorite authors we hear so much of, are authors who have been read exactly in the man-, ner you have so vividly pictured; nevertheless I, for one, will never use my book as a looking-glass wherein to contemplate my own face; my book shall be to me a telescope and microscope, where- with to bring into view, objects either too remote or too minute for my unassisted vision ; my book shall show me my author's thought, not reflect me back my own. For this reason my author shall be gramma- tical, it being gi-ammar alone which enables my author to express his thought, grammar alone which enables me to understand it. I will therefore neither throw away my ferula, nor read such books as Jlr. Conington's.'' "Bravo! Lind- ley," said Bopp. "A whiff of that old, sturdy, quaker spirit which established American Indepen- dence, is something refreshing in these soapy, idyllic times; re- freshing to me, I mean, for as to the ptiblic, we are only wasting our breath on them; they '11 take their own way without minding what either you or I say. Come away, Lindley, it 's growing late: 'Nox ruit, Lindleie, nos flendo ducimus horas'." "I wonder how Mr. Con- ington has that?" said Priscian. "I '11 tell you ," said Lindley, "first thanking Bopp for his compliment. No one knows how to pay compli- ments likeBopp. Mr. Conington says: Atneas, night approaches near : while we lament, the hours career " "Any bad grammar there, Lindley?" said Zumpt. "You wouldn't have both bad grammar and misrepre- sentation of Virgil's thought in the same sentence, would you?" said Priscian. "Why not?" said Bopp. "It would be no so great miracle for Mr. Conington. Have you so soon forgot Long tossing earth and ocean o'er, and Much laboured too in battle-field. T "For myself," said Priscian, "I am hardly English scholar enough to pronounce with certainty whether there is, or is not, bad grammar in the couplet, but it 's plain there is very little Virgil. Both approaches near and the hours career are Mr. Conington's." "Com- pensations, I suppose, for night falls and we pass the hours," said Bopp. "I must say I approve of that principle of compensatioil, founded, as it is, on the broad, firm basis of eternal, immutable justice: lustitia fiat, caelum ruat." "Which you know means, not, let justice be done and the sky fall, but, let jus- tice be done and the sky approach near," said Zumpt. "Don't be too hard on Mr. Conington, Zumpt," said Bopp. "Perhaps he knew, what you don't seem to know, that whenever Virgil's Night 'ruit', she is always rising, and whenever Virgil's Nightfalls, it is just day- break : 'et iam nox humida caelo praecipitat, suadentque cadentia sidera somnoe.' It 's not Mr. Conington's fault, but his rhyme's. Put the saddle on the right horse." "Mr. Conington's 48 AENEIDEA rhyme's fault is Mr. Conington's own fault," said Lindley stoutly; "for whose is the rhyme but Mr. Conington's ? not Virgil's, 1 'm sure." "No matter whose fault it is," said Priscian, "let Zumpt go on; we should not have interrupted him. Go on, Zumpt; I beg your pardon for my unseasonable question; go on." "The poet's mission," con- tinued Zumpt, "is to give, the rea- der's, to take, pleasure. Both mis- sions are accomplished every time a book is read through from begin- ning to end with pleasure. What matter if, from beginning to end, the thoughts and images called up in the reader's mind ;have not been those which the author intended to call up, but others more or less different, others which in the read- er's mind are so closely connected with the words as alone to be called up by them? The reader, unaware of his misconception, goes on no less pleased, often more pleased, than if the less familiar, stranger thoughts and images intended by the author, had been evoked, finds no hitch, and all goes smooth and easy until we, spoil-sport grammarians, come in between with our apple of discord; we grammarians, whose pleasure is less to learn and know, than to show how little others have learned or know; we grammarians, who searc'a for warts and pimples with magnifiers, and for dimples with diminishers; we grammarians, who neither use the manger our- selves nor let the horse use it." "I did not expect to hear that from you, Zumpt," said Bopp. "It 's an ill bird 'files its own nest." "Zumpt 's not serious," said Lindley. "No one knows better than Zumpt that it 's not grammar is in fault; that it 's not with grammar we are to fall put, but with Mr. Conington whose grammar is bad." "Right, Lindley," said Bopp; "the fault 's not in grammar, but in the gram- mar, in Mr. Conington's grammar, which is indeed, as we 're all agreed, execrable. But we must never forget the cause of this most execrable, most abominable — I can never get a bad enough name for it — this 'monstrum - horrendum - inf orme - in- gens-cui- lumen -ademptum' gram- mar of Mr. Conington's, his octo- syllabic rhyme." "And whose fault but Mr. Conington's own, is Mr. Conington's octosyllabic rhyme ?" said Lindley, warmly. "Drunken- ness is an aggravation of, not an excuse for, the outrages of the drunkard; rhyme is an aggravation of, not an excuse for, the outrages of the rhymester. Rhyme! the monkish invention which forces you to say what you ought not to say, what you do not intend to say, aye, what you neither think nor believe. Faugh! I hate both rhyme and rhymesters. I am ashamed of Mr. Conington, that he stooped to have anything to do with it. I expected better of him, better of the erudite professor and commentator, better of the University of Oxford." "That 's all very fine talk, very virtuous indignation, Lindley," said Zumpt, "but there are few Herculeses now- a-days, to prefer the toilsome road to the pleasant. Mr. Conington's octosyllabics shine bright on the drawing room table ; Surrey's and BOOK I. 49 Milton's heroics gather dust on the shelf. 'Marmiou', said Mr. Conington to himself before he sat down to translate the Aeneis, 'has been read by multitudes who would find the perusal of the Paradise Lost too severe an undertaking', and, when he had finished his work, stereotyped the reflection in his preface, lest any one should mistake his motive for caricaturing the Aeneis, lest any one should accuse him of holding the opinion that the Aeneis were better represented in octosyllabic rhy-me than in heroics. You 're quite too one-sided, Lindley ; all for Virgil, and nothing at all for the reader, lou forget there are two parties in court. Thereader begs a little of your attention. Besides, the reader's is a living interest, Virgil's a dead one. iDo take the reader a little into account, be it ever so little. You surely wouldn't inflict on him all Vir- gil's repetitions , wouldn't make him go through Which man if the fates preserve alive, if he feed on the ethereal efflu- ence, if he do notyetlie down in the cruel shades, when the whole pith and essence of the rig- marole might be put, and has been — and, as I think, most judiciously — put, by Mr. Conington, into a nutshell : if he Hill looks upon the aun, no spectre yet.*' "Virgil's rigmarole! Zumpt," said Priscian; "Virgil's rigmarole put into a nutshell by Mr Conington, judiciously put into a nutshell! That is the last reproach I ever expected to hear of Virgil, the last praise I ever expected to hear of Mr. Conington. Why, it is Virgil's brevity makes him so difficult to be either unders'ood or translated; it is of Virgil's brevity Mr. Conington himself so feelingly complains : 'Not the least of the evils of the measure I have chosen, is a tendency to diifuseness : anid, in translating one of the least diff'use of poets , such a tendencyrequires a strong remedy. Accordingly, the duty of conciseness has always been present to my mind." "Exactly so, Priscian", replied Zumpt ; "Mr. Conington's measure being so difli'use, there was no possibility of keeping the translation within limits, of preventing it from looking, when placed beside the original, prettj' much as an ox looks standing beside a frog, except by lopping -off" — "Ha! ha! ha!" interrupted Priscian, "except by lopping-off the limbs of the frog to bring him down to the dimensions of the ox. Ha! ha! ha! Virgil's rigmarole judiciously put into a nutshell !" "Take care you 're not premature with your laugh, Priscian," said Bopp. "How do we know but this lopping-off here may be compensated, and more than compensated, elsewhere, by graft- ing-on? How do we know but it may have been precisely this omis- sion which made room for the inser- tion of that exquisite original figure into the third Book : 'tis sweet to /eel fate's book is closed and under seal, for us, alas I that volume stern o has many another page to turn. ■ Persuaded , as we all are , of Mr. Conington's inexorable justice, knowing, as we all do, how rigidly he 50 AENEIDEA adheres to his self-imposed principle of compensation, why should we hesitate to accept an entire original chapter about fate's book, as pay- ment, with interest, for any omission of fate, any squeezing into a nutshell, any lopping-ofF of frog's legs there may be here?" "I will accept no compensation, no interest," said Lindley. "Virgil's corpus must be respected, must be kept illaesum et inviolabile. That is my sine-qua- non. I would as soon think of a compromise with a man who had struck his father or robbed his client, .as with a man who had violated the corpus of Virgil." "And I too", said Priscian: "Qui corpus Virgilii viola- verit, sacer esto. We have had enough of Tuccas and Variuses, enough of Peerlkamps and Gruppes. We must have no more Ronsards, no more Franciades, no more idyllic Aeneids, no more translators of Virgil touring with Dr. Syntax in search of the picturesque." "Nor any more bloody dukes of Alba among Aeneas's descendants, I hope, said Lindley. "No fear of that," said Bopp. '■'■The ancient sires of Alba's blood are far enough off from the bloody duke. Pair play for Mr. Conington', however little fair play Mr. Conington shows Virgil." "You forget, Bopp", replied Lindley, "that the octosyllabic Aeneis is neither for you nor Zumpt nor Priscian nor even for me , but for the drawing- room table', for the unlettered, for the wholly ignorant in such matters. Now where in that large class of readers is there one, who has any image of Alba Longa, the Latian city, in his mind, ready to be called up by these words of Mr. Coning- ton's?" "Let whoever has not, go to his gazetteer," said Bopp. "It's not to his gazetteer, but to his bio- graphical dictionary, the words send him," said Lindley. "The words are: thmce come the hardy Lalin Itrood, the ancient sires of Alba's bloods Now hardy Latin brood, ancient sires, and Alba's Mood, being all suggestive, not of places bntpersons, the illiterate reader who has any doubt of the correctness of his first impression, that the bloody duke of Alba of whom he has so often heard, is meant, goes to his biographical dictionary to inquire who this Alba of Virgil's was , and finding no Alba there except the bloody duke of that name, has his first impression con- firmed, and hastens on, expecting soon to hear more, either of the bloody duke himself, or of his sires, or of the sires of his blood." "Exactly so," said Zumpt, "and what harm, or why not? The phantom affords as much pleasure as the reality, nay more, being both more lively and less strange, the reader is satisfied, and the translator saved trouble and perhaps blame." "The reader has my hearty congratulations," said Bopp, gravely: ■'whore ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise." "I don't know which is most to be congratulated," said Zumpt, "the reader who is made so happy, or the translator who puts on the victor's crown without having experienced either the fatigue or the sweat or the dust, of the circus." "More to be congratulated than either ," said Priscian, "is Virgil himself, to whose PAKERGOS BOOK I. 51 glory of having predicted Christ in his Pollio is now to be added the new wreath of having predicted the bloody duke of Alba in the exordium of his Aeneis. 'Sed tamen amoto quaeramus seria ludo.' I greatly fear , this bloody duke of Alba will ruin Mr, Conington's book." "Just the contrary," said Zumpt, "he will recommend it. While the well in- formed go round the pitfall smiling, the ill-informed, quae maxima turba est, willlose themselves with pleasure in the delicious bottom." "Let the maxima turba take care of them- selves," said Priscian; it 's not for them I am concerned, but for the pauci, the well informed, amongst whom give me leave to class you, my respected colleagues , as well as my- self. Of our falling into the pitfall there is indeed as little danger, as there is of our losing ourselves in the delicious bottom; but we are not at all unlikely to stand, like so many perplexed sheep, on the brink, and say to eacjh other as I say to you now: fair and softly; like as this is to the duke of Alba's blood, it is not the duke of Alba's blood at all — nimium ne crede coloi-i — it is Longa Alba's blood: and then to ask each other as I ask you now: what is Longa Alba's blood?" "What is Longa Alba's blood?" said Bopp, repeating the question. "Yes," said Priscian, "what is Longa Alba's blood? L wait for information." There was a long pause. "Longa Alba's blood is the blood of Longa Alba," said Lindley at last, confi- dently. "It is," said Bopp; "there is no doubt of it." 'Agreed", said Zumpt; "all agreed," said Priscian; "now what 's the blood of Longa Alba? ' Another long pause. "Does Virgil say nothing about it?" said Lindley. "Not one word," said Pris- cian ; "I wonder where Mr. Conington got it." "Of course in Marmion,'' said Zumpt : " 'De "Wilton and Lord Marmion woo'd Clara de Clare of Gloater's blood'." "It 's a wise son knows his own fa- ther," said Lindley , "but if there 's any virtue in likeness, the ancient sires of Alba's bloody is certainly a much nearer relative of 'Clara de Clare of Gloster'a blood' than of ALBANiQUE pATKEs." "Zumpt 's quite right," said Bopp; "he was thinking more of Clara de Clare than of ALBANiQCB PATRES, wheu ho was inditing the ancient sires of Alba's blood.'' "What wonder if he was," said Lind- ley, "or that the same jade got be- tween him and his ALBAmof octosyllabic and rhyme, 'nunc dextra ingeminaus ictuSj nunc ilia sinistra'." "He deserved all the pommeling he got, and more ," said Lindley , "for going into the way of that hard, double-fisted Necessity at all. He might have known how she would treat him, how she treats all who come neai- her or have anything to do with her." "You don't know how sweet, how enticing, how siren a song she sings, Lindley," said Zumpt, "or you would not say that." "I beg your pardon, Zumpt, I know very well,". replied Lindley, "and in its proper place I have many a time listened to it with pleasure. Mr. Conington too was free to listen to it, and even to sing it himself if he pleased, and chorus away with Sir Walter Scott and Clan- Alpine's boatmen, but he was not free to set Virgil a-chorusing with them : loe thought them to Mycenae ^own, and rescued Troy forgets to groan, ■wide stand the gates'^: what joy to go the Dorian camp to see, the land disbtirthened of the foej Eoderigh Vich Alpine, ho ! iro ! the shore from vessels free. It does not come well out of Roman lips; least of all, well out of Virgil's. What! Virgil, who sang even bucolic in hexameter, to sing epic in octo- syllabic rhyme! Pie! fie! It is Henry the Eighth dancing a horn- pipe to the lascivious pleasing of a lute.'' "You are quite too severe on poor Mr. Conington," said Zumpt. "One would think you had some spite at him. Did he ever offend you?" "Never," replied Lindley, "except by this one act." "This act has offended us all," said Zumpt; "but remember: "Let not the sun go down upon your wrath." "The sun shall not only go down on my wrath, but rise on it too," said Lindley, "if it rises on me." "Bravo! again, Lindley," saidBopp; "if you're not an Englishman, you're worthy to be one. Blow the rebels from the can- non's mouth." and he clapped Lind- ley on the shoulder until the blood mounted into, and" animated, the •features of the honest American, "Mercy 's twice blessed," said Zumpt, "and droppeth as the gentle . rain from heaven." "And more than that," saidPriscian, "Mr. Conington 's clear off. But what 's this he has left be- hind him?" and, stooping down, he took up a piece of paper , soiled and crumpled as if a regiment of soldiers had marched over it. "What is it?" said Bopp. "Let me see it," said Zumpt, taking it out of Priscian's hand. "There 's writing on it. There, do you read it, Lindley." "Heroics !" said Lindley, after conning it for a few moments : "by the ghost of Mil- ton, heroics !" "Can you make them out, Lindley?" said Bopp. "I 'm longing for a draught of something, no matter what, to jput the taste of that treacly emulsion, that mawkish colostrum we have been swallowing all morning, out of my mouth." "Read them out, Lindley," said Priscian: "You don't intend to keep them all to yourself, do you?" But Lindley read on, never lifting his eyes off' the paper, nor seeming to hear a word that was said to him. "I say, Lindley," shouted Bopp, "what are you dream- ing about? you seem to forget 54 AENEIDEA there's any one here but yourself." "Blessed be God that I have lived to see this day!" said Lindley, walking slowly on, with the paper in his hand and without taking notice of any one; "I'm now content to die whenever it pleases heaven to take me. NuAC dimittis." "The man is mad," said Priscian "Halloo, Lind- ley! where are you going? give me that paper ," cried Bopp , following, and taking the paper out of Lindley 's hand, and beginning to read : I, the same I, who on Pandean terse tuned once the lay , and , issuing from the woods, pressed the near arable into the clown's covetous service, and my worl? pleased well the agriculturist —but now I sing bristling arms martial and the man whom fate brought from the Trojan border refugee primal to Italy's Lavinian shore ; the man so tossed about on land and sea by might of heaven, and made" to feel war's woes — all on account of vixen Juno's wrath retentive memoried — while he built his city and into Latium introduced hi^ Gods ; germ of the Latin race and Alban sires, and haughty-towering, castellated Home. "That is more Virgilian," continued Bopp, handing Zumpt the papei-, "than anything ever yet thrilled, or ever will thrill, from that 'harp of the north that mouldering long had hung on the wych elm 'that shades Saint Fillan's spring'." "Whoever has done this," said Lind- ley, "has performed a far more diffi- cult task than was ever the composi- tion of the original verses." "Cer- tainly," said Bopp; "the author takes his ease; writes what he likes , and as he likes ; if one word. or one thought, displeases him, sends it away and takes another instead; but the vinfortunate translator, bound down with a chain of iron to the author's words and thoughts, must take what he gets— bad, good, or in- different — transplant it to a foreign soil and climate, and make it grow and flourish there as if it were at home: 'hoc opus, hie labor est. pauci, quos aequus amavit lupiter, aut ardens evexit ad aethera virtus, dis geniti potuere.' Yet this is exactly what this heroic translator has done, taken Virgil's words and thoughts and handled them as if they were his own, made them sound in his English mouth as well as ever they sounded in Virgil's Roman, persuaded you that it is Vir- gil youhear speaking, palmed nothing on Virgil, spirited away nothingfrom Virgil, presented Virgil not in a do- mino, but in his own Roman tunic and toga, to England. Which of us all, with- out an Aladdin's lamp in his hand, or a Fortunatus's cap on his head, could have done it? All Virgil, and nothing but Virgil ; the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. No guillo- tining of the Aeneis, no chopping off of the head at the fourth vertebra; no Arms and the man I sing who first; no By fate of Ilian realm amerced; no Long tossing earth and ocean o'er; no to sate Fell Juno's unforgetting hate; no Much laboured too in battlefield , Striving his city's wallsto build; no hardy Latin brood; no ancient sires of 'Albas blood; no romantic octosyllabic; no rhyme whether couplet, triplet or alternate; no strophe; no anything but plain, PAKEE60N BOOK I. 55 unpretentious , unsophisticated Eng- lish heroic. The feat has been achiev- ed, the Virgilian longitude found at last. Long life to him, whoever he be, the author of this translation." "Sir John Falstaff's translation of Ford's wife was nothing to it, eh Bopp?" said Zumpt, jocosely : "Stu- died her well and translated her well" — "Have a care, Zumpt," cried Bopp , "Pistol's pistol 's leveled askew, and if it goes off, it 's Mr. Conington will be shot, not the heroic translator. The corruption, the se- duction, the translation out of honesty into English — and bad English too — are all Mr. Conington's, not our new acquaintance's, who, whoever he be, has translated Ford's wife, as an honest, virtuous woman deserves to be translated, honestly and virtuous- ly into honest, virtuous English." "I shrewdly suspect," said Zumpt, "if Mr. Conington be shot, the heroic translator will be shot too, and yet not two birds be knocked down with the one stone either.'' "No fear of that, Zumpt," said Bopp. "Epic fruit doesn't readily grow on romantic bushes." "Nor so very unreadily either," said Zumpt, "if Paradise Lost grew on a bush which was ro- mantic enough while in the nursery to produce Comus, and if a certain other bush, with which we are all very well acquainted, produced both 'Tityre tu patulae ,' and Ille ego qui QUONDAM." ''But neither Virgil nor Milton ever travestied epic, ever turned epic into romance," said Bopp. "No matter," said Priscian, "I advise you to give up, seeing the bush itself is against you, and tells you in plain terms how clever it is at turn- ing: Ille' ego qui quondam." "You may as well give up with a good grace, Bopp," said Zumpt; "you have not a foot to stand on. Look at the handwriting; Mr. Conington's all the world over; Mr. Conington's /, Mr. Conington's the, Mr. Conington's same. Peas were never liker, th|tn these three words and Mr. Coning- ton's." "And I picked up the paper," said Priscian, "exactly where Mr. Conington was standing, when that impudent fellow, there, with the shield, came between us and him. Give up, Bopp." "I do give up," said Bopp : " 'cedo equidem, nee, Zumpti, tibi comes ire recuse' The verses are Mr. Conington's, and cover, like charity, a multitude of sins." "It 's all as it should be," said Priscian, "and after the most ap- proved fashion; lay, first, and epic after: 'Tityre, rura prias, sed post cantabimus arma'." "I add my calculus ," said Lindley, relaxing a little from his severity and harking -in with the general sophos: 'liis prentice han' he tried on man, and then he made the lasses, O !' Long live Mr. Conington and bring to a conclusion as happy as the beginning, his Aeneis in English heroic." So said, and hats doffed, they walked off, each his ownseparate way , leaving me there to pick up, and treasure in my pocket, the piece of paper they had thrown away, and meditate at leisure in my easy chair on the strange vision I had just seen 66 AENEIDEA [pARERGON "qua se ' plena per insertas fundebat luna fenestras.'' So full was I of it, that, while strip- ping for bed , I continued to see be- fore me, less clearly than in 'the vi- sion, but still clearly and unmistake- ably, the four demigods . with their ferulas, filleted hair, knit brows, and severe, classic features. Two or three times I put on, and as often took off, my nightcap, and when I lay down at last, it was my veni-vidi-vigi shield 1 had under my head, not my pillow; octosyllabic rhymes, with less either of sense or grammar than even Mr. Conington's, kept chiming in my ears till a late hour of the night, and just as I went to sleep and began to forget myself, had taken somewhat of the following form: I do not like you, Juno fell; the reason why, I know full well: Juno 's vixen and not fefll, as Mr. Conington knows well and will, if you ask him, tell. I do not like you, Juno fell. I do not like you, Juno fell ; the reason why, I know full well : saeva 's vixen and not ^ell, as Mr. Conington knows well and will, if you ask him, tell. I do not like you, Juno fell; why should I like you, Juno fell? vixen Juno I like well; you I don't like, Juno fell. Vixen Juno, is it well Mr. Conington should tell of Aeneas made to sate fell Juno's unforgetting hate, seeing it wasn't her hate at all, but your anger did it all, and — when at last he onward bore, and landed on Lavinium's shore ; — long tossing earth and ocean o'er, — made him much dig in battle-field, striving his city's walls to build, and give his Grods that home, whence come the hardy Latin brood, the ancient dukes of Alba's blood, and lofty- rampired Rome ? BOOK I. 57 1—15. ILLE IRAE The proem, preface or argument of the poem — the prelude, as it were, of the song — consisting of three parts, of which the first, ILLE EGO — AGRicoLis, introduccs the author himself, the second, AT NUNC — ROMAE, introduccs the poem and speciiies of what the poem treats, while the third, musa — irae, invokes the Muse. The poem proper, or actual story, commences only with urbs anti- QUA PUIT. 1(a). ILLE EGO The proof which the first two words of the Aeneis afford of the obscurity, to us moderns at least, not merely of Virgil's style, but of the Latia language itself, is startling, almost sufficient to deter from the study both of Virgil and Latin. Of these two words there are no fewer than three different interpretations involving as many different structures. The first is that of those commentators who insist that ille and EGO are the nominatives, one before and the other after, of the verb sum subauditum, and that the sense is: I am he who, i. e. la/m the man, who: "ego ille [sum]," Ruaeus. 'Will man aber wirklich dem satze eine form geben, so muss man zu ille ego sup- pliren s um," Siipfle. To this, the most generally received interpre- tation,! object, first, the absolute inapplicability both of this inter- pretation and the analysis on which it is founded, to the great majority of the cases in which the formula ille ego occurs else- where, ex. gr. to Ovid, Trist. 4, 10, 1; Met. 1, 757; Amor. .58 AENEIDEA [1_ille ego. . 3, 8, 23; 2, 1, 1; Heroid. 12, 105; TibuU. 3, 4, 71; Vespa, ludi-' cium cod et pistons (Wernsdorf ) ; Anth. Lat. (Meyer) 209, 1; 1373, 3; 1274, 3; Anth. Lat. (Burm.) 4, 32; 4, 40; Vavassor, Eleg. 1, 1, all cited below; secondly, the great improbability that Virgil would commence his Aeneis with the prosaic thesis: I am he who; and, thirdly, the contrary analysis and inter- pretation of each of the three ancient grammarians, Sergius, Pompeius and Priscian, for which see below. To the second possible interpretation and analysis, viz. that of those who — quoting, with Thiel, as parallel and similar, the younger Pliny's (^. 1, 6) not only unparallel and dissimilar but actually inverse "ego ille quem nosti, apros tres cepi,"— regard ille and ego as placed in apposition and as affording the sense: /, he who, i. e. I, the man who, there is the perhaps even graver objection that ille ego qui, so understood, ex- presses no more than ego qui; in other words, that the very first word of the Aeneis contributes nothing to the sense — is, so far as the sense is concerned, utterly useless and super- erogatory. The third and last interpretation is that of those who, with Forcellini, Heyne, and Caro, regard ills as performing the part of an article or demonstrative to ego, i. e. as added to ego in the same manner as it is commonly added to a substantive, viz. for the sake of specification and emphasis, and interpret : That I, that same I, who: "Aliquando emphasim habet [ille], et ponitur ad ostendendam insignem aliqu^m personam aut rem. . . Medea ilia ; . . Pittacus ille; . . . Magno illi Alexandre. . . Hac ratione iungitur cum. ego, Virg. 1 Aen. 1: Ille ego." Forcellini. "Sententia integra: ILLE EGO . . . NUNC HOERENTIA MARTIS ARMA VIRUMQUB CANO. Bene autem, tam longa oratione interiecta, poterat illud at in apodosi praefigi, quod toties factum videmus; quod adeo repre- hendi, aut at in et mutarinolim." Heyne. "Queir io, che gii tra selve, e tra pastori, di Titiro sonai I'umil sampogna,'' Caro. With these last-mentioned critics I take my decided stand, first and mainly because of the so general practice of the Greeks 1-ILLE EGO.J BOOK I. 59 to add an article or demonstrative to a personal pronoun for the purpose of specification and emphasis; Horn. Od. M, 321 (Ulysses recognizing his father): Xcivo; ;j.£v to; o3' auTo; Eyco, t.tzi'j, ov au [j.£taXXa;, rjXuSov EixooTcj) ETii c? T.^zo<.o'x yaiav. Horn. Od. 21, 207: £v3ov (xiv or, oo' auTo; ^yin, zaxa -oXXa lioyrjaa;, TjXu6ov EL/.o^Tw cTsV =; — aTpioa Ycttav, where not only is it plain that o5', no less than auTo;, is added to Eyw ' for the sake of emphasis and clear specification (this very IJ, but there is, for those who require authority for everything, the express testimony of Eustathius to that efifect: ex. jiapaXXrjXQu -poc •£vS£t?[V aaaou; ava- yvojp'.'jp.ou , OL TpEL^ xEtvra'. cTuv3sT[xot* ~o OOE, TO auToc, xai TO Eyw •, ex- plicit testimony concerning the expression in a particular passage, which is confirmed by the no less explicit testimony of ApoUonius Alexandrinus (de Syntax. 3. ed. Sylburg. p. 207) concerning the expression in general : ::aXtv f ap axioXuTov to oo' e^w, xai outo; Eyto, xaOw; -poEt-ofisv. , as well as by the testimony of the same grammarian (ibid. p. 65) concerning the inflexions of the same expression, tov E[j.£ and tov i; : |j.r) oe exeivo YE 7:apa)vEXEtffl6a) , w? E^aipETw: r, .\TTtxrj yorj^'.c , ou OEOVTta;, £-'. [xovr,; aiTiaTixr); TO ccpBpov -«pEXa[i|3avEV' u;£VTtijTov EpiE, tov as, auTixa youv xat ;:apa KaXXiax/w, tov je KpoTio— taSrjv. Hom. Od. 1, 76: aXX' aysG', rifiEt; oios 7;Epiopa^iD|j.E6a -avTE; vooTOV, 0— to; EXBrja!. Ze< aR ^/iese we here (all these of us here) discuss. Soph. Philocf. 261: rjO Eilj.' £^01 50! xetj/05, OV zXuElC lltij; Twv HpaxXEiwv ovTa oEiroTTiV ottXwv, Tou IIocavToc TCat; tXoxTr|Tr|;" ^^/.s I am he. Soph. J^m%. 867 (ed. Dind.) : AKTIG. 7:00; ou: apato:, ayap-o?, ao' Eyoj ^eto'.xo; £pyo[j-a'.. to w/iom ^Ats I emigrate. Anth. Grace. (Leipz. 1829) 7, 1 72: o TTo'.v Eyo) xaL 'iT^pa, xa; ap7:axTELpav Epuxeov (j;:Ep[j.aToc, u'imETr) BriToviav yepavov, ptvou yEp[xaTrrjpog EJjTpo'^a xwXa T'.Ta'.vojv, AXxijAEvr];, TCTavwv Eipyov a7;(r/J£ veoo; 60 AENEiDEA [1— ille eoo. ibid. 338: ibid. 145: ibid. 3M: ASe Toi, Ap/lou ui£ IlEptxXEs;, a XtStva 'fco Eotaxa a-aXa, [jLVajxa xuva-y Esca;' Ao Eyco a xXap-wv apeta Trapa tmSe xaBrjfiai AiavTo; xufApo) xEipo|j.Eva TcXozajjLOu;" AS' Eyio o ;:£ptptoTo; u;to jtXaxi TjgSE TE6a[ji|j.a[, [jLouvo) Evc ^wvav aVEpi XuaafiEva. with which compare Eurip. Hippol. 