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JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
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JULIAN 
 THE APOSTATE 
 
 GAETANO NEGRI 
 
 TRANSLATED 
 
 FROM THE SECOND ITALIAN EDITION 
 BY THE 
 
 DUCHESS LITTA-VISCONTI-ARESE 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION 
 By Professor PASQUALE VILLARI 
 
 ILLUStRAtBD 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 \ 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE 
 
 1905 
 
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A,ao2>?.<s| 
 
 All Rights Reserved 
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CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction by Professor Villari . . . vii 
 
 Preface . . . . . . . xix 
 
 The Bust of Acerenza .... xxvii 
 
 Introduction ...... i 
 
 Julian the Apostate — The Church and Julian — 
 Ammianus Marcellinus — Libanius — Gregory 
 Nazianzen — Libanius and Gregory — The Writings 
 of Julian — Eunapius — Other Documents — 
 Socrates and Sozomenes — Modern Critics — 
 An Historical Phenomenon. 
 
 The Life of Julian . . . . -25 
 
 Childhood and youth — Julian at Constantinople and 
 Nicomedia — Murder of Gallus — ^Julian in Milan, 
 and, later, in Athens — Return to Milan — Julian 
 elected Caesar — Julian in Gaul — The Military Re- 
 volution — The Civil War — Julian on the Danube 
 — Julian, Emperor in Constantinople — Julian 
 in Antioch — Julian in Persia — Death of Julian. 
 
 The Discord among the Christians . . -143 
 
 Constantine — Initial Dissensions — Arius — Athana- 
 sius — The Victory of Orthodoxy — Corruption 
 of the Church — Monachal Asceticism — Apparent 
 Conversion Qig^oc^J-Microsoft® 
 
VI 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Nko-Platonism ...... 
 
 Essence of Neo-Platonism — Origins of Neo-Platonism — 
 Plotinus and Porphyry — The Teachers of Julian. 
 
 Julian's Attitude ..... 
 
 Julian's Philosophy— The King Sun— The "Mother 
 of the Gods '' — The Discourse against Heraclius 
 and Divine Symbolism — The "Treatise against 
 the Christians'' — C-elsus and Julian — Christian- 
 ised polytheism, and the "Pastorals" of Julian. 
 
 FAGB 
 186 
 
 222 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Julian. After the Bust on Acerenza Cathedral 
 
 Frontispiece 
 Coin of Julian . . . . " 
 
 Coin of Constantius Gallus . 
 
 Coin of Helena, Wife of Julian 
 
 Coin of Constantius II 
 
 The Colonnade of S. Lorenzo, Milan, the 
 
 Remains of Imperial Buildings . 
 The Thermes, Paris, the Remains of 
 
 Julian's Palace 
 The Virgin Claudia dragging the Vessel 
 
 OF THE Mother of the Gods. 
 From a Terra-cotta Relief. 
 
 Facing page 25 
 
 52 
 
 72 
 
 » 243 
 
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INTRODUCTION 
 
 By way of preface to this excellent translation of 
 Senator Negri's work on Julian the Apostate, it 
 may be well to give English readers a little in- 
 formation regarding the author's personality. 
 
 Both intellectually and morally, Gaetano Negri 
 stood above the ordinary level of mankind, and the 
 course of his life was equally uncommon. 
 
 There are some historical figures who would 
 have won less renown had their mental grasp been 
 wider ; but there are others whose fame would 
 be much enhanced had they possessed less versa- 
 tility of mind. The former, whose intelligence 
 runs in one groove, being impelled to concentrate 
 their strength on a single point, sometimes achieve 
 unexpected results ; the latter, on the contrary, 
 being endowed with many varied powers, are apt 
 to scatter their energies in a number of different 
 directions, and, consequently, no single work of 
 theirs — whatever its merit — can prove the full 
 extent of their mental force. Gaetano Negri 
 belonged to this latter group. 
 
 From one point of view he may be said to 
 have been singularly favoured both by nature and 
 
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viii INTRODUCTION 
 
 fortune. More than once, however, fortune proved 
 decidedly hostile to him. The son of wealthy 
 parents, he was born at Milan in 1838, and pursued 
 his classical studies at Pavia. He was about to enter 
 the University, when the national War of Independ- 
 ence broke out, and young Negri burned to join 
 the volunteers ; but, yielding to his father's wishes, 
 he went instead to the Military Academy of Ivrea, 
 in order to obtain admittance into the regular 
 army. On being gazetted as a lieutenant, he was 
 ordered to the Southern provinces, and took part 
 in the operations there for the suppression of 
 brigandage (1861-62). That he bravely did his 
 duty is proved by the fact of his winning two 
 silver medals for "distinguished service in the 
 field." He also received a wound, but the bullet 
 did no great harm. At the close of this campaign, 
 which was by no means congenial to a high-spirited 
 patriot like Negri, who only yearned to share in 
 the real struggle against Austrian oppression, he 
 felt so little inclination to continue his military 
 career, that the moment peace was proclaimed he 
 left the army. We presently find him hard at 
 work at Milan in the office of Assessor to the 
 Municipality for the Department of Public In- 
 struction, and from 1884 to 1889 he was the 
 Syndic (Mayor) of Milan. 
 
 Thanks to his unceasing activity, penetrating 
 intellect, genuine gift of eloquence, and also to the 
 support of energ^j^/j-j^pg^g^^f^he Moderate party. 
 
INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 he was the real head of the city, and the most 
 influential man within its walls. Staunchly sup- 
 ported by his colleagues, he achieved notable 
 results in the material, moral, and commercial 
 transformation of Milan ; for he was one of the first 
 to foresee its coming prosperity and importance. 
 
 Before long, however, came one of those 
 changes which are of too frequent occurrence in 
 political life. Negri and his friends had helped to 
 create in Milan a new order of society that now 
 developed entirely new needs and new tendencies. 
 So, presently, this new society fell out with the 
 very men who had given it being. This turn 
 of affairs was mainly due to the steadily growing 
 influence of the Socialist party that had leapt to 
 life in this centre of trade and industry. 
 
 Step by step, Negri and his colleagues, who 
 shortly before seemed to be absolute masters of 
 Milan, were thrust more and more into the 
 background, until at last they counted for nothing 
 in the new city they had so largely helped to 
 create. Now, they were branded as consortia 
 reactionaries, and even as blacks? 
 
 The present writer once asked Senator Negri 
 to explain the cause of this strange phenomenon, 
 and he said in reply — 
 
 " It's a turn of the wheel ! In former days we 
 
 ^ I.e., members of the so-called Consorteria, a clique accused by its 
 opponents of an exclusive regard for its own vested interests. 
 2 I.e., Clericals and Ultramontanes. 
 
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X INTRODUCTION 
 
 had only to go to the office of the Perseveranza, 
 draw up a Hst of municipal and provincial 
 councillors, and even a list of the deputies to 
 be chosen. All of these, to the very last man, 
 were invariably elected. Nowadays, no candidate 
 of ours is elected. But there is nothing to be 
 done. We are helpless. Later on, perhaps, 
 things may be different ! " 
 
 Under these circumstances, Negri wisely turned 
 his whole attention to other work, for which it 
 was easy to see that he had a strong natural 
 aptitude. His remarkable speeches in municipal 
 assemblies and in parliamentary debates had given 
 ample proofs of his literary talent. Strange to 
 say, the first published results of his wide and 
 various culture were in the shape of contributions 
 to natural science. For as far back as 1867, when 
 studying under Professor Stoppani, he had written 
 geological essays which had elicited much praise 
 from competent critics. But his true bent was 
 for philosophy and letters, and in this field he 
 worked with persistent ardour to the last day of 
 his life. 
 
 He now gave to the world a large number of 
 essays — historical and critical essays — essays on 
 philosophy and on religion. He wrote on subjects 
 of every kind ; of every age, whether ancient or 
 modern ; of every part of the world. 
 
 But it cannot be denied that no one could pos- 
 sibly discourse on so many different themes without 
 
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INTRODUCTION xi 
 
 occasionally betraying incomplete equipment in 
 some subject or another. More than once, of 
 course, in the eyes of special experts, Negri must 
 have appeared to be rather a dilettante than a pro- 
 fessional man of learning. Yet all his productions, 
 while proving the width and variety of his acquire- 
 ments, likewise abounded in shrewd judgments and 
 original appreciations, expressed with the vivid 
 eloquence that is the natural offspring of earnest 
 thought and conviction. For this reason, many 
 of us believed that our friend Negri was the 
 destined founder in Italy of the species of historical 
 and critical essays which, while so general elsewhere, 
 is comparatively unknown in our own country. 
 
 Although Negri continually strayed from one 
 subject to another, there was one to which he 
 always recurred with such special zest that it 
 appeared to be his dominant thought, i.e., the 
 religious question of man's final destiny, or — as he 
 expressed it — "the problem beyond the grave." 
 The tendency of his nature led him to ponder 
 repeatedly over this question. 
 
 In his youth, the study of Renan's works had 
 made the deepest impression on his mind. The 
 fascination of the master's style had subjugated 
 him and destroyed his faith in religion, but had, 
 nevertheless, stimulated his desire to solve by 
 force of reason the very problem that religion had 
 solved by faith. Even as a confirmed rationalist 
 he continued to feel great respect for existing 
 
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xii INTRODUCTION 
 
 religious beliefs, recognising the irresistible yearn- 
 ing for faith that is common to all mankind. 
 Sometimes, indeed, one might have said that here 
 was an unbeliever who had a belief! 
 
 Accordingly, Negri's adversaries were not 
 altogether mistaken when they charged him with 
 holding contradictory ideas. In fact, he was 
 dragged this way and that by two opposing 
 currents. But, on every point, he was so truly in 
 earnest, that the strife within his soul gave birth to 
 a wealth of ideas expressed in streams of hotly 
 eloquent words. 
 
 His favourite heroes were the great unbelievers 
 who, on their conversion, became great apostles ; 
 the great philosophers who had sought to make a 
 religion of their philosophic creed. He studied 
 and re-studied these typical figures, entered into 
 their spirit. One of his dreams — or illusions — was 
 that, at some future day, religion and philosophy, 
 faith and reason would be brought into perfect 
 reconciliation. 
 
 He made repeated studies of Marcus Aurelius, 
 St. Paul, and St. Augustine, eulogising the latter as 
 the founder of the Catholic Church. But then he 
 would add that " the formulce of St. Augustine 
 had ceased to have any meaning for us ; that only 
 the man himself is immortal ; the youth who by 
 studying Cicero at Carthage was first moved to 
 examine the problem of the human soul ; the man 
 who while living in a whirl of pleasure and glory at 
 
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INTRODUCTION xiii 
 
 Milan, went through the sublime internal struggle 
 during which the first revelation of God was vouch- 
 safed to him, and from which he came forth a 
 convinced and zealous Christian." 
 
 In spite of his rationalistic creed, Negri has 
 said : " We cannot exclude hope. Reason fails to 
 impose on us the painful duty of stifling those 
 confused, but overpowering aspirations which rise 
 from the innermost depths of our being. So to 
 live, so to die, as though hope were a reality, was 
 the rule observed by Socrates, and is still our 
 highest counsel of perfection." 
 
 The first time that Negri's pen converted a 
 critical essay into an elaborate work filling two 
 volumes was when he wrote his analytical study 
 of the novels of George Eliot. This illustrious 
 authoress, who after translating Strauss and 
 writing on German philosophy, suddenly proved 
 herself a poet, who after forsaking religion in 
 favour of philosophic free thought was destined 
 to win enduring fame by novels descriptive of 
 clerical life and by psychological studies of religious 
 phenomena and religious types of character, was 
 the writer who evoked Negri's most unlimited 
 admiration. He therefore made the minutest 
 examination of everything she had written, and 
 performed this labour of love with indefatigable 
 energy and care. On finishing the book, he 
 exclaimed: "This is my master -work, but that 
 does not mean it is good work." 
 
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xvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 Emperor himself, Negri first gives an exact and 
 lucid narrative of the events of his hero's career, 
 and then proceeds to enlarge on the nature and 
 value of the philosopher's religious problem, ex- 
 amining it point by point with singular acumen, 
 great learning and sufficient knowledge of the 
 period discussed. Doubtless, here and there, a 
 skilled expert might find something to criticise in 
 the volume. For, more than once, the author 
 indulges in certain exaggerations unsuited to the 
 gravity of so gifted a writer. For instance, at 
 page 265, we find him saying that: "perhaps 
 Christianity might have died out in obscurity, 
 but for Nero's abominable and ill-considered 
 persecutions." Now this is really preposterous! 
 Elsewhere, we discover certain errors of statement, 
 to which others have already called attention. 
 How is it possible, for example, to accept Negri's 
 arguments in favour of the authenticity of Julian's 
 letters to lamblichus, when their spuriousness has 
 been so decidedly proved by competent judges? 
 Blemishes of this sort, however, do not essentially 
 lessen the historical value of a book that teems 
 with genuine originality — a book, one might almost 
 say, that was felt and lived by its author. In 
 fact, there was a close bond of intellectual kinship 
 between Negri and his hero, and thus he could 
 thoroughly understand, thoroughly love him. He 
 lived, as it were, with Julian, breathed the same 
 atmosphere, and so entirely identified himself 
 
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INTRODUCTION xvii 
 
 with the Emperor's times that his readers are 
 likewise transported to that ancient world. 
 This is the secret of Negri's eloquence, this it 
 is that constitutes the chief merit of his 
 book. 
 
 One may confidently say that it was in "Julian 
 the Apostate " that Negri first found his true path, 
 and displayed his special aptitude and strength 
 as a writer of history. Thenceforth, he had only 
 to pursue the same path. In fact, he soon began 
 to collect materials for a Life of St. Ambrose of 
 Milan. But — after frequent favours and as fre- 
 quent desertions — fortune was now to deal him 
 a last and fatal blow. 
 
 In 1902 he was spending his summer holidays 
 among the hills on the Riviera. Having discovered 
 during a solitary stroll a specially beautiful point of 
 view, he returned to it with his wife and children 
 a day or so later. While acting as their guide up 
 the mountain track, he suddenly turned round to 
 warn them, exclaiming, "Take care! It's very 
 slippery just here." 
 
 As the words passed his lips, he suddenly 
 lost his footing, fell over the cliff to a ledge 
 some twelve or thirteen feet below, and lay there, 
 motionless, as though stunned by the fall. Every 
 effort was made to revive him, but — he slept the 
 last sleep! Thus ended the changeful activities 
 of this high-souled, highly gifted man! Death 
 had claimed him at the very moment of his most 
 
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xviii INTRODUCTION 
 
 brilliant literary success, and when, in the leisure 
 and peace of private life, he was looking forward 
 to years of congenial labour. 
 
 PASQUALE VILLARI. 
 
 Translated into English by 
 
 MADAME LINDA VILLARI. 
 
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PREFACE 
 
 In presenting this my new book to my few but 
 courteous readers, it is my ardent desire they 
 should be convinced, as I have stated in my 
 previous works, that I have not the slightest 
 inclination or intention to force my views on 
 others. In my opinion, History has no interest 
 unless treated in a spirit and manner rigorously 
 objective. If the writer avails himself of History 
 to give vent to his preconceived preferences, or 
 constrains facts to justify his theories, he may suc- 
 ceed in writing an eloquent and interesting work, 
 in publishing a libel or composing a romance, 
 but he will never write a history. 
 
 These rules are applicable to the history of 
 religions as to all other phenomena of the human 
 mind. The study or the narration of a religious 
 episode should neither be a justification nor an 
 attack, but an impartial, serene, and diligent ex- 
 position of facts and the causes which produced 
 them. This purely objective method of criticism 
 should not offend the most delicate conscience, 
 since a religion, whatever its origin, is always in 
 contact with mankind, and is, therefore, necessarily 
 
 xix 
 
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XX PREFACE 
 
 perturbed and obscured by the human element, 
 and subject to all the vicissitudes experienced by 
 that element, in the course of centuries. Like- 
 wise a river which flows clear as crystal from its 
 mountain source, after passing over the depths of 
 the valleys, winding through fertile plains, and 
 traversing populous cities, becomes thick and im- 
 pure on account of the refuse it has taken up in 
 its course. So if we would experience the full 
 benefit of its salubrious waters, we must ascend 
 to its natural source. 
 
 Generally the history of religious facts becomes 
 fossilised, either because of the unreasonable 
 admiration of all, even of that which cannot be 
 admired, as it is the product of the disturbing 
 influence exercised by man, or because of a 
 no less unreasonable aversion to that which 
 should be respected as being the genuine ex- 
 pression of the irresistible aspiration of the 
 human soul towards the Infinite. Especially in 
 those countries where culture is scarce and the 
 critical sense undeveloped, the habit of judging 
 events falsely and exclusively in their relations 
 to a religious phenomenon is very prevalent. In 
 consequence of this narrowness of judgment, it is 
 no longer possible to study objectively the processes 
 of action and reaction through which the human 
 intelligence has passed in its successive adaptations 
 to religious form. It is the human side of the 
 religious phenomenon, it is the observation of the 
 
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PREFACE xxi 
 
 alteration which religious sentiment undergoes in 
 the intellectual and historical milieu by which it 
 is surrounded, that exercises a singular power of at- 
 traction over those devoted to the study of the laws 
 that determine the evolution of man and society. 
 He who succeeds in applying to the human 
 conscience, in its relation to religious facts, a lens 
 uncoloured by any prejudice of affirmation or 
 negation, succeeds at the same time in discovering 
 its most hidden fibres and in isolating its most 
 delicate and profound tissues. 
 
 The rational being is distinguished from the 
 brute because, by being able to rise by means of 
 his faculties of abstraction and reflection to the 
 conception of cause, he places before himself two 
 problems, from the solution of which must spring 
 the explanation and the raison dUre of the 
 universe, the problem of death and that of the 
 existence of evil. Ancient religions gave a vague 
 and uncertain solution to the first, and none 
 at all to the second. Prometheus, who dared to 
 solve this problem, was a rebel whom Jupiter 
 chained on the Caucasus. Ancient religions, 
 inspired by a tendency essentially optimistic, 
 underrated the problem of evil, and failed to 
 realise its far-reaching importance and tragic 
 difficulty. Christianity, the religion of suffering 
 and sorrow, clearly saw and felt this, and did not 
 leave man weeping and terrified before the 
 existence of evil ; for, scrutinising the problem of 
 
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xxii PREFACE 
 
 death, it saw in death the means of redemption 
 from evil. This idea, which. was the key to the 
 mystery of the world, seemed divine to humanity 
 thirsting for the ideal, afflicted and downtrodden 
 by triumphant iniquity. This conception gave to 
 Christianity a victory that seems unreasonable to 
 those who are unable to understand that its reason 
 lies in the response of Christianity to the most 
 profound needs of the human conscience. But this 
 idea, having attained the victory over the religions 
 and doctrines that ruled in the ancient world, and 
 having, in its turn, become dominant, has not been 
 able to preserve the purity of its genuine in- 
 spiration, and was forced to adapt itself to the 
 world that had embraced it, thereby neglecting 
 that redeeming virtue which had constituted its 
 strength and conquered the heart of man. 
 
 The study of Christianity which we now propose 
 to make, begins at the moment when, from the 
 restrictions of secret and isolated recesses, it burst 
 forth, a royal river, over the immense field of the 
 Roman Empire. Flowing over barren ground, and 
 fertilising it anew with its life-giving waters, it 
 assimilated and carried away at the same time a 
 part of the foulness by which the soil had been 
 contaminated. 
 
 It was natural at this moment, as there still 
 existed some of those complex forces through which 
 ancient civilisation had risen, that this civilisation 
 should endeavour to rekindle its dying flame, and 
 
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PREFACE xxiii 
 
 taking advantage of the errors committed by 
 Christianity when it became a worldly institution, 
 it should attempt to renew the struggle with the 
 hope of being victorious. 
 
 This movement of the antique spirit to oppose 
 once again the invasion of Christianity, and revive 
 the ancient ideals, was personified in a peculiar and 
 enigmatical personage, the Emperor Julian. Now, 
 it is a great advantage for the historian when he 
 finds concentrated, in the focus of a single person, 
 all the passions that have determined the direction, 
 and provoked the attitude, of the human soul in a 
 given moment of its evolution. History is never 
 more living, clear, and reliable than when it is able 
 to exercise itself concerning the individual, and can 
 concentrate in its conscience the direct reflection of 
 the events and ideas diffused in the world. History 
 that wanders from abstraction to abstraction, that 
 moves in the rarefied air of principles and general 
 affirmations, that is a science of & priori con- 
 ceptions, creates, like metaphysics, grand ideals 
 that vanish as soon as they are conceived, like unto 
 those profiles of fantastic figures we sometimes 
 discover in the clouds, driven by a gust of wind 
 across the azure vault of heaven. All science now- 
 adays, the science of man as well as that of nature, 
 is the science of facts. Hypothesis is valueless 
 except as a preparation for the discovery of facts, 
 and theories should follow, not precede, facts. 
 History should therefore be, above all, a research 
 
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xxii PREFACE 
 
 death, it saw in death the means of redemption 
 from evil. This idea, which. was the key to the 
 mystery of the world, seemed divine to humanity 
 thirsting for the ideal, afflicted and downtrodden 
 by triumphant iniquity. This conception gave to 
 Christianity a victory that seems unreasonable to 
 those who are unable to understand that its reason 
 lies in the response of Christianity to the most 
 profound needs of the human conscience. But this 
 idea, having attained the victory over the religions 
 and doctrines that ruled in the ancient world, and 
 having, in its turn, become dominant, has not been 
 able to preserve the purity of its genuine in- 
 spiration, and was forced to adapt itself to the 
 world that had embraced it, thereby neglecting 
 that redeeming virtue which had constituted its 
 strength and conquered the heart of man. 
 
 The study of Christianity which we now propose 
 to make, begins at the moment when, from the 
 restrictions of secret and isolated recesses, it burst 
 forth, a royal river, over the immense field of the 
 Roman Empire. Flowing over barren ground, and 
 fertilising it anew with its life-giving waters, it 
 assimilated and carried away at the same time a 
 part of the foulness by which the soil had been 
 contaminated. 
 
 It was natural at this moment, as there still 
 existed some of those complex forces through which 
 ancient civilisation had risen, that this civilisation 
 should endeavour to rekindle its dying flame, and 
 
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PREFACE xxiii 
 
 taking advantage of the errors committed by 
 Christianity when it became a worldly institution, 
 it should attempt to renew the struggle with the 
 hope of being victorious. 
 
 This movement of the antique spirit to oppose 
 once again the invasion of Christianity, and revive 
 the ancient ideals, was personified in a peculiar and 
 enigmatical personage, the Emperor Julian. Now, 
 it is a great advantage for the historian when he 
 finds concentrated, in the focus of a single person, 
 all the passions that have determined the direction, 
 and provoked the attitude, of the human soul in a 
 given moment of its evolution. History is never 
 more living, clear, and reliable than when it is able 
 to exercise itself concerning the individual, and can 
 concentrate in its conscience the direct reflection of 
 the events and ideas diffused in the world. History 
 that wanders from abstraction to abstraction, that 
 moves in the rarefied air of principles and general 
 affirmations, that is a science of & priori con- 
 ceptions, creates, like metaphysics, grand ideals 
 that vanish as soon as they are conceived, like unto 
 those profiles of fantastic figures we sometimes 
 discover in the clouds, driven by a gust of wind 
 across the azure vault of heaven. All science now- 
 adays, the science of man as well as that Of nature, 
 is the science of facts. Hypothesis is valueless 
 except as a preparation for the discovery of facts, 
 and theories should follow, not precede, facts. 
 History should therefore be, above all, a research 
 
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xxiv PREFACE 
 
 of facts and a psychological analysis of man. We 
 should reconstruct, as far as possible, in History 
 the human drama, relive in thoughts, in sentiments, 
 and in passions the life of a human being during a 
 specified period of time, and during a specified 
 conflict of hopes and fears, of anger and affections, 
 of illusions and reality. 
 
 And this is just what I have attempted to do 
 with a personage as strange and interesting as the 
 Emperor Julian. I do not entertain any prejudice 
 for or against him. I have simply sought to 
 understand him, to scrutinise the motives that 
 impelled him to his insane attempt, to recreate 
 the milieu which surrounded him, while examining 
 the world in which he lived, and considering the 
 atmosphere of prejudice in which he had been 
 educated. From such a study there emerges a 
 living figure that is a gleam of light by which we 
 may discover something of the reality. 
 
 My aim in writing this book has been purely 
 objective, and it will require a large dose of 
 good, or, I should rather say, bad will to con- 
 strue it otherwise. He who possesses a critical 
 temperament regards moral phenomena with the 
 same speculative disinterestedness as physical 
 phenomena, with the same absolute impartiality 
 with which the chemist analyses a substance or 
 the astronomer determines the orbit of a celestial 
 body. Sentiment is one thing, reason another. A 
 great deal of the disorder that perturbs human 
 
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PREFACE XXV 
 
 judgment is caused by men being carried away by 
 sentiment when they should only listen to reason. 
 A fatal error, but one not more fatal than that of 
 those thinkers who believe that reason explains the 
 universe, and, because of their shortsightedness, fail 
 to perceive that it almost always leaves a large 
 realm to the unknown, where sentiment reigns, an 
 absolute and invincible king. 
 
 GAETANO NEGRI. 
 
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xxviii THE BUST OF ACERENZA 
 
 probable that the marble bust of the Roman 
 Emperor which adorns the summit of the Cathedral 
 was an exact representation of Julian, and that it 
 had been a part of a colossal statue that the 
 inhabitants of Acerenza had erected in his honour. 
 This probability is explained by the circumstance 
 that it is easy to understand how the extraordinary 
 mistake occurred by which the accursed apostate 
 was transformed into a venerable saint. The 
 patron of the Cathedral of Acerenza is St. Canius, 
 Bishop of Juliana, in Africa, whose body was 
 brought to Lucania by the Christians who fled from 
 Africa, driven away by the Mussulmans. " Now," 
 says Lenormant, "the relation of the respective 
 proportions seems to indicate that the fragment of 
 inscription in the honour of Julian which forms the 
 threshold of one of the chapels came from the 
 pedestal of the statue. This fragment bears only 
 the letters . . VLIAN . . If, as is probable, the 
 two fragments were taken out of the earth at the 
 same time, the priests of Acerenza between 1090 
 and 1 100, more interested in St. Canius than in the 
 Emperor Julian, completed the mutilated inscrip- 
 tion jVLIANensis episcopus, and the Apostate 
 was immediately transformed into a martyr and a 
 heavenly protector." This bust of Julian, already 
 interesting because of its curious history, has 
 besides an intrinsic value as a work of art because 
 of its intense vitality and overpowering grandeur. 
 It also seems strange that in an epoch when art 
 was in extreme decadence it was possible to find a 
 sculptor capable of modelling a figure of such simple 
 vigour. The sculptor wished to represent not the 
 
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THE BUST OF ACERENZA xxix 
 
 thinker but the soldier. The head is adorned with 
 a laurel wreath, and the body arrayed in the 
 military paludamentum. If this is Julian, it is 
 Julian the conqueror at the head of his legions. 
 
 I say if this is Julian, because, notwithstanding 
 the affirmative indications of Lenormant, which 
 have recently been confirmed by a celebrated 
 archeologist, Salomon Reinach, in a communication 
 read by him at the "Institut" in Paris, doubts 
 concerning its authenticity still arise in my mind. 
 In the first place, it seems to me impossible that 
 any one even slightly familiar with the writings of 
 Julian could be otherwise than amazed if placed 
 before this image. But how is it .-' The thinker, 
 the writer who passed all his youth over his books, 
 the philosopher, the subtle and restless theologian, 
 the indefatigable scholar who, even amid the 
 anxieties of war, rose in the dead of night to read 
 his favourite authors and compose his treatise, 
 the Utopian dreamer who only thought of the 
 moral evolution of the world and the creation of a 
 religious State in which he would be the Pontifex 
 Maximus, that he should have the lineaments of an 
 old Roman, of this strong and resolute soldier, 
 robust in mind as in body, of this man to whom we 
 may certainly attribute force of will and vigour of 
 character, but to whom, above all others, would seem 
 extraneous that mingling of ideality and pedantry 
 so characteristic in the mind of Julian .'' If this be 
 his genuine representation, there was a part of his 
 nature which was not expressed in his face, but 
 remained hidden in the inmost recesses of his soul. 
 In this effigy we can recognise the hero of Strasburg, 
 
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XXX THE BUST OF ACERENZA 
 
 the audacious leader of the passage of the Tigris, 
 but in vain we seek the modest and clever writer 
 of the letter to Themistius, the severe moralist, 
 author of the fragments on the Duties of Priest- 
 hood, the witty, ingenious, and learned poet of the 
 Misopogon. 
 
 But let us confront the bust of Acerenza with 
 the written description of Gregory Nazianzen and 
 of Ammianus Marcellinus. As will be seen by 
 those of my readers who may follow me in this work, 
 the portrait traced by Gregory cannot be reconciled 
 in any particular with this portrait bust of a 
 vigorous soldier. Gregory depicts to us a youth 
 subject to convulsions, a sort of epileptic, with 
 wandering glances, a continuous nervous trembling 
 of the neck, with changing lineaments, and of an 
 attitude uncertain and unstable ; a most interesting 
 figure, but one that does not possess the slightest 
 vestige of that calm but majestic pride that shines 
 in the face of the hero of Acerenza. It is true that 
 Gregory is inspired by such hatred for Julian that 
 he has depicted him with the intention of caricatur- 
 ing him. But we must not forget that Gregory 
 had lived with Julian for many months, and sat 
 with him on the benches of the same school ; there- 
 fore, admitting the possibility of its being a 
 caricature, there is necessarily in all caricatures a 
 slight foundation of truth. We must also observe 
 that Gregory had known Julian when he was very 
 young, before the terrible ordeal of a soldier's life 
 in Gaul had strengthened and transformed him into 
 a man of action, and it is not impossible to imagine 
 a corresponding transformation of his appearance. 
 
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THE BUST OF ACERENZA xxxi 
 
 The most trustworthy description is that given 
 by Ammianus, who accompanied Julian in Persia, 
 and therefore represented him as he was during 
 the last years of his life. " Mediocris erat statura, 
 capillis perquam pexis et mollibus, hirsuta barba in 
 acutum desinente vestitus, venustate oculorum 
 micantium flagrans, qui mentis ejus argutias 
 indicabant, superciliis decoris et naso rectissimo, 
 ore paulo majore, labro inferiore demisso, opima et 
 incurva cervice, umeris vastis et latis, ab ipso capite 
 usque unguium summitates liniamentorum recta 
 compage." This description of Ammianus can be 
 considered in great part applicable to the bust of 
 Acerenza. There is the soft, curly hair, the 
 singularly brilliant expression of the eyes, and the 
 straight nose. Judging from the photograph that 
 is here reproduced, I do not consider that there is 
 sufficient indication of the projection of the lower 
 lip, there is the strong but not the curved neck, and 
 it lacks the characteristic goat's beard spoken of by 
 Ammianus, and which is, as we will see later, an 
 important dramatis persona in Julian's Misopogon. 
 To explain this last difficulty, we may state that 
 Julian let his beard grow only after his entrance 
 into Constantinople, and this is so true that we 
 learn from Ammianus that during the first days of 
 his sojourn in that city he had still sent for a barber 
 "ad demendum capillum." Now, if the bust, as it 
 is probable, was made in Constantinople, the 
 sculptor would only have seen on his model an 
 incipient beard, which, however, could not yet have 
 acquired a pointed form. This answer to the 
 objection would certainly be ingenious, but I should 
 
 c 
 
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xxxii THE BUST OF ACERENZA 
 
 like to observe that Ammianus says that the 
 "tonsor" came "ad demendum capillum," and not 
 " ad demendam barbam." Now, it is true that 
 under the generic expression " capillum " we can 
 also include the beard, but it is not less true that 
 Ammianus himself in his description of Julian 
 distinguishes the two things by their two names. 
 In the second place, without entering a propos of 
 Julian into a discussion in which it would be 
 necessary to appeal to the authority of a barber, I 
 should say that the beard of the bust of Acerenza 
 covers the cheeks but leaves the chin free, and 
 such being the case, it appears to me that it would 
 be almost impossible for a beard to become pointed 
 in so short a space of time. The last difficulty 
 which presents itself is this : Julian was little more 
 than thirty years of age when he entered Constanti- 
 nople as Emperor ; now, without desiring to give 
 offence, it seems to me that we could honestly allow 
 ten years more to the person represented by the 
 bust of Acerenza. 
 
 Notwithstanding the doubts that arise in my 
 mind whilst studying the photograph of this bust, 
 I do not hesitate to make use of it to adorn my 
 modest book. Even on the hypothesis that this is 
 not a bust made from life in Constantinople, but a 
 work done in Italy with an insufficient knowledge 
 of the original, the genius, the life that vibrates in 
 it render it singularly interesting. We see in it the 
 hand of a passionate admirer ; it is the reflex of the 
 admiration and sympathy which the audacious 
 restorer of Hellenism awakened in the first 
 moments of his Imperial career. 
 
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THE BUST OF ACERENZA xxxiii 
 
 And then, what more speaking example of the 
 profound irony of human things? The image of 
 the greatest enemy that Christianity ever had, 
 transformed into that of a Saint, receives and 
 transmits to Heaven the prayers of those Christians 
 he so greatly despised and abhorred ! I was 
 seeking an emblem for the frontispiece of my book, 
 one that would synthetise the history of Julian. 
 The bust of Acerenza is the most eloquent of all 
 emblems. 
 
 POSTSCRIPT 
 
 Salomon Reinach has recently published, in the Revue 
 Archeologique, a learned and interesting memoir concerning the 
 representations of Julian. In the first part of his memoir he 
 clearly proves that the two statues to be seen in Paris, one 
 at the Musde des Thermes and the other at the Louvre, 
 representing a personage bearded, and clad in a toga, are not, 
 as supposed, portrait statues of Julian, but rather of some 
 rhetorician or philosopher. In the second part the illustrious 
 archeologist discusses the bust of Acerenza, and insists on the 
 absolute authenticity of the likeness, endeavouring also to 
 dissipate some of the doubts that I have created. But, even 
 admitting that we radically eliminate the first difficulty con- 
 cerning the expression of the bust which conceals so many of 
 Julian's peculiar characteristics, and the second difficulty, i.e., 
 that it seems to represent a man much older than Julian was 
 at that epoch, there always remains the insurmountable fact 
 that the beard is not trimmed in the characteristic goat-like 
 form, and while the cheeks are thickly covered with hair, 
 the chin is so bare as to render it impossible that it attained a 
 luxurious growth between the date attributed to the statue and 
 Julian's entrance into Antioch. 
 
 Reinach's memoir is embellished by three large and beautiful 
 
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xxxiv THE BUST OF ACERENZA 
 
 photographs of the bust taken in Acerenza. The one which 
 represents the head in profile is of singular beauty. The 
 perfection of the lineaments, the depth of expression, the manner 
 in which the head is set on the shoulders, — in fact the poise of 
 the whole figure, is such as we should picture the real Julian, 
 thus attributing to him also physically the ideal type of the hero. 
 Looking at this beautiful face, I immediately understood the 
 great sympathy he aroused in the Empress Eusebia. But can 
 this possibly be Julian ? Is it not rather an ideal figure moulded 
 by a sculptor of genius who never having seen Julian, and being 
 influenced by flattering descriptions, imagined this to be a true 
 conception of the hero? I must own that the interesting 
 dissertation of Salomon Reinach, notwithstanding its great 
 erudition, has not entirely removed the doubts that assailed me 
 when I first saw the bust of Acerenza, and in this short article 
 I have attempted to justify their existence. 
 
 July 1901. 
 
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ERRATA 
 
 Page 33, line 15 "i 
 
 ^ ^^ ^^ I for "Macellus" 
 
 I read "Macellum." 
 
 „ 40, lines s and 8 \ for " Ecebolius " 
 
 „ 41, line 7 J read " Hecebolius." 
 
 „ 80, „ 28, for "Lucilianus" read "Lucillianus." 
 
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JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 In the decadence of the Empire there is no figure 
 more original, more interesting and attractive, than 
 that of the Emperor Julian, and his unhappy fate 
 is well worthy of commiseration. But the ecclesi- 
 astical tradition has been terribly inimical to him ; 
 it branded him as Apostate, and, with this stigma, 
 condemned him to execration and obscurity. 
 How this happened, it is easy to explain. The 
 Church was stimulated by a polemical intention, 
 and made every effort to render odious the man 
 who attempted to wound it mortally. As is usual 
 in polemics, truth was sacrificed to passion and 
 party interest. The historian and the critic must 
 not, however, permit themselves to be confused or 
 misled by the clamour of polemics ; their duty is to 
 anatomise impartially the fact or the man that they 
 have under observation on their dissecting table, 
 and to seek to discover the truth in its essential 
 reality. 
 
 Now, it is clear that the denunciations and 
 
 VOL. I. — I 
 
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2 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 calumnies of the Church do not succeed in destroy- 
 ing the peculiar interest in the character and actions 
 of the Emperor Julian. There is no historical 
 subject more attractive and worthy of research 
 than the origin, causes, and consequences of the 
 restoration of polytheism, to which the young 
 Emperor devoted his efforts. These invectives 
 and execrations are ineffectual in concealing the 
 facts, which may easily be substantiated by re- 
 course to history and documents. ; It is unques- 
 tionably true that Julian was a man of exceptional 
 talent, who, having passed his boyhood and 
 youth immersed in study, always aware that, at 
 any moment, his life might be cut short by his 
 dastardly cousin who occupied the Imperial throne, 
 suddenly being invested with supreme military 
 command, in a most desperate position, very soon 
 proved himself to be a general of great valour, and 
 conducted a marvellous campaign, crowned with 
 splendid victories. , His public life is embraced in 
 the short period of eight years — from 355, the year 
 in which he was sent to Gaul to resist the German 
 invasion, to 363, when he was slain on the field 
 of battle, heroically fighting the Persians. These 
 eight years were all passed in the midst of tumults 
 and agitations, and were full of adventures and 
 military and administrative preoccupations. Not- 
 withstanding this, the young Emperor, who was 
 doomed to die at thirty-two, never abandoned his 
 studies or interrupted his literary activity, and 
 
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INTRODUCTION 3 
 
 found the means and the time to make himself 
 one of the most cultured men of his century, and 
 the last, most brilliant, and most profound writer 
 of the Greek decadence. Austere in his habits, 
 penetrated with high ideals, possessed of a wonder- 
 fully versatile genius, excelling in all that he under- 
 took, Julian is a character worthy of the most 
 thorough investigation, and, if we may so express 
 it, a most "suggestive" figure. His attempt to 
 impede the advance of Christianity and to lead the 
 State back to a polytheistic creed was, in principle, 
 an error, and reveals a spirit more influenced by 
 philosophical phantoms than a correct appreciation 
 of the moral and intellectual conditions of his 
 times. There is nothing more interesting than to 
 study the causey which led such a shrewd and 
 brilliant intelligence into such grave errors, nothing 
 more curious than to follow him in his efforts to 
 give life to his ideal ; to cull from his lips and his 
 writings the motives that actuated him, the goal 
 at which he aimed, and the hopes and disillusions 
 which he experienced. 
 
 The Church has been much more violent in its 
 diatribe against Julian than against the emperors 
 who pursued it igne et ens^. Nevertheless, 
 Julian, who instituted a systematic reconstruction 
 of polytheism, did not cause one drop of blood to 
 be shed for the principle that was dearer to his soul 
 than his reputation as a warrior or the success of 
 his adniinistrative reforms. On the contrary, as 
 
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4 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 we shall see, the principles of tolerance and the 
 disapproval of forced conversions were officially 
 proclaimed. The Church, however, was inspired 
 by an unerring instinct. It felt that, after all, perse- 
 cution would be its most powerful arm, and would 
 eventually lead to victory. The more persecuted, 
 the more powerful. It was prepared fearlessly to 
 combat violence, but drew back in alarm before this 
 youth, who, from the Imperial throne, preached the 
 return to polytheism, in the name of reason and 
 morality. It was something so new and unexpected 
 that they imagined the peril greater than it really 
 was. None of the persecutors of Christianity had 
 ever condescended to consider its essence. It was 
 persecuted because it was supposed to be dangerous 
 to Society and the State ; but no one had ever 
 examined it on its philosophical and historical 
 basis. The critical work of Celsus remained almost 
 solitary. Now, suddenly, there appears an emperor, 
 the nephew of Constantine, who declares himself 
 apostate from Christianity, and endeavours to 
 justify his apostasy by proving the unreasonable- 
 ness and lack of historical basis of a religion which, 
 until then, seemed to have overcome all resistance. 
 Nothing could have been more offensive to the 
 Church, whose domination was even at this period 
 absolute, and which, therefore, did not tolerate the 
 discussion of its authority. Shortly after, the 
 javelin of a Persian relieved it of all anxiety, but' 
 did not obliterate the memory of the fearful and 
 
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INTRODUCTION 5 
 
 odious attempt, and it tried to revenge itself by 
 covering the name of Julian with opprobrium, and 
 consigning his history and his works to unmerited 
 oblivion. 
 
 We will begin our study by giving a cursory 
 glance at the life of Julian. Then we will examine 
 the religious and philosophical inilieii which sur- 
 rounded him. We will afterwards consider more 
 fully the efforts which he made to restore the 
 polytheistic cult and the ancient religious ideas. 
 As we proceed, we will find occasion for many 
 interesting considerations on the nature of the 
 religious movements, on the effects that they pro- 
 duced, and on the causes which brought them to 
 their victories and defeats. 
 
 The life, genius, and actions of Julian may be 
 studied, from an abundance of testimonies, with a 
 nearer approximation to the truth than is usually 
 possible with the personages of ancient history. 
 Our knowledge is derived, in the first place, from 
 three very trustworthy sources, all three con- 
 temporaneous with him of whom they speak : the 
 History of Ammianus Marcellinus, the Discourses 
 of Libanius, and those of Gregory of Nazianzus, 
 and in the second place, and above all, from the 
 writings of Julian himself, which have been pre- 
 served, and give a most interesting revelation of 
 his restless spirit. 
 
 Ammianus Marcellinus, born, in Antioch, of a 
 
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6 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 noble family, entered, while yet young, the career 
 of arms ; he attained to high offices, and took part 
 in many important engagements. In 350 he was 
 selected by the Emperor Constantius to accompany 
 General Ursicinus, to whom was entrusted the 
 defence of the East. In 354 he came to Milan 
 with the same Ursicinus, whom he followed to 
 Gaul, to assist in crushing the rebellion of Silvanus. 
 After the latter was killed, he was sent back to 
 the East, where he still was when Julian took the 
 place of Constantius. He was a devoted and 
 faithful admirer of the young sovereign, and accom- 
 panied him in his expedition to Persia, After 
 Julian was slain, Ammianus seems to have aban- 
 doned his military career, and returned to Rome, 
 where he lived tranquilly, and, as we learn from a 
 letter of Libanius, wrote the History which has 
 come to us in a fragmentary condition, Ammianus 
 Marcellinus is a most valuable witness, because of 
 the serene impartiality of his judgments. As a 
 writer, he was mediocre and heavy from a literary 
 point of view, but conscientious and exact, and an 
 expert concerning military affairs. Although bound 
 to Julian by affection and admiration, he did not 
 allow his feelings to influence his statements, even 
 when these statements were unfavourable to his 
 hero, Ammianus has, therefore, left a testimony 
 in which we may repose absolute confidence. But, 
 a soldier at heart and essentially a man of action, 
 although not a Christian, he could not have felt any 
 
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INTRODUCTION 7 
 
 interest in the work of religious restoration insti- 
 tuted by Julian, and so his writings treat almost 
 exclusively of the soldier and the prince. The 
 philosopher and the pontiff only receive a passing 
 allusion in the works of this honest historian. 
 Nevertheless, by his vivid and ingenious descrip- 
 tion, the figure of the young Emperor is so clearly 
 defined as to awaken, in the reader who closely 
 follows his actions, an admiration, tempered by some 
 adverse criticisms, akin to that which inspired 
 Ammianus. 
 
 Libanius was one of the most noted figures of 
 the Hellenic world in the fourth century. Like 
 Ammianus, he was a native of Antioch, and during 
 the reigns of Constantius, Julian, Valens, and 
 Theodosius, the three great centres of the East — 
 Constantinople, Nicomedia, and Antioch — were 
 overflowing with his literary productions ; he was a 
 great scholar and an eminent rhetorician. Chosen 
 by the Government as Professor of Rhetoric, he 
 instituted public schools in each of the above- 
 named cities. The youths flocked to him, in order 
 to perfect themselves in that formal art, which 
 constituted the principal literary training of the 
 epoch. An enthusiastic lover of Hellenic traditions, 
 Libanius hated Christianity, and thought that the 
 salvation of the world depended on the return to 
 ancient ideas. He was exclusively a scholar and 
 an orator, absolutely devoid of all philosophical 
 tendencies. His discourses were only exercises of 
 
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8 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 eloquence, lacking in depth of thought ; their chief 
 interest lies in the facts that he narrates, and in the 
 descriptions of their milieu. Libanius was an able 
 phrase-maker. By nature he was frivolous, im- 
 pressionable, and vain ; his life, owing to the 
 continuous conflicts with his rivals, was most 
 agitated, and he was obliged to change the seat of 
 his teachings from Constantinople to Nicomedia, 
 thence back to Constantinople, and, finally, to 
 Antioch. He was, by turns, persecuted and 
 exalted, but he always succeeded in triumphing 
 over men and circumstances, because of the great 
 fame he enjoyed, and the authority of his name, 
 which was universally respected by all the cele- 
 brated men of his time. 
 
 Libanius is nowadays too much forgotten. His 
 numerous writings and his rich collection of letters 
 are, by a happy chance, preserved, in great part, 
 and are among the most living examples of ancient 
 literature, giving a lifelike representation of the 
 society of the Eastern Empire in the fourth 
 century. It is curious to note that the decadence 
 of Greek literature and genius had been less rapid 
 and profound than the decadence of Latin genius 
 and literature. Whilst the latter was totally ex- 
 tinguished, and only revived by the ecclesiastical 
 writers, in the East the flame was kept burning 
 by the most lively centres of intellectual movement 
 and literary traditions, and was so well preserved 
 as to render possible the appearance of such writers 
 
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INTRODUCTION 9 
 
 as Julian and Libanius. The last-named of these 
 writers, as I have said, although superficial, is 
 brilliant, and often animated by a pure inspiration, 
 and we find in his discourses many pages of 
 exquisite beauty and feeling, although, as a general 
 rule, they are too long and faulty in composition. 
 
 Having known Julian from his youth, if not 
 personally, at least by reputation, and having, as 
 many others, centred all his hopes in him, it was 
 natural that he should hail with enthusiasm the 
 star of the new Emperor as soon as it appeared 
 on the horizon, and he approved and aided with 
 all his might the restoration of Hellenism. We 
 can therefore understand that the sad end and 
 premature downfall of his hopes threw him into 
 a state of profound desolation. In the seven 
 discourses, four of which were written during the 
 brief reign of Julian, Libanius has most eloquently 
 expressed his sentiments of joy and grief. Two 
 of these, the "Salutation," pronounced on the 
 entrance of Julian into Antioch, and the other 
 " To the Emperor Consul," written on occasion 
 of the Consulate of Julian, are hymns of joy at 
 the inauguration of the new Hellenic spring, so 
 greatly desired by the gifted young Emperor. 
 " The Embassy " and the " Discourse on Anger " 
 are destined to reconcile the irritated Julian with 
 the frivolous and frondeuse Antioch. Two more, 
 the " Solitary Lament" and the " Necrology," are 
 wails of grief for the death of the Emperor. The 
 
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10 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 "Necrology" is a true history of Julian. The 
 grief-stricken Libanius relates at length the whole 
 life of the Emperor. It is a vitally important 
 document for those who wish to study Julian and 
 his epoch. The discourse "On Vengeance" was 
 written sixteen years after the death of Julian, 
 and is addressed to the Emperor Theodosius, when 
 he was called by Gratianus to assume the empire 
 of the Orient. Libanius, completely deceived 
 concerning the tendencies of the young and un- 
 known Theodosius, incited him to revenge Julian, 
 as the only means of appeasing the gods, and of 
 inducing them to prevent the eventual destruction 
 of the tottering empire. These discourses of 
 Libanius are a mine of information concerning 
 Julian, but are, above all, precious as a representa- 
 tion of the impression which he produced, and of 
 the atmosphere of sympathy and encouragement 
 which encircled and incited him, and prevented 
 his perception of the truth. Libanius is certainly 
 much influenced by party feeling ; a passionate 
 Hellenist, he lacks the unprejudiced judgment 
 that is so admirable in the mediocre, but trust- 
 worthy Ammianus Marcellinus. All that Libanius 
 writes must be taken with discrimination or a 
 grain of salt, but, in any case, it is impossible to 
 arrive at a true conception of what Julian was, and 
 of what he accomplished, unless we consult the 
 writings of this devoted friend and ardent admirer. 
 In direct opposition to Libanius, we find 
 
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INTRODUCTION 11 
 
 Gregory of Nazianzus, who with Basil and 
 Gregory of Nyssa, formed the great trio of 
 theologians and orators to whom is due the final 
 triumph of the Nicene orthodoxy. Born at 
 Nazianzus in Cappadocia in 330, Gregory was 
 about the same age as Julian, and they were, 
 for a time, fellow-students at Athens. Gregory 
 was as enthusiastic for Christianity as the other 
 was for Hellenism, and although Julian evidently 
 concealed his tendencies, they were discovered 
 by Gregory, who consequently conceived a most 
 violent antipathy to his companion. This 
 antagonism developed later into the most ferocious 
 hatred. Gregory as Bishop, and, above all, 
 as orator, occupied one of the highest positions 
 in the ecclesiastical world, and this position, 
 augmenting his responsibility, made him implacable 
 towards the enemy of Christianity. Besides, his 
 great culture made him appreciate the extent of 
 the peril that threatened Christianity, on account 
 of the new mode of warfare initiated by Julian. 
 The death of Julian, which was for the Hellenists 
 a terrible and desolating blow, was for the 
 Christians, and, above all, for Christian writers and 
 philosophers such as Gregory, an unexpected and 
 welcome relief, which delivered them from the 
 most dangerous of their enemies, and they raised 
 to heaven a cry of joy. In this cry no note was 
 more exultant and pitiless than that of Gregory, 
 which resounds in the two defamatory discourses — 
 
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12 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the two monuments of infamy, as he himself calls 
 them — written by him against JuHan, when he 
 heard of his death. In these discourses Gregory 
 is not a historian, and still less a judge ; he is a 
 terrible disputant, inspired by a fury that deprives 
 him of all clearness of sight and judgment, but 
 a disputant of broad flights and overpowering 
 eloquence. If Libanius represents the impression 
 of exaltation that Julian had produced in the 
 Hellenic world, Gregory expresses yet more vividly 
 the impression of horror produced in the Christian 
 world. The exaggerations of love and hate, of 
 admiration and abhorrence, mutually correct each 
 other, and from them appears the true figure of 
 the man. 
 
 It would be impossible to find a more curious 
 example of the relative justice of human judgment. 
 We have before us two men of superior intelligence 
 and great culture ; two men among the most noted 
 personalities of their epoch. Both of these men 
 come in contact with a bold and intrepid prince, 
 subjected to the most strange and extraordinary 
 caprices of fate, — a prince who in his short and 
 meteoric career filled the world with the fame of 
 his wonderful achievements. Both these men dis- 
 cuss this Prince, in the most solemn discourses, 
 made after his death, when nothing remains of his 
 works, when it was too late to derive any advantage 
 from praising him, and when abuse of him had lost 
 all polemical interest. However, they are both so 
 
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INTRODUCTION 13 
 
 carried away and blinded by passion, that while for 
 one this Prince is a miracle of virtue, for the other 
 he is a monster of ignominy. The disputes con- 
 cerning him did not cease until long after his death. 
 Of Julian it might truly be said that in life he was 
 
 Segno d'immensa invidia 
 E d'mdomato amor.^ 
 
 He had raised a tempest, and its angry waves 
 beat furiously on his corpse, and hurled it on the 
 rocks disfigured and mutilated. What must we do 
 in order truthfully to reintegrate this personality? 
 We must carefully consider all he has said and 
 all that he has narrated of his life, his hopes and 
 his disillusions. Then we shall have a genuine 
 portrait, then we shall recognise the real man, 
 with his marvellous gifts, and his weaknesses, and 
 we shall have liberated our judgment from the 
 passionate execrations of the Christians and the 
 fallacious deification of the Pagans. 
 
 Although all Julian's writings have not been 
 preserved, still we possess a sufficient number to 
 enlighten us concerning the real worth of the man 
 and the writer. According to Libanius,^ he dictated 
 his works very rapidly, and did not allow any of 
 the preoccupations of war or government to 
 interfere with the composition of the discourses, 
 
 ^ " Object of undying hatred, — and unconquerable love." Ales- 
 sandro Manzoni's famous ode, " The 5th of May," on Napoleon the 
 First's death. — Translator. 
 
 2 Libanius, edition of Reiske, vol. i. 580, 15. 
 
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14 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 pamphlets, satires, and letters in which he poured, 
 with great natural talent, the wealth of his versatile 
 mind, and which only needed time and labour to 
 perfect them. It is in these writings that we dis- 
 cover the genuine thoughts of this restless youth, 
 who wasted his brilliant and generous soul in a 
 vain chase after shadows. 
 
 The writings of Julian are not all of equal value. 
 We have, on the one hand, the panegyrical dis- 
 courses composed on the sophistical lines of the 
 rhetoric of the schools, which sacrifice art and 
 eloquence to the barren rules of form. They are, 
 as we shall see, the expression of an explicable, but 
 not praiseworthy, opportunism in a young and sus- 
 pected Prince. There are also his philosophical dis- 
 courses, a hurriedly composed and poorly organised 
 mass of maxims and symbols gathered from his 
 Neo- Platonic teachings. These discourses are, like 
 the panegyrics, heavy and artificial, and, as literary 
 and philosophical exercises, have in themselves but 
 little value. They are, however, interesting as 
 signs of the tendencies and customs that dominated 
 the schools of the time, and, above all, as a proof of 
 the mystic symbolism with which polytheism was 
 obliged to enfold itself, because of the exigencies 
 of monotheism, and its desire to combat victorious 
 Christianity. 
 
 Besides these scholastic exercises, we have the 
 occasional discourses, satires, and letters, in which 
 is evinced a true spirit of originality, whose in- 
 
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INTRODUCTION 15 
 
 florescence had not been destroyed by his pedantic 
 education, a spirit which, in every way, evinced a 
 readiness of perception, a genial impressionability, 
 and an acuteness of penetration and judgment that 
 gave to his words the pure ring of truth and 
 sincerity. It is in these writings that we must 
 study Julian, and when we recall that this brilliant 
 writer, at times profound, at times poetic, this acute 
 satirist, this marvellously versatile and gifted 
 thinker, this scholar who was thoroughly versed, 
 not only in his beloved Hellenic literature, but also 
 in the hated literature of the Christians ; this passion- 
 ate and indefatigable reader of Homer, Bacchylides, 
 and Plato, was also the youthful commander whose 
 'wonderful military achievements and indomitable 
 valour are described by the faithful Ammianus 
 Marcellinus, we cannot hesitate to affirm that this 
 Prince, notwithstanding the fundamental errors of 
 his life, is one of the most conspicuous figures 
 among those who made famous the fatal decadence 
 of ancient society. 
 
 The history of Julian should therefore be com- 
 piled from these four sources, which, being contem- 
 poraneous, possess an inestimable value. The 
 other accounts of Julian's achievements have 
 reached us either in a condition too fragmentary to 
 be considered reliable documents, or are, for the 
 most part, derived from writers who lived at least 
 a century after Julian, and whose statements are 
 scarcely worthy of belief 
 
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16 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 The History of Eunapius may also be read with 
 considerable interest in connection with the study 
 of Julian. Eunapius was born in 347, and may be 
 considered a contemporary witness of the actions 
 of the young Emperor, although he himself says 
 that he was too young to form a correct judgment. 
 Eunapius was a fervent admirer of Julian, and his 
 statements must have given continual proofs of this 
 admiration. But it is because of this that his 
 writings were ruined by blind- fanaticism, and 
 reduced to a few unimportant fragments, a loss 
 greatly to be deplored, more especially as he had 
 access to the records of the physician Oribasius, 
 one of Julian's most faithful friends. 
 
 But Eunapius has left us in another volume, in 
 the Lives of the Sophists, short biographies, or 
 rather, sketches of the principal ones among the 
 Neo-Platonic philosophers, in the midst of whom 
 Julian was educated. Although a very ordinary 
 writer, and unworthy of the treasures of erudition 
 dedicated to him by Boissonade and Wyttenbach, 
 still, as regards the history of Julian, he possessed 
 the incomparable advantage of having been a con- 
 temporary. In fact, although he belonged to a 
 generation later than Julian, he was personally 
 acquainted with almost all the men whom he 
 described, and was, besides, a relative and pupil 
 of Chrysantius, one of Julian's masters, and so we 
 derive from him the most valuable information. 
 Reading the lives of .^desius, Chrysantius, Priscus, 
 
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INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 Oribasius, and, above all, that of Maximus, the 
 Uebermensch of that little world, we feel ourselves 
 transported into the milieu of Neo-Platonic society, 
 and our impressions are much more vivid than those 
 which we gather from historians and critics of later 
 epochs. 
 
 Zosimus is another Byzantine historian who 
 is a warm admirer of Julian. He proves the 
 acuteness of his critical sense by deciding that, for 
 a just knowledge of Julian, a supreme importance 
 should be given to the Emperor's own writings, 
 in preference to those from any other source. 
 However, he adds little or nothing to what we have 
 already learned from the narrations of Ammianus. 
 But Zosimus is always an authoritative testimony of 
 the profound impression of greatness and nobility 
 left by Julian during his brief passage on life's 
 stage. 
 
 All the ecclesiastical historians who occupied 
 themselves with the character of Julian, excepting 
 Rufinus, lived a century after him. They were 
 thus writing of events that had happened in an 
 epoch distant from their own, in a milieu favourable 
 to the growth of legends devoid of all literary 
 judgment, and incited to encourage the prejudices 
 of the public mind, to whom all records of Paganism 
 were odious. These authors cannot constitute for 
 us reliable sources of information. Rufinus, as we 
 have said, lived nearer to Julian's epoch, and wrote 
 the continuation of the Ecclesiastical History of 
 
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18 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Eusebius, which he extended up to the year 395. 
 His account of the reaction of Julian is short and 
 incomplete, but it is written in a spirit of relative 
 tolerance, and it appears that he did not know, or 
 if he actually knew, did not endorse, the judgments 
 of the terrible Gregory. 
 
