fyxmll UttiMmtg fpitatg BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE S^GE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF licnrij HI. Sage 1891 /j ?/*e>3 shfa CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY MUSIC Cornell University Library ML 170.H79 Mediaeval musician historical sketch.!)' 3 1924 022 268 811 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924022268811 MEDIAEVAL MUSIC MEDIEVAL MUSIC an "Historical Sftetcb. BY ROBERT CHARLES HOPE, F.S.A., F.R.S.L., Peterkouse, Cambridge ; Lincoln's Inn; Member of the Council of the East Riding of Yorkshire A ntiguarian Society; EDITOR OF BARNABIE GOOGE's ( POPISH KINGDOME.' AUTHOR OF *A GLOSSARY OF DIALECTAL PLACE-NOMENCLATURE,' ' AN INVENTORY OF THE CHURCH PLATE IN RUTLAND,' ' THE LEPER IN ENGLAND,' 'ENGLISH GOLDSMITHS,' 'THE HOLY WELLS OF ENGLAND,' ETC, ETC. LONDON : ELLIOT STOCK, 62, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C. 1894. s PREFACE. IN compiling this elementary treatise on ' Mediaeval Music ' many and great diffi- culties have had to be coped with ; to solve them the best authorities have been appealed to, and, where such failed to supply the particular infor- mation sought for, that opinion which on mature consideration appeared most feasible has been given. The difficulties in the treatment of the subject have been largely increased by the amount of prejudice and ignorance displayed by many — especially papistical — writers on musical subjects, who have never troubled themselves independently either to trace out or follow up the history of the very interesting subject of ' Mediaeval Music' The short chapter on Harmonic or Monodic Music has been inserted with the object of showing in as clear and concise a manner as vi Preface possible the development the science of harmony had attained by the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries^, Any attempt to elucidate a complex and neg- lected subject like the present one, must of necessity call forth criticism both from those who are capable, and from those whose blind prejudice renders them incapable of expressing an opinion on the subject. That this elementary work is perfect is not for one moment claimed, the writer being painfully aware of the inadequacy of his efforts to attain to such a desired result ; the kind indulgence of the press and of the music-loving public for all shortcomings on his part, with a sincere desire to have made a contribution as accurate as possible on a little known subject,, is the desire of. the writer, who, in conclusion, tenders his grateful thanks to Mr. T. L. Southgate and to Dr. Wickham Legg, F.S.A., for looking over certain proof sheets, and to the former, for supply- ing valuable motes on the Music of Egypt' and of the East.' generally, and to the latter for . much learned information and advice .on Liturgical matte'rs generally. CONTENTS. CHAPTER FACE PREFACE - - v INTRODUCTION ... I I. MUSIC OF THE EARLY GREEKS - 14 II. THE MUSIC OF ANCIENT EGYPT, AND OF THE EAST GENERALLY- - - 20 III. PYTHAGOREAN SYSTEMS - 25 IV. THE CHRISTIAN ERA.— PTOLEMY'S IMPROVE- MENTS.— SECOND CENTURY 36 V. THE CHRISTIAN ERA.— CLAUDIUS PTOLEMY TO ST. GREGORY THE GREAT, BISHOP OF ROME 590-604 - 42 VI. ST. GREGORY THE GREAT. — HIS INDIFFERENCE TO MUSIC - - 48 VII. INTRODUCTION OF THE ORGAN. — ITS EFFECT ON MEDIAEVAL MUSIC. — A.D. 1 50-1350 - 59 VIII. MEDIAEVAL ' SYSTEM OF MUSIC, EIGHTH TO TENTH CENTURIES - - 74 Vlll Contents CHAPTER PAGE IX. USES OF THE ROMAN, MILANESE AND MOZA- RABIC LITURGIES, EIGHTH TO ELEVENTH CENTURIES - - 92 X. TETRACHORDAL AND HEXACHORDAL SYSTEMS OF HUCBALD AND GUIDO ARETINO— TENTH TO THIRTEENTH CENTURIES - - 99 XI. MEASURABLE MUSIC. — ELEVENTH TO SIX- TEENTH CENTURIES - - - 114 XII. POLYPHONIC MUSIC. — ORGANUM, FABURDON, AND COUNTERPOINT - - 1 27 XIII. MONODIC OR HARMONIC MUSIC - - -137 NOTES - - - 158 A. INDEX RERUM - - 166 B. „ NOMINUM -' - 173 C. „ LOCORUM - - 177 D. „ BIBLIOGRAPHICAL - - - 178 Mediaeval Music INTRODUCTION. ' *" I "HE Romans had no musical system of their J_ own ; they adopted that of Greece, but so misapplied the Greek terms, that to-day they are one of the chief causes of the difficulty in the way of a right understanding and appreciation of the Greek system. Greek music, therefore, cannot be effectually learnt from Roman writers.' One who, perhaps more than any other, has made ' con- fusion worse confounded,' is Boethius, born in Rome 470, died 526 a.d. His tract on music con- tains nothing but matters of mere speculation and theory, translated, often erroneously, or at best not fully, from Greek writers of high antiquity ; his account of the musical systems of Greece is mere chaos, and, to use the words of the late Sir F. 1 Mediaeval Music A. Gore Ouseley, Bart., Mus. Doc, Professor of Music in the University of Oxford, is 'no more useful to a modern musician than Newton's " Principia"to a dancer.' Rockstro, in his ' History of Music ' says of Boethius' treatise : ' Unfortun- ately, this work, though once regarded as an indispensable text-book, is too abstruse and un- practical to render any real assistance to the modern student' (p. 13). He is now fortunately accounted as one whose writings are not to be relied on, and yet, until within a few years ago, his tract of mis- readings on music was a text- book at our Universities for obtaining musical degrees. Of the musical histories of Sir John Hawkins and Dr. Burney, from which the padding of so many similar works has been drawn, the late W. Chappell remarked, alluding especially to their accounts of Greek music : ' Sir John had found that he could not understand Greek music ; and my impression is, that he had not learnt the Greek language, which would sufficiently account for it. He therefore contented himself with giving ' an impartial state of the several opinions, that at different times have prevailed among the moderns. He wrote quite unintelligibly for general readers.' Of Burney he said : ' Dr. Burney's system of writing upon ancient Greek music was identical with that of Sir John Introduction Hawkins, so far as reliance upon the moderns to have done all that was possible towards under- standing it.' Of Boethius he said : ' The treatise on music by Boethius, upon which Dr. Burney relied, has proved a most unfortunate inheritance for modern Europe. . . . No one scholar ever did, or could, learn anything from it; he was unable to teach that which he did not himself understand ; he took up music simply as a branch of arithmetic. He had no practical knowledge of music ; he could not even tell whether a Greek scale began at the top or the bottom ! the words nete and hypate — " lowest " and " highest " — bewildered him,' which was ' inexcusable because he quotes from the treatise on music by Nicomachus, who fully explains these two words.' Having dispensed with the only sound grammars of Greek music, by rejecting the Greek treatises, Burney's diffi- culties soon began. At p. 17 of his first volume he says : ' The perplexity concerning the scale, is a subject that required more time and meditation than I was able to bestow upon it ' (!). ' He had proved in his first volume that old English print- ing was too much for him to decipher, and what could he do among manuscripts ? The reader who desires to know more of the deficiencies of these, until quite recently considered the two standard historians, should consult the introduc- Medieval Music tion to the very able and exhaustive ' History of Music,' by the late William Chappell, F.S.A., only one volume of which he was spared to complete, and from which the above is quoted. A writer in the Sacristy (vol. i., p. 129) states that ' Greek music is an almost insoluble prob- lem. It was complicated to a degree.' He does not, however, make any attempt to solve the problem, maybe for similar reasons to Dr. Burney's. So much darkness instead of light having been poured on the subject of Greek music, there is little wonder it should not be understood. With regard to the so-called ' Gregorian ' music the greatest ignorance prevails. Histories after histories of music merely retail to us, without any original research, the old tale of St. Ambrose and St. Gregory's wonderful improvements in the music of the Church. This seems to be the common starting-point of most modern historians, of nearly all newspaper articles, pamphlets, lec- tures, etc., authorities for such statements never being given. It would seem a waste of time to attempt any argument with that section of the Modern High Church School who can see nothing ' correct ' unless it is a copy of the Italian Church, whether in music or ritual. The English Church — of which we have every Introduction 5 reason to be proud — has as fine a music and a more suitable ritual than any the Italian Church can produce. Why, then, should Englishmen be asked to discard that which is national for an importa- tion of a foreign mission ? By no possible reasoning can the crude, rude music — adopted at a period when in a state of apparent chaos, from causes explained within these covers — be shown to be the sacred property of the Church. Is it claimed that the state of any art, be it music, painting, sculpture or architecture at any particular period, because made use of by the Church at such time, is the sacred and peculiar property of the Church ? This would infer that any advance which might afterwards be made in one or all of these arts was not so. It would thus divide the arts, not only into two kinds, but into two periods, sacred and secular, ancient and modern, and to make use of one — the sacred property of the Church — for secular purposes, would at least be an act of irreverence, while, on the other hand, to in- troduce into the Church the profane would be desecration ! The Church, as is well known, has done more than any power to foster the arts ; she has in- corporated into her buildings and services the most advanced and perfected of everything that the arts can produce. With music every Mediaeval Music advance towards the perfection attained at the present day has been furthered by her ; each new discovery was immediately adopted by her with greediness. The organ was at a very early period introduced into the Church, and mighty efforts were made, often by her own saints, to bring the instrument to perfection, to enable the vocal music of the Church to be accompanied by it. We find the early organ-builders endeavouring to keep pace with the gradual advances made — and incorporated into the services of the Church — from the tenth century, when the first ' accidental,' B flat, was added. The attempt to reintroduce the crude chants of the Middle Ages is felt to be unsatisfactory by the very persons — ignorant of their history — who would urge their universal adoption to the exclu- sion of what we may be justly proud of, our National Chant, known as the Anglican Chant ; for we find not only are they compelled to call in the aid of a nineteenth century florid accompaniment, but a host of French and other light ' endings,' and what Sir John Stainer calls ' foliations.' To the Continent recourse is had for the many clever adulterations of ' plainsong,' for which the French and Belgians are justly renowned. Antiphons not now being used in the services of the Church of England, these so-called Gregorian chants rarely ever end on their final, and are Introduction therefore incomplete. To hear Psalm lxxviii. with its seventy-three verses, excluding the Gloria, sung in octaves to a chant comprised of four notes, or Psalm cvi. with forty-three verses, to a chant of three notes only, will, it is believed, strike most people as apt to become a trifle monotonous and wearisome. Then, again, the inconsistency of the advocates of this music on the grounds of its antiquity, is beyond question by the adoption and use of the free modern accompaniment, an anachronism and a gross incongruity. The late Dr. Dykes said that ' ancient melodies decked out in the license of modern harmonies are revolting,' and so they are. It is the fanciful and erroneous idea as to the origin and use of the miscalled Gregorian music, only, that has secured for the chants a place in the service of the Church of England by a very limited section of the sentimental clergy, who imagine, prejudiced with the aforesaid opinion, that there is some peculiar solemnity attaching to them. That this feeling of solemnity is not general, may be gathered from the expressions regarding them held by men whose opinions are, it will be admitted on all hands, entitled to respect. There should be no antagonism between those who favour the Italian and those who favour the Anglican music, each being quite distinct. Anglican 8 Mediaeval Music music is music composed by Englishmen, especially for Englishmen, for the services of the Church of England, and has been the music adopted by the Church of England only, of which there is proof beyond a doubt; but as there are clergy in the Church of England who prefer to adopt the ritual and music of the Church of Italy, so are there those whose national and patriotic instincts