1364: oS' G (JE|J.VOC EyCO Xai 9£00E?iTUp, oS' a(oa)pO(juv»] Tiavia; u;i:Epay(ijv, npouTiTOV E? ASav otei/oj -/.a-ra y*;, i. e. oS' azij.yoc y.M GsoCiTTTwp syo), or oS' syco o csjavo; x.xi QsocsTTTwp. Theocr. J{i«/Z?. i, 120: Aatpvi; EytDV oSe ttjvo;, o xa; |3&a; ioSe vojaeuojv, Aatpvt; o -(o; Tauptoi; xat soptta; coSe xoTiaSojv. also Eurip. Hecub. 1262: ouxo; au [JiatvEt, xttt xaxtov Epa? TU)^E'.y ; not "heus tu, insanis?" hwihictu, insanis? axiA. 1109 : ou-zoq, 11 -Kxajei^; not "hens, quid pateris?" but hie [tu] pateris?; Soph. Aiax, 1047: outo;, ce ^uvw, not with Stephanus (in Thesaur.) "heus tu, te appello", but hie [tu], tc appello; and 71 (Minerva calling to Ajax): ouTo;, (JE, Tov Ta; ai)yxaXwTiSa; )(£pac Seojxoic a;iEu6uvovTa, xpoajioXEiv xaXw. not "heus tu, te voco", but, 'with Stephanus (in Thesaur.) ouTO? [cu], .«[7.o?) , the piffero of the Italians, and to be used to signify that instrument, because the . avena, culmUs, or sttaw-halm of the fields, resembles the fife in shape, beihg, like it, long, Cylindrical, and hollow ("Geacili avena, bescheiden, -vvie calamus und arundo, als eiiirijhrige hirtehflote, die einfachste gattUng des idyllischen gesanges, die niedrigste stufe def kunst bezeichiiend," Thiel. "Avena, not a straw (which woiild be absUfd), but a reed, ot 1-avena] book I. 67 perhaps a pipe of reeds, hollow like a straw/' Coningt. ad Ed. 1, 2. "Die einfachste rohre war die einrohrige halmpfeife (avena, E. 1, 2-^ calamus, E. 1, 10; fistula, E. 3, 22; arundo, E. 6, 8; cicuta, E. 2, 86; 5, 85); die siebenrohrige syrinx {E. 2, 36) gehorte schon zu den kiinstlicheren," Ladewig, vol. 1, p. 15. 1865). Others will not allow avena even this poor honor, insist that it is no more than the simple straw-halm itself, the mere culmus or avena of the fields, formed into a pipe "Tenui avena; culmo, stipula: unde rustici (plerum- que) cahtare consueverunt. Alibi {Eel. 3, 27): 'stridenti miserum stipula disperdere carmen.' Dicendo autem tenui avena, humilis stili genus (humilis) latenter ostendit; quo (ut supra dictum est) in bucolicis utitur." Serv. ad Ed. 1, 2 (ed. Lion). "Gracili culmo aut calamo," Ascens. ad Ed. 1, 2. "I that my slender oten pipe in verse was wont to sounde" Pliaer. "I the illiL umquhilis, that in the small ait rede toned my sang," ■ Douglas, "Pollux: 'Trapa Ss AiyuTtTtoi?, TioXu^Goyyo; oLxSkoq, OmpiSoi; eupyip.a, £/C y^y.'ka.fj:r\<; xptOivVii;.' tibia ex stipula hordeacea. inde erat et pastorum tibicinium. tenuis avena poetae dicitur et cala- mus agrestis et stipula: *'Stridenti miserum stipula disper- dere carmen.' cui opponitur fistula iuncta disparibus cannis, 7) GupiyE," Salmas. ad Solin. p. 124, col. 2 (Paris, 1629). "Pom- ponius avenam pro calamo vel stipula frugis posuit. ut apud poetam: 'carmen tenui meditaris avena.' i. e. calamo," Id. ibid. p. 386, col. 1. "Avena; haec tibia est calamina: conficitur enim ex calamo segetis, quod monet Dalecamp. in Plin." La Cerda. "Tityrus, du, im gewofte der spreizenden buche gelehnet, sinnst mit waldgesange den schmachtigen halm zu begeistern," Voss, translating Eel. i, 1 and 2. "Diesen gesang, dessen inhalt die schone Amaryllis ist, dichtet Tityrus bald singend, bald auf der einrohrigen pfeife von haber- oder gerstenhalm-, die im spott, 3, 27, der sieben- rohrigen syringe entgegengestellt , ein schnarrender strohhalm heisst, die melodic versuchend. Dieselbige halmpfeife wird v. 10 calamus genannt, weil x«)iap.o<; nach Hesychius auch ein kornhalm und eine pfeife ist," Voss, ad Ed. 1, 1 and 2), an inter- pretation so congenial to the fancy of lexicographers and poets 68 AENEIDEA [1-avena. (who seem as little as the commentators to have asked them- selves how were it possible with such an instrument to make the woods resound, "silvas resonare") that we have Spenser, in fancied imitation of Virgil, changing his "oaten reeds" for "trumpets" (Faerie Queene, 1, 1: "For trumpets sterne to chaunge mine oaten reeds"), Dryden making Virgil himself sing to an "oaten pipe" ("Sung to my oaten pipe"), and Danneley {Encycl. of Music, London, 1825, sub voc. flute) informing us that "Several species of flutes have been named from their forms, or from the materials of which they were composed; thus the avena was merely an oaten straw; the calamus, hollow reeds of different lengths united together.", while others either doubt not at all that avena is a depreciating, disparaging metaphor for the pastoral pipe, the ffupty^, or fistula ("Tenui avena, ut culmus pro fistula sit," Heyn. ad Eel. 1, 2. "Avena pro fistula pastoricia, ut infra v. 10, calamus, et Ed. 3 , 27 , cum contemptu, stridens stipula," Forbiger, a.d Eel. 1, 2), or, uncertain, enquire whether it may not be so ("nisi quis velit pro fistula sumi," La Cerda, ad Eel. 1, 2, in continuation, as above). Let us see whether there are not sufficient data for deter- mining to a perfect certainty, not only that avena is none of all these, but what avena is. Our author represents himself here as he has represented himself in the first Eclogue, v. 2; ■'silvestrem tenui musam meditaris avena," and as he has represented Gallus in the tenth Eclogue, -y. 51 : "pastoris Sieuli modulabor avena.'' as playing on the avena, or on an avena, — which, it is im- possible to fix precisely, the Latin language always wanting the precision afforded by the article. But no matter which; our author represents himself as playing on avena. Now shepherds and other rustics, but especially shepherds, are continually represented as playing on avena; r Eel. 10, 51: . . . "pastoris Sieuli modulabor avena." Tibull. 2, 1,;51: "agricola assiduo primutn satiatus aratro cantavit certo riistloa verba pede : et satur arenti primam est modulatus avena carmen; ut ornatos dioei'et ante Deos." 1 — A vena] BOOK I. 69 Calpiirn. 8, 27 (tu Tityrus) : "sed quia tu uoslrae musam deposcis aveD ae , aecipo, quae super haec cerasus, quam cernis ad amnem, eontinet, incisn servans niea carmina libro " and again the same cclogist in his cpifedion for Meliboeus , further on in the same eclogue : *'meUa ferunt Nymphae, pictas dat Flora coronas, manibiis hie supremus honos, dant carmina Musae, carmina dant ZHusae, nos te modulamur av en a.'' and are so represented not only, without any disparagement^ ei- ther of the insti'umentorof themiisic, but with the greatest praise: " Calpurnius, in the same epicedion: "saepe etiani senior, ue nos cantare pigeret, laetus Phoebea dixisti oarmen avena. felix o Meliboee, vale; tibi frondis odorae muuera dat, lauros carpens, ruialis Apollo." Sil. 14, 466: "Daphniu amarunt Sicelides Musae. dexter donavit avena Phoebus Castalia, et iussit, proiectus iu herba siquaudo caneret, laetos per prata, per arva ad Daphnin properare greges, rivosque silere. ille ubi, septena modalatus arundine carmen, muleebat silvas, non unquam tempore eodem Siren assuetos effudlt in aequore cantus; Scyllaei tacuere canes: stetit ati*a Charybdis: et laetus scopulis audivit iubila Cyclops." AA'ena is, besides^ the instrument of the shepherd's God, Pan, its inventor, r Calpurn. 10, 1 : "Nyctilos atque Mycon, nee non et pulcher Amyntas torrentem patula vitabant ilice solem ; quum Pan venatu fessus recubare sub ulmo coeperat, et somno lassatas sumere vires, quern super ex tereti pendebat fistula ramo. hanc pueri (tamquam praedam pro carmine possent sumere, fasque esset calamos tractare Deorumj invadunt furto *. sed nee resonare canorem fistula, quem suerat, nee vult contexere carmen: sed pro carminibus male dissona sibila reddjt. Tum Pan excussus sonitu stridentis a venae, iamque videns : 'pueri, si carmina poscitis, inquit, ipse canam; nuUi fas est inflare cicutas, quas ego Maenaliis cera coniango sub antris. iamque ego, Bacche, tuos ortus et semina vitis ordine detexam : debemus caimina Baccho'. u haec fatus, coepit calamis sic montivagus Pan.'' and, so far from being a simple, single pipe or tube, consists of several pipes or tubes, united together in a certain order with 70 AENEIDEA [1— avena. wax (i. e. waxed cord; see Pollux, quoted below; also Spano, quoted below; also Calpurn. 4, 19: "iam puerum calamos et odorae vincuia cerae lungere non cohibes," and compare the use of "cera" for tabula cerata, Proper! 4, 6, 3: "cera Plnle- taeis certet Romana corymbis/'). Calpurnius (just quoted) referring to the avena of his eleventh verse : . . "nulli fas est iBflaie cicutaa, quas ego [Pan] Maenaliis cera coniungo sub antrii." But fistula (cupiyl) is also the rustic's and especially the shep- herd's musical instrument; r Virg. Ed. 2, 36: I "est mihi disparibus septem compacla cioulia ! fistula, Damoetas dono mihi quam dedit olim, et dixit moriena : te nunc liabet ista secundum." JScl. 3, 25: Eel. 8,33: Eel. 10, 31: "cantando tu ilium? aut unquam tibi fistula cera iuncta fuit? non tu in triviis, indocte, solebas stridenti miserum stipula disperdei-e carmen?" "dumque tibi est odio mea fistula, dumque oapellae," . , "cantabitis, Arcades, inquit, moutibus haec vestris: soli cantare periti Arcades, o mihi turn quam moUiter ossa quiescant, vestra meos olim si fistula dicat araores !" Aen. 3, 661 (of the shepherd Polyphemus) : . . . "de coUo fistula pendet." Oopa 9 : "est et, Maenalio quae garrit dulce sub autro, rustica pastoris fistula more sonaus." Hor. Carm. 4, 12, 9: "dicunt in tenero gramine pinguium custodes ovium carmina fistula, delectantque deum, cui pecus et nigri coUes Arcadiae placent." Horn. n.lS, 525: Sum 8' a[x' ejiovxo vo[ji.r)E5 T£p;co[xevoi oupiy?'' Longus, 4, 11 : ;tapouaa toi; XeyopiEVOi; r) KXeapiatv), Ttetpav E7tE6u|j.7)aE xou Xej^Sevto; Xa^Eiv, zai zeXeuei tov Aaipviv lat; ai?[V omv eiwGe oupioai, zai EitaYYE^^Etai oupcaavci yapiaoajBai )(^i'cuva y.ai yXaivav /.ai ujto6r][j.axa. Se Ka6ioa5 auxou? [al. auxa;] wanEp OEaxpov, oxa; u;to xr) ^iifp, "O" EX xr|? 7rr)pa5 xr]V oupiyya zo|i.i(ja;, Tipuxa [iEV oXiyov evetiveuoe' xai at aiyE? EOXTjoav xa; XEtpaXa; |apa|j.Eva!. sixa sVETiveuue to vojiiov" xai a( 1 — avena] BOOK I, 71 aiyes eVEfiovuo, veutjatjai xatw. auOt^ Xifupov eStoxE' x»i aGpoai xaxExXi- 0»]5av.- EoupidE TE xoet o|u [i.eXo;' at Se, toajtEp Xuxou jcpodiovcos, Et; tvjv •jXtiv xaTE^uyov. piET oXi-^01 avaxXrjTixov E(p6Ey?aT0* xat E^EXBouaac Trj5 uXj|;, tcXtjuiov auTou twv jcoSwv ouVESpa|j.ov. ouSe avOpuTCOu? oixEt«s i- EiSsv av Ti; ouTto 7rEiOo|j.£vou5 jipoatayiJiaTi S£(j;iotou. is played on by Pan; Calpui-nius (just quoted) : "quern [Pana] super ox tereti peudebat fistula ramo.' Lucret 4, 590: "et genus agiicolum late sentiscere, cum Pan, pinea semifei'i capitia velamina quassans, unco saepe labro calamos percurrit hianteis, fistul a sylvestrera ne cesset fundere musara." is invented by, and sacred to, Pan; ■ Ovid, Met. 1, 687: . "quaerit quoque [Argus], namque reperta fistula nuper crat, qua sit ratione reperta. Panaque, quum prensam sibi iam Syringa putaret, corpore pro nymphae calamos tenuisse palustres ; dumque ibi suspirat, motos in arundine ventos effeeisse sonum tenuem, similemque querenti: arte nova vocisqiie Deum dulcedine captum, 'hoc mihi concilium tecum, dixisse, manebit.* atque ita disparibus calamis compagine cerae inter se iunctis nomen. tenuisse puellae." Pausan. 8, 38: xat Ilavo; tEpov ev auTOi; eort No[j.tou, xat to /(optov ovojia- ^oudt MsXrcEtav, to aTto -r^ ouptyYO? (xeXo? EVTauOa Ilavos EupEOrjvat XsyovTES' Plin. N. JT. 7, 56, 57 : "Fistulam, et monaulum Pan Mer- curii." Achill. Tat. 8, 6: H ouptY? auXot piEV Eiat TtoXXot, xaXajiOt Se tmv auXojv ExaoTo;' auXouot S" oi xaXapiot ?tavTE; toSTCEp auXos Et; . . . TEfAVEt Srj Tou; xaXa[j.ouc uiz opY»); o Ilav, w; xXEJiTOVTa; auTOu Trjv Epw- [AEVvjv. EitEt Se [AETa TauT oux EtyEV EupEtv, Et; tou; zaXapiou^ Soxtov XEXuoSat T»]V xop7)v , ExXaE Tr)V TO|j.riv , vo|j.t^MV TsOvrjXEVat xrjv Epej[iEV7]V. Su|J.'fop7)(ja5 ouv Ta TET[ir)[iEva tmv xaXapiwv C05 [iEXr) tou , hahns, or reieds, consists. exactly as fistula (Ovid, Slef. S, ISO [of Daedalus making the wings]: . "ponit in ordinc pennas, a minima cueptas longam breviore sequenti, ut clivo crevisse pates: sic rustica quondam fistula disparibus paulatini surgit avenis.'' Calpurn. 10,5; Yii-g. i:cl 2,37; .5. 25; S, 55; 10, 34; Ami. 3, 661; Cojxi ID; Hor. Cann. 4, 12, 10; Lucret. 4, 593; Ovid, Jild. 1, 6.96; Plin. .Y. K 7, 57, 13; Tibull. 2, o, 30; Serv. and Philarg. ad Ed. 2, 32; Serv. ad Ed. S, 24; Probus, ad Ed. I, 58; all quoted above) is not taken in its literal sense of hollow stalk, reed, tube (Varro L. L. 5, 123: "Fons unde funditur e terra aqua viva, ut fistula a qua fusus aquae' i, but in its secondary sense of mu- sical instrument, called fistula on account of its consisting of an assemblage of fistulae or hollow stalks, halms, reeds, or avenae; Ovid, Met. 8, 101: ■sic rustica quondam fistula disparibus paulatim surgit avenis.", and fistula and avena are but two different names of, or terms for, one and the same instrument played on by rustics and shepherds, and especially by the rustic's and shepherd's God Pan, its inventor, and consisting of several (seven) pipes or tubes, fistulae or avenae, united together with waxed cord. In like manner calamus (za'Xay.o?) is the rustic's and especially the shepherd's musical instrument; Cnlex, 11'. "atque ilium [j>astorem], calamo laetum recinente palustri, otiaque invidia degentem ac fraude remota, pollentemque sibi, viridi cum palmlte ludens Tmoiia p'ampineo subter coma velat amictu.*' ; Ed. 1, 10: I "ludere quae vellem calamo permisit agresti." i EH. 2,34: '- "nee te poeniteat calamo trivisse labellum,*' is played on by Pan, " Calpurn. 10, 7: . . "fasque esset calamo 3 tractare deorum [viz. Panes]." id. 10, 17: , , . "coeplt calajniij sic montivagus Pan.", 74 AENEIDEA [1 — AVENA is invented by, and sacred to, Pan, '" Eur. Ipli, in Tauris 1123: zai oe [Iphigeniam] [aev, :cowi', Apyeia TCEVcrjxovTEpO; oi/.ov ai,z\: aupi^cov 3' -/.rjpoSeia; •/.aXajj-o; oupsiou Ilavoj ■/.(OAai; ETtiOoju^ei' Virg. £ci. 2, 55: "Pan primus calamos cera coniungere plures instituit.'* Eel. 8,24: "Panaque, qui primus calamos non passus iuertes.'* Ovid. Met. 1, 709 (quoted at full , above) : "arte nova, vocisque Deum [Pana] dulcedine caplum, 'hoc mihi conciliiun tecum, dixisse, manebit.' atque ita disparibus calamis compagine cerae inter se iunctis nomen tenuisse pueUae/* and consists of several pipes, tubes, or calami, united toge- ther with waxed cord. r Longus, 1, 4: o Ss [Daphnis], -/.aXa|Aou; ey.Tejj.ojv Xe^ttou;, za'i Tpj)puYiou to evBeov, Tr); AuSiou TO Baxy^ixov, Tr); Acopiou to aE[jLVOV, Tr); Iiovizr); to YXaoupov (not. surely, the weak, inferior or despicable, but the very opposite , the fine, L f/ic exquisite, the subtilej. Thus the "tenui" of the second verse of the first Eclogue and the GRACiLi of the first verse of the Aeneis illuminate each other, while each serves to establish and place beyond doubt, that their common avena is not and cannot be either straw -halm, or pipe resembling straw-halm, is and can only be the Pandean pipe, the shepherd's chalumeau, the instrument of Daphnis and Theocritus, that instrument the praise of which, and of the kind of poetry which it represents , is so redundant in every verse of the Bucolics, compare especially 3, 25: "cantando tu ilium? aut uuquam tibi fistula cera iuucta fuit?" that instrument and that bucolic poetry, the praise of which is so emphatically insisted on in the commencement of the Culex, P "lusimus, Octavi, graciU modulaute TJjalia, atque, ut araneoli, tenuem formavimus orsum." (where we have both gracilis and tenuis, tlie latter being applied at once in both senses, in its physical sense to the delicate spider's L web, in its metaphorical, to the delicate verse), that instrument of which the four commencing verses of the Aeneis — themselves, as far as at nunc horrbntia martis, a specimen of its style — present so affectionate a reminiscence. The Greek poetry, the Greek music, the Greek oratory, the Greek intellect, being all of them, in comparison of the Roman, 1— QKACILl] BOOK I. 97 fine, subtile, refined, elegant — tenuia, gracilia — it is with a peculiar propriety our author has characterized the a vena — the Greek instrument which the Greek Daphnis, the Greek Theocritvis, and the Greek Bion had rendered so renowned — by both terms, here in the first verse of his Aeneis by gracilis, and there in the second verse of his first Eclogue by tenuis. The observation which we find among the commentaries usually ascribed to Servius, viz.: "Tenui a vena; culmo, stipula: unde rustici (plerumque) cantare consueverunt. Alibi (Ed. 3, 27): 'Stridenti miserum stipula disperdere carmen.' Dicendo autem tenui avena, humilis stili genus (humilis) latenter ostendit, quo (ut supra dictum est) in bucolicis utitur," affords a remarkable example of that better knowledge which Servius had of his author's meaning, mixed up with, and obscured by, the absurdities of wholly uninstructed and illiterate hedge- schoolmasters. The better knowledge, on the present occasion, is that there is a reference in the words "tenui avena" to the style of writing used in the bucolics; the absurdity, that this style is indicated "latenter" by "tenui avena" used literally in the sense of puny straw-halm. Nor let the reader be led astray by the epithet "humilis" in the just quoted observation, or made to doubt the correctness of the argument both of this Remark and the preceding, and to believe that Virgil considered either his own bucolic instrument, or the bucolic music or poetry generally, to be of a weak, low, mean, or despicable kind, the epithet humilis as applied to style, not having at all the meaning of low in respect of what style should be (i. e. not at all the meaning oivile or despicable), but only of low in respect of another style distinguished from the humilis stilus by the appellation alt us, i. e. high-flown and grandiloquent, exactly as, in our own language and in our own times, low applied to church, signifies not at all low in respect of what church should be, but lotv in respect of that other church distinguished from low church by the appellation high. In both cases alike, in the case of style no less than in the case of church, the question which of the two, the humilis or the altus, is preferable to the other, is left wholly untouched by any application to either 98 AENEIDEA [1-modul. carm. of either term. The Servian observation, therefore, "tenui a vena, humilis stili genus ostendit," so far from being at variance , is, let it only be rightly understood, in as perfect har- mony with the entire scope and drift both of the Remark on AVENA, and of the Remark on geacili, as it is with the eulogy, at once, and description, of bucolic poetry by the scholiast of Theocritus : TCaoa TCOirjOt? Tpst; s^st yxpxy.rripx:;, StriYv)[/-«Tix.ov, Spa- p.!XTi/,ov, y-ooi [Atx.Tov. To Ss Bou/.oXty.ov T:oiri[j.a. p,iy[7.a ssTt TtavTO? stooui;, x,«6iz7r£p (juyy.sy.pa(/.evov Sto x.xi yxpieaTxiby rr, TzoiKikix tyic );, ^.xXKov 8z t'/)? xpaffjo?, ttote [A£v. cuyjcstp-Evov zx. Styiy7)[7.a- Tty.ou, TCOTE Be £y. Spap.aTt>cou, ttote Ss zt. [/.ty.Tou, Vjyouv StiriyyijAXTt- 7.0U y.ai Spa[AaTi)iou, ots Se to; av TU)^r,. sic Offov S' owvt £<7tiv, aUTTl V) TiOlYlfft? Ta TWV OCypOty.MV 7)6?: £X.(Aa(jCr£Tat, TSpTCVUC ttkvu Touc TVj aypoi/.t(>'. tniuGptoTTOu? tov piov ;^apa)CTYipt^o'j(joc. £y.7r£.ETWV, E;t7:ovo)v Horn. Hymn, in Merdur. 556: [jiavTEH]; aKaVEu9E SiSaaxaXoi [Parcae], rjv e-'. Pouai TCai; Et' EtiJV |JLEXET7)lja ' Theocr. Idyll. 7, 50 : , . . XTJYW [JLEV, OpT) 'f iXo;, £1 TOl apEOXEl TOub' Tl Jtpav EV OpEl TO [JlEXuSpiOV E^ETCOVaoa. on his Pandean pipe an air or melody r Lucret. 4, 590 : **et genus agricolum late sentiscere, eum Pan, pinea semiferi capitis velamina quassans, unco saepe labro calamos percurrlt hianteis, fistula sylvestrem ne cesset fundere musam.'' Hor. Od. 2, 10, IS: . . . . ''quondam citharae [al. cithara] tacentem suscitat musam, ueque semper arcum tendit Apollo." Eurip. Hippol. 1149: p:ouaa 8' auKVo; Mn avTuy. /^opSav Xtj^ei TTKTpwov ava SOJJLOV. Herodian. 4,8, 19: u7to8o)(ri 8e TiapeuxEuaiCETO oiav [j.r)SEVi -KWKO-zt paaiXEi fEVEaSai tpaof Ttaor); te yap (jlouot); opyava 7:avTa)(^ou 8iaxEi[jiEva TCOiziXov »)X.ov EtpYa^ETo. the musa and jAouaa of which exaniples can by no possibility be verses or poetry , not even vocal air or melody ; can t- only be insti-umerttal air or melody, ijistrumental music. 1 — MODUL. CAKM ] BOOK I. ]^Q3 for words in praise of Amaryllis, that is to say, is to be understood as a metonymy for Tityrus (i. e. Virgil) — in undisturbed possession of his Mantuan farm — enjoying his ease, and composing pastorals. Com- pare also Ed. 6, 6: "nunc ego agrestem tenui meditabor arundine musam.'', where, using a similar metonymy, our author tells us he is going to meditate (study, learn, practise) a rustic muse (air or melody) on his Pandean pipe, and proceeds forthwith neither to use Pan- dean pipe at all, nor to play or sing at all (for ''non iniussa cano" is part of the same metonymy, see Rem. on "cano" below) but to compose or write a bucolic: "si quis tamen haec quoque, si quis captus amore leget, te uostrae, Vare, myricae, te nemus omne canet; nee Ptioebo gratior ulla est, quam sibi quae Vavi praescripsit pagina nomen. pergite, Pierides.", - where Servius, correctly: "Carmen rusticum scribam." and Georg. 4, 559: "haec super arvorum cultu pecorumque canebam et super arboribus, carmina qui lusi pastorum, audaxque iuventa, Tityre, te patulae cecini sub tegmine fagi.", where, using a similar metonymy, our author informs us that it was he sang or played (canebat) the Georgics, and , before the Georgics, sang or played (cecinit) the Eclogues, as little meaning that he sang or played, in the musical sense of the word, either the Georgics or the Eclogues, as he means in our text that he actually played the Eclogues on Pandean pipe, or as he means in the words nunc hoeeentia maetis arma vieumque cano (v. 4), that he is now actually, in the musical sense of the word, sing- ing or playing Mars' bristling arms and the man, and meaning no more than that it was he composed (wrote) the Georgics and the Eclogues, and that he is now composing (writing) a poem of which the subject is Mars' bristling arms and the man. 104 AENEIDEA [2— egress, silt. Let the reader, not yet sufficiently convinced, compare Mart. 8, 3, 21: "angusta cantare licet videaris avena, dum tua multorum viiicat avena tubas.", where, as, on the one hand, nothing can be'plainer than that the ''cantare" is not to the "avena" but on or ivitli the "avena," so, on the other hand, nothing can be more certain than that the "cantare" on or Math the "avena," and the avena's outdoing of trumpets , are mere metonymies for the writing of iiicoUc verse, and the outdoing of epic verse by bucolic; also Claud. Cons'. Prob. etOlylr. 197: "talem nulla refert antiquis pagiua libris, nee Latiae ceeinere tubae nee Graeca vetustas.", where the metonymy of "Latiae ceeinere tubae" for Latian epic verse told of, and of "Grraeca vetustas," for ancient Greeh epic, is no less self-evident; and Prudent, contra Sym. 2, 67: "talia principibus dieta interfantibus, ille [Symmachus] persequltur, magnisque tubana eoneentibus inflat", where "magnis tubam eoneentibus inflat" is no less certainly a mere metonymy— nOt even for epic verse, but only — for t^ie sonorous oratory of Symmachus. T)alkey Lodge, Dalhey (Ireland) July 18, 187 1. 2 (a). EGRESSUS SILVIS In reply to the argument which Peerlkamp has drawn from these words, against the four introductory verses: "Qui per' GEACiLEM AVBNAM significavit carmen bucolicum, et statim per ARVA ooLONo PAEBEB coACTA, georgicum, is ubi se bgres- suM SILVIS dicit, cogitationem carminis venatici non excitare non potuit," I would only ask (a) iwhere but in silvis was it pastor Corydon poured forth his lament? Eel. 2, 3: 2— EGEEss; siLv.] BOOK 1. 105 "tantuin inter deusas, umbrosa cacumina, fag03 assidue veniebat: ibi haec incondita solus montibus et silvis studio jactabat inani: mecum una in silvis imitabere Pana canendo. Pan primus calamos cera oonjiingere plures instituit: Pan curat oves, oviumque magistros." ^where but in silvis was it'pastor Corydon dwelt? vers. 60: "qnem fugis, ah! deinens? habitarunt di quoque silvas, Dardaniusque Paris. Pallas, quas condidit arces ipsa colat: nobis placeant ante omnia silvae." ,1 where was it but in silvis, in the woods and on the bark of trees, bucolic Gallus carved his love song? Ed. 10, 52: "certum est in silvis, inter spelaea ferarum, malle pati, tenerisque meos incidere amores arboribus: crescent illae; crescetis, amores." 6 what was the last, worst disappointment of the same unhappy biicolic Gallus, but that, returning to his Hamadryads, his love ditties and his silvae, from those field sports in which he had in vain sought solace for his unrequited love, he finds that nei- ther his Hamadryads, nor his love ditties, nor his silvae, com- fort him? Ed. 10, 62: "iam neque Hamadryades rursus, nee carmina nobis ipsa placent : ipsae rursus concedito silvae.'' ^of whatis it but of the silvae the shepherd poetDamon takes leave, laying down his flute and about to drown himself? Ed. 8, 58: "omnia vel medium fiant mare, vivite, silvae: praeceps aerii specula de montis in undas deferar: extremum hoc munus morientis habeto. desine Maenalios, jam desine, tibia, versus." ithe epitaph of Daphnis (Ed. 5, 43), the first bucolic poet, what was it but "Daphnis. ego in silvis, hitic usque ad sidera notus, formosi pecoris custos, formosior Ipse."? ^ what was it but the silvae which rejoiced in company with the rest of the country, with the shepherds and the shepherds' God and the Dryads, at the apotheosis of Daphnis? Ed. 5, 58: 106 AENEIDEA [2— egebss, silt. "ergo alacris silvas et cetera rura voluptas Panaciue pastoresque tenet Dryadasque puellas." iwhere was it but in silvis Virgil's first Muse, that Muse which inspired his bucolics, dwelt? Ed. 6, 1: "prima Syracosio dignata est ludere versii nostra, nee erubuit silvas habitare, Thalia." ^; where is our first acquaintance with Virgil himself made but in silvis, in the woods where he is lilting his pastoral love me- lody? . . . "tu, Tityre, lentus in umbra formosam resonare doces Amaryllida silvas.", those very silvae out of which bgressus, vicina arva cobgit UT PARBRENT coLONO : (l») ,iwhose word but Virgil's own is EGRESsus? Aen. 1, 175: 3,79: 9, 314: 2, 713: 10, 283: 8, 122: "magno telluris amore egressi optata potiuntur Troes arena" ... . "egressi veneramur Apollinis urbem." "egressi superant fossas" . . . "est urbe egressis tumulus templumque vetustum desertae Cereris," . "egressisque labant vestigia prima." "egredere o quicunque es" (c) ihow little removed from Virgil's own {Aen. 12, 236) "nos, patria amissa, dominis parere superbis cogemur," is OOEGI VI QUAMVIS AVIDO PAEEKENT ARVA COLONO,? and id) ^what three expressions, not exactly the same, could be more similar, more redolent of the same author, than bgressus coEGi, "incipiens edico" (Georg. 3, 295) and "digressus iubeo" (Qeorg. 3, 300), the subject of all three being the author himself? Palanxetta Taddei, ai Oavaleggieri, Livorno, Mar. 28, 1S69. 2— VICINA COEGl] BOOK I. 107 2(b). VICINA COEGI tIT QUAMVIS AVIDO PAREKENT ABVA COLONO Our author having referred hack in the first verse of his Aeneis: ILLE EGO QUI QUONDAM GHACILI MODULATUS AVENA CAKMEN, to the first youthful production of his pen, the Bucolics, under the figure of airs performed by him on the shepherd's pipe, might have been expected to maintain the figure in his immedi- ately succeeding reference to his next and greater performance, the Georgics: ET EGRESSUS SILVIS, VICINA COEGI UT QUAMVIS AVIDO PARERENT ARVA OOLONG, GRATUM OPUS A6RIC0LIS, and there are, perhaps, few of his more thoughtful readers who have not, in the profound silence of the commentators, put the question to themselves ,ihas he, or not? Let us try if we can inform them, say rather, inform ourselves. He has left the woods — EGEESsus SILVIS — ihas he left also his avena, or brought it with him? If he has left it (^how is the musical trope carried on without it? ^how, or on what instrument, the new music (viz. the Georgics) performed ? If he has brought it with him and with it cogit arva ,!in what sense is it that he cogit ARVA with such instrument? ^in that of drawing the arva towards him, of so charming the arva with his music that they crowd round him to hear, as the trees crowded round Orpheus and the stones round Amphion? ^But (a) was Virgil a man vainglorious enough to put himself forward as a second Orpheus or Amphion? (b) If he was iis the crowding of fields round his music even so much as comprehensible? and (c) had he been so vainglorious and the crowding of fields round his music as comprehensible as the crowding of trees round Orpheus and of stones round Amphion ^is such the effect described in the words: UT QUAMVIS AVIDO PARERENT ARVA COLONO, 108 AENEIDEA [2— vjcina coegi and not the very different effect, viz. that of fields compelled to be amenable to a third personage, the tiller? an effect which we cannot even imagine to ourselves produceable by any musical instrument, any music however divine. Our author, therefore, has left not only his avena but all music behind him, and cogit arva parere colono without the help either of musical in- strument or music. ,;How then, or by what means? No doubt, by his teaching, by the force put upon the arva by the colonus himself, following the instructions contained in our author's didactic poem, the Georgics. The trope, therefore, under which our author refers to his authorship of the Georgics, is not a continuation of the trope under which he has, in the preceding verse, referred to himself as author of the Bucolics, is not that of a shepherd playing upon his pipe, but an entirely new trope, viz. that of a general in command forcing a town or country to obey the authority on behalf of which (gratum oprs agricolis) he is acting, Aen. 13, 236: ''nos, pati'ia amissaj dominis parere superbis cogemur," Liv. 38, 9 : "Amynander, quod sui maxime operis erat, impigre agebat, ut Ambracienses compelleret ad deditionem. id quum per coUoquia principum, succedens murum, parum proficeret, postremo, consulis permissu ingressus urbem, partim consilio, partim precibus, evicit ut permitterent se Romanis.", where "Amynander" corresponds to our author, in our text; "com- pelleret," to coEGi; "Ambracienses" to arva; "ad deditionem" to UT pareebnt; and "Romanis" to colono. Compare Martial 4, 14 (ad Silium): "Sili, Castalidum decus sororum, qui perjuria barbari furoris ingenti premis ore perfidosque astus Annibalis levesque Poenos magnis cedere cogis Africanis;" where Martial regards Silius as compelling ("cogis"), not with his music or any musical instrument, but "ingenti ore,'' with his mighty mouth, his mighty language, his mighty poetry, the Carthaginians to yield ("cedere") to the great Africani, just as 2 — VICINA COEGl] BOOK I, 109' our author, in the text, regards himself as compelling (coegi) not with his music or any musical instrument, but with his teaching (the teaching of his didactic poem the Georgics), the arva to obey the colonus; in other words, where Martial represents Silius, as himself doing ("premis," "cogis cedere") that which, in point of fact, the hero of his poem did, exactly as Virgil, in our text, describes himself as having done (coegi ut pareeent) that which, in point of fact, the teaching of his didactic poem the Georgics, did. CoEGt. Plin. N. H. 2, 63 (of the ground as compared with the other elements): "At haec benigna, mitis, indulgens usibus- que mortalium semper ancilla, quae coacta generat, quae sponte effundit, quos odores saporesque, quos sucos, quos tactus, quos colores! quam bona fide creditum fenus reddit!" Paeerent arva colono. Avian. Descript. Orb. Terrae, 14: "qua colitur populis, qua tellus paret aratro." Ovid. Fast. 2, 296 (of the Arcadian times) : "nulla sub imperio terra colentis erat." ViciNA. "Nemo facile dixerit cui vicina. Markl. rogat: silvis anMantuae? Burman. quia Georgica sunt prox- imum carmen Bucolicis. quod est longe ineptissimum. ipse durum vocat- Wagnerus vicina silvis interpretatur ex Georg. 