uo boo^ 1^ not -J ba ta)- e:. fi'om tiic iic»a4ijig:^ Room. \A,HEN DONE WITWJ^RCTURN A m^ L TO CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY FROM Cornell University Library DS 463.T51 1859 3 1924 023 968 096 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis bool< is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023968096 THE HISTORY OF THB BRITISH EMPIRE IN INDIA. BY EDWARD THOENTON, ESQ. ACTHOB OP "THE QAZETTEER OF INDIA," ETC. SECOND EDITION, AN ENTIRELY NEW AND ENLARGED GLOSSARY. LONDON: Wm. H, ALLEN & CO. 7, LEADENHALL STREET. 1859. UNIVERSfTYil LIBRARY LONDON : cox and wyman, printers, great quben street, lincoln's-inn PIELDS. GLOSSARY. Abad. — Cultivated, peopled, founded. Coupled with a name it denotes the founder ; as Uleber-ahad, the city founded by TJkber, on the site of the Hindoo village of Agra. Shahjehomahad, city founded by Sbah Jehan on the site of the old city of Delhi ; the old names, however, are retained by the people in spite of the Great Mogul. Allah- abad, the city of God — the name given by the Mahommedans to the Hindoo holy place at the junction of the rivers Gauges and Jumna, known to the Hindoos as Prag or Pryag. Ajbdab. — a domestic whose duty it is to super- intend the water for drinking, to cool and clear it ; employed as butler by the Eng- lish. Aekab. — Distiller of spirits. Abkakt, Abkaeee. — Excise ; the revenue derived from spirits and intoxicating drugs. Adawldt, Udalut. — A court of justice. Sud- dwr Udalut — ^principal court. Devxtnee Vdalut — court for civil suits. Fovjda/ree or Nizamut Udalut — criminal court. Ahib, Uheeb. — Shepherd, a caste from which the Bengal army accepts recruits. Akaleb. — Sikh armed fanatic. Amil. — Dominion ; a farmer of revenue ; an officer of government. Amildab.^ — Governor. Amildaeeb. — ^Territory, government. Ameeu, Umeen. — Agent, a title given to the native judges by the English: as Suddet- Ameen — chief judge; Siidder Armen Ala — principal chief judge. Ambee, EinE. — A nobleman amongst the Mahommedans. Ankoos. — A weapon ; a kind of axe, used to drive an elephant. Aeak, Aeeaok. — Spirit ; juice ; fermented liquor. Aehub, TjEHnB (corruptly, Elilir).^X kind of pulse {OytisHs Cajan). It grows strong and bushy ; when cut (in February) the sharp stakes left are very dangerous to horses' hoofs ; they are of tenmia taken for cotton stalks. Aezi, Ubzbe. — A letter addressed to a supe- rior, a petition. AsAMi, AssAMEB. — A Cultivator; a client; a constituent. Atta, Otta. — Coarse flour, Adehng.' — Dep&t ; factory. Avatab. — Incarnation of the Deity. Atah. — Female servant ; lady's-maid. Ateen. — Laws ; regulations ; institutes. AzAN. — The Mahommedan call to prayers. B. Baboo. — ^A title of rank, but now used indis- criminately like " Esquire " in England. Badmuash, Budmaash. — A disreputable per- son ; one who has no ostensible means of gaining his livelihood. Bash. — A garden. Bahabooe. — A hero ; a warrior ; a title of rank amongst the Mahommeda'tts ;~va new order established in the native army by the English. Bahoea, Buhoea, Bohea. — A money-lender. Baie, Bhte.— a lady ; title given to Mah- ratta princesses. Baieagee, Bteaghee. — A Hindoo religious mendicant. Baishnuvbe. — A follower of the god Vishnoo. Bait. — A residence, abode. Bait-oolah — the house of God, Mecca. Bakhsh. — A gift ; one who gives. Bukhsliish, Buxis, Bakhsheesh — present, reward. Baehsebe. — Paymaster ; treasurer to the army ; commander-in-chief. Bandy, Bundeb. — A cart or carriage. Bang, Bhdng. — The leaves of the hemp (Cannabis sativa), bruised and pounded in a mortar, and infused in water ; an intoxi- cating drink. The leaves are smoked, and also chewed. Banjaea, Beinjaeu. — Carriers of grain laden on bullocks, and especially epoployed in supplying troops ; a tribe. Bank A. — A dandy ; a fop ; an idle dissolute fellow. The Delhi banlca is famous as the dis.sipated dandy of India. Banyan, Buniya. — A merchant ; the caste of Hindoo traders. In Calcutta, the cashier and chief manager of a mercantile esta- blishment. Baeah. — ^Twelve. Barah Wufat — a religious festival of the Mahommedans ; the 12th of the month in which Mahommed died. Baeat, Bobat. — A Mahommedan festival. GLOSSARY. Sliub-i-Ba/rat, observed with fasting and illuminations — the night of record, on which men's deeds for the coming year are said to be registered in heaven, Barkandaz, BnRKUNDASS. — -A matchlock man ; Burk, lightning — wndaz, who throws ; an armed gii^rd. Bastee, Bostbb. — A village. Batia, Battu. — Difference in rate of ex- change. Bhatta — extra pay, additional allowance ; an established addition to the allowances of the armies in India. Bazab. — ^A market ; a. daily market ; the street of shops. Beegha, Bioah. — A measure of land, one- third of an English acre. Be&ag, Besaeee. — Forced labourers pressed to carry without pay. Besuu. — A princess ; a lady of rank. Belattee (see Vilatutee). — ^A foreigner. Beparrbe. — A trader ; a shopkeeper. Betel-ndt. — The Areca Catechu chewed by the natives of India ; cut in pieces, it forms an ingredient of the heerhi presented to visitors and guests. See Pan, Bhabb. — Brother. Bhaee-bumd — brotherhood ; a community or association. Bhangy, Bangt — A load divided and hung to both ends of a bamboo pole, carried over the shoulder. Bhangy-bwdar or Niangy-carriei' — the man who accompanies a traveller with the luggage slung over his shoulder. Bheel, — A wild tribe inhabiting the Malwa and Mewar forests. There is a Bheel local corps in the Indian army, Bhistib, Beestie, Bihishtbb, — From hihishi, paradise ; a water-carrier ; a Mahommedan who supplies water from a leather bag, mvssuk. The blessing of water is so great in a hot climate that the carrier is as one from heaven, Bhow, Bhau. — A brother ; a cousin ; a title of respect affixed to a name, as Haree-hhau. Bhtlee, Bylbe, — A cai-riage for riding in, drawn by bullocks ; some are on four wheels, highly ornamented, and hung round with bells, Bini, Beebbe, — ^A lady ; title of rank ; mis- tress, BiDREE. — A mixed metal of copper and tin, capable of high ornament, and of which hooka bottoms and mouthpieces are usually made, BiRT. — A charitable allowance ; fees to family priests, BiBATEB, — A pedlar ; a hawker ; called by the English a ioxwala. BoHBA. — A village banker ; a tribe of bankers and traders held in great respect in Goo- zerat. Bbahmin. — A man of the first caste of Hin- doos, whose duty it is to study and expound the sacred books. The Brahmins now are divided and subdivided into numerous tribes and families holding no social rela- tions, and they all engage in many of the lay occupations of the day; they are soldiers, watchmen, bailiffs, bankers' por- ters, cooks, domestic chaplains, &c, AH classes employ them as domestic servants ; as the religion of the Hindoos is one of ritual, ceremonial, and meats, they find it safest to employ a Brahmin cook, to insure the purity of their food, Brij, — The terrestial paradise of the Hin- doos ; the country around Muttra, between Agra and Delhi, sacred to Krishna, who was born there and performed his miracles, Brijbaseb, — An inhabitant of the Brij ; an armed Hindoo ; watchmen, guards, door- keepers — many from the Brij seeking to be so employed, Brijbhaka, — The dialect of the Brij Hindee, in which most of the popular poems of the Hindoos are written, Btin. — A wood, a forest ; as Sunderhun or Soonderbwn, the forest of Soondree trees ; Brmdabun, the forest of Vrinda, BuNEOBDST. — Arrangement ; bargain. Bungalow. — A thatched house, after the fashion of Bengal. Bywdstu. — A written opinion on Hindoo law by a Pundit, or a Brahmin learned in the law. C. Caymaoan, see KAranKAM. Chabook. — A whip. Chabooksowar, — A rough rider. Chand.