guide them to adhere to the English ritual — not Sarum — and English music. Mendelssohn says : ' I can't help it, but I own it does irritate me to hear such holy and touching words sung to such dull, drawling music. They say it is canto fermo, Gregorian, etc. No matter. If at that period there was neither the feeling, nor the capability to write in a different style, at all events we have now the power to do so, and certainly this mechanical monotony is not to be found in the Scriptural words ; they are all truth and freshness, and moreover expressed in the most simple and natural manner. Why, then, make them sound like a mere formula? and in truth such singing as this is nothing more. Can this be called sacred music ? There is certainly no false expression in it, because there is none of any kind ; but does not this very fact prove the desecration of the words ?' (In one of his letters to Lady Wallace.) The late Canon the Rev. Sir F. A. Gore Ouseley, Introduction Bart., M.A., Mus. Doc, Professor of Music at the University of Oxford, and Precentor of Hereford Cathedral, denounced the Plainsong as ' an offence ' unto him. The late Sir George Macfarren, M.A., Mus.Doc, Professor of Music at the University of Cam- bridge, and President of the Royal Academy of Music, in his ' Lectures on Harmony,' 2nd edition, p. 12 (Longmans), wrote: 'Those well-meaning men who would resuscitate the standard use of so-called Gregorian music in the Church of England evince mistaken zeal, and false anti- quarianism, illogical deductiveness, artistic blind- ness and ecclesiastical error.' The late Rev. Dr. Dykes, M.A., Mus. Doc, described them as ' having had their day.' The late Dr. Samuel Sebastian Wesley depre- cated 'the plainsong being intruded into our choirs.' The late Professor John Hullah spoke of it as ' strange, dull, uncouth sort of stuff.' The following legend is gravely related by Da Corte in his 'Storia di Verona,' p. 107 of the Venetian edition of 1744 : — ' Gregory the Great, to stimulate his devotion, used to visit the graves of the departed. Whilst so engaged, he once saw one of the tdmbs uplifted, and the head of a long- buried man appear, with his pale tongue thrust out, as if in agony. The saint, nothing daunted, io Mediasval Music accosted the spectre, and was informed that he was the Emperor Trajan, condemned to suffer forever for his idolatry. Pitying so illustrious a sufferer, the saint resolved to importune the Divine mercy for him, and succeeded so well that the Almighty at length set the Emperor free and admitted him into Paradise. But, as the course of Divine justice had been interrupted, He resolved to inflict some bodily suffering upon the saint, who had been the means of its interruption, and accord- ingly ordained that Gregory should be afflicted with pain in the abdomen — dolore intestinale — except at such times as he should be occupied in saying Mass. Gregory then bethought himself of some way of avoiding his malady by prolonging the service of the Mass to the utmost extent, and so he instituted the chant called after him Gregorian, which was at first more prolix and dreary than it has since become. Some thought this rather hard of the saint, because this style of the chant, though it would relieve him of his pains, would be very apt to give others the pain in the abdomen from its length and dreari- ness.' Another story of the Gregorian chant may not inaptly follow this. A certain prelate having attended service at an English church where this music was in use, was asked afterwards by the Vicar how he had liked the music. ' Oh, very Introduction 1 1 well,' was the reply. ' But,' said the Vicar, ' what did you think of the Psalms ?' ' Oh, pretty well,' said the prelate. ' It is traditionally recorded,' said the Vicar, ' that the tones are the original ones to which David composed the Psalms.' ' Really,' replied the prelate, ' you don't say so ! Ah ! then I don't 1 wonder at Saul throwing his javelin at him.' Mr. Birbeck's very sensible and pertinent remarks, anent these chants and their place in the Church of England, in the Newbery House Magazine, vol. iii., 596, etc., should be noted. ' They are far from being devoid of interest, but it is not on that account their use should be urged to accomplish the speedy expulsion of all Anglican chants from the services of the Church.' The study of the music of the Middle Ages is indispensable to the would-be educated musician ; a just appreciation and true understanding of modern music can only thereby be attained. On the other hand, the systems of ancient music cannot be mastered and understood without the knowledge of the principles on which modern music is grounded. ' It is impossible clearly to understand what the established forms of musical structure meant, un- less we knew how they had grown up : history was as much a key to the true philosophy of 12 Mediaeval Music music as acoustics, and that both ought to be studied together, as such a mode of study would assuredly clear away many of the fal- lacies by which musical theory was at present encumbered.'* Of the many valuable works on mediaeval music now available to the musical and theological student, the publications — which include fac- similes of rare and ancient service books — of the Plain Song and Mediaeval Music Society cannot be too highly recommended. The address of the secretary is 14, Westbourne Terrace Road, W., from whom all information can be obtained. The clergy, as a body, to whom the study and knowledge of music, whether Gregorian so-called or Anglican, is of such great importance, nay almost an essential, considering how closely is music interwoven with the services of the Church, rarely ever trouble to learn anything respecting it, taking for gospel any statement or assertion made by members of their own profession, in pamphlets, lectures, or letters in newspapers. Let them read, mark, learn, and inwardly digest, the works of trustworthy musical and liturgical writers, that they may be enabled to see that their choirs are taught to Sing with Understanding. * Dr. Pole, 'Trans. Mus. Ass.,' 1878-9, p. 97. Introduction 1 3 It should not be forgotten that chants, hymns, and services, can be, and are still, as of old, com- posed in these octave scales. It is a mistaken idea that anything written on a stave of four lines in square notes is an old ' Gregorian.' CHAPTER I. MUSIC OF THE EARLY GREEKS. MUSIC differs from her sisters of the fine arts in that she is transient, and more nearly connected with pure sensation. Helmholtz observes : 'The sensations of tone are the materials of the art, and, so far as these sensations are excited in music, we do not create out of them any fmages of external objects or actions, nor, apart from words, actions, or association of ideas can emotions be conveyed by music' The art is purely conventional, and appeals to the mind in a manner totally different from the other arts. ' Music is incomparably the most original of arts ; it is the pure creation of human intellect. Music is the perfection of an art, for it has no evil tendency ; it also has a far greater and more immediate influence upon the mind than any other art.'* Music is based on a trinity — sensation, rhythm, melody — which cannot be divided, else music, as an art, would cease to be. * Chappell, ' History of Music,' xlvi. Music of the Early Greeks 15 Music is either vocal or instrumental ; the former, a gift inherent in man, is the most ancient, and is more or less at the immediate command of all mankind. Instrumental, on the contrary, is a matter of cultivation, in which a certain amount of technical labour is necessary to overcome mechanical obstacles, before it can be made use of. The three divisions of instruments are pulsa- tile, wind, strings, and the three appear to have been adopted in this order. The wind, it is said, has never been cultivated where the drum, in some form, had not been in previous use, nor the strings where the pipe had not first been adopted. The earliest form of music was homophonic, that is, one single part or melody. Helmholtz informs us that this kind still obtains in China, India, and among the Arabs, Turks, and the modern Greeks, notwithstanding the greatly de- veloped systems of music possessed by spme of these people. The Pentatonic or five-note scale is the most ancient. It is found not only among the Chinese, but also the other branches of the Mongol race, the Malays of Java and Sumatra, the inhabitants of Hudson's Bay, and of New Guinea, the Fullah negroes, the inhabitants of North Africa and of Abyssinia, the Fijians, Hindoos, Siamese, Afghans, and in Asia generally, also in Mexico, Scotland, and Ireland. It is also said to be the natural 1 6 Medieval Music scale with very young children. Olympus intro- duced the Asiatic flute with a scale of five notes into Greece, where the scale was at one period in use.* The national instrument of Greece was the lyre or phorminx. It had four strings of equal length, but of varying thicknesses; in the absence of a finger-board, the strings could produce, on being plucked, the notes only to which they were tuned. Instrumental solo playing was of purely Asiatic origin, and in this way only was the Greek lyre used ; it never accompanied the voice. Before a recitation, a few notes by way of a prelude or introduction were twanged on it, possibly for the double purpose of arresting the attention of the auditory and of giving the pitch to the reciter. Thus was the lyre, and the method of using it, to the time of Terpander, the iEolian, a native of Lesbos, the then centre of Greek civilization and refinement, who flourished c. 780 — 700 B.C. Terpander not only increased the number of the notes of the scale, but also the number of the strings on the lyre to correspond to them ; he also introduced great improvements in the manner of using the instrument. A period of his life was spent in the service of the priests at Delphi; whilst here he is credited with having been the composer of hymns, called * Engel, ' Music of the Most Ancient Nations,' Chapter IV. Music of the Early Greeks 17 nomes or laws, because the words were accom- panied with the lyre in a regular and systematic order, a note for every syllable, for the first time.* At another period he visited Sparta, the centre of the Dorian civilization, by request, to reform the music. The Dorian scale he found differed from his own, the jEolian; it comprised the notes E F G A : whereas the ^Eolian embraced the notes A B D E : m — *^. To these notes the strings of the respective lyres were tuned. It is not unlikely, therefore, that to him is the credit due of joining the two scales at the common note A ; the C in the jEolian portion of this octave scale was omitted, being out of tune, owing to the method in vogue of tuning the lyre, by which the interval from A to C was greater than a major third, whilst the interval from C to E was much less than a minor third. This improved and extended scale of seven notes Terpander applied * Plutarch, ' De Mus.,' 28. 2 1 8 Medieval Music to the lyre of the Greeks by the addition of three strings corresponding to the three notes B D E : m To Sappho, the poetess (c. 610), of Mitylene in the Island of Lesbos, has been ascribed the introduction into Greece of the Babylonian scale BCD EFG A: mi formed of two tetrachords conjoined at E ; and also the use of the plectrum.* An effort was made to assimilate the symmetry of this seven-note scale of Sappho's. It was accomplished, possibly by Terpander, by lowering B in the highest tetrachord of his seven-note scale a semitone, filling up the gap between B and D, and omitting the upper E :t * Plutarch, ' De Mus.,' 16 ; Rowbotham, ' H. of M.,' ii. 136. Suidas, art. ' Sappho.' f Rowbotham, ii. 52. Music of the Early Greeks 19 The scale remained in this form to the time of Pythagoras.* The method of using the lyre was still further improved by one Archilochus, c. 680 B.C., a poet of Paros, the accredited inventor of the elegy and classic Iambic, a contemporary of Terpander. Part of his life was spent in the gold-fields of Thasos, a small island in the iEgean Sea. Whilst here he was brought into contact with traders from Tyre, in Phoenicia, from whom he obtained, and learnt how to use, an Iambuca, a triangular- shaped instrument, very closely resembling the Egyptian Sambuca. The method of using this instrument differed considerably from the accepted custom of the Greeks with their lyre. The Greeks accompanied the songs note for note with the voice, whereas the accompaniment on the Iambuca was absolutely free and independent of the voice, and was played above it, the melody being in the bass.f A true tetrachord with the Greeks always began with a semitone, and proceeded upwards in this order : semitone — tone — tone. * Rowbotham, ii. 139. f Plutarch, ' De Mus.,' cap. 28. CHAPTER II. THE MUSIC OF ANCIENT EGYPT, AND OF THE EAST GENERALLY. THE ancient Egyptians, it is inferred from the contemporary sculptures and representa- tions found in the tombs at Gizeh and elsewhere, were conversant with the diatonic system, prob- ably as much so as we of the nineteenth century. The tombs of the great Pyramid of the kings at Gizeh are as early as the sixth year of Usertesen II., taking us back to a period nearly three thousand years before Christ. Actual instruments found also in the tombs, not only support, but prove unquestionably and beyond all doubt this fact.