3, 295, ubi legitur : 'Incipiens stabulis edico in mollibus herbam Carpere oves . . . Post hinc digressus iubeo frondentia capris Arbuta sufficere.' Sententia adeo hue, ni fallor, rediret: Ego, qui olim incepi a carmine biicoUco, turn a iucoUco digressus, ad Georgicum transii. Hoc si non alienum sit a carmine didac- tico, dedecet vel praefationem carminis epici." Peerlkamp> Vicina presents no manner of difficulty, the meaning being: near to the speaker, to the Ille ego, at tJie time spoJcen of, viz. at the time the speaker came out of the woods; therefore, if one must be so particular, near not only to the speaker but, by necessary consequence, to the woods. The term is of the most common occuiTonce in all kinds of writing, and especially in the bucolic (of which the introductory verses may be regarded [see Rem. on "gracili," «. 1] as affording an example); Calpurn.1,6: 110 AENEIDEA [4— grat. op. agr. "nos quoque vicinis cur non suceedimus umbris?" Calpurn. 3, 94: "ipse pi'ocul stabo, vel acuta carice tectus, vel propius latitans vioina, ut saepe, sub ara.", in both which instances as in our text, vicinus is near to the speaker at the time spohen of. Virg. Eel. 1, 53: "hinc tibi, quae semper ricino ab limite sepes Hyblaeis apibus florem depasta salicti saepe leve somnum suadebit inire susurro," where vicinus is near to the person spolien to, at the spoken of. AviDO coLONO. Ovid. Fast: 1, 677: "frugibus immensis avidos satiate colonos,'' DaHey Lodge, Dalhey (Ireland), July 2$, lisll. 4(a). GKATUM OPUS AGHICOLIS "a poem grateful to the greedy swain," Dryden. It is not in this its secondary, particular, and technical sense, but in its primary and general sense of work, labor, performance, OPUS is to be understood in this place; Liv. 40, 51: "Opera ex pecunia attributa divisaque inter se haec confecerunt. Lepidus molem ad Terracinam, ingratum opus, quod praedia habebat ibi, privatamque publicae rei impensam imposuerat. . . Habuerc et in promiscuo praeterea pecuniam. ex ea communiter locarunt aquam adducendam, fornicesque faciendos. Impedimento operi fuit M. L. Crassus, qui pet fundum suuni duci non est passus.", where not only have we "opus" used three times in this its general sense, but, the addition to it, at one of those times, of "ingratum" (disagreeable, viz. to the people) exactly answering to the GRATUM of our text [agreeable, viz. to the agriculturists), places it beyond doubt that opus, in our text, is not used in its special or technical sense of poem, but in its general and com- 4 ATNUNOHOKK.] BOOK I. Ill mon sense of worTc, labor, performance, and refers primarily and directly to the labor or work: coegi ut quamvis avido pauerent AKVA coLONo, and only secondarily and indirectly and through the medium of vicina coegi ut quamvis avido paeerbnt arva coLONO, to the poem itself Compare also Theocr. Idyll. 22, 40 : . . uiliiriXai Se KEffluxEoav aY^^oGt ;csux«i Xeuxai T£ j:),aTavoi te xat axpoxo|xoi xunapiaaoi, avGsa x' EUtoSri, Xaatai; BiXa Epya |j.EXi5aats, Oder' Eapo? XrjyovTo; EniPpusi av X£t|j,a>va;. Theocr. Idi/ll 10, 22 (Milo speaking): xac Ti xopac ipiXtxov (jleXo; ajj-PaXsu ' oS[OV ouTw; £pYa|r). Callim. Hymn, in Dian. 244: ou yap ■KIM vE^pEta 8c' oaiEa T£Tp7]VOVT0, Epyov A6i)va[7);, eXasito xaxov. Aen. 7, 45: '"maius opus moveo/'. To the proofs I have advanced (I, 1 — 4) of the authenticity of the four introductory verses, may be added the exact parallelism of Theocritus's (fO^x spyoc [/.sXicuat; to gratum opus agricoliSj and the striking similarity in cast and cadence, no less than in position in the verse, of "Maius opus moveo." Dalkey Lodge, Dalhey (Ireland), July 27, 1871. 4(6). at nunc horrentia martis arma virumque cano "Cum hac tuba quam conferas!" exclaims La Cerda, with how much more enthusiasm than right understanding of his author I have endeavoured to show in my Rem. on "cano" v. 5. If, therefore, I quote the commencement of the Orphic Argonautics (vers. 7): 112 AENEIDEA [4^at nunc hoeb Nuv -[dp CToi, XupgepYE, tpiXov |jieXo; aEtSovTa Gu'i^o; ETtotpuVEC XE^ai, TanEp outuote TcpoaOtv E!f pao', OTav Baz'^oio y.ai AiioXXiovo^ avaxTO? xEvTpto E^auvojiEVo;, ^pLxtuSEa xrjX' ETCi'^aoxov, BvrjTOi; avOptoTtoiaiv axrj' [iETa S'opxia [/.uoTai;,, on which follows an account of the previous writings of the author of that poem, it will be readily understood that it is by no means a taking up of the gauntlet thrown down by La Cerda, but for the very different purpose of strengthening the argument already adduced (Rem. 1. 1 — 4) in favor of the four introductory verses, by showing by means of an example, that Virgil was not singular in commencing his epic with a reference to , and short account of, his previous performances. At. Let no one ground an argument against the authenti- city of the four introductory verses, either on the anacoluthon iLLE EGO QUI ... AT NUNC — Virgil is unhappily (see Rem. on "id metuens," 1, 27) but too much addicted to anacolutha— or on. the apparent insignificance of the word with which the broken- off discourse is recommenced ("At plane otiosum est, et contra morem Latinitatis," Peerlkamp). Not only is at, according to the general rule that words are significant in the inverse pro- portion of their length (witness yes, no, if, in, for, I, he, how, who), not an insignificant word, but at — serving, as it always does, to contrast what follows with what has just been said, or, where nothing has been said, with what has just been thought — is here precisely in its right place; nay, according to Virgil's own practice and the practice of other the best writers, was not too insignificant a word to have been placed first word of the whole passage; Aen. 2, 535: "at tibi pro scelere, exclamat, pio talibus ausis, di (si qua est caelo pietas quae talia curet) persolvaut grates dignas, et praemia reddant debita;" where see Rem.; Ovid. Fast. 2, 395: "at quam sunt similes! at quam formosus uterque!"" or of the whole book : "At regina gravi iamdudum saucia cura" 4— AT NUNC HOKK.] BOOK I. 113 (with which commencement of the fourth book of the Aeneis with "At", compare the commencement of the third book of the Iliad and the twentieth book of the Odyssey with the Greek at, auTocp); Ovid. Amor. 3, 7, 1: "At non formosa est, at non bene culta puella; at, puto, non votis saepe petita meis!" Hor. lEpod. 5, 1: "At deorum quidquid in caelo regit terras et humanum genus, quid iste fert tumultus ? " and has even been placed by Apuleius — for however Hilde- brand may prefer his own conjectural "En", collators of the MSS. unanimously affirm the reading to be "At" — first word of his Metamorphoses : "At ego tibi sermone isto Milesio varias fabulas conseram," etc. Compare the not very dissimilar position and use of the same particle in the ancient formula deditionis preserved to us by Livy, 1, 38: "Deditisne vos populumque Collatinum, urbem, agros, aquam, ... in meam populique Romani ditionem? Dedimus. At ego recipio" (vide Drakenb. ad locum); also Liv. 24, 37: "Tum Pinarius: At illi, si ad consulem gravarentur mittere, sibi saltem darent populi concilium, ut sciretur" etc. and — the very, counterpart and twin brother not merely of the at nunc, but of the whole thought and manner of our author in this place — Stat. Theb. 10, 827 : "Hactenus arma, tubae, ferrumque et vulnera, sed nunc cominus astrigeros Capaneus tollendus in axes.'' At nunc See preceding paragraph, and Rem. 1, 1 (a), ad finem. Nunc . . cano. Georg. 2, 2: "Nunc . . . canam". Eel. 6, 6 : "nunc . . . meditabor". Georg. 3, 294 : "nunc veneranda Pales, magno nunc ore sonandum.'' Georg. 4, 149 : "nunc age, naturas apibus quas lupiter ipse addidit, expediam." Aen. 7, 37: '*nuiic age, qui reges, Erato, .... expediam,'' 114 AENEIDEA [4— at nunc hore. 7, 611: "pandite nunc Helicona, deae, cantusque movete,'' Lucret. 5, 510: ''motibus astrorum nunc quae sit causa canamus," Propert. 2, 10, 7: "aetas prima canat Veneres, extrema tumultus: bella canam , quando scripta puella mea est. nunc volo subducto gravior procedere vultu ; nunc aliam citharam me mea Musa doeet. surge, anime, ex humili; jam, carmina, sumite vires; Pierides, magni nunc erit oris opus." Ovid. Met. 10, 149 (Orpheus singing and accompanying himself on the lyre): "lovis est mihi saepe potestas dicta prius. cecini plectro graviore Gigantas, sparsaque Phlegraeis victricia fulmina campis. nunc opus est leviore lyra; puerosque canamus dilectos superis; inconcessisque puellas ignibus attonitas mernisse libidine poenam." Stat. Theb. 1, 33: "Nunc tendo chelyn." Theb. 10, .827: "hactenus arma, tubae, ferrumque et vulnera, sed nunc cominus astrigeros Capaneus tollendus in axes.'' Horn. II. 2, 484: saTCETs vuv |j.oi, Mouaat, OXujjireia 8(o(j.aT' ey^ouaai ■ Horn. II. 2, 681: vuv 8" au Tou;, oaaoi to nEXaaytxov Ap-f05 svaiov, ApoU. Rhod. I, 20: vuv S' av syu yevetjv te xai ouvo[j.a [xu9r](j«t[ji.y|v 7]pwa)V, SoXtyji; te mpou; aXo?, oaaa t' spe^av 7cX«i^0|XEV0l' Orph. Argonaut. 1, 7 (just quoted) : VUV Y«p ooi GufJi05 ETCOTpuvEt Xe^tti, xaTcsp oureoTE 7Cp0^z- tv); Hpa; ti Ssivov £VT«u9aj'Ysy/i9E Ss, w; a.v si xat auTri; syevsTo. nay, we have it on the very best authority in the world,' Jupiter's own, that the indomitable spirit even of Mars himself was all derived from his mother; Hom. II. 5. 892: [jiriTpo; TO! asvo; Eotiv aa(j)f_ETov, oux s^tieixTov Hpr);- T»)V |jLEV eyoj STCouSr) 3ap.VJ)(j.' s^iEsaocv, Stabile Pezzini, ai Cavaleggieri , Livorno, Nov, 22, 1867. 8 — memorem] book I. 139 8 ;(«)., MEMOREM lUNONIS OB IRAM Juno's anger against Aeneas ha,d an ancienlj origin, was as old as the war of Troy (verse 27): VEXEMS^UE MEMOK SATUENIA BBLLI, (where the same mem or is repeated), and even as the resent- ments which had caused her to take part against the Trojans in that war : KECDUM ETIAM CAIJSSAE IKAbBM SAEVI^UE DOtORES EXCIDEKAKI ANIMO. , , , But however applicable the term memor to those old i-esent- ments which tutoed Juno against the Trojan stock during, and even before, the war of Troy, it is less af)plieable to the ira with whi6h it is joined in our tieXt, viz. the ira which caused that goddess to persecute Aeneas and the Trojans subsequently to the Trojan war, and sb supplied Virgil with the subject of Ids Aeneis, an ita not of 'anCrent' date and requiring a long memory for its recollection, but arising from the comparatively recent report that the fugitive' Trojans were destined' to over- throw Carthage, and only aggravated by the old reraiaiscehces, (his accensa super). This confusioii of so different irae, a new- ira, or ira oiily just' arisen from jealousy of Rome, and old irae, or irae existing in Juno?s mind before Rome was ever heard-of, is to me a greater defect in the exordium of the Aeneis than any yet presumed in those four introductory verses so frequently and so confidently pronounced to be not only unworthy of Virgil but so unworthy of Virgil as not possibly to be Virgil's. That the new ira, viz. that arising from jea- lousy of Rome, was the main cause, of Juno's antipathy to, and persecution of, Aeneas is shown (a) by the formal statement to that effect with which the story proper begins : urbs antiqua FuiT — ID metuens ; (b) by the his accensa super of verse 33, equivalent to a declaration that the old quai'rel was no more 140 AENEIDEA [8 — memorem than an embitterment of the new and (c) by the fact that through the whole poem Juno's aim and object is less to revenge herself on Aeneas and the Trojans for old wrongs, than to prevent the consummation of old wrongs by the new and cul- minating wrong of the overthrow of Carthage. In order to justify MBMOHEM placed so prominently on the threshold, nay even before the threshold, in the very vestibule and primus aditus of his work, the exposition of the causes (gauss as) of . the offence (numine laeso) and the consequent dolens and irae, should have begun with Electra and her invisum genus, and proceeded thence through the promotion of Granymede, the judgment- of Paris, and the war of Troy, to the new offence, the threatened overthrow and ruin of Carthage by Rome, a new offence which might with some propriety have been said to have added fresh fire to the old flame. . But this order would have had the bad effect of putting the main subject of the poem, the rivalry of Rome and Carthage, into the least honorable position, and of making the poem itself a mere fag-end of, or supplement to, the Iliad. Our poet therefore (and judiciously) avoids this order, and puts the main matter, the last in order of time, into: the most honorable position, viz, first in order of place, and (less judiciously) troubles himself little about the petty (qu.?) incorrectnesses of memorem applied to an anger which was prin- cipally provoked by a recent occurrence, and of an old offence adding fire, to a new (his accensa super). Contrast Ovid, correct, as usual, and true to nature. Met. 3. 72. (of the Cadmean serpent) : "turn vero, postquam solitas accessit ad iras , ; plaga recens, plenis tumuerUnt guttura veiiis." Stabile Pezaini, ai Oavaleggieri ^ L'ivorno, Febr. lA. 1861 . "'■ Balkey. Lodge j Dalhey (Ireland), Sept. 9. 1811. 9 DtlM-LATIo] BOOK I. 141 9. DUM CONDERBT URBEM INPERRETQUE DEOS LATIO That LATIO, though in grammar belonging solely to deos, belongs in the sense to uebem also, and that the meaning is not: found a city (anywhere) and bring the gods into Latium, but: bring the gods into Latium and there found a city (for the gods no less than for himself and followers), may I think be inferred not only ex natura rei , but from Aen. 6. 66 : "da Latio considere Teucros, errantesque deos agitataque numina Troia;e.'" 8. 10 : "Latio consistere Teucros, advectum Aenean classi victosque Penates, inferre," in the former of which passages it is 'Teucros/ (corresponding to the UKBEM of our text) and not either 'deos' or 'numina,' and in the latter of which passages it is 'Teucros' again, and not 'Penates,' which occupies, with respect to 'Latio,' the position occupied with respect to that word by deos in our text. So regarded, indeed whether so regarded or not, but especially so regarded, the passage presents an example of the usTspov wpo- Tepov. It is not with the sense but the ambiguity of the original, Voss has presented his reader in his, as usual, verbal translation : . . . . "bis die stadt er griindet', und Troja's gStter in Latium fiihrte." DtTM CONDEEET URBEM INFERRETQUK DEOS LATIO. "DuM OON- DERET . . . iNFERRET voluntateta et studium denotat, ut Ge. 4. 457: 'Ilia quidem, dum te fugeret per flumina praeceps, . . . Aen. 10. 800: ^Dum genitor nati parma protectus abiret':" Wagn. (1832, 1861). "Here we may render it ['dum'J, in her hurry to escape, or so but she might escape, ('dum' = dummodo), which also seems to be nearly its sense in the passage from 142 AENEIDEA [9 dum-latio A. 1; in that from A. 10 it might be explained to cover the father's retreat under the protection of his son's shield." Coningt. ad Georg. d. 457. On the contrary, it is not either as studying to flee from, or as wishing to flee from, Aristaeus, but as actually fleeing from Aristaeus, Eurydice is described in the first of these examples, and it is not either as studying to depart, or as wishing to depart, but as actually departing, Mezentius is de- scribed in the second. Compare Tibull. 2. 31 19: "o quoties ansae, caneret dum valle sub alta, I'umpere mugitu carmina docta boves.", where it is not as studying to sing, or as wishing to sing, but as actually singing, Apollo is described, when the cows inter- rupt him with their lowing. Also Liv. 24. 40: "Die insequenti quievere, dum praefectus iuventutem ApoUoniatium, armaque et urbis vires inspiceret," where it is not as studying to inspect or wishing to inspect, the Prefect is described, but as actually inspecting. Also Sail. Bell. Cat. 7 : "conspici, dum tale facinus faceret, properabat"; where the haste is not, to be seen while studying to perform the exploit, or while wishing to perform the exploit, but while actually performing the exploit. And so, in our text, dum with the conditional mood aftfer it, does not express either 'studium' or 'voluntas', and dum condeket ubbem iNPERRBTQUE DBOs LATio, is neither more nor less than: wMh iringing his gods into Latmm and there foundmg a city. Compare Sil. 14. 211 (of Archimedes): "nudus opum sed cui caelniii terraeque paterent;" where we have the same conditional rdood not only witliout the conditional force but without even the dum. Urbem. By URBEM Catrou understands Rome, Donatus (who is followed by La Cerda, Wagner, and most commentators), Lavinium. Donatus quotes in support of his opinion 7. 2i90 : "mollri iam tecta videt, iam fidere terrae ;" and might with stjU greater effect have quoted Jupiter's express declaration (1. 262): . . . "cernes urbem et promlssa Layini . moenia ;" 9 DUM— LATIO] BOOK I. 143 or the express declaration of Aeneas (12. 193) : "mihi moenia Teuori constituent, urbique dabit Lavinia nomon" or Silius's (1. 44, ed. Ruperti): "scepti-aque fundarit victor Lavinia Teucris," or Propertius's (2.34.63): ''qui nunc Aeneae Troiani su^citat arma, iactaque Lavinis moenia litoribus.", where Rome cannot be meant, Rome not being on, nor even near, the shore. Nor is there any lack of passages in which La- vinium, although not mentioned by name , is sufficiently clearly indicated to be the city which Aeneas was fated to build in Italy; 1.267: "bellum ingens geret Italia, populosque feroces contundet, moresque viris et moenia ponet." 2. 294: "his moenia quaere, magna pererrato statues quae denique ponto.", Catrou's error is however the more excusable, urbs being so often used by Latin writers in the sense of the city, i. e the city par excellence, Rome. Already so early in the poem another instance of the inconvenience occasioned by the absence of the article (see Rem. on "avena" p. 68). Our author should have been more careful to guard his reader against con- founding the URBEM of our text with the romae of verse 1 1 , the city founded by Aeneas ( conderbt urbem ) with the city which ardse from Aeneas (tjnde altae moenia romae). Palasxetta Taddei, ai Cavaleggieri, Ijworno, Dec. 27, 1868. Dalkey Lodge. Dalkey (Ireland), Nov. 14, 1870. 144 AENEIDEA [10 inferket— latio 10 (a). INFERRETQUE DEOS LATIO No nation is ever thoroughly conquered as long as it retains its own gods. The native gods are always caballing with the native men against the intruders; a good- reason for the 'inferre deos' of conquerors, but not the only one, nor even the strongest. A much stronger is the necessity con- querors feel themselves under, of rewarding their own gods for the trouble they have had in helping to make the conquest. Their own gods, left unrewarded on the present occasion, will assuredly answer on the next occasion they are applied -to for help : (i"What did we get but neglect and ingratitude , for all the trouble we took for you before? Help yourselves now.", and then , ^how do without the assistance of gods ? (jhow fight alone both against enemies and enemies' gods? It is not to be thought of. The gods first, and ourselves afterwards : imprimis venerare deos. Sir W. Scott, MoJceby, cant. 4. st. 1 : ' "when Denmark's raven soar'd on high, triumphant through Northumbrian sky, till, hovering near, her fatal croak hade Eeged's Britons dread the yoke, and the broad shadow of her wing blacken'd each cataract and spring, where Tees in tumult leaves his source thundering o'er Caldron and High-Force beneath the shade the Northmen came, fix'd on each vale a Runic name, rear'd high their altar's rugged stone, and gave their gods the land they won." Stabile Pezzini , ai Cavaleggien, Livorno, June 26, 1869. 10 — unde] book I. 145 10 (h). UNDE ]Vot, with Heyne, Wagner (1861), and Thiel: "qua ex re; quo factum est," but, with Priscian, - Inat. IS, 256, ed. Hertz, ap. Keil: "frequentissimae tamen sunt huius- cemodi figurae , quibus adverbia nominibus vel participiis vel pro- nominibus redduntur, et maxime localia. Virg. : Arma vihumque cano . . GENUS USDE LATINUM, pro ex quo.", La Cerda and Geaner, and, as placed beyond all doubt by the exactly corresponding (5. 122) : . . . . . "Scyllaque Cloanthus caerulea, genus unde tibi, Romane Cluenti." (5.568): "alter Atys, geiius-unde Atii duxere Latini," (6. 763) : "Silvius ... unde genus Longa nostrum dominabitur Alba." and (8. 71): ■'nymphae, Laurentes nymphae, genus amnibus unde est. , Ter. Mm. 1. 2. 34: "a praedonlbus, unde emerat, se audisse, abreptam e Sunio.'' Ter. Eun. Prol. 10 : "atque in Thesauro scripsit, causam dicere prius unde petitur, aurum quare sit suum, quam illic, qui petit, unde is sit thesaurus sibi, aut unde in patrium monumentum pervenerit.", and especially Sil. .15. 59 (ed. Euperti) : "ilia ego sum, Anchisae Venerem Simoentis ad undas quae innxi, generis vobis unde editus auctor.", and Horn. II. 4. 58 (Juno to Jupiter): ■^v/a^ 3e |jioi evOev, o6ev sing heavenly Muse, that on the secret top of Orebi or of Sinai, didst inspire- . ' that shepherd, w^o first taught the chosen seed, _ ■ in the beginning how the heavens and earth rose out of chaos ; or if Sion hill ■ ^ . ' - „ , ' delight, thee more, and Siloa's brook thi^t flowed^ fast by the oracle of God; I thence invoke thy aid to my adventut-ous song, , that with no middle flight intends to soar * above the Aonian mount, wh.ile it pursues things unattempted.yet in prose or rhyme. And chiefly thou, O Spirit, that dost prefer before all temples the upright l^eart and pure, instruct me, for thou knowest; thou from the first wast present, aud with mighty 'wings outspread . I dpve-likesat'st brooding on th,Q vast abyss, , and mad'stit pregnant: what in me is daijk illumine, what is low raise and support; ; ' that to the height of -this great Argument I muy assert eternal providence, and justify the ways of God to men. Say firat, for.hea'ven hides' nothing from thy view, nor the deep tract ;of hell ; say first, what cause moved our grand parents in that happy state, favored of heaven so highly, to fall off' from their creator, and transgress his will > for one restraint, lords of the wqrld besides ; who first seduced them to that foul revolt? The infernal serpent ; he it was, whose guile", etc. 154 AENEIDEA [12—15 musa— impulbkit — an imitation (by the way) of the ancient practice , in comparison of which the finest examples themselves of the ancient practice are mere nursery songs, ditties to lull babies to sleep — and Cornelius a Beughem's (Incunabula Typographiae, Amstel. 1688, Discursus praeliminaris) "'a Jov-e principium, Jovis est quodcunque movetur', ethnicorum erat dicterium, si quid prospere sibi obvenire sperabant. Quanto magi^me Christianum deoet, qui artis typographicae prima incunabula in sce- nam producere gestio, non a Jove quodam ethnico sed ab ipso deo ter opt. max. qui se in verbo suo patefecit, quodque nos qui in Christum credimus, biblia sacra veteris et novi testanlenti appellamus, initium i- sumere.", ultimately and in their intimate nature but so many pious propitiations of heaven, so many graces before meat. Religious however as the observance was, it had besides — as iwhat religious observance has not? — its own substantial, practical use. If, on the one hand, it conciliated heaven and ob- tained from it all the help which was obtainable, on the other hand , and which was of more importance, it conciliated men, always looking for signs and wonders, always less accessible to the voice of reason than to that of imagination, always offended by everything which savors of self-reliance, by the "quae finis standi?" of Dares no less than by the "dextra mihi deus" of Me- zentius, by the 6eou GsTiovtoc >cat [j:t\ 6e>iOVTO(; of Capaneus no less than fey the as/tviTi 6ewv of Ajax Oileus .and the Sapov yap ou-/, ap^st Osoic of Prometheus, and always punishing, with more than even celestial vindictiveness, every such contempt of their ubiquitous, exacting, never - to - be - satisfied protegees. iWhat wonder, then, that we should so often, I may almost say, so invariably, find the poet in the beginning of his poem, seek- ing the inspiration of his Muse, the x.oupYi Stoi;, the Xoyo; of his Jove, nay, sometimes — as in the case of the Iliad (and the imi- tation of the Iliad, our own inimitable, "majus Iliade" Paradise Lost) — begging her to be kind enough to sing for him, and so throwing the whole responsibility upon her broad, Atlantean shoulders ? Nor was it on the threshold of the tindertaking only, and once for all, the divine assistance was to be invoked. Precisely as, in every- day life, it is not enough that personal 12 — 15 MUBA — impulekit] BOOK I ;155 insufficiency should be confessed once for all, and a compact entered into with heaven for assistance all through — a tlirough ticket — precisely as, in every-day life, the insufficiency must be re - acknowledged and a new special compact entered into — the ticket checked — daily and even many times a-day, pre- cisely so, in the poetical undertaking, the acknowledgment of poetical insufficiency and the prayer for divine assistance, of- fered up in the beginning, had to be repeated from time to time according to circumstances, those circumstances being always, as in the private life of the individual so in the poetical under- taking, regarded, by a happy theological theory, as most worthy of, and most likely to receive , the special aid required , which were most embarrassing and out of which there was least pro- bability of extrication by means of that general aid which had so often already been found insufficient, and to require supple- ment. Of these re-inVocations, these occasional re -applications for the indispensable divine grace and assistance, our author is, with his usual good taste and propriety of feeling, sufficiently chary ; so chary indeed , that in the whole course of his long poem we have but a single example of them, viz. in the com- mencement of the seventh Book ; a single example I say, for the two invocations "Nunc age, qui reges, Erato," and "pandite nunc Helicona, deae ," may, in all fairness and by any candid critic, be considered as no more than one, or, at most, as a re- turn to and taking up again, in the second, of the still fresh and not yet "verschoUen" first ; and if.ever re-invocation was — to speak in conformity with the feelings of the present day — ex- cusable , or — to speak in conformity with the feelings of the times in which the poem was written — necessary and indispen- sable, it was here in the commencement of his seventh Book, in the commencement of the second and by far most arduous of the two parts, "virum, Trojae qui primus ab oris," and "hoi*- hentia Martis arma," into which his work naturally divided it- self, and was by the author himself expressly .divided, and to which division there is a direct reference in the very words of his re-invocation: 156 AENEIDEA [12 quo— dolens . ,. , ,,I?riinae revgcabo exordia pugnae; tu yatem, tu diva, mone; dicam horrida "bella, jlicam acies, actosque animis in fuaera reges, Tyrrheiiamque manum, totamque sut anna coactam Hesperiam ; major rerum milii nascitur ordo, majus opus moveo." as if he had said: "Now," goddess, now is the time I need all your help; now that 1 am come to those 'horrida bella', those 'horrentia Martis arma', to which all the events whereof I have been treating were only preliminary, only the first act of the drama." Compare (II. 2. 484) Homer's similar re-invocation of the same indispensable assistance from on high , on occasion of the similar crisis, the review of the Grecian armies, leaders, and ships, on the eve of the first battle :; suTCETE vuv [J.CH, Mou(jai.OXu[j.;cia 3w[j.aT' eyousar Caussas. — the causes of the ire with which Juno visited Aeneas and the Trojans after the war of Troy. See Rem. on "caussae," verse '29i ^ Stabile Per.zini, 'ai Cavale'gr/ieri, Livorno, Feb. 16, J8SS. ' Dalhey Lodge. Dalhe'y (Ireland), Aug. 10,1872. - 12 (a). QUO NUMINE LAESO QUIDVE DOLENS VA:^.^LEaT. ,, LAESO I i^am.; Med.; Ver. Ill Serv. ed. Lion; Serv. cle Quant. Syllab. Prisci^n, Instit. gramm. S, 67; Victorinus ; Cynth. Cenet. ; Ven. 1470;' Aldus (1514) ; P. Manut. ; D. Heins. ; N' Heins. (1679) ; Philippe; Heyne; Brunolc; 'Wakef.; Voss; Wagn. (1832, 18610", Thiel; Siipfle; Porb.; Haupt; Eibb.; Coningt.; Weidner. LAESA III Ladewig (following Ameis in MUtz, Zeitschvift IX. p. 931). 12 QUO— DOLENS] BOOK I. 157 «Bo NOMINE LAESA III Sciopp, (conj. ill Pavadox. Litter.) See Heyn. Ex- curs, ad loc. ,ftuo CKiMiNE LAESA III Peei'lk. couj. O.Fr.;Pal.;St.Gall.. §1- NUMiNE. — The Latin, numen ("Ut niio ex Gr. veuw., sic uumeii ex vsu[Aa." R. Steph.) is self-originating , irresponsible inclina- tion, propensity, or tendency in one direction rather than another, whether the thing to which the numen is attributed Or belongs, be material and inanimate: Lucret. 4. 179 (ed. Munrq): "In.quem quaeque Ipcujri diy^rsoiLumine tendunt," according to fheir differeni propensities i{i'iot as we njoderns, .\\rith our point-blank opposite philosopLy,' say: according to their different affinities),.or whether it be animate, thinkiing and, .wil- ling: Lucret. 