— The moon. Chandneb. — Moonbeams. Chandnee Chauk, — The bright street (a iamous street in Delhi), Chappa, — An impression ; a stamp. Chappa Kaghuz. — Printed paper; a news- paper. Chappa Khana. — A printing-office. Chabyab, — Char, four — yar, friend. The four caliphs (successors to Hahommed), Aboo- bukr, Omar, Osman, and Ali, Chabtaree. — A Mahommedan of the Soonee sect — who maintain the rightful succession of the four Caliphs, Chatta. — An umbrella— theemblemofroyalty, Chik, — A screen made of split bamboqs and painted. Chit, Chithbb. — A note ; a letter. Chob. — A stick ; a staff of office ; a silver or gold stick. Chobdab. — An attendant carrying a mace or stick of office. Choubey, Chobbe. — ^A Brahmin learned in the four Vedas. See Sepoy. CHonDBEB, Chowdby. — The head-man of a trade ; syndic ; a title of respect addressed to carters, carriers, camelmen, &c. Choue, Choke. — ^A square ; an open place in a street. Chouebb. — A station ; a police-guard station ; a chair ; a seat. Choceeedab. — A policeman ; guard ; watch- man. GLOSSARY. Choultry (properly, Chaoteb). — A public lodging-place ; a station ; an inn. Chouth. — A fourth; a blackmail demanded from the princes of India by tlie Mahrattas — a fourth of their revenue. Chdbbna. — Pai-ched gram, or chick-pea, used by the Hindoos marching or travelling, when they cannot have their food cooked by the rules of their caste. Chdbootka. — A raised terrace in the front of a police-station, or round a tree ; a plat- form where business is carried on, or a public meeting held. Chukla. — A large division of the country, now almost confined to Oude. Chukladar. — The superintendent or governor of a chukla. Chulah. — An invoice ; voucher ; passport ; list of letters, or prisoners forwarded. Chumar. — A worker in leather, or currier ; saddler ; a low caste of Hindoos, divided into many tribes, who work as cultivators ; manufacturers of indigo, &c. Chunam, Choona. — Lime. Chondal. — Low caste ; an outcast ; term of abuse. Chupatee. — A cake of unleavened bread, made of coarse flour — Alta, the common food of all Hindoos, and the lower classes of Ma- homuiedans in India ; cakes of all kinds. Chupprass. — A badge ; a, metal plate en- graved, and worn on a belt as a badge of oCBce. Chupprassbb. — The wearer of a chupprass ; employed as messengers, couriers, police men, watchmen, &c. Churkh. — A pulley ; a wheel. Churukpooja. — The ceremony of swinging on a wheel ; the swinging festival of Hin- doos suspended by hooks passed under the skin above each bladebone, now almost confined to Bengal. Churbundar. — A supercargo — a servant placed on board a boat, in charge of the goods, by an insurance office. Churrus. — The intoxicating exudation of the hemp-plant. ClJtCAR, SiREAB. — A superintendent ; chief ; the government ; chief clerk. In Calcutta all native clerics are called sircars; a large division of the country under the Mahommedans. Cole. — A barbarous tribe, inhabiting the Eaj- mahal Hills and Jungle Muhals beyond Burdwan, akin to the Bheels and Gonds. CooLT, see KoOLl. Corah. — New, unbleached silk ; piece goods unbleached. Coss, Kos. — A measure of distance, about two English miles. CuTCHA, see Kdtcha. Cutwal, see Kotwal. D. Da,EE, Dhte. — A wet nurse ; a female ser- vant ; a female commissioner employed by the courts to swear native women. Daeh, Dawk. — Post ; relays of men or cattle along the road for carrying letters, goods, or travellers. Dakh-ohue. — Post-office. Dakh-chokeb. — Post-station for relays. Dakait, Daooit. — Gang-robber ; a burglar. Dalbe, Dolly. — A rude basket of Sowers and fruits ; a tray of presents, consisting of fruit, sweetmeats, spices, preserves. Dana. — Grain ; corn. Dana-khobbe. — The commissariat ; grain- consumers. Daeogha. — A superintendent ; a chief officer in police and other departments of govern- ment, particularly the customs and com- missariat. Deccan, DuK^auN. — The south ; the south of India. Dbrvise, Duewbsh. — A religious mendicant (Mabommedan). Des, Dbsa. — The country ; a place ; empha- tically applied to particular districts. la the Himalaya it means the plains. Desee. — Belonging to a country ; in Bengal, applied to indigo-seed grown there. Pwr- desee — a foreigner. Deva, Dev, Dbo. — A god ; a divinity ; a man of high rank ; a king. Devald, Diwalu. — A temple. Devee, Devi.— a goddess ; a name of Door- ga, the wife of Siva. Dewan, Diwan, Divan. — Royal court or council ; a minister of state. Dewanee. — Relating to a dewan ; civil ad- ministration. See Adawldt. The right to receive the revenue of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, conferred on the East-India Company by the Great Mogul. Dewani- am — a public hall of audience ; Dewan-i- khas — private chamber of council. D,H0BEE, Dhoby. — A washerman. Dhubmsala. — A building for a pious purpose, a hospital, a monastery, a temple. D,HnBNA. — Sitting at the door of a house to compel payment of a debt ; bankers and money-lenders employed Brahmins for this purpose. The Brahmin sat fasting and resolved to die if the debt were not paid, and the debtor would incur the guilt of killing a Brahmin. As long as the Brah- min sat, the dwellers of the house could not cook or eat, fire could not be taken into the house, and for the time being they were excommunicated. The practice is forbidden by the laws of the East-India Company. DOAB. — From do, two, and ab water ; a tract of land lying between two rivers. The country between the Ganges and the Jumna rivers is emphatically the Doab. In the Punjab, or five rivers, there are the following tracts called Doab : — Between the Sutlej and the Beab, the Julunder Doab ; between the Beah and Ravee, the Baree Doab ; between the Ravee and Chenab, the Rechna Doab ; between the Jbelum and Chenab, the Jetch Doab ; GLOSSAKY. between the Indus and the Jhelum, the Doab of Soinde Sagur. Do,HAEE, DoHTE.— An exclamation of distress when claiming protection from the autho- rities ; shouting for mercy. DooBB.