* A pair of double flutes dis- covered in the tomb of the Lady Maket by Mr. Flinders Petrie, F.S.A., whilst excavating in the Fayoum, are fully and admirably described, with illustrations, in the ' Proceedings of the Musical * Musical Times, vol. xxxi. The Music of the East 21 Association,' 1890-1891, by Mr. T. L. Southgate, who also played upon them at the Royal Academy of Music, to an English audience, some 4,000 years after they had been made. Mr. Southgate* proved conclusively, from these and other ancient Egyptian flutes, that the scale of ancient Egypt was the same as our own ; and that long before the Greeks had a scale at all, the Egyptians were using every note which we employ in our modern music. To this wonderful and mysterious people we are indebted for our scale. The Greek philosophers were merely the inter- mediaries in the descent of music, and were not the inventors of the scale as has been commonly supposed. Fragments of these may be seen in the Louvre, the British, Paris, Florence and Leyden museums, and illustrations of these instruments will be found in the three volumes on the ' Manners and Customs of Ancient Egypt,' by the late Gardner Wilkinson, and notably in Rosellini's splendid work. Their scale is assumed to have been diatonic, whilst for their instruments portions of the Chro- matic and Enharmonic scales were employed. The latter scale comprised two quarter tones in the place of each of the two semitones and a major * 'Proceedings of the Musical Association,' 1890-1891. 22 Mediaeval Music third in succession.* An account of the wonderful flute found at Akhmin, giving these intervals, has been described by Mr. T. L. Southgate-t The musical systems of Babylon, Assyria, Nineveh and Phoenicia, were probably very simi- lar, if they were not identical with that of the Egyptians. From the diminutive size of the instruments of the Assyrians, as depicted, it is a reasonable sup- position that they were partial to shrill, high- sounding notes, while the Egyptians, on the other hand, from the ponderous size of the majority of the harps depicted in the tombs, would seem to have favoured deep low sounds. The lute or guitar tribe of instruments of Egypt, unlike those of early Greece, were furnished with a finger-board, enabling the sound- ing of two or more notes at one and the same time, as is done on the modern violin and instru- ments of that species in our own day. Each separate body of vocal and instrumental performers was, according to the wall pictures, provided with one or more performers keeping time by clapping their hands, a proof that their music was rhythmical. The orchestras show combinations of instru- ments of various shapes and sizes of wind and * Engel's ' Music of the Most Ancient Nations,' 164. t ' Proceedings of the Musical Association,' 1890-1891. The Music of the East 23 string being employed together. This, with our knowledge of their being able to produce different notes simultaneously on their lyres, is fair pre- sumption that harmony was known to and prac- tised by them. The diatonic scale of Egypt has been proved, from original instruments found in the tombs, to have been the same as the Babylonian one said to have been introduced into Greece by Sappho* (c. 610), and which was incorporated with that of Greece. Egypt, until the reign of Psammetichus I., was as impenetrable to the Greeks as the interior of China is to Europeans at the present day. Psammetichus I., 666 — 600 B.C., threw Egypt open to the Greeks, who were not slow to avail themselves of the opportunity afforded them ; and from this period is to be traced the great advances in all those arts and sciences in which afterwards they so signally excelled. Can it for a moment be doubted but that the Greeks, having borrowed both the lyre, the flute, and the scale from Egypt, would hesitate to adopt and incorporate into their musical system the ' harmony ' of that people also ? That they did use harmony is certain, but of course it was not so fully and completely developed as is our modern system ; with the finger-board added to * Plutarch, 16. 24 Mediaeval Music their lyres they certainly possessed the means of making or combining any notes. The harps of Egypt, strange to say, are always represented without a post to support the frame bearing the great strain of the strings* — so their tone could only have been feeble. The systems of notation adopted by the Egyp- tians, Assyrians, Hebrews, etc., are unknown. With reference to that of Chaldsea, Sir Henry Rawlinson — en passant — states in his account of the clay tablets found at Nineveh, writing in April, 1853 : ' On the clay tablets which we have found at Nineveh, and which are now to be counted by thousands, there are explanatory treatises on almost every subject under the sun ; the art of writing grammars and dictionaries, notation, weights and measures, divisions of time, etc' The Chinese and Japanese use the same dia- tonic scale as we employ, but the music of the Egyptians, Persians, and portions of Turkey in Asia seems to be founded on the Arab scale, which itself is probably derived from the more ancient and complex system of the Hindoos, a system which divides its octave into twenty -two notes. * Chappell, 'History of Music'; Gardner Wilkinson's ' Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians,' corrected by S. Birch, 3 vols., 1878. CHAPTER III. PYTHAGOREAN SYSTEMS. PYTHAGORAS, the philosopher, born in Samos B.C. 571, died 497, when about twenty years of age went to Egypt and Chaldea, where he spent some years investigating the sub- ject of the immortality of the soul, and other matters. To him has been ascribed a further extension of the Greek scale, and the increasing of the number of strings on the lyre to fifteen. The two systems which bear his name are known as (1) the lesser or conjunct, and (2) the greater or disjunct systems. The lesser or conjunct system comprised the scale of Sappho, the proslambanomenos or added note below, with the upper tetrachord of Terpan- der's later and improved scale added or conjoined above at 'a,' the tetrachords of Sappho and Ter- pander overlapping and being united or conjoined at E and A : hence the term conjunct : _^Jta -g- - - m :sr_ -&- =£ 26 Mediaeval Music The tetrachords are marked off for clearness. The greater or disjunct system consisted of Sappho's scale with the proslambanomenos below, and repeated at the distance of an octave above, forming a complete scale of two octaves. The second and third tetrachords are disjointed at ' a,' hence the term ' disjunct system.' tl -e- V ■CT" These scales were transposed to any pitch required. The proslambanomenos, or added note, was a note placed at the bottom of the scale, which although used and counted from, was not reckoned as part of the scale proper, because of the Greek rule, which required that each tetrachord should commence with a semitone. Modulation. Four kinds of modulation, mutation, or change were admitted :* I. Genus, i.e., from diatonic to chromatic or enharmonic. From chromatic to diatonic or en- harmonic. From enharmonic to diatonic or chromatic. II. System, i.e.', from the greater to the lesser or lesser to the greater systems. * Chappell, 103. Euclid, p. 20. Pythagorean Systems 27 III. Pitch, i.e., usually from a closely allied 'key' by taking the fourth above or below for the new mese or key-note, which necessitated the addition of but one sharp or flat more or less than required by the mode or key from which the transposition was made, as from Dorian to Hypo-Dorian, or Mixo-Lydian modes. IV. Melopceia, or change from gay to grave, and so on. The ' key-note ' was forbidden, under any circumstances, to be approached by an interval less than a tone. ™, , Hyper- ) was used to express the ( above 1 ne term HypQ j interval of a fourth j be j ow as Dorian E Hyper-Dorian A dominant. Hypo- Dorian B = nant modern sub- modern domi- The names of the modes were afterwards changed and were known as follows : — Mixo-Lydian =the key of G minor Lydian = Phrygian = Dorian or Hypo- Mixo-Lydian = Hypo- Lydian = Hypo- Phrygian = Hypo-Dorian = When applied to the lyre, the Lydian and Hypo- F E D C B A 28 Medieval Music Lydian modes were taken a semitone higher, F# and Cjjl minor being their equivalent modes, for reasons explained on page 32. Mese. The key-note of the Greek modes was called the mese, because, instead of being the first note of the mode or scale, as is customary with us, it was the middle note of the octave, or rather of the scale of seven notes ; the eighth was not counted, being but a repetition of the first note at a higher pitch. From the mese or middle note, the octave was reckoned by counting four notes down, from, and including it, to five notes upwards from it ; thus, in the Dorian mode the mese was G, and the fourth note below and the fifth above it = D, d, and within the range D — d the octave of the Dorian mode lay. The mese may be likened to the key-stone in the arch, it holds and binds together the two tetrachords forming the octave. But when a scale of two octaves was employed, the term mese, the middle note, was also applied to the note at the junction of the two octaves. Thus, in the Hypo-Dorian mode of two octaves, the note 'a' in the middle of the two octaves extend- ing from A — a — a was called the mese. The mese, therefore, had two meanings : in one case it represented the key-note, i.e., the fourth note, Pythagorean Systems 29 and in the other the eighth — the fourth note, how- ever, was still the mese of each of the two octaves. It was, therefore, always the middle note of a scale or mode, and of both single and double octaves. 'All the supposed inscrutability of the Greek modes rests upon the misunderstanding of this simple point — the difference between a complete Greek scale of two octaves and a single octave of the same. It is that difference only which made them an insolvable riddle to Sir John Hawkins, as well as to others both before and after his time.' ' If the Greeks would but have changed the name of their key-note to one less misleading, when they made their lyres of eight or ten strings, it can hardly be supposed that their system could have remained so long a mystery to the moderns; or that the thorough identity of the Greek with our old minor scale should not have been perceived.'* In either case the mese, in its original place — the fourth note— can be found ; in any mode or portion of a mode or octave, it is that note, which, counting from and including it, has the interval of a semi- tone between the second and third notes, both above and below it. The mese being found, the mode of which it is the key-note is always that which lies within the intervals of a fourth below ■and a fifth above it. When the scale includes two octaves, the second octave is but a repetition of the lower one, at a higher or lower pitch. * Chappell's ' H. of M.,' pp. 84-5. 3° Mediaeval Music 3 < Pi o < u OS 5 H « H to s h w C5 5« + 14 LO « (T CM H O en «U *■ K 5* w ■< o If} H K fa O 3 _ Cfi H > Ph T3 n,-. < &~ 55 K « UJ — H , X id + * =H hJ a *~ is w < o en M a a O H ►J n H Ed > ■< « CM S o CJ + 2 £ in L » P. H § =3 •UOuaunnauAg "OS £ S -a a p. H S3 a. «o e5 i •o Xt II (4 V a S B o J5 CI « EL, 1 Pi *8 18 - SI "SI . 0) S ° 2 ** .2 bO O to • a * "2 "5 S-a o " M° - s "c a) S o b w q u ca «s ■spjoqDM»3X I I. •uosapi *uo5EcLtjj O u- w D u n < a b o b u q u n b U Pythagorean Systems 31 The semitones, it will be observed in Diagram A, occupy the first place, that is, they occur at the beginning of each scale, and of all the above tetrachords forming the scale, the proslambano- menos not being reckoned as a note of the scale, though used. The white keys of our organs, A, B, C, D, E, F, G, form the intervals of the ancient Egyptian and Greek diatonic scale. The diagrams of Alypius, of Claudius Ptolemy* and others, down to that of Boethius, all alike prove that one Greek scale differed from another in nothing but pitch. ' The tones,' says Bryennius, ' differ from one another in no other respect than in their positions as to acuteness and gravity, as has already been shown.' Kal yap ovSevl irepcp ol tovol aKKrjXav Sievrjvo^acriv, el firj r
Toirto t?)s re da>vfj<; Kal rod opyavov a>
iv tot? e/wrp'o? 8ev SeSei/CTai.f
Method of Tuning the Lyre.
When tuning the octave, or seven-stringed lyre,
the Greeks had a rule that the first string should —
no matter what the mode was — be constant ; it
never varied, somewhat after the custom we have
of tuning one of the strings of our violins and
other instruments of that class to A, from which
all the other strings are then regulated.
* Harmonicorum Libri tres ex Codd MSS., ed. J. Wallis,
Oxonii, 1682, 4to.
f Bryennius, p.48i,fol., Wallis's ed.; Chappell, i. 115-116.