3, 144: "Caetera pars animae, per totum dissita corpus, - paret, et ad numen mentis momenque movetur." ; according to the will (placitum , arbitriiim) and iinpetus of the mind. Numeri (or will, placitum, arbitriurii), being especially the property of mind, and mind belonging to person^ numen came according to the ordinary substitution of attribute for person to be substituted for person ; and this , no matter whether the person were divinfe or 'human:' Lefc us tak© the divine person and, as affording the best example of a divine person, Jupiter himself, first. Jupiter's numen, i. e. Jupiter's self-originating, irresponsible, uncontrolled inclination, poo>.£up;K, consilium, vo- luntas (Festus: "Numen quasi nutus dei ac potestas'^) being no less striking than Jupiter's omnipotence, providence, right- eousness, or majesty, Jupiter, came to derive a. title from this quality, exactly in the same way as from any other striking 158 AENEIDEA [12 quo-doleks quality bf his — came to be called numen and to have numen attributed to hhn, exactly as he was called majestas, divini- tas, omnipotentia, providentia, and had these qualities attributed to him, and it is no less incorrect to understand numen as applied to Jupiter to mean the divinity or deity of Jupiter, than it were incorrect to understand Jovis majestas, or Jovis providentia, or Jovis omnipotentia, or Jo- vis pietas, to mean the divinity or deity of Jupiter. Jovis numen is the willing faculty, the voluntas, the consilium, pla- citum , arbitrium , PouAsu[^.a of Jupiter, Jupiter considered as a willing, consulting, determining being, exactly as Jovis pro- videntia is the providence of Jupiter , i. e. Jupiter considered as a provident being or providence, Jovis omnipotentia, the omnipotence of Jupiter, i. e. Jupiter considered as an omni- potent being or omnipotence, Jovis majestas, the majesty of Jupiter, i. e. Jupiter considered as a majestic being, or ma- jesty, Jovis pietas, the tenderness of Jupiter, i. e. Jupiter considei-ed as a tender, sympathizing 'being or tenderness : Attius , Translation of Aeschylus's lost Tragedy, Prometheus >.uop.svo; cited by Cicero, Tusc. Quaest. 2. 10 (Prometheus speaking) : "Saturnius me sic infixit Jupiter, * Jovis^ue numen Muloibri adscivit manus. Hos ille cjineos fabrica crudeli inserens, perrupit artus." where "Jovis numen," the Pou>>£u[7.k, consilium., arbitrium, voluur tas, will of Jupiter, i. e, Jupiter considered as a willing, consult- ing, determining being, in other words, the divine determina- tion, is placed in emphatic contrast to "Mulcibri manus", the executive, operating power or faculty of Mulciber,_i. e. to Mul- ciber considered as an agent or operator ; in other words , to handy-work or execution. Of which interpretation if aiiy one doubt the correctness, let him inquire of Aeschylus, who will answer: "So at least I mean when in my other Prometheus (verse 618) I say: lo. 2T|p.»)vov oati; ev ^apafY' I'oiyjjiags. Prom. BouXEU|xa [jiev to Stov, II^aioTou 8s y^ctp." 12 QUO— UOLENS] BOOK I. 159 In the same manner, the Roman emperors, even before their dei- fication, were numina exactly as they were majesties, and we must take great care not to fall into the error of supposing that every time the term numen is applied to a Caesar or other emi- nent person, it is intended to express his divinity. On the con- trary, it is only the ordinary substitution of the attribute for the person, of the abstract for the concrete, and Augustus or Adrian has numen and is numen suum, exactly as Julian has pietas and is pietas sua (Ammian, 22. 9 : "Thalassius, clamitabant, inimicus pietatis tuae nostra violenter eripuit".), and exactly as a modern king or queen is his or her majesty, a pope his holiness, a cardinal his eminence, a prince his highness, a viceroy his excellency, a judge his lordship, a justice of the peace his worship, and every country squire his honor. This is so much the case that numen is attributed not merely to individuals , but to corporations or collections of persons , meaning of course not at all the deity or divinity of such corporations or collections of persons, but their collective will and pleasure , and consequently the sanction af- forded by their collective will and pleasure: Cic. Phil. 3, 13': "Magna vis est, magnum numen [Orelli: nomen] unum et idem sentientis senatus." Liv. 7, 30 : Annuite, P. C. nutum numenque vestrum invictum Oampands, et iubete sperare incolumem Ca- puam futuram." Cicer. ad Quirit. post redit. 8: "Qua sanctis- simi homines pietate erga deos immortales esse solent, eMem me erga populum Rom. semper fore ; numenque vestrum aeque mihi grave et sanctum, ao deorum immortalium in omni vita futurum." in all which places numen is will and pleasure, and as little the divinity of the senate or people of Rome as numine (10. 31) is the divinity of Jupiter, numine (1. 137) the divinity of Neptune, numen in our text or numen verse 52- (where see Rem.) the divinity of Juno, nay, so much is this the case, so entirely is numen in this its secondary application a mere title of the same kind as maiestas, that we find it continually associated with maiestas in inscriptions, ex. gr. "Devotus Numini Maie- statiQue Eius". Gruter 272, 1. 2. 5. 6. 7. also 283, 1. 5. and even in the addresses of modern christian subjects to their kings; as for instance, of the editors of the Herculanean papyri 160 AENEIDEA [12 quo— dolehs to his majesty and numen (surely neither godhea.d nor deity nor divinity) Ferdinand the Eourth , King of Naples: . „FERI>I]VAaJ^DO ml ITALICO SICULO HIEBOSOLYMITANO ' ' PIO FBLICI.SEJIEEK, AUGUSTO ...... , , Pevqti -ifuvprni Majestatique ejus . Academici Herculaneuses" with which compare Coripp. Justin. Minor- 1. 193: "Divinisanimisinerat dolor ille parentis; ante pios oculos mitis versatur, imago. ■, ',-, , Illsi moyet mentem, penitusque in pectore vUroque . , indivisamanens pia numina numine complet." where whatever is wanting to perfection in the pia numina of Justinus and Sophia Augusta is supplied by the new and addi^ tional numen received -from; the just-deceased Justinian, , and where 'therefore neither numina nor numen can be. person, can 'Only be the abstract quality or spirit denominated numen, imagined to pass from the deceased emperor to his successors. See Rem. on "multo suspetisum numine", 3. 372. Dietsch, not noticing the identity of numen with vsuj-ia, has taken the opposite view of the term, yiz. that it is primarily; the person exercising the will, and only secondarily the will or authority.: Theologum, p. 3. "Igitur numen factum esse ab nuo ita certum est, ut iure mireris Hartungium .(Relig^ d. Rom. I. p. 31) eo aberrare potuisse, ut ab voeoj novi factum putarety nee magis, cum suffixum men (quaeproprie participii est forma), quod actionem perficiat aut patiatur indicate constet (Weissen- born. Gr. Lat. § 32, 2. p. 36), quoniam nue intransitivum est, dubitari potest, quin numen id quod nuat, significet. lam cum qui nuat aliquid se cupere aut nolle ostendat, nee vero id quis- quam faciat, nisi qui suam voluntatem ac sententiam iritellectum acTperfectum iri contidere possit, apparet inieo vocabulo inesse et voluntatis et summae potentiae, i, e. imperii, notionem, id quod recte perspexisse Varronem, L. L. VII. p. 85, M. p.- 363 Sp. monuit Lachm. ad Lucr. II, J2,3. p. 111., Quare numen proprie duo tantum significare potest, aut cum, qui summa potentia inir peret, aut summam imperandi vim et potestatem." But if tbiswere 12 QUO— DOLENSI BOOK I. 161 so, and numen first the person nodding and only secondarily the nod, will or authority, why is not crimen first the person com- mitting the crime, carmen first the person singing, molimen first the person making the effort, foramen first the person making the hole, volumen first the person rolling, libamen first the per- son libating, gestamen first the person wearing, agmen first the person driving? why all these words, as we are so well reminded by Kappes (Erklarung, p. b), first and primarily the thing or act done: the crime, the song, the effort, the hole, the roll, the libation, the dress, the drove respectively? The difficulty which has been found in our text has arisen partly from the reader's not having had the two meanings of numen, its primary one of attribute audits secondary one of person Cperson possessing the attribute), sufficiently distinct in his mind , and partly from the term's perfect applicability to Juno in both senses, Juno on the one hand having in common with all beings whether gods or men, and, according to Lucre- tius, in common with mere atoms, a numen or will, and, on the other hand, being herself (as goddess and the queen of heaven and therefore possessing will in a preeminent degree) preeminently a numen. Claud. Itapt. Pros. 3. 407 fCeres speaking ) : "Non tales gestare tibi, Proserpina, taedas sperabam ; sed vota mihi communia matrum et thalami festaeque faces, caeloque canendus ante oculos Hymeuaeus erat. Sic numina fatis volvimur, et nuUo Lachesis discrimine saevit." as if she had said: we deities, ivills par excellence, have yet no will at all, are overridden by the fates and dealt with as they please. The notion of personality once separated from the numen of our text, and the word understood in its primary sense of arbi- trium, i. e. irresponsible, self - originated loill or free pleasure, the expression quo numine labso presents no longer any diffi- culty, but is equivalent to ivliat arhitrimn of hers being offended? i. e. her arbitrium or free will and pleasure being offended in what respect? in other words: what sanction of her's being vio- lated? See Rem. on numen Junonis, verse 52, and on sanctum HENBT, AENEIDEA, VOL. 1. 11 162 AENEIDEA , 1 12 quo— dolens mihi numen arma rogo, 8. 382. and compare Cicer. Fro JRoscio Amerino, Ed. Lamb. p. 36. "Quid vis amplius? quid insequeris ? quid oppugnas ? qua in re tuam voluntatem laedi a me putas ? ubi tuis commodis officio ? quid tibi obsto ?" where it is tuam voluntatem laedi, not tuum numen laedi, because Cicero could not without the utmost impropriety apply to an adversary whom he was doing all he could to depreciate and make contemptible , a term so highly complimentary as to be rarely applied except to gods and the most exalted among men, exactly as in our text it is numine laeso, not voluntate laesa, because it had been equally improper for Virgil, when speaking of the "regina deum", to use other than the most re- spectful language he could find. How entu-ely numen is the arbitrium, the free will and pleasure, of the being to whom it is ascribed, appears with remarkable distinctness from Ovid. Trist. 5. 3. 15, (Ovid to Bacchus ) : "tu tamen e sacris hederae cultoribus unum • numine debueras sustinuisse tuo ; an dominae fati quicquid cecinere sorores omne sub arbitrio desinit esse dei?" where the sense remains the same , although you transpose nu- mine and arbitrio , putting the former in the place of the latter, and the latter in the place of the former , and scarcely less un- equivocally from the same poet's {Trist. 5. 3. 45) "Sunt dis inter se commercia; flectere tenta Caesareum numen numine, Bacche, tuo.", where the word flectere is of itself sufficient to show that the meaning is not: Caesar's divinity by thy divinity but Caesar's loill by thy will, and (Fast. 6. 101) "Prima dies tibi, Carna, datur. dea cardinis haec est. numine clausa aperit, claudit aperta, suo.'' and (Heroid. 16. 127) : ■ . . "Hoc quoque factum uon sine consilio numinibusque deum." as well as from Livy's (29. 18) "At, Hercule, milites contactos 12 QUO— DOLENS] BOOK I. 163 sacrilegio furor agitat ; .6ot /cax.ov MnSsia Yi€k\.y. (ttiV yap Hpav oux, ETifAa), TO jpuaoii.crXkov Sspa?, S(p7), TipocsTaTTOv av cpspsiv aurw. Callim. Hymn, in Delwn. 5b (addressing Delus) : ouS' Hprjv -/.OTEOusav uTce-peoas, /) |J.ev a-aaai; E^EOEOov AriToi Se SiazpiSov, ouvey.a |xouvr| Zr)Vt -£-/.£[V rijAsXXe oiXaixspov ApEo; uia, •U(o pa -/.at auT.r) |j.ev azO/Civiv ey^ev ai9Ep&? etato, (jjiEpyo[j.£VT) [isya oij -i zai ou oa-oV EipyE os A»iTw X£ipop.EVy)V coSiai. Callim. wZ)eL:Z05; Hpr,, (JOi S'eti 'riixo; avijXEE? r,-op £X£iTO" ouSe zaTExXaaSyj? te zai oizitua;, 7)viza itTiy^Ei; ofiooTEpou? opEyouga, (xaTrjV £o6£y?«to TOia. Callim. in Del. 215 (apostrophizing Juno) : vufitpa Aios Papu6u[j.£, cju S'ouz ap' ejIeXXe; ajtuaio; Sr)V E[JiEVat. Callim. im Z>m«. 2S (ed. Blomf.) : s:a-r)p 8' £!i£V£u(j£ yEXamja;* 97] Se xatappEi^uv, ote [jioi toiauta SEatvof TIZTOIEV, -Ut60V XEV £y(0 ?»)Xr)|J.OVOC HpTJ? ya)oiJ.£vr]s aXEyoifj.1. Mart. Capella, 1. 67 (ed. Kopp) : Ipsius vero divae (Junonis) vultus assidua perlucens gratia, fratri consimilis, nisi quod ille immutabili laetitia renidebat, haec commutationum assiduarum nubile crebrius turbidabatur." and last, best witness of all, hear Juno herself; Sen. Here. Fur. 1. 27 : "Non sic abibuut odia. vivaces aget Tiolentus iras animus, et saevus dolor aeterna bella pace sublata geret." 13 — voLVEEE casus] book I. 169 Ovid. Met. 4. 126: "Nil poterit Juno, nisi inultos flore dolores? idque milii satis est? haec una potentia nostra est? ipse docet quid agam, (fas est et ab lioste doceri) ; quidque furor valeat, Penthea caede satisque ac super ostendit." Such perpetual iU-humor, such never-ending dolores merited at least a statue, a Juno dolens , and actually and in point of fact obtained for the partner of Jove's thi-one and bed the appella- tion of apwxuSv]!;, Callim. Fracpn. [23] 108, ed. Bentl.: Toi; [AEV apiT/.u3ir]5 suvi; avrjxe A105 ApYo? Eysiv, 1810V Jiep sov Xcnyoi' TbRRIS JACTATUS et alto . . . JUNONIS OB IRAM .... MULTA QUOQUE ET BELLO PASSUS MuSA MIHI CAUSSAS MBMOEA .... NUMENE LAESO. — Liv. 2. 36 : "filium namque intra paucos dies amisit ; cujus repentinae cladis ne causa dubia esset, aegro animi eadem ilia in somnis obversata species visa est rogitare, satin' magnam spreti numinis haberet mercedem? majorem instare, ni eat propere ac nuntiet consulibus. Jam praesentior res erat: cunctantem tamen ac prolatantem ingens vis morbi adorta est debilitate subita. Turn enimvero deoruni ira admonuit." Stabile Pezzim, ai Gavaleggieri, lAvorno, March. S. 1868. Dalhey Lodge., JDdlhey (Ireland) Octob. 6. 1872. 13. VOLVEEE CASUS "Id est casibus volvi. et est figura Hypallage." Servius ; Who can believe it? or what kind of notion are we to form of Aeneas both jactatus and volutus, only six verses ago tossed like a shuttlecock and now rolled over and over like a trund- ling ball or a rolling-stone? Di meliora piis, error emque Wag- nero ilium!, if I were capable of wishing even my depredator 170 AENEIDEA [13 — volveke casus SO ill, and the gods had not been before -hand with me and awarded him his punishment already. Hear himself: "volvere casus, alium ex alio tolerare". But the hero of the Aeneis was neither so very meek as when struck on the one cheek to turn-round the other, ("alium ex alio tolerare") nor so ab- solutely passive as to be rolled-over ("volvi") by his troubles. On the conti'ary, the hero of the Aeneis goes-to and seeks-out his troubles (adit) , nor was ever any thing plainer than that adiee LABGEES is our author's own explanation of volveee casus , the one being the theme, of which the other is the variation, and both but different ways of viewing and expressing the same- thing. This is one step on firm ground, what is the next ? Both verbs depend on imptjleeit. now impulse is always to do, never to l)ear. ^who ever heard of any one being impelled to hear any thing, impelled either volvi or tolerare? one can be impelled volvere, and impelled adire, but one cannot be impelled volvi or impelled tolerare, still less impelled at one and the same time either volvi and adire, or tolerare and adire, and least of all impelled either volvi and adire, or tolerare and adire, by one single impulse, one single impulerit. This is a second step on firm ground. What is the third? We have continually vofoeresorea (Georg. 1. 473, Aen. 11. 529, 6. 616) and volvere moles (9. 516), to roll-over, to turn-over, stones or other heavy masses , why not volvere casus, to roll-over, turn-over misfortunes, mischances, as if they were so many heavy stones, turned-over with diffi- culty? Impelled him to undertake so many labors, to turn- over so many heavy stones. If instead of saying tot volvere casus, tot adire labor es, our author had said tot volvere saxa, tot adire labores, the meaning had remained precisely the same, while the action, the exertion in the onward direction, the actively rolling forward, expressed by volvere, had become asiittle liable to be misunderstood as it is little liable to be misunderstood, Ter. Eim. 1083: ' Gnatho . ; . Unum etiam hoc vos oro, ut me in vestrum gregem recipiatis: satis diu jam hoc saxum volvo. Phaed. Eecipimus." or Aldi Pii Manutii Romani Epist. ad Andream Naugerium in Editionem Poematum Pindari. "Commentaria autem in Pinda- 13 — voLVEEE casus] BOOK I. 171 rum et caeteros, quos ei adjunxi comites, nee non in Hesiodum, Sophoclem, Euripidem, Aeschylum, Theocritum, Oppianum brevi daturi sumus iino volumine. Quibus est animus facere indicem eorum omnium quae seitu digna in iis ipsis habentur commentariis. Quam quidem rem in omnibus libris qui ex aedibtis nosti'is exibunt in manus hominum, facturi sumus, si saxum", quod tot annos volvo alter Sisyphus, in montis cacu- men perduxero." or 1. 104: "Ubi tot Simois correpta sub undis scuta virum galeasque et fortia corpora volvit.", in which last passage we have the same volvere and the same tot, and in which it is not, any more than it is in our text, the subject of the verb, (the river), which is being rolled, but as in our text the object of the verb (viz. the corpora), and in which finally the rolling is not from corpus to corpus in suc- cession, but of each individual corpus over and forward (See Rem. 1. 104), exactly as in our text the rolling is not from casus to casus in succession, but of each individual casus over and forward. But the figure volvere saxum, so suitable — on account of its homeliness and familiarity — for comedy, being on account of those very characters no less unsuitable for the epos, could not, especially on the solemn occasion of the commencement of the work, and invocation of the Muse, be openly and undisguisedly employed , could at most only be alluded-to or suggested; hence the imperfect, no more than half, figure — the volvere not saxa but casus — and the obscurity so puzzling to commentators. Had it been our author's inten- tion to represent his hero as passive — whether, with Servius, so wholly passive and inert as to be rolled-over ("volvi") by his misfortunes, or, with Wagner, so passive as to bear them pa- tiently ("alium ex alio tolerare") — there was a word which, joined with casus, was capable of expressing such passivity, and to which there is no reason for supposing he could not have adapted his verse here, as he has adapted it, 9. 512: "Saxa quoque infesto volvebant pondere, si qua possent teotam aciem perrumpere, cum tamen omnes ferre iuvat subter densa testudine casus." 172 AENEIDEA [13 — volvere casbb But such was not his intention. He intended to represent Aeneas not as (with the Rutuli of the just -quoted passage) crouching under shield and hearing the impetus of the casus, the stones which were rolled on the top of him, "Ferre juvat subter densa testudine casus", but as, with the Teucri, rolling the stones himself : "Saxa quoque infesto volvebant pondere." and to present this picture , not of passivity but of activity, un- mistakably to the reader, he uses not the word ferre expressive of passivity , but the word volvere expressive of activity, and not merely of activity, but of activity so great and complete as to turn the object acted on, entirely over, and lest he should not have made his meaning sufficiently clear, and the half figure volvere casus (in place of the whole figure volvere saxa), should create any difficulty, explains the meaning of the un- usual expression, by the addition oi adire labores, expressive of the preliminary step, the approaching, accosting or seeking- out the labors or casus or stones, previously to turning them over, and alluding even more plainly than volvere casus, or IMPULBRIT, or EBGINA DEUM, Or NUMINE LAESO, Or QUIDVE DOLENS, to that great prototype of Aeneas (see labores below) whom the same regina deum, dolens on account of the same numen lae- sum, had impelled tot volvere casus, tot adire labores. Nor is the proof that volvere casus expresses activity not passivity, rational only, or limited to the reason of the thing; we have the positive proof also : Lucan 2. 239 : Invenit insomui volventem publica cura Fata virum, casusque Urbis, cunctisque timentem Secui'umque sui." Exactly as Lucan's Cato volvit casus Urbis, turns over mentally the calamities of the city, Aeneas in our text is compelled tot VOLVERE CASUS , to tum ovcr physically and in re so many cala- mities. It is true indeed that the person who meets or is visited by misfortunes is generally, and even elsewhere by our author himself, rex. gr. 1. 244 "Tot casibus actos", 1. 619: "Quis te nate dea, per tanta pericula casus *- insequitur?" 13 — voLVEEE casus] BOOK I. ]^73 represented as passive under those misfortunes, as bearing tliem or driven by them, and even as rotated or whirled-round by them : rSen. Here. Oet. 115 (Chorus to Dejanira) : L ^'Qiiis tam impotens, o miaera, te caaus rotat?" not as driving them, whirling them or otherwise acting on them, but it is not true that the person is invariably and without any exception so represented. I find an example to the contrary in Q. Curtius (4. 20) where personified Tyre is said to have dis- charged her misfortunes, to have gone through them, performed them : "Multis ergo casibus defuncta , et post excidium renata, nunc tamen longa pace cuncta refovente , sub tutela Romanae mansuetudinis acquiescit." and another and much more striking example in the Culex (vers. 160) where Fors is said to have ordered the shepherd incertos diicere casus (not at all to hear or ie driven iy his misfortunes, but to act on them, to draio them): "Ni fors incertos jiississet ducere casus", a double parallelism, in as much as it is not only ducere casus, exactly corresponding to volvere casus, but jussisset ducere casus, exactly corresponding to impulerit volvere casus. Com- pare also 9. 277 : "Comitem casus complector in omnes", 9.291: . . "Audentior ibo in casus omnes", 2. 750: "Stat casus renovare omnes, omnemque reverti per Trojam, et rursus caput objectare periclis." in all which passages not only is' the casus passive, and the person active, as in our text, but there is, as in our text, a going -toward, a seeking- out of the trouble, an adire labores. and especially compare 10. 60: "Xanthum et Simoenta redde, oro, miseris, iterumque revolvere casus -da, pater, Iliacos Teucris", where we have the identical casus of our text, and permission 174 AENEIDEA [13 — volvebe casus prayed for, not surely to be again rolled-over by them, f^who ever heard of permission to be rolled over , to be any thing , to suffer any thing?) but to roll them over again, to go to them (adire) again, and roll them over, as they, the same Teucri, had rolled them over before; also Sil. 3. 577: "Atque ille, hand unquam parous pro laude cruoris, et semper famae sitiens, obscura sedendo teinpora agit, mutum volvens inglorius aevum, sanguine de nostro populus, blandoque veneno desidiae virtus paulatim evicta senescit." where the Pop. Rom. rolls time (existence) as if it were a rolling -stone or wheel, exactly as in our text Aeneas rolls chances (ca- lamities, troubles), as if they were, so many rolling-stones or wheels, also Sil. 6. 120 (Ed. Ruperti): "Talis lege deum clivoso tramite vitae per varies praeceps casus rota volvitur aevi." where the wheel of time (existence) is rolled viz. by man (man rolls the wheel of existence) through various chances, = man rolls the wheel of various chances, or more shortly and as in our text, rolls various chances, also Aen. 6. 748 : "ubi mille rotam volvere per annos", have rolled the wheel, viz. of existence with its various changes and chances, i. e. rolled the wheel of the various changes and chances which constitute existence, or, as in our text, rolled various chances, also Aen. 9. 6 : "quod optauti divum promittere nemo auderet, volveuda dies, eu! attulit ultro", a day (i. e. time) to be rolled-round or over (viz. by you, Tur- nus, and by the rest of mankind) as if it were a rolling-stone, or wheel, -compare Alcim. Avit. Trans, maris ntbri, (Poem. 5. 413): "Maxima nocturnas jam pars exegerat horas, Et volvenda dies instabat sorts propinqua." the day which must come, must be passed, spent (rolled-round or over), ^the inevitable day., exactly as in our text : chances to be rolled - round or over by 14 — pietate] book I. 175 Aeneas, chances for Aeneas to roll-round or over in the manner of a rolling-stone or wheel. Compare also Senec. Odav. 927: "Per quae [al. quem, al. quam] casus volvit varies .semper nobis metuenda dies.'' where the dies is as little rolled-over by the casus — as surely rolls the casus over — as Aeneas in our text. Compare also Horn. Od. 8. 81 : TOT£ yap pa xuXtvSEto -7][Aaio; apyr^ Tpiodi Ts xai Aavaoiai, Ate; |j.sfaXou 8ia pouXa;., where the beginning of misfortune, and a fortiori misfortune itself, is represented as a thing capable of being rolled-round or -over; also Stat. Theb. 11. 40: "Quas Tolvis, Gradive, vices? modo moenia Cadmi scandebant, sua nunc defendunt tecta Pelasgi." where the "volvere" of the "vices", exactly corresponding to the "volvere" of the "casus" in our text, is not only not passive, but as active as it is possible for any volvere to be. Volvere casus, . . adiee labokbs. — If instead of "volvere casus .... adire labores " our author had said — as, but for the measure, he might have said without the change of another word or the slightest alteration of meaning — volvere labores .... adire casus, the passage would have had a perfect parallel in Cic. de Offic. 1. 19: "Vix invenitur qui laboribus susceptis, periculisque aditis, non quasi merced em rerum gestarum, de- sideret gloriam." See Rem. on Sic volvere Parcas (1. 26, B.) Stabile Pexzini, ai Oavaleggieri, Livorno, March 21. 1868. 14(a) INSIGNEM PIETATE VIRUM Pi etas, the Greek £ucfs(3soa, is softness, gentleness and good- ness of heart, mercifulness, meekness and kindness of dispos- 176 AENEIDEA [14- ition, manifested first and principally towards a man's own family Cicer. Pro Plane. 33. 80: "Quid est pietas, nisi voluntas grata in pa- rentes? . . . Qui saucti, qui religionum colentes, nisi qui meritam diis immortalibus gratiam justis honoribus et memori mente per- solvunt?" Cic. de Invent. 2. 33. 161: "Religio est, quae supe- rioris cujusdam naturae ( quam divinam vocant ) curam caerimoniam- que afifert. pietas, per quam patriae, et sanguine conjunotis, officium et diligens tribuitur cultus." Auson. Gratiar, Act. prope initium: "Aguntur enim gratiae, non propter maiestatis ambitum, nee sine ar- gumentis, Imperatori Piissimo : hiiius vero laudis locuplctissimum testimonium est pater divinis honoribus eonsecratus: instar fllii ad imperium frater adsoitus: a contumelia belli patruus vindieatus : ad praefecturae eollegium filius cum patre eoninnetas: ad consulatum _ praeeeptor eleetus." and his own and family's god or gods: (2 Kings, 22. 19: "Because thine heart was tender, and thou hast humbled thyself before the lord."), ~ Cicer. denatur. dear. 1. 41: "de sanctitate, de pietate adversus deos, libros scripsit Epieurus" Ovid. Amor. 3. IS. 9 : ' ' Accipit ara preces votivaque thura piorum" ; his neighbours, his fellow-citizens and fellow-countrymen, " Ammian 37. 6 (Valentinian introducing Gratian to the soldiers): "sa- lutem pro periculorum sooiis obieetabit , et quod pietatis summum pri- mumque munus est, rem publicam ut domum paternam diligere potent . et avitam", and secondarily towards the whole human race and everything that lives and feels : Cyrillus contra Julian. 9 (ed. Spanh. p. 307): Bsuprjaar Se eotiv ex tou TiEpi \i{Km ETi aw^ojAEVou P(i)|jiou- Jipo; ov ouSevo? TipooayojjiEVOU izaf' auToi;, ouSe 6uoja£Vou et:' auxou Jcoou, EuaE|3tov [piorum, pitying] xExXrjtai (3u[jio?. Eur. EUctr. 253: El. TiEVrj; avrip yEVvato^ ei? t' eja' EuaEPr); (plus). Or. 7) o' EuoEpEia (pietas) ti; repotjEOTi oo) kouei; El. ou T.iiir.o-z' Euvrj; tr); E|Ar)? etXt) BtyEiv. Or. ayVEUjA' ej^uv ti Oeiov, t] o' a5ia|i(ov; El. yovEas u|Bpii^Eiv TOU? ejaou; oux rj^iou. Claud, de IV: Cons. Honor. 276: 14 — pietate] book I. 177 "sis pius imprimis, nam cum vincamllr in omui munero, sola deos acquat clomGntia nobis." where we have the express definition of pietas, viz. that it is dementia, dementia itself (and therefore pietas) being thus deified by the same author, Laud. Stilic. 2. 6 : "Principio magni custos Clementia mundi, quae Jovis incoluit zonam, quae tetnperat aethram frigoris et flammae mediam, quae maxima natu caelicolum, nam prima Chaos Clementia solvit, congeriem miserata rudem, vultuque sereno discussis tenebris in lucem saecula fudit. Haec dea pro templis et ture calentibus aris ' te [Stilioone] fruitur, posuitque suas hoe pectore sedeS. Haec docet, ut poenis hominum vel sanguine pasci turpe ferumque putes: ut ferrum, Marte cruentum siccum pace premas : ut non infensus alendis materiam praestes odiis: ut sontibus ultro ignovisse velis ; deponas ocius iram, quam moveas : precibus nunquam implacabills obstes ; obvia prosternas, prostrataque more leonum despicias, alacres ardent qui frangere tauros, transillunt praedas humiles. hac ipse magistra das veniam victis ; hac exorante calores horrificos, et quae nunquam nocltura timentnr jurgia, contentus solo teiTore, coerces ; aetherii patris exemiplo, qui cuncta sonoro coucutiens tonitru, Cyclopum spicula differt in scopulos et monstra maris, nostrique cruoris parous in Oetaeis exercet fnlmina silvisi" Capitol. Vita Anton. Pii : " Pius cognomii^atns est a Senatu, vel quod socerum fessa iam aetate, manu, praesente Senatu, levaverit: . . . vel quod vere natura clementissimus , et nihil temporibus suis asperum fecit. " Aen. 9. 493: '.'Pigite me, si qua est pietas, in me omnia tela Conjicite, O Eutuli." tenderness, pity. 2. 536: "Dii, si qua est coelo pietas quae talia curet." tenderness, pity, of heaven for jnen. HENEr, AEHKIDBA, VOL. 1. 12 178 AENEIDEA [M^pietate Cori^i^. Johannid. 1. 11.: "Jam pietas caelo terras prospexit ab alto." personified, say rather, deified tenderness, |)%^ looking down from heaven. Coripp. Justin. Min. 1. 168 : . t '■'■'' "quern non hominem pietate benigna eontinuit, fovit, monuit, nutrivit, amavit ?" . Aurel. Victor, de Caesarib. 41: "Eo-pius fConstantinus], ut etiam vetus veterrimunique supplicium patibulorum et cruribus suf- fringendis primus removerit." CiriS, 219: "non accepta piis promittens munera divis," tender, pitting gods ; the gods being denominated pw, tender, pitying, exactly as the Manes on every sepuldhre:' "piis Mani- bus." iAnd why this character ascribed alike to gods and Manes? For the plain reason that no higher, no more amiable character than tender-hearted, gentle, aSectionate, pitying, could be ascribed either by: the worshiper to the powe;rful divinity whose good graces he was supplicating, or by the mourning survivor to the dear frieiid or relaitive of whom he had been bereaved, and whose eternal loss he was lamehting'(seepage 181). Aen.5. 