— A Brahmin read in two Vedas. See Sepot. DOOLT. — ^A litter, a swing, a rude palanquin. DoOBaA. — ^The name of a goddess, wife of Siva. DOORGAPOOJA. — The worship of Doorga, cele- brated for ten days in Bengal in the month of October ; the Doorgapooja holidays are strictly kept in Calcutta. Do,trK. — A sudden expedition; sessions; cir- cuit. DuFPADAE. — ^An ofiScer of rank in the army or police. DcETnE. — An office, record-office. DuPTUEBE. — Record-keeper ; bookbinder and paper-ruler ; office servant. DtJKBAB. — A court ; a royal court ; a levee, DuEGAH. — A Mahommedan saint's tomb or shrine ; a royal court. DuEZBB. — A tailor. DussEEA. — A festival in honour of Doorga ; a.dditianal holidays in Calcutta to the Doorgapooja ; a military festival in the north-west of India ; the fortunate time for opening a campaign. DusiOOEEE. — Fee ; perquisite ; commission — especially demanded by servants from tradesmen on purchases made by their masters, Ddstuk. — ^A passport, now applied to a pro- cess served on revenue defeulters. E. Eed. — A holy observance amongst the Mahom- medans ; the two enjoined by the Koran are, 1st, The Eed-ool-fitr, the termination of the fast of the month Eamzan, observed with prayers, rejoicings, and distribution of food to the poor ; 2nd, The Eed-oo- zoha, observed in commemoration of Abra- ham's sacrifice of his son (Ishmael, not Isaac, according to the Mahommedan s); it is observed with prayers and offerings ; sheep, oxen, or camels are sacrificed ; the kings of Dehli sacrificed a camel with their own hands on this festival. Eedgah. — ^A platform screened by a brick wall, where the festivals of the Eeds are celebrated ; it is usually outside the towns. Emam, Imam. — A chief in religious matters, whether the head of all the Mahommedaus as the caliph, or the priest of a mosque, or the leader in the prayers of the con- gregation ; the Sheeahs recognize twelve Imams, descendants of Ali and his suc- cessors, of whom the last, Imam Mehdee, is believed to be still alive. Emambaea. — A building in which the festival of the Mohurrum is celebrated, and some- times used as the mausoleum for the family of the founder, see MohueeuM. F. Faquib, Fukeee. — A Mahommedan religious mendicant. F ABASH. — A servant, whose business it is to spread carpets and mats, and sweep them — a Mahommedan domestic, Faeazi.— The name of a sect of Mahommedans lately established in Lower Bengal, and now very turbulent. Faendwees, Fabnaveze. — Phur, an office, and iiiMoeea, writer — a public officer, the keeper of the registers ; title given to the minister of state of the Mahrattas. The title is familiarly known as that of Nana Farnuwees, who was for many years the prime mover of the policy of the court of Poona. Fatiha. — ^The first chapter of the Koran ; an opening ; a commencement. Feeiitgee, Veeinghbe. — A Frank ; a Euro- pean ; perhaps Vara/ngi — Vara/ngicm of the Greeks, FocTJ. — An army ; police jurisdiction. FouJDABEE. — The office of magistrate, or criminal judge. See Adawlot. FuEMAN, FlEMAN. — A mandate ; a royal com- mand ; a patent ; a passport. FusL. — A section ; a chapter ; a season ; a crop or harvest. There are two harvests ; the Ichvireef, or autumnal rain crops, as indigo, cotton, rice, pulse of many kinds ; the rubbee, or spring crops, wheat, barley, and gram, or chick-pea, FusLEE. — A harvest year, or era, originated by Akber. FUTWA. — ^A judicial sentence ; the written opinion on Mahommedan law given by the Mahommedan law-officer of a court. G. Ganja. — The hemp-plant (Ccmndbis sativa), see Bang ; also an intoxicating liquor made by infusing the flowers and leaves in water, Gabee. — A cart, a wheeled carriage of any description. Gaebewan.' — A carter, a coachman. The native servants do not approve of the word, and think it more respectable to be called coach/wan. Gaud, Gad. — Sediment ; precipitate ; indigo when precipitated, before it is pressed or dried. Gaut, G,haut, G,hat. — A landing-place ; steps on the banks of a, river ; a pass through mountains ; a place where washer- men wash at a tank or river. Gentoo (from the Portuguese Qentio). — Gen- tile ; a Hindoo. Ghazbb. — A champion ; one who fights against infidels for the propagation of the faith,. GLOSSARY. G,HAIB, G,HTB. — Hidden, missing. Pmrgliyl — " the hidden saint " — the name of a mosque near Hindoo Rao's house, at Delhi, used as a battery. The legend is of a Mahomme- dan saint who was translated to heaven at this place. Ghee. — Clarified butter. The butter is boiled in water and skimmed off. In this state it can be kept in a hot climate for a long time, and, when done carefully, remains very good. The Hindoos use it universally, and soak their chupatees or cakes in it, more or less, as they can afford it. Gholam, Golam. — A youth, a servant, a slave ; used as " humble servant " in English letters. Ghooeka. — The people of Nepal, in the Himalaya mountains. They are descended from the Oodipoor rajpoots, and particu- larly honour the god Guruknath, hence the name Goorkha. They occupied the Kemaon hills some generations before their conquest of Nepal in 1768. G,HOBA, G,HODA. — A horse. Qhora-wala — a groom. See GoBA. G,HDB. — A house ; a hut ; residence. See GUEH. GoDOWN, GoDAM (from the Malay gudwng). — An outhouse ; a warehouse ; the commis- sariat depdts. Go,lNDA. — ^A spy ; an informer. GoLA. — A granary ; salt dep6t. GoLUNDAZ. — An artilleryman — from gola, a ball ; undaz, who throws. GoMASHTA. — An agent ; a confidential factor. GoND, GOAND. — A barbarous tribe inhabiting the country west of Cuttaok to the Vindhya hills, called Gondwcmee. GooJtJE. — The name of a numerous class in the North-West Provinces, engaged in agri- culture, but notorious cattle-lifters, thieves, and plunderers. A black mail is paid at many of the stations in the North-West Provinces, to the chiefs of Goojur villages, to secure the house property, the police being quite inefficient, GooEOO. — Spiritual teacher; domestic chap- lain of the Hindoos. GoEA. — White man. Oororlogve or log — Euro- peans ; generally applied to soldiers. GoKAlT. — A village watchman ; a messenger ; and who acts as guide to travellers. GOSAIN, GosHTN. — A religious mendicant, specially applied to influential families, descendants of gosains of great repute. There are various convents of these men- dicants in Western India, of great sanctity. GOWALA. — A cowherd ; a tribe from which the Indian army receives recruits. Gedntha.— The book of the Sikhs, a large collection of moral poems by their teacher Nanuk, the founder of the sect, in 1419. GuBUE, GuBBEB. — A fire-worshipper ; an infidel ; commonly applied to Parsees. GoDDEB, Gbdi. — A cushion, or carpet on which a person sits ; the seat of rank or royalty. Gdioowae. — The sovereign of Baroda ; the chief of one of the states of the Mahratta confederacy. GuL. — A noose ; a snare. Qui dena — to hang a criminal. QvX Skuheed — "the hanged saint," oneRoshun Khan, atwhose tomb the Mahommedans worship and burn lamps at Dehli ; he was hanged, in 1835, for the murder of Mr. Eraser, commissioner of Dehli, at the instigation of Nuwab Shums- oo-Deen, and canonized for having killed the infidel — one of those acts and signs neglected by the English government. Gnu J. — A mart ; an emporium ; a collection of articles, as a cruet-stand ; a canteen. Com- pounded with a founder or the name of the original village, as Sevdgunj, Oopeegwry. « GuEH. — A fort. Compounded thus, Futik- gwrh — " Eort Victory;" Aligwrh—" iOSi Eort." GuEHEE. — ^A small fort. Gtikeah. — ^A water-pot ; an earthen vessel or pitcher. H. Hackekt. — A native cart drawn by bullocks. Haj, Hujj. — ^The pilgrimage to Mecca. Hajee, Hagi. — One who has made the pil- grimage to Mecca ; a title of respect. Hakim. — ^A ruler ; a governor ; a superior ; a judge ; addressed to a superior as a title of respect. See Htjkeem. HiATH, Hatit. — A market ; a fair. Hat,ha, Hatta. — An inclosure ; the ground inclosed round a bungalow ; a court-yard ; the presidencies of India — as Madras Hatta. Hathi, Hathee. — An elephant. Hathee Tehama — elephant house, or stable. Hawilat, Havilat. — A thing given in trust ; prisoners remanded; witnesses detained in hawUat — in charge of an o£&cer of the court. Havildae, Hawildae. — One holding a trust ; a native non-commissioned officer in the Indian army. Hijea, Hijeeb. — Departure from one's friends and