32 Mediaeval Music
The first or lowest string of the lyre is usually
taken to have been A, and the other strings were
tuned from it. To obviate the difficulty with the
Lydian and Hypo - Lydian modes which re-
quired the A to be flat, these modes, as before
mentioned, were taken a semitone higher in Fjf
and Cti minor respectively.
Now, it is obvious that with the first string
always tuned to A, one only of the modes could
ever be applied to the lyre in its entirety. What
was done, therefore, was this : that portion of each
mode was taken, starting from A and proceeding
upwards, and applied to the lyre, or rather the
strings of the lyre were tuned to correspond with
the notes of the particular mode from this point
upwards : the portions of each mode below A and
above g or a had of necessity to be omitted.
The diagram B, p. 34, explains this clearly.
The only mode which could be applied in its
entirety was the Hypo-Dorian. The vertical lines
contain the limited portion of each mode which it
was possible to transfer to the lyre.
The semitones in the modes never varied ; they
always occurred between the first and second
intervals, excluding the proslambanomenos, and
between the fourth and fifth.
In the diagram, it will be seen that in those
portions of the modes between the vertical lines
to which the lyre was tuned, the semitones occur
Pythagorean Systems 3 3
in different places in each. Now, if these portions
are transposed to the key of A minor they appear
as in the diagram C. Compare these with the
mediaeval modes in Chapter VIII., which have
not, however, the same names. The names to
the modes under (1) are the true Greek names,
those under (2) are the false Greek names given
to the Mediaeval modes by. Glareanus, born 1488,
died 1563: It will be seen there is no -affinity
between them, except with the Hypo-Dorian mode.
The Dorian mode always occupied the middle
of the system of modes. Each transposition,
vvhich we term key, bore the name of some
Greek province.
If the method of tuning the lyre, as above de-
scribed, is clearly understood, it will be obvious how
great would be the confusion caused by taking
the portions of the true scales on the lyre to be the
complete scales themselves. A careful study of
the diagrams B and C should render any such
course an impossibility. One continuous proof
runs throughout all ancient treatises on Greek
music, that every mode or scale was tuned in
precisely the same way, viz., always to its own
mese or keynote. For that reason alone it must
have been identical as to intervals, just as are
modern scales.*
* Chappell, 115.
34
Medieval Music
-rrn rrm
CI
i
<
Q r
< 5 <&
^5}
=*t*t :
*
.A
id
►Si
lM)1roifft^tl#
so
i
.1
*
§
s
I
K»A
I
i
J*
-Si a
ag
£■§
.1.2
o
u .
c >>
CO
•U CD
. C - C
■;T3
•■§ £-"
& a » _
a> *^ w
o c g
= 33
y -
-&-&_
221
-&■
"22:
-zr-s^
m
^532
■<
.H^t=
-n-e*—
,-©•
B
&^T&-&
^
s>=-" e-
22-:=S=E=
:d$&\
$
ZSSl
~S1 ZZZZl
-==&zr°zr
The small lines under the notes mark the semitones.
CHAPTER IV.
THE CHRISTIAN ERA. — PTOLEMY'S IMPROVE-
MENTS. — SECOND CENTURY.
THE greatest of all improvements was made in
the second century of the Christian era by
Claudius Ptolemy, an Egyptian mathematician,
born at Pelusium, who flourished 139 a.d. He in-
sisted on a scale of not less than two octaves,*
and rejected, therefore, the lesser system of
Pythagoras,f and adopted the greater system ; and
here was the great improvement, which has con-
tinued to the present time. The tones in both
the octaves were all major, and consequently
sounded very harsh; he therefore ruled that the
tones between the intervals of the fourth and fifth,
and between the seventh and eighth, including
the proslambanomenos, should be minor. This
order of major and minor tones produced an effect
exactly the same as our old or true minor mode
does when played in tune.
* Chappell, 93. t Ibid., 92.
The Christian Era
37
A — B = major tone, f
B — C = semitone, ££
C — D = major tone, f
D — E = minor tone, V
E — F = semitone, ^|
F — G = major tone, £
G — A = minor tone, -V 1
(3 major tones
2 minor tones
2 semitones
The seven notes
of the diatonic
scale.
These eight modes of Ptolemy's were formed
by a series of six perfect fourths, taken upwards,
or of perfect fifths downwards, starting from any
note of the diatonic scale, and arranged in alpha-
betical order from the lowest note upwards, with
the proslambanomenos placed a whole tone be-
fore this lowest note. Example : Let B equal
the note, then B to E, E to A, A to D, D to G,
G to C, C to F=B C D E F G A; place the
proslambanomenos a whole tone below B, and
the result is this scale, ABCDEF G A, or the
first octave of the Hypo-Dorian mode.
The diagram D, p. 39, founded upon one by
Zarlino, shows the perfected system of Ptolemy in
a clear manner.
The difference between a major tone and a
minor tone is |£. The upper note in a major
tone has nine vibrations to every eight of the lower
note, hence a major tone=f, while in a minor
tone the proportions are ^, and 1x^=1^.
The diminishing of the interval between the
seventh and eighth degrees of the octave, from a
major to a minor tone, was the first step towards
38 Mediaeval Music
the ultimate substitution of a semitone for a tone
between the interval of the seventh and eighth,
which modern music for some reason deems a
necessity (Chappell and others).
Lines and spaces, clefs and notes, as we under-
stand the terms, were unknown prior to the
twelfth century.
The major scale does not appear to have been
generally adopted before the latter part of the
sixteenth century.
Ptolemy, to bring the octave of all the modes into
the middle of the voice, lowered or transposed
the seven scales — the eighth being but a repetition
of the first at a higher pitch — a fourth downwards.
The diagram E pp. 40-41 contains, side by side,
for clearness, the positions of the original and
transposed scales at the interval of a fourth.
This lowering of the strings necessitated the
use of either larger instruments or thicker strings.
The vertical lines mark off the portion of the
modes which could be accompanied on the lyre.
The proslambanomenos still appears as if it were
a part of the system, and consequently the semi-
tone in each of the two tetrachords forming the
two octaves, seems to occur between the second and
third degrees of the scale— A B C D, D E_F G.
The tendency to move the semitone upwards,
and the various attempts made to accomplish this,
form not one of the least interesting subjects for
observation.
The Christian Era
39
Ptolemy's Perfected Greek System.
The Syntonus or Intense Diatonic.
{■greater semitone in the ratio of \%.
The diatonic tetrachord = -J a major tone ,, ,, £•
la minor tone „ ,, V-
The diapason = an octave (dia, through ; pason, all), in the ratio
off.
The diapente = a fifth (dia, through ; pente, five), in the ratio
of|.
The diatessaron = a fourth (dia, through ; tessaron, four), in the
ratio off.
DIAGRAM D.
H.DORjAgp
fr
B
A
C
B"
D
C
E
F
E"
G
F
LYDIAN
F»
G»
A
B
C»
D
E
PHRYGIAN
E
?*
G
A
B
C
D
DORIAN
D
E
F
G
A
B b
C
H.L
C»
D«
E
F»
G»
A
B
H.P
B
C*
D
E
F*
G
A
H.O
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
\
A
G
F»
E
D
C*
B
DIAGRAM E. Eight j
Original Pitch.
Hypo-Dorian.
m
i
slB.
^^^
ZZ2Z
Mixo-Lydian.
^
V>*^- a . \ ,
s
isi^:
=PZ
Lydian.
^ fcziz^ ^
I
¥
=§?=
5^^
Phrygian.
<&% ~^g
i
Eij|s
Dorian.
m
■Aw-g-Q
^©^
i>©-<=-
19-
£
Hypo-Lydian.
^gjglg g
-^%#f
ife
«BI
Hypo-Phrygian.
Si
fe-a
33^
^=P*
i
pip
■^: i« sz
Hypo-Dorian.
m
i
fc=^
714* asterisk denotes ti
The rule for finding the mese, and thei
s of the Greek Lyre.
As transposed by Claudius Ftolemy.
d^
^a^^l
I
-r ^ZZ
Ifo*^
M
* J*?^
fc" „ rz PO &
-&-
w^^^
dfc±
^El
m
&&
m=^
$m
=§£=
m
#==
^
-4s=
I
®fiE?E
PS
flhr^:
3feft#
gffe^jgg
teiMfe
z*»
4*
PP
1^
fc^
-Sfe**
tt
' ffU^-g fc
22^
f ^
£EEpZ
£-^
«-«=-"
OE
; ; s=2z
23^
•©-
« «• key-note of the mode.
sy, is described in Chapter III., p. 28.
CHAPTER V.
THE CHRISTIAN ERA.— CLAUDIUS PTOLEMY TO ST.
GREGORY THE GREAT, BISHOP OF ROME 59O-
604.
Antiphonal Singing.
ANTIPHONAL singing was essentially anti-
Greek, introduced from Jewish and Syrian
customs ; witness the tradition which ascribes its
introduction to St. Ignatius of Antioch, who was
martyred about a.d. 107. It appears to have been
incorporated into the service of the Church so
early as no A.D. ; for Pliny the younger, who in the
second century had been appointed Pro-consul of
Bithynia, reporting to the Emperor Trajan con-
cerning the Christians, declared that, having
examined many of them, he found the chief of their
faults or errors was that they were ' accustomed to
meet before daylight on a certain day and sing
among themselves alternately — secum invicem — a
hymn to Christ as God.'
St. Irenaeus, a native of Asia Minor, and Bishop
of Lyons in Gaul 177, is said to have intro-
The Christian Era 43
duced into his diocese a Liturgy called by some
the Ephesine Liturgy, but which is better known
as the Old Gallican Liturgy, and there is some
evidence that this Old Gallican Liturgy was used
in the British Isles before and after the coming
of St. Augustine in 596 ; St. Ignatius is reputed
to have introduced antiphonal singing into the
musical services of the Gallican Church in the
West*
Sylvester, Bishop of Rome 314-336, is supposed
to have been the first to found singing schools at
Rome, and in several towns where the Christian
religion had become implanted.
During the episcopacy of Leontius, the semi-
Arian, c. 350, who organized processions through
the city, crying out, ' Where are they who assert
that the Son is as great as the Father ?' and
singing, ' Glory be to the Father, in the Son, and by
the Holy Ghost,' there were also in Antioch two
laymen, of great repute for the sanctity of their
lives, afterwards consecrated, the one Flavian,
Bishop of ■ Antioch, and the other Diodorus,
Bishop of Tarsus. These holy men endeavoured
to counteract the heresy of Leontius and his
following, and, to further this end, organized
counter-processions, going about the city, after
the manner of the Arians, carrying lighted tapers
in their hands, walking in couples, and singing,
* Hawkins, i. 105.
44 Mediaeval Music
' Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to
the Holy Ghost,' thus giving, as the Church has
ever since, equal glory and praise to the three
Persons in the one blessed and ever undivided
Trinity. The method of singing was antiphonal,
the men singing one verse, the boys responding.
This antiphonal singing was exceedingly popular,
and became almost universal.* Its popularity is
said to have materially aided in drawing the people
from their attendance at the heretical services of
Leontius, the singing captivating the people.
St. Basil, Archbishop of Csesarea 371, d. 379,
was partly educated in Athens, where he became
acquainted with the antiphonal method of singing
known as the Alexandrian style, which was rather
speaking than singing, through the example of
St. Athanasius. He introduced the melodies of
the chanters of Antioch, and antiphonal singing
after the model of the singing in Egypt, Lydia,
Thebes, Palestine, and amongst the Arabians,
the Phoenicians, Syrians, and Mesopotamians,
into the 150 sees in his province on sandy Csesarea.