783: '['^"\ """[[_ '^ "quam nee longa dies, pietas nee mitigat ulla," whom no length of time, no pity, softens. Am. 12. 838: "hinc genus, Ausonio mixtura quod , sanguine surget, supra homines, supra ire deos pietate videbis," ^Xoedd men and gods in tenderness of heart, mpity {see Rem. 12.839). Aen.3:^2: "parce pias scelerare manus," let not those hands, with which you have performed so many tender, merciful, ^«^«/w^ acts towards fellow-countrymen, friends and relatives, perform a cruel, hard-hearted, bruial act towards me. I am a Trojan and no stranger to you: "non me tibi Troia externum tulit." It is as if he had said: kind-hearted, hvimaiie Aeneas, cease, you are, without knowing it, doing what is cruel, hard-hearted and brutah I too 'have a claim to youx pity. ("There is as little piety (in thei ijmodeim sense 06 the word ) , as little^ 14 — pietate] BOOK I. 179 devotional feeling in Virgil's pias manus of Aeneas, as there is in Vir- gil's "pio ore" of Deiphobus, 0. 530, where the meaning can only be (see Rem. ad loc): with tender, charitable , ^ttj^injr mouth , i. e, not influenced by a feeling of revenge towards the culprits, but by a tender, kindly, humane, pitying feeling towards friends, country and mankind ; in other words : if I am not a cruel, but a tender - hearted, pitying man., or as there is in Ovid's ''pm verba" of Jupiter; Met. 14. 812: (Mars expostulating with Jupiter on behalf of Romulus): "Tu mihi concilio quondam praesonte Deorum, nam memoror, memorique animo pia verba notavi, * unus erit, qaem tu toUea in caerula caeli *, dixisti : rata sit verborum summa tuorum.", ^ kind , tender, affectionate , pitying words . not, of opurse, devout words, being the words of the chief deity himself or as there is in Virgil's 'amore j«o' (tender, affectionate, hrotherly j pitying love) of Nisus for Euryalus, Aen. 5. 296. (where see Rem.), oi" as there is in Saint Ambrose's Upturn amorem' of the ox whose bellowing testifies his tender, pitying affection for his lost bovine ppmrade. (dc excess, fratris sui Satyri, % 8 [ed. monaeh, Benedict. 1686]: "Nunc vero, frater, quo progediar? quove convertar? Bos bovem requirit , seque non totiim putat, et frequent! mugitn pium testatur amorem, si forte defecerit cum quo ducere collo aratra consuevit: jet ego te, frater, non re- qmram? ^Aut possum uraquam oblivisci tui, cum quo vitae huius semper aratra sustinui ? " or as there is in Saint Ambrose's 'piscium pietatem' (Hexaem.5,3: ed. monaeh. Benedict. 1686): "Quae [viz. mustellae ct caniculae, et cete ingentia, delphines et phooae] cum ediderint partus, si quid forte insidiarum terrorisque praesenserint circa catulos suos qnenquam moliri , quo tueantur eos , vel tenerae aetatis pavorem matemo affectu comprimantj aperire ora, et innoxio partus suos dente suspendere , interno quoque recipere> corpore , et genitali feruntur alvo abscondere. Quis humanns afiectus hanc piscium upietatem possit imitari?" Ovid. Art. Amat. 2. 319: . , . . "Sed p\ male firma cub^rit et vitium coeli senserit aegra sui, tunc amor et, pietas tua sit manifesta puellae.'' not by any possibility, piety or devotional feeling, but only tenderness, pity. also Sta|;. The}. 11. 462, where the goddess Pietas is introduced . "saevum . . Jovem, Parcasqrae nocentes ! vocifcrans, seseque polls et luce relicta • d^scemsuram Erebo, et Stygios jam malle penates: 180 ' AENEIDEA ■ [14 — pietate 'quid me', ait, 'ut saevis animantum, ac saepe deorum obstaturam animis, prinoeps natura, creabas?'" and Stat. Silv. 3.3.1: "Summa deum Pietas, cuius grafissima caelo rara profanatas inspectant numina terras, mitibus exsequils ades; et lugentis Etrusci I- cerne pios fletus, laudataque lumina terge." where tbe same goddess is invoked as the chief of all deities , and where "Pietas", "mitibus" and "pios" are all, and can only be, ex- 'pressive of the same emotion, viz. tenderness, softness, gentleness of heart, pity. Liv. 40. 34: "Aedes duae eo anno dedicatae sunt: una Veneris Erycinae ad portam Collinam altera, in foro olitorio, Pietatis", not, surely, of devotion, but of tenderness of heart, mercy, pily. Claud. Laus Serenae, 132: "Ambas ille quidem patrio complexus amore: sed merito pietas in te proclivior ibat." where the distinction between amor and pietas is clearly pointed out: the father loved both his daughters, but one of them more tenderly, more pityingly than the other. Iscanus, 3. 440 (of tlie affection of Castor andPollux for each other): "O pietas! qua nulla deum praesentior ambit virtus, o mitis fraterni candor amoris ! " where 'pietas' is all but defined to be mitis, candidus, fraternus amor, brotherly tenderness, pity. Sil. 13. 390 (of Scipio Africanus just informed of the death of his father and uncle) : "Non comites tenuisse valent, non ullus honorum militiaeve pudor; pietas irata sinistris coelicolis furit, atque odit solatia luctus," where 'pietas' is so little piety , so little respect for , and obedience to, that it is angry-at, and in open rebellion against, the gods. Cato, B. R. praef. "Agriculturam maxima pius quaestus stabilissimusque consequitur." not a devout gain, but a gain of a softer, kindlier, more pitying nature than that to be made either by commerce or M^ar. and last, not least, Horace's (Od. 3. 14 — pietate] book I. 181 31) dear, darling "pia testa", not surely pious, religious, or devout, but kindly, good natured, piti/ing, comforting, wine- jar; wine-jar which, born in the same year with the poet, has a brotherly affection for him. • As, in Christian morals, justice is incomplete without love and charity, so also in heathen morals, pietas is the comple- ment of justice, the highest perfection of the human character." Cicero, de Mepubl. 6. 8 : "lustitiam cole, et pietatem , quae cum . sit magna in parentibus et propinquis, tum in patria maxima est." Cicer. de Orat. 2. 40: "Si pietati summa tribuenda laus est, debetis moveri, cum Q. Metellum tarn pie lugere videatis." Pius was accordingly not only the highest term of praise, flattery could bestow upon an emperor, but the most endtearing appellation with which affectionate memory could address the dear, departed dead. No wonder then that pietas, ("illud ipsum gravissimum et sanctissimum nomen," Cicer. Epist. ad Lentul. 1. 5), embracing, as it does, both christian love and christian charity, is the virtue which our author here in the first lines of his poem singles- out to ascribe to his hero; no wonder that all through his poem, and on every possible occasion, he delights to call him plus; no wonder that it is with the mental disposition most opposed to pietas Dido in the first outburst of her passion reproaches him : "Nee tibi diva parens, generis nee Dardanus auctor, perflde ; sed duris genuit te cautibus horreas Caucasus, Hyrcanaeque admorunt ubera tigres. nam'^uid dissimulo? aut quae me ad maiora reserve? num fletu ingemuit nostro? num lumina flexit? num lacrimas victus dedit, aut miseratus amantem est?" no wonder that it is of the mental disposition most opposed to pietas Dido accuses him to her sistei*, when giving her in- structions to prepare the pyre, 4. 494: "Tu secreta pyram tecto iuteriore sub auras erige et arma viri thalamo quae fixa reliquit impius, exuviasque omnes lectumqne jugalem quo perii, superimponas ; " no wonder that when on the pyre and in the very act of striking herself, crudelis, — the word the most opposed to plus with 182 AENEIDEA [14 — pietate which language could supply her, is the word, almost the very last word, which quivers on her lips. The term pietas, descending into modern languages^ and at first used — no matter in 'what phase or under what orthography — in its original, extensive Lsitin signification, -Charlemagne's son and successor Louis, styled by his French subjects, on account of the goodness of his heart, le debonnaire, was, with his Italian subjects, Ludovico Pio ; and we find in Wickliffe'S translation of the second Epistle of Peter [3. 11] the Greek susEPeiai; and the Latin ^pietatibus' rendered, not, as in our received translation, godtineas, hvit pitees; [2.9] the Greek suaipct; and the Latin 'pios' rendered, not, as in our received translation, godly , but pitouse men; and in Wick- liffe's translation of the Epistle of Paul to Titus [2. 12.] the Greek EuaE|3(o; and the Latin pie rendered, not, as in our received translation, godly , but piteousli, a use of the term which has been returned-to by Gray in his very elegant and justly-esteemed-classic elegy: "OU some fond breast the parting soul relies, some pious drops the closing eye requires; " Lnot some godly drops, but some tender, affectionate drops, came at last to be divided into the two vei'y distinct words piety a,ndpity (Fr. pi^te and pitie), the former representing p i e t as in its relation to heaven and heavenly things (Geo(je|3Eia), the latter representing it in its relation to men and the things of this world (suospsta). "Fious Aeneas" has thus wholly ceased to be an equivalent of Virgils "pius Aeneas", and the error of the author of the following lines, which can hardly fail to recur to the memory of the French reader, is only not ludicrous because shared-in by so many : "De la veuve de Sich^e Thistoire vous a fait peur : Didon mouruUattachee au char d'un amant trompeur ; mais I'imprudente mortelle n'eut k se plaindre que d'elle ; ce fut sa faute; en un mot : k quo! songeait cette belle de prendre un amant devot? Pouvait-elle mieux attendre de ce pieux voyageur, 14 — pietate] book I. 183 qui, fuyant sa villo en cendve et le fer du Grec vengeur, charge des dieux dc Pergamo, ravit son pere k la flamme, tenant son fils par la main, saus prendre garde k sa femme qui se pardit en chemin ?" The Germans have a better representative of pius in their fromm, a terjn which has not yet so intirely lost its relation to good morals as the English pious, and which we find applied, in all the older legends, to tlie ritter who was nqt only brave and strong, but also of a. mild, courteous disposition and gentle (gentlemanly) deportmenti, nay, even to the brave (tiichtig) soldier, altogether without reference to courtesy either of mind or manner. Henric. Brunsvig. (Achilles counseling the Greeks to abandon the siege of Troy) : "Dazu haben wir uns wohl genug an ihnen gerochen und haben Hektorem erschlagen, und diinket mich, uns soil wohl genugen und soUen hindane fahren, da sie also eine feste stadt haben mit so frommen volk, dass man sie ihnen wohl nieht iabgewinnen mag." It is not a little rfeinarkable that while the English word piety thus represents the Latin pie t as only in its relation to things appertaining to heaven, the Italian pieta, on the con- trary, represents the Latin word only, or very nearly only, in its relation to things of this world : "Goldoni, Pamela 3. 6: "Se la sovrana pietJi del cielo ofifre a Pamela una gran fortuna, sar6 io cosi barbaro per impedirla?" where pietSi is as plainly not the piety or devotion of heaven, as its con- trast or opposite pole, barbaric, is not atheism, but barbarity, ,Lcruelty, , ^ its derivative spietato (=; senza piptk) is not irreligious,, hut spiteful, cruel; spietk and spietatezza, not irreUgiousness but cruelty, spite; and even this last word, spite itself^ the English' oflfspring of spietk, as devoid of all religious reference as my readers know it to be. ' Dryden, ihavimg avoided the Scylla of rendering pietatb by piety, has fallen into the Chary bdis of rendering it by bravery and justice: 184 AENEIDEA [14 - tietate "For what offence the queen of heaven hegan to persecute so brave, so just a man.", virtues, from both of which, pietas is expressly distinguished by Virgil himself, 1. 548: "Kex erat Aeneas nobis, quo justior alter, nee pietate fuit nee bello major et armis." 11.291: "Ambo animis, ambo insignes praestantibus armis; hie pietate prior." Phaer, nearly one hundred and fifty, and Chaucer more than three hundred, years before Dryden, understood the word better, the former translating our text : "This noble prince, of vertue myl(Je, from place to place to toile", and the latter, the "Tu requies tranquilla piis" of Boethius Lib. 8. Met. 9. vers. 27 (of the deity): "Thou arte pesyble reste to debonayre folke", the c^efcowai/re of Chaucer's time being as far removed (see Chaucer, Bomaunt of the Base, 1219: "And she was simple' as dove on tre; Ful debonayre of hert was she." and Richardson, in voce) from the debonnair of our tim^ and Milton's, as Virgil's jjws from owe pious, as little meaning courteous, affable, well mannered, as Virgil's J3ws means devout. The virtue therefore for which Aeneas was so remarkable (insignem), the virtue which it was the scope of Virgil's poem to recommend and inculcate by the example of his hero, was not piety, or devotion to he3,ven, but pietas (piti^), or tenderness and brotherly love to mankind, that same noble, generous, kindly, charitable, self-sacrificing feeling which is inculcated and set -forward in every sentence of Christ's preaching, and of which Christ afforded in his own person so illustrious an ex- ample, and the mistake which scholars generally have made respecting the meaning of the term — that mistake which has led them to seek, and of course in vain, for pronounced and 14 — pietateJ book I. 185 distinguished piety in the hero of the Aeneis, in the poem itself, and in the sentiments of the author: ("There is no more of real impiety in him [Mezentius], than there is of real piety in Aeneas." Gladstone, Studies on Homer, vol. 8, p. 526.) — is precisely the mistake which christians generally have made concerning the thing itself, taking Christ's preaching as an in- culcation, and Christ's life as an example, not of pie t as but of piety, not of brotherly love, but of so-called religion, or devotion towards heaven, thus confounding the virtue itself with the sign, perverting morality into ritual observance, and sub- stituting for the doctrine of Christ, that cold, selfish, exclusive Judaism which it was Christ's special mission to subvert and extirpate. Precisely in the same manner as the character of Christ and the whole drift and scope of Christ's gospel have been mistaken by the great majority of christians, have the character of Aeneas, and the drift and scope of the Aeneis been misunderstood by that great majority of scholars, of which Mr. Gladstone may be taken as the type. Curious! that in cases as widely removed from each other as antipodes, not only the subject-matter, but the very mode, of the mistake should be the same. Will men never be able to distinguish between religion and morality, between shadow and substance? Must men's minds always , like a reflecting sheet of water , turn the landscape topsy-turvy, always set that which is above, below, and that which is below, above ? Men's minds have always done so, and I doubt not, always will. Grross however as the mistake is, it is, like most other mistakes, not without its excuse. The two words are identically the same , one word handed - down from the' one people to the other. It is hardly possible that the half- informed scholar should not confound the pietas of Decius with the piety of Wesley, the pius applied by the Romans to Aerieas and Antoninus and the gods and the Manes, with the pious applied in later times by his coreligionists to the jew, mahometan or christian who prostrates himself as abject in the dust before the god or gods of his selection, as he raises high and insolent his threatening hand against the rival god or gods selectfed by his neighbour. The mistake is excusable in the 186 AENEIDEA [14 — pietate dilettante, half-informed scholar, whether statesman, ^^.wyer or physician, who engrossed all day with positive objects, the real business of life, can scarcely spare for abstract studies an hour stolen from sleep, or the interval between church and dinner on a wet Sunday, and to whom the Greek and Latin languages with their dramas, histories , philosophies and epics are, have been , and must always, be pretty much what the Titiains, Raphaels and Rubenses of a National Gallery or a Louvre are to the visitor who comes on a, kingis birthday or other holiday, from a remote part of the country, to gaze at them, and rarely, uniless he has been unable to smuggle umbrella or walking-cane past the porter at the door, departs without proof irrefragable that they are neither oa the one hand quite visionary and unsubstantial, nor on the other hand actually in relief.;. The mistake is excusable in the poet of La Pucelle d'Orleans , not even a dilettante scholar, and but too eager, flushed with, his victory over the modern real giant,, to let fly a shaft: a.t the imagined ancient one of the same name; but ^what excuse is there for the thorough-bred scholar who commences an elaboJrat^ diatribe on Virgils theological terminology with this very mis- take? Dietsch) Theol. p. 1: "Et cum omnis ut cuiugque .hominis,, sic imprimis poetae dignitas pendeat ab pietate, operae pretium mihi facturus videbar, si quid Virgilius de divino numine sensisset, exponerem." Where not only is piety — piely, in the present vernacular sense of the word ■ — , assumed to be the sole foundation of human dignity, the sine -qua -non of an elevated human character, — an assumption of course to be condoned by all who would not incur the imputation of atheisni; and th? ban of the religious society in which they live and, into the^ midst of which they have been born — but the assumption that it is so, is put forward as affording ground for the inquiry: what were Virgil's opinions concerning the deity? an inquiry, to .issue in a verdict on the character of Virgil, of dignified or undignified; dignified, if the evidence should show that Virgil w&s pious in the modern acceptation of the term; undignified, if it should show that he was pious only in that inoral sense in/jjfhich the word^ws: was understood by a people with whom piety^ in the 14 TOT— LABORBS] BOOK I. 187 modern sense of the word, had not yet come into fashion, a people with whom, as we have seen, affectionate parents, dutiful children, kind brothers and sisters, faithful friends, worthy citizens, sturdy patriots were all pii; a people with whom, as we have seen, dead and lamented relatives, even their supreme god himself, in his benevolent paternal character , were pii ; a people who, as we have seen, deified their highest conceivable moral quality, their beau -ideal of morality, erected temples to it, and set it above all gods: "summa deum, Pietas." See vers. 548 and Rem. also vers 607 and Rem. also 3. 42 and 75, and Rems. Insignem pietate. — Why "insignem pietate" here, and "gravem pietate" at verse 155? Because here it was to the poet's purpose to speak only of the character, independently of its operation on others, while at verse 155 it was necessary, in order to the completeness of the picture , to speak of the effect of the character, of the weight and influence thereby acquired. Insignem. — In-signis; Gr. ST:i-an[i.oi;. Palazzetta Taddei, ai Cavaleggieri ^ lAvorno, Dec. 26. 1868. Dalkey Lodge, Dalhey flrelandj, Febr. 8. 1812. 14 rb). TOT ADIRE LABORES accost SO many I§.bors. adirb labores is the precise Latin re- presentative, if not our author's own express translation, of the Homeric avTta^siv, or avTiaav, asOXwv: Qd. 22. 28, (the suitors to Ulysses): oux ex' aeOXiov Compare Ovid. Met. 12. 161: "Inque vices adita atque exhaiista pericula saepe commemorare juvat." 188 AENEIDEA [14 tot— labokes and (Politiani epist. lib. 12) Bartolom. Scala Angelo Politiano suo: "lUe (Alcides) jussa adibat monstria; tu tibi ea confingis, instruisque ut superari a te queant." iMPULBKiT. — Cicer. pro Milan. Ed. Lamb. p. 557 : "nisi eum dii immortales in earn mentem impulissent, ut homo effoeminatus fortissimum virum conaretur occidere,hodie rem- publicam nullam haberetis." LABORES. — xBXoik;. Anacr. 1. 7 : . . a9Xou5 HpaxXsouq- A formal comparison of Aeneas to Hercules bad been misplaced here on the threshold of the poem, had committed the poet to a race for glory between Aeneas and Hercules all through his work ; allusion to the labors of Hercules is perfectly apropos, and the more graceful because not forced on the reader, but only placed in his path where he can hardly avoid seeing it. If he has not seen it, if he has read "regina deiim tot volvere casus, tot adire labores impulerit", and then "tantaene animis caelestibus irae ? ! " without once thinking of the persecution of Hercules by the same vindictive goddess, it can only be either because "insignem pietate virum" has taken him farther away in the opposite direction from Hercules than was intended by the author, or because he has settled down, with the gramma- rians, into a brown study of the grammar of "quo numine laeso, quidve dolens?" But there is, although the poet has not committed himself to it by an express, formal comparison of Aeneas to Hercules here on the very limen, a race for glory between the two heroes all through the poem. How could it be otherwise?. They are botti heroes; both of the highest race, the blood of Jove supreme, ("et mi genus ab Jove summo" says Aeneas in express comparison of himself witli Alcides) the mother of the one being Alcmena, breathing from hair and caerulean eyelids such perfume as breathes from golden Aphrodite, Hesiod. Scut. Hercul. 3, Gu-caTV|p XaouooooHXexTpuuvo?, 14 TOT LABOKES] BOOK 1. 139 T) pa Yuvatxtuv (jJuXov ExaivuTO OT|Xu-CEpa(ov SiSeV T£ (ieYEOsi tv voov ^e (xiv OUTI? Ept^E xatov, a; Ov»)-cat Ovijtoi? texov EUvrjOEiaac- Trj; xai ano xprjOEV pXecpapiov t' awo xuavEawv TToiov aiTjO' oiov TE 7coXu5(puoou AcppoSiTiT];, the mother of the other , golden Aphrodite herself. They are botll great travelers, explorers and adventurers; botll founders of cities; both institutors of ludi: Find. Nem. 10, 32, ed. Dissen, u:taTov S'eo/^ev Iliaa Hpax).E05 te6(iov' Diod. Sicul. 4. 14: TTEXEoa; 8e (Hercules) toutov tov aOXov, tov OXuja- Ttiaxov aftova auvE(rcr]oato. Aen. 5. 596, *'Haiic luorem, hos ciirsus, atque haec certamina, primus Ascanius, longam muris quum cingeret Albam, retulit, et priscos docuit celebrare Latinos, quo puer ipse mode, secum quo Troi'a pubes, • Albani docuere suos : hinc maxima porro adcepit Roma, et patrium servavit honorem ; * Trojaque nunc pueri, Trojanum dicitur agmen. bae celebrata tenus sancto certamina patri,'^ both} forefathers of a long and mighty line of descendants, named after them respectively Heraclidae and Aeneadae; both, persecuted by Juno, who has one common ground of antipathy to both; viz. descent from rivals of her own, from the wrong side of Jupiter's bed; they both visit Hades alive, and return from it no hair the worse; they are both translated to heaven, parallelism acknowledged and testified-to even by the Scoffer: "alter aquis, alter iiammis ad sidera missus" both, adored as gbds: Liv. 1. 7. "Sacra diis aliis Albano ritu; Graeco, Herculi, ut ab Evan- dro instituta erant, facit (Eomulus)." Aen, 8. 268, "£x illo celebratus honos, laetique minores sprvavere diem, primusque Potitius auctor, et domus Herculei custos Flnaria sacrl. banc aram luco statuit, quae maxuma semper dicetur nobis, et erit quae maxuma semper, quare agite, o juvenes , tantarum in munere laudum cingitc fronde comas, et pocula porgite dextris, communemque vocate deum, et date vina volentes." 12. 194, "Indigeiem Aenean scis ipsa et scire fateris ; deberi caelo, fatisque ad sidera tolli." 190 AENEIDEA [14 tot— labores Juno in the long run making- up her quarrel with both. — giving her daughter Hebe in marriage to Hercules : Senec. Octavia, 210: "Deus Alcides possidet Heben nee Junonis jam timet iras" and entering into solemn conrenant with Jupiter not to per- secute either Aeneas or his Trojans any more: 12. 838: "Hinc genus Ausonio mixtum quod sanguinejsurget, supra homines, supra ire deos pietate videbis ; nee gens ulla tuos aequo celebrabit honored. Adnuit his Juno et mentem laetata retorsit. Interea excedit caelo nubemque reliquit/' they botll visit Pallanteum and are entertained by Evander, who in good, set terms invites Aeneas to condescend to that hospitality which Hercules had not disdained : 8. 363, * "Haec, inquit, limina victor Alcides subiit, haec ilium regiaxepit. Aude, hospes, contemnere opes, et te quoqne dignum finge 4^0, rebusque veni non asper egenis . , ; (quoque : as well as Hercules). Dixit et angusti subter fastigia tecti ingentem Aenean duxit, stratisque locavit effultunv foliis fet pellc Libystidis ursae. No;x ruit et fuscis tellurem amplectitur alis." whereii wh,p is so short-sighted as not to discern, beyond ingens Aeneas in his bedr's skin , ingens Hercules himself in his lion's skin, stretched on his bed of leaves asleep in the same com- fortable quarters? nay, so full is our author of this famous object of Juno's enmity, that Hercules makes his appearance at every turn, even where he is least to be expected. Entellus's (5. 410) "Quid si quis caestus ipsius et Herculis arma vidisset tristomijue hoc ipso in littore pugnam ? " is not less a surprize to the reader, who is thinking of any thing but Hercules, than it is an underhand compliment to Aeneas, president of the games, the battle spoken -of being the famous battle in which Hercules, the prototype of Aeneas, had beaten 14 TOT— LABOKES] BOOK I. 191 Eryx the patron god • of Entellus^ who was to be victor in the then impending fight. If the victory of Entellus was a compli- ment which could not well be avoided tO the Sicilian host, it was, with our author's usual inimitable tact, softened both to Aeneas and his companions by' the sweet recollection of that greater battle in which even the god and patron of the present victor had been defeated by him whose equal and near relative Aeneas claimed to be : . , 1 1 - : "Quid Thesea, magnum quid memorem Alciden? et mi genus ab JbVe summo,'' and against whom it was a glory to the Sicilian to have entered the lists, to have sO much as stood-up at allvS. 414, "His magnum Alciden contra stetit." Compare Ovid. 9. 5. (Achelous, of his own contest with the same Alcides): "Nee tam turpe fait vinci, qjiam contendisse decorum est." > As little do we expect Alcides at 6. 801 , the subject being the military expeditions of Augiistus, yet nothing could be more correct, or in more perfect keeping with the whole plan and system of the work, than this compliment to Augustus, at the expense' not only of Hercules, prototype of Aeneas, but of Aeneas,' prefigurer of Augustus, it beiiig the part. alike of pro- totype and prefigurer to yield the foremost ground to him, for whose sake alone either is brought on the tapis. In like manner Alcides 'is perhaps the last of all the gods '1;o whom we should a-priori expect Pallas to address his prayer at the moment he flings his spear at Turnus, yet AMdes is the Vfeiry god who occurs to Virgil as the most proper, the reason assigned being not that Alcides was hiiniself always inyictus and victor, but that Alcides had been his father's guest, had dined at the table of Evander: 10.460, , ,i. , ,. , ,, , ; ., ,,, ;- , "Perpatris ho.5pitium ,<^t,mpnpa,^,quas a^yepa, a4isti: , , , te precor, Alcide." th,i^,is/tKeii-e3^ftn:assigned .— ,,the rei£^son for, the readeg- -- :l|ut! t]lj|er^;isia^qt^ier,seas,on.in,,tJie back groixnd, the, poet's specif,!, r^^so^ , Tyii^ch o^ly appears Jfiter, and not to eyery r,eader, viz. ^^92 AENEIDEA [14 iot— labores that Pallas, left in the lurch by the God Hercules, guest of Evander: "Audiit Alcides juvenem, magnumque sub imo , ,, corde premit gemitum, lacrimasque effundit inanes.," may be avenged, both on the spot: "Proxima quaeque metit gladio latumque per agmen ardens limitem agit ferro, te, Tume, superhum caede nova quaerens," and ultimately: . , "Pallas te hoe vulnere, Pallas Immolat et poenam scelerato ex sanguine sumit" by the second, not yet deified Hercules, no-less guest of Evander, and inspired with the very feeling, the guest's obligation, with which Pallas had in vain endeavoured to inspire the god whose place the second Hercules, also guest of Evander, came but a moment too late to fill : "Pallas, Evander, in ipsis omnia sunt oculis, mensae quaa advena primas tunc adiit dextraeque datae," . . . where we have not only the sentiment , but almost the very words , of Pallas adressing the god Hercules: "Per patris hospitium et mensas quas advena adisti" Still further, if Hercules has his contest with the Stymphalides aves „quae alumnae Martis fuisse dicuntur, quae hoc periculum regionibus inrogabant, quod cum essent plurimae volantes, tantum plumarum stercorumque de se emittebant ut homines et animalia necarent, agros et semina omnia cooperirent" (Sery. ad, 8. 300), Aeneas has his with the Harpies, than whom (3.214) "tristius hand . . . monstrum, nee saevior ulla pestis et ira deum Stygiis sese extulit undis. Virginei volucrum vultus, foedissima ventris proluvies, uncaeque manus et pallida semper ora fame." if Hippolyta, virgin queen of the Amazons, is defeated in battle and has her girdle carried - off in triumph by an invading Hercules, Camilla, virgin queen of the Volsci, is defeated and falls in battle in defence of her native land against an intruding Aeneas and his Trojan crew, if Hercules, during a temporary lying-to of the Argo on the coast of Mysia, takes bow and arrows in 14 TOT— LABOKES] BOOK I. 193 hand and goes ashore and into the woods to kill game for self and brother Argonauts (who by the by, having obtained a fair wind, rather ungenerously sail-off without him), Orphic. Argon. 640, a[icpt Se xvr)|xo? ApfotvOou xatEcpaiVE paOuoxoTiEXoi te xo^wvat. IIpaxXET); S'titceiyet' av' uXj)EVt«? evauXou;, TO^ov ijtn^ ;taXa|j.ai; cSs x^v{kKiyyio.i, oVirtou;, oijjpa xe OriprjcjaiTO, Tcopot S'crci SopTcov STaipoi; i\ dua?, ») nopxiv xEpanjv, ■f\ aypiov av^a. Aeneas shipwrecked on the coast of Africa forthwith applies his skill in archery in the same praiseworthy manner, and not only is not left behind by his comrades, but kills one after another no less than seven huge head of deer, and, with the help of his bowbearer Achates, carries them home to the port and his half- starved comrades: '^Nec prius absistit, quam septem ingentia victor corpora fundat humi, ef numeruTti cum navibus aequet. Hinc ptirtum petit, et socios partitar in omnes/' if Hercules exhibits his brute strength by supporting the heavens on his shoulders for a day, Aeneas exhibits the tenderness and kindliness of his heart by taking on bis shoulders and carrying away by night safe to the mountains, through the enemy's midst and the flames of the burning city, not only his own and aged father's household gods, but his aged father himself, and deli- berately dons the lion's skin for the occasion, 2. 