country. The flight of Mahommed from Mecca to Medina was constituted the commencement of the Mahommedan era : it took place on the night of Thursday, the 15th of July, A.D. 622 ; hence the MaJiom- medan era of Hijra commences from 16th July, 622. HoLl, HoLEE, HoOLT. — ^A popular festival of the Hindoos ; saturnalia held about the end of February in the North-West Pro- vinces, during which rude frolics, flinging dust and coloured powder, squirting coloured water on passers-by, and the like, are indulged in ; the Kayaths and inferior castes get drunk, and the Brah- mins, Rajpoots, and all, sing and shoat lascivious songs and filthy abuse ; the rites close with bonfires on the last night. In Bengal, a swinging festival is held at the same time. GLOSSARY. HooNDEE, HcNDi. — A bill of exchange. Hue, Huq. — Truth ; the true God ; a true, just or legal right ; privilege or fee estab- lished by usage. HuTc-ool-TalooTcdaree — the right of the Talookdar. Hdkeem, Hakm. — A sage ; a physician. The descendants of a famous sage retain it as a title in the family. See Hakim. Hdlal. — Lawful ; allowed ; an animal killed in a lawful manner for food by a Mahom- medan ; opposed to Hwram. Hhlwai, Hulwaee. — A confectioner. Hdkam. — Unlawful ; forbidden ; applied to all things or acts which the law and the prophets forbid ; unclean ; wicked ; vicious ; disloyal. See Nimukkam. Hdbkabu. — A messenger ; courier. HueCm, Habam, HnBEEM. — Sacred ; forbid- den ; closed to promiscuous access (hence applied to the women's apartments in the East) ; also the name of the enclosure round the temple of MeSca ; a sanctuary. See Ka^ba. H;jBT3MZADA. — Base-born ; son oftheHurum; a word of abuse ; bastard. HuZAB. — A thousand. HuzABi, HozABEE. — A commander of a thou- sand. Districts are often distinguished according to their revenues, as the Beest Suzari—the 20,000. Hdzoob. — The presence ; the royal presence ; the presence of a superior authority, as a judge ; a man of rank ; especially applied to the king of Dehli, as The Humor. I. Id. — See Eed. IjABD, IzABU. — Price ; profit ; an estate held on a farming lease j a farm of the revenue. IjLAS. — A sitting, especially of a court of justice ; sessions. Ijlas-i-OovmcU — a meet- ing of the supreme council. Iebal, IqbaIi. — Prosperity ; good fortune ; acceptance. Ilaea, Elaqa. — Property ; estate ; jurisdic- tion. Imam. — See Emam. Inglis.- — English ; invalid soldiers ; pension to invalids. Islam. — The faith, the Catholic faith of the Mahommedans. See Musulman. Jageeb, Jaghiee. — A grant of land, rent free, conferred for services to the state, either for life or for ever ; an estate in fee-simple and untaxed. Jampan. — A kind of chair carried on men's shoulders, used in the Himalaya hills. Jat, Jaut. — The name of a large tribe of Hindoos, principally inhabiting the country on the banks of the Jumna from Agra to Dehli. Their chief is the rajah of Bhurt- poor. Many of these have become Sikha. Jay, Jat. — Victory ; an exclamation like "hurrah," "huzza." lAh SaUh Tcee jayl was once a favourite shout of victory when Lord Lake led the armies in India. Jemadae. — An officer in the native army ; a chief of police ; a superintendent. Jheel. — A shallow lake ; a morass. JoGEE, JOGI. — One who practises religious abstraction ; in general, a religious Hindoo mendicant. There are many convents of Jogees, many of whom are great rogues and thieves. Jdhanpdnah. — Asylum of the world, a title addressed to sovereigns ; it was especially taken by the kings of Oude created by the Enghsh. JuMMA, Jama. — ^Amount ; aggregate ; total. Jumma Musjid. — The principal mosque of a city ; the cathedral of the Mahommedans, Gibbon erroneously translates it "royal mosque." Jungle, Jungtjl. — A forest ; a. thicket ; the country as opposed to the town ; wild ; waste. JuNTB. — A dial; a mystical diagram; a machine of any kind, JuNTE MuNTE. — Conjuring ; performing mys- tical ceremonies ; the native observatories and gnomons at Benares and Dehli are so named. KAjABA, Kaba, Caaba. — ^A cube or square ; any square building — whence, especially, the temple at Mecca to which the Mahom- medans make their pilgrimage. Kafie. — An infidel ; one who does not ac- knowledge Mahommed as the prophet ; a term of abuse. Kaidbe, Ktdee. — A prisoner ; a convict. Kaimdkam, Catmaoan. — A representative ; a deputy ; a viceroy. Kait, Katdth. — The writer or accountant caste — the most respectable of the mixed castes. Kalijdg, Kuljoo. — The last and worst of the four ages, the iron age, the present age, of which about 5,000 years have passed ; it is to last 432,000 years. Kaeinda. — An agent ; a manager ; a super- intendent. Kash), Cossid. — A courier; a messenger; an express messenger. Kazee, Cazy, Cadi. — A Mahommedan judge. Under the English, their judicial functions have ceased, and they only act at mar- riages, funerals, and domestic ceremonies of the Mahommedans. It is applied as a title to families, descendants of JCazees. Kebani. — A manager; one who conducts afiairs ; the European clerks in Calcutta. Khadim. — A servant ; an attendant on a shrine, or saint's tomb. Khalifa, Caliph, Khuleefu (from Khalf, a successor). — The successors of Mahommed ; the defenders of the faith. In India the tailors are so nicknamed. Khalsa. — The exchequer lands, the property GLOSSARY. of gOTernment not farmed or given as jageere ; the collective denomiDation of the Sikhs. Khan. — A Mahomraedan title ; also a com- mon adjunct to the names of Affghans and Pathans. See MnaULMAN. Khidm dt. — Service. Khidmutgak. — ^A domestic servant ; the Eng- lish apply it only to tahle servants. Khillut, Killai. — A dress of honour ; the present of a superior to an inferior, and may consist of arms, horses, elephants, &o. Kings, when giving Jckilluts, cause the re- cipients to be robed la their presence in the dress of honour. Khubue. — News ; information ; care. Kkubwr M haghm — a newspaper. Khvibwrdar — take care ! Khukeep. — See FusL. Khueeeta. — A bag ; a purse ; the envelope of a letter, especially the silk and embroidered bag in which natives of rank send their letters to men of rank — hence the letter from a prince to the governor-general is so named. Khutput. — Wrangling ; dissension. AtBaroda and in the Bombay presidency, it means bribery and corruption ; corrupt influence. Khuz ANA. — Treasury. Khuzanoheb. — Treasurer. KiLLA, QuLU. — A fort. Killasab. — Governor of a fort. KiNCOB, KiMKHWAB. — Brocade ; gold and silver thread patterns woven in silk. KiST. — Instalment ; periodical payment of revenue — hence, popularly, it is revenue. KiSTBUNDEE. — Settlement of instalments, as to time and amount. Ko^K, KuAB, KooMAE. — ^A youth ; a prince ; title of the heir apparent of a rajah ; a Hindoo title, but retained in families of Hindoo converts to Mahommedanism. KooLl, CooLT. — Daily hire or wages ; all porters and day-labourers are so called ; a tribe of barbarians in Goozerat. KOEAN, Kuban. — The sacred book of the Ma- hommedans — the revelation made to Ma- hommed orally, collected by his successor Omar, and committed to writing. KoEl, CoBTE. — ^A score, twenty ; corruptly in Calcutta Gorge, which appears to be a misreading of Carye. Kos. — See Coss. KoTE. — ^A fort ; a fortified residence ; the regimental treasury. KoT-HAVilDAB. — The native officer in charge of the regimental treasury, or the cash of his