To this and other innovations some of his clergy
— notably Sabellus and Marcellus— in 363 ob-
jected, and took 'occasion to incense the Church
* Full authorities on the point of antiphonary and anti-
phonal singing are given p. 11, Chappell's ' H. of M.' Greek
antiphonal is our congregational singing ; where men sing,
naturally, the corresponding sounds an octave below women
and children.
The Christian Era 45
against him, as having been the author of new
devices in the service of God.'*
Damasus, Bishop of Rome 367-384, introduced
the custom of chanting, instead of reciting the
Psalms, into the Western Church and ordered
they should terminate with the Gloria Patri, etc.
St. Ambrose, once the governor of Liguria,
and who began life as a Roman magistrate,
became the eighth day after his baptism Bishop
of Milan, in the north of Italy, 374, being then
thirty-four years of age ; he died 398. He had a
great admiration for St. Basil, whose music and
antiphonal method of singing he introduced into
Italy.
He is frequently quoted, without any authority
whatsoever, as having founded, or introduced, a
system of music peculiar in its use and adoption
by the Church, fancifully called Ambrosian music,
or the use of Milan.
St. Ambrose never claimed such honour ; on the
contrary, in a letter to his sister, St. Marcelona,
he wrote that he merely wished to take upon
himself the task of regulating the tonality, and the
mode of execution of the hymns, psalms, and
antiphons, that were sung in the church which he
had founded at Milan.
There is some probability that his task consisted
* Hawkins (Novello's ed.), i. 106 ; ' Vales, in Socrat.,'
lib. iv., cap. xxvi.
4.6 Mediaeval Music
in the introduction of instrumental music as well
as antiphonal singing into his diocese ; he also
ordained that the psalms and hymns should be
sung after the style of the oriental churches, as St.
Basil had done.
St. John Chrysostom 380, died 407, was
ordained deacon by Meletius, and priest or pres-
byter by Flavian, Bishop of Antioch. He was
consecrated Archbishop of Constantinople 380,
in which place he introduced the antiphonal sing-
ing and ceremonial of Antioch.
The ' Te Deum,' set to music, and known as the
Ambrosian ' Te Deum,' was not the work of St.
Ambrose.* The hymn itself did not exist until
long after the deaths of St. Ambrose and St.
Augustine.
St. Celestine, Bishop of Rome 422-432, is
said to have ordained that the psalms should
be chanted through at the beginning of, or rather
before, Mass, in the course of the year, by taking
sometimes one and sometimes another ; and they
were called the Introits, because sung whilst the
priest entered, after vesting, and were sung
antiphonally, one side of the choir responding to
the other.
The early Christians, having adopted the anti-
phonal method of singing in use in Antioch, and
* Hawkins' ' History of Music,' vol. i., p. 107, note a ;
Novello's edition.
The Christian Era 47
introduced it into the West, made use of also,
there can be little doubt, the musical system of
Greece as finally settled by Claudius Ptolemy.
The musical system, as arranged by Claudius
Ptolemy, was common to the Church, the theatre,
and to the laity generally, with such modifications
as we shall presently see.
CHAPTER VI.
SAINT GREGORY THE GREAT. — HIS INDIFFERENCE
TO MUSIC.
TO St. Gregory I., the Great, Bishop of Rome
590-604, is ascribed by writer after writer,
musical historian after historian, none ever quoting
an authority in proof of their assertions or in sup-
port of them :
(1) The compilation of an Antjphonary.
(2) The founding of a musical school in Rome.
(3) The invention, or arrangement or re-
arrangement of a system of music peculiar to the
Church.
(4) The introduction of a system of notation by
means of Roman letters.
These fictions on examination vanish, like
smoke, into thin air.
(1) Did St. Gregory compile an Antiphonary ?
Platina,in his ' Lives of the Popes,' who en passant
does not mention or connect any Antiphonary with
St. Gregory the Great, informs us that Melchiades,
who was Bishop of Rome, 311-314, ordained, that
no Christian should keep a fast upon a Sunday or
St. Gregory the Great 49
a Thursday, because those days were so observed
and kept by the pagans.
In the year 589 the Council of Narbonne, by
Canon XV. solemnly condemned the observance
of Thursdays by the Church in any way, because
that day was held sacred to Jupiter, and so kept
not only by the pagans, but by many of the
Christians also.
This prohibition remained in force until the
episcopacy of Gregory II., who occupied the See
of Rome, 716-731. This prelate enjoined the
celebration of the sacred rites on the Thursdays in
Lent only.
How remarkably this last detail is confirmed by
the Liturgical books, has been well pointed out
by Mons. Gevaert.* The Gelasian Sacramen-
tary, at the end of the seventh century, does not
provide a single Mass for any one of the Thursdays
in Lent, and yet in that ascribed to St. Gregory I.,
at a time, too, when the observance of these days
was solemnly forbidden, we find a Mass assigned
to each, and the music apportioned to them is not
new, but is borrowed from the Sundays after
Trinity, or as they are termed in the Roman
service books, ' after Pentecost ;' they had no place
in the Gelasian Sacramentary, being unknown
until the end of the seventh or beginning of the
* ' Les origines du Chant Liturgique de l'^glise latine,'
1890.
50 Mediaeval Music
eighth century. Trinity Sunday was not invented
till the eleventh or twelfth centuries.
The fact that the music was borrowed from pre-
existing offices for the Sundays after Pentecost,
and not new composed for these Thursday Masses,
is reasonable proof that few, if any, melodies were
composed under either Gregory II. or Gregory III.
The Masses from which those for the Thursdays
in Lent borrowed their music do not, as before
stated, appear in the Gelasian Sacramentary, and
therefore were not in existence before the close ot
the seventh century.
St. Gregory I. has left us, in addition to a large
number of theological tracts and homilies, a
voluminous correspondence, including no less
than 800 letters, covering the whole of the public
as well as private life during his thirteen years'
episcopacy. In these there is not a single line,
allusion, or hint of any kind respecting either the
chant of the Church or of an Antiphonary.
Of ancient writers, there is but one, and one
only, who attributes the compilation of an Anti-
phonary to St. Gregory I. — John the Deacon, who
flourished c. 880, that is, about 286 years after the
death of Gregory I., whose assertions have re-
mained uncorroborated to this day.
There is not an allusion in either the epitaph of
Gregory, nor the description of the Liber Pon-
tificalis, nor in any biography or eulogium of him.
St. Gregory the Great 51
Isidore of Seville, Bp. 601, d. 636, his contem-
porary, the Venerable Bede d. 735 in the next
century, Paul Warnefried under the Emperor
Charles the Great — do not make the remotest
mention of or allusion to it. With regard to
Isidore and Bede, who were so much interested
and concerned with the Liturgy, both of them
being also musical writers, the silence is more
remarkable and significant.
The attribution of the Antiphonary to St.
Gregory I. rests then on the sole and uncorro-
borated statement of John the Deacon; save
this one, all are silent on the matter.
The first record we have of the existence of an
Antiphonary is that of Paul I., Bishop of Rome
757-767, who sent one to Pippin, father of Charles
the Great, in 760, in which the music for the great
festivals is of the same character as that for offices
only introduced in the time of Sergius I., Bishop of
Rome 687, d. 701, who was a native of Palermo, of
Syrian parentage, and became master of the Choir
School at Rome. It is to him that Mons.
Gevaert attributes the principal part in the com-
posing of these melodies, which were afterwards
collected and edited, he believes, by Gregory III.,
Bishop of Rome 731-741.
The documents from which John the Deacon
bases his assertions do not in any particular agree
with the calendar of the time of Gregory I.,
52 Mediaeval Music
whereas they do with that of the Roman Liturgy
at the beginning of the period 750. In con-
sequence, the compilation of the Roman Anti-
phonary is antedated more than a century, and
therefore, says Gevaert, ' if the epithet " Gre-
gorian " has any real import, it implies that of
Gregory II., Bishop of Rome 715-731, or, with
more reason, to his successor, Gregory III., 731-
741.'
(2) The founding of a musical school in Rome
by St. Gregory I. may, in the absence of one
tittle of evidence other than that of the romancing
John the Deacon, be dismissed at once as a
fable.
(3) It seems hardly necessary to discuss
seriously the question of his having invented, im-
proved, or arranged any system of music, peculiar
or otherwise to the services of the Church, after
what has been stated above ; suffice it to add that,
in support of any such theory, of proof there is
none of any kind. On the contrary, St. Gregory I.
appears to have been very indifferent to, and to
have taken the very slightest interest in, Church
music.
In a synod of 595, he says : ' In this Holy Church
of Rome, which Providence has placed under my
direction, it has for a long time been a repre-
hensible custom, and worthy of note, for the
sacred ministry of singers, before entering into
St. Gregory the Great 53
Deacon's orders, to devote their whole time to the
cultivation of their voices, altogether neglecting
their office of preaching and of the distribution of
alms ; and the priests, each cultivating his organ
to attain an edifying voice, irritating God, while
they please the people with their accents,' he
decrees ' that the Deacons shall not sing at all,
except in the recitation of the Gospels in the
Masses. As for the chants of the Liturgy, they
shall be executed by the Sub-Deacons, or, if
necessary, by the clerks of inferior degree.'*
(4) The invention of any system of notation
cannot be attributed to St. Gregory I. Isidore,
his contemporary, distinctly declares that no means
of recording music existed in his day, and further
that, ' unless sounds are retained in the memory,
they perish, because they cannot be written. 't
Amalarius Fortunatus, a principal ecclesiastic in
the chapel of Lewis the Debonnaire, who was sent
by Lewis to request of Gregory IV., Bishop of
Rome 827-844, a sufficient number of singers to
instruct , the people, tells us that ' neither were
there in Gaul or at Rome any books wherein it '
— the chant — ' had been written.'
It is certain, therefore, that the music known
under the erroneous terms 'Church music,' or
* Gevaert.
t ' Nisi enim ab homine memoria teneantur, soni pereunt,
quia scribi non possunt.' — Bk. iii., ' Origines] or 'Etymologies.'
54 Mediasval Music
' Gregorian,' was the invention of neither St.
Gregory nor any other one man, but a recognised
system, of gradual growth and development, the
heritage of Church and lay folk alike.
It is quite a mistake to suppose that what is
called ' Gregorian music ' is of the age of St.
Gregory. The word means nothing more than
the ' use of Rome.' ' Nos Gregoriani et nos
Ambrosiani,' ' We who follow the use of Rome,
and we who follow the use of Milan.'* It is more
than probable, almost certain, that the system of
music to which St. Gregory's name has, without
any reason, been assigned, came into existence
between the eighth and tenth centuries. It was
unknown in the days of Hucbald or of Notker,
the monk and abbot of St. Gall, in the tenth
century. Hucbald distinctly states that his tetra-
chords have the same succession of intervals,
whether taken up or down — see Chapter IX.
Notker says, in his ' De Octo Tonis,' that every
chant of the first and second tones ends in B, of
the third and fourth in C, of the fifth and sixth in
D, and of the seventh and eighth in E, which
differs much from the law of later times, f
The modern ' Gregorian tones ' have been
changed by altering the positions of the semi-
* ' Dictionary of Musical Terms,' Stainer and Barrett,
' Notation.'
f Ibid.
St. Gregory the Great $$
tones in the scales. The first and second of later
dates end on D, the third and fourth on E, the
fifth and sixth on F, and the seventh and eighth
on G. The music cannot be the same, because
the intervals follow in a different succession.*
At the Synod of Cloveshoo, 747, while the
churches of the Anglo-Saxons are instructed to
regulate the liturgical chants, particularly those of
the Mass, on the official version sent from Rome,
no single allusion is made to, or the slightest hint
given of, a book of chants bearing the name of
St. Gregory.