717: '"Tu genitor cape sacra manu patriosque pepates, . Me^ bello t tanto djgressam ef) caede recetiti, attrectare nefas, doDec me ilamine vivo abluero. Haec fatus latoB h'umeros Rulljectaque colla veate super, fulvique insternor pelle leonia, succedoque oneri." Ovid. Met. 13. 624, "sacra et sacra altera patrem fert bumeris, venerabile onus, Cytherteius hercs." if Hercules buries his friend Pholus , the centaur, at the foot of a mountain which, called Pholoe after him, perpetuates his name and fame to all ages: Diod', SScnl. Btblioth. Hist. 4. 12: iSiov 8e ti (juvePv) TtEpt tov iTpaxXEOu; ^iXov TOV ova|J:o5o[ji£vov 4>'oXov. ouTo; Y«p Sta tjjv aOYYEVEiav Oanttov BENRT, AENEIDEA, VOL. 1. 13 194 AENEIDEA [14 tot— laeokes Tou; ;:eTCT(0X0Ta; Ksvtaupou;, xai PsXo; ex two? e?atpiECDUM ETIAM CAtTSSAE IRARUM SAEVIQUE DOLORES EXCIDERANT AN! MO Causae irarum saevique dolores, not two distinct things, the causes of her anger, and the agonizing pains, but the agonizing pains which loere the causes of her anger ; see Pem. vers. 31. Irarum, the anger to which she had given vent on occasion of the Trojan war. There is some confusion between these irae and the iram of verse 8, these irae continuing and forming 214 AENEIDEA [29 neobxtsi— akimo a part, not the whole, of the latter — a confusion which is in- creased by the relative position of the two words, the irae which were first in order of time being placed last in order of narra- tion. Caussae, the causes of the ire which she vented on the Trojans at Troy. These caussae, persisting in Juno's mind so as to form part of the causes of her present anger against Aeneas, are of course comprehended among the caussas of verse 12. Hence still further confusion in the same term caussae being used in a general sense, verse 12, and in a par- ticular sense, in our text ; in other words, the caussae of om- text being only a part of the caussas of verse 12. See Eem. on "caussas," verse 12. NeCDUM ETIAM caussae IKARUM SAEVIQUE DOLORES EXCIDE- iiANT AxiMO. The pangs which had caused her original anger (iRARUM in our text) had not subsided, bu.t had become part of the causes of her present anger (iram, verse 8). The entire meaning is that the anger which moved Juno to persecute Aeneas was not a new but an old afEair ("memorem iram," verse 8), was the continuance of the anger ("irarum," verse 29) which had caused her to take part against the Trojans in the war of Troy, to which was now added the further ground that a report had reached her — "audierat," &c. Dolores is an accidental, not express and intentional, repetition of dolens (verse 13) ; just as caussae, irabum, and sAEVi are accidental, not express and intentional, repetitions of caussas (verse 12), irae (verse 15), and saevae (verse 8). Compare Aeii. 5. 530, and sequel, where the occurrence of maximus, magnus, and magno, within the space of eight lines; and Aen. 6. Jj.13, where the occurrence of [ingentem ingens, ingens, ingens, within the space of fourteen lines; and 1. 269, where the occurrence of regnantem, regno, regnum, regnabitur, regina, within the space of nine lines; and 11. 35, where the occurrence of mo est um, moesto,and moesti, within the space of seventeen lines; and 12. 883, where the occurrence of ima in one Hne, and imos in the next affords but too convincing evidence how little careful 29 NECDTTM ANIMO] BOOK 1. • 215 Tirgil was to avoid the aooidental recurrence of the same word and thought. See Yar. Lect. ("Invisam"), 4. 541 ; also Rem. on "Ingentemque Gyas ingente mole Chimaeram," 5. 118. Such accidental reciirrence, within a short interval, whether of the identical word and thought, or of the word and thought slightly modified, is a defect of style carefully to be avoided by a good writer. In the same proportion as the reader is pleased and delighted with the new and various, he is displeased and offended by whatever savours of the " cramb'e repetita." "Well for the writer, if his negligent repetition passes by unobserved by the equally negligent, perhaps yawning, reader. It is the most he can hope for ; for, pleasure being the child of new impression only, to give pleasure is reserved for him who makes new impressions. Scarcely even for so much can the writer hope, who accidentally and negligently repeats. He has not only for- gotten that he has just used the word or expression, but d fortiori forgotten in what sense he has used it. It is therefore mere accident whether he uses it now in the same sense, and is only dull and monotonous, or in so different sense .as to awake and startle the nodding reader, who feels as if he had knocked his head against a lintel. Such blemishes of style, to call them by no harsher term, confronting us here in the very first page, where, if anywhere, we might expect the writer to be on the qui rice, we need not be astonished if a little further on (3. 360), passing from the nox of one verse to the no ct is of the next, we find that the two nights spoken of, though seeming to be iden- tified by the addition of illius to the second, are not only not the same night but not even the same kind of night, the latter being the real literal night, the night of the action, the former, metaphorical night, the darkness or shadow of death — "nox atra cava circumTolat umtra. qiiis cladem illius no Otis, (\ms funera fando, explicet?" — an oversight so astounding, so incredible, we would say it was impossible the author could have written the two verses at one time or even read them over in sequence, if we had not a still 216 AEITEIDEA [31 iudicium— roRWAE worse confusion of terms within the limits of a single sentence, 12.684: " ac veluti montis saxum de vertice praeceps cum niit avulsum vento, seu turbidus imter proluit, ant annis solvit sutlapsa vetustas, fertur in abruptum magno mons improbus actu, exsultatq^ue solo," .... where the author, forgetting that he has already denominated by the term mons ,the moimtain from the top of which the stone has fallen, bestows the same term on the falling stone, and so presents us with the picture of a mons falling de vertice montis; or, to take a view of the passage certainly not intended by Yirgil but no less certainly warranted by the words, pre- sents us with the picture of a mountain itself tumbling over and rebounding from the ground after a great stone has fallen from the top of it. 31. lUDICIUM PARIDIS, SPRETAEQUE IXITIRIA EORMAE UTot two distinct causes of Juno's anger, viz., the judgment of Paris, and the slight of her beauty, but — iudicium paridis being a theme of which spretae iniuria pormae is the variation — one cause only, viz., the slight thrown on her beauty by (or in) the judgment of Paris. Compare 6. 351, where, in a sentence of exactly similar structure, "puer Ascanius" and " capitis iniuria cari" are not two distinct subjects, but one subject viewed in two different lights ; in other words, where " puer Ascanius" is a theme, of which "capitis iaiuria cari" is the variation, the en- tire sense of the two clauses taken together being the injury done to the dear hoy, Ascanius. See 1. 23-26, 1. 29, and 1. 550. 32 GENUS intisum] book 1. 217 32(a). GENUS INVISUM Ovid. Met. 10. 552 (Venus to Adonis, of wild beasts) : "invisumque mihi genus est;" Senec. Thyest. Ifil (Atreus soliloquizing) : " plagis teuehir clusa dispositis fera. , et ipsani, et una generis invisi iudolem iunctam parent! cerno.'' Genus invisum, the hateful race, the hatefulness of the race, the odious brood. Our author enumerates three causes — two particu- lar and one general — of the anger which Juno had vented against the Trojans on occasion of the war of Troy. The particular are the insult offered to her by the judgment of Paris, and the af- front she had taken at the promotion of Granymede ; the general, the hatefulness of the whole Trojan stock. By thus inserting between two more precise and special causes of Juno's ancient irae and dolores a third cause of a more general nature, our author has avoided the danger there was that the enumeration of causes might present the appearance of a catalogue. Add to which, that the brief genus invisum, the hateful race, thrown in between the two more particularly detailed causes, expresses a mrus, a concentration of feeling, which had only been weakened by particularization — by a tracing-up, for instance, of the feeling to its source, as it has been traced up by Ovid, Fast. 6. k-l (Jimo herself speaking) : " tunc me poeniteat posuisae fideliter iras in genus Eleetrae, Dardaniamque domum." Servius, therefore, in his " genus Eleetrae," and Wagner (1861) in his " propter Dardanum, lovis ex Electra, lunoni in visa, fihum," not only do not explain their author's meaning, but lead his readers away from it ; that meaning being, not that the Trojan race was hateful to Juno, because descended from Elec- 218 AEIN'EIDEA [32 eapii— honoees tra or from Dardanus, but that that race was hateful to her, was an abomination to her (no matter for what reason), and that therefore in the Trojan war she took part against those who Avere of that race, exactly as at present she takes part against and persecutes Aeneas and his companions because they are of that race, that genus invisum, that hated brood. The glosses of Servius and of Wagner, explanatory of the cause why the genus was iNvisuM, leave wholly untouched the meaning of the words themselves, the relation in which they stand both to the war of Troy and the expedition of Aeneas to Italy. The precise thought is repeated, 7. 293 : " heu stirpem invisam, et fatis oontraiia nostris fata Phrygum," — not, the brood, hated because the brood of Elect ra, or because the brood of Dardanus, but the hated brood! Hatred continues, espe- cially in cases where a nation is its object, long after the cause of the hatred has been forgotten. 32 (J). RAPTI GANYMEDIS HONORES This passage affords a striking example how grossly Yirgil has sometimes been misunderstood, not merely by those more ancient commentators who enjoy the credit of having best understood him, and against whose oracular enunciations it is almost pro- fanity to demur, but by our own more recent and better edu- cated — Nonius, amongst the former, citing this passage as proof that honores is sometimes used in the sense of integritas, pudicitia: "Honor: integritas : piidicitia : Virg. Aen. 1: ' Et rapti Granymedis honores,' " and so of course referring RAPTI to honores; and Wagner, amongst the latter, while noticing this error of the ancients, committing himself the 32 E.vpir— HOKOEKs] BOOK I. • 210 liardly less, or more excusable error, of underBtanding kapti to be used contemptuously: "AHiKArTi HONOjiES iimgunt ; rectius kapti GAxiMUDih; ot eapti cum con- tcmptu dicitm-, iit apud nostrates oilfiilirt, quod cornimpencli rationem inyolvit ; magna aiitem est doloris et contemptiis conhinetio," Wagner, 1832. The former of these egregious errors few of my readers will, I should hope, require me to discuss at all. With respect to the latter (that of a contemporary of my own, who has on many occasions' not deserved ill of his author), suffice it to say that it is not Juno, but Virgil himself, who speaks, and — however excus- able in Juno, grievously injured a^d insulted as she was by the honours conferred on Granymede, a contemptuous mention of those honours might have been — a contemptuous mention of them by Virgil had been utterly unwarrantable, had foimd no echo in the breast of any one of those for whom A^irgil more immediately wrote ; for every one of whom, no less than for all preceding ages, the honours conferred on Granymede were the highest which coidd be conferred on mortal ; Granymede having been not merely — like Hercules, Eomulus, and other highly favoured indi^'i- duals — translated to heaven, but translated to heaven directly by the Omnipotent himself, Aen. 5. ':i5I^ : . . . " quern praopes ab Ida subliruem pedibus rapiiit lovis armiger uncis,'' to -be beside him always, to pour wine for him, and lie in his arms, his own well-loved boy — II. SO. 231 : Tpcoos S* av Tpeis iratSes afivfioves e^eyevovroy l\os t' AffffapaKos re, Kai avriQ^os ravvfnj^TjSj OS St; KaWitTTos yepero Bvtjtuv avdpcairtav' "rov Kai cLvyipeiy^aVTO deoi Au oiyoxoeveiy, KaWeos €LU€Ka oto, iv adavaroKTL ^uerei?/. Hymn, in Ven. 203 : Tjroi fxev ^avdov TavufiTj^ea /j.r]TteTa Zeus 7}pTras* eoy 5io KaWos, iv* adavaroifft fiGretr), Kai T€ Alos Kara Ztofxa Oeots etrioivoxo^voi, Qavfxa tSciv, ivavrsffffi Tcri/jLevos aBavaTOia fievBri, aKa/j-aTU Tittivi $i7iv vnepoTrKov goikws' irXiffTo 5' a\fi.vpov oiS/ia Trepi KpaTept]ai xep^aaiv avSpos vnrepdu/ioio' fleoi St /iip etiropoiiivTes TjVQp^TjP Kat Kapros €9a/x$eov' afKpt Se Kv/xa aWore fiev (popetiTKe jre\apioi', tjut' eir' OKpriu Qvpeos v^7]\oto 5i* Tjepos' aWore S' oure u\f/o9ev avSpa (f>apay^iv eveKpv(peji' ouS' aye x^'P^s Kafive iro\VT\7jTovs' iroAAot 5e fiey €v9a Kat ev9a ff&^vvvfxevoi (Tfiapayi^oj/ ecw irovToto Kepavvoc ovtTu yap ot Bvfiou efnjSsTO KTjpt Bafiaffffai Kovprj epiySovnoio Aios /ia\a trep KOTsova'af ■ Tcpiv rKitvai Koxa iroAAo /coi aXyiai iroyx" p^oyriaai,' ToxiveKa luv Kara $ev8os eSa/xvero S^ipov o'i^us iravTode retpofievoy, Philostr. Icon. 2. 13 (of the painting in the Neapolitan; gallery, of Ajax on the rook of Gryarus) : At tou ■^■^\ayovQ avia- TtiKViai inTpai, Ktti t) Z^ovaa Tfspi avruQ daXarra, tiptiyg ts Stivov fiXtTTiiiv iiTi Tii)v irerpwv, Kai n kui ippovrifxaTO^ eyuv nri mv OaXaTTav, o Aokooq Aiac. Bt/BXt/rai ju£v rriv tavrov vavv, efiKvpov Se aurijc aTro7r»|Sr)(Tac Ofioae keX'^PI"^ toiq KVfxaai, rwv fxev SiiKiraiwv, ra Se siriaTnofiivog, ra Ss viravrXwv ro) artpvtij. Vvpaig S' tvTV\wv {ai 8e Fopat TTETpai eiiriv vTrcp(j)(nvov(Tai rov Aiyaiov koXttov), Xoyovg vir£p(j>povag XfyEt Kara twv Bcwv avrmv, i(j>' oip o Hoati- Swv avTog iiri rag Tupac ariXXtTai, ipojiepog, to Trai, koi xsifiiovog irXtmg, kui rag xairag t%r]pf.iivog. Kat rot irore Kai avvenaxti Tto AoKpiit Kara to lAiov, auxjipovovvTi Si Kai ^tiSoixivto twv Otaiv, Ka- (ppwvvv aVTOV TO) ffKijWTpw. Nuy Ss iireict) vjSpt^ovra opa, tijv rpiaivav stt' avrov (pepit, kat iriTrXriKirat o avxnv rijc ViTpag, o av^XaJv Tov AiavTa, wg aTroauaaiTO avTov avTr\ vjipn : Seneca, Again. 537 : . . . " transit [itulmen] Aiacem, et ratem, ratisque partem secum et Aiacis tulit. nil ille motus, ardua ut cautes salo ambustiis exstat, dirimit insanum mare, ' fluctu3T} p' ae/CTjTi decay fvyeeiu fieya Xairfia Oa\a(j(T7]S. row 5e IlofreiSaajy fieyaX' e/cAuej/ avb7](ravTos' ouTi/c' eireiTa rpiaivav eKcay X^P^'- o'Tt^aprja'iy T^A-oCe TvpatTjv ireTprjv, airo S' etrxiff^i/ avT7]i/' Kai TO pi.ev avTodi /xeive, to Se rpvpos e/j/irea'e irovra, r] : Philostr. Icon. 2. 13 (of tlie Neapolitan painting) : Ai rov TrgAa- 'yovQ aveorr/KUtai irtTpat, /cat jj Z^ovaa ircpt avrag OaXaTra^ rjpojg T£ ciivov fiXairivv etti tojv ttetjowv, Kai ti kcli povrif,iaTOg g^^otv etti Ti}v OaXaTTav, o AoKpog Aiag. . . . atSaTvpai TTtTpatuaLv VTreprpat- vovaai Tov Aiyatov koXttou . . . Kat 7r£7rX>j^£ra( o av')^riv ti]Q TTtTpag, o av£\eKa\v^ey ayaicTU bua'afj./j.opoy ovpeos UKpr} v^l/odey €^epnrov(ra' ^apvye Se KapTepoy ayBpa' afi(f>t Se fity dayaToio fxeKas eKixijo'aT^ o\edpos yaiT] o/jlcos Sfirideyra Kai arpvyerta evt "KovTOi : 48-49 iLLUM— Acuio] BOOK I. 2i7 and Seneca, Again. 552 : . . . " pliira cum auderet fiirens, trideute rupem subruit pulsam pater Neptunus, imis exserons undis caput, solvitque montem ; quern, cadens secum tulit ; terraque et igne victus et pelago iacet." On one of these rocks Pallas, not impaled, but infixed Ajax, as Seneca (above) expected to be infixed on the scopulus of Corsica ; as Prometheus (above) was infixed, though more closely and mechanically, on the Caucasian rupes; as the first Napoleon was infixed on the " naked rock" of St. Helena — " ein nackter f els, fern yon Europa's kiiste, ist zum gefangniss ewig ihm bestimmt ;'' and as, in our own times, Graribaldi was infixed on the scoglio of Caprera, La Ri/orma [Newspaper], Florence, Oct. -28, 1867: " SuUo scoglio di Caprera essi avevano incatenato [infixed, confined, for he was not put into chains] non Garibaldi ma il destino d'ltalia." If it was proper for Seneca, Epigr. 9. lU (above) to designate Corsica by the termscopulo, and (^ConsoL ad Heh. 8 : " Toties huius aridi et spinosi saxi mutatus est populus") to designate the same island by the term saxum ; if it was proper for Pindar to designate Delus, after it had been fixed on immovable pillars, by the termTrarpa (Pind. Fragm. 5, ed. Dissen (of Delus) : Srj TOTe rea'trapes opdai irpefj.ycai' airvpoua'ay x^jytwy, ay S' eTTiKp^yots (Tx^S^y ireTpay aSa.uayTOTreBiXai Ktovss' where Delus is called Trtrpa merely to distinguish it from float- ing Delus), how much more proper was it for Yirgil to designate by the term scopulo one of the Gryarae — all of them together little more than a reef of rocks in the Aegean, and on that account serving in later times, like Corsica itself, as a prison for state criminals? (Juvenal, 10. 170 : "lit Gyari clausus scopulis parvaque Seripho'' — where, be it observed en passant, not only have we the same term scopulus applied to the island, as in our text, but clausus 248 AENEIDEA. [48-19 illttm— actjto is as nearly as the different circumstances of the ease permit, infixus: Hid. 1. 73: " aude aliquid brevibus Gyaris et earcere digmim ;" ihkl. 13. 244 : . . . " dabit in laqueum vestigia noster perfidies, et nigri patietur carceris unoum, aut maris Aegaei rupem, scopiilosque frequentes exulibus magnis.") Sidon. Apoll. Epist. 1. 7 : " Sed et iudicio vix per hebdomadem duplicem comperendinato, eapitemultatus [ Arvandus] in insulam coniectus est serpentis Epidaurii : ubi usqne ad inimicorum dolo- rem devenustatus, et a rebus humanis .veluti vomitu fortunae nauseantis expntus, nunc ex vetere senatus consulto Tiberiano triginta dierum vitam post sententiam trahit, uncum et gemonias, et laqueum perhoras turbulenti carnifiois horrescens," where a no- less-to-be-pitied, however much less renowned culprit than Ajax, or any of Ajax's just-mentioned fellows in misfortune, is flung violently into the island of the Tiber — " coniectus in insulam serpentis Epidaurii" (mutatis mutandis, our author's scopulo iNFixiT ACUTo) — there, out of all human society, beyond all hope of escape or deliverance, to languish out the brief interval during which, if not divine at least — next thing to divine — ^imperial retributive justice, not to appear too - blood-thirsty, holds execu- tion suspended over the head of its victim. Also Marcian, 1. 5, Be Interd. etReleg. : "Exilium triplex est: aut certorum locorum iiiterdictio, aut lata fuga, ut omnium locorum interdictio praeter certum locum, aut insulae vinculum, i. e. relegatio in insulam ;" also Tacit. Annul. 1.3: "Nam senem Augustum devinxerat adeo, uti nepotem unieum Agrippam Posthumum in insulam Planasiam proiiceret" — flung away into the island of Planasia. Plin. Paneg. SIj. : " Congesti sunt in navigia raptim conquisita, ut tempestatibus dediti abirent, fugerentque vastatas delationibus terras ; ac si quem fluctus ac procellae scopulis reservassent, hie nuda saxa et inhospitale littus incoleret ; ageret duram et anxiam vitam, relictaque post tergum totius generis humani seouritate, moereret." Euseb. Vit. Constant. 2. 20 : /xiTaXXotg n KaKoiraOtiv TraoaSoOfvTEQ, >} vt}aovQ oikhv KQidivreg. Euseb. Vit. Const. 48-49 ILI.TM— Acuio] BOOK I. 249 2. 31 (Lex Constantini de pietate in Deum et de Christiana xeligione) : Ov ixijv aWa Kat oaovg ov j3ov\ofi£vovQ vrjdot kote- Xovai, rrjc TrpOjur)0£(ac raurtjc aTToXavcrai TrpoaraTTOfiiv' ottwc oi psXP'- "*"' oP''"' '■f hviT)(u)piaiQ KOJ TrepippvTio TrsptKtKXsttTfiivoi BaXatrar], Trig (rKvOputirriQ ico( airavOpiiytrov epr)/itag tXivQepwOtvreQ, Toig (juXraTotQ (Tcjyag avrovg airoSwsv, rov ivktuiov ttoBov nXripw- ^avTtg. Tacit.Si'it. 1. 2 : " Plenum exiliismare ; infecti caedibug scopuli " ; and, translating from Tacitus, Macchiavelli, Discorso sopra la prim. Beca di T. Lit to, libr. 1. 10: "Yedra Roma arsa, il Campidoglio dai suoi cittadini disfatto, desolati gli anticlii templi, corrotte le cerimonie, ripiene le citt^ di adulterj ; vedrd il mare pieno di esilj, gli scogli j)ieni di sangue," where ■" scogli pieni di sangue" (" infecti caedihus scopuli") are scogli full of the blood of culprits who had been first exiled to them '(thrown into exile on them, infixi scopulis), and then during their exile put to death. Also Mela, 3. 1 : "In ipso mari monu- m.entum Caepionis, scopulo magis quam insulae impositum :" Vita S. Fulgent., postfixed to his works, Biblioth. Patr. Venet., 1776, vol. xi. p. 396: "Et de ipso quoque monasterio sub secreto recedens, ad insulam Circinam paucis comitantibus fratribus, navigavit ; ubi in quodam brevi scopulo, cui nomen est Chilmi, ubi iam monasterium fabricari mandaverat, lectioni et orationi •et ieiuniis vacans, &c. ; " and Gothe, Iphig. auf Taur., act V. sc. 3 : Iphig. " verbanne mich zur strafe meiner thorheit an einer klippen-inael traurig ufer.'' " "Well, if iNFixiT does not signify that the rock ran into Ajax, that Ajax was spiked on it, at least acuto does ; else why the sharpness of the rock mentioned at all?" To signify that it was an aiguille-shaped rock ; a spike, pin, or pen standing up out •of the sea — the very shape, as has just been seen, of all the rocks of the group : Philostr. Icon. 2. 13, quoted above : Ai row irtXa- jovg avsarriKViaL rrsrpai ; and again, ibid., Aeuktj fitv viro KVfiarwv tl OaXaTTU, airiXaBeg* 8' ai Trerpal Sia to oei paivsadai ; Aen. 3. 76: . . . " Gyaro celsa Myeonoque revinxit ;" Du Cange, Gloss, in voce spiletum vel spiletus : " Ital. spifc«o, acicula." 250 AENEIDEA [48-49 illtim— acuto- Petron. Epigr. (apud Wernsd.) : " Iiao alta Gyaro ligavit, iliac constanti Mycono dedit tenendam.'' The notion of impaling or running into tlie body is as little- contained in the epithet acutus bestowed on one of these rocks as it is contained in the same epithet bestowed on the silex which rose out of the dorsum of Oacus's cave, 8. 233 : " stabat acuta silex, praecisis undiq^ue saxis spelunoae dorso insurgens, altissima visu,- dirarum nidis domus opportuna volucrum." Exactly as acuta'silex is here nothing more than a peak, spike, or needle of flint, rising up high out of the dorsum of Cacus's cave, acuto scopulo in our text is nothing more than a rocky aiguille peering high out of the water ; ApoUon. Ehod. 3. 1369 : Ko\;^oi Se /uey' laxov^ solvitque montem, q^uem cadens secum tulit ; terraq^ue et igne victus et pelago iacet." This is the last scene of the drama, and to this last scene it is — to Ajax, not infixus scopulo, but plunged along with the scopulus into the sea, and there perishing — the author of the Ibis, refers, verse 341 : " viscera sic aliquia scopulus tua figat, ut olini fixa sub Euboico Graia fuere siuu.'' 252 AEITEIDEA [48 expie.— flammas Illum — ACUTO. Having described generally in the pre- ceding verses how Pallas employed the thunderstorm (ignem, VEMTis) upon the fleet (viz., dispersing with it and turning the ships, and turning up the sea from the bottom), our author now proceeds to particularize how she used the same agency against Oileus himself — viz., first struck him with lightning, and then, seizing him with a whirlwind, oast him on the Gryarae, and there left him. The illum of the latter verses corresponds to the CLASSEM ARGivuM, ipsos, and RATis of the former ; the FLAMMAs of the latter to the ignem of the former ; the expi- KANTEM TRANSFixo PECTORE of the latter to the exurere of the former; the turbine of the latter to the ventis of the former; the iNFixiT of the latter to the submergere, disiectt, and EVERTiT of the former ; and the scopulo acuto of the latter to the PONTo and aeqtjora of the former. 48(6). EXFIRANTEM TRANSFIXO PECTORE FLAMMAS "Probus et tempore legit," Servius. " Ineptum tempore. Qui enim, traiecto tempore, exhalaverit flammas, quum exhalare sit pectoris ?" "Wagner. Wagner is right in his conclusion that the reading tempore is naught, but he is not right in his premiss that pectore and expirantem imply actual respira- tion. Pectus is here used, not in its limited and peculiar' sense of the chest, thorax, or that part of the body by means of which we breathe, but in that wider less well-defined sense in which the Grreek arrjOog and cttepvoi» are sometimes used: viz., of that middle part of the body (between the properly so-called pectus and the properly so-called venter) which is comilionly denominated ^psve^ or praecordia, and which is not imfre- quently extended by euphemism so as to embrace the whole 48 EXPIE. FLAMMAS] BOOK I. 253 region from the neck and shoulders above to the pubes below ; 3. 426 : . . . " piilchro pectore virgo ■ pube tenus ;" Maximian, Meg. 5. 30 : " atqiie sub exhausto pectore pingue femur;'' OyiA.,. Met. U. 359 (of Salmacis) : " subiectatque manus, invitaque peotora tangit;" Lncret. i. 1262 (ed. Wakef.) : " nam mulier prohibet se concipere, atque repuguat, clunibus ipsa viri Venerem si laeta retractet ; atque exossato ciet omni pectore fluctus;" '' Sidon. Apoll. Epist. 2. 9 : " Exousso torpore meridiano, paulis- per equitabamiis, quo facilius peotora marcida cibis coenatoriae fami exacueremus ;" ill all which passages the euphemism is sufficiently evident. Compare also Apul. Apolog. (ed. Flor. p. 485) : "Pectoris enim primorem outim [i.e. corporis prim, cut. J vitiligineinsignit, et omnimodis maoulationibus convariat" { whei;e Prieaeus quotes from an old epigram, " cur tua faemineo caeduntur pectora sooco,'' and frbni another (de Pantomlmo) : " mascula femineo deriyans pectora flexu;" on which having observed : " ut legend, e MS. Salmasii Cod. supra monitum," the same critic goes on to quote from Claudian : , I . " omnia quae sensu VolVuntilr vota diurlio ' " , ' pectore sopitoreddit amica quies," and. concludes with the observation: "Eadeiu Graeci enuncia- tione oTcpvav ponuilt : Eurip. Phoeniss. 13i .' ApTj 5' AiTCcKov iv (fTepvois exe*. Schohastes: To arepvov avn rov,o\ov,(jb)fiaTog uttev!') ; also, T^ongin, de- Sttbl. 32 : Trtv ijhv KeipaXtjv avTov (priaiv aKooTroXtv' laBixov ,St ,fiecTOv BiuiKoSpfiiiadai fxtra^v [aurije Kat] tou arrjOou? Tov avxiva ; and 5. 182.: "et salsog rideat revomentqm pectore fluctus ;'' , 254 AENEIDEA [48 expie. — fiammas not, surely, vomiting back out of his breast or lungs, to the exclu- sion of liis belly, but vomiting back out of his interior, out of his tmcards — a use of pectus exactly similar to tbat of latus for the same part or even for the whole body, Hor. Od. 3. 27. 25 : " sic et Europe niTeum doloso credidit tauro latus." And that expirantem in our text is to be taken as loosely and ia as wide a sense as pectore appears no less from 3. 579 : . . . " ingentemque insuper Aetnam impositam ruptia flammam expirare caminis," where Aetna, and from Aeschyl. Prom, 358 (of Typhon) : aW' 7i\6ev avra ZrfVos aypvnvov $e\os, KaT0i/3aTj)s Kepavyos eK-rrvfiDV (pKoya, where even the thunderbolt itself, ex-spires flame, than from Sidonius ApoUinaris, Carm. 5. 196 : . . . " fixusque Capharei cautibus, inter aquas flammam ructabat Oileus," where the act of Ajax, expressed in our text by the term expirare, is expressed by the less elegant, less ambiguous term rue tare, to eject out of the mouth gases brought up, not from the lungs, but from the praecordia, 0{>Ei;£e, or region of the stomach ; and from Sil. 12. 148 : " adparet procul Inarime, quae turbine nigro fumantem premit lapetum, flammasque rebelli ore eieetantem," where the similar act of Japetus is described by ore eiectare, not to ex-spire or breathe out of the lungs, but to throw or eject out of the mouth; and so, correctly, Servius (ed. Lion) : " non ani- mam dicit flam mas, sed, cum anima, fulminis flammas vomen- tem." Neither, therefore, the pectore nor the expirantem of our text is to be taken literally, or as if the meaning were that, Ajax's chest having been penetrated by the lightning, Ajax esspired flame from his lungs, or Ajax's lungs exspired flame,. i. e. his breath became flame ; but both words are to be under- stood so widely as to afford the meaning that the lightning. 48 EXPiK.— riAMMAs] BOOK I. 255 having penetrated the praecordia, flamed out of the mouth liev)l oAeyeiya' /3n/ S' epprj^e KoXay-qu. It is through the middle of the great hall of this arx (Ovid, Ep. 11. 65 (Canace to Macai-eus) : . . . "media sedet Aeolus aula") not, surely, through the middle of the prison of the winds, the nurse is conveying, hid among olive branches in a basket, the just-bom fruit of Canaee's incest, vrhen the crying of the child betrays to Aeolus his daughter's shame, and the palace resounds with] the wrath of the king : . . . " insana regia voce sonat ;" and so, centuries ago, the arx of Aeolus was rightly under- stood by my own modest, unknown, neglected Dublin Stany- hurst : . . . " King Aeolus, highly in castel settled, theyr strief doothpacifie ■wisely." See Eem. on " haec habet regna," 6. 566. Sedet. In this palace, this eels a arx, this regia — . . . " insana regia voce sonat " — Aeolus SEDET, not literally sjYs, or is in the sitting position, but has his seat, sedem habet, resides, exactly as we say in English " the Queen's royal seat of Windsor," "London is the seat of govern- ment;" exactly as Oallimachus {Hymn, in Del. 219) says of Juno: . . . ttv $€ Kpeiovffa Ka9r)aai 272 AENEIDEA [60-61 celsa— ikas exactly as Oreon says to Medea (Seneca, Medea, 269) : " egredere, purga regna ; letales simul tecum aufer herbas : libera eives metu. Alia sedens teUure soUicita Deos,'' and exactly as Yirgil himself {Aen. 9. 3) says of Turnus : . . . " luco turn forte parentis Pilumni Tunms sacrata Yalle sedebat," was residing. The celsa arx (castle on an eminence) of the king and governor is in the strongest contrast with the vastum antrum, the speluncae atrae of the dStenus; Stat. Silv. 2. 129 : , . . " nos, vilis turba, caducis deservire bonis, semperque optare parati, spargimur in casus : celsa tu mentis ab arce despicis errantes, bumanaque gaudia rides." That snch contrast of the site of the prison with the site of the arx was really intended by our author, is shown by the position of CELSA, first word of its sentence, first word of the account of the residence of Aeolus, first word after the description leaves the prison. ScEPTRA TENENS. — llTot actually holding his sceptre in his hand, " sbakes bis sceptre" (Dryden) ; avo Terpris OKifirTpa x^P'C""' (fl^ Bulgaris) ; . . . " realmente adomo di corona, e di scettro, in alto aasiso" (Caro) ; but invested with regal power, in possession of the supreme authority, as Stat. Theb. 1. IkO : . . . " ut seeptra tenentem foedere praecipiti semper novus angeret baeres ;" Ovid, & Ponto, 3. .2. 