 The Arian, Philostorgius, whose works we have 
 only received in fragments, and Theodoretus, in 
 whose writings history is stifled by legend, are thus 
 valueless for the historian of Julian. On the other 
 hand, the narrations of the two ecclesiastical his- 
 torians, Socrates and Sozomenes, are most important. 
 
 Socrates lived towards the middle of the fifth 
 century, during the reign of Theodosius 11. He also 
 wrote a continuation of the Ecclesiastical History 
 of Eusebius. In his book, which is more interest- 
 ing as a sign of the opinions of those times than 
 discriminating in respect of facts, we find narrated, 
 with many particulars, the episode of Julian's re- 
 action. Socrates is a conscientious and intelligent 
 historian. The discourses of Gregory certainly 
 exercised a great influence over him, and he refers 
 to many facts either legendary or exaggerated by 
 legends. However, we cannot accuse Socrates of 
 being too harsh in his judgments. In its entirety, 
 the work of this impartial historian cannot be dis- 
 pensed with by those who desire to study the life 
 of Julian. 
 
 Sozomenes lived a little later than Socrates, and 
 re-edited the latter's History, introducing here and 
 
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INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 there some new facts, and, above all, intensifying 
 its legendary element. This is not the place to 
 discuss the relative value of Socrates and Sozomenes, 
 but it is an undeniable fact that Socrates, as a 
 literary personality, is much more authoritative as 
 regards the life of Julian, Sozomenes is only to 
 be distinguished from his predecessor by having 
 abandoned his relative moderation. 
 
 The life and works of the Emperor Julian are 
 greatly studied by modern historians and critics, and 
 they have given birth to a rich literature. Leaving 
 aside those studies, necessarily brief, which we find 
 in general histories, such as Gibbon's monumental 
 work on the Decline and Fall of the Roman 
 Empire, or the most recent book of Villari on 
 the Barbarian Invasions, we have numerous essays 
 illustrative of certain phases in the life and thoughts 
 of Julian, and also brilliant articles, as that famous 
 one of Strauss, who takes advantage of the history 
 of the much -discussed Apostate to compose a 
 transparent tissue of allusions to the mediaeval 
 tendencies and romanticism of King Frederick 
 William. But until now no book has been written 
 which, taking all criticism into consideration, has 
 endeavoured to review the enigmatical character 
 of Julian, and to represent it under its varied 
 aspects.^ 
 
 1 I say "until now," for Paul AUard's hook, Julzen VApostat, 1899, 
 of which the first volume has just been issued, appears to fill the void. 
 
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20 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Among the most noted scholars who have 
 applied themselves to the study of Julian, the first 
 place must be given to Neumann, who, with 
 wonderful shrewdness, was able to reconstruct, from 
 the confutation made by Cyril, at least a part of 
 Julian's treatise against the Christians ; a very 
 small part, but most precious because of its know- 
 ledge of Julian's thoughts.^ Naville's work con- 
 cerning the philosophy of Julian is precise and 
 clear.^ That of Miicke* is rich in facts and 
 valuable for its indications of the humblest and 
 most hidden sources. But the questionable 
 character of the criticism detracts from the value 
 of this laborious work. The recent researches of 
 Kock * are most interesting, because they enlighten 
 us about the military achievements of Julian in 
 Gaul, and the relations that existed between 
 Constans and Julian. Vollert's^ work on the 
 
 But it is very difficult to treat the history of Julian with absolute 
 impartiality. If the historian is an ardent believer, it vfill be almost 
 impossible for him not to be influenced by a preconceived antipathy, 
 more or less concealed, for this audacious rebel, pursued by the 
 execrations of the Church ; if, on the contrary, he is a free-thinker, he 
 will attempt to deceive himself concerning the defects and errors of 
 his hero. And it does not seem to me that Paul AUard, although a 
 fair and intelligent critic, will be able to divest himself of a precon- 
 ceived antipathy because of the orthodox point of view from which 
 he regards and treats the subject. 
 
 1 Neumann, Juliani Imp. librorum contra Christ, qua supersunt, 
 Leipzig, 1880. 
 
 2 Nav\\le,/t(h'efi VApostat et sa philosophic, Paris, 1877. 
 
 ^ Miicke, Flavins Claudius Julianus nach der Quellen, Gotha, 1869. 
 * Kock, Kaiser Julian, seine Jugend und Kriegsthaten, 1900. 
 ' Vollert, Kaiser Julians religiose undphilosophische Uberzeugung, 
 1899. 
 
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INTRODUCTION 21 
 
 opinions of Julian is most instructive, his informa- 
 tion having been obtained from a variety of sources. 
 Elegant, concise, and embellished with easy erudi- 
 tion is Gaston Boissier's chapter on Julian.-^ But 
 among the modern writings concerning our hero, 
 the two most worthy of consideration, according 
 to our judgment, are first the article of Harnack, 
 in which the great scholar, with masterly hand, 
 traces the profile of the Imperial Apostate and 
 indicates the general direction of his thoughts,^ 
 and next the book of Rode on the reaction of 
 Julian against the Christian Church.* This last 
 is a pamphlet of little more than a hundred pages, 
 but for the thoroughness of its research, the 
 concise logic of its demonstrations, and the almost 
 mathematical precision of its reasoning, it may 
 well be considered a masterpiece. He does not 
 regard Julian in his entirety, but simply studies 
 him from one aspect. The man, the soldier, the 
 administrator, do not appear in this work ; we 
 only see the enemy of Christianity, the restorer of 
 Hellenism. Although sometimes, as we shall see, 
 he may exceed the limits which he has laid down 
 for himself, we must, nevertheless, recognise that it 
 would be impossible to master more thoroughly all 
 the factors of an historical problem and represent 
 them in a clearer light. 
 
 * Gaston Boissier, La fin du paganisme, Paris, 1894. 
 
 '•' Harnack, Real-Encydopedie, "Julian der Kaiser," Leipzig, 1880. 
 
 ^ Rode, Geschichte der Reaction Kaiser Julians, Jena, 1877. 
 
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22 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 But if I allude to these books (and I could 
 mention many others) because they directly treat 
 of Julian, or of the personages that came in contact 
 with him, and of the burning questions of his day, I 
 wish to add that it is not from these books that 
 mine has been made.^ I have drawn my informa- 
 tion from original sources, and on this evidence 
 have formed my opinions. The strong impression 
 produced on me by the writings of Julian, the 
 peculiar originality of his character, and the possible 
 application of the lessons drawn from his story to 
 the evolution of religious sentiment, induced me 
 to undertake this study, which certainly possesses 
 elements of the most lively interest. 
 
 Before we enter into the study of the life and 
 character of Julian, we should again consider the 
 singularity of the historical problem that he presents 
 to our view. For a half-century Christianity had 
 triumphed. Four emperors — Constantine and his 
 three sons — had embraced it and become its 
 fervid supporters. The Church was accustomed 
 to absolute power, and until now no one had 
 questioned its authority. All political and intel- 
 lectual movements were directed by its bishops. 
 
 ^ My book was already printed when I saw for the first time a 
 study by AUce Gardner, Julian, Philosopher and Emperor, London, 
 1899. It is a study that affords great pleasure to the reader, elegant 
 n composition, and a complete risumi of all Julian's actions. It 
 reveals a just and acute sense of the relative nature and value of the 
 various authorities which have been consulted. 
 
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INTRODUCTION 23 
 
 The great dissension between Athanasian Orthodoxy 
 and Arianism was a proof of an organism sufficiently 
 strong and secure to afford the luxury of schism 
 and disunion, which are always indications of an 
 exuberant vitality. If, in the country, with the 
 tenacity of a population distant from the centres in 
 which thought is elaborated, they still persisted in 
 the ancient cult, in the large cities the temples were 
 abandoned, and a great majority of the people were 
 converted to Christianity. In fact, all seemed to 
 indicate a condition of things that rendered im- 
 possible a return to the past, and the rehabilitation 
 of a position that was supposed to be definitively 
 abandoned. Then there suddenly ascended the 
 throne of the Caesars a young emperor, the sole 
 heir of the Imperial family to which Christianity 
 owed its official recognition, and this youth under- 
 takes the restoration of Hellenic polytheism. He 
 is not influenced by the exclusively political 
 ideas of the ancient persecutors, but by a rational 
 conception. He is thoroughly acquainted with 
 Christianity, in which he had been born and 
 educated ; also with Hellenism, in which he had 
 been initiated by his readings and the Neo- Platonic 
 studies of his times. He observes and estimates 
 the real effects of Christianity on the morals of the 
 world in which he lives, and, by comparison, arrives 
 at the conclusion that Hellenism is superior to 
 Christianity, that his duty as Emperor is to favour 
 the return to ancient principles, and prevent the 
 
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24 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 diffusion of a religion that threatens the destruction 
 of a glorious civilisation. Now, when we reflect 
 that Julian possessed a cultured intelligence and a 
 heroic soul, and was, above all, virtuous, we cannot 
 attribute his strange resolution to caprice, frivolity, 
 or vicious impulses. We are constrained to believe 
 that this was the fruit of mature consideration, and 
 had its explanation and, in part, its justification in 
 the peculiarity of the milieu which surrounded him. 
 Wholly to understand the genesis of this strange 
 phenomenon, we must enter into an analysis of the 
 life of Julian, and the ideas that dominated his 
 inquiring and restless spirit. 
 
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\5^A©y^ 
 
 
 Coin of Julian. 
 
 Coin of Constantius 11. 
 
 Coin of Constantius Gallus, Brother of Julian. 
 
 Coin of Helf.na, Wife of Julian. 
 
 To face page 25. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 
 
 Flavius Claudius Julianus was born at Constanti- 
 nople in 33 1. He was the son of Julius Constantius, 
 brother of the Emperor Constantine, and of his wife 
 Basilina, who belonged to a noble family of 
 Bithynia. He was related to Eusebius, one of the 
 Princes of the Church, who was first Bishop of 
 Nicomedia, and, later, of Constantinople. The 
 mother died a few months after the birth of her 
 son, who also lost his father when only six years old. 
 The Emperor Constantine, dying in 337, left three 
 sons — Constantine, Constantius, and Constans. 
 These three sons were worthy of a father who, 
 although he embraced Christianity, equalled the 
 most barbarous of his predecessors -^ in his domestic 
 cruelties. His heirs initiated their reign with the 
 extermination of their relatives, of Julius Constantius 
 their uncle, and father of Julian, of the eldest son 
 of the same, of another uncle, and of three cousins, 
 sons of another brother of Constantine. 
 
 These crimes were committed in Constantinople, 
 and are to be attributed to Constantius, who 
 
 1 Gorres, Die Verwandten Morde Constantins des Grossen-Zeit. 
 fur Wissens. Theologie, 1887. 
 
 25 
 
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26 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 governed the East and resided in that city. Later 
 on, repenting of his terrible misdeeds, he tried to 
 excuse himself by claiming that they were due to 
 a military revolt/ This subterfuge, however, is 
 inadmissible, as the army had no interest in 
 destroying these eventual pretenders, while 
 Constantius, suspicious by nature of every one and 
 everything, and misled by courtiers who desired to 
 preserve his confidence and favour, could easily be 
 persuaded to permit crimes which were, in fact, not 
 unusual in the traditions of his family. And even 
 if we consider valid that phrase of Eutropius in 
 which he says that the thing happened, " Constantio 
 sinente potius quam jubente," it is clear that he has 
 only maintained one of those hypocrisies which 
 save appearances, but do not alter facts. 
 
 In this massacre they only spared the two 
 youngest sons of Julius Constantius, Gallus and 
 Julian, considered for the moment harmless, 
 because of their tender age. " Constantine " — 
 wrote Libanius — "died of an illness, but the rest of 
 the family fell victims to the sword, the fathers as 
 well as the sons. Julian's half-brother, some years 
 older than himself, escaped being murdered because 
 of an infirmity which was supposed to be mortal, 
 Julian, on account of his age, having just been 
 weaned." ^ This last statement is altogether 
 
 1 luliani Imp. Op. qua supersunt, recensuit Hertlein, p. 349, 
 10 sq. 
 
 ^ Libanii Orationes, recensuit Reiske, vol. i. p. 524, 19 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 27 
 
 inaccurate, as Julian was born in 331, and was 
 therefore six years old when Constantine died. 
 
 These three infamous descendants of Constantine 
 soon came to blows among themselves. Constantine 
 was slain in the year 340. Then there remained 
 Constans, who was master of the West, and 
 Constantius, who reigned in the East ; finally, in 
 350, Constans was also murdered by the usurper 
 Magnentius, and so Constantius came into the 
 possession of the whole empire. 
 
 During these tragic events the little Julian 
 lived quietly with his mother's family in Con- 
 stantinople, educated, as Ammianus narrates, under 
 the direction of the Bishop Eusebius, with whom 
 he was distantly connected.^ The Bishop, how- 
 ever, did not have so much influence over him as 
 the teacher to whom he was confided, when only 
 
 ^ Ammianus Marcellinus, Libri qui supersunt, recensuit 
 Gardthausen, vol. i. p. 285, 12. If we rightly construe the phrase of 
 Ammianus, it would appear that Julian was educated by Eusebius 
 in Nicomedia. However, as Eusebius, in 338 or 339, passed from 
 the see of Nicomedia to that of Constantinople, it would be necessary 
 to admit that the Bishop educated and instructed Julian during the 
 years of his infancy, and this is by no means very probable. It is, 
 on the contrary, to be supposed that Eusebius, with his Arian 
 tendencies, coming to Constantinople as the confidential adviser of 
 Constantius, would naturally be entrusted with the education of the 
 young Prince. Probably Ammianus, knowing that Eusebius had 
 been, at one time, the instructor of Julian, with the usual inexactitude 
 of the ancient writers, confused the sojourn that Julian made in 
 Nicomedia, years after, with a supposed anterior sojourn which is 
 not substantiated by any other document, and is, in fact, demonstrated 
 impossible by Ammianus himself, when he says that Julian, returning 
 to Nicomedia, as Emperor, found himself once more; among the 
 friends whom he had made when he studied under Eusebius. How 
 was it possible for a child not seven years old to form friendships ? 
 
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30 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 pageants. Dost thou care for horse - racing ? 
 There is the most beautiful description of one in 
 Homer. Take the book and read it. They speak 
 to thee of mimes and dancers ? Let them speak ! 
 The Phseacian youths danced much better than 
 any of them. And there thou wilt find Phemius 
 the harpist, and Demodocus the singer. And in 
 reading Homer there are certain descriptions of 
 trees that are more pleasing than seeing them in 
 reality. " / saw at Delos near the temple of Apollo 
 a young shoot of a palm uplifting itself heavenwards. " 
 And thou wilt read of the wooded Isle of Calypso, 
 of the cave of Circe, and of the garden of Alcinous. 
 Thou well knowest that nothing more beautiful 
 could ever be seen ! ' . . . 
 
 "Perhaps you might like me to tell you the 
 name and origin of my pedagogue. He was a 
 barbarian, by the gods and goddesses, Scythian 
 by origin, and bore the name of him who persuaded 
 Xerxes to make war on Greece. He possessed 
 that qualification which was so much honoured and 
 respected about twenty months ago, but now is 
 considered as a reason for contempt and insult. I 
 mean to say that he was a eunuch, educated by 
 my grandfather, in order that he might explain to 
 my mother the poems of Hesiod and Homer. . . . 
 I was seven years old when I was consigned to 
 his care. From that day he educated me, always 
 following one sole method of instruction. And, 
 not wishing himself to become acquainted with 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 31 
 
 any other, and not permitting me to do so, he 
 has succeeded in making me odious to all of you. 
 But now, after all, if you are willing, let us offer 
 a libation to his memory, and make friends. He 
 did not know that I should come amongst you, 
 and, even if I did come, that I should possess 
 the great power which the gods have given me, 
 doing violence, I assure you, as much to him 
 who received it, as to him who ceded it. . . . 
 But the will of the gods be done ! Perhaps, if 
 the pedagogue had foreseen all this, he would 
 have made certain provisions that would have 
 assured my being more acceptable to you. But 
 now, how could it be possible for me to forget 
 and put aside those rude habits which have 
 become engrained in me? Habit, it is said, is 
 a second nature. To oppose nature is a difficult 
 undertaking, but it is still more difficult to destroy 
 the work of thirty years, above all when it has 
 been accomplished with so much determination. 
 And if that be the case" — (Julian imagines that 
 the Antiochians reply) — "but why didst thou ever 
 conceive the idea to meddle in the affairs 
 of State, and play the judge ? . . . Certainly the 
 pedagogue gave thee no instructions on these 
 subjects, because he did not know then that 
 thou wouldst reign. Yes, it was he that taught 
 me" — replies Julian with scathing irony — "that 
 execrable old man, whom you, with good reason, 
 revile as the one truly responsible for my 
 
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32 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 conduct.^ But believe me, he also was deceived 
 by others. It is possible that sometimes in the 
 comedies you may have heard such names as Plato, 
 Socrates, Aristotle, and Theophrastus. Well, this 
 silly old man, influenced by them, persuaded me, 
 when I was a youth and loved study, that if I could 
 imitate them in every particular, I should become 
 entirely superior to any other man."^ From this 
 interesting fragment that teems with most bitter 
 irony, it appears that old Mardonius educated his 
 Imperial pupil in an atmosphere of pure Hellenism. 
 No Christian precept or example was ever brought 
 to the child's notice : he was accustomed to see 
 the origin of all virtue in the teachings of the 
 ancient poets and thinkers of polytheism, and 
 the cause of decadence, corruption, and vice in 
 the prevalence of Christianity, as it was revealed 
 to him in the ecclesiastical and Court circles of 
 Constantinople. This education explains the de- 
 velopment of the child's earliest tendencies, and 
 is the key to that phrase of Ammianus, which 
 says as "a rudimentis pueritiae primis inclinatior 
 erat erga numinum cultum, paulatimque adolescens 
 desiderio rei flagrabat." ^ 
 
 This education, which must have left deep 
 
 1 Here it appears evident to us that Julian is no longer speak- 
 ing of Mardonius, but of some other person known to the Antioch- 
 ians. But who was this old man ? Probably Julian alluded to one 
 of his masters at Nicomedia, and the important postion which he 
 appears to have occupied makes us think it might be Maximus. 
 
 2 Julian., op. cit., 452, i6 sq. 
 
 ' Amm. Marc, op. cit, vol. i, p. 271, 4 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 33 
 
 traces on the impressionable soul of the child, 
 was very soon interrupted. When Bishop Euse- 
 bius died in 342, he who had been entrusted 
 with the surveillance of the little Prince — a 
 surveillance which in fact was exercised in such 
 a superficial manner that he had not even per- 
 ceived that the pedagogue secretly developed in 
 the soul of his pupil an antipathy to Christianity — 
 the Emperor, fearful of finding a rival in the child 
 who grew up, under the eyes of all, in the capital 
 of the empire, sent him, together with his brother 
 Gallus, who had also been saved from the slaughter 
 of the descendants of Constantine, to a species of 
 confinement, in a solitary fortress of Cappadocia, 
 called Macellus, described by the ecclesiastical 
 historian, Sozomenes, as an abode of delight.^ 
 The two youths lived six years in this retirement, 
 surrounded by a number of slaves, but completely 
 cut off from all the political and intellectual move- 
 ments of the world. In his discourse to the 
 Athenians, Julian recalls with great bitterness 
 the memory of those days. " What can I say 
 of these six years passed on an estate belonging 
 to another, without any one of the outside world 
 being allowed to communicate with us, or any 
 of our old acquaintances being permitted to visit 
 us ? We were debarred from all worthy instruc- 
 tion, from all free conversation, being surrounded 
 by the pomp of the most splendid domestic service, 
 
 ^ Sozomeni Historia, recensuit et illustravit Valesius, p. 483. 
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34 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 but obliged to exercise with our servants, as if 
 they were our companions, as no one of our own 
 age was allowed to come near us."^ Julian 
 observes that while his brother Gallus became 
 rude and violent through habits acquired in this 
 sojourn, he was saved by the germs of philosophy — 
 in other words, the Hellenic doctrine, which had 
 been instilled into him. But Julian's words should 
 not be taken literally. If the luxurious prison of 
 the two youths was really closed to every breath 
 of philosophical and polytheistic influence, it 
 appears without doubt that those around them 
 used every effort to instruct them concerning the 
 doctrines of Christianity. 
 
 It is most interesting to read what Gregory of 
 Nazianzus has to say about the confinement of the 
 two princes. It would be impossible to find a more 
 direct contradiction to Julian's assertions, or a 
 more absolute travesty of the truth, for polemical 
 purposes. Gregory represents the perfidious 
 Constantius as a model of kindness, and Julian 
 as a monster of ingratitude. Now, when we recall 
 that Constantius, besides his domestic crimes and 
 the numberless cruelties that he committed under 
 the influence of his courtiers and eunuchs, had been 
 the strongest supporter of Arianism, which through 
 him became triumphant, we may measure by the 
 praise that Gregory lavished on him, notwithstand- 
 ing that he justly merited the most severe re- 
 
 1 Julian., op. dt., p. 350, 3 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 35 
 
 primand from one who was a Christian, and, above 
 all, an orthodox Christian, the intense rage that 
 Julian's attempt had excited among the rulers of 
 the Church, who, for a moment, were fearful of 
 losing the victory they had acquired at so great a 
 price. 
 
 Gregory ^ further narrates that Constantius had 
 no part in the massacre of the family of Constantine, 
 and that he had saved Gallus and Julian with the 
 intention of making them his associates and assist- 
 ants in the government of the empire. Therefore 
 this most humane Emperor had them educated in 
 one of his villas, amidst all the splendour of regal 
 appointments (thus Gregory describes the in- 
 voluntary abode of Macellus), and surrounded by 
 wise and religious men. And the two youths were 
 so inflamed with fervour for divine worship, that 
 they assumed the offices of the clergy, read to the 
 assembled people from the sacred books, and 
 exhibited special zeal in the veneration of the 
 martyrs. Gallus, says Gregory, although over- 
 bearing in character, was sincere in his piety, 
 while Julian, on the contrary, concealed under an 
 apparent devotion the perfidious tendencies of his 
 soul.^ And Gregory here relates a miraculous 
 story. The two children, Gallus and Julian, 
 undertook to erect two sanctuaries to the martyrs, 
 
 '^ Gregorii Nazianz. Opera, Parisiis, 1630, Orat. iii. 58. 
 
 ^ Greg. Naz., op. cit., loco cit., 59. Kpiirrav iv iiriciKclas irXao-jiiaTi 
 
 TO KaKOI)6fS. 
 
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36 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 emulating each other in expense and labour. The 
 sanctuary of Gallus was soon finished, but Julian's 
 was always being interrupted by earthquakes, an 
 indication that the martyrs refused the homage of 
 one who would, later on, abjure them. The two 
 brothers also exercised themselves in rhetorical 
 and philosophical discussions, and Julian always 
 chose the part of Hellenism, which he defended 
 with the most lively and unnecessary zeal under 
 the pretence of finding arguments for the weaker 
 side, while he was really preparing himself to 
 combat the truth.-' In the midst of exaggera- 
 tions and legends, we find in this, as in most of 
 Gregory's statements, a foundation of truth ; there 
 are flashes in his discourses which give to Julian's 
 figure a lifelike reality. 
 
 That the higher Christian clergy did not lose 
 sight of these Imperial scions is proved by Julian 
 himself, in a letter written after he became 
 Emperor, where he mentions that Bishop George 
 of Alexandria had sent to him at Macellus certain 
 volumes of his extensive library, in order that he 
 might re-copy them.^ It is strange, exceedingly 
 strange, that this exclusively Christian education, 
 continued for five years, and which must certainly 
 have afforded Julian a profound knowledge of the 
 Old and New Testaments, only seemed to intensify 
 
 ^ Greg. Naz., loc. cit., 6l. npofjyda-ci drjdeu &s t6v rjTTO) yvixva^av 
 Xoyoi', TO he &VTCOS yv/ivairia Kara Tijs dKrjdelas. 
 2 Julian., op. cit., p. 488, 16. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 37 
 
 in the soul of the youth an antipathy to the 
 religion in which he had been brought up. This 
 is only to be explained by the frightful state of 
 corruption into which the Arian Christians had 
 fallen in the East. Constantius was Arian, and 
 so were the prelates who frequented the Court and 
 occupied the most conspicuous positions. And it 
 is easy to understand that Julian, whose mind was 
 already imbued with the austere teachings of his 
 pedagogue Mardonius, who was inclined to see in 
 Hellenism the source of pure and perfect morality, 
 rose in indignation at the sights he was obliged 
 to witness, and so, although taking part in the 
 Christian worship, he cherished, in the depths of 
 his soul, sentiments of revolt. If instead of a 
 Eusebius, of a George, and of the other Arian 
 ecclesiastics who surrounded him, he had come in 
 contact with an Athanasius, with an Ambrose, with 
 a man, in short, who was able to keep Christianity 
 undefiled by the iniquitous poison of the age, 
 perhaps he would have entirely changed his 
 opinion. That hatred which Julian, even when 
 he arrived at the zenith of his power, continued to 
 feel for Athanasius, the only Christian personage 
 against whom, as we will see, he initiated proceed- 
 ings of persecution, proves that he appreciated the 
 difference which existed between Arian Christianity 
 and Athanasian Orthodoxy, and saw that the latter 
 constituted the rock against which the ship of 
 Hellenism would be dashed to pieces. 
 
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38 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Friedrich Rode in a booklet small of size but 
 replete with thought and erudition,^ is not of this 
 opinion. He says : " Even were we to omit taking 
 into consideration the circumstance that it was not 
 the true Arianism, but rather the moderate Arianism 
 of Eusebius, that predominated at the Court, and, 
 therefore, necessarily also in the education of 
 Julian, we should particularly note the circum- 
 stance that Julian, in his polemics, does not only 
 attack Arianism, but all Christianity, and more 
 especially the Athanasians. And so it is vain to 
 discuss whether Julian would have become a 
 convert to the true teachings of Jesus, since 
 where could he, at that time, have found such 
 teachings ? Certainly not from Athanasius. 
 Anticipating the critical theology of the nine- 
 teenth century, Julian had perceived the great 
 difference that existed between the Christ of 
 the primitive writings of the New Testament 
 and the God of the Nicene Creed." 
 
 All this would be true if Julian had aban- 
 doned Christianity because he could not reconcile 
 the rational difficulties offered by metaphysical 
 Christianity with the original doctrines of Jesus. 
 Certainly, in this case, Athanasian Orthodoxy 
 would not have been more potent than Arianism 
 in checking Julian's spirit of investigation ; on the 
 contrary, it might have been more difficult for him 
 to swallow. But Julian's return to Hellenism was 
 
 ' Friedrich Rode, Geschichte der Reaction Kaiser Julian, p. 32. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 39 
 
 not the effect of philosophical reflection, it was 
 rather a question of sentiment, and especially due 
 to the intense disgust with which he was inspired 
 at the sight of the corruption by which Christianity 
 was contaminated — a corruption eloquently recog- 
 nised by Gregory himself, who did not hesitate 
 to affirm that the Christians had lost through 
 prosperity the glory they had acquired in persecu- 
 tions and adversity.^ 
 
 Now, it is undeniable that this corruption was 
 much more advanced in Arianism, the religion of 
 the court of Constantius, than in the Orthodoxy 
 that gathered around the noble figure of Athanasius. 
 In Orthodoxy, Christianity had, at least, preserved 
 a part of its moralising efficacy, and if the young 
 Julian had been subjected to this influence from 
 the beginning of his education he might have been 
 attracted to a religion which he would have been 
 obliged, at any rate, to respect. 
 
 The young Princes had passed five years in 
 the confinement of Macellus when Constantius, 
 influenced by the difficulties he encountered in 
 administering the government of the whole empire, 
 suddenly changed his attitude towards his two 
 cousins, and called Gallus, the eldest, to the lofty 
 position of Caesar, which, according to the hierarchy 
 established by Diocletian, was equal to the position 
 of Vice-Emperor, the first figure in the empire 
 
 ^ Greg. Naz., op. cit., Orat. iii. p. 62. 
 
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40 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 after Augustus, the supreme head. Julian was at 
 the same time recalled to Constantinople. Here, 
 according to the statements of Socrates and 
 Sozomenes, in which Libanius concurs, he was 
 placed under the direct care of Ecebolius, the 
 Christian Sophist, a curious personage, who passed 
 without scruple from Christianity to Hellenism 
 according to the moods of the reigning Emperor.^ 
 Ecebolius followed the commands of Constantius, 
 and, together with the eunuchs of the Court, sought 
 to discipline the inquiring mind of his pupil, greatly 
 to the displeasure of Libanius, who himself earnestly 
 wished to sow the good seed in that generous soul, 
 and had to see it subjected to the influence of a 
 wicked Sophist, who had been bribed to imbue the 
 youth with contempt of the gods.^ 
 
 But the progress that Julian made in his studies, 
 and the sympathy which he excited, aroused 
 the suspicions of Constantius. " Fearing," says 
 Libanius, "that a great city, and one that exercised 
 a great influence, should be won over by the virtues 
 of the youth, and thus a danger to himself might 
 result, he decides to send him to Nicomedia, a 
 city that did not present equal perils, and where he 
 was permitted to devote himself to study." Fear 
 is a bad counsellor. Constantius could not have 
 taken a more imprudent resolution, for Nicomedia 
 was then the chief centre of Hellenism, and there 
 
 1 Socratis Historia, illustravit Valesius, p. 151. 
 ^ Libanii, op. cit., i. 526, 9 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 41 
 
 also lived Libanius, the greatest rhetorician of the 
 day, the leader/ so to speak, of the Hellenistic 
 party — Libanius, who, as he himself said, preferred 
 the peaceful tranquillity of Nicomedia to the peril- 
 ous agitation of Constantinople. It is true that 
 Constantius in sending Julian to Nicomedia, 
 following the advice of Ecebolius, had forbidden 
 him to frequent the lectures of Libanius. But the 
 young enthusiast bought them written, and read 
 them with avidity. And the rhetorician, with 
 pardonable vanity, narrates that so great was 
 Julian's intelligence that, notwithstanding the 
 imposed separation of master and disciple, the 
 latter succeeded in imitating his style more perfectly 
 than those who had been in direct contact with 
 him, so that even Julian's later writings bore the 
 imprint of his peculiar mode of expression.^ 
 
 To the influence of Libanius was added another 
 still more powerful, that of the Neo- Platonic 
 philosophers Edesius, Chrysanthius, Eusebius, and 
 Maximus the most important of all, as these men 
 lived either in Nicomedia or in the surrounding 
 towns- of Asia. This is, properly speaking, the 
 psychological moment in Julian's career. In the 
 midst of these philosophers, who initiated him into 
 a system in which the preservation of the antique 
 was united to the satisfaction of those exigencies 
 of thought that had promoted the apparition of 
 
 1 In English in the original.— TRANSLATOR'S NOTE. 
 
 2 Libanii, op. cit.., i. 527, 10 sq. 
 
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42 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Christianity, and that later Christianity itself 
 rendered more powerful, the twenty-year-old Julian 
 decided {hat his vocation was clear and irresistible, 
 and he became, with profound enthusiasm, a convert 
 to the worship of the gods. Notwithstanding that 
 every effort was made to keep the fact secret, some 
 indications of it transpired. " From the lips of 
 every honest thinker," Libanius exclaims, "arose 
 the prayer that this youth might become the master 
 of the universe, stay the ruin of the world, and 
 help the suffering, as he knew how to cure their 
 ills!"^ 
 
 Libanius and Socrates agree in attributing to 
 the philosopher Maximus, the merit, according to 
 the one, the blame, according to the other, of 
 Julian's conversion. Maximus was considered as 
 a saint of polytheism. Eunapius^ relates that 
 once, when he entered the temple of Diana in 
 Ephesus, the statue of the goddess smiled with 
 pleasure, and the lamp she held in her hand became 
 kindled. Julian gloried in this atmosphere of 
 mysticism, but was obliged to conceal his enthusiasm, 
 because reports of his actions had reached the ears 
 of Constantius, whose suspicions were immediately 
 awakened, and Julian, not to fall into disgrace, which 
 during the reign of Constantius meant nothing less 
 than being murdered, was obliged outwardly to 
 resume the life and worship of a Christian. But 
 
 1 Libanii, op. cit., i. 529, 2 sq. 
 
 ^ Eunapii Vitas Sophisiarum, recensuit Boissonade, p. 50. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 43 
 
 his soul was irremissibly bound up in Hellenism. 
 In this favourable milieu, the seed which old 
 Mardonius had sown in him took root and 
 developed, stifling all other intellectual germs that 
 had been implanted in him, as it was matured by 
 hatred of the persecutors of his family, by a re- 
 action against the system of mistrust and repression 
 in which he had been educated, by the sorrow 
 over the ever- vanishing glories of the past, that filled 
 him with aspirations towards a higher morality, 
 which he hoped to realise, not in the Christianity 
 of the courtiers, but in the Neo-Platonism of his 
 masters, at that time a curious mixture of Platonic 
 rationalism and superstitious mysticism. Ten 
 years intervened from the time of his sojourn in 
 Nicomedia in 351, to the day on which he left 
 Gaul, in rebellion against Constantius, and openly 
 invoking the gods of Olympus. But in these 
 ten years, the soul of the Hellenic polytheist, then 
 concealed in Julian, secretly acquired an increased 
 fervour, and never ceased to confirm him in his 
 resolutions. 
 
 Julian remained for three years quietly absorbed 
 in study, but, in the year 354, he suddenly found 
 himself again surrounded by dangers and compli- 
 cations. Constantius, falling into his old habits 
 and listening to the insinuations of his courtiers, 
 instigated the assassination, in Pola, of Gallus, 
 Julian's half-brother, whom, three years before, he 
 
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44 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 had invested with the dignity of Caesar. In his 
 manifesto to the Athenians, Julian speaks with the 
 greatest indignation of the crime committed by 
 Constantius. He admits that Gallus was a rough 
 and violent man ; but he attributes his failings, as 
 we have already seen, to the unfortunate education 
 he had received. Anyhow, this did not excuse 
 the perfidy of Constantius, who "at the instiga- 
 tion of a eunuch, of a chamberlain, and more 
 especially of that of the chief of the cooks, con- 
 signed to his most ferocious enemies, in order that 
 they might murder him, the cousin, the Caesar, the 
 husband of his sister, the father of his little niece, 
 of whom he himself had first married the sister, and 
 to whom he was bound by so many ties of relation- 
 ship!"^ Julian's indignation was natural and most 
 explicable. However, to be strictly impartial, we 
 must add that which Julian conceals, or only 
 partially admits, in order to give his own colour to 
 the picture. Gallus was a true descendant of 
 Constantine, a man of cruel and unbridled passions, 
 who during the few years in which he ruled the 
 East shed torrents of blood, encouraged by his 
 wife Constantina, a very demon, worthy to be 
 the daughter of Constantine and the sister of 
 Constantius. Ammianus says that, between the 
 two brothers, Gallus and Julian, there existed the 
 same difference as between the sons of Vespasian, 
 of whom Titus was an admirable example of 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit., p. 351, 18 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 45 
 
 temperance and wisdom, while Domitian was a 
 monster of cruelty.^ 
 
 Constantius, after having murdered Gallus, 
 fearing the vengeance of Julian, naturally did not 
 wish to leave him at large. In fact, he called him 
 to Milan, and there he remained for seven months 
 in strict confinement. Although he had for a long 
 time ceased all intercourse with his brother, he 
 would not have escaped death, except, as he tells 
 us, " that some god, wishing to save him, procured 
 him the good -will of the beautiful and gentle 
 Eusebia."^ The intervention of Eusebia, the 
 Emperor's wife, gives a romantic tinge to this part 
 of Julian's life. The enthusiasm with which the 
 persecuted prince speaks of his protectress, and 
 the courage with which she defended him from 
 his numerous enemies among the courtiers of 
 Constantius, lead us to believe that she was not 
 alone actuated by justice and pity — virtues wholly 
 unknown at the Court of Constantius, but that a 
 deeper and personal affection influenced her in 
 her providential interference. Ammianus also* 
 narrates that Julian would have certainly perished 
 through the instigations of the villainous courtiers 
 — " nefando adsentatorum ccetu perisset urgenter" — 
 if Eusebia, by divine inspiration, had not intervened. 
 She first obtained permission for Julian to be 
 
 1 Amm. Marc, op. cii., vol. i. p. 43, 3. 
 
 2 Julian., op. cit., p. 351, 27 sq. 
 
 3 Amm. Marc, op. cit., vol. i. p. 47, 3- 
 
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46 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 removed from Milan, and sent for a while to 
 Como; she then persuaded Constantius to grant 
 him an audience. This was difficult to accomplish, 
 as Constantius was not inclined for a colloquy with 
 his cousin, and the Chamberlain of the Palace, a 
 eunuch with great influence over the Emperor, 
 and a deadly enemy of Julian, used every means to 
 postpone the meeting, fearing that the two cousins, 
 after seeing each other, might become reconciled.^ 
 Apparently, in this interview Julian succeeded in 
 exculpating himself, thanks to the intervention of 
 Eusebia, who had paved the way.^ The fact is 
 that he was set at liberty, and permitted to retire to 
 a small property in Bithynia which he had inherited 
 from his mother, the sole possession that remained 
 to him, because the honest Constantius — o «aXo9 
 KmvaTdvTio<i — after having killed the father, robbed 
 the children of all^ their paternal inheritance.* But 
 Eusebia still continues her beneficent care, and is 
 ever awake to the interest of her proUge. Julian 
 was on his way to Bithynia, when, for no appreci- 
 able reason, but probably through the calumnies of 
 his enemy, the suspicions of Constantius are again 
 aroused. Eusebia now takes the opportunity of 
 rendering Julian another service, to him the most 
 acceptable of all. She persuades her husband to 
 change the destination of the possible pretender, 
 and instead of sending him to the East, where he 
 
 ' Julian., op. cit., p. 353, 10 sq. 
 
 2 Ibid., op. cit,, p. 152, 2 sq. ' Ibid., op. cit., p. 352, 10 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 4'7 
 
 might prepare to avenge Gallus, to condemn him 
 to a forced sojourn ^ at Athens. This was exactly 
 in accord with Julian's wishes. The young 
 enthusiast was not interested in Imperial politics, 
 he had no ambition to rule, or any desire for 
 riches or vengeance. He only wished to be 
 allowed to bury himself in his studies ; he had but 
 one passion, that of his books ; one intense 
 aspiration, to see Greece, his true fatherland, that 
 he loved with such an intense affection^ — Greece, 
 still the brilliant centre of that Hellenic culture to 
 which he had dedicated his life. 
 
 Julian was only allowed to remain a few months 
 in Athens, but his contemporaries affirm that these 
 few months had a great influence on his soul. He 
 still kept his religious convictions concealed, but 
 this did not lessen the fervour with which he 
 devoted himself to his studies, and his efforts to 
 obtain a true knowledge of the Mysteries, which 
 constituted the principal act of worship in this 
 symbolic polytheism that Julian desired to make 
 the religion of the world. Eunapius, Socrates, and 
 Sozomenes seem to consider that his short stay in 
 Athens was one of the most important circum- 
 stances of his life. But the most authoritative and 
 interesting narrators are, as usual, Libanius^ and 
 
 1 " Domicilio coatto " is a sort of enforced residence, as punishment 
 for habitual criminals, or persons of suspicious character, which is 
 used in Italy.— Translator's Note. 
 
 2 Julian., op. cit., p. 152, ii sq. 
 
 ' Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 532, r sq. 
 
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48 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Gregory, Libanius said that Julian presented 
 himself to the professors of Athens, and offered 
 himself for examination, and it was then found that 
 he knew more than the masters, so that "he alone 
 of all the youths who had frequented Athens went 
 away, having taught more than he had learnt. 
 Thus he was seen continually surrounded by 
 crowds of youths, old men, philosophers and 
 rhetoricians. The eyes of the gods were also on 
 him, being fully aware that it was he who should 
 restore the worship of his fathers. When he spoke, 
 he was at once admirable and modest, always 
 blushing while speaking. Every one was delighted 
 with his meekness, and the best profited by his 
 teachings. And the youth desired to live and die 
 in Athens, this seeming to him the acme of 
 felicity." 
 
 It is impossible to find a more decided anti- 
 thesis to this sketch designed by Libanius, than 
 that made by Gregory. The latter, as we know, 
 was about Julian's age, and was also in Athens 
 studying at the literary University of that city, 
 to perfect himself in the art of oratory, which he 
 afterwards employed with so much talent in defence 
 of Nicean Orthodoxy. Gregory and Julian were 
 fellow-students ; the future theologian lived in 
 daily intercourse with the future apostate, having 
 every opportunity to scrutinise his soul and study 
 it in all its phases, although Julian made every 
 effort to conceal the tendencies and convictions 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 49 
 
 which had taken root in him. In Gregory's sketch, 
 it is easy to perceive the hostile intention of the 
 author who desires to depict a most repulsive 
 figure, but, notwithstanding this, it seems to us 
 that the sketch cannot be considered a caricature. 
 There is an expression of truth in the figure that 
 stands forth from the pages of the disputant. 
 Julian's singular and agitated life, and its many 
 contradictions, the suddenness of his resolutions, 
 his desperate heroism, the restless versatility of his 
 talent, perhaps better accord with the disturbed, 
 enigmatical, and rather convulsed image presented 
 by Gregory, than with the smiling and serene one 
 traced by Libanius. Says Gregory, writing after 
 Julian's death — " I had suspected him for some 
 time, as far back as when I met him in Athens. 
 He came there shortly after the catastrophe of 
 his brother, having obtained the permission of 
 the Emperor. He had two motives for desiring 
 this sojourn : the first, a praiseworthy one, was to 
 become acquainted with Greece and its schools ; 
 the other, which was not expressed, and only noted 
 by a few, to confer secretly with the priests and 
 the impostors, since his impiety did not yet feel 
 strong enough to assert itself It was just then 
 that I happened to divine his true character, 
 although I am not among those who possess a 
 natural talent in this direction. Still, the anomaly 
 of his demeanour and the singularity of his dis- 
 tractions developed in me this power of divination, 
 
 VOL. I.— 4 
 
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50 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 I was not favourably impressed with the jerking 
 motion of his neck, the shifting shoulders, the 
 roaming eyes, that turned from one side to another, 
 having in them something of the maniac ; the un- 
 steady, shaking feet, which seemed unable to 
 support his weight, his nostrils dilated with pride 
 and disdain, the lineaments of the face ridiculous 
 and conceited ; the immoderate and sudden laugh ; 
 the gestures of assent and dissent without reason ; 
 words that were suddenly interrupted, as if for 
 want of breath ; questions confused and irrelevant, 
 the answers no better, intermingling one with the 
 other without order or reason. But why descend 
 to such minute particulars ? I knew him for what 
 he was before he had betrayed himself by his 
 actions. And if there were present any of those 
 who then heard me express my opinion, they 
 would testify without hesitation to the truth of 
 what I say. And they would all remember that 
 I exclaimed at sight of these peculiarities : ' What 
 a monster the Roman Empire is cherishing in its 
 bosom ! ' But then I was abused and execrated as 
 a false prophet."^ There is, doubtless, a large 
 amount of exaggeration in this description. It is 
 in too decided a contrast, not only with the sketch 
 given by Libanius, but, what is more important, 
 with the description of the honest and impartial 
 Ammianus. But, I repeat, it possesses some 
 germs of truth, and in it Julian stands forth a 
 
 * Greg. Naz., op. cif., Oiat. iv. p. 121-22. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 51 
 
 living figure. But Gregory only wished to con- 
 sider as the manifestations of a madman the 
 proud and suspicious bearing of a man who was 
 obliged jealously to conceal his sentiments ; a man 
 who knew himself surrounded by enemies ; a man 
 in whom prudence counselled by reason was ever 
 in conflict with the natural audacity of his soul. 
 But how interesting and dramatic the encounter, 
 in the schools of Athens, of these two youths 
 destined, later on, to become deadly enemies, 
 and who, even in those days, spied on each other 
 with the acuteness of instinctive hatred. If 
 Gregory was singularly discriminating, Julian, 
 whose intuitions had been rendered more keen 
 by the troubles and experiences of his stormy life, 
 must not have been less so. He certainly must 
 have foreseen in Gregory one of the future 
 defenders of Christianity. His uneasy manners, 
 and the incoherence and jerkiness of his conver- 
 sation, were probably partly assumed to conceal 
 from the scrutinising eyes of his companion his 
 designs, his hopes, and the secret of his being at 
 heart a fervent Hellenist. 
 
 While Julian was studying at Athens, an 
 unexpected destiny was maturing for him. A 
 military plot, imagined rather than discovered, at 
 Sirmium, in Pannonia,^ the revolt of Silvanus in 
 Gaul, stifled by the treacherous murder of the 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 49. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 53 
 
 student of philosophy into a soldier and courtier.^ 
 Eusebia, in the meanwhile, made repeated efforts 
 to inspire him with courage and confidence in her. 
 He, on the contrary, tries to persuade her to have 
 him sent away from Milan, and writes a letter, 
 which was almost a supplication, concluding with 
 the words : " I pray that thou mayst have sons, 
 heirs to the Empire ; may God grant thee all 
 that thou couldst desire, but send me back home, 
 as soon as it is possible ! " ^ Then he reflects on 
 what he is about to do ; he fears to compromise 
 himself by sending to the Court a letter for the wife 
 of the Emperor. In the silence of the night, he 
 prays the gods to direct his actions, and the gods 
 announce to him that if he sends that letter he is 
 a dead man. Then Julian convinces himself by a 
 process of reasoning, to him so plausible that he 
 reproduces it in full in his manifesto to the Athen- 
 ians. " I thought to oppose the gods, pretending 
 to be a better judge of what I ought to do than 
 those who know everything. However, human 
 wisdom applied to the things of the present only 
 succeeds at best in avoiding error, . . . but 
 divine wisdom is infinite and all-seeing, directs us 
 in the right path, and decides for the best. The 
 gods are the authors of all things actual and future. 
 It is therefore natural that they should know the 
 present. And immediately I became aware that 
 I reasoned more correctly than before. And 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit., p. 353, 26 sq. ^ /^^•^_^ p_ 355^ 3, 
 
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54 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 thinking of our duties, I added: ' Thou art indignant 
 if any one of the creatures which thou possessest 
 deprives thee of its service, or, when called, runs 
 away, even if it be only a horse, a sheep, or an ox. 
 And thou who art a man, and not among the least 
 or the most degraded, wouldst deprive the gods of 
 thyself, and thou refusest thyself for the purpose 
 for which they would use thee ? Beware of acting 
 foolishly and offending divine Justice. Instead of 
 cringing and flattering, out of fear of death, put 
 thyself in the hands of the gods ; do that which 
 they will, and commit thyself to their care, even as 
 Socrates did. Take things as they come ; refer 
 everything to them, neither acquire nor grasp at 
 anything for thyself, but receive, without hesitation, 
 that which they give thee.' I became convinced 
 that this reasoning with which the gods have 
 impressed me is the most sure and advisable for a 
 well-balanced man, since to run to certain danger, 
 for fear of future treachery, really seems to me most 
 imprudent. I yielded therefore, and obeyed, and so, 
 in a short time, they bestowed upon me the name 
 and the chlamys of Caesar ! " ^ 
 
 What could possibly have happened to put Julian 
 in such an extraordinary and painful state of mind ? 
 Ammianus Marcellinus thus explains it.^ Julian, 
 as we have said, had been called to Milan because 
 the conspiracy of Sirmium and the rebellion of 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit., p. 355, 14 sq. 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit,, vol. i. p. 64. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 55 
 
 Silvanus had aroused the suspicions of Constan- 
 tius. When Julian arrived at Milan, every danger 
 of the conspiracy had vanished, and Silvanus was 
 overthrown and killed. But the anxiety of the 
 Emperor was again aroused, and this time for far 
 graver reasons. The ominous signs of the terrible 
 barbaric invasion that, about a century later, 
 overran the empire became more and more 
 threatening in their aspect. The Germans, passing 
 the Rhine and devastating the Eastern provinces 
 of Gaul, appeared as an impending peril, as a force 
 which the empire was no longer able to resist. 
 Constantius was not the man to take matters into 
 his own hands, and, personally, lead his army to 
 battle. But, at the same time, he felt that the 
 circumstances necessitated decisive action. 
 
 Eusebia, the zealous protectress of Julian, takes 
 advantage of the occasion, and counsels her 
 husband to call his young cousin to participate 
 in the government of the empire, making him 
 Caesar, and investing him with discretionary 
 powers as to the administration and the war in 
 Gaul. The courtiers try to oppose the rising 
 fortune of the young Prince, warning Constantius 
 of the dangers that might accrue from having a 
 colleague in the empire, and recalling to him his 
 recent experience with the " Caesarate " of Gallus. 
 But Eusebia insists, overcomes all resistance, and 
 Julian is named Caesar by the Emperor. Judging 
 from Julian's own words, it would appear that he 
 
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56 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 was most reluctant to accept the high office, 
 because he could not overcome his great mistrust 
 of the Emperor. But, as we have seen, his faith 
 in the wisdom of Providence, or rather in himself, 
 decided him not to resist his destiny, and to allow 
 himself to be clad in the chlamys of the Caesar. 
 
 This act, which makes such a radical change in 
 the fortunes of Julian, who, from being a persecuted 
 prince, became a colleague with the Emperor under 
 such extremely difficult conditions, must inspire 
 some suspicions concerning the intentions of Con- 
 stantius. Libanius unhesitatingly declares them 
 evil. "And so that no one need wonder" — he 
 writes — "if I name as enemy of Julian him who 
 associated him with himself in the empire, I will 
 explain the reasons of such a union. It certainly 
 was not that he saw with pleasure another beside 
 him on the Imperial throne and with the purple 
 robes, because, even in his dreams, that sight would 
 have been insupportable to him. Then why did 
 he call another to participate in his power? On 
 all sides he was threatened by the barbarians, but 
 especially in the West. A general was not sufficient 
 to restore order, and he felt that the prestige of an 
 Emperor was necessary to stem the current. Now, 
 the Emperor, not wishing to go himself, and, on 
 the other hand, it being necessary for him to take 
 a colleague, he chose, putting aside all others, the 
 one whom he had so greatly injured, certainly not 
 forgetful of the blood he had shed, but because he 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 57 
 
 had more faith in the one who had the right to 
 accuse him than in those whose duty it was to be 
 grateful to him. Nor was he mistaken. . . . But 
 he soon felt an unreasonable regret for what he had 
 done, and, in consequence of this, he placed at his 
 side, in the position of counsellors, men who, instead 
 of encouraging him, would prevent him from accom- 
 plishing any noble action." ^ Ammianus, who was 
 probably an eye-witness, describes the solemn cere- 
 mony that took place in Milan when Julian was 
 invested with the office of Caesar. The Emperor 
 Constantius, in the presence of the army, made an 
 address that was both flattering and encouraging to 
 Julian. The soldiers welcomed with wild enthusiasm 
 the new Caesar, and, as a proof of their joy, beat 
 their shields on their knees. Resplendent in the 
 Imperial purple, he returned to the palace, seated 
 in the same coach with the Emperor. But on the 
 way. he repeated to himself the verse of Homer : 
 
 Tov be KUT ocrae 
 eXXffljSe TTop^vpeo'i 0dvaTO<; Koi jiolpa KpaTairj} 
 
 In order to confirm the proofs of his favour, 
 Constantius gave his sister Helena in marriage. 
 After a month of files and rejoicings, on the first 
 days of December 355, Julian left for Gaul, and 
 Constantius accompanied him, beyond the Ticino, 
 half way between Lomello and Pavia.^ That is 
 
 1 Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 378-79. 
 
 2 Iliad, V. 83, 83. 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 67. 
 
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58 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the story which Ammianus tells, and Julian himself 
 does not disagree with it in the eulogy that he 
 wrote on the Empress Eusebia as a proof of his 
 gratitude and in the two speeches addressed to the 
 Emperor Constantius, in which he conceals, under 
 a mantle of devotion, his true sentiments. He also 
 relates the solemn pomp and splendour of the 
 pageant and the gifts he received, especially from 
 Eusebia. And his insisting so much on the kind 
 thoughtfulness of the Empress seems sufficient 
 proof that between Julian and herself there existed 
 a confidential relationship much more intimate than 
 would appear from the official discourses. " I 
 wish" — he wrote — "to mention one of her gifts, 
 which afforded me the most singular pleasure. As 
 soon as she found out that I had carried with me 
 very few books, in the hope and desire of returning 
 home as quickly as possible, she gave me a sufficient 
 number on philosophy, history, rhetoric, and poetry, 
 largely to satisfy my insatiate desire for intercourse 
 with them, and thus transformed Gaul into a museum 
 of Greek books. Never separating myself from 
 these gifts, it was of course impossible that I should 
 ever forget the donor. And when I set out on a 
 campaign, I take with me one of these books as 
 viaticum for the march." ^ Julian glories in ex- 
 pressing admiration for his protectress. " When 
 I arrived in her presence, I thought I saw, as in a 
 temple, the statue of Wisdom. My soul overflowed 
 
 ^ Julian., op. at, p. 159, 5 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 59 
 
 with reverence, and, for some time, I remained 
 immovable, my eyes riveted on the ground, until 
 she exhorted me to take courage. ' The present 
 gifts,' she said, ' thou hast from us. The rest thou 
 shalt have from God, if thou be faithful and just 
 with us.' And she said no more, although she was 
 as capable of making a discourse as the most 
 renowned orator. When she dismissed me from 
 the audience, I remained overpowered with ad- 
 miration and emotion ; it seemed, too, that I had 
 heard the voice of Wisdom itself, so soft and 
 mellifluous to my ears was the music of her 
 tones." ^ 
 
 But though the intentions of Eusebia toward the 
 young Prince were benevolent and cordial, we 
 cannot attribute the same sincerity to the demon- 
 strations of confidence with which the Emperor 
 surrounded him. In his manifesto to the Athenians, 
 Julian affirms that, on becoming Caesar, his captivity 
 was even more irksome, because of the relentless 
 and continued espionage with which the suspicious 
 Constantius surrounded him. " What slavery " — 
 he exclaims — " was mine ; how many and how dark, 
 by Hercules, were the menaces that threatened 
 my life ! The doors were watched, the door- 
 keepers were watched, the hands of my familiars 
 examined, fearing lest some one might bring me a 
 note from my friends, and I had strangers as 
 servants. I was only allowed to bring with me four 
 
 ^ Julian., op. ctt., p. 158, 8 sq. 
 
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60 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 familiars, for my personal service, of whom two 
 were quite young, and two adults. One of these, 
 who knew of my devotion to the gods, practised 
 with me in secret the rites of the cult, and to him I 
 confided the care of my books ; the other was a 
 physician, who, alone among my friends and faith- 
 ful companions, had been able to follow me, because 
 it was not known that he was my friend.^ So 
 great was my fear that, although it caused me 
 much pain, I believed it my duty to prohibit many 
 of my friends from visiting me, fearing to become 
 a cause of misfortune to them and myself For the 
 rest, Constantius sent me with only three hundred 
 and sixty soldiers into the country of the Celts, in 
 mid-winter, not so much to command the armies 
 which I found there, as to obey their generals. To 
 that end he had written to them to watch me more 
 than they did the enemy, for fear I should attempt 
 something new." ^ 
 
 The defenders that Constantius has found among 
 modern historians^ question the truth of Julian's 
 assertions. Now, I will admit that there might be 
 some exaggeration, and that some parts of the 
 picture are too darkly coloured. Thus it does not 
 seem just to find a cause of complaint in the small 
 military escort that accompanied Julian. For he 
 was supposed not to conduct a new army into Gaul, 
 
 ^ Eunapius {op. cit., p. 54) gives us the names of these two. The 
 faithful servant was Evemerus, and the physician, Oribasius. 
 'Julian., op. cit., p. 367, 2 sq. 
 * Kock, Kaiser Julian. — AUard, Julien VApostat. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 61 
 
 but to take command of the army which was already 
 there. Admitting this, and that Julian's journey 
 was made through a friendly and quiet country, three 
 hundred and sixty men were all that were necessary. 
 But when Julian complains of being surrounded by 
 enemies and spies, he must have told the truth, and 
 the events which happened after his arrival in Gaul, 
 and the latent but active hostility existing among 
 his generals, clearly proved that the intentions of 
 Constantius were insincere. The Emperor cer- 
 tainly feared the Germans, but he feared still more 
 his Imperial cousin. He desired to save Gaul, but 
 not if Julian was to come out of the enterprise with 
 too much honour. In fact, had Julian been so 
 entirely defeated as to deliver him from a possible 
 and dreaded rival, the defeat would appear to him 
 a misfortune not without compensation. And he 
 had good reasons to suppose that the undertaking 
 would finish in this way. Who could possibly 
 imagine that this Prince, only twenty-five years old, 
 would be capable of commanding an army — he who 
 had passed his whole life amongst priests and 
 philosophers ; who had never occupied himself with 
 military affairs ; whose lack of military training had 
 called forth the scorn and ridicule of the Court of 
 Constantius ? And, besides, the expedition was 
 taking place under the most depressing auspices. 
 At Turin Julian received the tidings that Cologne 
 had been captured and destroyed by the Germans, 
 and he, appreciating the gravity of the peril, ex- 
 
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62 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 claimed that there was nothing left for him but to 
 encounter a glorious death. 
 
 The populations of Gaul received him with the 
 most lively enthusiasm. He entered Vienne, near 
 Lyons, which was then the seat of government in 
 Gaul, amidst a crowd joyful and reassured by the 
 presence of a Prince of the Imperial family. And 
 here a curious incident occurred, which is related to 
 us by Ammianus. In the midst of the acclamations 
 of the crowd, a blind old woman asked who it was 
 that they were saluting. " The Caesar Julian," 
 was the answer. — "Behold him" — she exclaimed 
 — " who will restore the temple of the gods ! " ^ — 
 Was it a rumour already in circulation, a presenti- 
 ment, or the expression of a desire nurtured by a 
 part of the population? The truth is that Julian 
 was believed to be the hero who would disturb 
 the world of ideas and the world of facts. 
 