company. KoTHEB. — A spacious house ; a factory ; a mercantile house or firm ; a warehouse. KoTWAL, CuTWAL. — The chief police-oflloer of a city. KuBEEE. — The great, huge, immense ; Sultan Kubeer, "the Great Sultan" — the title the Egyptians gave Napoleon Bonaparte, translated by Sir Walter Scott " the Sultan of Fire"! KnoHA, CuiOHA. — Haw, unripe, anything in a crude, raw state, as unburnt bricks — applied to silly, weak persons, to short weights and measures, to anything badly done, in contrast to Pukka. KuLAM. — A word ; a speech. KutAM-ooLA. — The word of God ; the Koran. KuilMAH. — The Mahommedan creed : "There is no God but the one God, and Mahom- med is the messenger of God." Kdmuebund, Cummubbund. — A girdle of many yards of cambric ; it is disrespectful to appear without this in the presence of a superior. KnTTAE-MOOE,HEE. — Dagger-faced ; a regiment of Sikhs, so named by Bunjeet Singh, and still retained in the English service, L. Lakh, Lao, Laksha. — One hundred thousand ; an insect which constructs its nest in numerous small cells, so called from the number found in a nest. The dye called lac is furnished from this insect, and the resinous substance of the nest supplies the shell-lac. Laehibaj. — Bent free ; lands exempted for some particular reason from paying any revenue. Lal. — Bed. Lai coortee — ^red coat ; a soldier in the Company's service. Lal shurai, commonly written Loll shrdb — red wine — exclusively applied to claret. Lalla. — A writer ; a clerk. It is applied as a term of respect to members of the writer caste, or to any respectable person not of high rank, as Lalla Jooteepershad. Lascab, Lushkhb.^ — A native sailor ; tent- pitchers and camp-followers with artillery. The proper word is lushhwee — of or be- longing to a Inshkur or army. Lai, Lath. — A staff; a column ; a pillar ; especially the monoliths found in the north-west provinces of India, bearing ancient inscriptions ; one at Dehli is known as Firoz Shah's Lat. Lattee. — A staff, a bludgeon. Laiteeal, Lateewala. — A club-man, a man armed with a bludgeon ; men retained by zemindars and indigo planters in Bengal to protect their own rights in the absence of protection from the government of India. Lieaea, Lufaeu. — An envelope. Lilam.— See Neelam. Loo (properly, Loka). — Man ; mankind. In ordinary use ; as Sahib-log — European gen- try; pronounced and sometimes spelt Loot. — Plunder ; pillage ; robbery. LoOTEE. — Plunderer. LyLUT-ooL-QuDB.— The night of power, the 27th of Eamzan, when the Koran descended from heaven, and which is observed with much reverence by the Mahommedans in India. GLOSSARY. Ltlut-ool-Mibaj. — The night of Mahom- med's ascent to heaven. M. Ma,ash, Muash. — Means of living; a pen- sion. See Badmash. Maseb, Muatbe. — Forgiven ; remitted ; a grant of land free of rent or taxation to a temple, or provision for the repairs of a tomb ; lands given to a priest, or for service in general. Maha Deo. — ^The great God ; usually applied to Siva. Maha-Eaja, Mahakaj. — The great raja, a title of reigning Hindoo princes. Mahajun. — A great man ; but now, univer- sally, a merchant, banker, trader, or money- lender. Mahodt, MahAjWUT. — An elephant-driver. Malgoozak. — One who pays revenue. Malik, Malio. — ^A master ; owner ; used as a title of respect. See Mulik. Malikana. — Eight of the malik or pro- prietor ; an allowance made to a land- holder by government when the manage- ment of his lands is taken from him for various reasons. Manjbb, Manjhee. — The steersman of a boat ; the master of a boat. Masha.— A weight used by jewellers ; one twelfth of a tola. The small or jewellers' weights are thus — 4 d,han or grains of rice = 1 ruttee. 8 ruttee = 1 masha. 12 masha = 1 tola. 5 tola = 1 chittak. The unit of the English system in India is the tola, equal to 180 grains English troy weight ; the standard of the bazar seer is 80 tolas ; the Company's rupee weighs one tola. Mau&babt, Moogheibbb. — ^Western ; an in- habitant of the west side ; usually applied to the west of Africa. Maund, properly Mdn. — A measure of weight in India, varying much in value. The Company's maund is equal to 80 lbs. ; the Calcutta bazar maund = 82 lbs. ; factory maund = 74 lbs. 10 oz. 10| drs., or one factory maund and a half is equal to one English owt. The table of weights is : — 16 chittaks = 1 seer. 40 seers = 1 maund. Mbbe. — ^A chief ; a leader. See Mussul- man. Mehtub, Mihtub. — A prince ; the lowest caste of sweepers and scavengers is thus named in derision. Mela. — Afair ; an occasional market ; usually a Hindoo religious festival, held at a fa- vourite place of pilgrimage, where traffic and amusements are carried on. Thus at Hurdwan the mela is famous for horses, and is the great pilgrimage of the Hindoos to the Ganges. A jubilee is held every twelfth year, and the numbers gathered together on these occasions are said to reach a million. Mebiah. — ^A human victim, usually a child ; young persons kidnapped by the Gonds of the hills west of Cuttack, kept amongst them in ignorance of their fate, and after a season sacrificed to their deity, the Mother of the Earth, to insure fruitful seasons. MlBZA. — A title given to the Syuds, the descendants of the prophet ; in Persia, prefixed to a name, a secretary ; when fol- lowing it, a prince ; but in India it is pre- fixed as a title of rank. MiTHAEE, Metot. — Sweetmeats. Lord Ellen- borough, when governor-general of India, distributed 30,000 seers, = 60,000 lbs. of "their favourite metoys" to the sepoys composing the army of observation and retribution assembled at Eerozpoor, at the close of the last Cabul campaign. MOOHEE. — A saddler. MoOHULKA. — A deed ; usually a recognizance required by a magistrate ; an engagement under penalty. MocuDDUM, MoKUDUM. — The head man of a village or tribe. MoEussuL. — Separate ; distinct. In Hindo- stan, a. subordinate district j the country ; the provinces. Suddu/r, the principal sta- tion ; mofusml, the dependencies thereon. Mogul, Moghul. — The title of one of the great Tartar tribes, the Mongol ; or a member of one. A title especially applied to the kings of Delhi of the house of Timour, although they were more properly of Turkish descent. MoHUB. — A seal ; a seal-ring ; a gold coin with the seal of the sovereign. The mohur of Akbar bore the following inscription — "The gloiy of the faith, Mahommed Akbar, the victorious emperor;" on the reverse, the kulimah or creed. The mo- hur of Aurungzebe — "Shah Aurungzebe Alumgeer issued coin brilliant as the sun ;" on the reverse — "Minted at the seat of the caliphate, Akberabad, the year of the reign of fortunate associations." The mo- hur of Shah Alum, the last of the Moguls who struck coins, and continued by the East-India Company — "Defender of the Mahommedan faith, reflection of divine excellence, the Emperor Shah Alum, has struck this coin to be current throughout the seven climates." The value of the mohur in account is 16 rupees, or nearly £1. 