Service-Books.
Canon XIII.
Among the Canons of Elfric, a.d. 957, occurs
the following : ' Now it concerns Mass-priests and
all God's servants to keep their churches employed
with divine service. Let them sing therein the
seven tide-songs that are appointed them, as the
synod earnestly requires, viz., the uht-song, the
prime song, the undern song, the mid-day song —
12 o'clock, — the noon-song — the hora nona, our
3 o'clock, — the even-song, the seventh — or night —
song.' — Canon XIX. ; and again : ' The Priest shall
have the furniture for his ghostly work before he
is ordained, that is, the holy books, the psalter
* ' Dictionary of Musical Terms,' Stainer and Barrett,
' Notation.'
56 Mediaeval Music
and the pistol-book, gospel-book, mass-book, the
song-book, the hand-book, the kalendar, the
Pasconal, or Martyrology, the Penitential, the
lesson-book. It is necessary that the Mass-priest
have these books, as he cannot do without them,
if he will rightly exercise his function and, duly
inform the people that belongeth to him.' — Canon
XXI.
The Coucher
Journals
Portasses
Primers
Processionals
were abolished 3 and 4 Ed-
ward VI., c. 10 [1549-155°]-
Ancient Service-Books.
Mass Books.
The Sacramentary was the priest's book at the
altar ; it contained the collects, prefaces, and the
canon of the Mass.
The Antiphonary, gradual or graile, was the
choir-book of the Mass ; it contained the anthems
introits, graduals, alleluias, tracts, offertories,
communions, hymns, Sanctus, Creed, Kyrie,
Gloria in excelsis — in fact, all the musical
portions of the Mass. That erroneously attri-
buted to St. Gregory, of which there is an
imaginary transcript of the tenth century in the
monastery at St. Gall, contains only the following
portions of the service : 96 anthems, 150 introits,
St. Gregory the Great $7
in graduals, 99 alleluias, 23 tracts, 102 offer-
tories, 147 communions, 15 responds, and 4
hymns. From internal evidence, other than
what has been pointed out by Mons. Gevaert,
it is quite clear the original cannot possibly be of
earlier date than the latter part of the eighth
century. The probability is that it is not a
transcript of so early a one, but is an original
compilation of the tenth century.
The Epistolarium, or Pistol-book, contained the
epistles, and the Evangeliarium, or Gospel-book,
the gospels.
The Troper, or Sequentiary, the short verses or
tropes after the epistle, together with tags to the
introits, kyries, Gloria in excelsis, Creed, Sanctus,
and other musical portions of the service.
About the eleventh century these are supposed
all to have been merged into the Missal, or Book
of the Mass.
The Ordinal was a directory of divine service,
containing the rubrics, and is by some supposed
to have been the same as the Pye.
The Manual, or Office-book, was the ritual book,
and contained the order for baptism and other
sacraments, blessing of holy water, order of pro-
cessions, etc.
Hour Services.
The Breviary, Portiforium, or Portuary, was the
Book of the Seven Hours.
58 Mediaeval Music
The Psalter contained the psalms arranged for
the different Hours, and the litany as used on
occasions.
The Hymnarium, the hymns used at the Hours.
The Collectarium, the collects, orations, capi-
tula, or short lessons used at all the Hour
services except Mattins.
The Legenda, or Lectionary, the long lessons,
from whatever source taken, and read at Mattins,
the Nocturns on Sundays and certain other days.
The Prymer, or Primer, contained the little office
of our Lady, the vigils of the dead and other
prayers.
The Abbe" Duchesne, the latest and best
authority on liturgical matters, assigns the date
of the Gregorian Sacramentary to the eighth
century, and attributes it to be the work, not of
St. Gregory, but of Adrian I., Bishop of Rome
772-795-
As St. Gregory died in 604, the Sacramentary
and Antiphonary which bear his name are at
least a century and a half later than his time.
The earliest mention of an Antiphonary was
during the episcopate of Paul I. of Rome, 757-
767.
CHAPTER VII.
INTRODUCTION OF THE ORGAN. — ITS EFFECT ON
MEDIEVAL MUSIC. — A.D. 150-I35O.
THE Greeks and Romans derived their organs
from ancient Egypt.*
The real home of organ-building in Europe was
Constantinople. The primitive organs were fur-
nished with four, six, or eight pipes. About the
end of the second century the number of pipes
had increased to fifteen, as shown, not only by
engravings on coins, but from the express testimony
of a writer to that effect.
By the time of Constantine the Great, at the
beginning of the fourth century, the number of
pipes had been increased to twenty-six. Optation,
c. 324, a court poet of the time, and a master of con-
ceits, Wrote a poem on an organ, and so arranged
his verse that it exactly represented the appearance
of the instrument itself ; that is, the first verse is
of so many letters, the second of one letter more
* Chappell, i., xvi.
60 Mediaeval Music
than the first, the third one more than the second,
and so on. The appearance of the verses exactly
imitates the gradual rise of the front pipes of an
organ, pipe after pipe. To these are appended
shorter verses, all of the same length, which stand
for keys, and one is at the bottom of each pipe.
There are twenty-six verses in all, and twenty-six
keys to match. This shows the way organs were
made at this period.
The Emperor Julian, called the Apostate, who
died 363, is the reputed author of a Greek enig-
matical epigram, the solution of which is evidently
the pneumatic-organ. It has been literally translated
by the late Dr. Rimbault as follows : — ' I see a
species of reeds : surely from another and a brazen
soil have they quickly sprung — rude. Nor are
they agitated by our winds, but a blast rushing
forth from a cavern of bull's hide, makes its way
from below the root of reeds with many openings,
and a highly-gifted man, with nimble fingers,
handles the yielding rods of the pipes, while they,
softly bounding, press out a sound.' The rods
were flat rules of wood. These rules were soon
afterwards, and continued for upwards of five
hundred years, to be called ' tongues,' doubtless
from the protruding ends which stood out in front.
There is a curious representation of an organ
depicted among the sculpture on an obelisk at
Constantinople, erected by Theodosius, who died
Introduction of the Organ 61
A.D. 393. An illustration is given in Grove's
' Dictionary of Music and Musicians,' ii., p. 576.
The water-organ, which was a novelty in the
reign of Nero, who died 68, had become so common
and so popular by the time of Honorius, 625-638,
that a nobleman's house was considered incomplete
without one. Portable organs which could be
carried by slaves from house to house where
concerts or musical gatherings were attended by
their masters, were also made in great numbers.
St. Jerome, who nourished at the end of the
fourth and the beginning of the fifth century,
c. 374, died a.d. 420, describes the organ of his
day as being composed of fifteen pipes ; of two
bellows ; and of two elephants' skins united to
serve as a wind-bag.
Cassiodorus, Consul of Rome, in the early part
of the sixth century, who died a.d. 560, aged about
ninety, at his monastery of Viviers, says : — ' The
organ is like a tower, made of different pipes,
which, by the blowing of bellows, a most copious
sound is secured ; and in order that a suitable
modulation may regulate the sounds, it is con-
structed with certain tongues of wood from the
interior, which the fingers of the master, duly
pressing, elicit a full-sounding and most sweet
song.'
One is mentioned as existing in the most
ancient city of Grado, in Italy, in a church of the
62 Mediaeval Music
nuns anterior to a.d. 580. It is described as being
about two feet long and six inches broad, furnished
with fifteen playing slides and thirty pipes — two
to each slide — probably either in unison or at the
distance of an octave apart.
The organ was early used in the public service
of the Church. Platina, in his 'Lives of the Popes,'
says it was first employed for religious worship by
Vitalian I., Bishop of Rome 657-672, but, ac-
cording to Julianus, a Spanish bishop, who
flourished a.d. 450, it was in common use in the
churches of Spain at least two hundred years
before Vitalian's time.
St. Aldhelm or Ealdhelm, 668, died 709, Abbot
of Malmesbury, and afterwards Bishop of Shir-
burn, fully describes the organ in his Laus
Virginitate. This was most likely the English
instrument. At the beginning of the eighth
century, he says : — 'As he listens to mighty
organs, each with its thousand blasts, the ear is
soothed by the sound heard from the wind-giving
bellows, while the rest shines in gilt cases.' He
also tells us it was the custom of the Anglo-
Saxons to ornament the pipes of their organs by
gilding them.
The Venerable Bede, c. 673, a contemporary of
St. Aldhelm, and who survived him twenty-six years,
died 735, speaks with much minuteness of the
appearance, method of playing, and the musical
Introduction of the Organ 63
effect of the organ of his day : — ' An organum is
a kind of tower made with various pipes, from
which, by the blowing of bellows, a most copious
sound is issued, and that a becoming modulation
may accompany this, it is furnished with certain
wooden tongues from the interior part, which the
master's fingers skilfully repressing, produce a
grand and most sweet melody.' The organ
appears to have been unknown in Gaul and
Germany at the time of Pippin, father of Charles
the Great, who is credited with having introduced
the singing and ceremonies of the Roman branch
of the Catholic Church into Gaul. Being
urgently in need of an organ, both as an aid
to devotion and as a proper accompaniment and
support to the choir, he applied to the Byzantine
Emperor, Constantine, surnamed Copronymus,
soliciting him to forward one to Gaul. The
Emperor complied with the request, and in the
year 757 or thereabouts, sent him as a present, in
charge of a special embassy, headed by Stephanus,
a Roman bishop 752-757, a great organ with
leaden pipes, which was placed in the Church of
St. Corneille, at Compiegne.* An organ, made
by an Arabian named Giafar, c. 822-826, was also
sent to Charles the Great, in all probability the
one described by Walafrid Strabo, c. 842, as ex-
isting in a church at Aachen. The following
* Grove's 'Dictionary of Music and Musicians,' Art. ' Organ.'
64 Mediasval Music
account of this latter organ is in the main from
Rowbotham's ' History of Music,' iii. 259, 260.
It was when the Greek ambassadors came to
Aachen on a mission from another Constantine
to Charles the Great, that stories began to spread
about the Court of the wonderful instruments they
had brought with them, and among others of a
complicated instrument made of brazen cylinders,
and bulls'-hide bellows, and pipes, which could
roar as loud as thunder, and yet could be reduced
to the softness of a lyre or tinkling bell. To gain
the knowledge of its construction, Charles the Great
sent artizans into the ambassadors' apartments,
bidding them pretend to employ themselves on
some other labour, but really to examine the
structure of the organ, so that they might make
another like it. The organ thus made stood in
the Cathedral of Aachen.
A new era in organ-building would seem to
have been inaugurated in the time of Lewis I., the
Pious, who died 840, by the arrival of one George,
a Venetian, a learned priest, at the court of that
monarch. His organs were all water-organs,
and were not provided with bellows, a retro-
gression in the art of organ-building. Most of the
instruments spread throughout Gaul and Ger-
many at this date were built, if not under his
direct superintendence, on his pattern. Within a
century after George's time, we know not where-
Introduction of the Organ 65
fore, the home of organ-building had passed from
Italy and Gaul to Germany.
John VIII., Bishop of Rome 872, died 882,
writing from Rome to Bishop Anno in Germany,
said, ' Send me the best organ you can procure,
and along with it a tutor, for we have none here.'
England and Germany at this time appear as
centres of organ-building, whence the largest
organs are said to have come. The bellows,
many of which were used to keep a steady flow
and pressure of wind — for as one or more were
filling, the others were exhausting — now began to
be provided with feeders, instead of the old
hydraulic arrangement.