 The five years in which Julian administered the 
 government of Gaul form a glorious episode in the 
 midst of the decadence of the empire, and, for a 
 moment, this decadence — which, later, like a whirl- 
 wind, was to sweep away everything in its course — 
 seemed for a moment to be arrested. Julian in this 
 period appears in an aspect absolutely marvellous. 
 The wisdom and valour which he displayed in 
 directing the long and arduous campaign against 
 the Germans, forcing them back across the Rhine, 
 
 1 Amm. MarcelL, op. cit., vol. i. p. 67, 29. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 63 
 
 put ftim on an equality witn the most famous 
 generals of ancient times. He here reveals all the 
 genius of a man who was born with a natural 
 aptitude for command, and with a talent for great 
 military combinations. Ah ! if Julian had not been 
 exalted and misled by the folly of Neo-Platonism, 
 and if his views concerning the reality of things 
 had been more precise and better balanced, what 
 an admirable Emperor he would have been ! But 
 he was only a brilliant meteor, passing and 
 evanescent, when he might have been one of the 
 most powerful factors of human history, a truly 
 great ruler of nations ! . . . However, from a 
 psychological and dramatic point of view, it is just 
 this strange union of characteristics which constitutes 
 the principal interest in the history of Julian. He 
 was at the same time an exalted idealist, full of 
 mystical superstitions and fixed ideas ; a com- 
 mander of genius ; a heroic soldier ; and an 
 expert administrator. There was something of 
 Marcus Aurelius in him, but a Marcus Aurelius 
 immoderate, unbalanced and unreasonable. Julian 
 is more brilliant, but Marcus Aurelius possesses 
 greater depth of sentiment. The imagination that 
 in Marcus Aurelius was cold and restrained, in 
 Julian was so ardent and excitable that it played 
 him a scurvy trick, making him believe in the 
 existence of ideas and things that were long since 
 dead. Again Julian, just the reverse of Marcus 
 Aurelius, cared more for the appearance than for 
 
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64 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the substance of things, and, carried away by the 
 phantoms of his brain, carelessly dissipated his 
 wonderful good fortune and the marvellous gifts 
 that Nature had bestowed upon him. 
 
 And now we will give a rapid glance at what 
 Julian acco mpli shed in Gaul before discussing his at- 
 tempted restoration of paganism, which is naturally 
 the most interesting period of his life. We cannot 
 form a just conception and living image of the man 
 unless we stop for a moment to consider him in the 
 light of the warrior and leader, who, issuing from 
 the Neo- Platonic sanctuaries of Nicomedia, Ephesus, 
 and the school of Athens, takes into his hands the 
 direction of a desperate war, and conducts his 
 battalions from victory to victory. Even the calm 
 and moderate Ammianus Marcellinus, who renders 
 the impressions of his contemporaries, and was an 
 eye-witness of Julian's actions, abandons himself 
 to hyperbole and rhetoric when he speaks of the 
 young prince ; and he sees in him a miracle pre- 
 ordained by divine law. " In an instant" — he says 
 — "he shone so brightly as to be adjudged for 
 prudence a new Titus, his successes in war equal 
 to those of Trajan, humane as Antoninus, and in 
 abstract mental investigations to be a peer of 
 Marcus Aurelius, whom he wished to emulate in 
 his actions and habits." And Ammianus has many 
 reasons to be astonished when he recalls that this 
 youth, " transported suddenly into the midst of the 
 dust of Mars, not from a military tent, but from 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 65 
 
 the tranquil shades of the Academies, subdued 
 Germany, and, having pacified the regions of the 
 frozen Rhine, killed and bound in chains the 
 barbarian kings thirsting for bloodshed."^ 
 
 Julian passed the winter of 356 in ascertaining 
 the bearings of his new surroundings, and in 
 acquiring the necessary knowledge of administra- 
 tion and the art of war. He did not disdain to 
 perfect himself in the most common exercises, and, 
 as an encouragement and a consolation during these, 
 he repeated, from time to time, the name of Plato. 
 He gave a novel and admirable example of 
 temperance and diligence. He was a systematic 
 organiser of his time, and this explains the immense 
 amount of work he was able to accomplish. He 
 rose in the middle of the night from the rude 
 couch on which he slept, and divided into two 
 parts the hours that must pass before the dawn of 
 day. First he secretly offered a prayer to Mercury, 
 who stimulates thought ; then he attended to the 
 affairs of state, the government of the provinces, 
 and the arrangements for attack and defence. 
 These occupations over, Julian became absorbed 
 in his favourite study of philosophy, which no 
 circumstances could induce him to neglect, as it 
 constituted the principal interest in his life. And, 
 besides philosophy, he studied poetry, history, and 
 exercised himself in the Latin language. Julian 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. TJ, 14 sq. 
 VOL. I.— 5 
 
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66 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 had been nurtured on poetry. Bacchylides was his 
 favourite poet, not counting the great authors of 
 antiquity. Unfortunately, the Hellenic school at 
 that time was too much imbued with formal and 
 pedantic rhetoric, which was the characteristic 
 note of the literature of the period.^ 
 
 In the summer of 356 Julian opens his first 
 campaign. Hearing that Augustodunum (Autun) 
 was threatened by the invaders, he rushes to its 
 rescue, delivers it, and thence, by a wonderfully 
 rapid march, reaches the valley of the Rhine, 
 traverses it from Strasburg to Cologne, which he 
 enters in triumph, and here the kings of the 
 Franks, terrified by his sudden and successful 
 attack, are forced to conclude a peace.^ In this 
 first campaign, it would appear that Julian acted 
 in concert with another army corps, led by the 
 Emperor in person, which must have descended 
 from Rhsetia and the Upper Rhine, towards Alsatia. 
 We infer this from an incidental statement made 
 by Ammianus.^ It is strange that neither Ammianus 
 nor Julian mention this movement of the Emperor 
 in the account of the exploits that were achieved 
 during the summer of 356. At any rate, if the 
 Emperor did take part in this campaign, it failed 
 to produce any important results, and Julian, at 
 the beginning of the following year, found that 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. dt., vol. i. p. 82, 5 sq., and vol. ii. p. 
 40, 2. 
 
 2 Ibid., op. dt., vol. i. p. 80, 8 sq. 
 
 2 Ibid., op. dt., vol. i. p. 100, 25 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 67 
 
 he was obliged to face alone the formidable 
 undertaking of liberating Gaul from the Germanic 
 invasion. 
 
 Julian's winter quarters were at Agenticum 
 (Sens), and there, according to Ammianus, over- 
 burdened by the cares and difficulties of the war, 
 which seemed ever on the increase, his whole time 
 was divided between efforts to withstand the 
 attacks and to provide food for his soldiers. 
 Here he was subjected to another great danger, for 
 as the barbarians were well acquainted with the 
 weakness of his forces, they blockaded him narrowly. 
 He might have been assisted by Marcellus, who 
 commanded the cavalry stationed not far from him, 
 but Marcellus was one of those generals who had 
 received orders from Constantius not to aid Julian, 
 but rather to keep him under surveillance. In 
 obedience to the commands he had received, he 
 left Julian alone to encounter the difficulties of the 
 situation. But Julian's fiery resistance discouraged 
 the besiegers, and, after a month, they retired, 
 ashamed of, and disheartened at, their complete 
 failure. Julian deprived the unworthy Marcellus 
 of his command, and the latter knowing that 
 Constantius always lent a willing ear to the 
 accusations of informers, rushed to Milan, to make 
 complaints against Julian. But Julian, foreseeing 
 this, sent to Milan his faithful Evemerus, who 
 so ably pleaded his cause before the Emperor that, 
 on this occasion at least, he turned a deaf ear to 
 
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68 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the calumnies of courtiers and spies. And, on the 
 contrary, the supreme command of the army was 
 entrusted to JuHan, freed from all restrictions, and 
 the interference of other generals/ The campaign 
 of 357 was, however, menaced with failure because 
 of the disloyalty of another lieutenant, Barbatius, 
 who allowed himself to be defeated by the Germans, 
 and who also rushed to Milan to accuse Julian.^ 
 But his machinations were powerless before the 
 brilliant victory that Julian gained near Strasburg, 
 over a coalition of the principal rulers of the 
 Germanic tribes, headed by King Conodomarius, 
 the most powerful among them all. 
 
 Ammianus and Libanius agree concerning the 
 conduct of Barbatius, which they attribute to his 
 weakness of character and his hatred of Julian. 
 But, as they draw their information from different 
 sources, the rhetorician and the historian often 
 differ in their narrations of facts, and on this 
 occasion we must, undoubtedly, acknowledge that 
 the authorities quoted by Libanius seem more 
 reliable than those of Ammianus, Ammianus ^ 
 relates that Barbatius, rather than lend to Julian 
 some of the boats he had built to construct the 
 bridges on the Rhine, burnt them all. Libanius, 
 on the contrary, says that Barbatius, wishing to 
 act independently of Julian, constructed a bridge 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit., p. 359, i. 
 
 2 Amm. Marcell., op. cit, vol. i. p. 94, 7 sq. 
 ^ Ibid., op. cit, vol. i. p. 96, 13 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 69 
 
 of boats, intending to invade the German territory. 
 But the barbarians, anticipating by fifteen centuries 
 the device of the Austrians at the battle of Essling, 
 threw into the current a quantity of timber, which, 
 carried along by the impetuous river, dashed 
 against the boats, shattering and destroying them. 
 Barbatius, who was no Napoleon, overcome by 
 fear, fled with his 30,000 men, hotly pursued by 
 the barbarians.^ 
 
 The retreat of Barbatius re-animated the hopes 
 of the Germans, and made them feel assured 
 of a complete victory over Julian's army. They 
 learned from a deserter that the Caesar could only 
 oppose 13,000 men to the combined forces of 
 the seven barbarian kings.^ Conodomarius, who 
 led the Germanic army, therefore determined 
 to execute a master stroke, and establish himself 
 on the left bank of the Rhine, taking possession, 
 by the destruction of the small Roman army, 
 of the whole of Eastern Gaul. But the hopes of 
 Conodomarius, though justified by the difficult 
 position in which the defection of Barbatius had 
 left Julian, were admirably frustrated by the heroic 
 valour of the Caesar. It is necessary to read in 
 Ammianus the long description of this battle 
 to appreciate thoroughly the military genius, the 
 presence of mind, and the heroism of the youthful 
 commander. The Roman army was only half as 
 
 1 Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 539, 5 sq. 
 
 2 Amm. Marcell., op. cit.., vol. i. p. 98, 11. 
 
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70 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 large as the army of the barbarians. Conodomarius, 
 "the infamous instigator of the war" — as 
 Ammianus calls him — "bearing on his head a 
 glittering helmet, led the left wing, audacious and 
 confident in his great strength of limb, magnificent 
 on his foaming charger, conspicuous by the 
 brilliancy of his armour, and brandishing a javelin 
 of immense size." ^ The barbarians felt certain of 
 victory. It was a proof of singular audacity on 
 the part of the Romans to attempt the battle. 
 But Julian, this philosopher, this theologian, this 
 mystical and visionary dreamer, was, by a miracle 
 of which we do not think there is another example, 
 a man of action and of singular ability. On the 
 field of battle, together with a marvellous quickness 
 of perception, he possessed the faculty of inspiring 
 his soldiers with confidence, and of awakening in 
 them an ardour for the fray and a thirst for danger. 
 These gifts, which were especially conspicuous 
 during the campaigns of Gaul, appear, with equal 
 brilliancy, in the war against the Persians, and 
 are among the special features of Julian's character. 
 Thus it happened that the battle of Strasburg, 
 conducted with wonderful ability, resulted in a 
 magnificent victory. The barbarian army was 
 partly destroyed, and partly thrown into the Rhine. 
 The terrible King'Xonodomarius, who attempted 
 to escape and hide himself, was made a prisoner, and 
 sent by Julian to Constantius, who caused him to 
 
 1 Atnm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 102, 23 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 71 
 
 be imprisoned in a dungeon on the CcElian Hill, 
 where he died.^ 
 
 This memorable victory caused Constantius 
 more anger than pleasure. At the court of Milan 
 Julian was called in derision Victorinus? The 
 courtiers pretended to attribute all the merit to 
 the wise foresight of the Emperor, and he, lending 
 a willing ear to this stupid adulation, left in the 
 Imperial records an account of the battle of 
 Strasburg, in which he figured as the glorious 
 tactician who had won the day, excluding entirely 
 the name and achievements of Julian, "which" — 
 says Ammianus — "he would have entirely con- 
 cealed, if it had been possible for fame to be silent 
 concerning glorious actions, notwithstanding there 
 may be those who desire to obscure them — ni 
 fama res maximas vel obumbrantibus plurimis silere 
 nesciret."^ 
 
 Julian, to reap the fruits of his victory, crosses 
 the Rhine and penetrates into the heart of 
 Germany, driving before him the barbarians 
 terrified by the greatness of his audacity. And, 
 
 ' Ammianus, who did not take part in the campaign of Gaul, gives 
 such a detailed account of the battle of Strasburg as to leave no 
 doubt that he received his information from an eye-witness. From 
 the fragments of Eunapius, and also from a passage of Zosimus 
 (i. 2, 8), we may infer that there existed an account written by 
 Julian himself, and, perhaps, not only of this battle, but also of a great 
 part of his campaign against the barbarians. Besides this, the 
 physician Oribasius, who was always at Juhan's side, has left records ■ 
 of what he had seen — vnofivrjimra — of which Zosimus made use. 
 
 ^ " Victorinus — Little Victor." — Translator's Note. 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit, vol. i. p. no, 25 sq. 
 
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72 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 finally, having rebuilt and armed a castle which 
 had been erected by Trajan, and later abandoned, 
 and having arranged a truce of ten months with 
 the same kings against whom he had fought at 
 Strasburg, he returns to Gaul and takes up his winter 
 quarters at Paris. Ammianus says that during 
 the whole of this campaign Julian's valour was 
 so marvellous that we might almost believe those 
 who pretended that he sought death, because he 
 preferred to fall fighting rather than to be con- 
 demned as his brother Gallus had been. But this 
 explanation, Ammianus adds, is unworthy of 
 consideration, as Julian, when he became Emperor, 
 proved his heroism by acts no less marvellous.^ 
 
 How did Julian occupy himself, in his winter 
 quarters at Paris, in the short period of repose that 
 the war permitted him ? In examining the financial 
 accounts of Gaul, in discussions with Florentius, the 
 Prefect of the Pretorium, or, as we might say, the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, to prove to him that 
 Gaul could not bear an increase of taxation, and 
 that, besides, it was unnecessary, as the Budget 
 was sufficient for all reasonable expenses. The 
 Chancellor carried his complaints to the Emperor, 
 who advised Julian to have faith in Florentius. 
 But Julian is immovable ; he refuses even to read 
 the papers containing the proposals of Florentius, 
 and, in a moment of indignation, throws them on 
 the ground. Thus, by his firmness, Gaul is saved 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 115, 5 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 73 
 
 from ruin.^ The people of Gaul were right 
 when they compared his administration to a re- 
 splendent and serene sunlight after a gloomy 
 night. 
 
 The dissensions between Julian and Florentius, 
 which were the chief causes of the renewal of Con- 
 stantius' distrust and suspicion, had their origin 
 in a matter much more personal than that of public 
 administration. Florentius, following the custom 
 of the time and of the Imperial Government, was 
 a thief. The incorruptible Julian could not tolerate 
 this abuse, hence arose the desire of Florentius and 
 his associates to rid themselves of this inconvenient 
 Prince. An episode related by Libanius illustrates 
 the situation. "It happened" — Libanius malici- 
 ously relates — " that a citizen accused a magistrate 
 of robbery. Florentius, as Prefect, acted as judge, 
 and, accustomed as he was himself to robbing, and 
 furthermore having been bribed, he expressed his 
 indignation against the accuser, feeling himself 
 compromised by his companion in trade. But as 
 the injustice was most evident, and as it was spoken 
 of in public, it made the ears of its author tingle. 
 Julian, at first, refused, saying that it was not within 
 his sphere. But Florentius insisted, not that he 
 desired a just sentence, but because he believed 
 that Julian would decide in accord with him, even 
 if the sentence were unjust. But when he saw that 
 Julian cared more for the truth than for him, it made 
 1 Amni. MarcelL, op. cit., vol. i. p. ii6, 12 sq. 
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74 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 him very "angry, and he calumniated in his letters 
 the person in whom Julian had the greatest confi- 
 dence,^ and had him expelled from the palace, as if 
 he had misled the young Prince, to whom, instead, 
 he had really acted the part of a father." ^ 
 
 We must never lose sight of the fact that Julian 
 was considered as one of the most enlightened, 
 conscientious, and just men of antiquity, and this 
 circumstance should be borne in mind when we 
 attempt to decide on the real gist of those actions 
 for which he was handed down to posterity 
 branded with infamy, namely, his attempt to restore 
 paganism. 
 
 The two subsequent campaigns of 358 and 359 
 were a series of successes for Julian, by which the 
 daring and fortunate General, not satisfied with 
 liberating Gaul, penetrated into the heart of 
 Germany, subduing one by one the most warlike 
 tribes. The disloyalty of the enemy, who only 
 kept their agreements through fear of punishment, 
 and the difficulty of providing food, the lack of 
 which once caused Julian's faithful soldiers to revolt 
 against him, created obstacles, at every step, sufficient 
 to discourage and depress the most able commander. 
 But Julian never lost his presence of mind,^ the 
 quickness of his perception, or his timely daring, 
 and thus he succeeded in carrying order, peace, and 
 
 1 This was Sallustius. 
 
 ^ Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 549, 18 sq. 
 
 3 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 129, 21 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 75 
 
 prosperity into regions which had been, for years, 
 disturbed and disheartened by the perpetual menace 
 of a disastrous invasion. It is most interesting to 
 note the legitimate pride and simple dignity which 
 Julian displays in speaking of his military successes. 
 "In the two years following (the battle of 
 Strasburg) " — he writes to the Athenians — " the 
 barbarians were all expelled from Gaul, many cities 
 were rebuilt, and a great number of ships came 
 from Brittany. I gathered together a fleet of six 
 hundred ships, four hundred of which I had con- 
 structed in less than ten months, and with these I 
 sailed up the Rhine, which was not an easy under- 
 taking, because of the barbarians who inhabited 
 the banks of the river. Even Florentius believed 
 the enterprise so impossible that he promised 
 these barbarians a tribute of two thousand pounds 
 of silver, if they allowed us to have a free passage.i 
 Constantius, on hearing of the offer, wrote me to 
 have it carried out, unless I considered it too igno- 
 minious. And how could it have been otherwise, 
 if it appeared so even to Constantius, who was in \ 
 the habit of bargaining with the barbarians ? But 
 I gave them nothing, and marching against therri, 
 with the defence and assistance of the gods, 
 occupied the country of the Salians, expelled the 
 Camavians, and captured many oxen, women and 
 children.^ So greariy were they terrified by the 
 
 1 Zosimus's account of this campaign against the -barbarians of 
 the Rhine is most interesting (3, 7). From it we learn that Julian 
 
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76 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 preparations for my invasions that they sent me 
 hostages, and assured me of the free passage of my 
 provisions. It would be too long to enumerate 
 and describe, one by one, everything that I accom- 
 plished in these four years. I recapitulate them. 
 Three times I crossed the Rhine ; I recovered 
 from the barbarians twenty thousand prisoners, 
 who were found beyond the Rhine ; in two battles 
 and one siege I captured thousands of men in the 
 flower of their age ; I sent to Constantius four 
 battalions of the strongest infantry, three not quite 
 so strong, two cohorts of the most daring cavalry : 
 now, by the favour of the gods, I am master of all 
 the cities, having retaken a few less than forty." ^ 
 
 We have now arrived at the most fateful moment 
 in Julian's life. The events that will conduct him 
 to the zenith of power are rapidly maturing. 
 While the Caesar in Gaul and Germany passed 
 from victory to victory, in the East, Constantius 
 was struggling amidst the most grave and inglorious 
 difficulties arising out of the war with the Persians, 
 that had been going on for many years, and now 
 threatened to become a disaster for the Empire. 
 Constantius' petty and depraved soul was over- 
 took advantage of the proffered assistance of a noted brigand, called 
 Cariectus. This curious episode is, however, not mentioned either 
 by Julian or Ammianus. Perhaps they did not wish to diminish the 
 magnificent heroism of the Caesar's achievements. This Cariectus 
 was afterwards regularly enrolled in the Roman army (^ide Amm. 
 Marcell., op. cit., vol. ii. p. 94, 9). 
 1 Julian., op. cit, p. 360, 10 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 77 
 
 flowing with jealousy of his cousin. Fearing that 
 this continuation of successes might develop, in 
 Julian, aspirations towards the Imperial crown, 
 instigated, according to Ammianus,^ by Florentius, 
 Constantius decided to clip the Caesar's wings. 
 With this intention he sends the Tribune Decentius 
 to Paris, bearing orders to Julian to transfer to the 
 East the pick of his troops, the legions of the 
 Heruli, of the Batavii, the Petulantes, and of the 
 Celts. He recommended him to make no delays, 
 as he needed these troops to arrive in time to take 
 part in the spring campaign against the allied 
 forces of the Parthians and Persians. The troops 
 were to be conducted to Constantius by the General 
 Lupicinus. Julian foresees that the Emperor's 
 orders cannot be executed without difficulties and 
 disputes. These barbaric soldiers had voluntarily 
 taken service with the understanding that they were 
 not to leave their own country. It was certain 
 that they would refuse to be led into the Far East 
 to die away from their families. Lupicinus mean- 
 while was absent ; he had been sent to England 
 some time previous by Julian, and Florentius, 
 foreseeing the storm, retired to Vienne, and made 
 no haste to obey Julian's call, who, therefore, found 
 himself without counsellors and obliged to assume 
 the whole responsibility. Besides this, Decentius, 
 frightened at the dangers that might arise from 
 the delay, was pressing him to act at once. At the 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 201, 15 sq. 
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78 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 same time, an anonymous libel was circulated 
 among the legions, a part of which was to this 
 effect : " We, like condemned criminals, are driven 
 to the extreme confines of the earth, and our 
 families, which, after many bloody battles, we have 
 liberated from servitude, will become for ever slaves 
 of the Germans."^ Reading this libel, Julian de- 
 cides to remove what seems to be the greatest 
 objection on the part of the soldiers, and arranges 
 that their families shall follow them, and that they 
 be furnished with means of transport. Decentius, 
 however, insists that the soldiers must be brought 
 from their different stations, and concentrated in 
 Paris, whence they are to take their departure. 
 This is done, and the troops being assembled in 
 the suburbs of Paris, Julian visits them, exhorts 
 them, and speaks one by one to those among the 
 soldiers who are personally known to him, 
 encouraging them with promises of the liberality 
 of the Emperor, and the prizes that await them. 
 He, furthermore, entertains all the leaders at a 
 solemn banquet, from which they retire sad and 
 perturbed because a merciless fortune deprived 
 them at the same time of their just commander and 
 of their native land.^ 
 
 Tranquillity at last seemed to be restored, and all 
 fear of resistance vanished, when suddenly, in the 
 middle of the night, the legions arm themselves, 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 203, 15 sq. 
 ^ Ibid., op. cit., vol. i. p. 204, 4 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 79 
 
 and rushing to the palace, surround it so entirely 
 that no one can escape. With loud cries they 
 proclaim Julian " Augustus," that is to say Emperor, 
 and at the dawn of day they force him to present 
 himself, and at the sight of him the joyful clamour 
 is redoubled. In vain Julian attempts to calm them, 
 promising that they shall not be obliged to pass the 
 Alps, and assuring them of the pardon of Constantius. 
 The soldiers become more and more excited ; they 
 lift him up on their shields, and demand that he 
 should place on his head the Imperial diadem. But 
 he does not possess one. It is proposed then to 
 crown him with a necklace belonging to his wife, 
 but a female ornament is not suitable as an emblem 
 of Empire. Then some one else proposes the 
 gilded breastplate of a charger. Worse still. At 
 last, a standard bearer of the Petulantes tearing 
 off the torques he wears as a sign of his grade, 
 with this encircles Julian's forehead. The Caesar, 
 not being able to resist the importunities of the 
 soldiers, retires into the palace, dazed, reluctant, 
 and perturbed. Now it happens that, on the follow- 
 ing day, it is reported among the soldiers that 
 during the night Julian has been secretly murdered. 
 They again arm themselves, and in great frenzy 
 rush to the palace, and are not satisfied until the 
 new Emperor appears before them, resplendent 
 in all the insignia of power. From this moment 
 Julian openly assumes his position, addresses the 
 soldiers as their Emperor, recalls to them the deeds 
 
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80 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 which they have together accomplished, declares 
 his absolute confidence in their fidelity, and 
 promises them recompense and promotion. He 
 still hopes to be able to enter into some agreement 
 with Constantius, and avoid thus a civil war, but 
 at all hazards he is resolved not to draw back from 
 his decision, having an absolute faith in himself 
 and in his destiny. Thus to his intimates he 
 relates that, the night preceding his proclamation, 
 the Genius of the Empire appeared to him and 
 said : " More than once, O Julian, I have occupied 
 the vestibule of thy palace, with the intention of 
 increasing thy dignity, but I have always retired, 
 almost repulsed. If this time again thou refusest 
 to receive me, despite the unanimous wishes of so 
 many, I will depart mortified and sad. But bear it 
 well in mind, I will come to thee no more ! " ^ 
 
 Of this interesting event we have the account 
 written by Julian himself. In the manifesto sent 
 to the Senate and to the people of Athens, when 
 he decided to throw away all scruples, and to move 
 against Constantius, the new Emperor narrates 
 how his proclamation happened. This most vivid 
 account is, in the main, completely in accord with 
 that left by Ammianus. Julian tells how he was 
 surrounded by spies and calumniators, chief among 
 whom were Pentadius, Paul, Gaudentius, and 
 Lucilianus. To these he also adds Florentius, on 
 account of the financial discord, of which we have 
 
 ' Amm. Marcell., op. cii., vol. i. p. 208, 10 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 81 
 
 spoken, as related both by Ammianus and Libanius. 
 
 These spies first persuade Constantius to separate 
 
 Julian from his most faithful friend Sallustius, who 
 
 possessed his entire confidence, and it is also at 
 
 their instigation that the Emperor deprives him 
 
 of his army. " Constantius, perhaps urged on by 
 
 jealousy of my achievements, writes a letter replete 
 
 with personal insults, and menaces to the Celts. 
 
 And he commands that, without distinction, nearly 
 
 all the best troops should be sent away from Gaul, 
 
 confiding the execution of this order to Lupicinus 
 
 and Gentonius, and warning me not to oppose 
 
 myself to them. But how can I tell you here all 
 
 that the gods did for me ? I decided, in my soul, 
 
 and the gods themselves are my witnesses, to cast 
 
 aside all the glory and cares of empire, and to live in 
 
 retirement, far from all affairs. I, therefore, awaited 
 
 the arrival of Florentius and Lupicinus, the first of 
 
 whom was in Vienne, and the other in Brittany. 
 
 Suddenly there began a great agitation among the 
 
 citizens and the soldiers, and, in a neighbouring 
 
 city, an anonymous libel was circulated among the 
 
 legions of the Petulantes and the Celts, in which 
 
 the Emperor was most disrespectfully mentioned. 
 
 The writer complained of their being forced to 
 
 abandon Gaul, and deplored, at the same time, the 
 
 insults which had been offered me. This libel 
 
 produced a very deep impression, and the partisans 
 
 of Constantius came to me, insisting with all their 
 
 might that I should send the troops away before 
 
 VOL. I. — 6 
 
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82 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 other such libels could be circulated among the 
 remaining legions. I had not around me a 
 single individual who was well disposed towards 
 me, only Nebridius, Pentadius, and Decentius, 
 who had come to communicate to me the orders of 
 Constantius. I replied that it was best to await 
 Lupicinus and Florentius, but this they did not 
 approve, and affirmed that it was necessary to act 
 immediately, unless I wished to awaken the old 
 suspicions, adding, as a new proof, this further 
 example. And they continued : 'If thou sendest 
 the soldiers immediately, the merit will be thine. 
 But if, on the contrary, thou awaitest the return of 
 the other two, Constantius will not attribute the 
 merit to thee, but to them, and thou wilt be 
 accused.' ... I had before me the choice of two 
 roads. I wished to follow the one, and they tried 
 to force me to take the other, for fear that, if 
 anything happened, it might give the soldiers an 
 excuse to revolt, and.be a cause of complete dis- 
 order. And truly this fear was not entirely 
 unfounded. In fact, the legions came, and I, 
 according to the arrangements made, went to meet 
 them, and announced to them their imminent 
 departure. A day passed, during which I knew 
 nothing of their decisions. Jove, the Sun, Mars, 
 Minerva, and all the gods know it that, until the 
 evening, I had not the shadow of a suspicion. It 
 was only late, after sunset, that I received any news, 
 and, behold, in an instant, as it seems, the palace 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 83 
 
 is surrounded, and all begin to shout and make a 
 great noise, while I, with little faith in my own 
 wisdom, try to decide what is best for me to do. 
 I was at that moment alone in a room adjoining 
 that of my wife, who was then living. From there, 
 looking up at the heavens through an opening 
 in the wall, I prostrated myself before Jove. The 
 noise became louder and louder, and, even in the 
 hall of the palace, all were shouting, so that I 
 prayed the god to give me a sign, and he gave 
 one, and revealed to me that I should yield, and 
 not oppose myself to the will of the army. Not- 
 withstanding this sign, I did not immediately 
 surrender, but resisted as long as it was possible, 
 and did not accept either the title or the crown. 
 However, notwithstanding all my efforts, I did not 
 succeed in quieting any of them, for the gods, who 
 willed that all this should happen, caused the 
 soldiers to become more and more excited, and my 
 resolutions to weaken, so that, towards the third 
 hour, some soldier — I do not know who — snatched 
 off his own necklace, and encircled my head with 
 it, and I retired into the palace sighing, as the 
 gods know, from the bottom of my heart. I well 
 knew that I should confide in the divine omen, 
 but it grieved me very much my appearing not to 
 have remained, even unto the end, faithful to 
 Constantius. 
 
 " Around the palace there was a great agitation. 
 The friends of Constantius wishing to take ad- 
 
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84 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 vantage of the occasion, laid a snare for me, and 
 distributed money among the soldiers, hoping that 
 one of these two things would happen, either that 
 the soldiers should begin to fight among them- 
 selves, or that they should all openly unite against 
 me. Becoming aware of this secret snare, one of 
 the officers in the service of my wife immediately 
 communicated it to me, and when he saw that I 
 did not take any notice of it, with the fury of an 
 epileptic, he rushed through the streets shouting : 
 ' Soldiers, strangers, citizens, do not betray the 
 Emperor ! ' And, behold, the soldiers become 
 excited, and, fully armed, they all rush to the 
 palace. Seeing me alive, they rejoice as those 
 who, against all hope, recover a friend given up 
 for lost ; they surround me, embrace me, bear me 
 in triumph on their shoulders, and the intense 
 enthusiasm that pervades them is something worth 
 seeing. When I was in their midst, they asked 
 me to consign to them the friends of Constantius, 
 that they might punish them. The gods well 
 know what a struggle it was to save them."^ 
 
 Is it possible that Julian was absolutely sincere 
 in his declaration of innocence and his affirmations 
 of surprise and astonishment? This we may be 
 permitted to doubt, without doing him great in- 
 justice. Constantius' treatment of him was such 
 as to leave no question concerning the fate that 
 awaited him. If he separated himself from his 
 
 ^ Julian., op. cit., p. 363, 26 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 85 
 
 soldiers, he was a doomed man. He had no other 
 defence but to rebel against the orders he had re- 
 ceived. To save himself, he was obliged to de- 
 monstrate to Constantius that he had at his disposal 
 a force superior to the latter 's. It is quite natural 
 to suppose that, in all these hesitations, supplica- 
 tions to the gods, and repeated protests, there was 
 some acting. Ammianus relates, and Julian con- 
 firms, with great energy, that the gods had clearly 
 demonstrated their wishes to him by means of a 
 miracle. But these very opportune miracles are 
 only experienced by those who expect them, in 
 order to sanction that which they have already 
 determined to do. The soldiers adored this 
 mystical philosopher, whose grave studies did not 
 prevent him from being ever the first in danger and 
 in difficulties, and leading them on from victory to 
 victory. Even on the battlefield of Strasburg they 
 had wished to proclaim him Emperor.^ Then he 
 unhesitatingly refused, because the circumstances 
 were not such as to necessitate his choosing between 
 rebellion and death. But his continued successes 
 in war and in peace, instead of weakening, intensi- 
 fied the suspicion and jealousy of Constantius, so 
 that, to save himself, the heroic Caesar was obliged 
 to encourage, if not provoke, his proclamation as 
 Augustus, which two years previously he had 
 absolutely opposed. 
 
 That Julian anticipated and desired his high 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. at., vol. i. p. i lo. 
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86 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 destiny, and was, therefore, not wholly ignorant of 
 the military insurrection that raised him to the 
 throne, is proved by a letter written, towards the 
 end of his "Csesarate," to his faithful physician, 
 Oribasius. The dream that he there relates is too 
 clear not to be the expression of a thought already 
 conceived in the mind of the dreamer. He writes : ^ 
 "The divine Homer says that dreams have two 
 doors, and that, therefore, we cannot put equal faith 
 in all their predictions. But I believe this time 
 that thou, more than ever, hast seen well into the 
 future, because I also have had to-day a vision 
 similar to thine. It seemed to me that I saw a 
 high tree planted in a vast hall, bowed to the earth, 
 and from its roots there sprung a small one covered 
 with blossoms. I was very anxious about the little 
 tree, fearing that it might be carried away with the 
 big one. As I approached, behold, the big tree is 
 levelled to the ground, but the little one remains 
 upright, pointing towards the heavens. At this 
 sight I anxiously exclaimed : ' That tree is fallen ! 
 And there is danger that the offshoot also will not 
 be spared ! ' Then some one who was wholly un- 
 known to me said : ' Look well and take courage ! 
 The root has remained in the earth, and the little 
 one is saved, and will, undoubtedly, become 
 strong ! ' " 
 
 That this physician Oribasius had an important 
 part in the manoeuvres which preceded the election 
 
 ^ Julian., op. cit, p. 495, 20 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 87 
 
 of Julian, and that he used his influence to awaken 
 Imperial aspirations in the Prince, is by no means 
 unlikely, and is, in fact, explicitly affirmed by 
 Eunapius in the life of this same Oribasius.^ It 
 furthermore appears that Oribasius himself, in the 
 Memoirs that he left, boasted of his share in the 
 adventure, attributing also to Julian a more impor- 
 tant part in the initiative than is ever admitted by 
 Julian himself or Ammianus, from whom we gather 
 the impression that the rebellion was an act of 
 necessary defence. A curious fact, and one that 
 might be considered as highly symptomatic, is that 
 Julian, according to Eunapius, brought from Greece 
 into Gaul the high priest of the Mysteries,^ the 
 Hierophant, as he was called, and did not decide 
 to rebel until he had, with the greatest secrecy, 
 accomplished the prescribed sacred rites. Oribasius 
 and the faithful Evemerus were the only ones in 
 his confidence. Knowing, as we do, Julian's super- 
 stitious soul, and how it had been rendered more so 
 by the teachings of Maximus, it is easy to under- 
 stand that he desired to consult the gods before 
 deciding on such an important step, and that, con- 
 sequently, the assistance of the Hierophant was most 
 precious to him. But the circumstance of his 
 having brought him from Greece to Paris cannot 
 but give rise to the suspicion of premeditation. 
 However, the facts are too uncertain to permit our 
 building a secure edifice on this foundation. Our 
 
 ^ Eunap., op. cit., p. 104. ^ Ibid., op. cit., p. 53. 
 
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88 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 best plan is to follow the precise and vivacious 
 account that we find in the manifesto to the Athen- 
 ians and in the reports of the honest and impartial 
 Ammianus. 
 
 The modern defenders of Constantius, of whom 
 we have already spoken, and first among them, 
 Kock, in his essay written with the most acute 
 criticism and great erudition, pretends to see, in 
 the revolt of Paris, a comedy enacted by Julian, 
 who desired to find a pretext to rebel openly 
 against the Emperor. But even if we were not 
 impressed by the accent of truth that resounds in 
 Julian's words, the psychological analysis, if we may 
 so term it, of the men and the situation, is sufficient 
 to persuade any unprejudiced observer not inspired 
 by the demon of hypercriticism, that the fault in 
 this historical dissension is entirely on the side of 
 Constantius. First of all, we must remember that 
 it is impossible to exculpate the latter from the 
 responsibility of that terrible crime which was the 
 destruction of his family, after the death of his 
 father Constantine — that crime for which Julian 
 could publicly call him " the assassin of my father, 
 brothers, cousins, I might say the bloodthirsty 
 executioner of all our family and relations in 
 common."^ Certainly against such a man the 
 darkest prejudices may be justified. Suspicious of 
 every one and of everything, Constantius was ever 
 ready to lend an ear to calumniators. First among 
 
 ' Julian., op. cit., p. 362, 8 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 89 
 
 them, the Eunuch Eusebius, who always remained 
 at his side as his principal counsellor, instigating 
 him to those cruelties for which he had already a 
 natural tendency.^ This man continually incited 
 him against Julian, in whom he saw a dangerous 
 successor to the Empire. He experienced that 
 envious hate which is generally inspired in base 
 souls by those who are generous and strong. 
 Eusebius was a worthy representative of the cor- 
 ruption and vice which reigned at the Court ; Julian 
 had all the honest simplicity and integrity of the 
 studious scholar who lives, far away from intrigue, 
 in the pure atmosphere of ideal aspirations. 
 Eusebius must have regarded the approach of 
 Julian as the beginning of his downfall, and, 
 therefore, was incessant in his efforts to poison and 
 prejudice the mind of the credulous and depraved 
 Constantius. Had it not been for the tact and 
 wisdom displayed by the Empress, Julian would 
 not have escaped the suspicions of his cousin. 
 These suspicions were certainly, for a moment, 
 silenced by the increasing menace of the Germanic 
 invasions, and Constantius let himself be persuaded 
 by his wife to send his cousin to Gaul. And we 
 will even admit that, at first, it was in good 
 faith, since, after all, the most important question 
 for the moment was to repress the threatened 
 attacks of the enemy. But Julian's many 
 successes, and the great fame that they brought 
 
 ' Amm. Marcell., op. cit, vol. i. p. 269, 6 sq. 
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90 JUI.IAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 him, rekindled the suspicions of Constantius, and, 
 with the death of the beautiful Eusebia, the evil 
 influences that surrounded the Emperor became 
 all powerful, as there was no one to restrain them. 
 In our opinion, the unexpected and inconsiderate 
 order by which Constantius commanded Julian to 
 send to the East the best part of the army of Gaul, 
 was inspired by the desire to ruin Julian utterly. 
 Constantius' position in the East, after the fall 
 of Amid,^ was certainly a difficult one, and 
 Mesopotamia ran the risk of being entirely over- 
 run and invaded by the Persians. Constantius, 
 however, was not in need of soldiers, but of a wise 
 direction of the war — a direction which was 
 rendered impossible by the calumnious insinua- 
 tions of the eunuchs who surrounded the Emperor, 
 and of whom Ammianus gives a most curious 
 picture.^ At the same time, although Julian 
 had succeeded by his valour in forcing the 
 Germans back across the Rhine, his position 
 was still a dangerous one, and there is no 
 doubt that if Gaul had been left insufficiently 
 defended, the invasions would have begun again.^ 
 Constantius, by leaving the Csesar defenceless before 
 the rising peril, wished that he, too, should have his 
 share in the ignominy with which the Emperor 
 had been covered in the East by the faU of Amid. 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 198, 5 sq. 
 ' Ibid., op. cit., vol. i. p. 153, 20 sq. 
 2 Ibid., op. cit., vol. i. p. 217, 20 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 91 
 
 But the first and most important consideration 
 is, that if Julian had not been convinced of the 
 Emperor's hostile intentions, he would not have 
 rebelled, because it was not in his interest to do so. 
 Holding a high position, the sole representative 
 of Constantine's family, still very young, covered 
 with glory, adored by his soldiers, Julian had only 
 to wait. The empire would naturally fall into his 
 hands, as Constantius, who was fifteen years older, 
 had no children, while, on the other hand, rebellion 
 exposed him to the perils of civil war, which, in 
 all probability, might have proved fatal to him. 
 It, therefore, seems without doubt that Julian was 
 forced into rebellion only to save himself, and 
 he preferred to confront any danger rather 
 than abandon himself to the fate which certainly 
 awaited him. It is possible that, in the prepara- 
 tions for the rebellion, he took a more impor- 
 tant part than he acknowledges, but it is unjust 
 to place the whole of the responsibility on his 
 shoulders. 
 
 Of this we are so convinced that we do not 
 hesitate to believe in the sincerity of the overtures 
 of reconciliation and compromise which he maide to 
 Constantius in order to avert a civil war. The 
 risk was so great, and the issue of the encounter 
 between the two so uncertain, that Julian, with his 
 sober and clear judgment, naturally sought, by all 
 the means in his power, to avoid it. And that his 
 proposals were most favourable and generous is 
 
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92 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 proved by Ammianus and confirmed by Julian's 
 own words. 
 
 Ammianus gives the text of the letter that Julian 
 wrote to Constantius to acquaint him with what had 
 taken place, and to propose acceptable conditions. 
 These conditions were as follows : — Constantius 
 must recognise and sanction what had happened ; 
 Julian engaged to send to his assistance every year 
 a certain number of men and horses ; Constantius 
 should have the nomination of the Prefect of the 
 Pretorium, that is to say, the Prime Minister of 
 Gaul, but all the other officers, military and civil, 
 should be named by Julian. At the end of his letter 
 Julian demonstrated the inopportunity and peril of 
 taking the Gallic troops into the East, accustomed 
 as they were to their own country, and, besides, 
 their presence was still necessary for the defence of 
 Gaul itself He also expresses the hope that the 
 concord between the two Princes might redound to 
 their glory and the good of the Empire.^ 
 
 Julian's two messengers, Pentadius and the 
 faithful Euterius, overtook Constantius at Csesarea- 
 Mazaca, a town of Cappadocia, where he was occu- 
 pied in preparations for the Persian war. When 
 the contents of Julian's letter were communicated 
 to him at a solemn audience, Constantius flew 
 into a fearful rage and expelled the ambassadors, 
 refusing to ask any questions or listen to any ex- 
 planations. He then sends, as his ambassador to 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 215, 10 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 93 
 
 Julian, the Quaestor Leonas with a letter in which 
 he commands him to confine himself within the 
 limits of the authority conceded to a Caesar, and in 
 proof of his resolution not to resign any of his rights 
 he sends a long list of new nominations for the 
 different offices in the government of Gaul.-^ Julian, 
 who was excellently qualified worthily to play his 
 part of pretender and rebel, assembled the soldiers 
 and the citizens in the military camp, and ordered 
 Constantius' decree to be read to them. When the 
 reader arrived at the point where Constantius com- 
 manded Julian to confine himself to the prerogatives 
 of the Caesar, from every direction arose a wild and 
 terrible clamour, and soldiers and citizens cried out 
 together : "Julian Augustus by the will of the Pro- 
 vince, the Army, and the Republic." Leonas 
 departs, seeing the position desperate. Julian, in 
 accordance with the conditions he had offered, 
 accepted Nebridius as Prefect of the Pretorium, but 
 cancelled the rest of the nominations made by 
 Constantius, and chose, on his own authority, 
 all the other officials.^ 
 
 The indefatigable Julian was not satisfied with 
 the new and supreme dignity with which he had 
 been invested. Before the winter began, he re- 
 crossed the Rhine, and conducted a rapid and 
 successful campaign against certain tribes of the 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 2ig, lo sq. 
 ^ Ibid., op. cit,, vol. i. p. 219, 29 sq. 
 
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94 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Franks, and, having arranged for the necessary' 
 defence, went to winter in Vienne. 
 
 During the winter 360-361, Julian again hesi- 
 tated to take the initiative of war against Con- 
 stantius. In the meanwhile he celebrated with the 
 greatest pomp the fifth anniversary of his administra- 
 tion of Gaul, and presented himself, with his fore- 
 head encircled by a magnificent diadem of precious 
 stones. Unfortunately, in the midst of these 
 festivities, he was overtaken by a great misfortune, 
 the death of his wife Helena, caused by the effects 
 of a poison, which, according to Ammianus,^ had 
 been administered three years before in Rome, 
 by the jealous Eusebia, not so much with the 
 intention of killing Helena, as to prevent her 
 from ever bearing children. This is a terrible 
 accusation, and it sheds a sinister light on the 
 drama of love that seems to have been secretly 
 intermingled with the stormy existence of the 
 Imperial philosopher.^ 
 
 ' Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 94, 13 sq. 
 
 ^ The mystery concerning the death of Helena was used by the 
 enemies of Julian to tarnish his memory at the time when it was 
 sufficient to vilify him to become entitled to honour and fame. We 
 learn from Libanius how a certain Elpidius, who had sought to create 
 difficulties for Julian in Gaul, and to raise the army against him 
 (Liban., op. cit, ii. 321, 10) circulated the calumny that Helena had 
 been poisoned by a physician of Julian's suite, in accordance with 
 Julian's own desires. Libanius rises, with all the strength of his 
 honest affection, against this vicious lie, and on hearing that it was 
 being propagated in Antioch by one of his friends and disciples, 
 Polycletes, he breaks off all relations with him, and will no longer 
 receive him in his house (Liban., op. cit., ii. 316). To this Polycletes 
 he addresses a discourse to demonstrate to him the vileness of the 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 95 
 
 About this time, Julian suddenly became aware 
 of a fact that convinced him that he was in imminent 
 danger, and this immediately put an end to his un- 
 certainty and preoccupations. He discovered that 
 Constantius was conspiring with the kings of the 
 barbarians to injure him, so that, if he had not been 
 able to put a stop to the movement at its outset, he 
 would have found himself surrounded on all sides, 
 and obliged, at the same time, to fight the combined 
 forces of Constantius and the Germans, who had 
 formed a coalition against him. He had, fortunately, 
 been able to get possession of the correspondence 
 between Constantius and King Vadomarius, and 
 by a ruse had even succeeded in capturing that 
 king, thus putting an end to the conspiracy.^ 
 "Constantius" — writes Julian to the Athenians — 
 "incited the barbarians against me, called me his 
 enemy, and paid them to devastate Gaul. He 
 wrote to his lieutenants in Italy to be on their 
 guard concerning those who came from Gaul, and 
 commanded them to collect, in the neighbouring 
 cities on the confines of Gaul, three hundred 
 myriads of medimni of grain, and caused as many 
 again to be prepared in the Cottian Alps, as if he 
 intended marching against me. These are not 
 words but proven facts. I had in hand, brought to 
 
 accusation, and the un' vorthiness of the calumniator, Elpidius, who is 
 in every respect a m(]st despicable man ; he having already, once 
 before, attempted to betray Juhan, when he was magnanimously 
 pardoned. 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op, cii., vol. i. p. 234, 18 sq. 
 
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96 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 me by the barbarians themselves, the letters that 
 he wrote, and I myself seized the provisions that 
 had been prepared.^ It is true," continues Julian, 
 "that Constantius had sent the Bishop Epictetus 
 to assure me of the safety of my life. But he had 
 not a word to say concerning the agreement, or the 
 recognition of what had happened." And Julian 
 well knew that the promises of Constantius were 
 as evanescent as if they had been traced on sand. 
 On the other hand, Julian concludes : " If I had 
 decided to remain in Gaul and avoid the peril, I 
 should have found myself shut off from everywhere, 
 surrounded by the armies of the barbarians, and 
 attacked in the van by his forces, and I should have 
 perished, and that in a shameful manner, which for 
 wise men is the greatest of misfortunes."^ 
 
 Julian is, perhaps, guilty of some exaggeration 
 when he accuses Constantius of having conspired 
 with the barbarians to injure him. In the story 
 told by Ammianus, it is all reduced to the episode 
 of Vadomarius, and the correspondence between 
 Constantius and the barbarian kings, which Julian 
 claims to have had in his hands, is represented by 
 the single letter to Vadomarius, and, judging from 
 the reference Ammianus makes to it, this letter 
 could not have been of much importance. Libanius, 
 on the other hand, attributes great importance to 
 this episode, and considers it as indicative of a 
 
 ^ Julian., op. cit., p. 367, 27 sq. 
 ^ Ibid., op. cit., p. 369, 20 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 97 
 
 great conspiracy. But Libanius, always interesting 
 from his pictorial representation of surroundings, 
 does not merit much confidence as a narrator of 
 facts,^ for he is too often carried away by the 
 charms of rhetoric. It is certainly possible that 
 Constantius would not have repulsed the idea of 
 having a barbarian as an ally against his abhorred 
 cousin, and, still more, that the astute Vadomarius 
 was willing, not only to further, but also to antici- 
 pate, the desires of the Emperor. We may admit, 
 however, without doing our hero any great injustice, 
 that, in his later narrations, he exaggerated many 
 things in order to justify his actions. And even 
 if Constantius had not yet committed the crime of 
 high treason to his country, he was quite capable 
 of this delinquency, and Julian well knew it. 
 
 During these months of uncertainty passed in 
 Vienne, Julian's pretence of keeping up religious 
 observances is most severely blamed, and is con- 
 demned as if it were an act of gross imposture. 
 He was still hesitating as to the opportune moment 
 in which to open the civil war, which he now saw 
 was absolutely inevitable. And it was, therefore, 
 natural that he should seek to surround himself 
 with the greatest number of partisans, and avoid 
 creating new enemies who might disturb him in 
 the preparations for the undertaking. We know 
 that Julian had been, for a long time, a convert 
 to paganism, and although, for reasons of prudence, 
 
 1 Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 558, i sq. 
 
 VOL. I. — 7 
 
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98 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 he kept it concealed, it was whispered about, and 
 raised in the friends of the old regime the most 
 flattering hopes. But this very fact rendered his 
 position more difficuh, as it tended to increase the 
 antagonism of the Christians, whose suspicions 
 were already excited, not knowing what might 
 happen if he were victorious. So he felt it neces- 
 sary to act in such a manner as to disarm their 
 fears. On the feast of the Epiphany, solemnly 
 celebrated by the Christians of Vienne, he entered 
 their church and publicly offered prayers to the 
 Christian God : " feriarum die, quem celebrantes, 
 mense Januario, Christiani Epiphania dictitant, 
 progressus in eorum ecclesiam, solemniter numine 
 orato, discessit."^ 
 
 It cannot be denied that, on this occasion, 
 Julian's actions were more influenced by reasons 
 of State than by the voice of conscience, and, from 
 a religious point of view, he was certainly most 
 culpable. Julian, however, was not only a poli- 
 tician, but a philosopher and a thinker. And the 
 conscience of the thinker and philosopher must 
 have protested against the equivocation. But 
 sometimes in life these contradictions arise, and 
 it is impossible to free oneself from them. In that 
 supreme moment of Julian's career the emperor 
 and the philosopher came into conflict with each 
 other, and the force of circumstances decided that 
 the emperor should silence the philosopher. 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit, vol. i. p. 233, 12 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 99 
 
 But this philosopher, if we may be permitted 
 to apply the term to such a mystic enthusiast 
 as Julian, soon took his secret revenge. When the 
 supreme moment arrives, Julian, before assembling 
 the soldiers to announce to them their departure 
 for the East, and the declaration of war against 
 Constantius, secretly makes a sacrifice to Bellona.^ 
 Then, feeling as if he was consecrated and prepared 
 for the hazardous enterprise, he presents himself 
 before the army. He explains his plan of crossing 
 lUyria, and reaching Dacia, while these regions 
 are still undefended. When there, he will consider 
 what is best to be done. He enjoins the soldiers to 
 remain faithful to him, as he had already led them 
 to so many victories. His discourse is welcomed 
 with immense applause ; ^ the soldiers, brandishing 
 their swords, solemnly swear that they are all 
 ready to die for him, and following the soldiers, 
 all the chiefs and functionaries. Nebridius alone 
 refused to join them, declaring himself under too 
 many obligations to Constantius for past favours. 
 Julian saves the honest " Legitimist " from the anger 
 of the soldiers, but when he re-enters the palace, 
 and Nebridius comes to him and asks, as a proof 
 of goodwill, that he may be allowed to clasp his 
 hand, Julian refuses with an irony not devoid of 
 bitterness. " Dost thou believe " — he said — " that 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell, ofi. cit., vol. i. p. 236, 19 sq. — Julian., op. cit., 
 
 p. 369, I sq. 
 
 2 Amm. Marcell., oji. cit., vol. i. p. 238, 12 sq. 
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100 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 thou wouldst be safe among thy friends if it 
 were known that thou hast touched my hand ? 
 . . . Leave here, and go where thou wilt, in 
 safety !"i 
 
 Once decided on his enterprise against 
 Constantius, Julian executed it with the rapidity 
 of lightning, and an audacity which revealed how 
 circumstances could transform the meditative 
 dreamer into a man of wonderful activity. He 
 does not leave Gaul undefended, but entrusts it, 
 with the largest part of the army, to the care of 
 the able and faithful Sallustius. Then wishing it to 
 appear that he is advancing against Constantinople 
 with immense forces, he divides his soldiers into 
 three corps, of which, one, under the command of 
 Generals Jovinus and Jovius, was to cross Northern 
 Italy ; the second, led by Nevitas, was to pass 
 through Rhaetia, and Julian, later, with a faithful 
 half-cohort, touched at Basle, and by way of the 
 Black Forest, arrives at the banks of the Danube.^ 
 Thence he followed the river until he came to the 
 point at which it became navigable, and there he 
 embarked his troops, and continued his voyage, 
 never stopping at any city or encampment, because 
 he had carried provisions with him sufficient for 
 the needs of his small troop. In the meanwhile, 
 in Italy and lUyria, the report spread that Julian, 
 
 ' Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 239, i sq. 
 2 Ibid., op. cit., vol. i. p. 243, 23 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 101 
 
 having annihilated his enemies in Gaul and 
 Germany, was advancing with an immense army. 
 This news was sufficient to spread terror and 
 confusion, and Florentius and Taurus — two of 
 Constantius' highest functionaries — abandoned 
 their seats of government, and ignominiously took 
 to flight, naturally fearing Julian's revenge, for they 
 had not only calumniated him to Constantius, but 
 Taurus had furthermore taken an active part in 
 bringing about the coalition between Constantius 
 and the kings of the barbarians.'^ 
 
 Libanius tells us that Constantius, not ad- 
 mitting any possibility of conciliation, had strongly 
 fortified the high roads by which he thought 
 Julian must pass to come from Gaul to the East. 
 " But the latter, leaving the high roads in pos- 
 session of the enemy, passed by one little used, 
 short, and full of obstacles, as if Apollo guided 
 him, and smoothed the difficult parts for him. 
 Thus he escaped from those who would have 
 detained him, and appeared, at the opportune 
 moment, as though having risen from an abyss, 
 like a fish that has escaped from a net, and hides 
 itself under the waves of the sea, so as not to 
 be seen by those on the shore." ^ Elsewhere the 
 rhetorician expresses the great astonishment of 
 his contemporaries at Julian's audacity in choosing 
 this new road. " What should we admire most " — 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit., p. 268, 10. 
 
 ^ Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 388, 8 sq. 
 
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102 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 he exclaims — "thy vigilance, or the bravery of thy 
 followers, or the new way, which being almost 
 always on the water, gave no signs of thy move- 
 ments until they were accomplished, while the 
 enemy were expecting thee by land ; or sailing 
 thy ships on the waters of a country inhabited 
 by barbarians, or the beautiful gifts that they 
 brought to the river banks, so that thy fleet 
 might come nearer to them ? . . . I love the 
 Danube, which appears to me more beautiful than 
 the beautiful Enipeus, more serviceable than the 
 life-giving Nile, because it has borne on its 
 propitious waves the ships that brought liberty 
 to the world. " ^ 
 
 On the Lower Danube, at Sirmio, the then 
 capital of the province, he found Lucillianus, who, 
 in all haste, had gathered together the few 
 soldiers he could find in the neighbouring cities, 
 in the hope of resisting the unexpected invasion. 
 But Julian, having arrived at Bononia, the present 
 Banostar, near Sirmio, disembarks, and sends 
 Dagalaif to surprise Lucillianus. The attempt is 
 a complete success, and Lucillianus is conducted 
 into Julian's presence. The general of Constantius 
 is dazed and trembling, but Julian courteously 
 presents to him the Imperial purple to kiss. 
 And Lucilianus, reassured and elated, exclaims : 
 "It is an incautious and bold undertaking, O 
 Emperor, to venture with so few followers into a 
 
 ' Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 417, 2 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 103 
 
 foreign country ! " And Julian, with a bitter 
 smile, replied : " Reserve these words of prudence 
 for Constantius ! I offered thee the insignia of 
 my majesty, not because I desired thy counsel, 
 but because I wished to calm thy fears ! " ^ 
 
 During the same night Julian advances towards 
 Sirmio, and here all the citizens and the soldiers 
 go out to meet him with torches and flowers, pro- 
 claim him Augustus, and carry him in triumph to 
 the Imperial palace. Happy because of this first 
 and great success, Julian, contrary to his usual 
 austere habits, offers to the city a spectacle of 
 races. Then, on the third day, impatient of idle- 
 ness and delay, he hastens to occupy the pass of 
 Succea, in the Balkans, in order to make himself 
 master of the road to Constantinople, and confides 
 its defence to the faithful Nevitas. Returning 
 again to Nyssa, he arranges for the administra- 
 tion of Pannonia Secunda, and, as it is now 
 entirely under his control, he calls the historian 
 Aurelius Victor to rule over it, and sends a 
 manifesto to the Senate in Rome, in which he 
 denounces Constantius, and notifies his assump- 
 tion of the Empire.^ 
 
 In the meanwhile Julian's military position 
 became perilous. He had found at Sirmio two 
 legions whose fidelity he could not entirely trust, 
 and he desired to free himself from them by 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 244, 8 sq. 
 ^ Ibid., op. cit., vol. i. p. 246, 10 sq. 
 