12s. sterling. The East-India Com- pany have ceased to coin gold. MOHUBEIM. — Sacred ; unlawful ; the first month of the Maliommedan year, in which it was held unlawful to make war. Amongst the Sheeahs this month is held in peculiar veneration, as being the month in which Husun and Hoosyn, sons of Ali, were killed by Yezced. In India, after ten days' public mourning, the members GLOSSARY. of this sect proceed in procession, carrying a bier representing the funeral of the mur- dered saints ; all the men are armed, and frequent affrays occur between them and the Soonies, the opposing sect. When Hindoo festivals occur on the same day, and the processions meet, serious battles take place. The English government put down all these affrays by sending a guard of soldiers into the cities on the anniversary of the Mohurrim. See Emambabu. MoLLT, Malee. — A gardener. MooNSHBB, MuNSHl. — A "Writer ; a secretary ; applied by the English to teachers and in- terpreters of languages. MoONSiF.— A judge ; title of the lowest rank of civil judge in India. MoBEB, MoBi. — A water-course, a drain. MouLVlB, MooLVi. — A learned man and ex- <• pounder of Mahommedan law. MUDKASA, MUDEUSSA.' — A college. MuHDii, Mahal. — A place ; a house ; an apartment ; the women's apartments ; a division ; a province or district, as the Jwngle Mahals — districts in the west of Bengal ; muhulla — a division of a town, a quarter. See Taj. MtiHK, Mblek. — A king ; a sovereign. See Malik. MuLLA. — A sailor ; a boatman ; a ferryman. MuNDBB. — A market ; a shop or storehouse. Subzee m/imdee — the green market, where fruit and vegetables are sold. MUNSOOB, MuNSAB. — Of&oe ; dignity. MUNSOOBDAE. — A military title and rank conferred by the Moghul sovereigns, with assignment of a jaghire. MtrsAL, MnsHAL. — ^A torch ; a lamp. MuBALOHBE. — A torch-bearer ; attendant of a palkee traveller during the night ; a domes- tic servant of the English, who cleans the plates and dishes, or carries a, lamp at night — always a Mahommedan. MtJSALU. — Spices, condiments; any mixture as seasoning ; drugs ; bribes — oil to make the wheel go. MUSJID. — A mosque ; see Jamma. MusNUD. — A throne ; a chair ; the throne of a Mahommedan prince. Mdsoola. — A kind of boat for crossing the surf at Madras ; it is usually from thirty to forty feet long by six and eight feet deep, flat-bottomed, and having the planks sewn together with withes of straw between each plank as oakum ; it has ten oars and can carry twenty passengers. MusstJK. — A leather bag for carrying water ; the bag carried by the bhutie. Mussulman, Mooslim. — A believer in the faith ; a Mahommedan. See Islam. This people never call themselves Mahomme- dans ; the word is purely European. In India there are four great divisions of Mooslims : — 1st. The Syuds, who pretend to be descended froiH Hoosyn, the son of Ali and grandson of Mahommed, and who take the title of "meer" and "mirza" prefixed. 2nd. Moghuls or Tartars, taking the title of " beg " after their name. 3rd. The Patans, Eohillas, and Affghans, who are entitled "khan." 4th. The Sheikhs, miscellaneous and converted Hindoos. They prefix this as a title, thus — Sheikh Qool Mahommed, Sheikh Peerbukhsh. All these are to be found in the native army of the English ; their favoui-ite branch being the cavalry. Mtdan, Maidan. — A plain ; a field of battle. N. Nabob, see Nuwab. Nao, Naga. — A snake, a serpent deity ; Nag- poor, the city named after the serpent deity. Naib. — A deputy ; a viceroy. Naik.^A leader, or chief in general. In the native army of India, a corporal. Nakhoda, Nacoda. — The commander of a ship. In India, the captain of an Arab ship. Nana. — ^A maternal grandfather. The Mah- rattas address their chiefs as Noma and Ma/moo, a maternal uncle, Chiicha, a pater- nal uncle — epithets of endearment. Nazim. — An administrator ; a, governor ; a viceroy ; the title of the nuwab of Moor- shedabad. Nazie. — ^An inspector. In ordinary use, the officer of a criminal conrt, whose duty it is to execute the orders of the magistrate ; a sheriff. Neblam. — An auction ; a public sale. NmuK-EAM (properly, Nimuk-hueam). — False to one's salt ; faithless ; disloyal ; perfidious ; the greatest crime a man can be guilty of. The king of Delhi so designated the kings of Oude, his hereditary prime ministers, because they threw off their allegiance and assumed the crown. Ni/nrnk-hulal ; loyal, faithful, grateful, see HuEAM. Nizam. — Administration ; also an adminis- trator ; a viceroy. Hence the title of the nuwab of Hyderabad, the viceroy of the Decoan, Nizam-ool-Moolk. . NiZAMUT. — ^The office of nizam ; the adminis- tration of police and criminal law. See Adawlut. NuDDEB, NuDDT. — A river ; a stream. NuGUE. — ^A town ; a city. Compounded with proper names, as Sriwagur; corrupted by Europeans into nagore, as Ohamda/nagwe. NuKAEA. — A kettledrum, the use of which was restricted to persons of high rauk. Nullah. — A water-course, a gulley cut by the rains ; a rivulet ; a ravine. Nuwab (plural of Naib, but used in the singu- lar). — A viceroy, or governor of a province under the Mogul ; a title of rank conferred on the nobles surrounding the throne. NuzUE, NuzzuEANA. — A present ; an offering from an inferior to a superior, or to a holy man ; the present made on being pre- sented to a king or chief; a fine or fee ; a bribe. GLOSSARY. NuzuBANEB, NissARA. — A Christian, a Naza- rene (?). 0. Omlah, TJmlah, plural of Amu. — The col- lective native officers of a court of justice in India ; the officers of any establishment, public or private. Omeah, UMRAH(pluralof Amebb).— The nobles of a Mahommedan court. Otta, Atta. — Coarse wheaten flour ; the prin- cipal food of the sepoys, made into thin unleavened cakes, called chupatees. Otto (properly Utthk). — Essence ; juice ; oil of roses; fragrance. Paddy, Padi. — ^Rice in the husks, whether growing or cut. Padshah. — ^A king. Pagoda. — The European designation of a Hindoo temple ; the old gold coin of Ma- dras, having a temple for its device, but called by the natives, hoon or varaha. The star pagoda is commonly valued at eight shillings. Palanquin,, properly Palkee.^ — A litter; a vehicle carried on men's shoulders, in which the traveller can recline at full length. Pan, Paun. — The aromatic leaf of the Piper betel. In use, a leaf is rolled up with a few small bits of the areka-nut, grains of Paradise (cardemum), a little catechu, and unslaked lime, to bring out the ooloxir of the catechu ; sometimes a little dry tobacco i; included to make the whole more pungeni this is called a beera or beerhee, and is chewed, acting as a carminative and ant acid tonic ; it is presented to guests and visitors, and is then called pan-sooparee. It is universally used, particularly by native ladies. The catechu becomes bright scarlet in the course of mastication. Panch. — Five. Panchatut, Punohait. — A jury of five ; a committee .of five, held in towns and vil- lages to try all questions affecting caste, usages, and occupation. Municipal ques- tions are thus settled amongst the natives in India. Pandbt, Pondit. — ^A learned Brahmin ; one who makes some branch of Sanscrit learn- ing his special study and teaches it. See Sepoy. Paesbe. — A worshipper of fire ; the name of the race settled at Bombay and Western India, who still obsei've the ancient reli- gion of the Magi ; they are enterprising merchants and shipbuilders ; their ances- tors fled before the Mahommedans from Persia in the eighth century. The word correctly means only " Persian." Patan. — An Affghan. See Mussulman. Pathdok. — A reader ; a public reader ; a Brahmin who reads the epic poems and ^oo- ranas in public. See Sepoy. Pbbb. — A holy man. Among Mahommedans, a saint ; a spiritual guide. Peon. — A messenger; a porter; a police- officer. . J. ■ • Pergunnah. — A small district, or subdivision of a country ; a hundred. Pebwanah, Puewanuh. — An order; a written precept; a warrant; a license; a pass- port ; a letter from a superior to an infe- rior, opposed to Ami, Peshoush, Paishccsh.