59 : " regna Tboas babuit, Maeotide clams in ora : nee fuit Euxinis notior alter aquis. seeptra tenente illo, liquidas fecisse per. auras i nescio quam dicunt Ipbigenian iter ;'' 60-61 CELSA.— iKAs] BOOK I. 273 Ijucan, 8. 558 : . . . " iani iure sine ullo Nili sceptra tenes ;" Coripp. Johann. 1. 480 : . . . " cuius iam Maximianus in armis autiq^uos persensit avoa, Eomana per orbeni sceptra tenens, Latii princeps ? " And, separately, sceptra, not literally, sceptre, but su- preme dominion; Aen. 1. 82 : 1. 257 : 4. 597 : 9.9: " tu mihi, quodcunque hoc regni, tii sceptra, lovemque concilias ;" . . . " sic nos in sceptra reponis ? " " turn decuit, quum sceptra dabas ;" " Aeneas vxhe et sociis etclasse relicta sceptra Palatini sedemque petit Evandri" (^here we Lave again the actual junction, and by Virgil bimself, of sceptra and sedes, both in the same metaphorical sense as in our text) ; Sil. 1. 44 : " sceptraque fundarit victor Lavinia Teuoris ;" and TENENS, not literally, holding in the hand, but, possessing : Aen. 1. US : . . . " tenet ille immania saxa Testras, Eure, domos;" 11.505: ... " tenent Danai qua deficit ignis." MOLLIT ANIMOS ET TEMPERAT IRAS. TheSC WOrds, like SEDET and TENENS, do not refer particularly to any present act of Aeolus, to his soothing the winds with his sceptre, or from his throne, but to the general mollifying, taming, breaking-iu effect produced on them by their confinement and restraint, under the command of a governor (see Eem. 1. 58) : Stat. Sik. 3. 2. Ji.2 : " et pater, Aeolio frangit qui carcere ventos, arctiua olaecto Borean, Eurumque Notumque monte premat ;" HENKT, AENEIDEA, VOL. I. 18 274 AENEIDEA [64 abdibit Stat. Achill. 1. 355 (Theth to Lycomedes) : . . . " tu frange regendo indocilem [Achillem]. The words are connected in the sense with the preceding imberio PREMiT AC viNCLis ET CARCERE FRAENAT, as if Virgil had Said, " Premens imperio suo, et fraenans vinclis et carcere, mollit animos," &c. And accordingly we are told (verse 62), ni FAciAT, unless they were thus mollified, not by that spedstl and personal conciliation generally supposed to be expressed -by the words, sceptra tenens sedet mollitque, but by being kept in prison, and under government, they would, in their un- tamed violence, sweep the whole world before them ; to prevent which consummation, hoc metuens, the provident Father of all placed them under the mollifying influence of confinement and a governor. " Mo Hire [to soften) is to be carefully distinguisheii from 1 en ire [to soothe) ; the latter being to produce a softening eilect by soft measures; mollire, to produce the softening effect by any measures, no matter how severe or rigorous ; in the passage before us, vinclis et carcere. Compare Cicero, De Nat. Deor. 2. 13k : " Dentibus mollitur cibus ;" Hor. Sat. l.k.20: " usque laborantes dum ferrum juolliat ignis." Exactly similar to the use of mollire in our text is that ef mulcere, verse 70, where see Eem. Temperat IRAS, moderates their anger, moderates the violence of their anger ; verse 150 : " temperat sequor," moderates the vio- lence of the sea. See Eem. 1. 150(6). " * 64. ABDIDIT " Yerbarg," Voss. No ; but stowed away, pui atcay in a place apart, or by themselves ; first,- because the idea of hiding is, not- withstanding the contrary opinion of the lexicographers, foreign 65 MOL. ET monies] BOOK I. 275 from this word, whioli always means simply putting away, apart (ah -do)— compare Oeorg. 3. 96 : " ahde domo;" Aen. 2. 553: "lateri capulo tenus abdidit ensem," &c. ; and secondly, be- cause it was plainly Jupiter's intention to put the winds, not in a place where they could not he readily seen or found, hut merely in a place apart. 65. MOLEMQUE ET MONTES " Id est, MOLEM MONTIS, ct est figuTa hendiadys" . . . says Ser- vius, plainly understanding a single mountain to he mea,nit, out of a cave in the interior of which Aeolus (verse 85), with a thrust or push of his spear on the side of the mountain, sets free the imprisoned winds : . . . " cavum conversa ouspide montem impulit in latus, ac venti . . . qua data porta ruunt," and such perhaps has heen Virgil's meaning ; fqr, first, how little store is to he set by the plural montes appears from the plural sPELTJNCis, used verse 64 as equivalent to and meaning no more than antro, verse 56, and from the plural divis (8. 103 : " Amphitryoniadae magno divisque") used as equivalent for and meaning no more than divo (" Amphitryoniadae magno divo"), ' as well as from the plural " modis miris," verse 354, not mean- ing in more than, one wonderful manner, but only in a wonderful manner. Secondly, although our English habits of thought and expression might lead us to understand the molem et MOTviTES which Jupiter insupek imposuit on winds already described as confined in speluncae, to have been actually placed over those speluncae, still it is by no means impro- "bable, taking into account our author's so frequently illogical forms of expression, that nothing more is meant by the two dis- tinct statements, " stowed away in caves" and " placed a mass 18* 276 AENEIDEA [65 mol. et monies and high mountains over them," than " stowed away ia a cave in the interior of a high and massy mountain ;" and, thirdly, such precisely is the view taken of the Aeolian career hy Quintus Smymaeus, 14. 474 : iKCTO S' A.toXn\v, avifiav o8i \a0pov aevraiv avTpa, TTcXei, (TTvyfpricnv apripaiiev' aiioSpa of Christ's sepulchre, Uv. Marc. 16. 3 : Kai t\i')OV Trpqg _£avTai;' nc aTroKvXijc dupaQ Tov jUvrjjUEiou; koi avafiXixpaaai Oetopavaiv, oti ottokskv- XiuTui o \idog' j)v 'yap jUEya? tr^oSpa — »1I of them boulders or great blocks of stone pushed, rolled, or otherwise applied to the mouth of the cave when it was necessary it should be closed, and pushed, roUed, or otherwise moved away when it was neces- sary it should be opened ; and, sixthly, that no sufficient reason has ever yet been assigned, either why the Aeolian cave should be without such usual dvpsog, or why, such usual Ovpsog being in its place, the prison warder should let the winds out, not with a simple push of the dvpaog to one side, but with a epear-thrust on the wall of his own prison which breaches it aa widely as ever was breached in after times the wall of a Olerken- well jail by burglars armed with lucifer matches and gunpowder. Let every one have his own opinion : there is none perfectly «5-86 CATTTM— LATus] BOOK I. 28r tinobjectionable, so well has confused expression — perhaps even confused thought — been glossed over and made to look beautiful by harmonious versification. The poet's motto and all the poets striving is " videri." He says himself " victor virum volitare per ora," and the one only sure way to that goal is " videri." 65-66. INSUPER IMPOSUIT Placed on the top of them ; Aen. 3. 579 : . . . " ingentemq^ue insuper Aetnam impositam,' ' placed on the top of him; Sen. Sere. Fu.r. 317 (Megara speaking of Hercules alive in Hades) : " demersus ac defossxis, ac toto insiiper oppressus orte, quam viam ad superos hatet?" — oppressed with the whole world on the top of him. 85-86. CAVUM CONVERSA CUSPIDE MONTEM IMPULIT IN LATUS To those who, with Heyne, on his second and more deliberate view, imagine they see in montem not a mons placed over the Aeolian cave, but a mons containing that cave in its interior, CAVUM of course presents no difficulty — is, on the contrary, the 282 AENEIDEA [85-86 caxum—latvs very epithet which convinces them how correct the view they have taken both of montem here and of its correlative molem ET MONTES, verse 65, viz., that the one no less than the other is the very Aeolian career, the hollow mountain of the winds, exactly as Ovid's " mens cavus," {Met. 11. 593) is the hollow mountain of Sleep : " est prope Cimmerios longo speUmca recessu, mons caTus, ignavi domus et penetralia Somni." Not SO, however, those who may prefer the alternative view I have suggested at verse 65, viz., that the montem of our text, no less than the correlative molem et montes of verse 65, are only the houlder and boulders closing up the mouth of the actual prison (" vastum antrum," ver. 56, and "speluncae atrae," verse 64). To them cavum is at first blush a difficulty — a diffi- culty which, however, vanishes as soon as they recollect the Koi\a KXr,6oa of Sophocles {Oed. Tyr. 1260: Setvov S' avffaSj as v^TjyTjTov rtyoSf 'jrv\a,ts SLtrKats ev7]\aT. e/c Se Trudfieucoy €K\ive KoiKa K\7]8pay KafnviirTei (TTeyrj [tanquam si Tiam quis praemonstraret, in geminas fores iuvectus est Oedipus^ funditusque evellit cava claustra, atque in ciibiculum irruit]), and the araOfJia KoiXa Bupawv of Theocritus {^Idyll. 2U. 13 : rafios ap' aiva ireKupa Suw iroKvfnjxt^vos HpTj Kvaveats tppiffffovTas vjro ffiretpaifft bpaKovras wpffep etn irKarvv avdov, odt ffraOfia Kot\a Svptuov otKov, aireiXtja'affa (payety ^pefpos HpcucATjo), and perceive that the Ovosoq or boulder shutting up the cave may be styled cavus on account of the cavity (viz., the cave itself) behind or below it, with the same propriety with which the K\y}Bpa of Homer and the araOfxa of Theocritus are styled KoiXa, on account of the cavities, behind them respectively. Impulit in latus, either pushed to one side (shunted), or struck on the side, according to the view which may have been taken of cavum montem and molem et montes. If those expressions have been understood to signify the mountain con- taining the actual cave or career,, then impulit in latus is, 85i-86 CAVITM— LATtJs] BOOK I. 283 pushed or struct on the side, so as either with candid, in- cautious Heyne, to breach the career wall (see Eem. oa "molem et montes"), or with warier Yoss (literal as usual, and eschewing all explanation), to allow passage out ("wo sich aus- gang ofnete"), or with half-and-half Wagner to open claustra (" ut claustra laxentur"). And of impellere in latus used in such sense, viz., as equivalent to strike or push on the side, there is at least this sufficiently indubitable example, Stat. Theh. 1. lU : " ut stetit [Tisiphone] abrupta q^ua plurimus arce Cithaeron oocurrit caelo, fera sibila crine virenti congeminat, sigmim terris, undo omnis Achaei ora maris late, Pelopeiaque regna resultant. audiit et medius caeli Parnassus, et asper Eurotas, dubiamque iugo fragor impulit Oeten in latus,* et geminis vix fluctibus obstitit Istbmos," while of impellere by itself, in the sense of striking, the examples are even numerous ; Georg. 1. 25k ■' . . . " infidum remis impellere marmor ;'' Ovid, Met. 3. 657 : . . . "impellit properantibus aequora remis;'' TibuUus, 2. 5. 3 : ..." vocales impellere pollice chordas ;" Ovid, Met. 10. U5 : , . . " impulsas tentayit pollice chordas ;" Sil. 11. 217 : " cui patuere Alpes, saxa impellentia caelum;" and especially Claud, de Rapt. Proseip. 11. 179 : " sic, quum Thessaliam scopuUs inclusa teneret Peneo stagnante palus, et mersa negarent arva coli, trifida Neptunus cuspide montes impulit adversos : tum f orti saucius ictu dissiluit geUdo vertex Ossaeus Olympo ; carceribua laxantur aquae, fractoque meatu redduntur fluviusque mari, tellusque colonis ;' ' * Struck Oeta on one side, so as to make it doubtful, i. e. so as to make it totter. ^84 AENEIDEA [85-86 cavttm— iattjs ■where not only is tlie cuspide montem impulit of, our text repeated as nearly as need be in " cuspide monies impulit," but "impulit" is explained by "saucius iotu." To which example may be added Ovid, Fast. 3. 519 : "altera gramineoapectabis Eqiiiria campo, quern Tybris curvis in latus urget aquis, " — " the grassy plain which Tyber presses on the side with its water." If, on the contrary, cavum montem and molem et montes have been understood to be the Bvotog or boulder closing the mouth of the career, then impulit in latus is not, struck on the side, but pushed to one side, as Stat. Theh. 6. 656 : , , , " ' hunc potius, iuTenes, qui moenia saxis frangere, qui Tyrias deiectum vaditis arces, hunc rapite ; ast illud cui non iaoulabile dextrae pondus ? ' et atreptum nullo conamine iecit [Hippomedon] in latus," threw the disk, not on its side, but to one side, aside, i. e., out of the way ; Stat. Theb. 6. 5^2 (of Leander embroidered on a garment) : . . ■ " Phryxei natat hie contemptor ephebus aequoris, et picta transluoet caerulus unda : in latus ire manus, mutaturusque videtur brachia, nee siccum speres in stamine crinem," the hands go, not on the side, but to the side, aside, sideways ; Stat. Theb. 9. 802 : . . . " sed ferri lumiue diro turbatus sonipes, sese dominumque retorsit in latus, atque avidam transmisit devius hastam," jerked himself and his rider, not on the side, but sideways, to one side, i. e. shyed, so as to let the spear pass by without touching either; Olaud. de Rapt. Proserp. 16. 7U : . . . ' ' dum vellere Pelion Otus nititur, oooubuit Phoebo, moriensque Ephialtes in latusobKquam proiecit languidus Ossam,'' flung Ossa obliquely to one side. 66 EEGHMQFE dedit] BOOK I. 285 66. EEGEMQUE DEDIT "Eegemque dedit," Yal. Mace. 1. 592 (quoted Eem. 1. 55). With respect to the fact of the king's heing the gift of heaven to the -winds, there is no more difference of opinion between the two poets than there is at present in Germany between any two loyal subjects with respect to the fact of the Emperor's being the gift of hpaven to that country ; or than there was within our own recollection — (aye, and stiU is, if royal mint epigraphs tell truth) — ^between any two loyal subjects a.ny where with respedt to the fact of any particular crowned head's being a similar gift. That the gift is represented by Virgil as providential, (" id metuens," " ni faciat"), the offspring of that wise foresight which anticipates and obviates coming evil, and by Valerius iPlaccus as an afterthought, the "posthuma proles" of bitter experience — . . . " negue enim tunc Aeolus illis rector erat, Libya cum rumperet ad vena Calpen oceanus, cum flens Siculbs Oenotria fines perderet, et mediis intrarent montibus uudae " — ■ is a mere variety of manner, not at all affecting the matter of fact. The older account, the first colouring of the picture, is of course the more imaginative and Platonic ; the later, the more philosophic and Darwinian. The gift itself, in whichever light viewed, presents not a few of the characters of another scarcely less celebrated gift of heaven — that sweet, deep, and refreshing sleep, which, care-easing, heart-healing, eye-closing, ear-stop- ping, hand-and-foot-tying, noisy-tongue-and-throat-hushing, " dono divum gratissima serpit;" and in the kindliest, most good-natured, most disinterested manner in the world, takes on itself, for eight hours out of every four-and-twenty, the entire direction and management of our too often crazy, creaking, hard-to-be-managed rudder — " pone caput, fessosque ooulos furare labori ipse ego paullisper pro te tua muntra inibo." 286 AENEIDEA [66-67 qth— habenas 66-67. QUI FOEDERE CERTO ET PRBMERE ET LAXAS SCIRET DARE lUSSUS HABENAS FoEDERE CERTO. — " Certa lege, ratione ; non temere et pro eorum impetu," Heyne. " Certis legibus astrietus," Wagner (1861). " Lege certa," Gossrau. "Foedus is here nearly equi- valent to lex," Conington — an explanation wliicli seems to me to be rather inconsistent with the important word lussus. , How were it possible for Aeolus's government of the winds to be at one and the same time " certa lege, ratione," and in con- formity with and obedience to the varying will of a superior bound by no lex, no ratio ? Until this question be answered, I shall take the liberty of understanding eoedere in its oth^r and no less usual sense of pacto or covenant, viz., covenant entered into between Jupiter and Aeolus, according to which Aeolus, for the sake of certain advantages — as, for instance, territory, arx, and the dignity of rex — took on him the trouble- some office of keeping the winds in order, and marshalling them hither or thither as his suzerain, imperial Jove, should direct — ET PREMEEE, ET lAXAS SCIRET DARE ITJSSUS HABENAS. Voss, agreeing with me in his interpretation of the word foedeke, but strangely enough confining its operation to pre- MERE, and that of lussus to dare laxas habenas, and re- garding lussus and foedere as opposed to each other, and paying no attention at all to the two et's which so plainly place the two infinitives and lussus itself in connexion with foedere, thus translates : ..." der bald naoh gemessenem biindniss bandigen konnte den lauf, und bald nacb gebeiss sie entzugeln." Premere. Oonington queries whether premere [ventos], 66-67 Qin— HABENAs] BOOK I. 287 or PEEMEEE HABENAS. That it is PREMERE HABENAS is, I think, placed beyond doubt by Ovid, Met. 2. 135 : " neo preme, nee siimmum molire per aeihera curnim," ■where it is " preme currutn." The whole passage (hic — habenas) may be resolved into five parts or clauses : the first of which, hic vasto — fraenat, informs us that king Aeolus kept the winds confined in a vast cave. The second, illi indignantes — fkemunt, more par- ticular, presents us with the prisoners impatient to get out, and roaring about the barrier of their prison. The third clause, CELSA — IRAS, as particular with respect to the governor as the second with respect to the governed, informs us that he dwells in a lofty hurg or castle, and that the object and result of his government is the controlling and mollifying of the unruly spirits over which he presides. The fourth clause, ni faciat — AURAS, explains the necessity for these precautionary measures, taken, as the fifth clause informs us, by the Father Omnipotent, who, retaining the supreme power in his own hands, left to the king only that of legate or khedive (lussus) — important informa- tion by which the reader is enabled to understand without"^, further intimation or innuendo how low the queen of heaven condescended when she tempted with a bribe the commissioned officer of the Most High, her own husband, to a breach of duty ; ' and how well merited by the no less obsequious than self-suffi- cient officer, the rebuke of Neptune, the queen's own brother. The " Tantaene animis caelestibus irae" had prepared us for outbursts of Saturnian passion ; it had not prepared us for Satumian "bribery and corruption." Why the remarkable reticence ? Why the reader left so entirely to his own discrimi- nation and the one word lUssus? What could be said too bad — what bad, too plainly — of the bitter, uncompromising, powerful enemy of Rome and the whole Roman race, of the sole cause of all Aeneas's troubles? The answer is not far to be sought. The author is playing a double part all through. From first to last he is in one perpetual dilemma. Without a hostile, angry, and embittered Juno he had had no poem, no locus standi; 288 AEISTEIDEA [66-67 qui— habexas and had he insisted on having one, every Muse had fled and left him to indite alone his panegyric of Augustus. On the other hand, peace had heen made with Juno on the destruction of Carthage by the second AMcanus ; and at the time Virgil was writing his poem, Rome's bitterest, most bitterly hated, most powerful enemy had beconae not merely friend and ally, but joint patroness with Venus and protectress of Rome. Exactly as his Trojan colony was in a fix between the onward- impelling fates and the perpetually repelling Jimo (Eem. p. 227), the poet himself was in a fix between Juno — at the time of which he wrote, most malignant, most dreaded enemy ; and Juno, at the time in which he wrote — ^most honoured and valued friend. How was it possible for him not to feel himself trammeled, or to conceal from his readers the trammels he felt? ' What sympathy had he to expect for a hero persecuted by a jealous and angry deity, who, subsequently laying aside both her anger and her jealousy, entered into a friendly alliance with the hero's descendants, and was , Kving at the very time the poem was written on the best and most friendly terms not only with those descendants but with the poet himself — one of them. Any sympathy with a so-circumstanced hero of a so- circumstanced poet was simply impossible, and was never yet felt by any one for Aeneas. We have aU of us sympathized with Dido, with Nisus and Euryalus, with Turnus, and with Pallas; many of us with Mezentius, some of us with Dares, and even with Cacus : but which of us has ever yet sympathized with Aeneas ? Who, except his own mother, would ever have lifted a hand to save him, had it been possible, jfrom his perse- cutress — would not rather have said he deserved all he got and should have got more. And more he assuredly would have got had the poet lived, not under Augustus, but under the EepubKo and before the fall of Carthage, while Juno was still the enemy of Eome, while heroes still bore some faint resemblance to Hector and Achilles, while Didos were oftener ravished than seduced, and men parleyed with their gods face to face, eye to eye, and hard word for hard word — not beating their breasts and blubbering, abject on their knees, or prostrate in the dust 70 EI — TENTo] BOOK I. 289 moaning. Both the hero and the gods of the Aeneis are anachronisms ; hero and gods of an heroic age, with the manners of the court of Augustus. Had the second Homer lived some two thousand years later — say in France, just before the battle of Sedan — his Aeneas had been a Napoleon, his Dido an Eugenie, the manners of his Olympus those of St. Cloud, and Juno's bribe only the more acceptable to Aeolus because prefaced with a "majesty " no less dignified than respectful. Nor will many, I should think, be indisposed to find with me in the o REGiNA of king Aeolus's reply an emphasis, an intended contrast to the abrupt, unceremonious "Aeole" of the imperial consort. Compare the short and familiar "Cytherea" of Jupiter, 1. 261, in reply to Yenus's respectful . . . " qui res hominumque deumque aeternis regis imperiis et fulmine ten'es." 70 (a). ET MULCERE DEDIT FLUCTUS ET TOLLERE VENTO " MuLCERE autem delinire . . . alii mulcere mitigare, moUire vel fovere," Serv. (ed. Lion). " Mulcere fluctus, reprimere, et toUere eos vento, h. e. coneitare ut alte insurgant," Heyne. " Einznsehlafen die fiuth, und wieder im sturm zu erheben," Voss. " Mulcere, placare, mitigare, reprimere," Forb. "Mul- cere, i. e. delinire, mitigare, ut vers. 197 (201)," Grossrau. The most easily satisfied reader will look with suspicion on aU these glosses as soon as he has observed that in no one of them is there the slightest allusion to any instrument by means of which Aeolus is to produce a mulcent effect on the waves — MULCERE FLUCTUS. He is to raisc them with the wind, and to quell them : but how to quell them, or that an instrument wherewith to quell them is no less necessary than an instrument wherewith to raise them, seems not to have entered into the mind HENRY, AENE:I)BA, VOL. I. 10 290 AEIfEIDEA [70 et— vento of any one of all these five principal Virgilian commentators. Some instrument is necessary, mutters the puzzled reader j and Aeolus has none, except one which he is to use for an opposite purpose. It can hardly be that ; or is Aeolus really expected to blow hot and cold with the same breath. Not with the same breath, but with two different breaths, suggests a lady who happens to be present. Aeolus, with one wind, "toUit fluctus," with the opposite wind, " mulcet fluctus." I have seen him do it a thousand times from my windows on the Passeggio, " fuori la porta a mare," at Leghorn. I have seen him there with his Libeccio or' his Sirocco raise the sea into billows so high as to burst with noise and fury over the parapet- wall of the Yia del Passeggio under my windows, so that if I had occasion to go into town I could only go on the opposite side of the road, not on that next the water. You v^ould have said, had you seen the size, the force and fury of the waves, the sea would have required a month to subside into a state of calm, even if the Libeccio had ceased to blow and would let it. Well, I have seen Aeolus take such a sea, and in twelve hours — sometimes in the half of twelve hours — make it as smooth, level, and quiet as a miUpond, just by calling off Libeccio or Sirocco, whichever it might be, and setting Tramontana or Greco to blow as strong in the face of the waves as Libeccio or Sirocco had been blowing at their back. I have seen this happen a hundred times at Leghorn ; a hundred times have I gone to bed there, thinking I would not be able to sleep a wink for the noise of the sea and Libeccio, and yet have had a quiet night, and in the morning- looked out on the sea as tranquil as a lake, Aeolus having called Libeccio off the station and put Tramontana on shortly after my going to bed. I don't doubt but the same thing is con- tinually happening on the coast of Africa opposite, with this difference only, that it will be with Tramontana Aeolus rouses the waves there, whilst it will be with Libeccio he quells them; and you may be sure it was Yirgil's observation at Baiae of this custom of his, to raise the waves with one wind and quell them with another, which put into his head that account of Aedkis's both quelling and raising the waves with the wind. 70 ET — vEXTo] BOOK T. 291 wliioh has so puzzled you. The lady is quite right as to the matter of fact, said I, putting in my word, and might have ■quoted " luctantcm Icaviis fliictibus Afiicum," and . . . " praccipitem Africum (lecertantem Aqiiilonitus," but I have grave doubts that it is with this matter of fact our author intends to present us, and not rather with the no less in- dubitable matter of fact that Aeolus sometimes quells the sea, when in a state of fury, with the same wind with which at other times (viz., when the sea is in a state of rest) he lashes it into fury. The two pictures are essentially different : in that presented by the lady, the same waves being raised by one wind and quelled by another ; while in the picture which I imagine to myself, the same wind which at one time raises the quiet sea into a state of fury, at another time quells the same sea when. it has been lashed into a state of fury by a wind from an oppo- «ite quarter. The two pictures being equally true in nature, I am inclined to think it is with the latter we are presented ■ by Virgil — first, because he has written vento and not ventis, indicating thereby, as I think, that it is one and the same wind which both " mulcet" and " tollit" ("mulcet" when the sea is in a state of rage, " tollit" when the sea is in a state of calm) ; and secondly, because it is by a single wind Horace represents the Adriatic as both raised and quelled, Carm. 1. 3. 11/. : . . . . " nee rabiem Noti : quo non arbiter Adriae maior, tollere seu ponere vult freta," exactly as it is with one and the same wand Mercury both puts to sleep and awakens : Hom. Od. 5. 1^.1 : €iAeTO 5e pa$Sov, tt) t' av^ptav ofifiara 6e\yei uv i$e\ei, Tovs 5' avT€ Kai virviaovTcis eyeipei, MuLCERE I think more probably " moUire" or " reprimere," *' tame" or " subdue," than either " delinire," " fovere," or " einzuschlafen."' See preceding part of Remark, and compare 19* 292 AEIS'EIDEA [70 ei— yenio Macrob. 6. 5 : " Mulciber est Yulcanus, quod ignis sit, et omnia muleeat ac domet ; " Servius ad 8. 724 : " Mulciber ; Yuleaniis^ ab eo quod totum ignis permulcet." The mulcere fluctus of our text is thus precisely the "concita aequora mulcet" of Ovid,. Ep. 2. 37 : ' ' perque tuum mihi iui'asti . . concita qui ventis aequora multol avum,'' and the two powers given to Aeolus over the waves are pre- cisely the two powers, TrauajuEvat and oQvvfuv, given by Homer to the same Aeolus over the winds themselves, Od. 10. 22 : Et mulcere dedit fluctus et tollere vento. Hor. JEjmf.. 2. 1. 210 : " ille per extentum funem miU posse videtur ire poeta, meum qui pectus inaniter angit, ii-ritat, mulcet, falsis terroiibus implet, ut magus." The Italian tnolcere is used in similar antithesis, Petrarch- Son. 311 (in morte di Laura, 84) : " fuor di man di colui che punge e molce." 10 KT— TEJJTOj BOOK I. 293 70 (b). ET JIULCHRE DEDIT FLUCTUS ET TOI.LERE VENTO V^lJi. LECT. VKXTO IIT Maci-oli. fiat. 5. i ; Prisoian, Inst. Gramm. 16. 6 ; Cynth. Genet. ; Venice, 1470; Asoensius; Aldus (15U) ; Fabric. ; V. Manut. ; D. Heins.; K Heins. (1670); Burm. ; Heyne ; Bl-imck ; Wakef. ; Wagn. (ed. Hej-n., ed. 1861) ; Ladew. ; Ribb. ; Coningt. VEXTOS II cod. Canon, n. m. sec. (Bntler). Ill Donat. ; Jul. Seal., Poet. 5. .i ; Catrou. Yem'o not YENTOS, first, because the expression " toUere ventos," liowever unotjectionable in itself ^Val. Flacc. 2. 515 : " qiialis iibi a gelidi Boreas convaUibus Hebri tollitnr")j is very objectionable on its application to Aeolus, who, in his capacity of ra/niag avsfiuv, might indeed be said eiere ventos, or immittere ventos, but could hardly with any propriety be said tollere ventos, such term implying complete and irresponsible authority. Secondly, because the verse so con- structed, ET MULCERE DEDIT FLUCTUS ET TOLLEllE VEKTOS, is too simple to be Virgil's, has nothing of that artificial struc- ture of which Virgil is so fond. Thirdly, because, so constructed, it has too little parallelism with Homer's {Od. 10. 21) : Ketyoy yap Tafiirjv avefiwi/ iroLTjtre Kpoytwy, Tj/tey Trave/xeyai 7}5' opyv/xey ov k effeATjtrii/, with which it is so expressly compared by Macrobius, Sat. 5. Ji, who, besides, in his citation has vento not ventos. I am the more sorry not to have taken the readings of the MSS. in the case of this text, as I find they have been omitted by Eibbeck also. 294 AENEIDEA. [70 et— yi;ut». ToLLERE (fll'ctus) vento, exactlj as, verse 106 : . . . " stiidens Aqxiilone procella velum advorsa ferit, fluchisqiie ad sidera tollit. ' Hor. Od. 1. 3. lit : . . . . . . " ral)icm Xoti, quo non arbiter Adriae niaiov, toUere seu ponere vult freta." Tal. Place. 1. 601 (Boreas, speaking of himself) : " nee mihi libertas imis freta toUere arenis qualis eram, nondum Yinclis et carcere clausus." Stat. Achill. 1. 7^ (Tketis to ISeptune) : " da toUere fluctus, nee tibi de tantis placeat me fluctibus unum littus, et Hiaci scopulos habitare sepulchii." ■Stat. Achill. 1. 9"2 (Neptune to Thetis) : " dabo toUere fluctus, , cum reduces Danai, nocturnaque signa Capbareus exseret, et dirum pariter qiiaeremus Ulyxem.'' liucan, 5. 598 (of the storm in which Caesar crossed the Adriatic in an open boat) : " piimus ab Oceano caput exseris Atlanteo Core, movens aestus. lam, te toUeute, fiirebat poutus, et in scopulos totas erexerat uudas." liUcan, 6. 27 : " loniunique f urens, rapido cum toUitur Anstro, tcmpla domosque quatit." Compare Oyid, Md. 1. 36 (of the creation) : " timi freta diffundi, rabidisque timiescere veutis iussit [dcus], et ambitae cii-cumdare Utora terrac." 73 iNcuTE — vENTis] BOOK 1. 