The great and spacious monastic and cathedral
churches of the Romanesque period, with their lofty
roofs, were now beginning to cover the land. Im-
mense organs, too, came in vogue, suitable to the
large buildings which were to hold them ; the small
organs were totally inadequate, and would have
appeared ridiculous, as well as almost useless, in
such vast buildings. But, although the number
of the pipes, and of the bellows to blow them,
were greatly augmented, we do not find as yet any
addition to the plain diatonic scale, representing
the white keys of our present instruments. The
levers, or ' keys,' were so broad, that it required
the use of the fists of the player or players to
strike them, hence the term organ-beater.
5
66 Mediaeval Music
St. Dunstan 924, died 988, was a maker of organs,
and is reputed to have supplied many great
churches with them, including the Abbeys of
Abingdon and Glastonbury. One, which he gave
to the Abbey of Malmesbury, continued in good
playing condition after a lapse of 130 years.
In the same century Count Elwin presented an
organ to the Convent of Ramsey, c. 980-990, with
copper pipes.*
St. Ethelwold, Bishop of Winchester 963-984,
made organs with his own hands."!"
Mr. Wackerbath,! gives a translation from an
account in Latin by a monk of the name of
Wulstan, who died in 963, of a remarkable tenth-
century organ, erected in Winchester Cathedral
by Bishop Elphege, who died 951 : ' Such organs
as you have built are seen nowhere, fabricated on
a double ground. Twice six bellows above are
ranged in a row, and fourteen lie below. These,
by alternate blasts, supply an immense quantity of
wind, and are worked by seventy strong men,
labouring with their arms, covered with perspira-
tion, each inciting his companions to drive the
wind up with all his strength, that the full-
bosomed box may speak with its four hundred
pipes which the hand of the organist governs.
* Mon. Chron., R.S., 86.
t ' Chron. Mon. de Abyngdon,' Rolls S., ii.
J ' Music and the Anglo-Saxons,' pp. 12-15.
Introduction of the Organ 67
Some when closed he opens, others when open he
closes, as the individual nature of the varied sound
requires. Two brethren — religious — of concordant
spirit sit at the instrument, and each manages his
own alphabet. There are, moreover, hidden holes
in the forty tongues, and each has ten — pipes — in
their due order. Some are conducted hither,
others thither, each preserving the proper point
(or situation) for its own note. They strike the
seven differences of joyous sounds, adding the
music of the lyric semitone. Like thunder the
iron tones batter the ear, so that it may receive
no sound but that alone. To such an amount
does it reverberate, echoing in every direction
that everyone stops with his hand his gaping
ears ; being in nowise able to draw near and hear
the sound, which so many combinations produce.
The music is heard throughout the town, and the
flying fame thereof is gone out over the whole
country.' Dr. E. J. Hopkins, in his admirable
account of the ' English Mediaeval Church Organ,'
pp. 17 and 18, gives an explanation and solution
of this enigma, which he was the first to unravel,
this result having also been published, with an illus-
tration of the instrument, a few years ago in the
article on the organ in Grove's Dictionary. ' The
musical scale,' he says, ' simply consisted of the
seven diatonic sounds, corresponding with the
sounds of the white keys of a modern pianoforte,
68 Mediaeval Music
with " the music of the lyric semitone," or B flat,
added. No indication whatever can be traced as
to the ranges of the three sets of playing-slides of
this Winchester organ. I ventured, in the above
article, on the suggestion that the lower row of
tongues, which " the organist " governed, might
have consisted of a set exactly corresponding with
the two-octave range of Gregory's {sic) gamut of
sixteen notes, as follows :
'ABCDEFGa|,Hcdefgaa;
while the two remaining alphabets entrusted to
the two religious brethren possibly consisted each
of a set of notes corresponding with those of the
Gregorian (sic) chants — twelve — making up the
exact number of forty tongues in all :
'CDEFGabflcdef
CDEFGabHcdef
ABCDEFGabHcdefgaa;'
a conjecture the late Sir George Macfarren, in his
' Musical History/ p. 124, accounts 'most ingenious,'
adding that it 'seems fully worthy of adoption.'
Dr. Hopkins, in the same work, in quoting from
an eleventh-century treatise, part of a larger work
on ' Divers Arts,' written by a monk and priest of
the name of Theophilus, states, inter alia, ' the
number of notes was seven or eight, and they had
one, two, or more pipes each. The handles of the
slides were still called " tongues," and each was
Introduction of the Organ 69
marked with a letter, according to the rise and
fall of the sound, so that it could be known to
which tone it belonged. The lettering was an in-
teresting feature, as showing the means taken to
secure an agreement between the organ-sounds
and the music of the plain chant that was indi-
cated in the same manner.'
At the close of the tenth century many organs
were in existence in the churches of Germany.
The key-board appears to have been invented
during the eleventh century.
By the twelfth century the use of organs in our
English monastic and cathedral churches had be-
come quite common. JSlred, Abbot of Rievaulx, in
Yorkshire, 1147 — 1167, though not condemning
the use of the organ, awarded it but scant praise,
as he also did singing. Baldric, who was living
at the same period, defended it after a fashion ; he
says : ' We permit the use of the organ but do
not count it a crime if certain churches are
without one.'* Gervase, the Monk of Canterbury,
describing the burning of the great church in
1 174, mentions the destruction of the organ, but
does not refer to it as if it were an unusual thing
in a church. York Minster had its organ in 1190.
There seems to be little doubt but that the
sharps and flats, in addition to the already exist-
ing B fiat, — the lyric semitone — as represented by
* Hopkins, ' Med. Church Organ,' p. 23.]
Jo Mediaeval Music
the black notes on the modern organ, were intro-
duced in the middle of the fourteenth century.
The earliest authentic account in support of this
assertion is given on the authority of Prsetorius.
Long before the close of the fourteenth century
we find our great churches and abbeys not
only plentifully supplied, but in many, as at
Croyland, St. Albans, Fountains, etc., two organs
were provided, one being usually placed on the
rood-loft, or at the west end. An organ was
placed at the west end in a loft or gallery
at Meaux, Fountains, Buildwas. My brother,
W. H. St. John Hope, suggests that the western
organs may have been for the choir of the conversi,
or lay brethren, who occupied the nave. The
cathedral of Worcester possessed three organs,
the cathedral of Durham five. Great organs are
mentioned at Ripon in 1408.
The following is a short list of early English
organ-makers.
John Gyse : freeman of the city of York, 143 1.
William Fyvell or Nyvell :* freeman of the city of
York, 1446-1453.
John Asshwell : freeman of the city of Norwich,
1446.
Arnalt Maynhamber : freeman of the city of Norwich,
1446.
* (?) William, organ-maker of Ripon organ, 1453. John
Couper of York was paid I2d. for mending the bellows of the
Ripon organ, 1399 and 1419.
Introduction of the Organ 71
1451. John Roose or Ross : freeman of the city of York,
1463-1469.
George Gaunt : freeman of the city of York, 1470.
John Lawless : of Kilkenny, 1476.
Edward Boyce : freeman of the city of York, 1478.
William Hall : freeman of the city of York, 1478.
Robert Borton : of Stowmarket, 1482.
Maurice Biront : freeman of the city of York, 14S5,
d. 1510.
William Wotton : i486.
1485. John Hewe, or Hugh : freeman of the city of York,
1488.
John Chamberlyn : 1509-1514.
William Lewes : 15 14.
Thomas Smith: 15 14.
Sir William Argall : 15 17.
Anthony Duddington : 15 19.
James Demps or Dempsey : freeman of the city of
York, 1526-1531.
John de John : 1526.
John Howe : of the city of London, 1530.
William White : 1-531.
John Vaulks : 1533.
William Beton: 1537-1544.
1 537. William Treasurer : freeman of the city of York, 1 540.
John Heweson : freeman of the city of York, 1545.
Robert of : of Crewkern, 155 1.
John Chappington : of the city of London, 1596-1597.
The date before a name is that in which the maker has
been found, prior to his admission as a freeman.
Organ building flourished to a great extent in
Kilkenny, Ireland, in the fifteenth century.
For much new and valuable information respect-
ing the early organ see ' The Mediaeval Church
Organ,' by Dr. E. J. Hopkins, in the Archceological
72 Mediaeval Music
Journal, XLV. ; ' The Organ, its History and Con-
struction,' by Drs. E. J. Hopkins and E. F. Rim-
bault, London, R. Cocks and Co., third edition.
In the celebrated triptych by Van Eyck, 1426,
' The Adoration of the Lamb,' at Ghent, St. Cecilia
is represented with a positive organ, with the
chromatic division of the finger-board.
If the mediaeval system of music was not the
direct outcome of the necessarily restricted com-
pass of the primitive organ, we must fall back
on the only other feasible theory, viz., that the
portions of the Greek modes applied to the
octave lyres were adopted with their semitones
occurring in different positions in each series of
octaves.
Don Nicola Vicentino, a Roman musician, who
flourished about the year 1492 and in 1555,
published at Rome, in folio, a work entitled,
' L'Antica Musica Ridotta alia moderna Prattica,
con la Dichiaratione, et con la loro spetie.' In it
he says, after speaking of various musical inven-
tions, 'And so from time to time one added one
thing, and another another, as happened a little
while ago, when in the organ to the third a la mi
re above g sol re ut, a fifth was formed in e la mi
with a round b, or as you may call it e la mi flat.'*
Sir John Hawkins, i. 219, from whence the above
is taken, remarks : ' This is a very curious anec-
* That is E\f.
Introduction of the Organ 73
dote, for it goes near to ascertain the time when
many of the transposed keys could not have
existed. The author is however mistaken in
making elami b the fifth to a la mi re, for it is
an interval consisting of but three tones. He
had better have called it the fourth to b fa, which
it truly is.' See Diagram H, p. 106.
CHAPTER VIII.
MEDIAEVAL SYSTEM OF MUSIC, EIGHTH TO
TENTH CENTURIES.
FOR any Christian of the times of St.
Ambrose and St. Gregory to have had the
leisure, even if he had the ability, to construct a
new musical system, was well-nigh, if not quite,
an impossibility. The very empire of mighty
Rome was shaken to her foundations by the
successive inroads and attacks of the Huns,
Lombards and Avars ; to add to these perils, she
was herself inwardly disunited, and, as was shortly
after proved, 'the house divided against itself
could not stand.'
The Church also was disturbed within by
heresies. Every citizen, whether Christian or
pagan, was deeply and vitally interested in the one
common object of saving and defending the empire
from the hordes that were almost continually pour-
ing in upon her. Under such circumstances, and
in the absence of any corroborative authority,
Mediasval System of Music 75
it is incredible to believe that St. Ambrose, St.
Gregory, or any one man, could have accom-
plished the task of doing, more especially in such
a period, that which must have been the gradual
outgrowth of many centuries.
The mere suggestion that either St. Ambrose or
St. Gregory did so infers either that there was
no system, or that something was wrong with the
existing one, for, if otherwise, why construct a
new, and in the latter case a questionably better,
one ? Would it not have been both easier and
wiser to have made some attempt to improve,
were it possible to have done so, the system in
common use at the time, i.e., the later Greek
system, as perfected by Claudius Ptolemy in the
second century, and which is identical in all
respects with our true or old minor mode, when
played in tune ?
There is not a shred or shadow of evidence, or
even the vaguest hint given, that such an attempt
to improve or alter this system was ever made, if
we except the hexachordal one, which was never
generally adopted, and soon disappeared, or that
any new system was invented or discovered.