— Tribute. Pettah, Pettai. — The suburbs of a fortified town ; that part of a fortified place lying beyond, below, or around a fortress or citadel. Phans. — A snare ; a noose ; a halter. Phansigab. — ^A Tbug ; a hangman. Phounsdae. — See Foujdae. PiNDAEA. — A body of marauders. PiNDAEEE. — A member of an organized troop of marauders, who, from time to time, entered upon plundering expeditions at a distance from their own villages. They were ex- tinguished as a body by the marquis of Hastings ; they were originally a body of irregular horse attached to the Mahom- medan armies. PoLiGAE, PoLYGAE. — ^A petty chieftain. In the south of India, they were more or less independent, — subject, however, to pay a tribute or service to the paramountpower, when theycould be coerced. They subsisted by plunder. On the subjugation of the country, they were mostly dispossessed ; some were pensioned, and some allowed to hold villages, the latter have now sub- sided into peaceable landholders. PooNAH, PooNYA. — Virtue ; moral merit. In Bengal, the ceremony with which the rent- payers open the year's accounts. PooE, PoEE. — A town ; a, city. It is used in composition, as Cavmpm'e — the city of Kama, the Hindoo Cupid, properly Kam- poor. Kama is the husband of Kuttee the Hindoo Venus. PooEUB. — The east. PooEDBBE, Pooeubeah. — Natives of the eastern provinces, or those on the Ganges around Patna and Behar. PooTR, PooT. — A son. Brahmapootr — the son of Brahma, vulgarly, Burampootr ; Saj- poot, the son of a Maja. PoTEL, PoTAlL. — The head man of a village. He is bead of the police, and acts to a limited extent as magistrate ; the term is current in the countries subject to the Mahrattas. PoTBB, Potheb. — ^A book; the MSS the Brahmins read. Pottah. — A lease. Pdgebb. — A turban ; the head-dress of the Indians. It is an act of great disrespect to appear in the presence of a superior with- out the turban ; in distress, and in claiming assistance or redress, it is thrown to the ground. PuuAE.— A mountain ; a hill. GLOSSARY. Pdhaebe. — A mountaineer ; hilly country. Pdkka, Puoka. — Eipe ; mature ; cooked ; cor- rect ; complete ; solid ; intelligent ; sharp ; knowing. Pucka-ghwr — a house built of burnt bricks and mortar ; the contrast in all respects to Kucha. PCLTnN. — A regiment ; battalion. Pdndit. — A learned Brahmin ; see Pandet. PuKJ. — Five. Punjab. — Five waters ; the country subject to Lahore, watered by five rivers. Punt. — Abbreviation of Pundit. It denotes a Brahmin who is not a Sanscrit scholar, but employs himself in accounts and writing. PuRA, Paea. — Other ; different ; foreign. PuRDA. — A veil ; a screen ; a curtain. PURDA-NUSHBBN.. — Seated behind a, screen ; a lady, as one who observes the rules of seclusion. Pdrdes.— A foreign country ; a distant land. PuRDESEE, Paeadbsi. — A foreigner ; one from a distant country. Pdttdn. — A town ; a city ; whence Patna in Behar, Puttun in Scinde. PrsA, Pice. — A copper coin, under the native governments of very variable value. The Fnglish government has fixed the weight of its pysa at 100 grains : 4 pysa = 1 anna. 16 aunas = 1 rupee. The rupee weighs 180 grains, and is valued at two shillings. R. Raj. — A kingdom, or principality ; a reign. Compa/ny-he raj — the Company's reign ; Moghut-ke raj — the dynasty of theMoghuls. Haja. — A king ; a prince. A title given to Hindoos of rank. Sajcoomar — the son of a raja. (See Koee.) Eajpoot. — Son of a raja. (See PoOTE.) The general designation of the races in the north and west of India, who claim a descent from the sun and moon. The country they in- habit — Rajpootana. Bama, Ram. — A name given to three avatars. The second prince of Oude. Ham, rami the salutation of the common classes of Hindoos. Ramzan, Ramadan. — The ninth month of the Mahommedans, during which the faithful fast ftova morning dawn till the appearance of the stars at night. Rana. — The title of the Rajpoot princes of Oodipoor, in Central India. Banee. — Princess, wife of a raja. Rao. — Chief ; prince, probably from raja. Amongst the Mahrattas a title given to distinguished persons, civil or military. Rao. — A mountain torrent, where it de- bouches on the plains (provincial). Rowanna. — A passport ; a certificate from the collector of customs to cover cargoes of goods. Rot, Rai, — A prince ; corruption of raja ; an order of civil rank conferred on Hin- doos, as Ram Mohim Roy. EuBBEE. — The spring harvest. (See FusL.) Rupee, Roopbk. — The standard silver coin of India. (See Pysa.) The government of the East-India Company struck their coin in the name of the last king of Dehli, Shah Alum, and with the same legend as the Mohwr, until 1835, when the Mahommedan coinage was abolished — the English government no longer de- claring Shah Alum (deceased, 1806) to be the "defender of the faith of Mahommed" — and the Company's rupee was introduced, bearing on one face the head of the sove- reign of Great Britain, and on the reverse the designation of the coin in English, Persian, and Sanscrit, with the words " East-India Company " in English. RusuD, EussUD.- — Grain, forage, and sup- plies for an army, ordered to be ready at halting-places. EuTTEE. — The seed oi ihe Ah-us precatorim, used by jewellers and goldsmiths as the basis of their weights. (See Masha.) Ryot, Batut. — A subject ; a farmer ; a Btotwae, Rtotwaeee. — Eclating to ryots ; the revenue settlement and assessment made directly with the cultivator of the soil. S. Sahoo. — A merchant ; a banker ; from whence Sahookar, corruptly SowJear. Saib, Sahib. — ^A master ; a lord ; the designa- tion of the Europeans in India, like Mr., Sir. Sahib'log, Europeans. Salis. — An umpire ; an arbitrator, Samiei.— (See Zamokin.) Sawmt, SwAin. — A master ; an owner ; a husband ; a title given to the idols in the south of India ; especially applied to the heads of religious orders. Seedee, Sidi. — A name given to Africans in Bombay. Some of them were distinguished officers under the Mahommedans, and they were the chief naval officers of the Moguls on the coast of Guzerat. Seee, See. — ^A measure of weight. 