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104 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 sending them into Gaul. But these legions were 
 displeased with their new destination, and still 
 more so their leader Nigrinus, a native of 
 Mesopotamia. They set out from Sirmio, but 
 when they reached Aquileia, they closed the 
 gates of the city, and declared themselves, to- 
 gether with the citizens, partisans of Constantius.^ 
 Aquileia was a very strongly fortified town, and 
 its siege would have occupied much time, Julian 
 orders Jovinus, who was arriving from Italy with 
 the greater part of the army, to encamp around 
 that city, and to do his best to avert the danger. 
 But, at the same moment, clouds began to obscure 
 the horizon in Thrace. The troops of Constantius, 
 after having been reorganised, advanced against 
 the pass of Succea under the leadership of 
 Martianus. If Constantius had arrived from the 
 East before Julian had defeated the neighbouring 
 armies, the latter would certainly have been lost. 
 Libanius, however, does not doubt that the victory 
 would have rested with Julian, even in the case of 
 a battle betweeen the two cousins. " And if it 
 had been necessary " — Libanius writes — " to decide 
 the controversy by war, the issue would not have 
 been different. Perhaps blood would have been 
 shed, but very little, and that vile, since, with the 
 exception of a few battalions who remained faithful 
 to Constantius, all the soldiers lived for thee, and 
 seemed to run to thee to be organised and 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 247, 12 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 105 
 
 commanded."^ But Julian did not share the 
 views of Libanius, which were evidently inspired 
 by the rhetorician's adulation of, and affection for, 
 the victor. On the contrary, Julian was much 
 impressed by the extreme gravity of the situa- 
 tion. He decided, for the moment, to abandon 
 the assault of Aquileia, for which he would 
 arrange later, and calls to his assistance the army 
 left in Illyria — an army which has proved itself 
 faithful and true in the trying campaigns against 
 the barbarians. Displaying the genius of a truly 
 great captain and organiser,^ he prepares for a 
 desperate war, when an unexpected event caused 
 the tempest to disperse, and raised him in an 
 instant, and without an effort, to the summit of 
 power. 
 
 While Julian was approaching Constantinople 
 as usurper, Constantius was at Edessa, embroiled 
 in the Persian war. The announcement arrived at 
 Edessa that Julian, after having rapidly traversed 
 Italy and Illyria, had already occupied the pass of 
 Succea and was preparing to invade Thrace. Dis- 
 may and fury alternated in the soul of Constantius, 
 but he was not the man to lose courage when civil 
 and domestic discords were concerned. He as- 
 sembles the army, exposes Julian's treachery, and 
 invites them to punish the rebel.^ The army 
 
 '■ Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 416, 18 sq. 
 
 2 Amm. Marcell., op. cit, vol. i. p. 252, 15 sq. 
 
 ' Ibid., op. cit., vol. i. p. 255, 13 sq. 
 
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106 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 applauds him, and he, having arranged the Persian 
 difficulty as well as he could for the moment, sends 
 ahead the two generals, Arbetio and Gomoarius — • 
 the latter, a personal enemy of Julian — with a strong 
 body of troops. Constantius himself was to follow 
 almost immediately. In fact, he goes to Antioch, 
 but impatient of all delay, intolerant of repose, and 
 tormented by sinister presentiments, he departs 
 immediately for Tarsus, Fatigue, anger, and 
 agitation had greatly impaired his health. At 
 Tarsus he is seized with a slight fever ; but he 
 affirms that a change and activity will be beneficial 
 to him, so he pursues his journey, and travelling by 
 a most difficult route, arrives at Mopsucrenae, on the 
 confines of Cilicia. He wishes to leave the follow- 
 ing day, but is prevented by the violence of the fever, 
 of which he soon dies, having, as is reported, desig- 
 nated as his successor his cousin Julian, which was, 
 perhaps, the only generous act of his life. As soon 
 as Constantius had expired, the chiefs of the army 
 met in council, and decided to send two ambassadors 
 to Julian, Theolaiphus and Aligild, who, in the name 
 of the army, should invite him to assume, without 
 delay, the government of the whole Empire. ■*• 
 
 Julian, having received this unexpected embassy, 
 and, as Ammianus says, "m immensum elatus" 
 loses no time, and accompanied by all his troops 
 and an immense crowd of people, advances towards 
 Constantinople. It was a rejoicing and a triumph 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit, vol. i. p. 258, 13 sq. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 107 
 
 never before witnessed. It looked like the pro- 
 cession of a god. The unexpected change from 
 the anxiety of a terrible war to be waged through- 
 out the Empire, to a satisfactory arrangement with 
 the approbation of all, was so sudden as to appear 
 almost a miracle. "When it was known" — 
 Ammianus says — " that he was nearing Con- 
 stantinople, all the people rushed out to meet 
 him, without distinction of sex or age, almost as 
 if he were a celestial apparition. He was received 
 on the Ides of December with the respectful 
 homage of the Senate and the applause of the 
 populace, in the midst of an immense crowd of 
 soldiers and civilians. Julian advanced among 
 this orderly multitude, and all eyes were turned 
 towards him, not only out of curiosity, but with 
 great admiration. It seemed, in fact, a dream, that 
 this youth of slender figure, already noted for his 
 heroic achievements, should, after bloody combats 
 against kings and nations, pass, with unheard-of 
 rapidity, from city to city, everywhere receiving 
 the immediate submission of men and of things, 
 and finally, by divine will, assume control of the 
 Empire without any injury to the Republic." ^ 
 
 Who could ever have imagined that, in less 
 than two years, the dream would have vanished, 
 and that this youth, to whom there seemed opened 
 a future full of glory and success, would perish, 
 leaving behind him no other record than that of 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 266, 23 sq. 
 
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108 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 having miserably dissipated his strength and the 
 marvellous gifts with which he was endowed, in 
 the insane attempt to bring about a religious 
 restoration ! 
 
 Having entered triumphantly into Con- 
 stantinople, Julian's first wish was to purify its 
 moral and political atmosphere. But in this he 
 was not very successful, or, at least, did not prove 
 himself exempt from the habits of his time. He 
 allowed himself to be influenced by a feeling 
 of vengeance, and sanctioned the condemnations 
 pronounced by a Commission of Inquiry appointed 
 by himself to judge the most influential men of 
 Constantius' reign, among whom he knew, or 
 supposed, that he had personal enemies. The 
 honest Ammianus bitterly deplores some of these 
 condemnations, and attributes the principal blame 
 to Arbetio, a general of Constantius, a wicked and 
 depraved man, whom Julian had unfortunately 
 called to his council, and who tried to gain the 
 favour of his new master by an excessive severity 
 and by intensifying Julian's feelings of revenge. 
 This unfortunate episode is undoubtedly a great 
 blot on Julian's career. Nevertheless, if his 
 vilifiers use this as an argument to detract from 
 his fame, they should, in the first place, remember 
 that Julian, notwithstanding his exceptional gifts, 
 was influenced by the spirit of his age, and 
 that, although we might wish that he had shown 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 109 
 
 himself more magnanimous, we must not forget 
 that, coming after Constantine and Constantius, 
 two of the most cruel emperors that ever existed, 
 he only once followed their example, and that to a 
 small extent. Three of the five condemnations 
 to death which he sanctioned were approved by 
 Ammianus because of the number and gravity of 
 their crimes — those of Apodemius, of Paul, and of 
 the Eunuch Eusebius, courtiers and favourites of 
 Constantius. The condemnation of Palladius does 
 not seem to have been sufficiently justified, and, 
 according to Ammianus, that of Ursulus was most 
 reprehensible; he was an officer in charge of the 
 imperial largess, and, by his parsimony, had gained 
 the hatred of the army during Constantius' Persian 
 campaign.-^ Ursulus was undoubtedly a victim of 
 Arbetio's vengeance, and Julian, with culpable 
 weakness, made no effort to save him. Later on, 
 he felt remorse for what he had permitted, and 
 strove to attribute the responsibility of this 
 injustice to unbridled military resentments,^ and, 
 as Libanius narrates,^ tried to make amends by 
 leaving to the daughter a great part of her father's' 
 property. Excepting these, there were no other 
 condemnations to death. All Julian's many 
 enemies who had never ceased to pursue him with 
 accusations and calumnies, were only condemned 
 to exile, and this gave Libanius an opportunity to 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell, op. cit, vol. i. p. 222, 5 sq. 
 
 2 Ibid., op. cit., vol. i. p. 268, 21. ^ Liban., op. cit., vol. i. 573 sq. 
 
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110 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 exalt the clemency of Julian, who spared them, and 
 contented himself with sending them to live on the 
 Islands, where, " wandering about in solitude, they 
 might learn to hold their tongues." ^ 
 
 But these reprisals, although partially justified 
 by the habits of the time, and by Julian's natural 
 resentment against those who had so cruelly 
 persecuted him all his life, certainly are not to be 
 admired, and the condemnation of Ursulus is to 
 be severely censured ; on the other hand, he 
 deserves the highest praise for the manner in 
 which he cleansed the court of Constantinople 
 from the crowd of parasites, who lived on mag- 
 nificent salaries and amassed wealth infamously 
 gained.^ Ammianus does not hesitate to criticise 
 his hero ; he observes that he was too precipitate, 
 and did not exhibit the prudent and judicial spirit 
 of the philosopher. But the picture that he 
 presents of the court of Constantius well justified 
 the radical expurgation accomplished by Julian. 
 This expurgation is considered by Libanius one 
 of the most praiseworthy of Julian's actions. The 
 description that the rhetorician of Antioch gives of 
 Constantius' court is still more terrible than that 
 of Ammianus. " Here we see" — he exclaims — "a 
 lazy crowd shamelessly maintained, a thousand 
 cooks, the barbers not less in number, and still 
 more numerous the cup-bearers, swarms of stewards, 
 
 1 Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 573, 10 sq. 
 
 2 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 269, 13 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 111 
 
 and eunuchs thicker than flies on the cattle in 
 spring, and innumerable wasps of all species. And 
 this is easily understood, because, for the idle and 
 the gluttonous, there was no refuge so secure 
 as being inscribed among the servants of the 
 Emperor."^ And all this crowd lived by op- 
 pressions and excesses.^ 
 
 At last Julian was able to put in execution the 
 dearest desire of his heart, the desire that had 
 been the secret motive of all his actions. " The 
 time having arrived when he could do as he wished, 
 he revealed to all the innermost secret of his heart, 
 and, with an explicit and absolute decree, ordered 
 that the temples should be reopened, that victims 
 should be presented at the altars, and that the 
 worship of the gods should be restored. And to 
 render this decision more efficacious, the dissenting 
 Christian bishops with their congregations were 
 called to the Imperial palace and courteously 
 admonished that, as all discord was allayed, every 
 one without fear could worship according to his 
 religion. Julian did this with the conviction that 
 
 ^ Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 565, 12 sq. 
 
 ^ The ecclesiastical historian Socrates, speaking of the expurgation 
 made by Julian, and the expulsion from the royal palace of the crowd 
 of cooks, barbers, eunuchs, and parasites of all sorts, remarks that 
 few praised the young Emperor for this act, while a great many 
 blamed him ; for in diminishing the magnificence of the royal palace, 
 he diminished at the same time the prestige of the Empire, and 
 Socrates here makes a very acute observation. " An emperor," he 
 says, " may be a philosopher with temperance and in moderation, 
 but a philosopher who wishes to be emperor passes the limits, and 
 falls into absurdities" {Socrat. Hisl., p. 139). 
 
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112 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 liberty would augment the discord, and that later 
 on he would not have to fear a people united 
 against him. He knew by experience that there 
 were no wild beasts as cruel to man as the 
 Christians among each other." ^ Later on, we 
 shall discuss this curious action on the part of an 
 emperor who wished to restore paganism. But 
 now we will follow him in his polftical career. 
 
 With his wonderful activity, Julian, during the 
 months of his residence at Constantinople, attended 
 to the administration of justice, and did not neglect 
 military affairs ; the banks of the Danube were 
 provided with fortifications, and strongly garrisoned 
 against the possible attacks of the Goths. Some 
 advised him to make an expedition against these 
 barbarians, to force them into complete submission. 
 Julian, however, influenced, as we shall see, by a 
 prejudice that later on led to his ruin, replied that 
 he preferred more worthy enemies. 
 
 In the meantime, the fame of his power and 
 wisdom spread all over the world, and ambassadors 
 bearing gifts and demanding his friendship came 
 from the most distant regions of India, the 
 mysterious East, the North, and the regions of 
 the Sun.* 
 
 But Julian was not the man to rest quiet and 
 content in the midst of his good fortune. He 
 dreamt of glory and of mighty enterprises. As 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit, vol. i. p. 271, 4 sq. 
 
 2 Ibid., op. cit., vol. i. p. 273, 1 1 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 113 
 
 we have already seen, he appeared to possess a 
 double personality ; he was a thinker and at the 
 same time a man of action, and exhibited, in the 
 exercise of his different faculties, the same rest- 
 lessness and intensity of life. The soldier and 
 the leader claimed their part, and spurred him on 
 to some great enterprise. Now, Julian was un- 
 doubtedly a man of his epoch, permeated with all 
 the traditions of the Grseco- Roman world, and shared 
 that prejudice which had induced Constantine, 
 together with the desire of flying from the city 
 that recalled to him his crimes, '^ to transport the 
 capital of the empire from Rome to Byzantium, 
 believing that the centre of gravity of the civilised 
 world was in the East, and that it required the 
 greatest defence, because there the peril was 
 greatest, and that it was there that they must 
 save and preserve civilisation. The barbaric 
 invasions and insurrections that obliged the Im- 
 perial armies to be continually fighting north of 
 the Alps, and along the banks of the Danube, 
 were, at the time, considered important episodes, 
 but certainly not sufficient to compromise the 
 structure of the empire. Even Julian, who had 
 fought for five years, hand to hand, with the 
 Germans, had not appreciated the extent of the 
 peril, and foreseen the approaching revolution of 
 the world. Imbued to the marrow with Hellenic 
 culture, he lived over again the times in which 
 
 ^ Zosimi Historia, recensuit Reitmeyer, p. 151. 
 
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114 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Greece had saved Western civilisation, by resisting, 
 with immortal heroism, the armies of Darius and 
 Xerxes. The idea of reviving those glorious wars 
 and destroying the power of Persia, which again 
 appeared as a great menace, had an irresistible 
 attraction for Julian. But in this he was the 
 victim of an illusion. Persia, as a power, was 
 almost exhausted, and would never have seriously 
 endangered the safety of the empire. Quite 
 another affair was the danger from the barbarians. 
 An emperor of genius would have gone to the 
 root of the evil, and liberated the empire from 
 the menace of invasions that threatened to destroy 
 it. If Julian had followed the wise counsels 
 addressed to him by the faithful Sallustius,^ from 
 Gaul, he would have left the Persians in peace, and, 
 crossing the Danube, entirely subdued the Goths, 
 thus forming, in the centre of Pannonia, an organisa- 
 tion of civilisation and colonisation which would 
 have prevented the Eastern hordes from attacking 
 the Germans and eventually driving them from 
 their territories, and, in this manner, he might have 
 truly saved civilisation. Or again, as he was 
 master of all the forces of the empire, he might 
 have returned to Gaul, and made this his point 
 of departure for the invasion and subjection of 
 Germany, thereby influencing, in a contrary direc- 
 tion, towards Persia and India, the tide of emigration 
 that later proved so fatal to the empire and 
 
 * Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 316, 15 sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 115 
 
 civilisation. But Julian could see and think of 
 nothing else but Persia. In the year 337, King 
 Shapur, or Sapores, as Ammianus calls him, took 
 the initiative in war against the empire, and 
 Constantius during his reign was constantly 
 tormented by this preoccupation, because the war 
 dragged along heavily without ever coming to a 
 definite conclusion. When Julian, in open rebel- 
 lion, directed his movements against his cousin, 
 Constantius was able, as we know, to prepare 
 to march against him, because of a temporary 
 truce with King Sapores, which, although not 
 officially agreed upon, was tacitly acknowledged. 
 But things had remained in such an uncertain 
 condition as, apparently, to justify Julian's enter- 
 prise. The unfortunate campaign which Constantius 
 had conducted against the Persians, and in which, 
 notwithstanding the magnitude of the preparations, 
 he only exhibited weakness and cowardice, had 
 naturally augmented their prestige to such a degree 
 as completely to paralyse the energies of the 
 Imperial army. Libanius^ gives a vivid picture 
 of the disheartening effect that the knowledge of 
 the Persian superiority exercised on the soldiers. 
 He says: "For long years the terror of the 
 Persians had been so great, and so deeply im- 
 pressed on them, that it is hardly an exaggeration 
 to say that they feared them even when only 
 represented in a picture." It is certain that seeing 
 
116 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the courage of the soldiers at such a low ebb 
 stimulated the heroic Julian to embark on the 
 enterprise, with the intention of reviving the 
 military spirit by the vigour of his actions and 
 the force of his example, and in this, as we shall 
 see, he succeeded. Libanius adds : " The dis- 
 couraged men were led by this hero against the 
 Persians. And they followed him, remembering 
 his past valour, believing that they might pass 
 unscathed, even through fire, if they followed his 
 commands." 
 
 Fixed in his determination to transport his army 
 to the banks of the Euphrates, in the summer of 
 362, the Emperor leaves Constantinople and goes 
 to take up his residence at Antioch, in order to be 
 nearer the seat of war, and to make this city the 
 centre of the great preparations which, with his 
 knowledge of military affairs, he deems necessary 
 for such a bold undertaking. In the journey from 
 Constantinople to Antioch he passes through a 
 region that is most dear to him, and replete with 
 associations. He stops at Nicomedia, and laments 
 with the people over the ruins of their erstwhile 
 magnificent city, which had been lately destroyed 
 by an earthquake, and he renews here his acquaint- 
 ance with the friends and companions of his school- 
 days. He touches at Nicsea, and runs over to 
 Pessinus to visit and worship at the ancient 
 sanctuary of Cybele, the Mother. And here, 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 117 
 
 during the night, this indefatigable man writes his 
 long discourse about the Mother of the Gods, one 
 of the principal documents of his mystical and 
 mythological doctrines. Then, passing through 
 Tarsus and Ancyra, he enters Antioch, " orientis 
 apicem pulchrum" as it is called by Ammianus, who 
 was born there ; he was received with immense 
 applause, and welcomed as a star of salvation newly 
 arisen in the East. 
 
 Julian remained in Antioch from August 362 
 to March 363. These few months constitute one 
 of the most interesting episodes in the life of Julian. 
 Antioch was a city given up to pleasure and luxury. 
 Its population, fickle-minded, noisy, and slanderous, 
 cared only for diversions and public pageants. They 
 received the young Emperor with enthusiasm, 
 because they expected to find in him a promoter of 
 their pleasures and an example of dissoluteness. 
 Their disillusion was bitter and profound. Julian 
 administered justice with the most perfect equity 
 and temperance, occupied himself with the economic 
 conditions of the city, regulated the prices of food- 
 stuffs, arranged for its provisioning, supplied all 
 things needed for the municipal services, was, in 
 short, an exemplary sovereign ; but he continued to 
 live according to the severe habits to which he had 
 been accustomed, exhibiting a decided distaste for 
 all public pageants, and devoting himself with such 
 an absorbing intensity to his civil and military 
 duties that the enraged Antiochians soon passed 
 
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118 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 from wonder and admiration to ridicule and hate. 
 This youth, who scorned all the seductions of 
 Oriental luxury, who affected roughness in his bear- 
 ing and his dress, who wore a beard, and did not 
 possess any of the qualities they hoped to find in 
 him, became thoroughly antipathetic to them, and 
 when they found that their impertinence remained 
 unpunished, the poetasters and libellers took ad- 
 vantage of the indulgence of the Emperor, and 
 circulated in Antioch satires and epigrams which 
 formed the delight of that frivolous city. But 
 Julian, although he did not punish the offenders, as 
 other emperors would have done, satisfied himself 
 with a more spirited revenge, of which we will speak 
 later on. 
 
 With feverish haste, the preparations having 
 been finally accomplished, the troops distributed in 
 the various garrisons, and an immense and solemn 
 sacrifice offered to Jupiter, in March of the year 
 363, Julian leaves Antioch for the Euphrates. A 
 little while before he set out he received a letter 
 from the King of Persia, who, alarmed at the great 
 fame of the young warrior, prayed him to receive 
 his ambassadors and amicably to arrange the dis- 
 putes by a treaty. " Every one," — writes Libanius, 
 — "applauding and congratulating, insisted that he 
 should accept. But Julian threw the letter from 
 him with scorn, and said that it would be most 
 contemptible to treat with the enemy while so 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 119 
 
 many cities lay in ruins. And he replied that there 
 was no necessity for ambassadors, as he would be 
 there very soon himself, to see the King."^ A 
 haughty response, an eloquent proof of the complete 
 blindness and foolish obstinacy of the Apostate, 
 possessed by a devil, as the Christians said, hurled 
 down a precipice by the hand of God. He re- 
 commended the King of Armenia, his ally, to 
 hold himself in readiness to execute the orders he 
 might receive. In leaving Antioch, he nominated 
 Alexander, a severe administrator. Prefect of Syria, 
 affirming that only severity and vigour could keep 
 this insolent city in peace. The populace, repenting 
 of their treatment, followed him to the gates and 
 wished him a happy return ; but he harshly replied 
 that they would never see him again, for, when he 
 returned from Persia, he would winter in Tarsus. 
 It does not seem, however, that the Antiochians 
 were resigned to this species of decapitation that 
 threatened their city, as, in a letter from Julian to 
 Libanius, in which he describes his journey as far 
 as Hierapolis, we read that, at Lytharbos, his first 
 resting-place, he was overtaken by the Senate of 
 Antioch, with whom he had a secret conference. 
 Julian does not reveal the result of this meeting, 
 but promises Libanius to tell him all about it if the 
 gods permit him to return.* But it is certain that 
 a peace was arranged between the Emperor and 
 
 ' Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 577, 7 sq. 
 ' Julian., op. cit., p. 516, 4 sq. 
 
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120 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the city — a peace greatly advocated by the 
 Antiochian rhetorician, who, to further its conclu- 
 sion, wrote two discourses, one to the Antiochians 
 to induce them to make amends for their offences 
 against the Emperor, and the other to the Emperor 
 himself to persuade him to pardon them. 
 
 With his habitual rapidity of movement, Julian 
 passed the Euphrates and arrived at Carrhes, from 
 which place there were two roads : one traversed 
 Mesopotamia from west to east, extending as far 
 as the Tigris ; the other descended south along the 
 Euphrates. By the first road he sends Procopius 
 and Sebastian with a force which, according to 
 Ammianus,^ was composed of 30,000 men, and, 
 according to Zosimus,^ of 1 8,000. This army was 
 to defend his flank, and, if possible, unite with 
 Arsaces, the King of Armenia, while the Emperor 
 himself descends the Euphrates with his army 
 of 65,000 men. From Carrhes he goes to 
 Nicephorium, where he celebrates the solemn 
 festival of the Mother of the Gods, and where he 
 received the Saracen ambassadors who prostrated 
 themselves reverently before him. From this 
 town he goes to Circesium, at the confluence of 
 the Aboras with the Euphrates. Here he is 
 present at the arrival of the immense fleet he 
 had prepared, and which was composed of a 
 thousand ships of transport laden with provisions 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 311, 14. 
 ^ Zosim., op. cit., p. 228, I sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 121 
 
 and implements of war, fifty battleships, and 
 others with materials for the construction of 
 bridges.-' At Nicephorium Julian receives a 
 letter from his faithful Sallustius, whom he had 
 created Prefect of Gaul, and who implores him not 
 to embark on this fatal enterprise, or to commit 
 such an irreparable error. Julian does not heed 
 the warnings of his devoted friend. But, even in 
 his own camp, amongst those who surrounded him, 
 there was a party opposed to the expedition. And 
 this party sought to influence Julian's mind by 
 interpreting, as unfavourable, all the signs and 
 omens concerning the expedition. In the restora- 
 tion of paganism, inaugurated by Julian, supersti- 
 tion, as we shall see, held a very important part. 
 Neo- Platonic mysticism, which was founded on the 
 continual intervention of the supernatural in the 
 things of this world, and which was a mixture of 
 myths and symbols, attributed an immense im- 
 portance to the science of augury. The man who 
 possessed the key thereof might read his future in 
 the signs which surrounded him, and rely on their 
 infallible counsel. Julian was, therefore, accom- 
 panied by a crowd of augurs and soothsayers 
 whom he consulted on every occasion. Now, it 
 is curious that these augurs always gave him 
 unfavourable interpretations, with the design of 
 putting an end to the enterprise. These augurs 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 312, 20 sq. — Zosim., op. cif., 
 p. 229, I sq. 
 
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122 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 only predicted disaster and death. It is therefore 
 evident that their interpretations responded to the 
 desires and convictions prevailing at least among 
 a part of Julian's army. And it is still more curious 
 that he who was possessed by the fixed idea of 
 going forward, interpreted these same signs in a 
 contrary sense and one favourable to his wishes. 
 To put an end to all hesitation, Julian assembles 
 the army around him, and pronounces a most in- 
 flammatory discourse, to which the soldiers and, 
 especially, those of the tried and faithful Gallic 
 legions, respond with acclamations and cries of 
 enthusiasm.'^ 
 
 The account of this expedition, written by 
 Ammianus, who took part in it and related what 
 he himself had seen, is one of the most interesting 
 narratives that has been transmitted to us from 
 antiquity, and well worthy to be classed with the 
 " Commentaries " of Caesar and the " Anabasis " 
 of Xenophon. The account of Ammianus is, in 
 part, completed by the story told by Zosimus,^ 
 who obtained his information from other sources 
 than Ammianus, and by what Libanius narrates in 
 his " Necrological Discourse." The last-named does 
 not pretend to give a strictly military relation, 
 such as that of Ammianus, nor a succinct and 
 orderly account, like that of Zosimus. He pre- 
 sents, however, scenes and episodes that vividly 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit, vol. i. p. 319, I sq. 
 ^ Zosim., op. cit., pp. 226-64. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 123 
 
 reproduce the man, the country, and the atmo- 
 sphere. 
 
 What we most admire in these narratives is the 
 true spirit of heroism that JuHan displays in every 
 act and word. The wisdom of the commander, 
 who foresees all and provides for all, the incom- 
 parable bravery of the warrior, the magnanimity 
 of the conqueror, the perfect communion of his 
 life with that of his soldiers, the art with which 
 he knows how to gain their affections, now blam- 
 ing them, now praising them, anon exalting the 
 importance of the enterprise in which they have 
 embarked — these are wonderful gifts, which, being 
 united in a single man, make him, undoubtedly, 
 one of the most noble and conspicuous figures in 
 history, and certainly the most noble in the 
 decadence of the Empire. 
 
 But was there ever a greater error of judgment 
 than that which had led Julian into this mad 
 enterprise ? He said to his army : "I will place 
 the Persians under the yoke, and will thus restore 
 the tottering Roman Empire." This was a species 
 of suggestion that all the emperors, good or bad, 
 had transmitted to each other. And while they 
 were dissipating their strength in this foolish 
 undertaking in the mysterious regions of the 
 north, a whirlwind was brewing that was fated to 
 overthrow every one and everything. 
 
 The cities of Anatho and Macepractas having 
 surrendered almost without making a defence, 
 
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124 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Julian encountered the first obstinate resistance at 
 Pyrisaboras, on the Euphrates. In this place the 
 Emperor achieves prodigies of valour, throwing 
 himself under the testudo of the shields, and 
 hacking down the gates of the city, while around 
 him a hail of projectiles fell from above. But as 
 the defenders continued to resist, he caused a 
 gigantic war-machine to be constructed, which in- 
 spired so much fear that the enemy was reduced to 
 surrender, and implored the assured magnanimity of 
 the Emperor, who, after taking Pyrisaboras, con- 
 tinues his triumphant march, overcoming all 
 obstacles, and surmounting the difficulties of a 
 country intersected by canals for irrigation, and 
 artificially inundated.^ He besieges the city of 
 Nahrmalcha, and, during a very dangerous 
 reconnoitring expedition which he made to acquaint 
 himself with the surroundings, he would certainly 
 have been slain, except for the wonderful readiness 
 and bravery with which he defended himself.^ 
 Not succeeding in vanquishing the resistance of 
 this fortress by his machines, he entered and sub- 
 jugated it by means of a subterranean tunnel. 
 Having subdued this stronghold, Julian, over- 
 coming all obstacles, arrived at the immense canal 
 which had been built by Trajan, to open up 
 navigable communication between the Euphrates 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. ii. p. ii, 22 sq. — Zosim., op. cit., 
 p. 243, 7 sq. — Liban., op. cit., vol. i. pp. 597-98. 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. ii. p. 12, 33 sq. — Zosim., op. cit., 
 p. 245, I sq. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 125 
 
 and the Tigris. Libanius says that Julian, through 
 the study of documents, had become aware of 
 the existence of this canal, so that the prisoners, 
 when he interrogated them, found it useless to 
 pretend ignorance concerning his questions, and 
 were obliged to reveal the secret of the construc- 
 tion.^ The Persians had partially closed and 
 dammed up the canal. But this was of great 
 importance to Julian, for, by way of it, he would be 
 able to enter the Tigris with his entire fleet. He, 
 therefore, has this canal reopened, into which the 
 waters of the Euphrates flow, bearing with it the 
 entire Imperial fleet, followed by the army that 
 passes over the canal on a bridge, and encamps on 
 the right bank of the Tigris. The left bank is 
 strongly defended by the Persians, and difficult of 
 access. But the audacious Emperor desires to 
 assault and conquer it. All his generals counsel him 
 against this imprudent attempt, but Julian refuses 
 to listen. During the night he sends some ships, 
 manned by a few brave volunteers, to surprise the 
 enemy's camp. But the enemy, ever on their 
 guard, threw among the ships some inflammatory 
 substances that set them on fire. The main body 
 of the army, on the other bank of the Tigris, 
 anxiously expecting the signal to embark, began to 
 fear that the little band of heroes was lost. Then 
 Julian, with that presence of mind which was 
 always equal to the occasion, passes rapidly in 
 
 1 Liban., o^. cit., vol. i. p. 604, 10 sq. 
 
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126 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 front of the troops, crying, "Victory, victory! these 
 flames are the signals announcing that the attempt 
 has succeeded ! . . . that the bank is ours ! " and 
 thus carried away by enthusiasm, the soldiers 
 follow him, rush to the boats, and, traversing the 
 Tigris, find themselves face to face with the 
 Persians, and are obliged to fight/ Then a great 
 battle took place, which, after many hours, ends in 
 a complete victory for the Roman army. Julian, 
 who during the day has given many proofs of his 
 ability as a tactician, and achieved prodigies of 
 valour, can now almost imagine that he is at the 
 end of a splendid campaign, which recalls the 
 ancient glories, and seems to indicate that the 
 Empire has regained its grandeur. 
 
 But then an event happens as strange as it is 
 unforeseen — an event so terribly fatal that it is 
 sufficient of itself to prove how unbalanced was the 
 mind of this gifted youth. The campaign might 
 ^ have been CQnsidered entirely successful. Julian 
 found himself at the gates of Ctesiphon, the Persian 
 capital. This city was only defended by a. van- 
 quished army. Julian's military prestige was in 
 itself his most powerful arm. At any rate, the 
 conqueror of Pyrisaboras and of Mayozamalchas, 
 the most fearless of leaders, could not recede before 
 this last effort. But what does Julian do instead ? 
 He remains five days at Abuzatha, near the battle- 
 
 1 Amtn. Marcell,, op. cii., vol. ii. p. 22, 1 5 sq. — Zosim., op. cit., 
 pp. 255-58. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 127 
 
 field where he has gained the victory, and calls a 
 council of war, and the generals are unanimous in 
 dissuading the Emperorfrom undertaking the siege 
 of Ctesiphon, saying that it would be very danger- 
 ous to launch the army in this operation, as it is 
 quite possible that King Shapur might come down 
 on them with his whole army, which, up to then, 
 had been kept far away from the scene of action.^ 
 This Julian, who heretofore had never been guided 
 by any one's advice ; who never even obeyed the 
 augurs, except when their predictions tallied with 
 his desires ; who, despite the prayers and dissua- 
 sions of all his generalsj attempted the dangerous 
 passage of the Tigris, now agrees to renounce, for 
 an imaginary peril, this last attempt, which would 
 probably have been a glorious termination of the 
 war. Who knows but that Julian had not pre- 
 viously decided on the abandonment of Ctesiphon ? 
 But why? Perhaps this restless adventurer had 
 already wearied of the Persian enterprise, which 
 now appeared to him too easy of achievement, or it 
 had, perhaps, lost for him the fascination of the 
 unknown. The glory of Alexander flashed before 
 his eyes and dazzled him. His aspirations went 
 beyond the Euphrates and the Tigris. The rivers of 
 India attracted him with an irresistible force, simply 
 because they were vague and distant. Libanius^ 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. ii. p. 25, 22 sq.— Zosim., op. cit, p. 258. 
 ^ Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 610, 3. ixeive top Xoyur/iov npos roiis 
 'Ivdav TTOTajMivs. 
 
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128 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 says : "His thoughts tended towards the rivers of 
 India." 
 
 Now, the difficulty of proceeding with the siege 
 of Ctesiphon was an excellent pretext for launching 
 the army in the adventure of a new enterprise in 
 unknown lands. For, in fact, if it was difficult to 
 go on, it was equally difficult to retire, and, with 
 : his numerous ships, ascend the course of the Tigris 
 and Euphrates. Libanius justly remarks that it 
 would have required half the army to tow the 
 ships, and the rest would have been left powerless 
 to defend themselves from the attacks of the 
 Persians.^ Julian then decided on a plan even 
 more reckless than bold, namely, to abandon the 
 waterways which had been, until then, his base of 
 operations ; burn the fleet with all the provisions 
 it contained, to keep them from falling into the 
 hands of the Persians ; and direct his march 
 towards the interior of the country, where he knows 
 he will find fertile lands, herbage, and abundance 
 of food. Now, without believing in the Persian 
 conspiracy of which Gregory of Nazianzus ^ speaks, 
 and of which he points out Julian as the foolish 
 victim, still we must admit the probability, recog- 
 nised by Ammianus,^ that the unfortunate Emperor, 
 ever ready to believe that which accorded with his 
 own views, was misled or deceived by ignorant or 
 
 ^ Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 6io, lo. 
 ^ Greg. Naz., ofi. cit., p. 115, D. 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. ii. p. 26, 5. 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 129 
 
 treacherous guides. His plan once established, the 
 Emperor, with that promptitude of action which is 
 an element of success in a wise decision, but a 
 
 -i precipice of ruin in an evil one, immediately put it 
 into execution. He set fire to all the ships with the 
 immense amount of provisions they contained, only 
 preserving twelve, which he kept with him, for the 
 construction of bridges, and, followed by his whole 
 army, he abandoned the left bank of the Tigris. 
 
 Julian's star is setting ; he has but a few days 
 more to live, and these are days of terrible anxiety, 
 but glorified by a heroism that, in the midst of 
 misfortune, appears most extraordinary. The 
 guides betray him, and the army wanders about 
 without direction. The position is rendered still 
 more serious by the actions of the enemy. The 
 Persians, having seen Julian's error and that 
 through his own fault he had lost his base of 
 operations, take good care not to risk another 
 battle, but systematically prepare to burn and 
 
 ' destroy the grass and grain of the surrounding 
 region, so as to starve out the Roman army, which 
 suffers, besifies, from the bites of insects and 
 inundations.-' The expected aid from Armenia 
 not arriving, and Julian seeing that it would be 
 impossible to carry out his intentions, resolves 
 to retire towards the north, so as to reach a 
 more temperate region, which would afford his 
 soldiers the necessary sustenance. For some days 
 
 ^ Amm. MarcelL, op. cti., vol. ii. p. 27, 17 sq. 
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130 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the Roman army proceeds with difficulty in its 
 march through a country which had been de- 
 vastated, and where they are constantly annoyed 
 by the Persians, who attacked the rearguard and 
 the isolated bodies of troops. The army of King 
 Shapur followed the Romans very closely in their 
 retreat, and the immense amount of dust that 
 obscured the horizon was the indication of its 
 presence. At last a battle is fought in the plain 
 of Marangas.^ Ammianus, who was an eye- 
 witness of this battle, gives a most vivid and 
 interesting account of the Persian army, in which 
 were two sons of the King, numerous satraps all 
 clad in the most magnificent armour, archers who 
 were infallible in their aim, and trained elephants, 
 terrifying those who beheld them. Before this 
 appalling spectacle, Julian seemed to regain his 
 presence of mind and the audacious assurance of 
 the " concit\ato imperio."^ To prevent the Persian 
 archers from making great havoc among his troops 
 from a distance, he assembles, in a dense mass, 
 his invincible soldiers of Rome and Gaul, and 
 makes a dashing charge on the enemy's front, 
 who, being unable to withstand the attack, take 
 to flight, leaving the ground covered with their 
 dead. This was a great victory, but a useless 
 
 1 Amm. MarcelL, op. cit., vol. ii. p. 31, 13 sq. — Zosim., op. cit, 
 p. 261. 
 
 2 From A. Manzoni's " Ode to Napoleon I.," " il concitato 
 imperio, — e il celere obbedir ! " meaning the imperious ordering, and 
 the prompt obedience it calls forth. — Translator's Note. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 131 
 
 one. For three days Julian's army remained 
 quietly in camp, in order to recuperate their forces 
 and attend to their wounded. Julian, who parti- 
 cipated in all the hardships undergone by his 
 soldiers, during the night of the third day, rises 
 from his rude couch, in his usual serene frame of 
 mind, and begins to write and study a book of 
 philosophy, when, suddenly, the same Genius of 
 the Empire appears to him which he saw in 
 jParis on the night of his proclamation, when it 
 insisted on his accepting the Imperial crown. 
 Julian beholds it once more, but this time it 
 seems melancholy, and with a dejected air 
 leaves his tent, and abandons him. But the 
 strong man was not discouraged, but said to him- 
 self, " The will of the gods be done ! " and 
 went out into the night, when, suddenly, he saw 
 a falling star of singular splendour traverse the 
 heavens and vanish. At dawn he calls for his 
 Etruscan soothsayers, and asks them what they 
 have to say concerning the apparition of this 
 vanishing star. It is a sign of evil, they respond. 
 All enterprises and attempts should be suspended 
 for the day.^ But Julian, who was superstitious 
 more from principle than from conviction, although 
 he never failed to interrogate the augurs, reserved 
 to himself the right of doing that which he had 
 previously decided upon, so, at the dawn of day, 
 the army began to move. The large body of 
 
 ' Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. ii. p. 33, 15 sq. 
 
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132 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 troops was already on the march, the flanks well 
 guarded, and Julian was with the extreme van- 
 guard, when he receives notice that the rearguard 
 has been assaulted by the Persians. The Emperor, 
 without waiting to put on his armour, snatches up 
 a shield and rushes to their aid, but he has hardly 
 arrived before he hears that the vanguard, which 
 he has left a moment before, is also attacked. He 
 returns to animate and encourage them, when he 
 hears that his flank is also assailed by the enemy. 
 This admirable warrior was to be found wherever 
 the danger was greatest, encouraging, planning 
 and leading the attack, and once again he succeeds 
 in putting the Persians to flight. Julian, now 
 certain of victory, joins in the pursuit, and for- 
 getting that he is without armour, raises his arm 
 to incite his soldiers to follow him, when a javelin 
 — it was never known whence it came — passed 
 through his arm, and pierced his breast. He 
 tries to pull out the javelin, but falls from his 
 horse, and is carried to his tent. When the first 
 agony has ceased, he wishes to return to the 
 battlefield, but his strength fails him, and he falls 
 back helpless. The news of the disaster spreads 
 like lightning, and the troops, who worshipped their 
 Emperor, were so inflamed with rage and grief, 
 that their feelings spurred them on to vengeance. 
 The Persians are repulsed with immense loss, 
 and Julian can die in peace. 
 
 Who was it that hurled the deadly javelin 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 133 
 
 against Julian ? The suspicion of treachery is by 
 no means excluded. In fact, Ammianus relates 
 that, some days later, the Persians, finding them- 
 selves on an eminence from which they could hurl 
 both arrows and words on the enemy, insulted 
 them verbis turpibus, calling them murderers of 
 the best of princes, because, adds the historian, 
 it was currently reported that Julian met his death 
 at the hands of a Roman — " Julianum telo cecidisse 
 Romano."-' And, naturally, among the Emperor's 
 friends, the suspicion immediately arose that it 
 was a Christian who had struck the blow. Let 
 us see what Libanius has to say concerning it. 
 
 The account of Julian's death given by Libanius 
 accords in every respect with that which we have 
 already heard from Ammianus. He also describes 
 the Emperor in the thick of the fight, spurring his 
 horse in the direction in which the attack of the 
 enemy was most violent, sending companies to 
 assist where the battle raged the fiercest. Victory 
 was assured. "Ah!" — exclaims Libanius — "O 
 gods, O demons, O the uncertainty of fortune ! 
 what memories do you recall to me? Is it not 
 better that I should keep silent, and close this dis- 
 course at its most acceptable part?"^ "No," 
 continues the orator, " it is better that I should 
 speak, and deny the false report concerning the 
 death of the Emperor, namely, that Julian was 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. ii. p. 27, 20. 
 ^ Liban., op. cit, vol. i. p. 612, 10 sq. 
 
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134 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 wounded by a Persian javelin. Libanius is 
 convinced, as we shall see, that the blow came from 
 one of Julian's own men, and he gives us to under- 
 stand that it was a Christian. The Persians, worn 
 out and dispirited, were about to retire, with the 
 intention of sending, the day after, to propose a 
 treaty of peace. But there suddenly arose a slight 
 confusion in the victorious army, because one part 
 of it went on too far for the other part, which was 
 still on the defensive, and, at the same time, the 
 battlefield was obscured by clouds of dust raised by 
 a sudden gust of wind. Julian, followed only by 
 an orderly, was riding in advance to unite the two 
 parts of the army that had separated, when he was 
 struck by a javelin, and, as he was without armour, 
 it passed through his arm, and entered his side, 
 inflicting a mortal wound. " The hero fell to the 
 ground, and, seeing that the blood gushed forth 
 violently, and wishing to conceal the fact, he quickly 
 remounted his horse, and, as the bloodstains re- 
 vealed the wound, he cried out to his men not to 
 be anxious, as it was not mortal. So he said, but 
 he was vanquished by cruel Fate ! " Who wounded 
 him, then? asks Libanius. It was certainly not a 
 Persian, for although great prizes were offered to 
 any one who could prove that he had aimed the 
 blow, no one presented himself Libanius here 
 bitterly remarks : " They permitted us to seek the 
 murderer in our midst ! " And here comes the 
 insinuation against the Christians. The murderer. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 135 
 
 continues Libanius, must be sought among those 
 "against whose interest it was that Julian should 
 live, and they were those who acted contrarily to 
 the laws, who already before had tried to ensnare 
 him, and who now, finding the opportunity, had 
 committed the crime, prompted by their wickedness, 
 that was powerless under his reign, especially in 
 what referred to the worship of the gods, to which 
 they were greatly opposed." 
 
 Sixteen years afterwards, when Theodosius was 
 called to rule over the East, Libanius repeated the 
 accusation, and not being aware of tne Christian 
 tendencies of the new Emperor, addressed a dis- 
 course to him, in which he tried to persuade him to 
 vindicate Julian, and also to excite his wrath 
 against the Christians, whom he pointed out as the 
 true culprits. He said that Julian was killed by a 
 certain Tajenus — Tairjvo? rt? — who obeyed the orders 
 of his superiors, and expected a recompense from 
 those to whose interest it was that Julian should 
 perish,^ and who, in the midst of the universal grief, 
 rej6iced at the great misfortune. The allusion to 
 the Christians in the discourse of Libanius is clear 
 and unmistakable, and, most probably, in the 
 original discourse, it was not an allusion, but an 
 explicit affirmation, because this Taii]v6<; n<; is so 
 singular, and in the manuscripts so varying, as to 
 render most probable the supposition that Christian 
 
 ^ Liban., op. cit., vol. ii. p. 32, l sq. Sty rfv iv airovdj ritv avhpa 
 anoBaviiv. 
 
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136 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 hands altered the primitive xpicyToavo'i ti<s. As 
 Libanius says, it was a notorious fact that Julian 
 was murdered at the instigation of those who were 
 opposed to the worship of the gods ; for, as long 
 as this worship existed, they found themselves 
 silent and powerless.^ In the public squares, and 
 in the corner of the streets, it was whispered how 
 the drama had been arranged.^ But the silence 
 imposed by Julian's successors prevented the 
 revelation of the truth. 
 
 These accusations made by Libanius lack 
 precise proof, and have against them the silence of 
 Ammianus and Zosimus, who, having no interest in 
 concealing the crimes of the Christians, would 
 unhesitatingly have revealed them, had they 
 been proved. And, on the other hand, it is not 
 unlikely to suppose that, in the confusion of the 
 battle, amidst the clouds of dust which (according 
 to all accounts) filled the air, the Emperor might 
 have been casually struck by a weapon not directly 
 aimed at him. But we must also admit that it is 
 not contrary to all probabilities that the murderer 
 was a Christian fighting among the Imperial troops. 
 The hatred of the Christians against this Emperor, 
 who threatened to wrest from them the victory they 
 had gained over the ancient world, was so intense 
 as to induce them to commit any excess. Besides, 
 the world, Christianised in appearance, was so far 
 
 1 Liban., op. cit., vol. ii. p. 48, l sq. hv Ti/iaiievov anenvlyovTo. 
 ^ Kai vvv rjirav ol iv yoviais XeyovTfS onas anav to Spafia (Tvveridri. 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 137 
 
 from being Christianised in reality, that crimes of 
 blood inspired no repugnance, and were sometimes 
 not only tolerated, but even justified and praised 
 by the Christians themselves. Of this we have a 
 luminous proof in the words of the ecclesiastical 
 historian, Sozomenes, who wrote about a century 
 after the death of Julian. He reproduces the 
 passage of Libanius, and adds : " Libanius thus 
 writing would make us believe that the murderer of 
 Julian was a Christian. And perhaps it is true. 
 For it is not improbable that some one amongst 
 those who found themselves in the army, re- 
 membered that the Greeks always lauded to the 
 skies the slayers of tyrants, as those who run the 
 risk of perishing for the liberty of all, and thus 
 courageously succeed in benefiting citizens, relatives 
 and friends. Who then would think of bringing a 
 reproof against one who would risk his life for his 
 God, and for the religion that is dear to him ? " ^ 
 And Sozomenes continues, saying that, although 
 he has no proof, he does not doubt but that the 
 murder happened in accordance with the divine will. 
 And he relates miraculous visions and predictions 
 that clearly prove the intervention of the divinity. 
 
 The death of Julian, described by Ammianus, 
 who was with the army, and probably an eye-witness, 
 was well worthy of so great a hero.^ He gathered 
 
 1 Sozom., op.-cit., p. 517. 
 
 ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. ii. p. 37, 19 sq. 
 
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138 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 around him his friends and familiars, who were 
 overcome and in tears, and addressed to them a 
 discourse which, although probably retouched by 
 Ammianus, truly expresses the thoughts and senti- 
 ments of the dying Emperor. Julian is content to 
 die, and accepts without a murmur the divine will. 
 " The moment has arrived, my friends, when I must 
 bid farewell to life, which I, as an honest debtor, 
 cheerfully restore to Nature. Convinced of what 
 the philosophers say, namely, that the soul is 
 worth much more than the body, I think that we 
 should not grieve but rejoice every time that the 
 best separates itself from the worst. I also 
 remember that the gods have awarded death to 
 most pious men as the highest recompense. And 
 I consider it an especial favour that I have not 
 been obliged to give way to arduous difficulties, nor 
 to abase or humble myself, knowing how misfortune 
 overcomes the weak, but is vanquished by the 
 strong. And I do not repent of anything that I 
 have done, nor do I recall the memory of any grave 
 offence neither in the time when I was relegated to 
 obscurity and retirement, nor when I took possession 
 of the empire. The gods accorded it paternally 
 to me, and I believe that I have preserved it 
 immaculate, ruling with temperance in civil affairs, 
 and only making war for recognised causes, although 
 success does not depend on the shrewdness of 
 councils, for the results of an enterprise depend 
 entirely on the divine will. As I was persuaded 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 139 
 
 that the aims of a just Emperor should be the 
 happiness and welfare of his subjects, I was always 
 inclined, as you know, to act with moderation, and, 
 by my efforts, I have exterminated license, the 
 corrupter of habits and persons. Content and fear- 
 less wherever the Republic, an imperious mother, 
 placed me, I stood firm, ready to defy the storms 
 of fate. I love and reverence this the supreme God 
 who causes me to die, not by hidden treachery, or 
 after a long illness, or by the condemnation of others, 
 but has vouchsafed me a brilliant exit from this 
 world, in the full bloom of my glory ! " And here 
 his strength fails him, and he finishes by wishing 
 them to be fortunate and wise in the choice 
 of his successor. Then he calmly distributes 
 some of his things among his faithful friends, ex- 
 presses himself grieved to hear that his friend 
 Anatolius has been killed in the battle, lovingly 
 reproves the weeping ones who surround him, 
 and, requesting them to be silent, speaks with 
 Maximus and Priscus of the sublime nature of 
 the soul, and placidly expires. Libanius, who also 
 describes the death of the heroic Julian, exclaims : 
 "The scene was similar to that in the prison of 
 Socrates ; those present appeared as the disciples 
 who had surrounded Socrates. The wound took the 
 place of the poison, the words were equal, and the 
 impassibility of Julian equalled that of Socrates ! " ^ 
 In this death, which is admirable in every 
 
 1 Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 614, 10. 
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140 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 respect, and is the revelation of a most pure and 
 noble spirit, one thing is especially noticeable, the 
 absolute silence concerning the religious question 
 which had been the subject of Julian's greatest 
 preoccupations. And it is truly singular that he 
 did not attempt to oppose himself to the probable 
 eventuality that a Christian emperor might be 
 chosen to succeed him, and that, therefore, all his 
 efforts towards the restoration of Paganism might 
 prove fruitless. It is possible that Julian, when 
 dying, had lost all illusions as to the efficacy of his 
 attempts. While he remained in semi-barbarous 
 Gaul, and kept the secret of his faith concealed 
 within his breast, Julian could deceive himself con- 
 cerning the tendencies of the Greek world. His 
 disillusion began the day he was declared Emperor, 
 and could solemnly inaugurate the restoration so 
 dear to his heart. He was too intelligent not to 
 perceive that the world was not with him. That 
 bitter satire, the Misopogon, was his lament over a 
 vanished dream. And perhaps the heroic reckless- 
 ness with which he threw himself into that foolish 
 Persian expedition, and the desperate eagerness 
 with which he sought death, were only the hopeless 
 expression of an inconsolable grief, over the 
 absolute failure of the chief aim of his life and 
 reign. 
 
 There is a legend that arose many years after 
 Julian's death, and was first related by Theodoretus, 
 a writer in the first half of the fifth century. It 
 
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THE LIFE OF JULIAN 141 
 
 says that Julian, feeling himself mortally wounded, 
 cried out : " Thou hast conquered, O Galilean ! " — 
 NeviKriica<;, rdXiXaie. None of Julian's contemporaries 
 ever heard of this cry of agony that was said to have 
 issued from the lips of the Apostate, who fell in the 
 terrible combat he had attempted to wage against 
 Christ. The simple fact of not finding it in 
 Gregory, the great orator and disputant, who would 
 not have missed the opportunity of adorning it with 
 eloquent and sonorous periods, is sufficient to prove 
 its legendary origin, and the late epoch in which 
 it was invented. And, besides, the account of 
 Ammianus, who was present at the moment of 
 Julian's death, and the description of Libanius, prove 
 that Julian, in his last moments, had no other 
 thought than that of dying like a philosopher, 
 serene and far removed from all earthly con- 
 siderations. This desperate cry would have been 
 a discord in the midst of the Socratic scene enacted 
 around his deathbed. But this cry, even though it 
 was not pronounced, might have found an echo in 
 the thoughts of the wounded Emperor. All illusions 
 had necessarily vanished. The cause he had 
 defended was hopelessly lost. Even he, in the 
 fulness of his power and glory, had not been able 
 to overthrow triumphant Christianity. He being 
 dead, there was no possibility of delaying the entire 
 destruction of the ancient civilisation. The last 
 hero of Hellenism, he had raised its banner, and 
 again, for ashort^pig„j,^^,|.^u^urled to the breeze. 
 
142 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 but with him it fell, and it fell for ever. — Thou hast 
 vanquished, O Galilean ! . . . 
 
 But how is it possible to explain and justify 
 Julian's attempt? Before replying to this question, 
 it is necessary to consider the conditions of Chris- 
 tianity, when it became officially recognised, and the 
 moral and intellectual forces which were opposed to 
 it. We may then be able to understand how a man 
 who brought to the Imperial throne a treasure of 
 virtue and intelligence believed that the destruction 
 of Christianity and the restoration of paganism was 
 a great enterprise, and was one to which he could 
 worthily devote his life. The great valour of the 
 man gives a lively interest to the strange episode 
 of which he was the hero. 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE 
 CHRISTIANS 
 
 The profound transformation in the Church during 
 the years preceding its final victory, due to the 
 gradual elaboration of its elements at the time of 
 its intermittent persecutions in the second and 
 third centuries, had bridged the abyss that 
 separated it from the world. In morals, it had 
 descended from the serene heights of the Gospel 
 and of primitive Christianity, and was leaning 
 towards Stoicism ; in philosophy it had constructed 
 a great theological edifice, employing the materials 
 of Platonism ; in worship its ceremonies had been 
 modelled on those of the Mysteries. In short, 
 it had succeeded in organising a practical 
 Christianity that could be accessible to the world. 
 The greater part of its intellectual patrimony was 
 of extraneous origin, but this had been so 
 thoroughly amalgamated with that which was 
 essentially and peculiarly its own as to assure the 
 continuity of its progressive development, while 
 presenting itself severely distinct from eclectic 
 paganism. 
 
 Paaranism having lost the signification of the 
 
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144 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 naturalistic origin of its myths, tended also with 
 Neo-PIatonism towards the affirmation of divine 
 unity. But such a tendency could only be satisfied 
 by Christianity, whose monotheism possessed a 
 power of attraction much greater than that of 
 the symbolic monotheism of paganism, and could 
 be admitted and understood by the most humble. 
 Neo- Platonic paganism had also the ideal of 
 returning to the divine, the sentiment of the 
 immediate presence of God, and of eternal life ; 
 but it lacked the possibility of incorporating that 
 ideal, of giving life to that sentiment in the person 
 of a historic apparition, who would be, at the 
 same time, its guarantee and its most pure repre- 
 sentative. However, the development of Christian 
 thought in the ancient world during the second 
 and third centuries certainly served to prolong the 
 agony of paganism, but necessarily, sooner or 
 later, caused it to expire in the arms of Christianity, 
 because it promoted and encouraged those aspira- 
 tions which Christianity alone could fully satisfy. 
 Added to this, Christianity had created a strong 
 and disciplined organisation, while paganism was 
 a disorderly system, in which the different cults 
 were not subjected to any precise discipline. 
 Paganism might be styled a religious anarchy. 
 In Christianity, on the contrary, each community 
 constituted an especial organisation under the 
 control of a bishop, and, all together, they formed 
 a union of forces that easily became the expression 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 145 
 
 and instrument of a single will. There certainly 
 was no lack of dissensions, discords, and schisms 
 in the young Church ; but they were only passing 
 incidents that did not weaken the substantial 
 solidity of the ecclesiastical organisation, and 
 always disappeared when a strong will pointed 
 out the way of returning to unity. 
 
 This strong will appeared for the first time at 
 the beginning of the fourth century in the Emperor 
 Constantine and in the great Athanasius, and 
 reappeared, with decisive efficacy, at the end of 
 the same century in the Emperor Theodosius and 
 the Bishop Ambrose. 
 
 We inust now give a rapid glance at this 
 disputatious century, in the midst of which Julian 
 made his most extraordinary attempt. It is im- 
 possible to believe that Constantine's considerate 
 treatment of the Christians was actuated, in the 
 slightest degree, by religious sentiment. This 
 treatment was initiated by the famous Edict of 
 Tolerance, that emanated from the Emperor and 
 his colleague, Licinius, and was given at Milan 
 in the year 313, and afterwards led to the con- 
 stitution of a State Church, Several years after 
 the death of Constantine, a fable — for it could 
 be naught else — was circulated among the pagans, 
 namely, that the Emperor had embraced Christianity 
 because he had been assured that the new religion 
 had the power of washing away all sins, so that 
 even the most wicked of men, once converted. 
 
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146 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 became immediately pure.^ And it was an un- 
 doubted fact that Constantine needed to purge 
 himself from the most terrible of domestic crimes, 
 the murder of his son Crispus and of his wife 
 Fausta. But Sozomenes justly observes that 
 these atrocious crimes were committed by Con- 
 stantine some years after he had embraced 
 Christianity, and that, therefore, this fable would 
 be inadequate to account for Constantine's attitude 
 towards a religion that, until then, had always 
 been persecuted.^ It is rather a curious and 
 symptomatic fact that neither Sozomenes nor other 
 ecclesiastical historians found in this circumstance 
 any reason to doubt the moral worth of the 
 Emperor's conversion. Constantine was an able 
 politician, and knew no scruples. He who rose 
 upon the ruin of all his colleagues and rivals, and 
 witnessed the inefficacy of Diocletian's persecution, 
 saw, in the Church rightly organised, an instrument 
 that, in his hand, might become most precious. He 
 recognised the exhaustion of paganism, and the 
 rising power of Christianity, and decided to use the 
 latter for his own advancement. Libanius explains 
 the conversion of Constantine by saying : " He com- 
 prehended that the belief in another God would be 
 very useful to him."^ And on this occasion the 
 rhetorician certainly seems to be in the right. 
 
 1 Zosim., op. cit., p. 150. ^ Sozom., op. cit., p. 331. 
 
 ^ Liban., ofi. cit., vol. ii. p. l5l. ^yrja-diievos avr^ XvtriTeXelv erepov 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 147 
 
 Constantine, therefore, undertook to regulate 
 the Church in respect of its constitution and 
 dogmas, so that it might always remain under his 
 authority. Above all, a violent and passionate 
 man, it was absolutely impossible for him to 
 participate in the Christian idealism. He intended 
 that Christianity should occupy in the empire 
 the same position that expiring paganism had 
 occupied in the ancient State, that is to say, that 
 it should be a weapon and a sanction to enhance 
 the authority of the sovereign. To arrive at these 
 ends, it was necessary that the Church should not 
 be divided by internal discords, but should be 
 organised in a perfect unity of doctrine and of 
 discipline. Constantine when dying said to his 
 son Constantius : " Thou wilt not enjoy the 
 Empire unless thou wilt make God adored by all 
 in the same manner ! " ^ In twenty-four years 
 Constantine had greatly modified his opinions. 
 The Edict of Milan affirmed the absolute liberty 
 of all worship based on a theistic faith common to 
 all citizens. But political opportunism soon trans- 
 formed the liberal philosopher into the dogmatic 
 irreconcilable. However, it was not very easy to 
 arrive at a unity of doctrine, because Christianity, 
 increasing in strength, had blossomed out into a 
 vegetation of schism and heresy that threatened to 
 suffocate its growth. In order to prevent the evil 
 from becoming irreparable, and at the same time 
 vsiliismkliitiplJQ)itspp^432. 
 