295 73. INCUTE \IU VEKTIS "Duplex sensus est: incute enim, si iniice significat/ [et] VENTis dativus est casus [hoc est parva est eorum ; etiam tu eis da magnam vim] : si autem, /etc, septimus casus est, et erit sensus ' f ac vim Troianis per ventos' [hoc est per ventos vim in Troianos incute], Ser^ius. " Concita ventos," Heyue. " Uti premendo habenas (vers. 67) demere vim ventis, ita remittendo incutere dici potest Aeolus," Wagner (1861) — both Wagner and Heyne adopting the first of Ser\ius's two explanations, and supported in their choice by E,uaeus, Voss (" rege die winde mit macht"), Alfieri ("i venti inaspra"), Forbiger ("concita ven- tos vehementiores"), and Conington ("throw fury into the winds"). I object, first, that — ^the winds possessing the innate vis ascribed to them, verse 62 : NI TACIAT, MARIA AC TERRAS CAELUMQUE PROFUNDUM aUIPPE PER ANT RAPIDI SECUM VEKBANTaUE PER AURAS (with which compare Ovid, Met. 1. 58: . . " vix nunc otsistitur illis quin lament mundum ;" Met. 6. 690 (Boreas speaking) : ' " apta mihi vis est : vi tristia uubila pello ; vi freta conditio nodosaque robora verto, indiiroqiie ni%-es, et terras grandine pulse. idem ego, cum subii convexa foramina terrae, supposuique f erox imis mea terga cavernis ; sollicito Manes, totumque tremoribus orbem;" Xiucretius, 1. 272 : . . . " venti vis verberat incita pontum, ingentesque mit naves, et uubila difEert" ; and Lactant. de Phoen. SI : " non ibi tempestas nee vis furit horrida venti") 296 AENEIDEA [73 iscute— ventis tlie -winds possessing this strength sua natura, the addition to them of further vis were, on the one hand, supererogatory and absurd, and on the other hand beyond the compe- tency of Aeolus, whose commission was not to fill those with force who had only too much force already, but pbemere et i.AXAS DAKE HABENAS, to confine and let loose according to cir- cumstances — at the very most, opvvfxiv (Hom. Od. 10. 22), to rouse and awake {in case, viz., of their being asleep : Quint. Cal., Fosthom. 1. UO : to the use of that vigour of which they were already in posses- sion ; and that, accordingly, the gravamen of Yenus's charge, 10. 37, is not that the winds had been filled with new and unusual strength, but that they had been excited, "excites," viz., to exert that strength which they already and by nature possessed. And, secondly, I object that even had it been the fact that the winds were deficient in innate vigour, and necessary for Juno, in consequence, to request Aeolus to infuse additional into them for the special occasion, Yirgil was precisely the writer who would have taken care not to put the subordinate request before tlie principal — precisely the writer who would not have placed be- tween the Trojan fleet and the storm with which it was to be sunk or dispersed the proviso that the storm was to be one of extra quality. No, no ; vim is not the force, the vigour, which Aeolus is to knock (incutere) into the winds ; and even if it were, it had been as impossible for him to knock it into them *•' remittendo habenas" (Wagner) as it had been impossible for him to knock it out of them (" demere") " premendo habenas." Vim is the force, the violence, with which Aeolus is, by means of his winds (cum ventis), to fall on the Trojan ships ; the lash- ing, the punishment, he is to inflict on them — the very vim which Ovid describes the vessel as feeling. Met. 8. U70 : . . . " utqiie carina, quam ventus, ventoque rapit contrarius aestus, vim geminam sentit, paretque inoerta ductus ;" V3 iNcuTE — TEi^Tis] BOOK 1. 297 the very vim which our author himself (10. 693) represents an exposed rock on the sea shore as braving in a storm : . . . " rupcs, vastrnn quae prodit in aeqiior obvia ventorum funis, expostaque ponto, vim ounctam atque niinas perfert eaelique marisque." The special vis, the special violence meant, is lashing, punish- ment by lashing, verb era; it being by verbera, verberando, the winds exercise their vis, their violence : Lucret. 1. 271 : . . . " reuti vis verberat incita pontum [eautes, Lachm.] ingentisque ruit navis et nubila diifert," liucret. 5. 953 (ed. Lachm.) : " nee dum res igni scibant tractare neque uti pellibus et spoliis corpus vestire ferarum, sed neniora atque cavos mentis silvasque colebant, et frutices inter eondebant squalida membra, verbera ventorum vitare imbrisquo coacti." And verbera being the especial kind of vis, of violence, in- flicted by winds, incutere is the most proper word which could have been joined with vim, inasmuch as incutere is the very word used to express the infliction of violence by ver- bera, Sil. 2. 625 : "nee tamen evasisse datur, nam verbera Erinnys incutit, atque atros insibilat ore tumores [al. timores]," Erinnys inflicts lashes (an intensification of y?0(/s) ; with which compare Ovid, Trist. 1. 11. ^1 : " improba pugnat biems, indignaturqne quod ausini scribere, se rigidas incutiente minas," inflicting threats, an intensification of threatening ; and Aen. 10. 695, quoted above : " vim eunctam atque minas perfert caeKque marisque," where our author himself not only, as already pointed out, uses in the sense of violence of the winds, i. e., in the sense of ver- bera ventorum, the very word which he has in our text joined with incutere, but unites it with minas (ventorum) — the very word which Ovid, as quoted above, has joined in the same sense (viz., minas ventorum) with the same incutere. 298 AEITEIDEA [73 incute— tentis If vis is thus with our author in his tenth book the violence, the verb era of a storm, and thus united by him with minae, the menaces of a storm; and if it is proper for Ovid to represent a storm asinoutiens minas, inflicting threats, how much more proper is it for Yirgil to represent the storm-god with his winds incutiens the actual violence, the verbera, the vim? Nor is it one species of violence only, verbera, and threats of such violence, minae, which are thus, as well as general violence or violence in the abstract, joined with incutere: other species, too, of violence are joined in the same manner with the same verb, and we have incutere helium an intensification of inferre bellum, Hor. Sat. 2. 1. 38: " sire quod Appula gens, sen quod Lucania bellum incuteret violenta,' ' exactly as we have, Sil. 2. 625, above, incutere verbera an intensification of inferre verbera; exactly as we have, Apu- leius. Met. 7. 17 (ed. Hildebr.), incutere ictus an intensifi- cation of inferre ictus: " coxaeque dextrae semper ictus incutiens, et unum feriendo locum, dissipato corio, et uleeris latissimo facto foramine, immo fovea, vel etiam fenestra, nullus tamen desinebat identidem vulnus sanguine dehbutum obtun- dere ;" and exactly as we have in our text incutere vim an intensification of inferre vim. Incutere [in-quatere) vim is a very strong expression — perhaps the strongest form in which the infliction of bodily violence, of actual corporal punishment, can be expressed. Next in force seems to come the "iniectare vim" of Ammian. 14. 6 ; and last — very inferior in force to both, and much more vague and indefi- nite than either — ^the " adferre vim" of Tacitus, Anna!. IS. 1^7, and our author's own " ferre vim," Aen. 10. 77, and " tendere vim," Georg. If.. 399. It is with the greatest propriety the strongest form is used on the present occasion, the speaker being in the highest degree of excitement (flammato cokde),. and aiming at nothing short of the total extinction of i Aeneas,, the Trojans, and Troy — submersas obrue puppes, aut age DIVEESOS ET DISIICE CORPORA PONTO. In INCUTE VIM VENTIS 74 AUT — ro-NTo] BOOK I. 299 we have the first, the general command, the first burst of passion, Id fly at them u-ith your tcinds, jmninh them with your irinds. In the following words, submeksas obrue puppes, ait AGE DivERSOS ET Disiic:E CORPORA PONTo, we have the particu- larization, the cooler, more explicit direction, in what manner and to what ultimate end and pm-pose the violent attack with the winds is to be made. Que, signifying the closest most intimate union, binding together more closely and intimately than it is possible to bind by means of any other conjunction, had never been used by Virgil to unite together two so ditfei'ent commands — commands differing both with respect to object and means — as the command to infuse vigour into the winds and the command to sink the ships. Yentis, the instrument of the f is in our text, has its exact parallel in " face," the instrument of the vis, 10. 77, and " ferro," " veneno," the instruments of the vis, Tacitus, AtmaL 12. U7. 74. AUT AGE DIVERSOS ET DISIICE CORPORA PONTO VAS. LECT. BIVEESOS- I Bom., Med. Ill Pierius ("In antiquis omnibus exempl. d& meliore nota, myeesos legitur") ; IS^. Heins (1670) ; Heyne ; Brunok ; Wakef. ; Wagn. (ed. Heyn., ed. 1861) ; Ladew. ; Haiipt ; Ribb. DIYEESAS III Yeniee, 1470 ; Aldus (1514) ; P. Manut. ; D. Heins. 0. Fr. Fal, T'er., St. Gall. The alternatives are not submersas obrue puppes and age DIVERSOS ET DISIICE CORPORA PONTO, but the alternatives are SUBMERSAS OBRUE PUPPES ET DISIICK CORPORA PONTO and AGE DIVERSOS — the latter or second alternative being thrown in parenthetically between the two parts of which the first alterna- :300 AENEIDEA [74 atji— poxto tive consists. Compare 5. 659, where "pars spoliant aras" is in like manner thrown in parenthetically between " conclamant, rapiuntque ignem " and " frondem coniiciunt;" and where the ^livision is not : they raise a shout, snatch fire from the hearths, /nul 2Mvt strip the altars, and fling faggots and fascines and ■burning brands, but thei/ raise a shout, snatch fire from the hearths, and fling faggots and fascines and burning brands, and ^•ioine eren snatch fire from the altars. See Rem. 5. 659. Corpora. — If, on the one hand, the observation of Servius : "" Tarn virorum qnam navinm, ut ipse alio loco, cum de navibus loqueretur, ' et toto descendit corpore pestis,' " has led Jal into ihe mistake that corpora is here the Trojan ships, not the Trojans themselves ("disiice corpora navium ponto," Jal), the precise Ovidian parallel on the other hand {Met. U- 23) : . . . " Tynienaquo mittis in aeq^uor corpora,'' where "corpora" can by no possibility be anything but the Tyrrhene sailors themselves, not only renders Jal's mistake — however fortified by Torselli's Secreta fidelium crucis, 1. U- 7 : ^'Corpora galearum cum praeparamentis suis et armis" — ^inno- cuous, but is sufficient to put even a cursory reader on his guard against the more plausible, and therefore more dangerous, eiTor of J. H. Voss, that the bodies spoken of are dead bodies, viz., those of the drowned Trojans : "oiler zerstrcu sie iimlier, iind mit leichnamen iloeke den abgnind" (J. H. Voss). Of Virgil's own use of the same term elsewhere in the same sense, there is no dearth of examples; 10. 430 : 6. 21 : 2. 18 " et vos, 0, Graiis imperdita corpora, Tencri !" . . . " scptena q^uotannis corpora natonim ;" " hue delecta viriim sortiti corpora furtini incliidunt caeco lateri." Nor even amongst ourselves is such use of the term TrnfamOiar to any one who has ever heard of the Habeas Corpus Act, or 78-79 OMNES— kxig.vt] book I. 301 who has ever inquired at a house door : "is there anybody at home?" How literally the command disiice corpora ponto was fulfilled appears verse 122 : " ai^pareiit rari uantes in gurgite vasto.' ' 75-77. SUNT MlHI HIS SEPTEM PRAESTANTI CORPORE NYMPHAE CONNUBIO irNGAM STABILI PROPKIAMQUE DICABO In imitation, as observed by Heyne, of Iliad, 11^.. 268, and seq. Both passages are in accordance with the ancient custom of rewarding faithful servants with wives. Compare Od. 21. ?1J (Ulysses to the cowherd and swineherd) : ai x' ^^^ */**** 7^ ^6os Sa^uaffrj fiUTjariipas ayavous, a^o/iat aiiOTepois oKoxovs, km KTij/iar' oiraffffto : Acn. 3. 329 : " me famulo famulamque Heleno tracsmisit habendam." CONNUBIO lUNGAM STABILI, theme; PROPRIAMQXJE DICAP.O, variation. See Rem. 1. 550. \ Propriam, that shall not be taken away from thee; see Eemark on "Hunc mihi da proprium," 7. 331. 78-79. OMNES UT TECUM MERITIS PRO TALIBUS ANNOS EXIGAT Ovid, Trisi. 2. 161 : " Livia sic tecum socialea compleat annos." 302 AENEIDEA [80-81 tuus— est • 80-81. ■ TUUS O BEGINA QUID OPTES EXPLORAEE LABOR MIHI lUSSA CAPESSERE FAS EST ExPLORARE. " Eecte secusne id fiat, quod Telis fieri, li. e., rectene haec an secus a me postules, tu ipsa videris," Heyne, Grossrau, Torbiger, Conington. I think not ; that is to explain, not ex- PLORARE QUID OPTES, but explorare qtiale sit quod optas. The meaning is: "make thou out ('reperi,' Seneca, below), determine thou, what thou wishest to be done, and I shall be most happy to be thy agent ;" and so Donatus : " Tui laboris est, h. e., tuae curae, invenire quid iubeas ;" Cynth. Cenet. : " Tuum est deliberare quid velis." Compare Lueian, Saturn. 1 : Sacerbos. Qi Kpovs, av yap lOiKog ap\Hv to yt vvv stvai Kat aoi TiOvTai KQi KiKaWieptjTai Trap' t}f.twv, ri av juaAioro £7rt twv lepwv aLTrjrrag kaj3oifii napa aov; Saturnus. Touro fiiv avTOv ai koXwc i\ii t(TKt(j>6ai o Ti (joi iVKTamv, ei /iri xai fiavTtv a/ia eOtXtig nvat Tov ap\ovTa, ttSivai ti aoi tjS/ov aiTnv' eyti) Ss tu yt Suvara ovk aimvtvtrw irpoq ttiv iv\r\v, where e(rK£ speak of Jove, his suzerain, in the bare, naked, single, nay curt,. TOVEM. ScEPTEA lovEMQUE, therefore, is not my sceptre and Jove, but sceptred Jove — Jove my suzerain, Jove the source- of all authority. How peculiarly proper is the attribution of a sceptre to Jove appears from Ovid, Fast, 5. J/.5, where, speaking of Majestas,. that poet says : " assidet ilia lovi : lovis est fidissima custos : et praestat sine vi sceptra tremenda lovi.'' ScEPTKA lovEMQUE, Eceptrcd Jovc, exactly as 11. 747,. " arma virumque," the arms and the man, i. e. the armed man. 82-83 (f). TU MTHI QXJODCtNQTJE HOC KEGNI, TU SCEPTEA lOVEMQUE CONCILIAS That it was the special province of Juno (secondarily, of course, and through her influence with Jupiter) to dispose of empire, appears from 1. 21 : » . . " hoc regnum dea gentibiis esse si qua fatasinant iam turn tenditqiie fovetque;" 4. 106: " quo regnum Italiae Libycas averteret oras," and especially from Coluth. 145 (Juno bribing Paris) : • ei fie Situcptvav irpo^epeffrtpov epvos OTraaaijs, itaiTis T/^tTcpjjs Airiijs riyniropa Sritra : Ovid, Hcroid. 16. 79 (Paris to Helen, informing her of th& bribes which had been offered him by the goddesses) : •»»..." ingentibus ardent iudicium donis sollicitare meum. regna lovis coniiix ; virtutem fllia iactat." 83 Tu— divum] book I. 309 Tu MiHi iovp:m concilias. That it was not unusual for Juno thus to make interest with Jupiter for gods who had obliged her appears from Stat. Theb. 10. IJO (Iris, addressing to Somnus the request of Juno) : " da preeibiis tantis, rara est hoc posse faoiiltas, plaeatnmque loveni dextra lunone merere." The court of heaven is of course regulated — ^how else were it possible ? — after the fashion of earthly courts, and the favour of the wife or mistress is the surest way to the ear of the sovereign. Tu, TU, TU. — The second person (generally not expressed at all) repeated here three times is in the highest degree emphatic : thou, thou, thou only. CoxciLTAS. Mart. CapeU. 1. 30 (ed. Kopp) : "Ut vidit <]larius consortio patrem lunonis haerentem, quam noverat suf- f ragari plurimum ao f avere connubiis, laetus primo omine ipsam- ■que concilians, in cuius arbitrio positam mariti noverat volun- tatem, ita mitis affatur." 83. TU DAS EPULIS ACCUMBERE DIVUM Compare Theoor. Idyll. 17. Ih-: AayeiSas IlToAe/taios • Ti)Vov KM ntucaptaai Trorrjp o/iOTi/iov sSriKev adavaroiSt /cat oi xp^^^os Sofios\y Aios otKu SeS^TjTaf Trapa S' avrov AKe^avSpos !9-90 UNA— APEicTs] BOOK I. 325 forcing their way into it, and, as it were, making a hole in it, -tind so raising and forcing it up on all sides round : a sedibus l^MIS RUrXT. And secondly, they roll billows to the shores, volvunt AD MTTORA FLUcTus ; such biUows being the effect, partly of i;heir direct blowing, and partly of the subsidence of the water from the height to which it had been"thrown up by their violent vertical descent. Compare Georcj. 2. 310 : " praesertim si tempestas a vertit'O silvis inciibuit" Xwhere Fea : — " Piomba dall' alto. Arato presso Cicerone {Be y^t Boor. 2. j^li) : ' quern summa ab regionc Aq^uilonis flainina pulsant.' ■Omero referito ma non capito dal Gruellio, meglio lo spiega Aulo -(lellio {Lib. ?. c. JO) : 'Venti ab septentrionibus, ex altiore caeli ])arte in mare incidentes, deorsum in aquarum profunda quasi praecipites deferuntur, undasque faciunt non prorsus impulsas, sed vi intus commotas'"). InCUBX:ERT5 . . . INSEQUITUR . . . ERIPIUXT . . . INTONUERE. In order to impart the greatest possible energy to the action, •«ach verb not only contains an intensive particle, but is placed ^t the commencement of a line, and precedes its nominative. 89-90. UNA EURUSQUE NOTUSQUE RUUNT CREBERQUE PROCELLIS AFRICUS . . . " nor slept the wiuds within their stony caves, but rashed abroad from the four hinges of the world, and fell on the vexed wilderness.'' Milton, Far. Jicg. 4. ^13. Una. Highly emphatic, being placed first word in the line, and repeating the idea already expressed in velitt agmine facto. 326 AENEIDEA [89-90 toa— Aiiiicrs- Cbebeeque procellis aericus. " Procella est vis venti cum pluTia," Sei-vius. No, that is rather the definition of" nimhus than of procella, nor should Voss have allowed him- self to be misled by the very uncertain authority of Servius to- translate the passage : . . . " unci, vom regen umscliauert Afrikus." Procella is, even according to Servius's own derivation of the- word ("dicta procella ab eo quod omnia perceUat, hoc est moveat"), a sudden violent blast or gust of wind, a squall. Accordingly, a procella, verse 107, ferit ; Plaut. Trin. 836,. ed. ilitsch., frangit; Luoret. 6. 123, intorquet sese ; Ovid^ Trist. 1. 1. S5, percutit; Ovid, Trist. o. 5. 17, quassat; Mart.- 9. 40, dispergit; Lucan, 5. 612, rapit; Petron. Safi/r. IIU,. circumagit, and is even distinguished and set apart from the- rain with which it may accidentally be accompanied, both by Plautus ( [nhi supva) : " imbres fluctusq^ue atque procellae infensae fremere, frangere malum, iiiere antennas, scinclere vela") and Livy, 22. 30 : " Hannibalem quoque ex acie redeuntem dixisse ferunt, tandem earn nubem, quae sedere in iugis mon- timn solita sit, cum procella imbrem dedisse." The word sub- sists in the identical sense in the Italian — Pigafetta, Prhu. Viag. : " In xma procella fra le altre, che soffrimmo in notte oscurissima," i. e. in one squall of many which we suffered in the same night. See Gomm. on " stridens aquilone procella," verse 106. Cebber procellis. The same as procellosus, blowing in squalls, gusty, squally ; the pectdiar character, as I have myself frequently experienced at Leghorn, both of the Sirocco and Libeccio winds, whichever of those winds we may understand Yirgil to mean by the term Africus. Africus. Senec. Qiiaest.N'at 5.16: " Ab occidente hibemO' Afrieus fm-ibundus et mens apud Grraecos \i\p dicitur." The same mnd is now called in the Mediten-anean, Libeccio. 96 EXTEMPLO MEMBRA I BOOK I. 327 93. PONTO NOX INCUBAT ATRA Epxgr. Antiphili Byzantii, Anfhol Pal 7. 630: t^Stj trov iroTpTjs ireKaa'as o'x^Soi/, " avpiou '' eiiroy *' 1J fiOKpTf KttT €flOV BvffTTKOlT} KOTTaO'ei.'' ovTTQj X6(Aos" efjLVffef Kai 7}V iffos Ai'Si wovtos,*' Kat /te KaT€Tpvx€v Keivo to Kov(pov eiros. 96. EXTEMPLO AENEAE SOLVUNTUR FRIGORE MEMBRA Our author's defence against those critics who accuse him of ascribing to his hero in the passage before us a cowardly fear of death (see in Sir Walter Scott's edition of the Somers Tracts, vol. xii. p. 10, an anonymous tract entitled, "Yerdicts of the learned concerning Virgil's and Homer's Heroic Poems") is sufficiently easy, viz , that Aeneas's fear is not of death, but death by drowning (" non propter mortem, sed propter mortis genus," Servius) ; that in the heroic times — even in Virgil's own times- death by drowning was held in especial horror (see, quoted below, Ovid, Trist. 1. 2. 51 ; Senec. Agam. 518, and Herntl. Oetaeus, 1165), and that Homer does not hesitate to ascribe (i/. 21. 273 (Achilles, in danger of being drowned in the Sca- mander) : Zeu trarep, ws ouTis fie Beuv eKmvoy virefrrTj €« •KorafioLO ffoMffai' eireiTO Se /cat Tt iroffoijUi) to the hero of his Iliad, and (,0d. 5. 399 : (c fiOL eyat SeiXos, Tt vv fiot fjLTjKtiTTa yevqTaty * Where Grotius : " subito mare nigrius Oreo est." 328 AENEIDEA [96 extemplo — membea to tlie hero of his Odyssey, a similax shuddfer under similar cir- cumstances. But there is another charge which inay be brought against our author, and from which his exculpation is, I fear, J)y no means so easy, viz., that he represents his hero as expressing in one and the same breath his horror at the immediate prospect of death by drowning, and his regret at not having escaped that inglorious fate by dying where so many of his fellow-country- men were swept away by the Simois : UBI TOT SIMOIS OORREPTA SUE XJNDIS SCUTA VIEtJM GALEASQUE ET FOKTIA COKPORA VO^VIT. It will, no doubt, be said that these words are merely ornantia — merely a rhetorical peroration, and not to be taken too closely in connexion with Aeneas's wish that he had died before Troy. To be sure ; but still the apparent — and, as I believe, on the part of Virgil wholly unintentional — connexion is strong enough to have given rise to a belief that the words tjbi tot simois, &c., express an alternative in the wish of Aeneas, viz., that he had been in the number of those who were swept away by the Simois ("e se d' acqua perire era il mio fato, perche non dove Xante, o Simoenta volgon' tant' armi, e tanti corpi nobili ?" (Care).), an error, no doubt, but an error which shows how mal apropos, in connexion with Aeneas's horror of death by drowning and wisli to have died before the walls of Troy, are words which not only suggest the danger there was of death by drowning even before the walls of Troy, but bring back the particular picture of Achilles before the walls of Troy in that precise danger; of Achilles, too, deprecating death by drowning in words of which the words of Aeneas are the very echo, //. 21. 279 : as fi o^e\' EKTwp Kreivatj os €v9a5e 7' erpo^* apurros' TO) k' ayaBos /tey €Treop^oi', ov pa t' ivavKos mroepffT} x^^M**^* irepwvra. Having already stated that Aeneas's horror of death by water is sufficiently justified by the examples of Ulysses and Achilles, ■96 EXTEMPLo — membra] BOOK I. 329 and by the universal opinion of antiquity, I shall not inquire into the grounds of that horror ; shall not inquire wlictlivr it was owing to the circumstance that drowned bodies, being usually lost, could not have the customary sepulchral honours paid to them (Horn. Od. 5. 311 : TO) K eXaxov KTepeuv, Hoi fifv k\(os riyov Axaiot' vvv Se ^6 \eu7a\6w Bavmu ei^apTo aXotvat. Ovid, Trist. 1.2.51 : " nee lethuni timeo ; genus est miserabile lethi ; demite naufragium, mors mihi munus erit. est aliquid, fatove suo ferrove cadentem in solida moriens ponere corpus humo, et mandare suis alii^uid, sperare sepulehra, et non aequoreis piscibus esse cibum." Alcim. Avit. Trans. Mar. Ruhri, Poem. 5. 51^2 (paraphrasing and appropriating this very passage) : " plebs trepidat eonclusa loco, finemque sequent! expectat pavefacta die, nou tela nee uUas bellorum molita vices, sed voce levata vatibus insistens : o terque quaterque beati, Aegyptus quos morte tulit, tellure Tel ampla umam defunctis suprema sorte paravit ! alitibus nos esca dati, nee sede sepiilchri condita deserto solventur corpora vasto." Eonsard, Franciade* c. 2 (an imitated Aeneas speaking) : "ha ! tu devois en la Troyenne guerre f aire couler mon cerveau centre terre, sans me sauyer par une feinte ainsi, pour me trahir a ce cruel souci ; j'eusse eu ma part aux tombeaux de mes peres ; oil je n' attends que ces yagues am&res pour mon sepulchre.") * One of those innumerable, once fashionable, but now forgotten poems, which ■the poetasters of some two himdred years ago used to manufacture out of the Aeneid, and pass upon the world as original works of their own. It is impossible not to be struck by the resemblance between those professedly original poems, but reaUy semi-translations of the Aeneid, and our modem professed translations, but Teally semi-original poems. Both are composed altogether ad captuin vulgi ; in the same easy, flowing, and often sweet style, and with the same total, either igno- 830 AENEIDEA [96 extemplo — membea or ■«rlBetJier it was owing to the reflection that death by drowning was, in comparison with death in battle, death lost and thrown away — death redounding neither to one's own honour, nor to the advantage of one's country or the world (Senec. Agam. 517 : " nil nobile ausos pontus atque undae ferent ? ignava fortes fata consument viros ? perdenda mors est." And Hercul. Oetaeus, 1165 (Hercules speaking) : " morior, nee u transmissus e: And again, verse 1205 : ' morior, nee uUus per meiim stridet latus transmissus ensis." . . . " perdidi mortem, tei mihi 1 toties lionestam." Yal. Mace. 1. 633 (of the Minyae expecting inunediate ship- wreck) : " haec iterant, segni flentes oecumtere letto. magnanimus spectat pharetras, et inutile robur AmpHtryonides." And especially Silius' imitation, 17. 260 (of Hannibal) : " exclamat, volvens oculos caeloq^ue fretoque : ' f elix, frater, divisque aequate eadeudo, Hasdrubal ! egi'egium f ortis cui dextera in armis pugnanti peperit letum, et cui fata dedere, Ausoniam extreme teUurem apprendere morsu.' ") tout shall content myself with observing that, besides either or both these grounds for the extreme emotion felt and expressed by Aeneas, there was this ground also, that it was not his own death alone which he saw impending, but the total destruction of all his surviving friends, and of the last hopes of Troy — 1. 95 i PKAESENTEMQUE TIKIS INTENTANT OMNIA MOKTEM. Curiously enough, not only a similar fear of death by drowning, ranee or disregard, of Virgil's meaning ; the sole difference between them being the greater antiquity of the language of the former, and such change in the names of the actors, and in the places, times, and order of action, as was necessary to give to the former some colour of originality. — J. H. 97 BirrucEs] BOOK I. ,331 but a similar envy of the happier lot of those of her companions who had died on ten'a fii-ma is ascribed by Ovid, Fast. 3. 50'), to Dido's sister when in danger of perishing in a storm : " iactatvir timiidas exul Phocnissa per undas, humidaqixe oj)posita Imniiia Teste tegit. turn primiim Dido felix est dieta sorori, et quaecuuque aliqiaam coiT)oi'e pressit huuuiin." 97. DUPLICES "Dvias, secimdum antiquum morem,". Servius (ed. Lion), fol- lowed by Yoss, Forcellini, Forbiger, and Conington. " Malim pro complivatas aceipere," Steph. in Thes., followed by Schirach and Caro. I know of no argument to support the latter opinio n whereas the former is borne out, no less, on the one hand, by the exactly similar use made of triplex, viz., to signify three, Ovid, Met. U- i^o : " et triplices operire novis Minycidas alis ;" than, on the other hand, by the analogy of Aen. 6. 685 : . . . " alacris palmas uti'asque tetendit" (where we have the tendere of the two hands without any moral possibility of their being clasped), 3. 176 : . . . " tendoqiie siipinas ad caelum cum voce manus" {where there is a similarly religious tendere of the hands to heaven, with the express statement that they are supine, and where, therefore, by no possibility can they be clasped), and Callim. in Del. 106: HpTj, ctoi 5' €Ti TTifMOS avTjKees rjTop e/ceiTO* ovSe KareKKaffdTjs re /cot t irepi fjieya\^ laxov ot S' aXaKTrjrco evpeov €u6a Kai euda, G\ievy€fi€vat iroTafxovde' to Se K€yeL aKa^arop Trup, opficpop €lais— riioci;i,LA] UOOIv I. 345 lOG {€v^effdat KaKov otTov, eirei fia\a ^effffoBi vqos \afipov eniKpefiarai, KaOairep vefpos. aWa ro 7' €fXTrr]s tTTopvvrai^ 61 K G(rB\oio Ku^epyTjTripos etravp-rj. TO) Kat Tiuos oiSe ia'qfioffvvriffL veovto, affKTjSeis jxiv, wrap Tmpo^rnievor ri/j.aTi 5' aXKai avTnrepr]^ yatrj Btdvvi^i ireia'fiar' avyj^av ((Lat. transl. : " at ille tamen stemitur si mode peritum guber- natorem offenderit") where we have the similar mountain wave, the similar praeruptus aquae mons, riXijiaTU) svaXtyKtov ovoh KVfia, threatening to fall on the ship of Jason, but not falling on it, and the ship riding over it in triumph, hi summo in FLUCTU PENDENT : rai Kat TLTER FJ^UCTI'S APERIT Curiously applied by AloimusAvitus, " De transitu maris rubri" ( Poem, 5. 2) to the passage of the Red Sea by the Israelites : " tcriiim into' fluctus apcrit nunc carminis ordo." Ill {b). I'UKIT AESTirs AREM^ Vident in imo arenam aestuantem ac ferventem," La Cerda. Arknis; recte Wunderlioh explicat in fundo mari?, coll. Ovid, Ill FUKIT— AUKNIS] BOOK I. 361 Md. 11. U99" Wagner (ed. Heyn.), Forbiger. "Arenis ; auf dem meeresboden, nioht am ufer," Thiel. . . . " dort Binkenden o£Enet tief die zerlechzende woge dag land, und es siedetder sclvlumra auf." Voss' . . . f«i6 $€ a/xfios. De Bulgaria. . . . " mostra giii il boUento letto arenoso auo." Alfieri. No ; AKENis is not on the sands, but, tvith the sands ; the AESTUs pulls the sands violently about with it ; the rage (aestus) is so much the more terrible on account of the drifting quick- sands which it sets in motion and carries with it ; and so Dona- tus : " Non soliim undae, verum etiam ima pelagi, tempestatum furoribus exagitabantur." Compare Aen. 3. 657 : " Aestumis- centuT arenae." Georg. 3. 2U0 : . . . " at ima exaestuat unda vertioibus, nigvamque alte subiectat arenam." Ovid, TrM. 1. k- 6 ; " erutaque ex imis fervet arena vadis," and Ovid, Met. 11. m : ' ' fluctibus erigitur, caelumque aequare videtur pontus, et inductas aspergine tingere nubes ; at modo, Bum fulvas ex imo vertit Iverrit, Heins.] arenas concolor est illis ; Stygia modo nigrior unda. Aeti. 9. 7U ■ Sil. 17. 269 ' miscent 8e mai'ia et nigi'ae attolliintur arenae." ■ talia duni moeret, diverais flatibus acta in geininura ruit unda latus, puppimque sub atris, aequoris aggoribus tenuit, ceu turbine mersain. mox, nigris alte' pulsa exundantis arenae vorticibus, ratis aelhereas remeavit ad auras." * [aliter ril/rtc ; itlle, Heins., Barth.' 362 AENEIDEA [HI foiux— aremis Eutil. /////. 1. 639 (of the port of Pisa, in Tuscany) : " vidimus excitis pontum flavescere arenis, atque eructato vortice rura tegi." Quinct. Declam. 12. 16 : " Caeruleus imber in naves ruit ; classis inter fluctus latet; nee inter canentes coUisarum aquarum spumas vela dignoscimus ; egerit ex fundo arenas mare; raicant ignes ; intonat caelum ; scissis rudentibus tempestas sibilat." AnthoL Palat. (ed. Dubner), 9. 290 : or e| aj)TQv Ai^uos, ck ^aovs Notou €pe Ku/xa St rjepos, aWore 3 avre Ota Kara Kprjfivoio KvKiySo/xevas