The introduction of the organ into the West in
the seventh century, or earlier, with its limitation
of notes, caused some modifications more apparent
than real. A part only of a mode could be accom-
panied or played upon it, and this part, or octave
j6 Mediaeval Music
scale, gradually came to be looked upon as a com-
plete mode, instead of being but a portion of one ;
and the chants written in these octave scales
with their restricted compass, and the positions of
their semitones varying in each, in course of time,
were known as the * plain-song' chants of the
Church, and eventually were thought to possess
some sacred import, which arose, not from any
canonical order, but from the exigence of the
organ, introduced as an accompaniment to the
musical portions of the service of the Church in
its early and primitive form.
If they — St. Ambrose and St. Gregory, and the
early Christians in general — did not adopt the
musical system of their country, the one in
common use, from whence did they obtain one,
and what was it ? Hullah, speaking of the hypo-
thesis that the music of the primitive Church may
have been an altogether original creation, itself
the result of a new faith, says it may be dismissed
as inconsistent with all experience.*
We are, therefore, forced to the conclusion that
the system of music which obtained in the West
in the days of St. Ambrose and St. Gregory, as of
their predecessors, was also the musical system of
the Church. What this system was it has been
attempted to explain within the covers of this
volume. Such a view in no way detracts from
* ' Modern Music,' pp. 10, ir.
Mediseval System of Music yj
the sanctity of the musical services of the Chris-
tian Church, whose almost invariable custom it
was, not to destroy everything pagan, but, on the
contrary, to re-dedicate it to the service of
Almighty God. If this was done with the
temples, why should it not have been done with
the music ?
That the early Christians did not destroy or set
aside everything that had been used in connection
with pagan worship we know full well ; on the
contrary, the heathen temples were frequently re-
dedicated in honour of Christian saints and
martyrs, thus gradually transforming or fusing
the old into the new — witness the Pantheon at
Rome, re-dedicated by the Church in honour of
the holy martyrs and of the mother of God, in
place of its former dedication in honour of the
great mother of the gods, Cybele ; at Constanti-
nople St. Sophia replaced Minerva. Lucius
(c. 156 a.d.) is by tradition said to have con-
verted heathen temples into Christian churches.
Hullah says : ' The Christians early participated
in many indifferent heathen customs. They
adopted the ram-bearing Hermes as the Good
Shepherd, and used Orpheus as a symbol, if not
a representation, of our Lord. They made sarco-
phagi of pagan forms, and adopted the basilica,
essentially a secular structure, as their first church.
Prudentius wrote in the language and metre of
yS Mediaeval Music
Virgil. To be " poor in spirit," in the scriptural
sense, is not surely of necessity to be poor in
intelligence, or even in circumstances. Persons
of high rank and culture were among them, to
whom Greek music must have been as familiar as
any other art. Why should they have forgotten
or refused to use heathen melody only, availing
themselves as they did of heathen architecture,
sculpture and painting, and conforming to heathen
customs involving no matters of principle ?'*
The very same without a doubt was the case
with the music of the temples, and many a
melody which resounded in honour of Apollo or
Jupiter was at a later period requisitioned to extol
the praises of the one true God.
The earliest organs could not have provided for
a large number of notes. Some writers inform us
that the levers, which succeeded the slides, varied
from three to four and a half inches in width ; an
octave therefore would, with levers of the former
width, require a space of at least twenty-four
inches, and if of the latter thirty-six inches. So
cumbersome and unwieldy were they, that they
were brought into play by a blow of the fist ; the
organist was in consequence known as the organ-
beater.
With instruments such as these, it would have
been impossible to have done more than accom-
* ' Modern Music,' pp. 10, n.
Mediaeval System of Music 79
pany the chants in unison. The decreasing of the
width of these levers allowed the extension of the
scale to fifteen notes, or two octaves.
Until the tenth century, the organs did not
provide for more than two octaves, that is fifteen
notes. These corresponded with the white keys
only of our present organs and pianofortes, repre-
senting the diatonic notes of the scale of A minor.
Transposition from key to key, as in Ptolemy's
time, and until the organ came into common use,
with provision for the sharps and flats, was of
course an impossibility. Hymns and chants were
of necessity composed in this restricted scale and
compass.
Flaccus Albinus-Alcuin was born in York, lived
c. 750, died 804. He received his education there
under Archbishop Egbert. Accepting an invita-
tion from the Emperor Charles the Great, he took
up his abode in Gaul as director of the educational
enterprises of that monarch ; it is stated* that it
was at his instance the University of Paris was
founded in 790 by Charles the Great. He is the
first of whom we have any record, who is credited
with having arranged and cast into form the
octave scales, which were formed upon each of
the notes of the diatonic normal scale of A
minor, and in which all music during the above
period presumably was written, and also with
* Hawkins, H. of M., i., 140.
80 Mediaeval Music
having divided them into Authentic, derived from
avdevTueos = auctor et magister — the master tone,
and Plagal, from Tr\ar/io>
E
ii
0.
ffi
c
F
E
D
G
E
a b
G
F
"b
a
G
c
b
a
«b
c
bb
eb
d
c
F
D
5
O
Q
4
Hypo-Lydian -
W
C
D
Eb
F
G
ab
bb
C
Hypo-Phrygian -
"
B
4
D
E
*t
G
it
B
Hypo-Dorian
"""
A
B
C
F
G
A
D | "
k
I.
i
'§
a
6
a
2.
3*
4-
5-
6.
7-
8.
Semitone.
Semitone.
V
V
V
fa
1'
a).
2
35
§
Xi
6
*
'1
6
c
'§
a
•3
5
B
."J
"■3
3
6
X
3
.3
O
6
a,
}|
This diagram is given in
positions on the lines and in
True Greek and real Medueval Modes, as—*
duplicate — see diagram G — showing the notes in their
the spaces to make the subject perfectly clear.
* See p. 32.
82 Mediaeval Music.
DIAGRAM G.
Hypo-Dorian. Semitone. Semitone.
$
VII. Mixo-Lydian.
I
_£2_
*i
-©-
ez:
js:
V. Lydian.
$
-fce 1
_© — iaa.
£^
III. Phrygian.
I
321
22Z
5=^=E^
I. Dorian. VIII. Hypo-Mixo-Lydian.
$
=te
3ZI
VI. Hypo-Lydian.
$
b fj be
=fe
IV. Hypo-Phrygian.
I
J- 6
^
1^
II. Hypo-Dorian.
$
[This page should be read as if placed immediately over the following
page.]
The true Greek and real Mediasval modes read left to right.
Mediaeval System of Music. 83
Semitone.
Semitone.
vxi. mixo-jjyaian.
s-
.£2. ^O-
-£2
-0-
/-iV <= °
I (.'/ '
V: is
V. Lydian.
hn
-©- I?£2-
w
.c
/„\ . ~ a vo -
i<*l . """
\:^
III. Phrygian.
« -e-
.£2.
-©-
/■(,);. _ - ■■ b> «'■
*^— « *^
I. Dorian. VIII. Hypo-Mixo-Lydian.
■&-
a.
O
f(») ■ ~ <3 G> -■
V O ^
VI. Hypo-Lydian.
/■A ' k 1
— S3 ks>—
\>n
-&-
(^r-^ ©— ^5-
IV. Hypo-Phrygian.
'© °
— s>—
^- .^ g ~
c
h"
II. Hypo-Dorian.
— » 0-
e.
— ©—
*-!-„ s "-
>•!
The true Greek and real Mediaeval modes read left to right.
6—2
84 Mediasval Music
Hypo-Dorian mode in its normal position. Each
of the octave scales or miscalled Gregorian modes
starts from the note on the line immediately
opposite to its name or number in the first
column, and on reading upwards from this to its
octave contains the scale in order of tones and
semitones ; the latter differ in each one.
Transposition is effected by taking any note to
the right on the same line in which the name or
number of the octave scale occurs, and reading up
that column to the octave as before.
The key to which any octave scale strictly
belongs — whether transposed or not — will be found
to be (1) that of the note at either extreme end of
the column, in diagram F, containing the note from
which the original or transposition starts, and (2)
in the bottom stave, p. 83, of the diagram G.
Supposing it is required to transpose the seventh
or Mixo-Lydian mode a fourth higher, that is from
G to C, on examining either diagram, and reading
upwards from C, it will be seen to require B flat,
to keep the semitones in their proper positions,
and the extreme ends of the fourth column,
diagram E, or the fourth note to the right on the
lowest stave (p. 83), show that by this transposi-
tion the mode has been moved from the key of
A minor into that of D minor, that is, from the
true Hypo-Dorian into the true Dorian mode.
The true or real scales, out of which the mis-
Mediaeval System of Music 85
called modes or octave scales are formed, that is the
scale of A minor transposed into keys or different
pitches, with the proper number of sharps and
flats required, will be found on taking the note
opposite the names of the modes as above, and
reading across from left to right, or from the same
note in the bottom line, and reading upwards ; in
either case, the key-note will appear at each end of
the line or column, according to which way it is
read in diagrams F and G.
The positions of the semitones are marked by
brackets; those placed on the right of the
diagrams denote where they fall when reading
upwards, those at the top or bottom, when reading
across from left to right.
The rule given on page 28 for finding the mese,
or middle note of any true scale, and thence the key,
applies with equal force to the mediaeval modes ;
and it will be found that the note which has a
semitone between the second and third intervals
on both sides of it is the mese, and the true
mode or key to which the portion of the mode
really belongs — that is, from which it is formed —
is the fourth note below such note.
The Greek names applied to the false or mediaeval
modes are very misleading, they were only intro-
duced by Glareanus in the sixteenth century (com-
pare 1 and 2, p. 35) ; in the true Greek modes they
were used to represent the different pitches or
86 Mediaeval Music
transpositions of the Hypo-Dorian mode, or key
of A as we now call it. Instead of saying key of D
or E and so on, the Greeks said Dorian and
Phrygian mode, etc.
The 'Plainsong' chants to which the psalms
are occasionally sung are frequently irregular, not
ending as required on the final. The reason of
this is that the antiphon, which followed as a sort
of continuation, and always ended on the final,
has been almost entirely suppressed.
In the modern grammars of Plainsong a melody
is fancifully termed (i) perfect ; (2) imperfect ; (3)
superfluous ; or (4) mixed.
(1) When the melody includes the full octave of
a mode, it is said to be perfect.
(2) When the melody does not range the full
octave, imperfect.
(3) When the melody exceeds the octave,
superfluous.
(4) When the melody includes or overlaps both
the authentic and the plagal, it is known as mixed.
Should the melody include the tonic of the
plagal as well as the authentic ; or
Should the melody embrace a plagal with its
octave above its final, it was known as communis
perfidis.
It has been said that the authentics progress
smoothly by intervals, whilst the plagals move by
skips.
DIAGRAM J.
TABLE OF HEXACHORDS.
Hard.
Natural.
E I.A
D sor.
C FA
B MI
A RE
r UT
a la
g; sol
F FA
E MI
D RE
C UT
Soft.
d LA
b|j FA
a mi
e re
F UT
Hard.
e la
d SOL
C FA
b mi
a re
g; ut
Natural.
a la
g: sol
f FA
e mi
d RE
C UT
6.
Soft.
d la
C SOL
b[> FA
a mi
g RE
f UT
7-
Hard.
e e la
d sol
c fa
h mi
The Gamut Complete.
d la sol -
C SOL FA
b FA MI
b[j FA
a LA MI RE -
g SOL RE UT-
f FA UT
e LA MI
d LA SOL RE -
C SOL FA UT -
b FA MI
*>b fa —
im