148 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 to create the instrument of which he had need, 
 Constantine decided to give to the Ecclesiastical 
 Parliaments, which were then convened to discuss 
 controversial points, the authority of State institu- 
 tions whose decisions would have the force of law. 
 The institution of Synods or Imperial Councils 
 was, on the part of Constantine, a master-stroke 
 of policy, and had an immense importance in the 
 life and development of the Church. 
 
 Constantine found that the great discussion in 
 Christianity at that time was the Arian heresy, by 
 which the fundamental principles of Christian 
 theology were endangered. On becoming Hellen- 
 ised, the religion of sentiment was transformed into a 
 religion doctrinal and metaphysical, and the supreme 
 difficulty Christianity had to encounter was that of 
 preserving monotheism whilst recognising in Christ 
 the existence of a second divine person. The idea 
 of the divine personality of Christ had received its 
 definite sanction on the day in which the two con- 
 ceptions of Christ and the " Logos " were blended 
 together. In the genuine Hebraic traditions the 
 Christ or Messiah was a human personage who would 
 restore to Israel its power and prosperity, while in 
 the Hebraic thought, if I may so express it, as it was 
 Platonised by its contact with Greek philosophy, 
 especially in Alexandria, the Word — the Logos — 
 was the rational principle by which God created the 
 world and through which he manifested himself. 
 Now, if the Messiah must have revealed himself in 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 149 
 
 a human apparition, this could not be imagined of 
 the Logos, which in the Grseco- Hebraic philosophy 
 was only the symbol of an idea, an ontological and 
 abstract force. No Hebraic thinker had ever dared 
 to make of this symbol a divine personage, divided 
 from God. Now, this passage from the symbol to 
 the person was verified at the moment in which the 
 attribute of Logos was given to the historical per- 
 sonality of Jesus, who had already been invested 
 with the title of Messiah. In this way the person- 
 ality of Jesus, comprehending in itself the office of 
 Messiah and the personification of the Logos, took 
 the place of the intermediary between God and 
 man, with vaguely defined outline, in which the 
 human and the divine mingled as the white and 
 black in the burning paper of the celebrated simile 
 of Dante. This figure gave one hand to Israel and 
 the other to Greece, and the nearer it approached 
 the latter, so much more was the character of 
 distinct divinity intensified in it, and so much 
 greater became the peril to which monotheism 
 found itself exposed. 
 
 The Gnostic heresies tended to impel Chris- 
 tianity in this direction, at the foundation of which it 
 would have found polytheism. But this movement 
 was restrained by the prudent and efficacious action 
 of the first systematic writers of the Church, by the 
 apologists who occupied themselves especially with 
 Christ in his character of Redeemer, clipped the 
 wings of metaphysical fantasy, and, in intense con- 
 
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150 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 templation of the moral problem, closed their 
 eyes to the philosophical one. But this presented 
 itself, in all its importance, in the second half of the 
 third century, when Alexandrine Christianity, under 
 the influence of Clement, and, above all, of Origen, 
 launched itself with sails unfurled on the boundless 
 sea of Hellenic speculation. The influence exer- 
 cised by Origen over the doctrines that were 
 developed after him, has never been equalled by 
 that of any other great thinker. In this respect he 
 may be compared with Plato. For we may truly 
 say that, for more than two centuries, scientific 
 theology only occupied itself with the theses he had 
 propounded. His doctrine, somewhat modified 
 and tempered, formed the substratum on which was 
 afterwards raised the cumbersome edifice of dog- 
 matic Christianity. But his doctrine, eminently 
 Platonic, is only a spiritualistic and idealistic allegory 
 that weakens and essentially changes the historical 
 basis of genuine Christianity. For Origen, as for 
 Clement his predecessor, and for the Neo-Platonic 
 philosophers who came after him, the leitmotiv is 
 that of the Logos, of the cosmogonic Word, namely, 
 the Logos considered as the generative power of 
 the world. Origen distinguishes the world of 
 sensations [Koajiot; aiadr)r6'i) from the world of ideas 
 [koct/jlos yoj?To?). The Logos is the Idea of Ideas {ISea 
 ISe&v), the origin of phenomena, the instrument of 
 creation. But this instrument was created by God 
 at a certain time, and is subjected to him. The 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 151 
 
 identity of the Logos with God is not only inad- 
 missible, but in Origen's system is absolutely ex- 
 cluded, because in this system the existence of the 
 Logos is only the first grade of the cosmological 
 process, the first effect, which, in its turn, becomes 
 the cause of subsequent effects. And for Origen 
 the redemption of man depends on a more profound 
 and clearer knowledge of this process. The verdict 
 of Porphyry the Neo-Platonist seems the most just ; 
 he said of Origen, " His outer life was that of a 
 Christian, but as far as his views of things and 
 of God were concerned, he thought like the 
 Greeks, whose conceptions he overlaid with foreign 
 myths." ^ 
 
 The importance and the profound influence 
 exercised by the doctrine of the Logos, considered 
 as a divine essence generated by God but separated 
 from him, and subordinate to him, renewed, under 
 more scientific and measured forms, the Gnostic 
 tendencies of the most ancient heresies, and con- 
 ducted Christianity again to the verge of polythe- 
 ism. Against this doctrine arose, or it is, perhaps, 
 better to say, gradually developed, another doctrine 
 radically diverse, called monarchianism, which, 
 while according due significance to the redeeming 
 action of Christ, held fast to its faith in the absolute 
 personal unity of God, and, therefore, was adverse 
 to all speculation that could lead to ditheism or 
 tritheism. Monarchianism was, in its turn, divided 
 
 ' Eusebii Historia, recognovit Schwegler, p. 2ig. 
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152 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 into two schools, dynamistic monarchianism and 
 modalistic monarchianism, the first of which 
 affirmed the essential humanity of Jesus, but also 
 that he was infused with the direct inspiration and 
 dynamic force of God, while the second believed in 
 the incarnation of the Father himself, and con- 
 sidered Christ, when he appeared on earth, as a 
 mode and a revelation of the supreme and only 
 God, who had not divided himself, nor produced 
 or originated any secondary divinity, but presented 
 himself in his unalterable unity. Dynamistic mo- 
 narchianism, in the second half of the third century, 
 was represented by a man of great intelligence, Paul 
 of Samosata, Bishop of Antioch, who, while he 
 enjoyed the protection of Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, 
 in whose name he governed Antioch, was able to 
 confront those adversaries who accused him of 
 heresy and worldly habits.^ But when Aurelian 
 conquered Zenobia, and Antioch fell under the 
 power of the Romans, the combative bishop was 
 obliged to cede his post to his rivals, and, as far as 
 appearances go, his doctrine was silenced. But its 
 germs still remained, and, later, they developed, and 
 produced Arianism. 
 
 The modalistic monarchianism was an ancient 
 doctrine which had already been taught in Rome 
 in the first half of the third century. Preoccupied 
 with the peril inherent in the conception of a divine 
 personality, which in the Logos-Christ was affirmed 
 
 1 Euseb., op. cit., p. 277, 20 sq. 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 153 
 
 to be an emanation from the Godhead, that doctrine 
 aimed at re-estabHshing the absolute unity of the 
 divinity, identifying the Father with the Son, and 
 making of the Son a personification, an hypostasis 
 of the Father. This doctrine, though metaphysically 
 most discreet, wounded the ideas dominating in 
 Western Christianity, but was countenanced by 
 Zephyrinus and Callistus, bishops of Rome. From 
 thence arose a dispute of which the antimonarchian 
 heroes were Hippolytus in Rome and TertuUian in 
 Africa. On the other side a large number con- 
 tended for the absolute unity of the Godhead, and 
 were known also under the name of Patripassians, 
 to indicate that, in the sufferings of Christ, they 
 saw the sufferings of the Father. The last and 
 most important among all these was Sabellius, from 
 whom monarchianism took definitively its name of 
 Sabellianism. Sabellius uplifted the banner of 
 severe monotheism. The Father, the Son, and 
 the Holy Ghost were one in essence, only three 
 different names applied to one single Being. 
 Placed between Hippolytus on the one side, and 
 Sabellius on the other. Bishop Callistus, although 
 inclined to monarchianism, devised a formula of 
 conciliation that satisfied neither of the parties ; it 
 was terribly obscure, and composed of such contra- 
 dictory phrases, that it introduced the mysterious 
 and the incomprehensible as essential elements of 
 theology, and opened the way to the dogmatics of 
 future Orthodoxy. 
 
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154 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 In fact, Christian philosophy could find no other 
 issue from the difficulties with which it had to 
 contend from its birth, except in the forced union of 
 monarchianism, which, by affirming the unity of 
 the Godhead, became the pivot of the new faith, 
 and Origenism, which with its manifold divine 
 personalities responded to the metaphysical 
 exigencies of the Greek mind. The great disputes 
 of the third and fourth centuries were just the 
 crucible in which was elaborated a doctrine com- 
 posed by the fusion of two metals essentially 
 heterogeneous, and forcibly reunited. The duel 
 between Arian heresy and Nicene orthodoxy was 
 the last act of this great theological drama in which 
 ancient society, in the agony of the empire, had 
 exhausted its strength, and from which was derived 
 the doctrine that has swayed the thought of 
 humanity until the present century. 
 
 Arianism, which in other words is the continua- 
 tion of Paul of Samosate's monarchianism, had its 
 origin in the school of Lucian of Antioch, who had 
 been a disciple and friend of Paul of Samosate, and 
 held, in the first year of the fourth century, an 
 eminent place in Eastern Christianity. He died 
 in the year 312, and the fame and authority of his 
 name increased even after his death. He was one 
 of the last victims of Imperial persecution. Con- 
 ducted before the Emperor Maximinus, from 
 Antioch to Nicomedia, he delivered an oration in 
 defence of his faith, and then heroically died. This 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 155 
 
 man, excellent in every respect and full of sacred 
 erudition, according to Eusebius,^ had under his 
 influence all the future heroes of Arianism, Arius 
 himself among the first, and it is not improbable 
 that the memory of the martyr, who had instructed 
 them and gave such an admirable example, inflamed 
 them with enthusiasm for the cause they sustained. 
 However, Lucian had mixed a great deal of 
 metaphysical water with the rationalistic wine of 
 Paul of Samosate. For him the Logos-Christ, if 
 not a humanised God, was certainly not a divinised 
 man, he was a Being intermediate between the two — 
 the first creature created by God from nothingness, 
 with the office of elevating the rest of creation, of 
 revealing to mankind the celestial Father, and of 
 offering to them, by his life and death, an example 
 of absolute perfection. 
 
 These are the currents whose encounter 
 produced the incendiary spark ; on one side the 
 Lucianists, who, while recognising the special 
 position of Christ, did not admit his substantial 
 divinity ; against these were the Origenists, who 
 admitted the divinity, but affirmed, at the same 
 time, its subordination : against both of these arose 
 a third sect, the Sabellians, who saw in Christ the 
 personification of the Father. These three parties, 
 in one way or another, represented the rationalistic 
 tendency in Christianity. But there was yet another 
 party, and to this was reserved the success of the 
 
 ' Euseb., op. cit., p. 342, 10 sq. rois iepois lioBtifiairi evyKeKpomjiifvoi. 
 
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156 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 future. They acknowledged the distinction between 
 the two divine Persons, but did not acknowledge the 
 subordination of the one to the other, and main- 
 tained the unity of the essence. They propounded 
 mystery. And just because mystery raised the 
 human soul above rational contingencies, they had a 
 force of attraction that assured them the final victory. 
 It was the Presbyter Arius, a most singular and 
 interesting man, who kindled the spark that set on 
 fire the whole Christian world, and, for more than 
 a century, enveloped humanity in a conflagration 
 of theological passions. He was a devoted disciple 
 and admirer of Lucian, full of talent and energy ; a 
 writer, a poet, an acute logician, and possessed of 
 a most powerful fascination and an undaunted 
 courage. The young Lucianist came from Antioch 
 to Alexandria, where he had been elected presbyter 
 by the Bishop Alexander. For some time the 
 bishop and the presbyter were in perfect accord ; 
 but the fire was smouldering under the ashes, for 
 Arius, imbued as he was with the doctrines of 
 Lucian, could not endure the theological tendencies 
 of Alexander, which to him seemed inclined towards 
 Sabellianism, Socrates relates that one day Alex- 
 ander, in the presence of all the presbyters and the 
 clergy, held a great discourse, dogmatising, to make 
 a parade of his learning, concerning the Trinity, 
 and teaching that, in the Trinity, exists the Unity.^ 
 
 ^ Socrat., op. cit., p. 8. (jiiXoniiorcpov irepl Trjs &ylas rpidSos, ev 
 TpidSi fiovdSa eivai (f)i\o(ro^S>v, iOfoKoyei. 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 157 
 
 This appearing to Arius a favourable oppor- 
 tunity to revolt against the bishop, he bitterly 
 accused him of Sabellianism. " If the Father" — 
 he said — "generated the Son, the generated had a 
 beginning of existence. From this it is manifest 
 that there was a time in which the Son did not 
 exist ; and, necessarily, he must have been created 
 from nothing." Around these propositions, which 
 hold all the tenets of Arianism, and were easily 
 accepted because of their clearness, raged the 
 theological conflagration. But Alexander was able 
 to withstand the peril. He had beside him another 
 young presbyter, Athanasius, who, strong of soul 
 and broad-minded, was for Arius a rival whom he 
 could not easily overcome. And perhaps, at the 
 bottom of this theological war waged about the 
 very essence of Christianity, there was naught save 
 the reciprocal antipathy of two domineering and 
 intolerant youths who were not able to live together 
 in the same place. 
 
 Upon this, Alexander convened a Council that 
 solemnly unseated Arius and his followers, and 
 sent to all the bishops of Christianity — "to the 
 beloved and honoured colleagues of the Catholic 
 Church wherever they be found " ^ — a long circular 
 in which he called attention to the errors of Arius, 
 and justified his condemnation. But Alexander 
 committed the imprudence, perhaps voluntary, of 
 
 ^ Socrat., op. cit., p. 9. rdis dyajTrfrois Kai TifuaTorois avKKeiTovpyots 
 Tols diravraxov Trjs KadoXiKtjs cKKXrjirias. 
 
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158 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 naming in his circular Eusebius, Bishop of 
 Nicomedia, as a dangerous heretic. Now 
 Eusebius, distantly related to the family of 
 Constantine, was a man of great influence, and one 
 who would not tranquilly accept the imputations of 
 Alexander.'' Greatly incensed, he openly took the 
 part of Arius, and bringing together the testimony 
 of those bishops who agreed with him, ordered 
 his colleague to annul the sentence that condemned 
 Arius. 
 
 In the midst of this discord that inflamed all the 
 East, Constantine suddenly appeared with his 
 Quos ego. At the very moment in which he 
 congratulated himself on the possession of a most 
 precious instrument, this instrument broke in his 
 hands. Sole and absolute master of the world, he 
 believed that his word would be sufficient to calm 
 the tumult, so he wrote to Alexander and Arius 
 a letter that is a model of reasonableness and 
 practical sense, in which he tries to induce them 
 to arrange their differences, and to put an end to 
 a theological dispute that threw discredit upon 
 Christianity, and rendered it an object of contempt 
 to the unbelievers.^ But their passions were now 
 at fever heat, Athanasius and Arius fed the flame, 
 and the Quos ego of the Emperor was not sufficient 
 to extinguish the fire. 
 
 The essential points in the doctrines of Arius 
 
 1 Socrat., op. cit., p. ii.— Sozom., op. cit., p. 348. 
 
 2 Socrat., op cit.,. p. 13. 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 159 
 
 were unfolded by himself in a treatise, partly 
 written in verse, and entitled Thalia, portions of 
 which remain in confutation of the same written by 
 Athanasius. Arius said that he was persecuted 
 because opposed to the affirmation that the Son 
 was equal to the Father, and that he had emanated 
 from him, that there was a unity of substance 
 between the generated and the generator, and that 
 the one and the other had coexisted without 
 beginning and before time. God alone, who has 
 become Father by the production of the Son, has 
 not been generated, being alone and inorganic, and 
 having his being in himself Inexpressible in his 
 essence, he is above all. Man can only speak of 
 God negatively, saying that he is not generated, 
 and that there is nothing above him, since he is 
 the beginning of everything. Therefore the Son 
 falls outside the divine essence. The indication 
 of the Son as Logos, Word, Wisdom of God, is, by 
 Arius, considered inappropriate because the Logos, 
 Wisdom, Reason of God, is an inherent faculty of 
 his essence. Arius thus combats the tendency of 
 Origen's theology to offer, by means of the Logos, 
 a second and yet always divine hypostasis, thus 
 rendering impossible every evolution of the concep- 
 tion of God. The Son is not of the same substance 
 as the Father. He is the creature created by the 
 will of God from nothing — k^ 6vk Svtcov — to proceed 
 to the creation of the world. He is not truly God 
 — a\j]di,voi deo'i. The divine dignity that Arius 
 
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160 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 recognises in him comes to him as a gift from 
 God, comes to him from his divinisation, consequent 
 on his participation in the wisdom and the Logos 
 of God. 
 
 Against this doctrine of Arius, Bishop Alexander, 
 certainly at the dictation of Athanasius, proclaimed 
 the inseparable unity of Father and Son, The 
 Son, the Logos, is in the bosom of the Father, and, 
 as the creator of everything, he cannot be created 
 from nothing. From his eternal essence he is in 
 direct opposition to the created, and for this reason 
 there can be no difference between Father and 
 Son, and it could not be otherwise, because the 
 Father was always equal to himself and had ever 
 in himself his Logos, his Wisdom, his Son. He is 
 the Son not by a position (^eo-t?), from the interior 
 to the exterior, but by the nature of his paternal 
 divinity itself. Father and Son have an absolute 
 unity. The mysterious relation by which the Son 
 in one respect is distinct from the Father, and, in 
 another, is one with him in divinity and in essence, 
 is explained by the generation of the Son by the 
 Father, which indicates a derivation of the one 
 from the other, but a derivation that is beyond 
 all conception of time. In short, it is a relation 
 incomprehensible to man. 
 
 Admitting the premise of wishing to express the 
 inexpressible, it is certain that these formulas of 
 Alexander and Athanasius, in which we find a 
 breath of Platonic Origenism, have a metaphysical 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 161 
 
 value much greater than those of the Arian formulas, 
 which, notwithstanding their apparent rationalism, 
 explained nothing. A rational theology is impos- 
 sible. All attempts to found theology on reason 
 have led to inevitable failure. Theology is all the 
 more acceptable when it voluntarily parts with 
 reason and wraps itself in mystery. If the Arians 
 had resolutely abandoned metaphysical ideas and 
 returned to the simplicity of the Gospel, they 
 would have evinced an aspiration truly original. 
 But from the moment that they decided to retain 
 metaphysical theology with its mysteries, only 
 administering it in small doses, so as to make it 
 seem less offensive to the human understanding, 
 they were predestined to be overcome by their 
 rivals, who, intensifying the formulas of the incom- 
 prehensible and the mysterious, inebriated mankind 
 and lifted it to an atmosphere in which it had, as 
 in a vision, the presentiment of the supernatural 
 — those visions and presentiments of which the 
 inspired pages of St. Augustine are the most 
 eloquent manifestations. 
 
 Constantine finding that all personal efforts to 
 tranquillise these contentions were vain, and 
 persuaded by his Minister for Theological Affairs, 
 Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, decided, in the year 325, 
 to convene at Nicaea a great Council, which was 
 charged with establishing the definite formula of 
 the Faith, and he gave to the deliberations of this 
 Council the power and jurisdiction of Imperial 
 
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162 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 authority, thus hoping to impose the harmony that 
 by persuasion he had not been able to obtain. 
 
 The Council of Nicsea was an assembly obedient 
 to Constantine's will ; it composed a formula which 
 was to be accepted by all parties. But, in the 
 beginning, there were many difficulties and fierce 
 disputes. The Arians, led by Eusebius of 
 Nicomedia, the future instructor of Julian, 
 presented their Lucianist formula, but it was 
 rejected by a majority of three hundred bishops. 
 Then the Semi-Arians, the Origenists, came for- 
 ward with a new formula, proposed by Eusebius 
 of CsesarEea, which, being most ambiguous and 
 avoiding all precise determinations, might perhaps 
 have satisfied every one. But the party that 
 afterwards represented Orthodoxy would not be 
 persuaded, and, instigated by Hosius, the intimate 
 counsellor of Constantine, who was the chief 
 mover in all the combinations behind the scenes 
 of the Council, proposed a third formula, or rather 
 a correction of the Eusebian formula, including the 
 famous word o/ioouo-w?, consubstantial, which ex- 
 pressed the absolute identity and unity of substance 
 of the Father and of the Son.^ Notwithstanding 
 that this word excited great, and we might say, 
 reasonable opposition, because it was new, unusual in 
 the theological vocabulary, and smacking strongly 
 of Sabellian monarchianism, and therefore destined 
 to annul the personality of Christ, the Council 
 
 ^ Socrat., op. cit., p. 19. 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 163 
 
 yielded to the will of Constantine. In publishing 
 and enforcing the deliberations of the Council, 
 Constantine exhibited a zeal and energy, an 
 epistolary and oratorical ardour, that proved how 
 much he considered the calming of this theological 
 wrath a supreme affair of State. And he decided 
 to give the Council the sanction of his personal 
 intervention, and also of ostentatious pomp and 
 banquets, so as to magnify its splendour and 
 importance in the eyes of the people.^ The 
 Emperor deceived himself with the idea that he 
 had established peace in the Church, and, at the 
 same time, created that instrument of government 
 of which he felt the need. 
 
 But the illusion soon vanished. The Nicene 
 formula became a new cause of discord. The 
 ecclesiastical East was too essentially Arian and 
 Origenist to swallow willingly this bitter pill 
 presented by the Emperor. Constantine saw that 
 his position was untenable, and although he 
 persisted in making and receiving declarations of 
 Orthodoxy, he began to change his attitude towards 
 the most noted among those anathematised by the 
 Council of Nicsea, and readmitted to his favour 
 Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis of Nicaea.^ 
 And, a little later, encompassed by priestly and 
 feminine snares, he went so far even as to permit 
 Arius to return to Alexandria.* But Constantine 
 
 1 Sozom., op. cit., p. 357. ^ Socrat., op. cit., p. 36. 
 
 ' Socrat., op. cit.,xi. Jo. 
 
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164 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 forgot to take into consideration that Athanasius 
 had become Bishop of Alexandria, and that 
 Athanasius was not a man to bend to his will and 
 consent to a reconciliation with his abhorred rival. 
 In fact, the encounter of the two men caused the 
 renewal of angry contentions and mutual recrimina- 
 tion. Constantine hesitated between the two, but 
 seemed to incline towards Arius and Eusebius, 
 and it is probable that there would have been a 
 complete change of position, had not the sudden 
 and mysterious death of Arius ^ deprived his party 
 of its greatest support. The death of Arius seemed 
 to make a deep impression on Constantine, who 
 himself died a year afterwards, leaving the Church 
 even more divided than it was before the Council 
 of Nicaea, and lacerated by such fierce passions as 
 to deprive it of all attraction to disinterested ob- 
 servers.^ The divine and simple religion of the 
 Gospel had become a field of furious and often 
 bloody contentions concerning empty metaphysical 
 subtleties. 
 
 Constantius, who succeeded his father in 
 the empire of the East, seeing that the greater 
 influence was on the side of the Arians, and being 
 more free than his father, not having been com- 
 promised in the deliberation of the Council of 
 Nicaea, did not hesitate to exile Athanasius from 
 Alexandria, following the advice of Eusebius, 
 
 1 Socrat., tf/. cit, p. 62. ^ Amm. Marcell., op. cit., vol. i. p. 271, 15. 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 165 
 
 whom he had called from Nicomedia to the see of 
 Constantinople. But the theology of the Emperor 
 was dominated by political necessities. Now, while 
 Constantius in the East upheld Arianism, 
 Constans, the other son of Constantine, who 
 governed in the West, unfurled the banner of 
 Orthodoxy, and so great was his devotion to this 
 cause, that he threatened to make war on his 
 brother unless he immediately recalled Athanasius, 
 who had appealed to him for protection.-' Con- 
 stantius, not wishing to add to the difficulties that 
 already beset him, on account of his campaign 
 against the King of Persia, the difficulties of an 
 internal theological struggle with his brother, 
 tempered his zeal for Arianism, and, in the year 
 346, replaced Athanasius in the see of Alexandria, 
 and with repeated and courteous letters compelled 
 him to pay a visit to his court, although the acute 
 bishop had very little faith in the sincerity of the 
 Emperor.^ 
 
 After events proved how well the suspicions of 
 Athanasius were founded. Constans having been 
 killed by the rebel Magnentius, and his brother 
 Constantius becoming the sole Emperor, without 
 any obstacle or fear, he returned to his 
 primitive ecclesiastical policy, immediately expelled 
 Athanasius from his see of Alexandria, to which he 
 had only just returned, and would even, in all 
 probability, have had him murdered, if the bishop, 
 
 1 Socrat., op. cit., p. 88. ^ Ibid., op. cit., p. 89. 
 
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166 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 advised of his danger, had not saved himself by 
 a timely escape from the city. But Constantius 
 still persisted in his persecution. In the year 355, 
 he convened a solemn Council at Milan, and 
 desired that it should pronounce a sentence of 
 condemnation that would prevent Athanasius 
 from ever returning to Alexandria. Against this 
 sentence three Western bishops courageously 
 resisted ; they were Paulinus of Treves, Dionysius 
 of Alba, and Eusebius of Vercelli. The Council 
 of Milan was dissolved, after having added fresh 
 fuel to the flames, which had already reached 
 frightful dimensions. 
 
 But the rivals of Athanasius were not sufficiently 
 united, and discord soon broke out in their camp. 
 The pure Arians, led by Aetius — a restless and 
 audacious personage of whom, later on, we shall 
 hear more — were not contented with affirming 
 the distinct personality of the Father and the 
 Son, but insisted that they were also dissimilar in 
 substance. The Origenist Arians, or Semi-Arians, 
 as they called themselves, of whom Basil of Ancyra 
 was the leader, while holding that the two Persons 
 were substantially distinct, affirmed the equality of 
 the two substances. Between these Semi-Arians 
 and the Athanasians there was a great contention 
 concerning an " i." While the Athanasians insisted 
 that the Son was ofioova-io's with the Father, that is 
 to say, that he had the same substance, the 
 Semi-Arians interposed an "i," saying that the 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 167 
 
 Son was 6fj.otov<7io<;, that is, of a distinct substance 
 but similar to that of the Father. These moderate 
 Arians were evidently anxious to come to some 
 sort of compromise with the Athanasians. This 
 famous " i " which they introduced into the adjective 
 invented at Nicaea, was their effort to defend them- 
 selves against the fearful peril of seeing disappear, 
 together with the distinction of substance, that 
 between the Persons — the hypostases, as they called 
 them — which would have been a fall into Sabellian 
 monarchianism. If they could have been assured 
 of the distinction between the Persons, it is most 
 probable that these parties would have been 
 reconciled. But, before they could arrive at this 
 point, they had to pass through a period of 
 confused and ardent disputes. The Emperor 
 Constantius, more and more enthusiastic for 
 Arianism, would accept no compromise, and 
 excluded with suspicion those formulas that, 
 while preserving the duality and the subordina- 
 tion of the hypostases, admitted not the identity 
 but the equality of the substance. The Court 
 of Constantius was wholly Arian, and violently 
 Arian, however much the bishops whose in- 
 fluence was paramount therein concealed their 
 real opinions. In the " i " they found more of 
 a snare than a defence. Rigorous Arianism was, 
 however, no longer sustainable, as it was attacked 
 in all directions. Constantius, in order to make 
 a pretence of moderation, exiled Aetius, the 
 
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168 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 leader of the Arians. The desire and necessity 
 for peace became most evident. In the East 
 and in the West, Council succeeded Council, 
 formulas succeeded formulas, and the whole 
 Christian world resounded with interminable dis- 
 cussions, in which the subtlety of the argument 
 developed the sparks that kindled new discords, 
 and it seemed impossible that it would ever 
 come to an end. The bone of contention for 
 the Arians was the word ova-ia — substance — which 
 was found in the formula of the Origenistic and 
 moderate Arians. Before that word, the bishops 
 who were around Constantius encompassing 
 him with their intrigues — Valens, Ursacius, 
 Germinius, Acacius — felt their mistrust much 
 increased, and they began to bestir themselves. 
 Basil of Ancyra, and his associates, who had 
 invented the famous "i," were subjected to even 
 more suspicion than the pure Athanasians. These 
 courtier bishops tried to find a formula that would 
 distinguish them from the violent Arians, who, 
 with Aetius, had officially fallen into discredit, 
 but one that might at the same time assure 
 them of victory over their abhorred rivals, and 
 prevent the possible resurrection of the Nicene 
 doctrine. By their influence and through their 
 machinations, they founded a new party, the 
 "homoical" party, which admitted that the Son 
 was equal to the Father according to the will — 
 Kara ttjv ^ovKwiv — but they refused most absolutely 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 169 
 
 to admit the possibility of an equality of substance. 
 This party established itself for the first time at 
 Sirmio, in the year 359, with a formula that 
 generically affirmed that the Son was in all 
 things — KUT^ travTa — equal to the Father. But that 
 Kara iravra, which from its indetermination had no 
 value, was later excluded by the influence of 
 those tending to Arianism, in the final formula 
 that issued from the tempestuous Synods of Rimini 
 and Seleucia. The resemblance of the Son to 
 the Father was only determined by the distinction 
 contained in the following words — according to the 
 Scriptures — put there as a talisman to prevent this 
 form from ever being attacked.^ Constantius in 
 the year preceding his death, before starting for 
 Constantinople, imposed this opportunistic formula 
 on the Church, deceiving himself with the flatter- 
 ing idea of having settled a serious doctrinal 
 dispute by means of a political compromise. 
 
 When Julian took in hand the reins of govern- 
 ment, he found the Empire subjected to a peace 
 imposed on a basis of opportunism. It was 
 evident that this peace did not possess any 
 stability, and Julian, in the interest of his own 
 cause, precipitated its rupture. He, as we shall 
 see later on, declared himself to be extraneous 
 to all parties and theological disputes among the 
 
 ^ Socrat., i7^. rtV., p. 126. ofidiov Xiyo/iev iwv tw narpi a>s\4yov<nv 
 'ai Sciai ypatjial Koi 8i8d<rKov<ri. 
 
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170 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Christians, and, therefore, permitted all the bishops 
 exiled by Constantius to return to their sees, and 
 it was exactly those bishops who formed the dis- 
 contented element in each party. Julian's pre- 
 visions proved true ; the return of these pugnacious 
 men on the theological stage rekindled the discords 
 and disputes. But it did not have the consequence 
 that he had anticipated, namely, the humiliation 
 of detested Christianity. Athanasius returned to 
 Alexandria, only to be expelled again by Julian, 
 the sole act of manifest intolerance of which he 
 was guilty ; but his indomitable energy, and his 
 innate disposition of agitator, immediately re- 
 vivified and reorganised his party, and thus he 
 placed his victorious opponents, the Arians, in a 
 most difficult position. During the three years 
 passed in exile, the old defender of Nicene 
 Orthodoxy had participated in all the emotions 
 of the struggle, and by a series of spirited 
 writings, dogmatic, historical, apologetic, he kept 
 alive the courage of his friends, and reminded 
 his enemies that he was still living. In these 
 writings of the old but not exhausted athlete, 
 one could easily see the tendency to make peace 
 with the defeated partisans of the ofiowva-ia, of the 
 similitude of the substance of the Father and the 
 Son, and to lessen the difference that distinguished 
 them from the partisans of the o/^oouo-ia, the identity 
 between the two substances. In the anticipated 
 and possible accord between Orthodoxy and the 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS lYl 
 
 Origenistic faction of ancient Arianism, then in 
 open hostility with the violent faction, he hoped 
 to be able to gain a victory over the heresy 
 triumphant in the court of Constantius and the 
 official world.^ Julian dead, the heroic bishop 
 remained master of the field, and he gave un- 
 questionable proofs of the nobility and magnanimity 
 of his character by openly making advances towards 
 conciliation. In the West the movement towards 
 conciliation was promoted by two authors of great 
 intellect — Hilarius, called the Athanasius of the 
 West, and Marius Victorinus, the Neo-Platonic 
 philosopher, of whom Augustine narrates the 
 touching conversion.^ In the East the move- 
 ment had received great assistance from those 
 three renowned personages of the Church, called 
 the three Cappadocians — Basil the Great, Gregory 
 of Nyssa, and Gregory of Nazianzus, the most 
 bitter of Julian's enemies. The Origenist similitude 
 of the essence of the Father and Son became 
 transformed into the Athanasian identity of essence, 
 but, at the same time, the distinct Trinity of the 
 Persons was solemnly proclaimed. Thus was 
 founded the essential dogma of Christian meta- 
 physics : — a single substance in three persons — 
 
 /Mua oiiaui iv rptaiv inrocTTdaeaiv. 
 
 With Theodosius this formula became the 
 supreme law, not only of the Church, but also of 
 
 ^ Gummerus, Die homousianische Partei, 1900. 
 ^ August., Confess., p. 8, 2 sq. 
 
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172 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the State, and he threatened severe punishment 
 to those who dared disobey it, and thus religious 
 intolerance entered into the world and commenced 
 its fatal reign. In the West, the Nicene Orthodoxy- 
 became diffused and easily took root, as, during 
 the great disputes, the West had always been in 
 favour of Athanasius. The only episode of import- 
 ance was the contest between Ambrose and the 
 Empress Regent, Justina, who had brought to 
 Milan a lingering sympathy for Arianism, and 
 sought to gather at her court the dispersed 
 partisans of the defeated doctrine. But Ambrose, 
 who had already developed a great spirit of intoler- 
 ance in the State, and won over to triumphant 
 Orthodoxy Gratian, the predecessor and half-brother 
 of Valentinianus ii., of whom Justina was the mother 
 and guardian, unhesitatingly opposed his views 
 to those of the Empress, and, being sure of the 
 devotion of the people, obtained an easy victory. 
 Arianism in the Roman world was extinct, and 
 Orthodoxy was given an empire that was not dis- 
 turbed even when Arianism reappeared on the 
 scene, brought back by the Goths and the Longo- 
 bards. The great theological drama whose elements 
 were elaborated in the third century, and in which, 
 at Nicsea, the State appeared with Constantine as 
 the principal actor, was finished at the end of the 
 fourth century. Ambrose ended the work that 
 Athanasius had begun. Constantine desired to 
 institute an Orthodox religion that would be an 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 173 
 
 instrument of State ; Gratian and Theodosius made 
 it a power to which the State served as an instru- 
 ment. And human thought remained for ever 
 imprisoned ! 
 
 The victory of Nicene Orthodoxy allied with 
 the Origenist "right" of Arianism, was an event 
 of supreme importance, and determined the direc- 
 tion of Christianity through a long series of 
 centuries. From this victory was created meta- 
 physical, scientific, and dogmatic Christianity. If 
 the doctrine of Paul of Samosata had triumphed, 
 which was later that of pure Arianism, the simple 
 doctrine that affirmed the existence of one God 
 revealed by a man rendered divine because of 
 his virtues, neither Augustine nor Thomas could 
 ever have been possible. The simplicity of the 
 conception, accessible and comprehensible to all, 
 would have rendered the difficult and complicated 
 dogmatic constructions unnecessary. But this doc- 
 trine, just because it was simple, could not satisfy 
 the exigencies of the Graeco-Roman mind, which 
 was thirsting for metaphysical fantasies, and full 
 of enthusiasm for the Platonic idealism that 
 Plotinus, Porphyry, and the Neo-Platonics had re- 
 kindled in the world of thought. Origen was the 
 first and true lawgiver of Christian metaphysics, 
 which he constructed with the materials of Neo- 
 Platonism. This metaphysic was a cosmology in 
 which the ideas, under the form of divine hypostases, 
 retained the same functions as they had in Plato's 
 
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174 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 philosophy. The Origenist cosmology was already 
 in itself fantastic, complicated, and mysterious. But 
 allied with Nicene Orthodoxy, it became still more 
 difficult of comprehension, or, to express it more 
 exactly, it became more irrational, because from 
 the moment that Orthodoxy absolutely denied the 
 subordination of the Logos to God, and affirmed 
 the absolute unity of substance in the three Persons, 
 at the same time insisting that they were distinct, 
 it, as we have already said, intensified the mystery. 
 From this came the creation of a religion, meta- 
 physical, cosmological, and incomprehensible, con- 
 structed in all its parts by the great mind of 
 Augustine, and imposed on the world as a dogma 
 that could not be discussed, because the Church 
 alone held its key. And henceforth the pure and 
 divine inspiration of the Gospel was buried. The 
 Church became the absolute master of human 
 thought, in it alone was to be found the knowledge 
 of truth, and, outside of this, there was nothing 
 but error and damnation. 
 
 While in the world of theological thought and 
 in the great debates of the Councils they ardently 
 discussed the movement by which the Platonic 
 ideas became ingrafted on the trunk of monotheism 
 and created a dogmatic theology composed of in- 
 comprehensible theses, and, just because incompre- 
 hensible, imposed as articles of faith, Christianity, 
 being diffused in all the strata of society, took the 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 175 
 
 place of paganism, and itself became paganised and 
 idolatrous. And this could not be otherwise, 
 because the intellectual conditions of humanity 
 were not in the least changed, and therefore the 
 Christians and pagans retained unaltered their 
 conception of the deity and of his influence on the 
 world. The saints and the martyrs took the 
 place of the ancient divinities, their worship was 
 modelled on the polytheistic rites, following princi- 
 pally the lines of the Mysteries. " Christianity " — 
 says M tiller^ — "absorbed polytheism and took the 
 place that it left vacant. The ruins of the ancient 
 world were restored to life in the Church. The 
 religious life of the people and the ecclesiastical 
 ceremonies were the immediate continuation of 
 the ancient life and ceremonies. There was no 
 interruption. The aspect of the world remained 
 the same. As in paganism, the religious senti- 
 ment of the people expressed itself in the regular 
 and correct fulfilment of ritualistic duties, so the 
 richer and more pompous the forms and cere- 
 monies, the better the people were satisfied. The 
 impression made by Christianity on the ancient 
 world was only skin deep. Only a few seemed 
 conscious that Christianity ought not to have 
 abandoned itself to these tendencies ; that the 
 Christian is, above all, called to an intimate and 
 immediate communion with God, and that this 
 consciousness leads him to asceticism." 
 
 1 Miiller, Kirchengeschichte, p. 206. 
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176 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Constantine, wishing to use the Church for his 
 own purposes, to make it an instrument of power, 
 gave it wealth and privileges, thus radically trans- 
 forming it. It was no longer that religious brother- 
 hood, composed of poor and humble people, often 
 persecuted, without worldly influence, and content 
 with the simple worship celebrated in obscure and 
 private dwellings. Triumphant Christianity felt 
 the need of imposing itself on the multitude by 
 means of a luxury that attracts, and legends that 
 strengthen the faith. In its evolution it profited 
 by the spirit of the times ; in contact with paganism 
 it became worldly, and acquired many of its habits. 
 Hence the pomp, the luxury, and the numerous 
 hierarchies that were prevalent even in the fourth 
 century. The liturgy was developed, festivals 
 established, and, by means of the Councils, dogmas 
 were formulated and defended with the greatest 
 ardour. The life of the clergy and of the bishops 
 no longer resembled that of the members of the 
 primitive Church. It became corrupt and luxurious. 
 Ammianus describes the bishops of the cities, who, 
 "enriched by the gifts of the matrons, drove 
 around the streets seated in coaches ; splendidly 
 attired, and lovers of abundant banquets, surpassing 
 those of the Imperial table." ^ 
 
 The Church accepted the divisions of the 
 Roman administration, adopted its ideas of hier- 
 archy, and felt the desire to have a great number 
 
 1 Amm. Marcell., op. cit, vol. ii. p. loo. 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 177 
 
 of functionaries. Preoccupied with worldly cares, 
 they forgot that love of the weak and the poor 
 which was originally their great power of attrac- 
 tion. A simple religion, a supreme God, Creator 
 of heaven and earth, a Redeemer of humanity, did 
 not suffice for men accustomed to a multiplicity of 
 sanctuaries and of gods. The Church was there- 
 fore led to recognise secondary and more human 
 divinities, to whom it might address its prayers, 
 and thus it felt obliged to institute a secondary 
 worship by the side of that which it rendered to 
 the supreme God. And from this arose the 
 worship of the saints. 
 
 Ancient religion, with its numerous divinities, 
 continued to live linder the cover of this cult. 
 The saint gathered around him the same adorers 
 who previously had directed their prayers to the 
 ancient pagan divinities. The saints substituted 
 these divinities in their various functions. Like 
 Mercury, they favoured enterprises, protected 
 property ; like .^Esculapius, they restored health. 
 The worship of the saints ended by becoming the 
 true and only religion of the people, to whom the 
 dogmas remained unknown. And it was by this 
 worship that Christianity was able to take the 
 place of paganism, whose forms it had adopted. In 
 all the exterior religious manifestations paganism 
 triumphed. There was not the slightest struggle 
 between paganism and Christianity as to the 
 greater or less prevalence of superstition and 
 
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178 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 ceremonial ; the former had quietly introduced 
 itself into the latter, making continued progress 
 as the faithful increased, and, at the end of the 
 conquest, they found that the Church, without 
 being conscious of it, was transformed, and that 
 its external worship was nothing else than the 
 restoration of the ancient worship.^ 
 
 The paganising of Christianity which took place 
 in its dogmas and worship was also evident in 
 its customs, as soon as Christianity became the 
 dominant and recognised religion, and succeeded in 
 conquering the masses. The tenacity with which 
 they held to their treasures, and the desire for the 
 pleasures of this world, was, by no means, weakened 
 by conversion to Christianity. As far as morality 
 was concerned, there was no difference between 
 Christian and pagan. We might almost say that 
 paganism was partly purified by unburdening on 
 Christianity some of its most corrupt elements. And 
 it was quite natural that this should happen. Under 
 the Christian emperors Christianity was necessary 
 to achieve success in life. To remain pagan it 
 required great virtue and strong convictions. The 
 spectacle offered by the Court, and by Constantine's 
 family — that of Constantius, for example — which 
 was dominated by intrigues, under the absolute 
 sway of eunuchs, noted for the perpetration of 
 
 ^ Muller, op. cit., p. 199. — Harnack, DogmengescMchte, vol. ii. 
 p. 413. — Hatch, Griechentum und Christentum. — Marignan, La Foi 
 Chretienne. 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 179 
 
 Neronian murders, was a proof of the moral ship- 
 wreck that Christianity had encountered when, from 
 being a religion of persecuted humanity, it became 
 the recognised religion of State. As long as 
 Christianity was obliged to use all the strength 
 of this minority in resisting persecution, it was a 
 powerful moral force with men, and developed 
 in them sentiments of heroic virtue. But 
 Christianity, when victorious, rested quietly in 
 security and peace, leaving man free to return 
 to the indulgence of his passions and devote to 
 evil all the energies that were no longer engaged 
 in the supreme combat. So it happened that 
 the world and man, notwithstanding that they 
 became Christian, were no better than they had 
 been before. And, furthermore, to render worse 
 the condition of men and things, an entirely new 
 phenomenon had been introduced, that of theo- 
 logical parties and disputations. Metaphysics in 
 the ancient world was a matter of opinion. But 
 Hellenised Christianity made of metaphysics an 
 undisputable dogma. From this sprang doctrinal 
 intolerance, because faith in dogma became the 
 condition of salvation, and, as each party pre- 
 tended to possess the absolute truth, they felt 
 it, not only their right, but also their duty, to 
 combat all errors in the other sects, not alone 
 with reasqn, but with violence. The spectacle 
 of theological discord was so scandalous that 
 Ammianus Marcellinus, as we have seen, did 
 
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180 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 not hesitate to affirm that the Christians lacer- 
 ated each other with the ferocity of wild 
 beasts. 
 
 But the innate essence of Christianity possessed 
 such great force, and responded so efficaciously 
 to the absolute exigencies of the human soul 
 that a reaction was inevitable against its abase- 
 ment to the conditions of ordinary life and the 
 world. This reaction took form and substance 
 in monachism. Asceticism, that is to say, the 
 renunciation of the world in order to isolate 
 oneself and rise through ideal contemplation, 
 was, by no means, unknown to the ancient world. 
 But the Christian innovation was the constitu- 
 tion of a society of monks who, among them- 
 selves, realised the Christian ideal in all its purity. 
 Thus there came to be two Christianities : the 
 Christianity that was of the world, and that was 
 necessarily corrupted and abased to the level of 
 those who practised it, and a Christianity that, 
 separating itself from the world, in the organised 
 solitude of convents, kept alive the ideal aspira- 
 tions and virtues of which the Gospel was the 
 divine law. Monachism, like everything human in 
 the world, went astray from its ideal purity, and, 
 in order to harmonise with mundane exigencies, 
 also became an instrument of passions and 
 worldly interests. But, originally, it represented 
 a salutary reaction that saved Christianity, because 
 it kept alive the power of its influence, when the 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 181 
 
 attraction that came from its heroism in persecu- 
 tion had become extinguished. The demands 
 in the life of the citizen, domestic and civil, 
 lowered Christianity to the level of the paganism 
 to which it had succeeded. Monachism created 
 an organisation in which these necessities dis- 
 appeared, and, in this manner, sustained the 
 high ideals of Christianity. We may judge from 
 the celebrated narration of Pontitianus in the 
 Confessions of Augustine,^ the impression and 
 marvellous influence that the monachal example 
 exercised at the end of the fourth century, in 
 promoting conversion to Christianity. 
 
 The monastic movement found support and 
 favour in Athanasius and the Orthodox party, while 
 Arianism regarded it with antipathy and suspicion. 
 And this is one of the reasons why Athanasius 
 gained the final victory. Arianism represented 
 rationalism, but, at the same time, the sterility of 
 Christianity. Mystic ideality and moral sentiment 
 were completely lost through it. Christianity 
 was being adapted, without restraint and with- 
 out salutary reaction, to the necessities of social 
 life and worldly interest. The attitude of Ortho- 
 doxy was different. Ambrose, it is true, urged 
 Gratian and Theodosius towards intolerance, but 
 he did not hesitate to confront the violent and all- 
 powerful Theodosius, and demand of him an 
 acknowledgment of his crimes. The Arian and 
 
 ^ August., op. cit., Book viii. 
 
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182 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Semi-Arian bishops instead, who surrounded 
 Constantine, and later Constantius, sought by 
 indulging the Imperial faults to gain influence 
 and favour. In this the Athanasian party 
 preserved, in a higher degree than their rivals, 
 the sentiment of the moral essence of Christianity, 
 and favoured monachism as a protest against in- 
 vading worldliness. It is because of this that 
 we find, in this period of theological strife, the 
 noblest and most attractive figures in the ranks 
 of Nicene Orthodoxy. 
 
 Monachism, which had its beginnings in Egypt, 
 found the ground ready prepared through the 
 asceticism practised by the followers of I sis and 
 Serapis, and might have become a danger to the 
 Church, if its protest had developed into open re- 
 bellion. But victorious Orthodoxy, exercising over 
 it a wise and moderating influence, restrained it 
 within the limits of a religious affirmation that kept 
 alive and visible the flame of Christian ideals. 
 However, if monachism has undoubtedly assisted in 
 saving the Christian ideal, it has also helped to make 
 the Church more worldly-minded, because it has 
 established a clear and precise division between 
 those who practised, in all their purity, the 
 principles of Christianity, and those who adapted 
 them to their worldly interests. This adaptation 
 became to a certain point legitimised by the 
 existence, in the bosom of the Church, of an 
 organisation that assumed the office of fulfilling, in 
 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 183 
 
 its perfection, the law of Christ, and, therefore, 
 seemed tacitly to authorise those not belonging to 
 it to transgress this law. 
 
 The very rapid corruption of Christianity, after 
 it was victorious and was constituted a recognised 
 authority, is one of the most suggestive and truly 
 instructive facts presented in the history of 
 humanity. Christianity had introduced a principle 
 entirely new and sublime, that of the equality of 
 men, from which naturally followed the law of love 
 and respect for one another — a duty and principle 
 that had received their supreme sanction in the 
 ignominious death of a God who had sacrificed 
 himself for the salvation of humanity. This 
 principle, which was the negation of the basis on 
 which ancient society was founded, had attracted 
 the innumerable masses of the oppressed and 
 unhappy, and had given to that society a shock 
 which it was unable to resist. But Christianity, as 
 later demonstrated, was powerless to remodel a 
 new society on this principle. The Christian 
 society was morally no better than the pagan 
 society, of which it had undermined all the 
 organisms, both political and civil. Slavery had 
 been somewhat moderated,^ but the Church, 
 when it became powerful, took good care not 
 to abolish it. This abolition did not come 
 through victorious Christianity, but through the 
 invasion of the barbarians, whereby a new servi- 
 
 ^ AUard, /«&« I'Apostat, vol. i. p. 329. 
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184 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 tude, that of the glebe, took the place of personal 
 servitude.^ 
 
 The inability of victorious Christianity to trans- 
 form the world and society with the aid of those 
 principles which were truly the foundations of this 
 doctrine, demonstrates that human progress in the 
 direction of civilisation must be advanced by 
 other influences than that of preaching and purely 
 moral instruction. What this influence may be we 
 will try to discover at the end of this volume. 
 Now we will simply endeavour to recreate the 
 milieu in which Julian's attempt took place. We 
 have seen how Christianity, by appropriating 
 philosophical thought, intensified it to such an 
 extent as to kindle around it the strongest passions, 
 and make it the paramount question, by sub- 
 stituting, in the foundation of the faith, dogma for 
 sentiment. But this fervour for metaphysical 
 thought, this passion for transcendental explana- 
 tions, was not peculiar to Christianity, for it re- 
 sponded to a special condition of the human mind 
 in a determined moment of its evolution ; so that 
 we also find it in the enemy's camp, where it 
 manifested itself in a system parallel to Christian 
 dogmatics, in a system that permitted the trans- 
 formation of ancient polytheism into a religion 
 which, with its metaphysical symbolism, deceived 
 itself, and pretended to be able to combat and 
 conquer Christianity. Of this religious philosophy 
 
 1 Negri, Meditazioni Vagabonde, p. 439. 
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THE DISCORD AMONG THE CHRISTIANS 185 
 
 Julian was the most fervent disciple. In this he 
 found reasons, inspirations, and weapons against the 
 influence of Christ. Therefore, before relating the 
 events of this war, we will consider for an instant 
 the doctrine with which the future Apostate was 
 secretly nourished, while around him resounded the 
 clamour of the disputes by which the new-born 
 Church was being rent asunder. 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 
 
 The diffusion of Christianity, its recognition as 
 the religion of the State, its progressive adaptation 
 to all the exigencies and conditions of the times, 
 and, finally, the great internal struggles by which 
 it was rent, while elaborating a body of doctrines, 
 affirmed as dogmatic orthodoxy, — these are the 
 elements which compose the picture of Grseco- 
 Roman society throughout the course of the fourth 
 century. This society, however, did not allow itself 
 to be transformed without some resistance, and 
 attempted to oppose to the metaphysical and 
 religious constructions of Christianity a system that, 
 substituting naturalistic and rational polytheism — or, 
 at least, infusing in its forms a new spirit — yet re- 
 tained the ancient structure of traditions, thought, and 
 social organisation. This system was Neo-Platon- 
 ism. Here, again, we note, as we have already 
 remarked above, that Neo-Platonism, at whose 
 source Origen had been nourished, by placing God 
 in the supernatural, and declaring that mysticism was 
 the only means by which man could unite himself to 
 a God incomprehensible just because he is super- 
 natural, was the mould from which Christian theology 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 187 
 
 issued. The Arians were not Neo-Platonists ; they 
 regarded with mistrust and suspicion the overgrowth 
 of metaphysical ideas around the trunk of Chris- 
 tianity, and made supreme efforts to save mono- 
 theism, which was evidently compromised. But 
 Orthodoxy, which amalgamated with temperate 
 Origenism, terminated in St. Augustine, having 
 passed through Athanasius, Basil, Hilary, and the 
 two Gregories, was nothing less than pure Neo- 
 Platonism. Between Christian Neo-Platonism and 
 Hellenic Neo-Platonism, there was, however, an 
 essential difference. The first presented a new 
 God, possessed of a perfect historical objectivity 
 and an unequalled power of attraction ; the second 
 retained the ancient divinities, but deprived them 
 of all personality, and reduced them to the condition 
 of mere symbols. It was clear that, in this respect, 
 the advantage was all on the side of Christianity. 
 Now, Julian's attempt awakens great interest, just 
 because he endeavoured to oppose to Christianity 
 the ancient gods of the Hellenic Olympus, on the 
 basis of a philosophy which was, in fact, essentially 
 identical with that of Christianity. Julian wished 
 to accomplish in polytheism that which Christianity 
 had already achieved, namely, to unite philosophy 
 with religion, and create a theology, a polytheistic 
 body of dogma which, organised into an ecclesias- 
 tical hierarchy, would be able to rival Christianity in 
 its wealth of cosmological and mystical doctrine, 
 and, at the same time, preserve the ancient gods. 
 
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188 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the ancient customs and traditions, thereby saving 
 Hellenic civilisation — Hellenism, as he called it — 
 from the destruction with which it was threatened 
 by Christianity. 
 
 The appearance of Neo-Platonism, and the great 
 influence it exercised over the human mind, is a 
 phenomenon of supreme importance in the evolution 
 of thought and of civilisation. Neo-Platonism re- 
 presented the complete failure of Platonic and 
 Aristotelic rationalism, and of all the schools that 
 succeeded the two great organisers of ancient philo- 
 sophy. This was based on the conception of the 
 absolute distinction between matter and mind, the 
 sensible and the intelligible, and, reasoning on the 
 idea, the spirit, the intelligible, strove ideally to 
 reconstruct the world, with a complete faith in 
 abstract reason, in the solidity of ideal creations, 
 built up with the logical material taken from the 
 mine of thought, but not subjected to the crucible 
 of experience and observation. The result of this 
 prodigious undertaking could only be the formation 
 of a rational mirage, which disappeared when the 
 observer changed his point of view, so that humanity, 
 after a long series of centuries, felt the necessity of 
 something better fitted to calm its anxieties and 
 aspirations. Thus Neo-Platonism appeared in the 
 anarchy of systems which developed either into a 
 scepticism without issue, or a heroic but hopeless 
 resignation. It borrowed from Plato the spirit, the 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 189 
 
 idea, God, but did not see in it an essentially 
 rational principle, with which to proceed in the 
 research of truth, but affirmed it as a principle, par 
 excellence super-rational and supernatural, in which 
 the truth was irremissibly concealed. 
 
 For Neo-Platonism, rational cognisance is only 
 an intermediate grade between the perception of the 
 senses and the intuition of the supernatural. The 
 supreme idea is never found in that which con- 
 stitutes the real and cognoscible contents of the 
 thought, but in that which is its invisible basis, its 
 inscrutable depth. The transcendental is considered 
 as the supreme reality. The intelligible forms are 
 only the transitory means by which the energy 
 of the Being, transcendental and formless, expands 
 in the world. This affirmation of the super-rational 
 and supernatural as the origin and reason of the 
 world, entailed the necessary consequence that man, 
 not being able to approach it by means of reason, 
 was constrained to resort to fantasy, which, gradu- 
 ally, led him into mysticism and superstition, and, 
 as in human life, the union with God is with 
 difficulty attained by the unaided efforts of the soul, 
 the external assistance of positive religion was 
 found necessary. Therefore, Neo - Platonism be- 
 came an essentially religious philosophy, especially 
 during its development in the fourth century ; a 
 philosophy that venerated and tried to keep alive 
 all the ancient religions, reanimating them, however, 
 with symbolical interpretations of their naturalistic 
 
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190 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 myths. Neo-Platonism, however, did not realise 
 that this renovation was not the restoration, but 
 rather the ruin of, the ancient reUgions, and forced 
 them to an office unfitted to their nature ; they were 
 really old vessels, and unable to resist the pressure 
 of the new wine poured into them. Finally, Neo- 
 Platonism, in the fourth century, was a Christianity 
 without Christ — a Christianity that did not possess 
 a real and historical divinity, and substituted for 
 it the empty phantoms of thoroughly exhausted 
 divinities, which only then existed as foolish 
 puppets or incomprehensible symbols. 
 
 Here, however, we would like to make an ob- 
 servation that will be more clearly understood in 
 the course of this study, namely, that Christianity 
 vanquished Neo-Platonism, not alone by reason of 
 its virtues, but also by that of its vices. In fact, 
 Christianity was, from its beginning, systematically 
 constituted, and formed an hierarchical organisation. 
 It was the existence of this hierarchy that induced 
 Constantine to make himself an ally of the Christian 
 Church, which, by this alliance, received its recog- 
 nition, becoming one of the constitutive elements 
 of the complicated and rotten organisation of the 
 Romano- Byzantine Empire. But Christianity 
 necessarily paid for its victory by becoming in- 
 fected with all the evils that afflicted the worldly 
 power which it had embraced, and we have already 
 seen how the ideal of Christian morality took refuge 
 in convents and in the cells of ascetics. Neo- 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 191 
 
 Platonism, which never learnt how to organise 
 itself, remained as an opinion, an aspiration, a 
 personal doctrine, and did not offer to the empire 
 either strength or new resources, and the empire 
 naturally disdained it. Julian's attempt to associate 
 Neo - Platonism in the empire, as his uncle 
 Constantine had associated Christianity, was mis- 
 understood, and considered by some to be the harm- 
 less fancy of an idealist ; by others, as the crime of 
 an accursed Apostate. But the most curious point \ 
 in this history is, that Neo-Platonism, having re- 
 mained wrapt in the solitude of its mysteries and 
 meditations, had preserved an appearance of ideality 
 that Christianity, in contact with the world, had 
 necessarily lost. Therefore, Julian's attempt to 
 restore polytheism in opposition to Christianity, 
 although it may appear strange, possessed the 
 signification of a moral restoration. This was one, 
 and certainly not the least important, reason of its 
 miserable failure. The dissensions between Julian 
 and the Antiochians, so bitterly narrated in the 
 Misopogon, arose precisely from the fact that 
 the Neo-Platonic and austere Emperor en- 
 deavoured to correct and reform the Christian 
 and corrupt city. And the Antiochians had 
 no inclination to follow the exhortations of the 
 Imperial moralist. They had found much more to 
 their taste the Christian Constantius, with his 
 crowd of eunuchs, parasites, and buffoons, his fites 
 and theatres, than the Hellenic Julian, who divided 
 
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192 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 his time between the affairs of State and his books, 
 and wrapped himself up in a sort of philosophical 
 asceticism. 
 
 The failure of religious Neo-Platonism, so 
 tragically verified at the death of Julian, did not 
 lead, as a consequence, to its philosophical failure, 
 so that Neo-Platonism had its revenge in Orthodox 
 theology. Its symbolical gods have fallen before 
 the Christian God, but dogmatic Christianity is 
 imbued with its doctrines, and derives from them 
 its metaphysics ; and this doctrine, with its off- 
 shoots, has stifled the divine tree of Evangelical 
 Christianity, and prevented it from bearing its 
 natural fruits. 
 
 Let us now thoroughly investigate the essential 
 nature of this Neo-Platonic philosophy which was 
 the vital nutriment of the Imperial Apostate. 
 
 The decadence of the ancient world, the dis- 
 solution of its moral and religious bases, the philo- 
 sophical scepticism produced by the succession of 
 systems, which, lacking all foundation of truth, 
 proved mutually destructive, — all these causes, while 
 favouring the diffusion of Christianity, at the same 
 time promoted a parallel movement in Greek 
 thought towards a proximate and ecstatic percep- 
 tion of divinity, which, by reviving ancient poly- 
 theism and symbolising it, responded to the 
 exigencies and moral aspirations which agitated 
 and tormented the human soul. From this move- 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 193 
 
 merit of thought and spirit there issued, in the first 
 half of the third century, Neo-Platonism, which, in 
 the name and with the elements borrowed from 
 Plato, created a new philosophical system that 
 assumed the supernatural as the principle of the 
 universe and of nature, and, having dethroned 
 reason, forced it to abdicate its rights. The history 
 of Neo-Platonism is divided into three periods : the 
 first, the foundation of the system, and its theo- 
 retical development through the efforts of Plotinus, 
 extends from the year 200 to 270; the second 
 period, and the most interesting for our study, is 
 that of its practical elaboration and application to 
 the renewal of polytheism, from 270 to 400, for 
 which successively laboured Porphyry, lamblichus, 
 and his disciples, among whom was Julian; the 
 third period, from 400 to 529, is that of the school 
 of Athens, in which, through the especial work of 
 Proclus, Neo-Platonism abandoned its mystical 
 aspect and became a didactic system that had a 
 great historical importance, because it was under 
 this form that Greek philosophy, exiled from 
 Athens by a decree of Justinian, passed to the 
 East, where afterwards it was fostered and pre- 
 served by the Arabs, who transmitted it to 
 mediaeval Scholasticism. 
 
 The founder of Neo-Platonism was Ammonius 
 Saccas of Alexandria, a Christian re-converted to 
 paganism. He has left no writings, but his great 
 merit is proved by his illustrious pupils, such as the . 
 
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194 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Christian Origen,^ and Plotinus, who affirms that 
 he found truth and peace in the upright teachings 
 of his great master. But, if Ammonius was the 
 creator of Neo-Platonism, Plotinus was its revealer, 
 as we may see in his numerous writings that have 
 come to us, arranged and pubHshed by his pupil, 
 Porphyry. 
 
 The system of Plotinus is directed towards 
 uplifting the human soul from the degradation into 
 which it had fallen through its alienation from the 
 principle to which it owes its origin. The inspira- 
 tion of his philosophy is in its desire for a perfect 
 union with the divinity, in the unceasing effort to 
 issue from the finite and limited. Plotinus wishes 
 to point out the way by which man can reunite 
 himself to God, to describe the process through 
 which the universe, derived from supreme unity, 
 could return to it, and be reintegrated in it. 
 
 Plotinus asserts the absolute unity of the First 
 Cause. Of this First Cause, which is essentially 
 Being, we only know that it is infinite, and beyond 
 
 ^ This information is given by Porphyry, in a fragment of his 
 " Treatise against the Christians," reproduced by Eusebius (Book vi. 
 chap. 19). The latter partly refutes the assertions of Porphyry, and 
 maintains that Ammonius always remained Christian. The modern 
 critics (Zeller, 3, 450, 459) prove that the refutation of Eusebius is 
 erroneous, but, at the same time, they cast a doubt on the relation 
 that existed between Origen and Ammonius, and think it possible 
 that the Christian Origen is mistaken for another Origen, who was 
 also a pupil of Ammonius. But to us, the testimony of Porphyry is 
 very strong, because .he was almost contemporaneous with these 
 personages, and had his information direct from Plotinus, who had 
 studied in the school of Ammonius. 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 195 
 
 all possible conception, so that we may say of it 
 what it is not, but not what it is. As an active 
 power, it generates, albeit remaining always equal 
 to itself, whilst the creative current emanates 
 from it. The multiple derives from the unit 
 by a dynamic process of transmission of force. 
 Primordial Being is the matrix from which all 
 comes, and the end towards which all tends. But, 
 if Being is present in all the universe, the 
 universe constitutes a linear series of manifesta- 
 tions, upon which its action gradually weakens in 
 proportion to the greatness of the distance from 
 its origin, and finishes by extinguishing itself in 
 non-existence. 
 
 In this series, the first place is occupied by 
 thought, by reason, which is, after all, nothing 
 else but the Philonian and Christian Logos. 
 Generated thought, in the moment of issuing 
 from the unity of Being, turns towards it and 
 reflects it ; it forms a contemplator and a con- 
 templated, a thinker and a thought, a cognisant 
 and a cognoscible, the vovi and the Koa/jLof vor)T6<;. 
 
 Between the idea and the world of phenomena, 
 Plotinus placed the spirit, which, while moved and 
 illuminated by the idea, is also in contact with the 
 corporeal world it has generated. The spirit is, 
 at the same time, a unit and a multiple : a unit, 
 because it is the breath that animates the entire 
 universe ; a multiple, because it collects within 
 itself all the partial souls, which become good or 
 
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196 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 evil, in proportion as they experience the de- 
 sire to reunite and reintegrate themselves in the 
 divine- unity. 
 
 Plotinus distinguishes the phenomenal world 
 from the supernatural world, because, in opposi- 
 tion to the latter, it is multiple, inharmonious, 
 and contradictory — a caricature of the true reality. 
 Matter is absolutely nothing, and can only be 
 conceived when abstracted from all form and 
 determination ; it is the negation of ideas, which 
 are the only reality ; it is the origin of evil, the 
 irpSiTov KaKov. But Plotinus, truly pantheistic, does 
 not arrive at the Gnostic and pessimistic con- 
 ception of the creation of evil by a secondary 
 God — an Ahriman — in opposition to the supreme 
 God. For him, the world is perfect, such as it 
 is, and represents a necessary evolution. Evil 
 must exist, so that good may exist ; matter must 
 exist, so that the soul, descending from ideal 
 unity, may feel the aspiration of returning to 
 it, and close, in this way, the cycle of exist- 
 ence. 
 
 But how is it ever possible for the soul to return 
 to the divine unity from which it is descended ? For 
 this, virtue is indispensable ; it purifies the soul, 
 and leads it back to ideas. But, to be truly 
 reunited to God, it is not sufficient that man be 
 without sin. This becomes possible in the ecstatic 
 exaltation of the pure man. Thought, in itself, 
 is incapable of this exaltation, because the thought 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 197 
 
 only leads to the idea. The thought is only a 
 preparation for the union with God. The soul 
 can only become conscious of, and attain to, the 
 supreme Being, when in a condition of absolute 
 passivity and repose. The soul, therefore, begins 
 by contemplating the multiplicity and harmony 
 of things, then retires within itself, and arrives 
 at the world of ideas ; finally, with a supreme 
 effort, it frees itself from all bonds, and finds itself 
 face to face with God, the fountain of life, the prin- 
 ciple of Being, the origin of good. At this point, 
 it enjoys supreme felicity. But it can only remain 
 thus for an instant. This contemplation will not 
 be uninterrupted until it is liberated from the body. 
 Plotinus, as an enthusiastic mystic, often 
 experienced this exaltation, which placed him in 
 the immediate presence of God. His disciple, 
 Porphyry, in his life of the master, narrates as 
 follows : " To this inspired man, who often elevated 
 himself towards that God who is the highest and 
 beyond comprehension, God appeared, although 
 having no form and being invisible, because 
 residing in the thought and the thinker. He had 
 only one aim in life, to approach and unite himself 
 to God, who is above all. This aim he attained 
 four times while I was with him, and without 
 external assistance, but as if by some inexpressible 
 force." ^ On the point of death, "he said he was 
 struggling to unite the divine that is within us, 
 
 1 Plotini Vita, § 23. 
 
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198 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 with the divine that is in the universe, and 
 breathed his last."^ 
 
 If it were not for the pantheistic ring of these 
 last words, perhaps the most beautiful and pro- 
 found ever pronounced by a dying man, the 
 mystic enthusiasm of Plotinus might be that of 
 an Augustine, and the vision of the Neo-Platonic 
 philosopher has a great similarity to the state 
 of ecstasy in which the greatest theologian of 
 Orthodoxy, on one occasion, found himself 
 suddenly elevated into the presence of God, 
 while contemplating the sea and sky from the 
 window of his house at Ostia. 
 
 The philosophy of Plotinus has, therefore, an 
 essentially religious character. In all parts it is 
 permeated with the idea of God and the aspiration 
 to be united with him. The points of contact with 
 Christianity are most evident, as, in certain 
 respects, they have an identity of concepts and 
 tendencies, which is understood, primarily from the 
 direction taken by the philosophical thought of the 
 time, and from the circumstance that Origen and 
 Plotinus — the two founders of Christian and Neo- 
 Platonic metaphysics — were pupils of the same 
 master, Ammonius Saccas. Still, notwithstanding 
 their great resemblance, there existed between the 
 two systems — we may say, between the two 
 religions — a profound antipathy, arising from the 
 
 ^ <^^o"aff Treipao'Bai to iv rj^lv 6e1ov dvayeiv irpos to iv tw ttoiti 
 SeioVf d^rJKC TO TTPCVixa. 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 199 
 
 fact that while Neo-Platonism was the fruit of the 
 true Hellenic tree, Christianity was the fruit of that 
 tree on which was grafted Hebraic monotheism. 
 Neo-Platonism was profoundly pantheistic. The 
 eternal process of evolution that, from the unity 
 of the Being, descended to the multiplicity of the 
 phenomena, to return again to the unity, — this 
 process that for PJotinus represented the origin and 
 successive annulment of evil, excludes the concep- 
 tion of a preordained creation and a conscient rule 
 of the world, excludes the responsibility of the exist- 
 ence of evil attributed to human liberty, excludes the 
 necessity of a process of redemption, and the end 
 of the world. Christianity, with its exigencies and 
 its promises, appeared to the Neo-Platonists as an 
 anti-philosophical negation of the eternal necessity 
 of the order and harmony of the universe ; as an un- 
 reasonable denial of all that was good and beautiful, 
 as represented by the great men of the past ; as a 
 pessimistic affirmation that bore, within itself, the 
 destruction of universal order. Christianity drama- 
 tised the history of the world in the tragical process 
 of a creation, transgression, and redemption. To 
 the Neo-Platonics that story appeared a hymn of 
 glory to the divine necessity, unalterable, perfect in 
 the harmony of the whole. Neo- Platonic pantheism 
 rose in arms against the monotheistic individualism 
 of Christianity. Seeing God everywhere, it found, 
 in polytheism and mythology, symbols capable of 
 giving form to the various manifestations of divinity. 
 
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200 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 And, notwithstanding that Plotinus was far removed 
 from the superstitious extravagance of his suc- 
 cessors, he also united magic and divination with 
 the conception and sentiment of the continual 
 presence of the Divinity. Plotinus wished to revive 
 the ancient cults, making them symbols of a thought 
 and a philosophical and religious aspiration. Chris- 
 tianity announced a precise monotheism, and a God 
 with a well-defined historical personality, and then 
 it strove to endow the one and the other with the 
 same philosophical conceptions as formed the 
 foundation of Neo-Platonic thought. There was, 
 therefore, between the two systems, equality in the 
 essence of thought, and difference in the manner of 
 being affected by religion, and of giving form to 
 thought in religious manifestations. And precisely 
 in this difference lay the strength of Christianity, 
 which presented to mankind thirsting for the divine, 
 specified and precise images, before which the 
 vague and oscillating symbols of Neo-Platonism 
 disappeared like the mist. 
 
 Among the disciples and successors of Plotinus 
 there was manifested the most decided tendency to 
 promote, in Neo-Platonism, a renewal and restora- 
 tion of the ancient religions, in opposition to Chris- 
 tianity. The first among these disciples was 
 Porphyry, who collected and published the works 
 of the master. He possessed a genial and lucid 
 intelligence, without, however, having any claim to 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 201 
 
 the speculative depth of Plotinus, and was the true 
 initiator of the revival of polytheism. To him all 
 religions represented the effort of the human soul 
 to escape from the finite, and reunite itself with 
 God. However, as this reunion is only to be 
 attained by passing through three stages, first in 
 the spirit, then in the idea, and finally in the 
 supreme Being, polytheism, by the variety of its 
 symbols, thus found the means of efficaciously 
 representing this gradual process. Although criti- 
 cising the myths and the irrational and ignorant 
 cults, and affirming that the supreme God should 
 be worshipped in silence and with pure thoughts. 
 Porphyry wished to keep alive all the ancient 
 religions, resolute in his conception that religion 
 being a symbolical manifestation and of a neces- 
 sarily relative truth, every one has not only the 
 right but the duty of honouring the Divinity, accord- 
 ing to the customs of his own country. Porphyry, 
 therefore, recognised the rights of all national 
 religions, of the barbaric as well as the Hellenic, 
 and also the Hebraic, considered simply, as the 
 religion of a given nationality. But he abhorred 
 the Christian exclusiveness that, in the name of 
 absolute truth, endeavoured to overthrow all forms 
 of worship not its own, and destroy all the traditions 
 of Hellenic philosophy and culture. Porphyry even 
 composed against Christianity a treatise, which was 
 lost, in order to prove the lack of foundation of its 
 pretended historical basis, and the slight credibility 
 
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202 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 of its documents. He considered Christ as a pious 
 man whose teachings had been completely mis- 
 understood and corrupted by his disciples, who 
 made a divinity of him. 
 
 Porphyry took the first steps in the direction 
 that transformed Neo-Platonism from a pure specula- 
 tion into a positive religion, but the clear rational- 
 ism by which he was guided arrested him at the 
 point beyond which religion became superstition 
 and magic. In fact, St. Augustine said of him : 
 " Porphyrius quamdam quasi purgationem animae 
 per theurgiam, cunctanter tamen et pudibunda, 
 quodam modo, disputatione, promittit. Rever- 
 sionem vero ad Deum hanc artem portare cuiquam 
 negat, ut videas eum inter vitium sacrilegse curiosi- 
 tatis et philosophise professionem, sententiis alter- 
 nantibus, fluctuare." His successors, first among 
 whom lamblichus, and after him ^desius, Chry- 
 santius, Maximus, and finally Julian, went b-cyond 
 the master. With the pantheistic formulas of 
 Neo-Platonism, and with its mystical aspirations, 
 they dared to compose, and oppose to Christianity, a 
 symbolical religion entirely founded on the most 
 irrational and repugnant superstition. Julian wished 
 to make this new polytheism a religion of State. 
 As we shall see, there existed between the moral and 
 intellectual intentions of Julian and the religion that 
 he practised a singular, and at the same time, 
 interesting contradiction. This contradiction ex- 
 plains the futility of the young Emperor's attempt, 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 203 
 
 and how it necessarily ended in the definite victory 
 of Christianity. 
 
 To obtain a precise idea of the motives that 
 inspired Julian in this attempt, it is necessary 
 to become acquainted with the little Neo-Platonic 
 group, which met together at Nicomedia, and the 
 neighbouring cities. Julian, as we already know, 
 was numbered among them, during the years of 
 his sojourn in Nicomedia, and here he found the 
 definite consecration of the tendencies with which 
 he had been inoculated by his first teacher, Mar- 
 donius. The information, given by Eunapius, in 
 his Lives of the Sophists, although slight and lacking 
 all critical judgment, succeeds in giving us a living 
 picture of this small and curious world. 
 
 The most important personage — the founder, 
 we should say, of Neo-Platonism — transformed in 
 a theurgical religion, was lamblichus, a pupil of 
 Anatolius and Porphyry. He lived in the time of 
 Constantine, and, in his old age, was known by 
 Julian, if we can trust the authenticity of the 
 letters written to him by the latter, which are still 
 preserved. From the short biography written 
 by Eunapius,^ it appears that lamblichus was 
 really considered as a magician, a worker of 
 miracles, in truth most absurd, and that in this 
 consisted his greatest value. But the intelligence 
 of Eunapius is of an inferior order, and im- 
 poverishes even that which he would illustrate. 
 ^ Eunapius, op. cit., lo-ig. 
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204 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Some of lamblichus' writings are still preserved, 
 and also many testimonies, that enable us to 
 judge him more in accordance with the truth, 
 and justly to appreciate the importance of his 
 philosophical productions.-^ Certainly, in him 
 there seems more developed the theologian, 
 who endeavours to give a speculative foundation 
 to religion and its rites, than the philosopher, 
 who devotes himself to the logic of doctrinal 
 reasoning. Porphyry had already shown a tendency 
 to regard philosophy from its fantastic and re- 
 ligious aspect, but lamblichus devoted himself 
 with greater insistence to this point of view. If 
 Porphyry, in order to succeed in his aims, more 
 religious than philosophical, considered the aid of 
 the gods necessary, so much more was lamblichus 
 obliged to recur to it, being almost devoid of 
 faith in human strength. The clear and simple 
 categories of the Plotinic system were not sufficient 
 for lamblichus. His philosophy became terribly 
 complicated and confused by the multiplication of 
 the hypostases of the divine unity. In his fantastic 
 conception, every rational moment assumes a con- 
 crete form in a distinct hypostasis. It seemed 
 to lamblichus that the best way of representing 
 the divinity was to multiply and subdivide it 
 as much as possible, and present, under separate 
 forms, all the functions that characterise its essence 
 
 ^ Zeller, Die Philosophie der Griechen, vol. iii. p. 678. — Ritter and 
 Preller, Hisforia philosophice graces, p. 546. 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 205 
 
 and its relations with the finite. This minute 
 division of the ideal unity, this successive abasement 
 of the unit to the multiple, is the distinguishing 
 feature between the Neo-Platonism of lamblichus 
 and that of Plotinus. The historical importance 
 of the doctrine of lamblichus lies in the fact 
 that the Neo-Platonism of Plotinus, which was 
 an ideal affirmation of the transcendent and super- 
 natural, became a mystical theology that boldly 
 assumed the position of a positive religion. 
 
 In the group of pupils and successors of 
 lamblichus, ^desius seems to have been the most 
 conspicuous. He was intended, by his father, 
 for commerce, and sent to Greece to make practical 
 studies. But he returned a philosopher, to the 
 great surprise and indignation of his father. The 
 young man, however, managed to obtain his pardon, 
 and permission to go and study under lamblichus, 
 and perfect himself in his philosophical doctrines. 
 When the school of lamblichus was dispersed, 
 iEdesius, following the directions of a miraculous 
 presage, retired to the solitude of pastoral life.^ 
 But the youths who aspired to be instructed by 
 him went and disturbed him in his retirement, 
 not willing that so much wisdom should be wasted 
 on the crags and forests, and they forced him to 
 return to human intercourse, ^desius consented, 
 much against his will, and, going into Asia, 
 established himself at Pergamos, and opened a 
 
 ' Eunapius, op. cit., 27. 
 
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206 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 school whose fame, according to the credulous 
 and enthusiastic Eunapius, reached to the heavens. 
 The most noted personages of that school 
 were Maximus, Chrysantius, Eusebius, and Priscus. 
 The first-named, Maximus, according to Eunapius, 
 who had met him, when a youth, Maximus being 
 then advanced in years, produced a most powerful 
 impression on all who saw him, by the beauty of 
 his face, the brilliancy of his eyes, the harmony 
 of his voice, and his flow of words. Ambitious 
 and restless, his agitated life had a tragic ending. 
 He exercised a most powerful influence over 
 Julian, and, with Mardonius, was responsible 
 for the religious and philosophical predilections 
 of this Prince. Maximus was wholly inflamed 
 with the fervour of magic ritualism, and was one 
 of the most efficient co-operators in transforming 
 Neo-Platonism into a theurgical religion. He was 
 a sort of saint, possessing the power of working 
 miracles. It is interesting, and, above all, in- 
 structive as an indication of the milieu, to study 
 the contrast that existed between Maximus and 
 Eusebius. The latter attempted to rationalise 
 Neo-Platonism, and experienced a lively antipathy 
 to the magical and theurgical superstition into 
 which the philosophy had degenerated, losing its 
 speculative character. But he feared Maximus. 
 We read in Eunapius that, when Maximus was 
 present, Eusebius avoided displaying the acuteness 
 of his logic, which was full of artifice and involved 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 207 
 
 dialectic. But when Maximus was absent, he shone 
 like a star when the sun has disappeared.^ The con- 
 trast between Eusebius and Maximus appears most 
 vividly in the singular and symptomatic episode of 
 the relations between Eusebius and Julian. The 
 young Prince, thirsting for knowledge, came to 
 Pergamos, attracted by the fame of -^desius, and 
 wished to be instructed by him. But ^desius was, 
 and felt himself, old. " I would that I could be 
 thy master" — he said — "but the body no longer 
 responds to the commands of the mind. I counsel 
 thee to address thyself to my pupils. They will be 
 able to give thee thy fill of every science and 
 doctrine.^ I would that Maximus were here, but he 
 has gone to Ephesus, and Priscus has left for Greece. 
 Eusebius, however, and Chrysantius remain, and 
 listening to them, thou wilt not regret that I am 
 old." Julian naturally follows his counsels. But he 
 becomes aware of something obscure and disquiet- 
 ing- in his relationship with these two masters. In 
 fact, Chrysantius, who was an admirer and follower 
 of Maximus, although not completely in accord with 
 the doctrines of Eusebius, would not compromise 
 himself by contradicting him. Eusebius, one day, 
 after having instructed Julian in the interpretation of 
 the ancient philosophers, declared to him that the 
 truth was all there, and that magic and incantations. 
 
 ^ Eunapius, op. cit., 49. 
 
 ^ Eunap., op. cit., loco citato. iKiidev pihrju ijU^opov cro(plas Airdcrris 
 Kal iia6j]jiaTa)v. 
 
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208 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 which deluded the senses, were the manipulations 
 of wizards who deceived by means of material 
 aid. Julian, becoming suspicious, and not having 
 thoroughly understood the significance and the 
 reason of this warning with which Eusebius had 
 closed his explanations, took Chrysantius aside, 
 " O dear Chrysantius " — he said — " thou who know- 
 est the truth, what does Eusebius mean by this 
 peroration to his explanations ? " But Chrysantius, 
 who was above all a prudent man, and did not 
 wish to make enemies, shut himself up in a pro- 
 found reserve. "It would be better " — he replied — 
 "to ask it of Eusebius himself." And Eusebius, 
 directly interrogated by Julian, to make him 
 understand what he meant by magic, related the 
 following episode. " Maximus, becoming, by force 
 of his character and intelligence, a despiser of our 
 demonstrations, and falling into a species of mania, 
 one day, at an early hour of the morning, gathered 
 us together in the Temple of Diana, and surrounded 
 himself with many witnesses. When we were 
 assembled, after having inclined ourselves before 
 the goddess. 'Be seated' — he said — 'dearest 
 companions, observe what is about to happen, and 
 let it convince you how far I am above all of you.' 
 We sat down, and Maximus burnt a grain of 
 incense, and chanted, in an undertone, a certain 
 hymn, when, behold, the statue began to smile, and 
 then to laugh aloud. We uttered cries of amaze- 
 ment, but no one had moved or spoken, because. 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 209 
 
 suddenly, the lamps which the goddess held in her 
 two hands became ignited, and the flame shot up 
 before we could utter a word. We went away 
 overcome, for the moment, by this wondrous 
 spectacle. But thou shouldst not admire it, even 
 as I did not admire it, but rather consider how 
 much greater than this is purification by means of 
 reason." ^ These last words of Eusebius reveal 
 a singularly acute intelligence, one of those fearless 
 rationalists, always rare — rarer still in antiquity, when 
 positive science did not exist — who in confronting 
 miracles refused to believe in the evidence of the 
 senses. Julian, however, was altogether another 
 sort of man, and his actions towards Eusebius are 
 the most valuable proofs that we possess concerning 
 the tendencies of his mind. In fact, Eusebius had 
 scarcely ceased speaking when Julian exclaimed — 
 "Adieu, devote thyself wholly to thy books; as 
 for me, thou hast pointed out to me that which I 
 sought" — and embracing Chrysantius, he left for 
 Ephesus, in search of Maximus, and having found 
 him, attached himself to this new master, and 
 devoted himself with great tenacity to his doctrine. 
 Maximus, evidently a man who was able to make 
 use of all occasions to further his own purposes, 
 was only too pleased to have as a pupil a Con- 
 stantinian prince, persecuted, it is true, but, never- 
 theless, on the steps of the throne, and he applied 
 himself with ardour to instruct him, and ingratiate 
 
 ^ Eunapius, op. cit, 50, 
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210 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 himself in his affections, and not being able alone 
 to satisfy the insatiable curiosity of the youth, he 
 called his friend Chrysantius to assist him, and, 
 between the two, they made Julian that mystic 
 I enthusiast in whom religion and philosophy were 
 I confused with the most credulous superstition. On 
 becoming Emperor, Julian called Maximus and 
 Chrysantius to Constantinople. Majfimus came 
 immediately, and received extraordinary demonstra- 
 tions of respect from Julian. But Chrysantius, 
 loving a quiet life, and possessing more foresight 
 than Maximus, because less ambitious, would not 
 allow himself to be persuaded, notwithstanding the 
 urgent demands sent by Julian, who even tried to 
 enlist in his behalf the influence of the philosopher's 
 wife. In the meanwhile, Maximus lived at Con- 
 stantinople, surrounded and followed by the adorers 
 of the rising star, who did not leave him a moment's 
 peace, so that he was obliged to seek the aid of 
 some one who could relieve him, in part, of his too 
 onerous duties. Chrysantius still persisting in his 
 refusal, the philosopher Priscus was chosen. From 
 this time, Maximus and Priscus never abandoned 
 the Emperor; they followed him through his 
 campaign in Persia, and we find them under his 
 tent, and by the side of the wounded hero, who, 
 with serene and lofty discourses, prepared himself 
 for death. Julian having fallen, Maximus dragged 
 out his life in the midst of the most tragic events. 
 Persecuted, despoiled, and tortured by Valens and 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 211 
 
 his soldiers, afterwards saved by Clearchus, who 
 reinstated him in the favour of the Emperor, 
 he finally fell under suspicion of having partici- 
 pated in a plot, and was beheaded at Ephesus.^ 
 Maximus exercised a great and decided influence 
 over the restless and mystical spirit of Julian, He 
 recognises this in his discourse against the cynic 
 Heraclius, and attributes to the "highest philo- 
 sopher" who instructed him, all the merit of his 
 initiation into the true philosophy.^ This Maximus, 
 although interesting because of his enthusiastic 
 devotion to Julian, taken altogether, is a most 
 antipathetic personage. A charlatan, superstitious, 
 puffed up with pride, anxious for power and pre- 
 eminence, and giving himself the airs of being 
 inspired and superhuman, he aroused the anger and 
 hatred of those around him, so that, as soon as his 
 protector disappeared, they dragged him to ruin. 
 Eunapius relates a tragi-comical episode concerning 
 him, which certainly does not serve to weaken our 
 sense of repulsion for this species of Neo- Platonic 
 magician, notwithstanding the terrible fate that 
 overtook him at the end of his stormy career. 
 When Maximus was being tortured by the ruffians 
 of Valens, his passionate and courageous wife was 
 present, suffering agonies. Maximus whispers to 
 her — " My wife, go and buy me a poison ; give it to 
 me and liberate me." And she immediately goes, 
 
 ' Eunapius, «>/. cit., 63. — Ammianus Marcellinus, op. cii., ii. 170. 
 ^ Julian., op. cit, 304, 21. 
 
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212 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 and returns with the poison, but not wishing to out- 
 live her husband, asks his permission to drink first. 
 She drinks, and dies immediately. But Maximus 
 did not drink — 6 Be Md^i/Mo<} emev ovKen} 
 
 Another important and not very sympathetic 
 personage who remained to the last with Julian, is 
 _Pciseus^ he also was of the school of .^desius. So 
 learned that he seemed to have on the tip of his 
 tongue all the doctrines of the ancients, he was 
 most beautiful in person, but sullen and disagreeable 
 in manner. He did not care to condescend to 
 discussions, but kept his knowledge within himself, 
 as if it were a treasure, and called all those who 
 spoke willingly of philosophy, prodigals. It appears 
 that .^desius was a most amiable master, who 
 adopted in his teachings the Socratic method, 
 conversing with every one, and infusing in his 
 disciples courtesy and a sentiment of humanity.^ 
 Passing through the streets of Pergamos, accom- 
 panied by a number of his pupils, he talked with 
 every one and about everything, with the market- 
 woman, the weaver, the smith, the carpenter, and, 
 from every one and everything, he drew arguments 
 for wise instructions. The pupils enjoyed such con- 
 versations. Priscus alone rebelled, and dared to call 
 the master a betrayer of the philosophical dignity, a 
 gabbler, who filled the mind with foolish gossip, 
 
 1 Eunapius, 59. 
 
 ' Eunapius, op. cif., 66. dp/wviav riva koi eirififKeiav irpos to 
 uvdpaTTfiov ijK^vTivav Tols iiadrjTOiS. 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 213 
 
 and accomplished nothing. Priscus, therefore, was 
 certainly an egregious pedant, and so we cannot 
 say that poor Julian was very fortunate in the 
 choice of the philosophical companions who followed 
 him during his short reign. Pedantry did not, 
 however, deprive Priscus of prudence and sagacity 
 in his worldly affairs, so that, unlike the ambitious 
 and reckless Maximus, he succeeded in escaping 
 from the peril that menaced him after Julian's 
 death. He retired into Greece, where he lived 
 until he was ninety years old, perpetually wrapt 
 in his mysterious and saturnine silence, but, in his 
 heart, ridiculing the foibles of poor humanity.^ 
 
 It would have been of great advantage to 
 Julian if he had been able to attach to himself 
 the amiable Chrysantius, the best balanced, most 
 gentle and judicious of .^desius' pupils, instead of 
 the charlatanic and haughty Maximus and the 
 heavy and repellent Priscus. We do not mean to 
 say by this that the philosophical tendencies of 
 Chrysantius were wise and commendable. His 
 devotion to Maximus and his theurgic rites were 
 sufficient to prove the contrary. At the beginning 
 of his philosophical education, Chrysantius had 
 embraced with fervour the doctrines of Plato and 
 Aristotle, and had become so strong in these 
 doctrines that he feared no competitor, and was 
 able to come out victorious in every discussion. 
 Later, however, through the influence of Maximus, 
 
 ^ Eunabius, op. cit., 67. yeXav rrjv dvOpamivrju anBivuav. 
 
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214 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 he was attracted to the doctrine of Pythagoras and 
 to those theurgic and divinatory rites which 
 constitute the Neo-Platonic religion, and, in short, 
 he became such an adept as to be able to say that 
 he understood the future better than the present, 
 as if he were in unceasing communication with the 
 gods.^ Concerning this subject, there even arose a 
 dissension between Maximus and himself, as the 
 former, in his overweening pride, pretended that 
 the divination of the future must be subordinated to 
 one's own will and desires ; Chrysantius, on the 
 other hand, humbly followed the divine inspiration. 
 But, with all this, Chrysantius was a man of great 
 acumen and undoubted common sense. In his 
 obstinate refusal to accept the invitations of his old 
 pupil, when this pupil had attained the height of 
 power, he was guided, not only by the omens, which 
 were said to be unfavourable to his voyage, but 
 especially by a keen perception of the imprudence 
 and levity with which the Emperor undertook to 
 revive Hellenism in opposition to Christianity. 
 Of this, Chrysantius has given a striking and 
 interesting proof, because, coming as it does from a 
 friend and co-religionist, it is an explicit condemna- 
 tion of Julian's conduct. The latter not being in 
 the least offended by the repeated refusal of his 
 master, decided to give him a proof of his confidence 
 and affection before he started for Persia, and 
 named him High Priest of Lydia. Chrysantius 
 
 ^ Eunapius, op. cit., 109. 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 215 
 
 accepted, but exercised his office in a peculiar 
 manner, and certainly little in keeping with the 
 intentions of Julian. While, in all parts of the 
 empire, people rushed with the greatest eagerness 
 to rebuild the temples, Chrysantius remained 
 quiescent, not even attempting to disturb the 
 Christians, so that, in Lydia, one could almost say 
 that they were unconscious of the restoration of 
 polytheism. Consequently, when Julian fell, and 
 things returned to their original condition, in the 
 region over which Chrysantius held spiritual juris- 
 diction, there was not the slightest disorder, but, 
 instead, there reigned the most profound peace, 
 which was all the more singular and marvellous, in 
 comparison with the whirlwind of passion and 
 revenge which swept across the rest of the Empire.'^ 
 It is easy to understand how Chrysantius, with his 
 great prudence and common sense, while remaining 
 an ardent Hellenist, was able to pass tranquilly 
 through an epoch so terribly agitated by religious 
 disputes, and to attain the ripest old age. 
 
 -jQribasius of Pergamos had also a paramount 
 influence over Julian, in the psychological moment 
 of his rebellion against Constantius, and probably 
 assisted in the preparation of the military pro- 
 nunciamiento which proclaimed him Emperor. 
 He was a philosopher and doctor, also belonging 
 to the Neo-Platonic coterie. We know that Ori- 
 basius was the only one of Juhan's friends who 
 
 1 Eunapius, op. cit., 1 1 1. 
 
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216 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 was permitted to accompany him to Gaul. Julian 
 asked for him as his physician, and his request was 
 granted, as it was not known that Oribasius was 
 his friend. We have already seen the curious 
 letter in which Julian relates to his friend a dream 
 wherein his coming fortune is clearly foretold — 
 one of those happy dreams that only come to those 
 who especially long for something. Oribasius and 
 the faithful servant Evemerus were the only ones 
 who knew of the mysterious and sacred rites that 
 Julian practised together with the high priest 
 whom he had brought from Greece to Paris. 
 Eunapius says that he will narrate minutely, in a 
 history of Julian (which, unfortunately, is not pre- 
 served), all that Oribasius did, and, in his life of 
 Oribasius, makes use of a complex and pregnant 
 phrase which lends itself to various interpretations, 
 but appears to accentuate the important part that 
 the physician had in Julian's rebellion, because it 
 says that the courage of Oribasius was so great 
 that it enabled him to make Julian Emperor.^ 
 When the catastrophe arrived, Oribasius was sent 
 into exile among the barbarians, but being of great 
 value to all, because of his medical knowledge, he 
 succeeded in keeping afloat in the shipwreck of 
 Hellenism, and those who had despoiled him 
 recalled him, and reinstated him in his honours and 
 possessions. 
 
 ^ Eunapius, op. cit., 104. o he too-ovtov in\eoviKTei rals aWais 
 dperms, &<TTe Koi ^a(n\ea Tov 'lovXiavov aweSei^e. 
 
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NEO-PLATONISM 217 
 
 In this group of philosophers and friends, all 
 of whom had been, at some time, masters or 
 companions of Julian, and whom he gathered 
 around him during his adventurous career, 
 SaUustiuswas the best balanced and most trust- 
 worthy, the faithful counsellor whom we have 
 already mentioned when narrating the life of 
 Julian, and with whom we shall become better 
 acquainted when reading the long letter that 
 Julian wrote him when they were about to 
 separate. As writer and philosopher, he was so 
 skilful and profound as to be able to compose a 
 clear and popular rdsumi of the Neo- Platonic 
 doctrine, "for the use of those who may still be 
 guided by philosophy, and whose souls are not yet 
 irrevocably corrupted."'- He was also a man of 
 the highest moral value, and of great ability in all 
 matters military and administrative ; a man, in 
 fact, who was truly worthy of the confidence that 
 Julian reposed in him. In the following noble 
 sentence Sallustius has unwittingly portrayed 
 himself : " Good men return to the gods, but, 
 even if this were not so, virtue in itself, and the 
 happiness and the glory that is derived from it, 
 and a life without malice and without masters, are 
 sufficient for the happiness of the virtuous." 
 
 That a man like Sallustius could join the 
 Neo- Platonic coterie, and accept its doctrines, 
 proves that, beneath the overgrowth of fantastic 
 
 1 Zeller, op. cit., 3, 734. 
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218 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 superstitions, which were but the expression of the 
 religious necessities of the epoch, there existed a 
 nucleus of healthy and honest thought and senti- 
 ment. Expiring Hellenism not only sent forth a 
 flash of dim and clouded light, such as emanated 
 from the exalted fantasies of an lamblichus and a 
 Maximus, but also possessed a moral force, which 
 caused it to retain the favour and devotion of many 
 among the best and most cultured men. It is 
 not true that the best part of society in the 
 fourth century was found among the Christians. 
 Victorious and Imperial Christianity had attached 
 to itself all that was most debased. And among 
 the men of the greatest moral worth there were 
 yet those who fought to preserve the ancient and 
 enfeebled civilisation. 
 
 Together with these masters and illustrious 
 men who were with Julian at Nicomedia, Pergamos, 
 and Athens, there must have been other com- 
 panions of less pretensions, whose names are 
 not preserved, and who formed around him 
 a species of court, attracted by his princely 
 dignity, and the force and stimulus of his 
 intelligence and wit. Some of Julian's notes 
 and letters appear to have been written to these 
 friends of his school-days. Such undoubtedly 
 were Eumenes and Pharianus, to whom Julian 
 sent from Gaul the following affectionate and 
 sensible letter, in which we recognise more 
 plainly the influence of ^desius and of Eusebius 
 
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NEO-PLATGNISM 219 
 
 than that of Maximus and Priscus. Later, when 
 he attempted to oppose religion to religion and 
 miracle to miracle, Maximus and Priscus became 
 the exclusive dominators of his spirit. 
 
 "To EuMENES AND Pharianus, — If any one 
 has told you that there is anything more agreeable 
 and necessary for a man, than to philosophise, 
 tranquilly and without preoccupations, such a man, 
 being deceived, has deceived you. If the old in- 
 clination is still alive in you, and has not been 
 suddenly extinguished as a once brilliant flame, 
 I congratulate you. It is now four years and 
 three months from the day in which we parted. 
 How pleased I should be to ascertain your progress 
 during this time ! As for me, it is wonderful 
 that I am yet able to speak Greek, as I have 
 become so barbarised by these surroundings ! I 
 advise you not to despise the exercise of logic, 
 nor to neglect rhetoric and the reading of the 
 poets. However, your greatest interest should 
 be for science, and you should direct all your 
 efforts to the study of Aristotle and Plato. To 
 this you should devote all your labour ; this is 
 the basis, the foundation, the walls, the roof. All 
 the rest is accessary. But even on this, you 
 should expend greater care than others generally 
 do on their principal work. In the name of divine 
 Justice I counsel you, concerning all this, because 
 I love you as brothers. You were, at one time, 
 
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220 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 my companions and very dear ones. If you will 
 be advised by me, I will love you still more, while 
 it would be a great grief for me, if I were to see 
 you disobey me. And I do not ask you to say 
 where a continued suffering leads, because I feel 
 that I can wish something better for you." ^ 
 
 In closing this study, which has revealed to us 
 the intellectual atmosphere in which Julian's mind 
 was developed, we may affirm, in conclusion, that 
 Neo-Platonism and Christianity appeared at the 
 moment when the sentiment of patriotism and 
 political liberty, which constituted the force of 
 ancient society, was about to be extinguished. 
 The national religion was no longer a power ; 
 the ideas which had been the props of social life 
 were destroyed ; there existed an overpowering 
 presentiment of an approaching catastrophe, and, 
 at the same time, decided aspirations toward a 
 moral regeneration which would restore the 
 value, the interest, and the significance of life. 
 To satisfy these aspirations, Neo-Platonism and 
 Christianity were born, and each of them sought 
 to reawaken the idea of a revelation and a 
 consequent union of the human soul with God. 
 But Neo-Platonism, which was unwilling to break 
 through the traditions of Hellenism, sought this 
 revelation in the natural order of the world, and 
 from this it arrived at the conception of the super- 
 
 ^ Julian, op. cit., 565. 
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NEO-PLATONISM 221 
 
 natural, to which it abandoned itself in an ecstasy 
 of mystical rapture. Christianity found this re- 
 velation in the historic person of Jesus, who 
 represented the Logos, the Incarnate Word, and 
 had united man and God in the bonds of love. 
 Neo-Platonism desired to heal the evils of the 
 times with a speculation which contained in itself 
 the treasures of Greek philosophy, and would be 
 its compendium and crown. Christianity set up a 
 new God, diffused the tidings of a celestial re- 
 demption, proclaimed the equality of men in 
 the fatherly love of God. Neo-Platonism and 
 Christianity bore evidence that a new ideal had 
 arisen, to which the antique forms seemed in- 
 sufficient. Neo-Platonism attempted to adapt the 
 antique forms to this new ideal. Christianity 
 shattered those forms, and inaugurated a new 
 world and a new humanity. Because of this 
 similarity of its point of origin and aims, Neo- 
 Platonism was able to introduce itself into 
 Christianity, and become the principal factor of 
 its metaphysics. In the diversity of means by 
 which each tried to attain the same end, lay the 
 contrast which made the Neo-Platonists the last 
 and most ardent defenders of Hellenism against 
 the dissolvent action exercised by Christianity. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 
 
 When Julian took in hand the reins of govern- 
 ment, he found paganism persecuted and oppressed, 
 and Christianity divided into two distinct parties, 
 who attacked each other with ever increasing 
 ferocity. We have seen that Constantine's attempt 
 to render the unified and concordant Church an 
 instrument of government had signally failed, 
 because the irreconcilableness of the theological 
 parties was an obstacle that even his strong will 
 was powerless to overcome. This discord became 
 greater on account of the difference of opinion 
 between Constantine's sons ; for while Constans, 
 the Emperor of the West, protected Nicene Ortho- 
 doxy, Constantius, Emperor of the East, was a warm 
 supporter of Arianism. And when the latter 
 became sole Emperor, Arianism, though in a milder 
 form, triumphed everywhere and in everything. 
 Constantius exiled from their sees the bishops who 
 remained faithful to the Nicene formula, and 
 persecuted with equal vehemence Orthodoxy and 
 paganism. But among those who upheld Nicene 
 Orthodoxy were such lofty and intrepid spirits that 
 it was impossible to suppose that their condemna- 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 223 
 
 tion could be lasting and without appeal. Constan-: 
 tius thought he had imposed peace on the Church, 
 but it was only a forced truce, a momentary smould- 
 ering of the fire, the embers of which were yet 
 alight, and ready to break forth into a new flame. 
 
 In the midst of this spectacle of discord and 
 internal strife that was offered by Christianity and 
 the corruption dominant in Christian society, 
 especially that of the Imperial court, Julian, who 
 with his brother, by reason of their tender age, had 
 escaped the general massacre of the rest of his 
 family perpetrated by Constantius, was born and 
 bred. As we have already narrated, he was 
 educated in Constantinople by Mardonius, who 
 secretly infused in the soul of the child a deep 
 admiration for the ancient Hellenic culture, and 
 also the habit of considering the ancients as the 
 true custodians of virtue, and of seeing in them 
 unrivalled examples of the good and beautiful. 
 Consigned to the solitude of Macellus, surrounded 
 by priests in whom he only saw his jailers, and 
 courtiers of the detested Constantius, the youth, 
 under the veil of a necessary hypocrisy, became 
 ever more inflamed with zeal for his ideals. What 
 was Christianity to him .'' The religion of his 
 enemies, a religion that seemed to have sanctioned 
 a most terrible murder, a religion that adapted 
 itself to the vices and turpitudes of a wicked court, 
 and was, besides, corroded by fraternal strife which 
 disturbed the serenity of the soul and destroyed all 
 
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224 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 confidence in its doctrine. But perhaps his aver- 
 sion to Christianity might have remained latent, if 
 he had not been exiled to Nicomedia through the 
 miserable suspicions of Constantius. Here, in the 
 hotbed of Neo-Platonism, which had already accom- 
 plished, in the school of lamblichus, its religious and 
 superstitious evolution, Julian found that complex 
 of doctrines which rendered it possible for him 
 to organise "anti-Christianity" in a practical and 
 philosophical system, while the influence of Libanius 
 and the rhetoricians by whom he was surrounded 
 encouraged him more and more in his passion for 
 Hellenism. 
 
 Now we must try to discover what were really 
 the doctrines of Julian, what were the principal 
 reasons that influenced him to devote himself to the 
 restoration of paganism, and what was the especial 
 aim that he had in view. For this we must have 
 recourse to Julian's own works. He himself, with 
 his own voice, must enlighten us concerning his 
 intentions, and relate the story of his unhappy, but 
 most interesting, attempt. First we must seek to 
 form a conception of the philosophical ideas that 
 composed the basis of Julian's thoughts. We know 
 that he was a pupil of lamblichus and Maximus, of 
 those two Neo-Platonic masters who had trans- 
 formed the pantheistic system of Plotinus into a 
 superstitious mysticism that attached itself to the 
 ancient polytheism by attempting to revive its myths, 
 but altering, however, the very essence of its nature. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 225 
 
 We shall see what was the influence of such 
 teachings on Julian's mind. In the second place, 
 we must observe Julian's position face to face with 
 Christianity, the manner in which he understood 
 and combated it from a doctrinal point of view, 
 and, finally, his acts and conduct as a restorer 
 of polytheism as the State religion. The study 
 that we have already made of Julian's life, of 
 the conditions of the Church in his time, and 
 of Neo-Platonic philosophy, its tendencies, and 
 its essential principles, renders more easy the re- 
 construction of the intellectual figure of the young 
 Emperor. , , ^ 
 
 [J It would be a useless attempt to make a precise 
 and systematic exposition of Julian's philosophy, 
 because he did not have a clear and defined system 
 of ideas, but rather a confused mass, circumscribed 
 by a network of Neo-Platonic mysticism. The 
 young Emperor, who died at the age of thirty-two, 
 did not have time to give precise form to his 
 thoughts, especially as, in his adolescence and 
 very early youth, his life was, as it were, sus- 
 pended by a thread, as he was always in danger of 
 being murdered by his evil and suspicious cousin. 
 In the last eight years of his life, being suddenly 
 made general and administrator, he still continued 
 to be surrounded by the gravest preoccupations, 
 governing Gaul, repulsing the successive Germanic 
 invasions, later, attempting the usurpation of the 
 
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226 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Imperial throne, and, finally, entering upon that 
 Persian campaign in which he met his death. It 
 is really marvellous how, in such a short and 
 agitated existence, he found time to write and think 
 so much. But his thoughts and his writings were 
 sensibly affected by the tumultuous life he led, and 
 therefore lack all system and sound reflection. He 
 himself narrates that, profiting by the short respite 
 from his many preoccupations, he often composed his 
 philosophical dissertations during the night, rapidly 
 and without books, more as a vent to a soul over- 
 flowing with ideas and impressions than with literary 
 or instructive intentions. 
 
 But the most special reason for the congested 
 and confused aspect of Julian's ideas was due to 
 the doctrines themselves by which he was in- 
 spired. In his time, the dominant philosophy of the 
 Hellenic world was Neo-Platonism, which follow- 
 ing in the track of Plato, but with unrestrained 
 and confused fantasy, sought, in the rarefied air 
 of the ideal, or rather of the supernatural, the 
 explanation of nature and existence. Now, Neo- 
 Platonism, just because it affirmed the existence 
 of the supernatural, and has placed it as the First 
 Cause of nature, is essentially a theistic doctrine. 
 The atheism of Epicurus and Lucretius, which, 
 in its mechanical conception of the world, ex- 
 cluded the action of the supernatural, did not 
 succeed in making any progress. Neo-Platonism 
 found itself at the opposite pole. The problem 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 227 
 
 of philosophical speculation was not that of ex- 
 plaining the existence of the universe without 
 the intervention of a First Cause, supernatural 
 and creative, but rather that of determining the 
 relationship between the cause affirmed a priori 
 and the existing universe. Now, Neo-Platonism 
 did not pretend to preserve the purely naturalistic 
 polytheism, because it did not respond to the 
 rational and metaphysical exigencies of the 
 moment ; nor would it accept Christianity, which, 
 with its new affirmations, wounded all the tradi- 
 tions of Hellenic culture, and, by its mono- 
 theism, condemned the pantheistical tendencies of 
 philosophy ; so it composed a symbolical and 
 mystical polytheism, pretending to find therein 
 the representation of the creative process, while, 
 at the same time, it left to every believer the 
 most unbridled liberty of interpretation. We have 
 an example in Julian himself of how far this liberty 
 could conduce to an excess of fantasy and super- 
 stition. But here we will venture on a statement 
 the proof of which we shall find In analysing our 
 hero's thoughts. It would seem that between 
 the follies and excesses of Neo- Platonic meta- 
 physics, on the one hand, and the correct pro- 
 ductions of dogmatic Orthodoxy on the other, 
 there must necessarily exist an irreconcilable 
 opposition. However, when we go to the root 
 of the matter, we find that the opposition is all 
 in the external efflorescence. The trunk that 
 
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228 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 sustains each of them is the same. In each of 
 them we find the Platonic spirituaUsm, with the 
 ideas pre-existent to the world — the " intelligibles," 
 as Julian calls them. In each of them the supreme 
 God, supernatural and unknowable, creates the 
 world, that is to say, gives material existence to 
 simple ideas through a divine mediator revealed 
 to mankind : the Logos-Christ in Christian meta- 
 physics, the sun-god in the theology of lamblichus 
 and Julian. Behold the common source from 
 which burst the two streams that flowed in different 
 directions. The Christian current was directed 
 in the bed of Orthodox monotheism. Athanasius, 
 Ambrose, and Augustine protected its course with 
 barriers so lofty and secure as to preclude the 
 possibility of its overflowing. The Neo-Platonic 
 current, not finding a bed prearranged and 
 protected, subdivided itself into an infinite 
 number of small streams, and, finally, dis- 
 appeared in the sands of the metaphysical 
 desert. 
 
 Neo-Platonism, therefore, by ingrafting itself on 
 polytheism, tried to organise it into a symbolic 
 system that represented the creation, that is, the 
 descent of the supernatural into nature. But the 
 multiplicity of myths was an insuperable objection 
 to the rationalisation of polytheism. Polytheism, 
 born from the tendency of primeval man to personify 
 the natural phenomena in determined divinities, 
 was able to keep itself alive even in an epoch 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 229 
 
 when it had completely lost the consciousness of 
 its primitive signification, by transforming itself 
 into national and local religions. But when the 
 sentiment and the devotion for the mother country 
 disappeared in the immensity of the Roman 
 Empire, polytheism had no longer a reason of 
 being, and was doomed to perish. The attempts 
 of the Neo-Platonics, of lamblichus, Maximus, and 
 Julian to revive it, by infusing therein a philo- 
 sophical spirit, were necessarily barren, and became 
 exhausted in puerile and pedantic efforts. 
 
 For all this, Julian's attempt is one of the 
 most interesting episodes in ancient history ; first 
 because it is always interesting to study the 
 intentions of a man of great soul and acute 
 intelligence, and such the young Emperor certainly 
 was ; and, again, because this attempt is the 
 clearest demonstration of the inevitability of the 
 final victory of Christianity. In fact, Julian's 
 movement was not a reactionary movement, such as 
 it would have been if he had led back polytheism 
 to its signification of naturalistic religion, or 
 had revived the patriotic cult of Athens or Rome. 
 Julian was not a reactionary ; nor does the quali- 
 fication of "romantic" apply to him, although he 
 has been called so by some who found a decided 
 analogy between him and certain writers of our 
 century who adored the Middle Ages in modern 
 times. It is unpardonable in Strauss to use 
 Julian's name in a famous libel, except as a 
 
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230 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 literary artifice to satirise that King Frederick 
 William of Prussia who dreamt of being able to 
 oppose the thought of his time. Julian was 
 progressive, but he had no wish to sacrifice to 
 progress the ancient culture, of which he was a 
 fervent admirer, and those traditions of civilisation 
 which constituted for mankind an inestimable 
 treasure. He, therefore, upheld polytheism, into 
 which he introduced that culture and that civilisa- 
 tion, but, by upholding it, he Christianised it, not 
 only under the aspect of metaphysics, but also, as we 
 shall see, under that of morals and discipline. The 
 attempt to Christianise polytheism so as to keep 
 it alive could only be appreciated by those who 
 shared Julian's love for that assemblage of tradi- 
 tion, glory, and poetry which he designated 
 under the comprehensive title of Hellenism. But 
 this love only existed amongst the few. In 
 the fourth century, barbarism, even without the 
 barbarians, was incipient. Among the masses, 
 in which the sentiment of patriotism was extinct, 
 Hellenism had no hold, and, on the other hand, 
 men truly religious — men who, for the peace of 
 their souls, truly felt the necessity of a God, such 
 as Ambrose and Augustine — though appropriating 
 the fundamental idea of Neo- Platonic philosophy, 
 were necessarily obliged to repudiate its confused 
 and stupid myths, and were horrified at the revival 
 of rites and sacrifices which had become absurd 
 and odious. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 231 
 
 Having established these fundamental points, 
 we will now give especial attention to Julian's inten-' 
 tions. His theological system is contained in his 
 two dissertations, the first concerning "the Sun 
 King," and the second "the Mother of the Gods." 
 In this confused exposition of doctrine it is not easy 
 to determine the respective competency of these 
 two personages, whose actions seem to embarrass 
 each other. But, on this point, even Julian could 
 not have aimed at any absolute decision, because 
 he himself relates that he wrote these little treatises 
 at night, amidst the thousand preoccupations of the 
 emperor and the general, and that they were the 
 outcome of a sudden inspiration, the effect of some 
 fugitive impressions. The discourse on the " King 
 Sun " is dedicated to Sallustius, and was written in 
 three nights, and without the aid of books. "If 
 friend Sallustius" — he says — "would desire some- 
 thing more profound, he should turn to the books 
 of the divine lamblichus, in which he will find the 
 extreme limit of human wisdom. The little that 
 Julian knows he has learnt from him. Never 
 mind what efforts one might make to say some- 
 thing new, he could never succeed in saying 
 anything that lamblichus had not already said. 
 It would, therefore, be useless to try and write 
 anything after him, if you write it with a scientific 
 intent ; but Julian simply wished to compose a 
 hymn in honour of the god, and has sought to 
 speak of his nature according to his own ideas, and 
 
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232 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 as well as he was able." ^ We shall follow him in 
 his painful effort to explain his ideas. 
 
 The supreme divinity, the god around whom 
 the universe is organised, is the sun, King Sun, as 
 he calls him. In this adoration of the sun we 
 recognise a genuine and poetic inspiration rather 
 than a doctrinal precept, if we judge from the 
 eloquent exordium of the dissertation : — 
 
 " I affirm that this discourse will be suitable to 
 every creature who breathes and creeps on earth 
 and who participates in life, in the rational soul and 
 intelligence. But it is more suitable to me than to 
 others, for I am a worshipper of the god Sun. 
 And of this I can give the most evident proof. 
 And may I be permitted to recall that from child- 
 hood I felt the most vivid admiration for the rays 
 of the god, and my whole soul turned towards 
 the eternal vault, for not only did I desire to 
 always look at the sun, but even sometimes, during 
 the night, I have gone out under a serene and 
 cloudless sky, and forgetting everything, abandoned 
 myself to the celestial beauties, so lost in admira- 
 tion that I did not comprehend what was told 
 me, and not caring what I did myself. It 
 might have been said that I had a know- 
 ledge and familiarity with affairs that pertain to 
 the heavens, and that, when I was a youth, some 
 one had taught me astrology. However, I swear 
 by the gods that no books treating of that 
 
 ' Julian., op. cit., p. 204, 4 sq. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 233 
 
 subject ever came into my hands, and that I did 
 not even know that such a science existed. But 
 why do I stop to say all this when I have 
 things so much more important to relate, if I 
 wished to reveal what was then my belief con- 
 cerning the gods ? May oblivion cover that dark 
 moment ! " ^ 
 
 With this enthusiastic hymn, which manifests a 
 most lively appreciation of nature, and reveals the 
 impressionable disposition of the youth, and his cry 
 of horror when he recalls the Christian training to 
 which he was subjected, Julian begins the exposi- 
 tion of his theology. Now, when we seek to render 
 the thoughts of the writer intelligible, by liberating 
 them from the terrible phraseology of Neo- Platonic 
 scholasticism, with which they are encumbered, we 
 find a Trinitarian system that has the greatest 
 analogy with that of Hebraico- Alexandrine meta- 
 physics. 
 
 According to Julian, there exist three worlds : 
 the world of the " intelligibles," of pure ideas, where 
 reigns the supreme principle of the Chief Good ; 
 the world of intellectual beings or divinities placed 
 between simple ideas and matter, as are the 
 angels in the Christian heaven or the celestial 
 men in the Pauline system. In this intellectual 
 world, the Supreme Principle or First Cause reigns 
 by means of an emanation from itself that is wholly 
 spiritual, and which possesses the closest analogy 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit., p. 168-69. 
 
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234 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 with the Logos of Philo and Origen. Finally, the 
 visible and concrete world in which this emanation 
 assumes a visible form, which, according to Julian, 
 is the sun, and for Orthodox Christianity, the 
 humanised Logos. 
 
 Now, if we compare Julian's idea with the pro- 
 logue of the Fourth Gospel, which is the basis of 
 Christian metaphysics, and without which Chris- 
 tianity would never have been, or, at least, would 
 have been entirely different, we are astonished to 
 discover that the bitterest enemy of Christianity 
 actually moved in the same circle of ideas as those 
 with whom he contended. It is always the same 
 fundamental conception of a supreme God from 
 whom emanates a rational principle by which the 
 world is created, and who therein becomes active 
 by assuming a determined and sensible form. 
 When Julian, having spoken of the two invisible 
 forms of God, says — "This solar disc that appears 
 as a third form of God, is the efficacious cause of the 
 salvation of sensible beings " ^ — we only have to 
 substitute for the word "disc" the word "Logos" 
 in order to have a phrase purely Christian. And 
 note that the reason for which Julian sees in the 
 sun the revelation of God is that he considers light 
 above all the vital and divine principle. " Light " 
 — asks Julian — "is it not the incorporeal and 
 divine form of that which is powerful without being 
 
 ^ Julian,, op. cit., p. 172, 19 sq. rplxos 6 (pmvonevos duroo-t SiVko? 
 ivapyws mrios iari toIs aicrdrjTois Ttjs (TiOTrjpias. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 235 
 
 material?"^ And, truly, the analogy between 
 light and the principle of life and salvation, be- 
 tween the light and the Logos, is continually found 
 in Christian books, and it is one of the leit- 
 motiven on which the Fourth Evangelist em- 
 broiders with great insistence his variations. "In 
 him (the Logos) was life, and life was the light of 
 man. . . . That was the true Light which lighteth 
 every man that cometh into the world. He was 
 in the world, and the world was made by him, and 
 the world knew him not."* 
 
 The fact is that all these ideas that directly 
 took root in Platonic philosophy constituted that 
 mixture from which issued Christian metaphysics \ 
 on the one side, and Neo-Platonism on the other. \ 
 The substantial elements are always the same. 
 Alexandria was the furnace in which, through the 
 efforts of Philo and his school, Platonic speculation 
 became soldered with Hebraic monotheism. The 
 metaphysician who wrote the Fourth Gospel 
 solemnly affirms that monotheism saved Christianity 
 from the Gnostic heresy that germinated from the 
 Platonic leaven. But this same Alexandrine 
 Platonic spiritualism, no longer united with 
 monotheism, gave birth to the mystic symbolism of 
 Ammonius Saccas, Plotinus, and Porphyry, which 
 did not differ from Christian thought, except that it 
 
 ' Julian., op. cit., p. 173, I. to (f)a>s ovk eiSos eo-nv OKrafiaTou n kcu 
 delov Tov KOT ivipyciau Sia(j)avovt. 
 ^ John i. 4-10. 
 
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236 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 lacked dogmatic determination in its fundamental 
 lines and in the preservation of the plurality of the 
 gods. 
 
 But if there was an almost identity of funda- 
 mental thought between Christianity and Neo- 
 Platonism, there was, in another respect, a difference 
 which was the true cause of the former prevailing 
 over the latter. It is that Neo-Platonism is only 
 a philosophy, and Christianity is, above all, a code 
 of morals. It is sufficient to take this discourse of 
 Julian's, that may be considered a sort of Neo- 
 Platonic Gospel, and place it beside the Gospel 
 of John. In the first, the writer, after having 
 made his metaphysical exposition, loses himself in 
 such a confused dissertation concerning the attri- 
 butes of the sun and its relations with the other 
 Hellenic divinities, that it is difficult to decide 
 whether it is more pedantic or childish ; so, notwith- 
 standing his efforts, he only succeeded in composing 
 a tangle of words and ideas that must leave his 
 readers, whom he desired to convert to his solar 
 religion, amazed and unconvinced. The Evangelist, 
 instead, in his prologue, introduces certain solemn 
 theses which sound like trumpet - blasts in the 
 mysterious silence. But having closed the prologue 
 and affirmed the identity of Jesus Christ with the 
 Logos, the metaphysics disappear. The relation 
 of Christ to God is only the human relation that 
 exists between Father and Son, and all Christ's 
 actions are pure examples of love, and his words 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 237 
 
 are naught but a hymn, an exhortation to love. 
 Certainly Jesus, in the Fourth Gospel, does not 
 speak as Jesus does in the Synoptics. In his voice 
 there resounds a note not attuned to earth. The 
 Logos is no longer named, yet we feel that it is not 
 a man who speaks. But with all this, the moral 
 efficacy of these discourses, their continued and 
 tender appeal to human sentiment, is most powerful. 
 Here mankind, wearied of an exhausted mythology, 
 was able to revive the impulse to believe, to find 
 a new source of faith. But the symbolism of 
 Julian, even though it might have pleased some 
 fantastic dreamer, left humanity indifferent and 
 incredulous. The dominant character of Julian's 
 philosophy is the obscurity by which it is pervaded, 
 not because of the profundity of its thoughts, but 
 on account of the confusion of undigested ideas 
 and the effort to give precise forms to vague and 
 variable conceptions. 
 
 If a fundamental idea can be said to exist in 
 this philosophy, it is still the Platonic principle of 
 the pre-existence of the idea, of which the visible 
 world, the world of sense, is the reproduction, 
 brought about by means of a creative god, who, 
 according to Julian, has emanated and separated 
 from the supreme God, and who reveals itself 
 under the aspect of the sun. The Ideal forms must 
 exist before the real forms. Therefore "when the 
 substance that reveals itself as generatrix in nature 
 is prepared to generate in beauty and produce a son 
 
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238 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 (vTreKTideadai tov tokov), it is necessary that it be 
 preceded by the substance eternally generatrix in 
 ideal beauty, which does not produce intermittently, 
 because that which is beautiful has been beautiful 
 in the ideal world from all eternity. We therefore 
 say that the generative cause in phenomena must 
 be preceded and guided by an idea inborn in the 
 eternal beauty that God holds and disposes around 
 himself, and to which he gives perfect intelligence ; 
 as with the light he gives sight to the eyes, so 
 with the ideal model that he presents, and which 
 is much more luminous than the ethereal rays, he 
 gives to all intelligent beings the faculty of knowing 
 and being known." ^ 
 
 This Platonic theory of the pre-existence of the 
 idea which is the consequence of the distinction 
 between the two categories of spirit and matter is 
 found at the basis of Christian metaphysics and of 
 orthodox spiritualism, and, later on, it becomes the 
 realism of Scholasticism. This theory had its 
 last affirmation in the philosophy of Rosmini. To 
 find a tie between Julian and Rosmini seems to be 
 the acme of extravagance, and almost a sacrilege. 
 However, if we look deeply into the matter, we 
 find that the intellectual connection exists, as it 
 existed between Julian and the theologians of the 
 Councils whom he abhorred and by whom he was 
 afterwards so fiercely anathematised. The reason 
 of this is that men do not unite or divide because 
 
 ' Julian., op. cit., p. i88, 5 sq. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 239 
 
 of the similitude or difference of ideas. They unite 
 or divide when their moral habits and aspirations 
 harmonise or disagree. Christianity and Hellenism 
 are equal so far as the idea and theory that they 
 represent. They could not be otherwise, because 
 they both had their source in common, and because 
 they responded both to the same necessities of the 
 human mind. But these ideas were only the vest- 
 ments which covered moral tendencies, completely 
 different, and to which they adapted themselves 
 in such a manner as to appear, on the one hand, 
 human errors, and, on the other, divine revelations. 
 Nevertheless, it was always the same covering, 
 differently arranged, or, to use another simile, the 
 same viands differently dressed. Christianity which 
 introduced into the world a scope of moral finality 
 never to be attained upon earth, because the world is 
 most wicked, transported human interest from earth 
 to heaven, from the present to the transcendental, 
 from life to the hereafter. Hellenism, not appreciat- 
 ing this scope of moral finality, and for which, there- 
 fore, the world was most excellent, wished to preserve 
 human interest in the present, and also that immense 
 treasure of traditions, poetry, and glory which had 
 accumulated in antiquity, and which Christianity 
 abhorred and condemned. The Platonic spiritual- 
 ism — the product of the intellectual atmosphere of 
 the epoch — served as well in one direction as in 
 the other. 
 
 But Christianity in the fourth century had 
 
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240 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 become so diffused, and it had entered so deeply 
 into social habits, that even its enemies were 
 obliged to subscribe to it, and sometimes to 
 assume its language. From this, Julian borrowed 
 a fervour, a mystic flame unknown to the ancients. 
 The Discourse on King Sun finishes with a 
 hymn. Julian assumes in it the attitude of a 
 devotee. If we recognise in his words something 
 artificial and scholastic ; if it is not the ecstasy of 
 Plotinus who sinks himself and loses himself in 
 God, nor the dan of Augustine vibrating with 
 the emotion of a soul wrapped in divine contempla- 
 tion, there is, however, a profound religious senti- 
 ment, deeper than that which animated the 
 worshippers of polytheism. " May the gods 
 grant me to celebrate many times the sacred 
 feast, and may the sun-god. King of the universe, 
 — he who proceeds from all eternity from the 
 generative substance of the Good, who, in the 
 midst of the intellectual gods, fills them with 
 infinite harmony and beauty, with fruitful sub- 
 stance, perfect intelligence, and continually and 
 without end, with every good ; he who from all 
 eternity shines in the seat destined for him in 
 the midst of the heavens ; he who gives to every 
 visible being the beauty of idea ; he who fills 
 the heavens with as many gods as are com- 
 prehended in his intelligence ; he who in virtue 
 of his generative continuity and of the beneficent 
 power emanating from his circular body, harmonises 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 241 
 
 the compages of this sublunary sphere, caring for 
 all the human race, and, in a special manner, 
 for this our empire ; he who from eternity 
 has created our soul, making it his follower. 
 Concede then unto me all that I have prayed 
 for, and maintain with benevolence the continuity 
 of the empire. Vouchsafe unto us to succeed 
 well in matters divine and human, as long as 
 we are permitted to live, and may our existence 
 last as long as it is pleasing unto him, and profit- 
 able to us, and necessary to the prosperity of 
 Roman affairs. Once again I beseech the Sun, 
 king of all things, because of my devotion, to 
 be benevolent to me, and give me a happy life, 
 a steady mind, a divine intelligence, and, finally, 
 at the destined moment, a most tranquil libera- 
 tion from life, and grant me to ascend and remain 
 near him, possibly through eternity, and, if this 
 be beyond my merits, at least for many periods 
 of harmonious years." ^ 
 
 Together with the Discourse to King Sun, 
 Julian has left another theological treatise, or 
 hymn, as one might call it, to the " Mother of 
 the Gods," written by the enthusiastic Emperor 
 in a single night at Pessinus, while on his way 
 to Persia. The composition, laboured and con- 
 fused as are all the philosophical and theological 
 manifestations of Julian, commences with a famous 
 and delightful legend, which Julian relates with 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit, p. 203, 4 sq., and 205, S sq. 
 
 VOL. I. — 16 
 
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242 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the genuine simplicity of the true poet. We 
 shall reproduce it here to show that, in the 
 pedantic and rhetorical pupil of Libanius and 
 Maximus, there existed a spirit full of grace 
 and feeling. After stating that the Greeks held 
 in high honour the Mother of the Gods, he 
 records that the Romans, at the time of the 
 war against Carthage, sought, by the counsel 
 of the Pythoness, to render her favourable to 
 them, and then he continues: "And here there 
 is no objection to my narrating a short story. 
 Having heard of the oracle, the inhabitants of 
 God-fearing Rome decided to send an embassy 
 to demand of the King of Pergamum, who then 
 possessed Phrygia, and the Phrygians themselves, 
 the image of the goddess. Having received 
 the sacred charge, they placed it on a large 
 transport, able to sail securely on the boundless 
 sea. Having crossed the ^Egean and Ionian 
 Seas, and after sailing along the Sicilian coast, 
 they arrived at the mouth of the Tiber. And the 
 people issued from the city, with the Senate, and 
 they were preceded by the priests and priestesses, 
 everything in suitable order, and according to 
 the rites of the nation. And anxiously they 
 regarded the ship that rapidly came towards 
 them under a fair wind, while the ploughed waves 
 dashed their foam around its keel. When it was 
 on the point of entering, every one prostrated 
 themselves to the earth on the place where they 
 
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^ATRIDEVM ET NAVii SALVIAE 
 
 SALVIA EVOTO SVSCEPTO 
 
 :LA\/DiA" sYnthTche 
 
 The Virgin Claudia dragging the Vessel of the Mother 
 
 OF the Gods. 
 
 (From a Terra-Cotta Relief.) 
 
 To face page 243. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 243 
 
 were standing. But the goddess, as if she 
 desired to prove to the people that it was not 
 simply a sculptured stone — an inanimate statue 
 that they had brought from Phrygia — but an 
 object possessed of great and divine force, as soon 
 as the ship touched the Tiber, behold, it stopped 
 and remained immovable as if it had suddenly 
 taken root in the bed of the river. The people 
 pulled it against the current, but it refused to 
 move. Supposing it to be aground, they apply 
 all sorts of engines to it ; but the ship still remains 
 immovable. Then there arose a most terrible 
 and vile suspicion concerning the virgin con- 
 secrated to the most holy priesthood. And 
 Claudia was accused — such being the name of the 
 saint — of not having remained undefiled and pure 
 in the service of the goddess, who thus openly 
 manifested her disdain. Claudia blushed with 
 shame at hearing her name and these suspicions, 
 so far was she from unlawful and illicit acts, but, 
 hearing that the accusations against her were 
 increasing in force, she loosens her girdle, attaches 
 it to the extreme bowsprit of the ship, and, as if 
 inspired, commands them all to stand back, and 
 she prays the goddess not to abandon her a 
 victim to this iniquitous outrage, and then, with 
 a loud voice, almost as if giving a naval command : 
 — ' Holy Mother ! ' she exclaimed — ' if I am pure, 
 follow me ! ' And, behold, the virgin not only 
 moves the ship, but drags it along a good way 
 
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244 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 against the current ! . . . I know " — concludes 
 Julian — " that some among those who give them- 
 selves the air of being wise, will say this is an old 
 woman's tale. But I prefer to believe the popular 
 traditions rather than these wiseacres whose little 
 intelligences may be acute, but to me have the 
 air of being morbid ! " ^ 
 
 The discourse concerning the Mother of the 
 Gods is most interesting, because it shows the pro- 
 cess of mystical interpretation that Julian, a disciple 
 of the Neo-Platonists, applied to the ancient legends 
 in order to rationalise them and render them 
 acceptable to the idealistic and spiritualistic meta- 
 physics that dominated the thought of that time. 
 
 Julian starts, in his interpretation, from the 
 fundamental principle of Platonic philosophy, 
 already affirmed by him in his discourse on the 
 King Sun, namely, the existence of an ideal world, 
 of which the material world is the reflection. 
 The images of beings, as Aristotle teaches, exist 
 reflected again in the soul, but they exist ideally 
 and potentially. " But it is also necessary that 
 the image before existing in power should exist in 
 action. What place shall v. e assign unto them ? 
 Possibly in material things ? It is clear that these 
 come last. Nothing remains, therefore, but to 
 seek ideal causes that preordain the material,^ 
 
 ' Julian., op. cit, p. 207, 5 sq. 
 
 ^ Julian., op. cit., p. 212, 18. XeiVcrat S17 Xonrov duXovf alrlas ^rfrfiv 
 ivepyela Trporerayfievas tS)v €vv\a>v. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 245 
 
 from which our souls, subordinate and co-existent, 
 receive as a mirror the images of the objects, the 
 ideas of the forms, and transmit them, by means of 
 nature, to matter and to the material bodies." ^ 
 
 Now the myth of Cybele, or the Mother of the 
 Gods, is for Julian the symbolic representation of 
 the procedure by which the idea becomes concrete 
 in matter, and returns afterwards to its primitive 
 essence. According to the legend, it is said that 
 Cybele became chastely enamoured of Atys, and 
 enjoined upon him not to know any woman. But 
 Atys became inflamed with love for the nymph 
 Sangaris, and penetrating into the cave where she 
 lived, they became united. This aroused the wrath 
 of Cybele, and, in order to appease it, Atys was 
 obliged to emasculate himself, before he could 
 be restored to the position of honour that he 
 primitively held. It is clear that this story was 
 originally a nature -myth that represented the 
 succession of the seasons — a myth that was, 
 like many others, humanised and dramatised by 
 Oriental and Hellenic fantasies. Julian pretends 
 to see in this myth the expression of a philo- 
 sophical conception, and, in order to succeed in 
 demonstrating this, he torments it with a subtlety 
 of interpretation, fantastic and extraordinary. 
 Nevertheless, even in this instance, it is not 
 without interest to note the great efforts that 
 these revivers of paganism made to introduce 
 
 ^Julian., op. cit., p. 212, 19 sq. 
 
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246 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 into ancient myths thoughts which they never 
 could have contained ; in other words, to pour 
 new wine into old bottles, already cracked and 
 broken. We must give some examples of these 
 efforts. 
 
 " Who is the Mother of the Gods ? She is the 
 source of all the gods, ideal and creative, who 
 govern the visible gods ; the goddess who co- 
 habits and generates with the great God ; great 
 also she after the greatest ; the mistress of all 
 life, the cause of every generation, who im- 
 mediately perfects that which she has made ; 
 who generates without suffering, and who together 
 with the Father, creates all beings ; virgin without 
 a mother ; sharing the throne of God, she is the 
 Mother of all the Gods, and since she comprehends 
 in herself the cause of all the gods, ideal and 
 supernatural, she becomes the source of all the 
 cognoscible gods. This goddess and this 
 providence fell in love with Atys."^ Atys re- 
 presents in this myth the creative and generative 
 principle. Now the goddess, when she became 
 enamoured of Atys, enjoined on him to generate 
 solely in idea, only regarding that which is the 
 symbol of unity, and to avoid every inclination 
 towards the material. But Atys was not able 
 to remain faithful to the goddess, and thence 
 descended to the procreation of material forms. 
 Now, it is in order to recall the generative 
 
 * Julian., op. cit., p. 215, 5 sq. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 247 
 
 principle to the ideal world, and prevent its 
 being corrupted and entirely lost in the material, 
 that the Mother of the Gods, together with the 
 Sun, who is with her the providential principle, 
 and who can do nothing without her, induces 
 Atys to emasculate himself, which represents the 
 limitation in the material decadence of the 
 generative principle, and its return to the ideal 
 world. If this limitation had not been willed by 
 Providence, the generative principle, raging in its 
 material excesses, would exhaust itself and become 
 impotent for its ideal function.^ And Julian closes 
 this singular interpretation of the myth with the 
 following words : " This myth teaches us that, 
 though celestial in our natures, we have come on 
 earth to hasten to return to God, the giver of 
 life, after having gathered, in our earthly sojourn, 
 virtue and piety. Therefore the signal of recall 
 that the trumpet gives to Atys after his emascula- 
 tion, it gives also to us, who from heaven have 
 fallen to earth. If Atys with his emasculation 
 limits the infinity of his fall, the gods also 
 command us to emasculate ourselves, that is, to 
 limit in ourselves the material infinity, and strive 
 to attain the formal, and as far as possible, the 
 essential unity. What is there more joyful, more 
 glorious, than a soul which escapes from the 
 whirlwind awakened in it by the materiality of 
 desires and the impulses of generation, and which 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit., p. 217, 8 sq. 
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248 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 lifts itself on high, even to the gods ? And Atys, 
 who was one of these, was not abandoned by the 
 Mother of the Gods, who yet wished him near her, 
 and arrested him in the infinity of his fall." ^ 
 
 Julian, after having given an extraordinary and 
 lengthy exposition of the divine legend, insists on 
 its essentially mythical character. " Let no one 
 suppose that I speak of these things as having 
 really happened, just as if the gods did not know 
 what they should do, or that they were obliged to 
 correct their own mistakes. But the ancients, 
 either guided by the gods, or thinking for them- 
 selves, and discovering the causes of things, veiled 
 them with strange myths, in order that this device, 
 by its strangeness and obscurity, might incite us 
 to the search after truth. To ordinary men the 
 irrational symbol is sufficient, but for those who are 
 distinguished for their intelligence, divine truths are 
 satisfactory only when they are discovered, after 
 having been sought by the aid of the gods. The 
 enigmas cause us to reflect, and we are obliged to 
 investigate them, so, by means of observation, we 
 arrive at the discovery of the truth, not because of 
 respect for, and faith in, the opinions of others, but 
 rather by the force of our own intelligence."^ The 
 rigforous rationalism that reveals itself in these few 
 sentences must have caused Julian to verify the 
 complete evaporation of his divinities. But he 
 
 'Julian., op. cit., p. 219, 19 sq. 
 ^ Ibid., op. cit., p. 220, 8 sq. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 249 
 
 wished to uphold a religion because the Neo- 
 Platonic doctrine, in which he had been educated, 
 affirmed the existence of the supernatural, and, 
 therefore, the necessity of a positive religion, and, 
 furthermore, because he wished to be the restorer 
 of a cult worthy of being opposed to Christianity. 
 Hence a singular contradiction in its manifestations, 
 and an intrinsic defect in the system, that ren- 
 dered its victory over Christianity impossible ; for 
 Christianity, on the contrary, possessed a God so 
 well specified, so clear, so historical, as to be able 
 to collect in himself the mythical and metaphysical 
 principles of the Logos without in any way losing 
 his personal efficacy. But Julian, notwithstanding, 
 made every effort to preserve to the gods, con- 
 cerning whom he reasoned with a subtlety, at the 
 same time fantastic and pedantic, a sufficient reality 
 to enable them to receive adoration and prayers. 
 We have already seen the beautiful words with 
 which he begins and ends his discourse to the King 
 Sun. The discourse addressed to the Mother of 
 the Gods finishes likewise with the prayer of a 
 fervent believer. " O Mother of Gods and of Men, 
 who dost sit on the throne of God, origin of the 
 gods ; thou who dost participate in the pure essence 
 of the ideas, comprehending in thyself the cause of 
 all, and dost infuse it in the ideal beings, goddess of 
 life, revealer, providence and creatrix of our souls ; 
 thou who hast saved Atys, and hast recalled him 
 from the cavern in which he was hurled ; thou who 
 
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250 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 bestowest all gifts on the ideal gods, and with them 
 overflowest the sensible world, — I beseech thee, 
 concede to all men happiness, the summit of which 
 is the knowledge of the gods ; cause the Roman 
 people to cast out the sin of impiety, and may a 
 benignant fate preserve to them the Empire for 
 many thousands of years. Permit me to reap, as 
 fruit of my devotion to thee, the truth of divine 
 science, perfection in worship, virtue and success in 
 all political and military enterprises which we 
 undertake, and a termination of life regretless and 
 glorious, together with the hope of drawing near 
 unto thee." ^ 
 
 Omitting and modifying certain phrases which 
 are, above all, ornamental, is not this a prayer that 
 might have escaped from the lips of a Christian ? 
 Do we not feel in its depth the identical inspiration ? 
 This invocation of the Mother of the Gods comes, 
 it is true, after a long discourse in which the 
 personality of the goddess, passing through the 
 filter of mythical explanations, is entirely evaporated, 
 so that the prayer addressed to her is lost in space. 
 But when we recall that this prayer is written by a 
 man who undertook the most hazardous enterprises, 
 and did not hesitate to confront the most extreme 
 peril, we cannot consider this supplication as a vain 
 declamation ; we feel that the words express a true 
 sentiment. The sentiment modifies itself in 
 expression according to the form it assumes, but 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit., p. 232, 13 sq. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 251 
 
 the religious sentiment is no less living in Julian, 
 who had become an apostate from Christianity, 
 than in many of those who became converts to this 
 same Christianity. 
 
 The theory of the value and signification of the 
 myths has in Julian the greatest importance. It is, 
 if we may so express it, the keystone of the arch 
 that prevented it from falling to pieces. In Neo- 
 Platonic pantheism the divinities and fables of 
 polytheism could find no place, and, moreover, the 
 great conception of Plotinus, by which the universe 
 is the extrinsic part of a unique and supreme 
 principle that manifests itself with the idea reflected 
 by the concrete forms, might have led to an ecstatic 
 meditation on divinity, but could not closely fit in 
 with a positive religion. And in truth, Plotinus, as 
 Porphyry relates in the life of the master, sometimes 
 became sublimated in the divine vision, without 
 participating in any determined cult. But his 
 successors, influenced in part by the psychological 
 conditions of the time, and in part by the necessity 
 of preoccupying a position that otherwise would 
 have been taken by Christianity, desired to create 
 a positive religion, and not having at their disposal 
 any determined historical and divine figure, they 
 took the ancient divinities of polytheism, and 
 insisted upon bestowing on them a worship of 
 sacrifice and prayer, at the same time affirming 
 that they were not divinities, but mere symbols of 
 
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252 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 philosophical conceptions. In this direction no one 
 went farther than Julian, who was, it may be said, 
 filled with metaphysical doctrines badly digested, 
 and who, being an emperor inimical to Chris- 
 tianity, wished to introduce an absolute religion 
 of State which would prevent the destruction of 
 Hellenism. 
 
 Julian did not in the least believe in the objective 
 reality of the polytheistic personifications. In a 
 most clever and jocose note to a friend, he writes : 
 " Echo is for thee a chattering goddess, and the 
 consort of Pan. I say nothing to the contrary. 
 Since, even if Nature teaches me that Echo is the 
 sound of the voice that, sent back, passing through 
 the air, returns to the ear, therefore agreeing with 
 the belief of the ancients and the moderns no less 
 than with Nature, I will admit that she is a god- 
 dess."^ But if Julian, as we gather from these 
 words, was able with his acute intelligence to 
 disengage the myths in his affirmation of natural 
 phenomena, he preserved them as symbols of 
 philosophical conceptions, and his greatest desire 
 was, rationally to justify such a transformation. 
 The thesis already alluded to in the discourse 
 addressed to the Mother of the Gods is fully treated 
 in one of Julian's most curious writings, the dis- 
 course against the cynic Heraclius. 
 
 This discourse, which contains many pages full 
 of wit and elegance, but which lacks the " restraint of 
 
 * Julian., op. cit., p. 564. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 253 
 
 art," as is the case in most of Julian's writings, 
 is especially interesting for two reasons, first because 
 we find expressed the conception that Julian, 
 following in the footsteps of the Neo - Platonists, 
 formed of the myth and of the signification of the 
 mythological legends ; and, secondly, because, in 
 a very beautiful and clear allegory, he relates 
 his own story, and affords the justification of his 
 actions, and formulates, so to speak, his Imperial 
 programme. 
 
 This discourse must be the consequence of some 
 preceding facts with which we are not acquainted, 
 but which we may imagine with a great probability 
 of approximating to the truth. Julian, on becoming 
 Emperor, must have encountered the opposition of 
 three sorts of enemies. In the first place, the 
 Christians ; then those pagans who were not pleased 
 with the mythical transformations that the Neo- 
 Platonic Emperor wished to impose on the ancient 
 religion, in place of the simple, intelligible, and 
 human fables of former times ; and, finally, all those 
 who were interested in the corrupt administration of 
 the empire and felt the dangers of the reforms of this 
 restless legislator. The cynic Heraclius was one 
 who did not admit the philosophical interpretation 
 of the Hellenic mythology, not comprehending 
 Julian's effort to infuse into it a new spirit that 
 would enable it to resist Christianity. Cynicism, 
 from its most flourishing period with Antisthenes 
 and Diogenes, had been essentially a practical 
 
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254 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 philosophy that endeavoured to teach men to con- 
 tent themselves with as little as possible, and to 
 live in an ascetic indifference to all material 
 pleasures. It kept away, in a suspicious attitude, 
 from all metaphysical speculations, and reduced its 
 philosophical doctrines to a few moral aphorisms. 
 But, in the course of time, that which was best in 
 Cynicism, its severity of life and habits, passed into 
 Stoicism, and Cynicism became characterless, and 
 degenerated into a doctrine of charlatans, who used 
 it to deceive people, and found in it a source of 
 illicit gain. The Neo-Cynics were naturally enemies 
 of Julian, whose speculative tendencies and pure 
 morals they hated. And Julian heartily reciprocated 
 their feelings. In his discourse "Against Ignorant 
 Cynics," and in that against Heraclius, he unmasks 
 their vices, baseness, and turpitudes, by demon- 
 strating the meanness of their doctrines, which 
 would have embarrassed the mythological evolution 
 that constituted for Hellenism the indispensable 
 element of the expected victory. And Julian with 
 malignant subtlety sees in Cynicism the ally of 
 Christianity, and insists on the traits of resemblance, 
 which, according to him, exist between the two 
 sects.^ 
 
 Heraclius having made a discourse before a 
 large assembly, in which Julian took part, gave 
 free course to his inventive faculty, and composed 
 fables which, according to Julian, offended the 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit, p. 290, 7 sq. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 255 
 
 conception of divinity. The Emperor adjourns the 
 meeting, and indignantly takes his pen and writes an 
 invective against the impious blasphemer, in order 
 to demonstrate the true office of myths, and how 
 the legends concerning the gods have to be inter- 
 preted. The discourse, as we have said, is very long, 
 full of allusions not always comprehensible, and of 
 conflicting and confused mythical explanations. 
 But it is always interesting, and most symptomatic 
 of the intention by which the author is moved to a 
 controversy, even indirectly, with Christianity, 
 creating symbols that might be able to take the 
 place of the Christian God. This appears most 
 clearly in the interpretation he gives of the fables 
 of Hercules and Dionysus. How can we fail to 
 recognise an attempt to Christianise the figure of 
 Hercules, by modelling it on that of Christ, when 
 he says that Hercules passed with dry feet across 
 the sea, and then adds : " What could ever be 
 impossible to Hercules ? Was there anything that 
 could disobey his divine and pure body ? Were not 
 even the elements obedient to his creative power 
 and the perfection of his incorruptible intelli- 
 gence ? Jupiter the Father made him the saviour 
 of the world, and, later, raised him on high by means 
 of his thunderbolts, and commanded him to come 
 near to his throne as a son, under the divine sign 
 of eternal rays. May Hercules be propitious to me 
 and to you ! " ^ 
 
 ' Julian., o^. cit., p. 284, 19 sq. 
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256 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 All the explanations that Julian gives of the 
 myths are founded on a fundamental conception that 
 he seeks to explain, though he adds that his life as a 
 soldier, and the urgent occupations in which he was 
 engaged, did not leave him time finally to mature 
 his ideas.^ " Nature " — he says — " loves to conceal 
 herself, and the hidden part of the substance of the 
 gods does not bear being cast with naked words 
 into impure ears. But the ineffable essence of the 
 Mysteries helps even when not understood ; it saves 
 souls and bodies, and evokes the presence of the gods. 
 And so it is with myths which, through their veils 
 and by means of enigmas, pour divine knowledge 
 into the ears of the greater part of mankind, incapable 
 of receiving them in their purity." ^ In these words 
 is contained the fundamental principle that Julian 
 has gathered from the teachings of his Neo- Platonic 
 masters. Men are, for the most part, incapable of 
 comprehending divine truth. The myths are the 
 veils that cover this truth, so that it might become 
 accessible to the human mind. The philosopher 
 should scrutinise them in order to collect the 
 nucleus of science and supernatural truth that is 
 concealed in them. Julian has certainly put his 
 finger on the root of the question when he affirms 
 that the positive forms of religion are only symbols 
 with which man seeks to understand the existence 
 and nature of the universe. But his error was to 
 believe that he could create a determined religion 
 
 ' Julian., op. cit., p. 280, l sq. ^ Ibid., op. cit., p. 280, 15 sq. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 257 
 
 with such a theory. He did not appreciate wherein 
 
 lay the superiority of Christianity over Neo-Platon- 
 
 ism. The personality of Christ likewise lent itself 
 
 to all symbolic interpretations, but it could not be 
 
 dissipated, because it possessed a true and personal 
 
 historic and objective reality, a firm position around 
 
 which a positive religion might become crystallised. 
 
 In Julian's mythology, instead, all reality disappeared, 
 
 and nothing remained but confused mythological 
 
 phantoms, and even these refused the grossly 
 
 material cult which was offered to them. 
 
 As we have said, the " Discourse against 
 
 Heraclius" is especially interesting, because in it 
 
 Julian relates his own story. He says he wishes to 
 
 show by an example how one ought to compose 
 
 a new myth, and relates a long parable, which is 
 
 most transparent, and, under a slight veil, presents 
 
 the cause and justification of the usurpation he 
 
 had attempted, and of his conduct after he had 
 
 occupied the throne. The allegory is clear, and 
 
 told with ease and elegance. It is a revelation of 
 
 the profound honesty of Julian's soul, and of the 
 
 high conception that he possessed of his duty. 
 
 The Emperor Constantine, whom his nephew could 
 
 never pardon for the change he had wrought in the 
 
 conditions of Christianity, is represented by him as 
 
 a violent and ignorant man who had accumulated 
 
 immense wealth ; but, lacking all method of 
 
 government, and believing that force could take the 
 
 place of science and virtue, he never even thought 
 VOL. I. — 17 
 
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258 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 of educating his sons for the position he knew they 
 must some day fill. So it happened that, as soon 
 as he was dead, his numerous heirs began to 
 fight among themselves, and violence, murder, and 
 crime spread in the paternal inheritance. This 
 spectacle touched the heart of Jupiter, who called 
 to him the Sun, to induce him to reconsider the 
 disdainful abandonment in which he had left the 
 impious house of this powerful man. Having also 
 called to council the Fates, Holiness, and Justice, 
 Jupiter makes known unto them his intention of 
 saving a child of this house, who otherwise would 
 soon be stifled, if they did not quickly come to his 
 aid. The child would make amends for the many 
 evils that Jupiter deplores. The Sun is delighted 
 with this resolution of the father, because he sees 
 alive in this child a spark of divine fire, so that, 
 together with Minerva, they decide to educate him 
 in virtue and wisdom. But when he reaches 
 adolescence, the future restorer, seeing with his 
 own eyes the power of evil, and becoming acquainted 
 with the fate that was meted to his parents and his 
 cousins, was about to hurl himself into Tartarus. 
 Then the Sun and Minerva put him to sleep, and, 
 by means of a dream, dissuade him from his inten- 
 tion. When he awakes, he finds himself in a 
 deserted place, and there appears to him Mercury, 
 who points out to him. an easy and flowery path 
 that leads to a high mountain, on the summit of 
 which is the Father of the Gods. " Ask," said 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 259 
 
 Mercury, " that which thou desirest. To thee, O 
 child, it is given to choose the best." " O Father 
 Jupiter," exclaims the youth, " show me the path that 
 leads to thee ! " And, behold, the Sun comes near 
 to him and tells him that he must return among the 
 wicked from whom he has fled. The youth weeps, 
 and foresees his death. But the Sun encourages 
 him, and reveals to him that he is destined to purge 
 the earth from all the impiety that has contaminated 
 it. He must confide in him, in Minerva, and in all 
 the other gods. The sole heir of all that is left (the 
 Emperor Constantius), surrounded by wicked shep- 
 herds (these are the bishops), neglected everything 
 and indulged in pleasure and idleness. There- 
 fore the Sun, with Minerva, by the command 
 of Jupiter, will place him in the position of heir, 
 and governor of everything. And the parable 
 finishes with the wise counsels that Minerva and 
 the Sun give to their proUge. In very truth, if, 
 instead of the names of Greek divinities, there 
 had been those of angels and saints, we should 
 recognise a purely Christian note in the last words of 
 the Sun : " Go on thy way, therefore, with good hope, 
 since we shall always be with thee, — I, Minerva, 
 and Mercury, with all the other gods in Olympus, 
 in the air and on the earth, — as long as thou art 
 respectful to us, faithful to thy friends, kind to thy 
 subjects, ruling and guiding them towards that 
 which is best. Never permit thyself to become a 
 slave of thine own passions or theirs. Go thou. 
 
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260 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 therefore, by land and by sea, obeying without 
 hesitation our laws, and do not let any one, whether 
 man or woman, familiar or stranger, induce thee to 
 forget our commands. If thou observe them, thou 
 wilt be loved by us, respected by our faithful 
 worshippers, feared by wicked and evil-minded 
 men. Know thou, that this carnal body was given 
 thee in order that thou shouldst be able to accom- 
 plish this duty. We wish to purge thy house, out 
 of respect for thy ancestors. Remember that thou 
 hast an immortal soul procreated by us, and that 
 if thou followest our orders, thou wilt be among the 
 gods, and, together with us, thou wilt contemplate 
 our Father ! " ^ 
 
 Was there ever a more interesting and singular 
 personality than that of the Emperor Julian ? How 
 was it possible that such a noble and generous 
 descendant should have issued from the family of 
 Constantine? There is in this long parable, of 
 which we have given a bare skeleton, the ex- 
 pression of a lofty and pure sentiment that could 
 only be possible to a soul profoundly sincere and 
 alive to all that is good and beautiful. And here 
 is a strange fact. It was especially the wicked 
 Constantinians who favoured Christianity, and the 
 only one of the family who was generous and 
 sincere attempted the restoration of Paganism! 
 It is because Christianity in over three centuries of 
 its existence, corroded by heresies, and becoming 
 
 1 Julian., op. cit., p. 303, 3 sq. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 261 
 
 rich and powerful, was transformed into a worldly 
 institution, into a religion wholly formal, and had 
 therefore lost, in great part, its moral efficacy. This 
 is so true that, as a reaction against the increasing 
 worldliness of Christianity, there developed in its 
 bosom monkish asceticism, which revived, in part, 
 the ideals of early Christian times. The official 
 Christianity in which the Arians contended with 
 the Athanasians, and attained the supremacy in 
 honours and in riches, was already in an advanced 
 state of corruption, when the Imperial favour, 
 delivering it from all dangers and difficulties, 
 accelerated its perversion. We must not forget 
 that Constantine was a villain, guilty of the most 
 terrible crimes, amongst which the most grave was 
 the murder of his son Crispus. But he was a skil- 
 ful adventurer, possessed of great foresight, and he 
 understood that, after the complete failure of the 
 systematic persecution practised by Diocletian, there 
 was nothing for the empire to do but to ally 
 itself with the enemy it was unable to vanquish. 
 Hence the Edict of Milan, then the institution of 
 a State Church and the Council of Niceea. Con- 
 stantius, who was equally as wicked as his father, 
 but without a shadow of his intelligence, contributed 
 greatly to the progressive deterioration of Chris- 
 tianity, At this spectacle Julian rebelled. Chris- 
 tianity, participating in the Imperial authority, had 
 not improved it morally ; on the contrary, it had 
 been corrupted by it. " The heritage goes to ruin," 
 
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262 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 exclaims Julian, in his allegory, — " few are the 
 honest shepherds ; for the most part they are preda- 
 tory and cruel, devouring and selling the sheep of 
 the master, and destroying his flocks ! " Now, 
 Julian was an idealist who had passed his early 
 youth fearing an instant death, hating the Christian 
 courtiers who surrounded his despicable cousin, 
 immersed in his studies, and a passionate wor- 
 shipper of Greek literature and philosophy, and of 
 all that body of traditions, doctrines, and glory 
 which he considered comprised under the name of 
 Hellenism. There must, therefore, have arisen in 
 his heart, first suspicion, and then abhorrence of the 
 religion which took its place, and was the relentless 
 enemy of all that he adored. In his inexperience 
 of the true force which ruled the world, inebriated 
 by the fantastic doctrines he heard proclaimed 
 by those around him, Julian believed himself 
 able to remedy the evil which he witnessed, by a 
 return to the ancient beliefs, accompanying this 
 return with a reform that would adjust the old con- 
 cepts to the exigencies of the New Spirit. 
 
 Now, when we consider the intellectual value 
 of Julian, which was truly great — a value that 
 revealed itself in all the actions of the general, 
 the administrator, and the writer — we must not 
 judge his attempt too lightly, and consider it as 
 a romantic and juvenile folly. Julian was, in char- 
 acter and intelligence, incomparably superior to all 
 the Christian emperors who preceded and suc- 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 263 
 
 ceeded him. And while the others abandoned 
 themselves to the stream, he alone attempted to 
 swim against it. We must, therefore, admit that 
 this movement of Julian's responded to some 
 necessity, some aspiration, some great idea by 
 which he was most deeply influenced. The truth 
 is that Julian's initiative was the last and only 
 rational effort to save civilisation. As we have said 
 before, Constantine, seeing the failure of Diocletian's 
 persecution, believed it best, for the safety of the 
 empire to ally it with the enemy it could not 
 destroy. But Constantine, a rough and ignorant 
 man, could not appreciate the fact that Christianity 
 was in its essence the most decided antithesis of 
 the ancient civilisation, and that its alliance with 
 the empire, although retarding its destructive 
 action, rendered it by no means less positive. 
 The empire was, necessarily, destined to be 
 stifled in the embrace of Christianity. Chris- 
 tianity, directing the moral energies into a channel 
 different from that which they had followed in the 
 Grseco-Roman world, creating new aspirations and 
 destroying old ones, dissolved the old society 
 and prepared the elements of a new formation. 
 Julian understood, or at least had a clear intuition, 
 that to save the empire it was not necessary to 
 embrace Christianity, as Constantine had done, 
 or to persecute it, like Diocletian, but rather to 
 create something that responded in part to those 
 needs which found their satisfaction in Christianity, 
 
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264 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 and at the same time preserved the basis of ancient 
 thought and civilisation. For this purpose he 
 initiated that movement which we have called 
 the Christianisation of paganism. There were 
 certainly two reasons why this movement was 
 destined not to succeed. In the first place, the 
 world needed a religion. It could no longer 
 believe in polytheism, anthropomorphic and 
 national ; neither did it believe in the con- 
 fused and perplexing mystical polytheism that 
 Julian had borrowed from Neo - Platonism, and 
 with which he deluded himself that he would 
 be able to satisfy the religious aspirations of 
 his contemporaries. It would have been much 
 easier to persuade them to return to the adora- 
 tion of Apollo, the charioteer of the Sun, than 
 the new sun-god in whose mystical doctrine Julian 
 saw a luminous revelation of the creative Trinity, 
 In the second place, whatever the intellectual 
 and moral value of the movement might be; it 
 came too late. We have no statistics by which 
 to judge in what proportions the Christifins and 
 the pagans were divided during the fourth century 
 in the Roman world. But the promulgation of 
 the Edict of Constantine is sufficient to con- 
 vince us that the Christians must have been in 
 great numbers. Polytheism certainly still re- 
 sisted, especially in the country, which is demon- 
 strated by the very name of pagan, which was 
 invented by the Christians. But the latter had 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 265 
 
 the upper hand, and occupied all the offices 
 and high positions. Conversion was no longer 
 a simple question of conscience and faith, but 
 an affair and matter of interest. Now, it was as 
 utterly impossible to stay a movement that had 
 begun in past centuries, as to stay an avalanche 
 that, rolling down a mountain side, becomes 
 enormously enlarged. Christianity might have 
 been arrested when it first appeared. Notwith- 
 standing the incomparable energy of Paul, who 
 had plucked it from its native Palestine, to dis- 
 seminate it in the world ; notwithstanding the 
 inspired fantasies of the Fourth Evangelist, who 
 had been able to make himself master of ancient 
 thought, — perhaps Christianity, might have died 
 out in obscurity, but for Nero's abominable and ill- 
 considered persecutions. It is also possible that if 
 Julian's attempt to reform polytheism had been 
 initiated two centuries before, with more prudent and 
 speculative moderation, by a Trajan, an Antoninus 
 Pius, or by a Marcus Aurelius, it might have 
 interrupted the progress of Christian propaganda. 
 But, in Julian's time, the undertaking was utterly 
 desperate. The fact of his not having under- 
 stood this shows what an enthusiastic soul 
 the young Emperor possessed, and how he de- 
 ceived himself concerning both the value of that 
 which he wished to destroy, and of that which 
 he desired to substitute for it. Nevertheless, 
 the idea by which he was inspired proceeded 
 
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266 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 from a generous spirit, enamoured of all things 
 good and beautiful. His undertaking was the last 
 sign of life in a world about to expire. 
 
 It may seem singular that, in the fine allegory 
 which has been the occasion of this digression, 
 Julian openly announces himself as the restorer 
 of the fortunes of the empire, compromised by 
 his predecessors, while he only makes ambiguous 
 allusions to his war against Christianity, and no 
 explicit declarations concerning it. Certainly those 
 shepherds who badly counselled the masters and 
 destroyed the flocks are Christians, and probably 
 the bishops ; the impiety from which the Sun 
 recommends Julian to purge the earth is the 
 Church and the traces of the Christian cult. 
 Clearer and more harsh is the allusion to the 
 destruction of the ancient temples, replaced, 
 in the veneration of the worshippers, by the 
 sepulchres of the martyrs. " The sons destroyed the 
 temples which were first neglected by their father, 
 and deprived them of the ornaments that their 
 ancestors had placed there. In place of the 
 temples laid low, they built sepulchres, old and 
 new, influenced, as it were, by an internal voice, 
 and by fate itself; since, in a short time, they 
 would have need of many sepulchres, in punish- 
 ment for having slighted the gods."^ Here, with- 
 out doubt, Julian alludes to Constantine and his 
 sons. However, the special care that he takes 
 
 ' Julian., op. cit., p. 296, 2 sq. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 267 
 
 not to speak openly of Christianity, in an allegory 
 given as his programme of government, proves 
 that the Emperor meant to proceed gradually 
 in his operations, not running the risk of com- 
 promising it by declarations that imight awaken 
 powerful opposition. This demonstrates, further- 
 more, that he appreciated the difficulty of the 
 undertaking, and that, at least, when writing this 
 discourse, he understood the necessity of going 
 slowly and with great prudence. 
 
 Julian having been from early childhood shut 
 off from all influences that might incline and open 
 his mind to the fascination of Christianity, was in 
 a condition of thought and soul that enabled him 
 to scrutinise critically, and analyse from a point of 
 view wholly objective, the elements which com- 
 posed the traditions on which it was based. In 
 fact, Christianity necessarily participated in the 
 condition characteristic of all religions, i.e., of being 
 intangible, perfect, proved, and evident to those 
 who believe a priori, and to melt away, scattered 
 as mist before the sun, for those who do not regard 
 it through the lens of a preconceived faith. All 
 religions, past and present, possess the certainty of 
 an established fact for those who profess them, and 
 appear absolutely absurd to those outside of them. 
 There is no man, however conceited, who does not 
 feel constrained to admit that sometimes those who 
 hold opposite opinions may be right. But the 
 
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268 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 mere idea of believing in the religion of Mahomet 
 or Buddha cannot possibly enter the head of a 
 Christian, who will find no difficulty in producing 
 the most evident proofs of their absolute unreason- 
 ableness. And there is also not a single Mahometan 
 or Buddhist who, in the face of Christianity, does 
 not find himself in the same condition as the 
 Christian is in regard to him, and who does not 
 possess good reasons for disbelieving in that which 
 the Christian believes. The one believes that 
 Christ is risen from the dead because he sees it 
 affirmed in a certain book ; the Mahometan be- 
 lieves that Mahomet was divinely inspired because 
 he finds it affirmed in another book. But the 
 confidence in either of these books can only be 
 the effect of an a priori sentiment. Those who 
 have not such a sentiment immediately find that 
 the proof of the one or the other affirmation is 
 insufficient. 
 
 That any religion should appear irrational to 
 those who do not believe a priori is the con- 
 sequence of the fact that religion assumes an 
 office beyond the sphere of reason, i.e., that of 
 representing the affinity existing between a super- 
 natural Being, who is supposed to exist outside 
 the world, and the world it has created. In order 
 to accomplish this undertaking superior to reason, 
 man can only use his own reason ; but it is clear 
 that to employ reason to represent that which is 
 above and beyond reason can only lead to a 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 269 
 
 representation which reveals itself as irrational to 
 those who do not look at it through the lens of a 
 preconceived faith. To us the religion of the 
 Japanese appears irrational ; but to the Japanese 
 the Christian religion appears equally irrational. 
 An old Japanese writer, Hakusaki, who in 1708 
 knew an Italian missionary, wrote to the effect that 
 this stranger was a wise and good man, but that 
 he became insane as soon as he began to talk 
 of religion. "How is it possible to conceive" — 
 Hakusaki says — "a God who was not able to 
 redeem a humanity lost because of a sin (of which 
 truly we fail to see the gravity), a humanity that is 
 his own work, and is punished for having trans- 
 gressed a law that was also his work, — except by 
 becoming man three thousand years later, and, 
 under the name of Jesus, suffering an ignominious 
 death ? What a childish story ! A sovereign 
 judge who could not mitigate the law he had him- 
 self promulgated, or even pardon the condemned, 
 except by taking his place in the midst of torments ! " 
 The arguments of Hakusaki, which appear 
 most cogent to those who do not believe, have 
 not a shadow of influence on those who possess 
 faith as a constituent element of their peculiar moral 
 organisation. He who attempts to oppose religion 
 with logical reasoning proves that he has not com- 
 prehended its essential phenomenon. These 
 reasons that seem to the rationalist invincible 
 weapons, are for the believer a telum imbelle. 
 
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270 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Belief is not the effect of an operation, but rather 
 of a disposition of the mind. And this disposition 
 remains intangible, despite all rational demonstra- 
 tions. Pagan polemical writers have presented 
 these arguments in a manner analogous to that of 
 Hakusaki ; but before them uprose in revolt the 
 human conscience, thirsting for redemption, anxious 
 for a palingenesis that would enable it to issue from 
 the depths of sin and misery. The inexplicability 
 of the process of redemption became a reason for 
 believing in it, just because reason seems in- 
 sufficient, and powerless to redeem man. It was 
 the stumbling block of the Cross that converted 
 Paul. Recall his sublime words : " Hath not God 
 made foolish the wisdom of the world ? Since the 
 world by wisdom knew not God, it pleased God by 
 the foolishness of preaching to save them that 
 believe. For the Jews require a sign, and the 
 Greeks seek after wisdom. But we preach Christ 
 crucified, unto the Jews a stumbling block, and to 
 the Greeks foolishness. But unto them that are 
 called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of 
 God, and the wisdom of God" (i Cor. i. 20-24). 
 And to the Hakusakis of his day, Tertullian 
 responds with his famous paradoxes : " Crucifixus 
 est Dei filius ; non pudet, quia pudendum est. Et 
 mortuus est dei filius ; prorsus credibile est, quia 
 ineptum est. Et sepultus resurrexit ; certum est, 
 quia impossibile est."^ 
 
 1 Tertullian., De Came Chr., 5, 898. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 271 
 
 Julian, who grew up in a milieu in which 
 Christianity exercised no influence, found little 
 difficulty in pointing out the doctrinal and historical 
 contradictions of the Christian traditions. And as 
 he was not rendered immune by the antidote of 
 faith, these contradictions were for him an evident 
 proof of the weakness of Christianity, and he 
 deceived himself by supposing that it was only 
 necessary to point these things out for Christianity 
 to be overthrown ; but he did not understand that 
 all the criticisms hurled against the rock of faith 
 would not even succeed in grazing it. Religious 
 criticism only takes root when scientific thought 
 has removed, or at least attenuated, the necessity 
 of possessing a positive religion, as is the case with 
 the man of to-day. But nothing was further from 
 the time and intellectual habits of Julian than 
 scientific thought. This is so true that, although 
 he attempted to destroy Christianity by means of 
 criticism, he endeavoured to put in its place a 
 religion that could not for an instant have resisted 
 the assault of those same arms. 
 
 Julian, therefore, being entirely free from all 
 predispositions favourable to Christianity, pre- 
 pared to play against it the part of a de- 
 structive critic. He composed a treatise against 
 the Christians, in which he discussed the reasons 
 of Christianity from an historical and philosophical 
 point of view, and sought to prove its essential 
 weakness. This treatise was completely lost, as 
 
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272 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 were those of Celsus and Porphyry, written with 
 the same aim. These books must have exasper- 
 ated the Christians to such an extent that they 
 would not permit them to be preserved ; their 
 destruction was the natural consequence of a 
 very explicable intolerance. However, of Julian's 
 treatise, as also of that of Celsus, we are able to 
 find sufficient traces to give us an idea of their 
 work. Celsus as well as Julian had powerful 
 refuters. The first was discussed and re- 
 futed by Origen, the second by Cyril of 
 Alexandria towards the middle of the fifth 
 century. Now, from the text of the confutations, 
 it is possible to reconstruct at least in part the 
 treatise confuted. Theodor Keim has done this 
 work for the treatise of Celsus, and Neumann has 
 done the same for that of Julian, with one of those 
 marvellous efforts of criticism that are only 
 rendered possible by modern erudition. But, un- 
 fortunately, of Cyril's own work, which consisted 
 of about twenty books, only ten remain, and these 
 are entirely dedicated to the confutation of the 
 first book of Julian's treatise, of which it appears 
 there were three. It is, therefore, only a frag- 
 ment that Neumann has succeeded in recon- 
 structing. But this fragment is precious, and 
 sufficient to give us an idea of the polemical 
 intentions of its author. 
 
 From what Libanius relates, in his Funeral 
 Oration, the treatise against the Christians must 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 273 
 
 have been written during the sojourn of the 
 Emperor in Antioch. We know that Julian 
 remained in Antioch from the August of 362 to 
 the March of 363, wholly intent on his prepara- 
 tions for his unfortunate campaign against the 
 Persians. And, in the midst of these grave pre- 
 occupations, the enthusiastic youth, so Libanius 
 tells us, taking advantage of the long winter 
 nights, wrote this book to demonstrate that 
 the Christian faith was vain and ridiculous — a 
 book which, according to Libanius, was more 
 potent even than that dictated by "the old 
 Tyrian " {i.e. Porphyry) on the same subject.^ 
 Certainly the circumstance of having written, in 
 a critical moment, such a ponderous work, and 
 of being able, at the same time, to compose such 
 a brilliant satire as the Misopogon, is the most 
 evident proof of Julian's singular versatility, and 
 of his profound knowledge of the Old and New 
 Testaments. Even should we admit with Libanius 
 that Julian's treatise was more erudite than that 
 of Porphyry, it appears more than probable that 
 the latter's treatise had a most profound influence 
 on his successor, for whom all the teachings and 
 every word of his Neo-Platonic masters were 
 sacred. To us it seems incredible that, without Por- 
 phyry's book to serve him as a guide, Julian could 
 have succeeded in writing his work during the few 
 and agitated months that he remained in Antioch. 
 
 ^ Liban., op. cit., vol. i. p. 581, 17 sq. 
 
 VOL. I. — 18 
 
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274 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 As we have said, Neumann has succeeded in 
 reconstructing from the confutation of Cyril the 
 plan of Julian's first book. It is easy to com- 
 prehend that the work of a critic, however exact, 
 is, for the most part, hypothetical, since it is 
 impossible to have any precise proof either of 
 the entirety or of the order of the quotations con- 
 tained in the text of the confutation. However, 
 the perusal of Julian's book, as it results from the 
 reconstruction made by the critic, while leaving some 
 doubts as to the details of the quotations, gives 
 us a clear insight into the fundamental conception 
 on which Julian's ideas were developed, and of the 
 value of the arguments themselves. We also find 
 here that suggestive mixture of acuteness of 
 intellect and rational criticism, intermingled with 
 the prejudice and superstition which are character- 
 istic of Julian, and which we have already seen 
 in his other writings. To judge, however, from 
 the fragments we possess, this treatise against the 
 Christians must have been one of the most 
 elaborated of Julian's works, that in which his 
 acuteness as a destructive critic is exercised with 
 surety because untrammelled by philosophical and 
 scholastical preconceptions. If Christianity could 
 have been demolished by a critical analysis of its 
 foundations and its documents, Julian's book would 
 have accomplished this enterprise. 
 
 We should examine this work, not only because 
 of its intrinsic value, but because, as an historical 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 275 
 
 document, it is of great interest, and contains the 
 rational causes of Julian's apostasy, as explained by 
 Julian himself. In it the Apostate makes a direct 
 attack on Christianity. The emperors before him 
 had fought it ferro et igne. He considers that 
 the strength of his reasoning would be sufficient. 
 Certainly, in some points, he neither lacks acumen 
 nor erudition. But a truly impartial and intelligent 
 judge, on reading Julian's criticisms, might very 
 well say: " Medice, cura te ipsum." 
 
 The book begins thus : " It seems to me just 
 to explain to all men the reason why I am convinced 
 that the foolish doctrine of the Galileans is an 
 invention devised by human perversity. Not 
 having in itself anything divine, and taking 
 advantage of the inclination of the soul towards 
 that which is mystical, childish, and irrational, it 
 has succeeded in making its preposterous fables 
 pass as true. 
 
 " It is worth our while to examine briefly 
 whence and how we receive our first idea of God. 
 Then we must compare what is said concerning 
 God by the Greeks and the Jews, and afterwards 
 interrogate those who are neither Greeks nor Jews, 
 but belong to the heresy of the Galileans, as to 
 the reason why they prefer to ours the doctrine 
 of the Jews, and why, instead of remaining firm in 
 that doctrine, they forsook it to follow one of their 
 own. Not accepting any of that which we Greeks 
 
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276 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 have of the beautiful and good, and none of that 
 which the Jews received from Moses, they took, 
 as if attacked by some wicked demon, the vices 
 of both ; the impiety of Jewish intolerance, and 
 our vicious and shameful habits of levity and 
 intemperance, and then dare to call all this ' the 
 perfect religion.' " ^ 
 
 In this short introduction we find the two 
 fundamental points on which all Julian's polemic 
 hinges : first, the superiority of Hellenic poly- 
 theism over Jewish monotheism, which he con- 
 siders as a false application of an essentially true 
 principle ; in the second place, the contradiction 
 into which the Christians fall — the Galileans, as 
 he calls them always with contemptuous intent — 
 who, while affirming that they derive their 
 doctrines and their ideas of the divinity from 
 the Jewish religion, offend it in its most essential 
 conceptions. 
 
 Julian was an able and acute debater, and 
 knew how to take immediate advantage of the 
 weak points of his adversary. To combat Jewish 
 monotheism, he insists upon its peculiar funda- 
 mental defect, that is, its having a God who, by 
 his nature, is extremely national. The God of the 
 Jews is not the God of the human race ; he is 
 the God of a small and specified nation. Now, 
 asks Julian, is it possible to imagine such a God 
 as the God of all humanity? Is it possible that 
 
 1 Neumann, /«/«a«. Libr. contra Christ, qua supersunt, p. 162. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 277 
 
 the Creator of all mankind would limit his favours 
 to such a trifling and unimportant minority ? 
 This argument is the keystone of all Julian's 
 confutations. It was very easy for him to 
 demonstrate, with the texts in his hands, that 
 Moses intended to make his God the exclusive 
 God of the Jews. He then continues : " This 
 God, even from the beginning, only interested 
 himself in the Jews, whom he made his peculiar 
 people ; not alone Moses and Jesus, but Paul also 
 affirms it. This Paul changed his convictions 
 concerning God, just as the polypus changes the 
 colour of its skin according to the hue of the rocks 
 to which it is attached, and at times sustained 
 that only to Jews was given the divine right 
 of election ; and, again, to make proselytes of 
 the Greeks, he tried to persuade them by saying : 
 — God is not only the God of the Jews, but of all 
 men, yea, of all men. But, in this case, we must 
 ask Paul why did God accord to the Jews only 
 the gift of prophecy, and Moses and the chrism 
 and the Law and miracles? And, lastly, he also 
 sends Jesus to them. To us, on the contrary, 
 no prophet, no priest, no teacher, no ambassador 
 of his tardy benevolence? Thus, for myriads, 
 or, if you prefer it, for thousands of years, he 
 does not care for all those from the East to the 
 West, from the North to the South, who, in their 
 ignorance, adored idols ; and he only makes an 
 exception for a little race, which, for less than 
 
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278 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 two thousand years, had inhabited Palestine. If 
 he is God and the Creator of all, why did he 
 neglect us ? And must we admit that of this 
 God of the universe, you alone, or only some 
 of your race, have succeeded in forming a 
 rational conception ? " ^ 
 
 These arguments of Julian are by no means 
 lacking in acuteness. But it is very symptomatic 
 of the intellectual atmosphere in which Julian 
 wrote that he did not perceive that the system 
 which he afterwards upheld as the expression 
 of truth was more irrational and much more 
 puerile than that against which he fought. Neo- 
 Platonic polytheism, issuing from the lucubra- 
 tions of lamblichus, Maximus, and the other 
 enthusiastic successors of Plotinus, was a poly- 
 theism in the second degree. It afifirmed a 
 supreme and only God, creator of all, but, under 
 this God, they arrayed minor gods, by whose 
 means the creative process came to pass, and 
 in whom Julian saw the protective divinities of 
 the different nationalities. He had, therefore, no 
 difficulty in recognising the God of the Jews, 
 but he considered him one of these secondary 
 divinities, by means of which he imagined he 
 could explain the diversity that existed between 
 the different races, as otherwise he could find 
 no reason for this difference. We shall certainly 
 not pause to prove the absolute childishness of 
 
 1 Neumann, op. cit., 177, 7 sq. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 279 
 
 these fantasies. But it is interesting to read at 
 least a page of what Julian has written on this 
 subject, and note that when the true and scientific 
 knowledge of reality is lacking, the human mind 
 wanders about without compass in the sea of 
 imagination, and finds itself at once enveloped 
 in the mist which it believed had been dissipated. 
 " Compare " — says Julian, after confuting Jewish 
 monotheism — "this doctrine with ours. Our 
 teachers affirm that the Creator is the Father 
 and the King of the universe, but that the 
 different nations are consigned to the care of 
 ethnic or local divinities, each of which rules 
 over them according to its peculiar nature. 
 While in the Father all is perfect and unique, 
 in the partial gods the various faculties differ. 
 Thus Mars governs the warlike people ; Minerva, 
 those who are warlike and wise at the same time ; 
 Mercury, those more prudent than daring — in a 
 word, people led by national divinities follow the 
 essential tendencies of each of them. Now, if 
 experience did not confirm our doctrine, it must 
 be an invention or a stupid deceit, and yours, 
 instead, must be praiseworthy. But if, however, 
 the experience of an infinite length of time proves 
 that which we have affirmed, while nothing agrees 
 with your ideas, why have you such a mania for 
 dispute ? Tell me, I beg of you, what are the 
 causes that make the Celts and the Germans 
 courageous, the Greeks and the Romans civilised 
 
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280 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 and humane, and at the same time determined 
 and warlike in their dispositions, the Egyptians 
 more prudent and industrious, the Syrians cowardly 
 and effeminate, timid and light, but very apt in 
 learning? If, for such diversities among nations, 
 you do not wish to admit any cause, and afiSrm 
 that this happens automatically, how is it ever 
 possible for you to believe that the world is 
 governed by Providence? But if, instead, you 
 admit that a cause exists, explain to me how 
 you can attribute it to a single Creator ? It is 
 clear that human nature has itself laid down the 
 laws adapted to it, civilised and humane, where- 
 soever kindness dominates ; rough and barbarous, 
 according to the character of their customs. 
 Because legislators by means of education had 
 little influence on their primitive dispositions. . . . 
 Why then such a difference among nations in 
 their customs and laws ? " ^ 
 
 But the difficulty that Julian encountered 
 really exists, when we propound the argument of 
 a willed creation with a pre-established finality. 
 The inexplicability of the organisation of the 
 universe when we imagine it conceived a priori 
 by a conscient Will, is appreciated by Julian in 
 all its reality. Truly acute, and original for its 
 time, is the observation that laws do not make 
 men, but that it is men who make the laws, that 
 is to say that, in morality, there is nothing 
 
 1 Neumann, op. cit., 179. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 281 
 
 absolute ; it is a phenomenon in conformity with 
 the pre-existing conditions of men and the age. 
 Given a creating and conscient Will, it is clear that 
 all this is inexplicable, and admitting this Will 
 is to fall into a net of contradictions ; so men have 
 concluded that the only way of getting out of the 
 difficulty is to determine that it is a mystery, then 
 shut their eyes, and swallow it. But Julian was 
 not willing to content himself with explanations 
 that explained nothing, and therefore he sought 
 one that was, or at least appeared, satisfactory to 
 him. But as the difficulty is absolutely insuperable, 
 because the anthropomorphic conception of divinity, 
 which obliges one to seek the reason of creation, 
 is also that which prevents us from finding one 
 that is reasonable, so he was necessarily forced to 
 content himself with an explanation so puerile that 
 it was the most evident proof of the complete 
 exhaustion in which polytheism had ended. 
 
 The origin of these Neo-Platonic divagations 
 is to be found in the Timcsus of Plato. Julian, in 
 his treatise, does not fail to compare the Platonic 
 cosmology with that of Moses, in order to prove 
 the greater reasonableness of the creation by 
 means of grades and divine hierarchies, as proposed 
 by Plato, than that of the creation by the direct 
 act of a single Creator ; and it is evident that his 
 theory of ethnic and local divinities is a variation 
 on the Platonic theme. Julian having established, 
 according to his views, the position of Hebraic 
 
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282 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 monotheism in comparison with Hellenic poly- 
 theism, and demonstrated the error of the Jews 
 in considering as a sole and supreme God him who 
 was no other than a secondary and partial God, the 
 controversialist proceeds to develop the second of 
 his fundamental conceptions, and attempts to prove 
 the folly of the Christians who could not remain 
 united either with the Jews or the Greeks, and the 
 untenability of their pretence of being derived 
 from a religion of which their doctrine is the most 
 open negation. " You are like leeches " — says 
 Julian to the Christians — " you have sucked from 
 all sides the infected blood, and have left the pure. 
 . . . You imitate the Jews in their anger and hate, 
 you destroy the temples and the altars, and murder, 
 not only those who remain faithful to the laws of 
 their country, but even those heretics who profess 
 errors similar to yours in their lachrymose adora- 
 tion of the dead,^ but do not profess all your 
 rites. And all this is your work, since neither 
 Jesus nor Paul ever commanded it. And the reason 
 of this is that they never hoped to arrive at such 
 a degree of power. They were well pleased when 
 they could deceive some maid-servant or slave, 
 who, in their turn, deceived men and women of the 
 importance of Cornelius or Sergius. If among 
 these only one name of illustrious persons of the 
 epoch occurs, I will simply say that I am in all 
 things a liar." ^ 
 
 ^ Meaning Jesus dead and buried. ^ Neumann, op. cit., 199. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 283 
 
 But if the Christians only had remained faith- 
 ful to the Jewish doctrine! No, affirms Julian, 
 they went farther from this doctrine than from ours. 
 Christian impiety is composed of Jewish arrogance 
 and Hellenic levity. Taking from each part, not 
 the good but the evil, they have woven unto them- 
 selves a garment of vices. " To tell the truth, 
 you have been pleased to exaggerate our unworthi- 
 ness, and have believed it best to adapt your habits 
 to those of men most despicable, such as merchants, 
 tax-gatherers, ballet-dancers, and panders." ^ 
 
 Who could ever suppose, a priori, that the 
 Christian religion, which had its raison ditre in 
 a reaction against the immorality of the Graeco- 
 Roman world, would, in three centuries, become 
 more immoral than those whom they desired to 
 correct, so that the Pagan disputant could attack 
 it in the name of offended morality? There is no 
 stronger argument to illustrate the fact that morality 
 is not an extrinsic element introduced to man from 
 without, but rather the product of his whole 
 intrinsic being. Christianity appeared as a moral 
 force in its early days because the Christians, 
 during the persecutions, represented the selected 
 few. When victorious Christianity became general, 
 it was obliged to adapt itself to the milieu of the 
 epoch, and it became corrupt. It is not Christianity 
 that made society moral, but society that corrupted 
 Christianity. 
 
 ^ Neumann, op. cit., 208. 
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284 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 " But," continues Julian, insisting on the differ- 
 ence existing between the Christians and the Jews, 
 " the Christians admit being different from the 
 contemporary Jews, but affirm that they are severely 
 Jewish according to the precepts promulgated by 
 the prophets, and according to those of Moses." 
 And Julian here enters into a discussion that proves 
 the exact and minute knowledge which he possessed 
 of Jewish literature. He affirms, on the testimony 
 of the texts, that Moses could not have predicted 
 the coming of Jesus, from the moment that he 
 only absolutely admitted a unique and indivisible 
 God. He spoke of prophets, of angels, of kings, 
 but never of a God who should descend on earth. 
 Julian surprises the Christians in contradiction, 
 where, to agree with Moses, they make Jesus descend 
 from David, and at the same time say that he was 
 conceived by the power of the Holy Ghost. For 
 this purpose they have invented the Davidic 
 genealogy of Jesus, but they were unfortunately un- 
 able to make the two Gospels that present it agree. 
 And if the Christians should ever pretend to 
 believe in one only God, they would openly contra- 
 dict the Gospel of John, which, by no possible art 
 of interpretation, could be made to tally with the 
 Mosaic texts.^ 
 
 But, even in regard to worship and sacrifices, 
 the Christians separate themselves from the Jews 
 not less than from the Greeks. In fact, according 
 
 > Neumann, op. cit., 213. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 285 
 
 to Julian, Moses established in Leviticus a pro- 
 cedure of sacrifice that was in no way different from 
 that of the Greeks. And even if it is a fact — 
 which Julian affirms not to be the case — that the 
 Jews no longer offer sacrifice, this would be entirely 
 due to the circumstance that there no longer exists 
 the Temple of Jerusalem, which was the only place 
 where they could practise the solemn rite. But the 
 Christians, to whom there was no connection 
 between the rites and a determined locality, have 
 no excuse for not practising the prescribed cere- 
 monies. The truth is that the Jews, with the 
 exception of their belief in the " oneness " of God, 
 are in all points in conformity with the Greeks, 
 while the Christians refuse to unite with the one or 
 the other. Not admitting the form of worship in 
 which both the Greeks and the Jews agree, not 
 recognising the infinite plurality of Hellenic 
 polytheism, and not even the Jewish monotheism, 
 they affirm a divine Trinity.^ 
 
 In all this argument it is clear that Julian, when 
 he wishes to demonstrate that the Christians are 
 wrong in not sacrificing like the Greeks and the 
 Jews, is a narrow-minded and pedantic wrangler ; 
 but when he affirms that the Christians with their 
 divine Trinity offend at the same time the broad 
 polytheism of the Greeks and the severe monotheism 
 of the Jews, and place themselves in a position 
 rationally unsustainable, he is — apparently, at 
 
 1 Neumann, op. cit., 216 sq. 
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286 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 least — in the right. And he is so much in the 
 right that we see that the doctrine of the Trinity 
 was only accepted with great repugnance by those 
 who held fast to the premises of monotheism, and 
 that it was the firebrand which caused the terrible 
 strife which from the third to the fifth century 
 divided nascent Christianity into numerous factions, 
 and, in the end, was accepted only in the form of 
 an inscrutable mystery. 
 
 Then Julian goes on to say that the Christians, 
 by affirming that the Jewish law could be perfected, 
 put themselves in open contradiction with the 
 writings of Moses, so that the pretence of seeing 
 in the religion of Israel the origin and base 
 of Christianity is wholly untenable. But this is not 
 all. For the Christians, not content with putting 
 themselves in opposition to the Jews from whom 
 they say they have issued, even contradict them- 
 selves, since in the Gospels, says Julian, there are 
 affirmations irreconcilable with each other, and the 
 doctrine of the Logos incarnated in Christ, 
 representing a divine Person, is only the invention 
 of John, and it is impossible to find it in Matthew, 
 Mark, or Luke. This argument is conducted in 
 such a manner as to prove that the Imperial 
 disputant was well acquainted with Christian 
 literature, and, if he had not been so intensely 
 blinded by hate, we might almost trace in him a 
 method foreshadowing modern criticism.^ 
 
 ' Neumann, op. cit., 231 sq. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 287 
 
 But there is certainly no vestige of this in his 
 invectives against the Christians for their worship 
 among the sepulchres. They are not content, 
 Julian says, to adore the dead Jesus, they also wish 
 to worship those who died after him, and they have 
 encumbered every place with tombs and monuments, 
 although none of their books say that they must 
 wander around among the sepulchres and adore 
 them. In these words Julian alludes to the cult 
 that the Christians professed for their martyrs, to 
 whom they raised sanctuaries over the ruins of the 
 abandoned or destroyed temples. This special cult 
 was most irritating to him, and the reason of this 
 irritation was perhaps due, in part, to an aesthetic 
 sentiment and, still more, to the great influence that 
 it exercised on the imagination of the believers. 
 With pedantic cavilling he, therefore, attempts to 
 prove that this cult was not approved by Jesus, who 
 employed the term " sepulchre " as if to him it was 
 associated with all that was unclean, and affirms 
 that the Christians honoured the sepulchres only to 
 draw from them a magic power. ^ 
 
 But the Christians do those things that God 
 and Moses and the prophets reprove, and then 
 refuse to sacrifice on the altars, when the episode 
 of Cain and Abel, rightly interpreted, should 
 persuade them that God is gratified with the 
 sacrifice of live offerings. And why do not the 
 Christians circumcise themselves ? Paul speaks of 
 
 1 Neumann, op. cti., 225. 
 
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288 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the circumcision of the heart. But the command of 
 God in Genesis is too explicit to be eluded without 
 breaking the law, and Jesus declared that he came 
 not to alter the law but to fulfil it. " Ah ! you say 
 that you circumcise the heart ! " — Julian exclaims 
 with bitter irony — "And you are right, because 
 amongst you it is easy to see that there exist none 
 who are wicked or vile ! Admirable, in truth, is 
 your circumcision of the heart! . . . The fact is 
 that the Christians openly disobey the precepts of 
 their master." ^ 
 
 Julian finishes the first book of his treatise, the 
 only one of which something is preserved, by 
 returning to the subject of the harmony, according 
 to him, existing between Hellenic polytheism and 
 Hebraic monotheism, the exact identity of rites and 
 of forms of sacrifice, and the similarity of prophecies 
 in the two religions. He illustrates this affirmation 
 by the story of Abraham, with the processes of 
 interpretation by which the patriarch succeeded in 
 comprehending the promises of God, and the 
 celestial signs which assured him of their ac- 
 complishment, and finds that all this has a great 
 analogy with the processes of soothsaying, and that 
 it is a great wrong in the Christians to have 
 abandoned it. Julian here, again, gives proof of 
 the singular knowledge he has of Biblical literature 
 and of an acute mind well trained in purely formal 
 logic. But here is also evident the absolute lack of 
 
 ' Neumann, op. cit., 228 sq. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 289 
 
 positive science and the frightful superstition of 
 those reformers of polytheism. It is indeed sad 
 to see a hero like Julian, — a man of marvellous 
 intellectual versatility, who succeeds in writing a 
 treatise such as this, replete with theological 
 erudition, in the midst of the preoccupations of a 
 gigantic war which he is personally conducting, — a 
 victim to such miserable prejudices, and capable of 
 putting faith in the exercise of foolish rites, bloody 
 sacrifices, and meteoric signs ; and this man finishes 
 by saying : " The truth cannot be recognised bywords 
 alone ; it is necessary that the words be followed 
 by an efficacious sign, which, by its apparition, 
 guarantees the future accomplishment of the 
 prediction."^ 
 
 Here indeed is an enormous deterioration in 
 comparison with Marcus Aurelius, the Stoics, 
 Plato, and, in fact, all the Greek philosophers. 
 The cause of this is entirely due to the influence 
 of Neo-Platonism, which had introduced the super- 
 rational and the supernatural in the place of the 
 nature-gods of ancient polytheism, and imposed 
 them as an incubus on the world and nature, with- 
 out being able to incarnate them in a supremely 
 moral being as Christianity had done. Thus it 
 happened that the supernatural, reviving, for an 
 instant, with an artificial breath the nature-gods of 
 
 1 Neumann, op. cit., 232. t^v 8e aKr)8iiav 6v< 'ivearw Ibeiv ex \/riXoO 
 prjit.aTos, a>Xa. xpv " i^"' irapaKokuvBrjirai toXs \6yois evapyes o-ij/ieiov, 6 
 TrioTfflcrtrai yivojievov ttjv its to p,i\Kov imroirjp.ivriu npoayopevtnv. 
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290 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 the ancient world, rendered their action more 
 intense in every moment of life, and thus super- 
 stition became the keystone of the religious arch. 
 Even Christianity was not able to keep itself free 
 from superstition, and fell a victim to its baleful 
 supremacy until the dawn of positive science was 
 able to liberate it partly from its fearful influence. 
 Although dimmed, the moral ideality of a divine 
 figure such as that of Jesus served as a remedy 
 to revive the spirits weakened by error and foolish 
 fears. In the time of Julian, Christianity might 
 have been considered as a reaction against the 
 folly of polytheistic superstition. When we pass 
 from the supernatural of Julian to that of Ambrose 
 and Augustine, we are conscious of a great relief, 
 and we can understand how the attempt to restore 
 polytheism had not the slightest probability of 
 success, however much it might have been justified 
 and ennobled by the love of Hellenic culture.^ 
 
 1 A small fragment of Julian's treatise not comprised in those 
 confuted by Cyril has just been published by two Belgian savants, 
 Mm. Bidez and Cumont, in their Essay — Sur la' Tradition 
 Manuscrite des Lettres dejulien — which should serve as an introduc- 
 tion to a truly critical edition of the letters of the Emperor, which is, 
 undoubtedly, very much needed. This piece was discovered in a frag- 
 ment of a confutation that Aretas, Bishop of Cssarea in the tenth 
 century, had written of Julian's treatise ; this fragment was found 
 in a library at Moscow. With this text, Neumann {Theol. Liter. 
 Zeitung,\%<)<^ succeeded in reconstructing the passage of Julian which 
 probably belonged to the second book of the latter's treatise. The 
 few lines are interesting as a proof of the subtlety of the debater, 
 who, recording the affirmation of the Gospel of John that the Logos 
 came to take away sin from the world, compares this with the dis- 
 order and discord caused by the introduction of Christianity — a dis- 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 291 
 
 We cannot possibly compare Julian's treatise 
 with that of Porphyry, which, as we have already 
 said, was lost ; but we may compare it with the 
 treatise of Celsus, or at least that part of it which 
 was preserved to us in Origen's confutation, for 
 which Theodore Keim has done the same work 
 of reconstruction as Neumann did later for the 
 writings of Julian, by means of the confutation 
 of Cyril/ 
 
 These two philosophical attacks against Chris- 
 tianity, written at the distance of two centuries 
 from each other (since the work of Celsus belongs 
 to the last years of the reign of Marcus Aurelius), 
 prove that the basis of the polemic remained ever 
 the same. It is always the Platonic philosophy 
 that sees in polytheism an explanation much 
 broader and truer of the fundamental ideas of 
 divinity and the world than those contained in 
 the narrow monotheism of the Jews and Christians. 
 It is always the accusation made against the 
 Christians of having separated themselves from 
 the Jews, from whom they pretend to descend ; 
 always the same demonstration of the impossibility 
 of accepting those legends on which Christianity 
 is founded. However, in the two centuries which 
 elapsed between the life of Celsus and that of Julian, 
 the Greek spirit, deprived as it was of the mainstay 
 
 order and discord already foreseen by the synoptic Gospels, thus 
 tending to injure the divinity of the Logos, and to place the Fourth 
 Gospel in contradiction to the other three. 
 1 T. Keim, Celsus Wahres Wort, 1893. 
 
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292 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 of objective knowledge and of scientific research, 
 launched itself, with all sails set, on the boundless 
 ocean of mysticism, and constituted, as we have 
 seen, in Neo-Platonism a religious philosophy, based 
 on an overpowering conception of the sujpernatural. 
 The philosophical difference, therefore, between 
 Julian and Celsus is that the former went much 
 farther than the latter in the symbolical inter- 
 pretations of polytheism, and possessed a mystical 
 dogmatic theology that his predecessor lacked. 
 And again, in Julian's time, the canons of the 
 New Testament were thoroughly established and 
 in constant use, while, in the time of Celsus, they 
 were not known, or, at least, were just beginning 
 to be introduced, and this naturally gave Julian 
 a greater knowledge of the sources of Christianity, 
 and enabled him to use the Fourth Gospel to prove 
 the contradiction of those sources, an opportunity 
 that Celsus did not possess, or, at least, did not 
 use. Besides, we must add that Julian, educated 
 in Christianity, possessed an intimate knowledge, 
 not only of the New, but also of the Old Testa- 
 ment, and could employ it in his polemics with 
 an abundance and boldness of quotation which 
 certainly could not be expected of Celsus, whose 
 attention was devoted to other studies, and who, 
 after all, combated Christianity, considering it 
 only as a contemptible stupidity, and not ap- 
 preciating its menace. The work of Celsus is 
 that of a scholar who diverts himself in his con- 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 293 
 
 futation ; Julian's, instead, is that of a disputant 
 fighting for life. But Celsus possessed a philo- 
 sophical mind, much broader and much more 
 original than that of Julian, and if the latter is 
 superior in his arguments based on the her- 
 meneutics of the texts, the former is greatly 
 the superior in his intuitive judgment of great 
 speculations, to say nothing of his never having 
 displayed that frightful superstition which is the 
 greatest blot on Julian and his Neo-Platonic poly- 
 theism. Celsus considered Christianity as a 
 doctrine that endowed a figure, unworthy of 
 the honour, with the ancient and worn-out myth 
 of the deification of a man. He affirms that the 
 idea of a redemption taking place at a certain 
 period of history does not harmonise with divine 
 love and justice, which could not be restricted 
 to such a limited result. Celsus opposes to the 
 theology of salvation the immutable and eternal 
 laws of nature, in which evil and sin inherent 
 in matter have their necessary place, and man 
 is, by no means, the raison d'itre of the world. 
 In this negation of the anthropocentric position 
 of man, and of the anthropomorphic essence of 
 the divinity, Celsus may almost be said to be 
 a precursor of modern thought. He expresses 
 himself as follows : " The universe is not made 
 for man any more than it is made for lions, for 
 eagles, or for dolphins ; but all contribute to render 
 this world, as the work of God, perfect and com- 
 
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294 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 plete in every part. Therefore it is not decreed 
 that one part should have the mastery over 
 another, but that it should be a complex creation : 
 in short, the universe. God is in the universe, 
 and Providence has never abandoned it, and the 
 universe has never become worse, and God, 
 through all time, has never retired within himself, 
 and is never irritated because of men, as he is 
 never irritated by monkeys or by flies. And he 
 never threatens beings, the fate of each one having 
 been especially predestined." ^ 
 
 Here is a page that Julian, with his super- 
 natural anthropomorphism, would never have 
 written. Neither could he have written that 
 profound phrase of Celsus, who, after having 
 alluded to the strange and incredible deifications 
 that had been effected among the most diverse 
 nations, of men living in the midst of them, — deifi- 
 cations similar to those with which the Christians 
 honoured Jesus, — exclaims : " Such is the power 
 of faith, whatever the faith may be, provided we 
 are previously imbued with it." ^ In this phrase we 
 have the key to the history of all religions, which 
 Celsus undoubtedly divined, but the importance of 
 which he did not fully appreciate. 
 
 We have now seen how Julian sought to over- 
 throw Christianity by revealing the weakness of 
 
 1 Keim, op. cit., 63. 
 
 ^ Ibid., op. cit., 39. foaauTov noiei f/ ttiVtis on-oi'a fiij jr/jOKarairp^oiJtra. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 295 
 
 its historical basis and the contradictions into which 
 it had fallen concerning the premises from which it 
 claimed to have descended. But if Julian had 
 confined himself to this negative work, his attempt 
 would not have differed very much from those 
 which had already been made by Celsus, Porphyry, 
 and others who still remain unknown. Julian, how- 
 ever, wished to do something more. He wished to 
 reinstate ancient polytheism, which for him repre- 
 sented Hellenism, civilisation, and Hellenic culture, 
 in opposition to the new Christianity that threatened 
 to destroy it ; but to reinstate it, he wished to 
 Christianise it both in its morals and its ecclesiastical 
 constitution. He felt the necessity of reanimating 
 society with a new spirit, and he desired to infuse 
 it in the old form, in the downfall of which he saw 
 the destruction of civilisation. In this lay the origin 
 of the movement attempted by Julian. This bitter 
 enemy of Christianity made a propaganda of all the 
 virtues taught by Christianity — temperance, respect 
 for sacred things, love of our neighbour, contempt 
 for riches, interest in spiritual things, and, above all, 
 charity. Christianity had so little succeeded in 
 infusing these virtues in the Lower Empire that, 
 on becoming its official religion, it had been obliged 
 to renounce them, but at the same time it had 
 created monachism as a sort of hothouse in which 
 these virtues were preserved under the zealous care 
 of a rigorous asceticism. Julian pretended to re- 
 model the work of Christianity by means of poly- 
 
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296 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 theism, on which he wished to impose the duty of 
 rendering society moral. He fell into the error 
 common to all religious and moral reformers, i.e., of 
 believing that a society, like an individual, can be 
 rendered moral by means of teaching and preaching. 
 Moralisation can only be the consequence of a 
 determined intellectual atmosphere, by which the 
 individual or the society happens to be surrounded. 
 It was not the Reformation that rendered the 
 German people moral, but the Reformation was 
 itself the effect of a pre-existing disposition in the 
 character and in the habits of the German people, 
 who were animated by a sentiment of human dignity 
 that was entirely extinct in the Latin race. This 
 is why Christianity did not succeed in reforming the 
 world, because the world not being prepared for its 
 great principle of human solidarity, its action simply 
 shook the basis of civilisation. Julian wished to 
 save polytheism in order to save Hellenic civilisation, 
 and notwithstanding his hatred of Christianity, in 
 which he saw the bitter enemy of this civilisation, he 
 desired to Christianise polytheism so as to make 
 of it an instrument of moral regeneration. The un- 
 reasonableness of the undertaking should not cause 
 us to lose sight of the nobility of the illusions in which 
 Julian lived, and the magnitude of the goal at which 
 he aimed with all the power of his versatile talent. 
 
 Julian's practical intentions in regard to his 
 Christianised polytheism are revealed in three 
 important documents : the long fragment of a letter 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 297 
 
 to an unknown person ; ^ the letter to Arsacius, 
 High Priest of Galatia ; ^ and the fragment of a letter 
 to Theodore to invest him with a high sacerdotal 
 office.^ This last fragment, we believe, may possibly 
 be united with the first, so as to form a complete 
 whole, with only one brief interruption. We must 
 examine them with attention, because they contain 
 the most curious part of Julian's reforms. And 
 here we shall witness a strange phenomenon : a 
 heroic leader, a fearless adventurer, who interests 
 himself in the most minute details of ecclestiastical 
 organisation, and writes " pastorals " in a manner 
 that proves how seriously he was impressed with 
 his mission as a religious reformer. The reason 
 is that Julian put into everything he did a singular 
 gravity and objectivity of purpose. Napoleon, who 
 in the midst of the preoccupations of his sojourn in 
 Moscow prepares the regulations of the " Theatre 
 Fran^ais," is certainly an example of marvellous 
 versatility. But Napoleon was a colossal egoist. 
 Nothing interested him except it referred to himself, 
 or to his own sovereignty. He had but one ideal, 
 himself, and his intelligence was an instrument that 
 he only employed for his own benefit. But Julian 
 was altogether another sort of man. He had 
 created for himself a mission in the world, and to 
 fulfil it was for him the most imperious of duties. 
 All his peculiar versatility of mind was applied 
 
 1 Julian., op. at., 371, 392- ^ ^^'^-^ "p. cit, 552, 555. 
 
 '^ Ibid., op. ciL, S^^i, 588. 
 
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298 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 to this ideal aim. In Julian the practical man 
 was admirable, but this practical man was always 
 under the sway of the fervent idealist. It is 
 this combination that presents the figure of the 
 young Emperor in a strange and, we might almost 
 say, enigmatic light. 
 
 The fragment of the letter to the High Priest 
 proves that Julian desired to have a pagan priest- 
 hood which would realise that ideal of virtue that 
 the Christian clergy placed before the eyes of all, 
 even if they did not attempt to follow it. 
 
 At the beginning of this fragment, we find a 
 violent and cruelly ironic allusion to the Christians. 
 " Over those who do not venerate the gods there 
 rules a species of evil demons by which many of 
 these impious ones are rendered insane, so that 
 they seek to die, as if they were certain to fly directly 
 to heaven, when their lives have been taken by 
 violence. Others inhabit the deserts instead of the 
 cities, notwithstanding that man is by nature a 
 social and domestic animal, and these men are 
 likewise dominated by evil demons who force them 
 into this misanthropy. And these impious beings 
 abandon themselves voluntarily to these demons, 
 and rebel against the eternal and beneficent gods." 
 Behold, this is how Julian judged the martyrs and 
 the hermits who really represented the Christian 
 ideal in all its force and purity. And such was the 
 case, because that idea was in marked contrast to 
 the fundamental conceptions of ancient thought and 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 299 
 
 civilisation. Christianity had for its starting-point 
 its abhorrence of the present and transitory world, 
 in order to attain the conquest of the world super- 
 natural and eternal. And it is because of this that 
 the true Christian professed the abandonment and 
 renunciation of the things of this world, and longed 
 for death to free him from the taint of earthly life, 
 and hasten the attainment of his promised felicity. 
 And for this reason, the genuine Christian, the 
 Christian of the earlier days, rushed to encounter 
 martyrdom ; and it is because of this that, when 
 Christianity became powerful and entered into the 
 social organism, and, yielding to the necessities of 
 life, became corrupt, there immediately arose a 
 reaction against this fatal movement, and monachism 
 arose, representing, in its origin, the complete 
 renunciation of all compromise with social con- 
 ventions, and preserving intact the original prin- 
 ciples of Christianity. Now the man of ancient 
 times, for whom the present was the only reality, 
 and who could not appreciate the ideas of another 
 life otherwise than as dreams and phantoms, 
 failed to understand this principle, which was 
 really the very essence of Christianity, but which 
 appeared to him as an absolute perversion of judg- 
 ment, a madness fatal to the social order, and in 
 opposition to the nature and end of man. And 
 Julian, who was naught else than a man of ancient 
 times, a pure Greek, could not but feel a cordial 
 antipathy to the pessimistic tendencies of the 
 
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300 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 genuine Christian spirit, and considered as equally 
 dangerous and furious maniacs both the martyrs, 
 who in his time no longer existed, as well as the 
 hermits and monks who, in the name of Christ, then 
 began to populate the deserts of the East. 
 
 Having given vent to his indignation against 
 the Christians, Julian proceeds in his recommend- 
 ations to the priests. They should give examples 
 of obedience to the divine law ; from this example 
 men will learn to obey the laws of the State. 
 According to Julian, the first duty of a priest is to 
 be charitable. And here we may imagine that we 
 are listening to the words of a good Christian. 
 There is a kind of unction in his discourse that 
 reveals an influence wholly ignored in genuine 
 antiquity. The gods, says Julian, give continual 
 proof of their love for men. And should not men 
 love and assist each other? It is customary 
 to accuse the gods of the misery that is 
 seen in the world. But if those who possessed, 
 gave to others in proportion to their substance, 
 there would be no more misery. He (Julian) was 
 always happy to do all the good that lay in his 
 power, and found it an advantage even to himself 
 And to those who might observe that it was easy 
 for him, an emperor, to give these counsels, he 
 recalls that he also was once poor, and that he had 
 given to those in need to the extent of his small 
 possessions. And here he utters the following words 
 that are not only Christian, but we may truly say 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 301 
 
 evangelical, and which may easily be attributed 
 to Jesus, although due to his most bitter enemy. 
 " We should render our possessions common to all 
 men, more liberally to the good, and then to all 
 the miserable, and to all according to their 
 necessities. And I will also add, although it may 
 seem a paradox, that it is a blessed thing to give 
 food and clothing even unto our enemies, because 
 we give to the man, and not to the character." '^ 
 And he continues in words almost more beautiful : 
 "And I believe that we should show such charity 
 also to those who are in prison. For this love to 
 our neighbour is no obstacle to justice. Among 
 the many shut up in prison, some must be guilty 
 and some innocent. Now, that which we should 
 fear is not the possibility of doing kindness to the 
 guilty in our efforts to help the innocent, but rather 
 of being without pity for the innocent, fearing that 
 we might benefit the guilty." Gems such as these, 
 which seem to have been taken from the undefiled 
 evangelical mine, are to be found in all Julian's 
 works. Thus he says : " For me it seems, in every 
 respect, better to save one wicked person with a 
 thousand good ones than to neglect one thousand 
 good, because of one who is evil."^ And in 
 another place : " What hecatombs can equal 
 holiness, of which the divine Euripides sang, 
 
 ^ Julian., op. cit., 374. (palrjv 8' au, el Koi irapddo^ov flneiv, on Koi 
 Tois TToXe/iioiv itrdrjTOS *a\ Tpv(j)rjs Hcriov av etrj fiiradidovai Tm yap 
 dp6p(07riua koI ov ra Tpowa 8l8ofiev, 
 
 ^ Neumann, op. cit., 191. 
 
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302 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 invoking her : ' Holiness, Holiness, thou venerable 
 mother ! Dost thou not know that all things, great 
 or small, offered to the gods in a spirit of holiness, 
 have the same efficacy, and that, without this spirit, 
 not only the sacrifice of a hundred oxen, but even of 
 a thousand, are but a foolish waste ? ' " ^ Admirable 
 words, especially admirable when proceeding from 
 an emperor, but, notwithstanding, they remained 
 without effect. Why is it that words analogous 
 to these, or at least inspired by an analogous 
 sentiment, were able, when issuing from the mouth 
 of Jesus, to create a revolution in the world ? Why 
 did the humble and untutored teacher of Galilee 
 stir up mankind, and the powerful emperor speak 
 to the wind ? For no other reason except that to 
 change the direction of the human mind, to make 
 piety a duty, and to give, at least for an instant, a 
 victory to the weak over the strong, it needed the 
 apparition of a God, who by his example and his 
 person could illustrate his teachings. Julian's error 
 lies in the fact that he did not possess the strength 
 to accomplish this moral reformation which was 
 the chief object of his existence. A God alone 
 could make it succeed. But the gods of the 
 pagans were completely exhausted, and void of 
 all reality. A new God was needed. It is true 
 that the acceptation of this God would have 
 carried with it the ruin of that precious treasure, 
 Hellenism. But it was an inevitable sacrifice. 
 
 ' Julian., op. cit., 2TJ. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 303 
 
 To renew Hellenism was to deprive it of its 
 raison ditre. 
 
 Julian presents yet another argument to sustain 
 his propaganda of charity : and this is the unity of 
 the human race, through which all men are 
 brothers.^ He then proceeds to recommend the 
 veneration and worship of the images of the 
 divinity, basing his ideas on the necessity that 
 man, as a corporeal creature, feels of representing, 
 in a material form, even spiritual beings.^ Here 
 Julian enters into a long and subtle argument 
 directed especially against the objections of the 
 Jewish prophets to the worship of idols, pretending 
 to demonstrate its unreasonableness on account of 
 the destructibility of the idol itself. But, then, 
 Julian very appropriately exclaims, what have the 
 Jewish prophets to say about their temple which was 
 three times destroyed, and which, even to-day, is not 
 rebuilt? And Julian, in his war against the 
 Christians, who had become numerous and power- 
 ful, favoured the Jews, now few and harmless, 
 believing to find in them his natural allies, and he 
 observes that he does not say this to offend the 
 Jews. On the contrary, he has seriously considered 
 the reconstruction of the Temple of Jerusalem in 
 honour of the God whom they there adored. He 
 makes use of this example only to prove to the 
 
 ^ Julian., op. cit., 375. avdptonos yap dv6pa>vm koI ckqiv koi aK<i>i> 
 vas iarl (Tvyyevrjs. 
 
 " Ibid., op. cit., 377. 
 
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304 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 Jews that everything created by man must perish, 
 and that, therefore, the objection of their prophets 
 is vain. And JuHan, always with the intention of 
 ingratiating himself with the Jews, says that the 
 errors of the prophets are worthy of foolish old 
 women, but that this does not in any way detract 
 from the greatness of their God, because a great 
 God may have incapable interpreters. And such 
 were the prophets and priests of the Jews, who did 
 not know how to purify their souls with the doctrine 
 by which they were surrounded, or to open their 
 'drowsy eyes, or to dissipate the mist that en- 
 folded them, amidst which the pure light of truth 
 appeared as something indistinct and terrible. 
 " Oh ! " exclaims Julian, " how inferior to our poets 
 are these teachers of the science of God ! " ^ 
 
 "But," continues Julian, "it is not sufficient to 
 honour the temples and the images of the gods ; it 
 is necessary to care for the dignity and well-being 
 of the priests who pray and sacrifice for us, and 
 are our interpreters with the gods. But if the 
 position of priest is sufficient to command the 
 respect of man, it imposes special duties on those 
 who hold it. What are these duties? A priest 
 should lead an exemplary life, a life that, in all 
 respects, must be a model to other men. He 
 should, in the first place, honour and serve the 
 gods, as if the gods were present, and not only 
 could see him, but penetrate with their glance, more 
 
 ^ Julian., op cit., 379 sq. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 305 
 
 piercing than any ray of light, into the innermost 
 recesses of his soul. The priest should neither say 
 nor listen to anything that is obscene ; it is not 
 sufficient that he should refrain from impious actions, 
 but he must also refrain from listening to or repeating 
 conversations concerning them. He should never 
 read licentious authors, and should specially avoid 
 the ancient comic authors. He should keep to the 
 philosophers, selecting those who are imbued with 
 respect for the gods, namely, Plato, Aristotle, Chry- 
 sippus, and Zeno.^ And even from these take only 
 the teachings that refer to the nature of the gods, 
 leaving aside all those fables, invented by the poets, 
 in which the gods appear to hate each other, and 
 fight among themselves — fables which have caused 
 so much prejudice to the poets themselves, and by 
 which first the Jews, and afterwards the miserable 
 Galileans, have so ably profited." And Julian 
 insists, with great energy, on the importance of 
 choosing well what the priest may read. " From 
 what we read there develops in the soul a certain 
 inclination, and from this, little by little, desires are 
 born, and then suddenly a great flame breaks forth, 
 against which we must be previously prepared." 
 
 Among the dangerous readings against which 
 he warns them, Julian places the works of 
 Epicurus and Pyrrho, and he thanks the gods, 
 who have permitted a great part of their volumes 
 to be destroyed. Nothing is more symptomatic 
 
 ^Julian., of. cit., 385 sq. 
 
 VOL. I. — 20 
 
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306 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 in Julian than this decree placing Epicurus on 
 the Index. The principle that guided Julian, 
 namely, his hatred of rationalism as introduced 
 into the knowledge and interpretation of the 
 universe, is fundamentally the same as that on 
 which are founded the laws of the Congregation 
 of the Index, which has its seat in the Vatican. 
 This signifies, as we shall more clearly see at 
 the end of this study, that the revolution intended 
 by Julian was entirely superficial, because he 
 shared the intellectual tendencies of his time, 
 and opposed the scientific conception no less 
 than the Neo-Platonic metaphysicians and the 
 Christian theologians. 
 
 " The priest," continues the pious and rigorous 
 Emperor, who considered seriously the office 
 of Pontifex Maximus, " should not only abstain 
 from discourses and books that are improper, but 
 still more from thoughts of evil, because it is 
 the thought that guides the tongue. He should 
 be familiar with all the hymns in honour of 
 the gods, pray, publicly and privately, three times 
 a day, or, at least, at sunrise and at sunset. 
 During his period of service, which in Rome 
 is of thirty days' duration, he should remain 
 in the temple, purifying himself according to the 
 prescribed rites, never go to his own house, or 
 into the public square, or have communication 
 with the magistrates, except in the temple, 
 where he must live, philosophising and serving 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 307 
 
 the gods. Having finished his period of service, 
 and having returned to ordinary life, he can allow 
 himself to visit a few friends, and even accept a 
 few invitations to banquets, choosing, however, 
 those of the most esteemed citizens. Sometimes 
 he may also resort to the public square to confer 
 with the magistrates and occupy himself with 
 works of charity. When conducting divine 
 service, the priest should be arrayed in the 
 most gorgeous vestments, but, outside the 
 temple, he should be clothed in the ordinary 
 manner and unostentatiously ; it would be absurd 
 that he should use to satisfy his foolish vanity 
 that which he receives to honour the gods. To 
 wear sacred vestments in the midst of the people 
 is an offence to the gods, without taking into 
 consideration that these sacred objects become 
 contaminated thereby." ^ 
 
 The priest should never go to the theatre. 
 If it had been possible to bring back the theatre 
 to the pure cult of Dionysus, Julian would have 
 attempted it. But as this could not be done, it 
 is necessary to abstain entirely from frequenting 
 it. The priest should not only keep away from 
 the theatre, but he must not make friends with any 
 actor or dancer, or even allow them to come to his 
 door. He might visit the sacred representations, 
 but only those where it is forbidden to women, not 
 only to take part, but even to be present.^ 
 
 ^ Julian., op. cit., 388 sq. ^ Ibid.^ op. cif., 390. 
 
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308 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 In the choice of the priests, the position and 
 riches of the candidates should not be considered, but 
 only two things are necessary, viz., that the future 
 priest should be a lover of the gods and a lover 
 of his neighbour. It will be a proof of his love 
 of God if he influences all his household to 
 the worship of the gods, and a proof of his love 
 of his neighbour, if he, of his good will, helps 
 the poor with the little of which he is able to 
 dispose. And here Julian comes out with these 
 curious and symptomatic words: "We should 
 be very particular in the exercise of philanthropy, 
 because here we may possibly find the remedy 
 for our evils. As soon as they became aware 
 that the poor were neglected by the disdainful 
 priests, the impious Galileans craftily applied 
 themselves to this philanthropy, and they gave 
 merit to the vilest of their actions under the 
 cover of charity. Like those who try to ensnare 
 children, persuading them to follow them by 
 offering them twice or three times cake, and 
 afterwards, when they have succeeded in taking 
 them away from their homes, put them in a boat 
 and send them far away, thus, for a bit of pleasure 
 in the present, embittering the whole of their 
 future, in the same way these Galileans beginning 
 with what they call the loving service of the 
 'agape,' force many to impiety."^ 
 
 Here Julian's letter, as it has reached us, is 
 
 ' Julian., op. cit., 391. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 309 
 
 interrupted. Probably the copyist did not care 
 to reproduce the injurious phrases that Juhan 
 had hurled against the Christians. 
 
 To this fragment we might perhaps, as we 
 said before, unite the other fragment that consti- 
 tutes the 63rd letter in the collection of Julian's 
 Epistles. In it, the Emperor, after having made 
 professions of friendship to a certain Theodore, 
 and commented on the circumstance of their 
 having had the same master, probably Maximus, 
 says that he wishes to confide to him an office 
 of much importance, in which his work may be 
 of great worth, and which would procure him 
 much satisfaction in the present, and hopes of 
 something better in the future. And by future, 
 Julian means after death. He says, on this 
 subject, that he was not one of those who believed 
 that the soul was dissipated at the same time as 
 the body ; however, there is no certainty of this, 
 and we should leave the care and knowledge of 
 it to the gods alone. And he then continues : — 
 
 " But what is the office that I say I wish to 
 entrust to thee ? That of being the head of all the 
 sacred service of Asia, of overseeing the priests of 
 every city, and of distributing to each what is due to 
 them. The superior, first of all, should employ 
 kindly methods, and with these unite courtesy and 
 friendship to all who are worthy of it. He who 
 offends men, and is not respectful to the gods, and 
 is overbearing with all, should be fearlessly reproved 
 
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310 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 and severely punished. Of that which it is necessary 
 to do for the general worship thou wilt be shortly 
 informed, together with the others. But even now 
 I wish to tell thee something about it. And thou 
 wilt do well to obey me. I do not speak rashly 
 of these things, as the gods know, but am, as far as 
 possible, prudent, avoiding novelties, I might almost 
 say in everything, but especially in things divine, 
 convinced as I am that it is best to remain faithful 
 to the ancient laws, which, as it is manifest, were 
 given by the gods. For if they had come from 
 man they would not have been so wise. At 
 present, however, as they have been spoilt and 
 neglected by the prevalence of avarice and of vice, 
 we must begin anew, and restore them to their past 
 honour. When, therefore, I observed our great 
 negligence of the gods, and I saw exiled, as it were, 
 by reason of the impure and vitiated customs, the 
 respect due unto them, I felt overcome with grief, 
 especially when I noticed how those who follow the 
 (Jewish) faith are so ardent in their devotion, that 
 for it they willingly encounter death, and suffer 
 every privation, even hunger, rather than taste the 
 flesh of hogs or of strangled animals. And we, 
 instead, are so negligent in all that refers to the 
 gods as to forget the traditional habits of the 
 country, or even ignore that they ever existed. 
 But the Jews, who, to a certain degree, may be said 
 to be devoted to God, as they adore a God truly 
 powerful and beneficent, who governs the world. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 311 
 
 and whom we also venerate, but under other names, 
 seem to act wisely, as they refuse to transgress 
 their laws. In one thing alone they sin, namely, in 
 not recognising the other gods, and in venerating 
 one alone, and in believing themselves to be the 
 chosen among all nations, urged on, as they are, by 
 their barbaric vanity. Those others who profess 
 the Galilean impiety are afflicted by a malady ..." 
 Here the fragment is interrupted, but it is 
 reasonable to suppose that some phrases, now lost, 
 united it to the text that we have previously 
 analysed. We shall return to this fragment, when 
 we have examined the third of these documents 
 regarding the organisation of the Polytheistic Church, 
 but we must note at once that we find here, in all 
 its force, the expression of the sympathy that Julian 
 entertained for the Jews. We have already seen, 
 in Julian's Treatise against the Christians, the 
 theoretic reasons with which he explains his 
 sentiments. But here we find yet another reason, 
 and it is the strangely conservative and traditional 
 tendency of the Jews, displayed, above all, in their 
 religion. Now Julian, although he was in the 
 essence of his action a reformer, because his 
 polytheism was a creed quite different from the 
 naturalistic polytheism of primitive times, and also 
 from the national polytheism of Athens and Rome, 
 was, with regard to form, a rigid conservative. 
 He wished to retain intact all the external structure 
 of Hellenic civilisation, and nothing in Christianity 
 
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312 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 was more odious to him than the design of over- 
 turning everything in the organism of the human 
 spirit. The protection of, and sympathy for, the 
 Jews was an important card in Julian's game against 
 Christianity, and he used it with singular ability. 
 Really there was not a race that hated polytheism 
 more than did the Jews. But they hated the 
 Christians with a deeper hate still, so they became 
 most precious allies to Julian. The restoration of 
 the worship of Jehovah in Jerusalem would not 
 have interfered, in the slightest, with his propa- 
 ganda, but it would have been a serious blow to 
 the Christians, who pretended to be the " heirs " of 
 Judaism. Besides, Jehovah was a localised God. 
 Notwithstanding that the Jews of the Roman and 
 Hellenic epochs had tried to extend his dominion 
 and adoration all over the world, this God had his 
 sanctuary in Jerusalem, and remained that which 
 he had ever been, the God of a peculiar people. 
 Now, a localised God did not cause Julian any 
 anxiety, because in the localisation was implied the 
 possibility of other gods among other nations and 
 in other sanctuaries. 
 
 The most extraordinary document of Julian's 
 policy towards the Jews is the manifesto directed 
 to that people, at the moment in which he was about 
 to set out on his expedition against Persia. We 
 shall give it here in its integrity, because it is one of 
 those writings that is most typical of the keen ability 
 of this mystical enthusiast, of this heroic adventurer. 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 313 
 
 Julian to the Jewish People 
 
 " Obedience to unpublished decrees, and the 
 payment of untold sums of gold into the Imperial 
 treasury, has become for you still more burdensome 
 than the yoke of your ancient servitude. I have 
 witnessed this with mine own eyes, but it has been 
 more fully demonstrated to me by the tax-roll that is 
 kept by us. For this I diminished all new taxes 
 put to your charge, and I forcibly put an end to the 
 inconvenience of similar abuse, by giving to the 
 flames the roll concerning you which was preserved 
 in our treasury, so that it will become impossible 
 hereafter to torment you with such iniquitous 
 injustice. Of all this my cousin Constantius, of 
 worthy memory, was not so guilty as those, 
 barbarians in intention and evil in mind, who sat 
 at his table, and whom I, taking in hand, have 
 annihilated, hurling them to Erebus, so that even 
 the memory of their wickedness shall be blotted 
 out. Furthermore, I wish to exhort your venerable 
 Patriarch, Julius, to put an end to that tax which 
 you call 'apostolic,' and not to permit any one 
 to torment the people by the exaction of a 
 similar tribute. Thus my reign will be for you 
 entirely free of care, and, enjoying peace, you will 
 raise on high the most fervent prayers for my reign, 
 to God the highest, and the Creator who has 
 deigned to crown me with his immaculate right 
 hand. For it sometimes happens that those who 
 
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314 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 are absorbed in some care have their minds 
 distracted, and do not think of raising towards 
 heaven supplicating hands. Those, instead, who 
 are free from care are happy to raise, with all their 
 hearts, prayers and supplications for the good of the 
 Emperor to the great and omnipotent God that he 
 may direct our reign in the path of perfection, as 
 we desire. This you should do, so that, as soon as 
 I have brought the war against the Persians to a 
 successful end, I may be able to rebuild, by my 
 efforts, the holy city of Jerusalem, which you have 
 founded, and, for so many years, have desired to 
 see, and in which, together with you, to pay 
 homage unto the Omnipotent."^ 
 
 And now let us return to the "pastorals" of 
 Julian. Of singular importance, because of the 
 information it contains concerning his intentions, is 
 the letter addressed by him to Arsacius, High Priest 
 of Galatia. It runs as follows : — 
 
 " Hellenism does not influence the world as it 
 should, by the fault of those individuals who follow 
 it. However, the situation, so far as the gods are 
 concerned, is more splendid and extraordinary than 
 could be expected, since who would have dared 
 to hope for so many and so important conversions ? 
 But we must not believe this to be sufficient, and 
 close our eyes to the fact that the progress of the 
 impious has been greatly assisted by their kindliness 
 
 1 Julian., oi). cii., 512. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 315 
 
 to guests, their care of the sepulchres, and an 
 ostentatious sanctity of life. It is most necessary, 
 therefore, that we should take all this to heart. 
 And it is not enough that thou shouldst do it, but 
 all the priests of Galatia must do likewise. Thou 
 shouldst reprove or persuade them to be zealous, or 
 else expel them from the divine service, if they do 
 not lead back to the gods their wives, children and 
 servants, and if they tolerate that servants, children 
 and wives do not venerate the gods but prefer 
 atheism to piety. Furthermore, exhort the priests 
 not to frequent theatres, not to drink in taverns, 
 and not to devote themselves to any art or 
 occupation that is either reprovable or wicked. 
 Honour the obedient, and expel the intractable. 
 Establish in all cities a number of hospices where 
 travellers may profit by our philanthropy, and not 
 only those that are of us but any others who may 
 have need of assistance. I will see that thou be 
 furnished with the means of accomplishing this. I 
 have arranged that each year Galatia shall receive 
 thirty thousand bushels of grain and sixty thousand 
 gallons of wine. A fifth of all this must be given 
 to the poor who assist at the service of the temples, 
 the rest to the guests and to those who ask to be 
 maintained by us. For it is shameful that among 
 the Jews none should ask for help, and the impious 
 Galileans should feed together with their poor also 
 ours, so that these appear to be deprived of all 
 assistance from us. Therefore exhort the Hellenists 
 
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316 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 to contribute to this service, and the Greek villages 
 to offer to the gods the first-fruits. Strive to 
 accustom the Hellenists to these contributions, 
 teaching them that such was done in ancient times. 
 In fact, Homer makes Eumenes say that ' from 
 Jupiter come the guests and the poor.' As this is 
 the case, we must not permit others to surpass 
 us in virtues that are ours ; we should be 
 ashamed of our slothfulness, and ever increase in 
 our respect towards the gods. If I hear that thou 
 doest these things, I shall be happy. 
 
 " Go very seldom to visit the magistrates 
 in their houses. It is generally best to communi- 
 cate with them by means of letters. When they 
 enter the town, no priest should go out to meet 
 them, and if they present themselves at the temples, 
 the meeting must take place in the atrium. No 
 soldiers must precede them in the temples. All 
 can follow, as from the moment the magistrate 
 touches the threshold of the temple, he is the same 
 as any other individual. Thou alone, as thou art 
 aware, commandest in the interior of the temples ; 
 this in obedience to divine law."^ 
 
 This letter offers us a curious phenomenon : 
 that of a man who fiercely hates his adversaries, 
 with whom, instead, he ought to agree, because his 
 thoughts and morals are the same as theirs, so 
 much so that not being able to deny that they 
 follow a direction much more in unison with his 
 
 ^ Julian., op. cit., 552 sq. 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 317 
 
 own than that of his friends and partisans, he yet 
 unhesitatingly declares them to be impostors, and 
 persuades himself that, with these accusations, he has 
 concealed the truth. But why this cordial hatred of 
 persons with whom he ought to have agreed, and 
 whom, notwithstanding his ferocious declamations, 
 he endeavoured to imitate? Here we can only 
 repeat the observation which is the result of the 
 study we have undertaken. Julian felt that the 
 God who had come from Palestine, or rather from 
 Galilee, as he said, putting to flight, in the name of 
 the new ideals, the gods born on the sacred soil of 
 Hellas, would radically destroy Hellenism. And 
 Hellenism, with all its complexity of tradition and 
 culture, was too dear to Julian's heart for him to 
 renounce it, and not to consider as his enemies 
 those who were sapping its foundations. Wishing, 
 therefore, to oppose the progress of the Galilean 
 God who, he felt, responded more thoroughly to 
 the wants of humanity, and was more living than all 
 the gods of the ancient Olympus, Julian attempted 
 to Christianise the gods of Greece and to introduce 
 into polytheism the habits and moral discipline of 
 which Christianity was, or, at least, ought to have 
 been, the propagator. In this impossible under- 
 taking, the young enthusiast demonstrates such 
 an extraordinary force of conviction and will as 
 to make him worthy of all respect ; but, on the 
 other hand, we cannot refrain from smiling when, 
 in this most peculiar epistle, he speaks of the 
 
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318 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 priests of Bacchus and Aphrodite with an accent 
 and exhortation that would not have been out of place 
 on the lips of an Ambrose or of an Augustine when 
 preaching to the clergy and faithful in their cities. 
 Julian wished, therefore, to institute a Pagan 
 Church which should be modelled on the pattern, 
 and still more on the precepts, of the Christian 
 Church. But he wished that this Church should be 
 independent and above the laws of the State, exactly 
 as the Christian Church, at any rate on the side of 
 Athanasian Orthodoxy, wished to be. This was 
 a conception entirely new to Hellenism. In the 
 Grseco- Roman world temple and priest had always 
 been at the service of the political power. And it 
 was most natural that this should be, since religion 
 was an institution, par excellence, national and 
 politic. Rome insisted on the worship of the gods, 
 not for metaphysical or sentimental reasons, but 
 simply because, in the worship of the national 
 divinities, they saw the affirmation of the domi- 
 nating power of the Roman State. But genuine 
 Christianity separated religion from the State, and 
 made it an institution that was superior and inde- 
 pendent. Now, from the letter to Arsacius, we see 
 that Julian tended to give an equivalent position 
 to reformed polytheism, and to consider religion as 
 a power independent of the authority to which the 
 State itself should be subjected. And this was also 
 a consequence of the metaphysical transformation 
 to which the gods of antiquity had been .submitted 
 
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JULIAN'S ATTITUDE 319 
 
 in the elaboration of Neo-Platonic mysticism. 
 And we may conclude that if Julian had reigned 
 twenty or thirty years, instead of only two, 
 and if he had, by an impossible hypothesis, suc- 
 ceeded in his attempt at Christianising polytheism, 
 the world would not have gained anything by 
 it. The doctrine and religion of Julian, based 
 on the supernatural, would, inevitably, have led 
 to a theocracy, so that, instead of having a 
 Catholic theocracy, we should have had instead a 
 Mithraie theocracy. 
 
 But, in this letter, we recognise, after all, the 
 discouragement of a reformer who has not been 
 understood, and who has, in the final success of 
 his enterprise, less faith than he cares to acknow- 
 ledge. Julian's attempt was destined to fail from 
 its very beginning, because it was absolutely 
 illogical, and was, in itself, an irreconcilable contra- 
 diction. If it had been possible for polytheism 
 to be Christianised, Christianity would not have 
 arisen. The fundamental inspiration of polytheism 
 was radically opposed to that of Christianity. 
 Polytheism had, as a groundwork, the glori- 
 fication of the world and of earthly life ; 
 Christianity, the detestation of both. Polytheism 
 thought only of earth, and Christianity only of 
 heaven. Polytheism was the religion of enjoyment 
 and of force, Christianity of weakness and of 
 sorrow. From these different points of departure 
 there naturally arose habits, ideas, and tendencies 
 
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320 JULIAN THE APOSTATE 
 
 of teaching absolutely different. It was possible, 
 or rather it was inevitable, that Christianity, in 
 contact with the society of the times, should become 
 corrupt, so that the virtues of which it was supposed 
 to be the origin should be forced to find a refuge 
 in monastic asceticism. But it was impossible that 
 polytheism should abandon that which constituted 
 its very essence, in order to assume forms and ten- 
 dencies that were fundamentally repugnant to it. 
 Christianised polytheism could only be Christianity. 
 And it is for this that the polytheistic restoration, 
 initiated by Julian, against which Gregory of 
 Nazianzus and Cyril of Alexandria have expended 
 so much unnecessary fury, was, after all, but a 
 passing meteor, which was extinguished without 
 leaving in its wake the slightest evidence of its 
 existence. 
 
 Printed by Morrison & Gibe Limited, Edinburgh. 
 Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
Digitized by Microsoft®