40 Seers are equal to one Mamid. Sepot, Sipah, Sipahee (from Sip, a bow). — A soldier. The soldiers of the Bengal army were recruited from the Brahmin, Bajpoot, Aheer, and Gowala castes. The Brahmins are the most numerous, and are designated by the titles of their various families : thus — Pandey or Pundit, descended from men learned in the four Vedas or Sanscrit scriptures ; Doobe, i.e. Bo Vedas — learned in two Vedas ; Tewarie, i.e. Tri- Ved — learned in three Vedas ; Chobe, i.e. Char- Ved — learned in four Vedas ; PaUmck — a reader of the Vedas in public ; Soohul — a priest of lay Brahmins ; Thahoor — title of a Bajpoot. Sipah Solar — commander of an army ; the commander-in-chief. GLOSSARY. Sbkai, Sebaeb. — A palace ; a large building forthe accommodation of travellers ; usually a large square, with space in the middle for beasts of burden, carts, &c. ; au inn. Sett, Sbth, Set. — A merchant ; a banker. Often used as a respectful designation — as I/uch'/neecTimfbd Seth. Shah. — A king. Shahzada. — Son of a king ; the eldest son of the Great Mogul. Shasteb. — ^The sacred books of the Hindoos. Shastet. — An expounder of the shaster ; learned in the shaster. Sheik, Shaikh. — An elder ; a chief. See Mussulman. Shiah, Sheeah. — The name of one of the two great divisions of the Mahommedans. This sect denies the lawful succession of the three first caliphs, and claims the im- mediate succession to Mahommed as the right of All. The Persians, the Oude family, and the lower orders of Moslems in Hindostan are of this sect. See MoHUE- EIM and SooNEE. Shikae. — ^Hunting ; sport ; game. Shikabee. — A hunter ; sportsman ; game- keeper. Sheoi']?, Sueeaf. — A banker; money-changer; valuer of coin. Shuhe, Shuhue. — A town ; a city. Used as an affix in composition, as Bolwndshuhw — the high city. Sicca. — ^A die ; a stamp ; a seal ; a royal signet; stamped coin. Sicca rupee — the silver coin of India previous to the coinage of the Company. See Rupee. Sikh. — ^A disciple ; the followers of Kanuk ; the dominant sect of the Punjab. Nanuk and his successors were Hindoo reformers, and admitted nearly all castes of Hindoos Into their community. Hur Govind, the - first warlike leader, was born in 1606. In 1708 twelve tribes of Sikhs captured La- hore, and occupied the Punjab. In 1805 Eunjeet Singh established the independence of Lahore. Singh. — A lion ; the title of the princely and military castes. The Sikhs adopted it. SlEOAB. — ^A chief ; the government ; a head clerk. See Cieoae. SiEDAE. — A chief ; a head man ; the head of a set of palkee-bearers ; the Hindoo major domo in an English family. SoBAH, Soobah. — A province ; a large division of territory. SoBAHDAE, SoOBAHDAB. — Governor of a pro- vince ; viceroy under the Mogul ; the highest grade of native commissioned officer in the Indian array. SoNA. — Gold. SoNAE. — A goldsmith. SoOKUL. — A priest to lay Brahmins ; a title of a family of Brahmins. See Sepot. Soonee, Sooni.— a follower of the traditions of Mahommed ; the designation of one of the two great divisions of the Mahom- medans, who, in opposition to the Sheeahs, affirm the lawful succession of the first three caliphs, Aboobukhr, Omar, and Osman ; the Arabs, Turks, Affghans, and most of the educated Moslems, are of this sect. The royal family of Dehli are Soonees. See Sheeah. SouDA. — A bargain ; trade. SouDAGDE.— A merchant; a shopkeeper. SouKAE, Sahookae. — A merchant ; a banker. See Sahoo. SowAE. — A rider ; a horseman ; a dragoon. SowAEEE. — Equipage ; retinue ; cavalcade. SuBZEE. — Greenness; vegetables. Svbzee-rmim- dee — ^the green-market ; the larger leaves of the hemp, and the intoxicating beverage made by pounding them and mixing them with water. SuDDEE. — Eminence ; chief ; supreme. Sud- der AdawlMt — chief court. Sudder Deuxmee — chief civil court. Sudder Nisamat — chief criminal court. Sultan, Sooltan. — A sovereign prince. So- lateen — the plural ; In India the members of the royal family of Delhi. SuLTANUT. — Empire ; sovereignty ; a kingdom. SuNNUD. — A grant ; a diploma ; a charter. Suttee, Sati. — A virtuous wife ; especially one who crowns her life of duty by burning herself on the funeral pile of her deceased husband. Stce, Sa^es. a groom ; a horsekeeper. Stee, Satee. — Miscellaneous revenue; various imposts iu addition to the land-tax ; cus- toms ; transit duties ; licenses, &c. Stud. — A lord ; a chief ; the descendants of the prophet, who take the title of Meer or Mina. See Mussulman. Taboot. — A coffin ; the bier carried by the Shiahs in procession at the Mohurrim. See Tazeea. Tal. — A pond ; a lake. Nynee Tal, the lake of the goddess Nynee ; a sanatarium in the lower range of the Himalaya hills, north of Eohilkuud, in the province of Kumaon, near Almora. Talook. — Property ; a dependency ; an es- tate. A talook was frequently granted on favourable terms of assessment for services; or given to influential men in farm, where the country had suffered from droughts, the ravages of an enemy, or predatory hordes. Talookdae.— The holder of a talook under many forms of tenure ; but during the anarchy that followed the destruction of the Mogul power by Nadir Shah, the talookdars held their lands in regular de- scent, and were recognized by all the chiefs who came into power, until the English became paramount ; when, in the course of the revenue settlements of the North- West Provinces, a searching inquiry was made, and their claims to a proprietary right were disallowed. In most cases they were GLOSSARY. ousted, and an allowance foi- life made them, and that as a favour, Taj. — The mausoleum of the Begum Noor Jehan at Agra, vulgai-ly so called. This lady's title was Moomtaz-ool-wmhid — the exalted of the palace ; the last syllable of the title has become taj, and the tomb is called Taj ieebee Jca rauea — the Taj lady's mausolevim. She was the favourite wife of the emperor Jehangeer, who struck coins in her name in the year A.D. 1624. Tank. — A reservoir of water ; a pond. Tattoo. — A pony ; a horse employed in car- rying burdens in panniers. Tazeea, Tazia. — A model of the tomb of Hoosun and Hoosyn at Eurbala, carried in procession by the Indian Sheeahs at the Mohurrim ; it is made as cheap or as expensive as the means or piety of the owner will admit of. The common ones are thrown into a pond outside the town, at a place called Kurbala, at the close of the ceremonies ; the more valuable are preserved. Telinga. — ^The country so named by the Ma- hommedans, the Carnatic ; a native of Tilang, whence the first native soldiers, dressed and disciplined after the European fashion, were recruited ; hence it came to mean soldier. In Upper India all Eu- ropeans are called telmga by the bulk of the people, disrespectfully. Thakook, Thakub, — An idol ; a deity ; a lord ; a master ; the head of a tribe ; the title of Kajpoots, especially the chief or head man of a Ekjpoot tribe. Strangers meeting whilst travelling and wishing to exchange civilities — to smoke together, to offer tobacco or pan — instead of asking "What caste are you ?" ask, "Who is your TJiaJcoor?" — who is your deity ? It is a family name in Bengal indicating Brah- minical origin. Dwarkanath Thakur, who died in London in 1846, was a highly respected member of this family. Thaka, Tanna. — A station ; a police-station. Under the native governments it was a military post ; under the English govern- ment it is exclusively a police-establish- ment. Thanadab.— The chief police-ofacer of the district subordinate to a thana. Thug, Tug. — A cheat ; a knave ; applied now to the highway plundering associations who invariably garotte their victims before robbing them. These assassins have lavfs, rank, and superstitions of the most extra- ordinary kinds which regulate all their expeditions ; their correct appellation is Phansigae, which see. TODDT, Taree. — The juice of the palmyra and cocoanut-trees, drawn off by incisions in the bark, at the root of the leaves. When first drawn the juice is sweet, insipid, and harmless, but after fermentation it becomes a fiery and highly intoxicating spirit. The trees are all liable to duty and are included in the excise laws of the East-India Com- pany. ToPASS, Topaz. — Descendants from the Portu- guese settlers in India, perhaps from topee, a hat. They were extensively employed as soldiers in the early history of the Com- pany ; they are now only heard of as waisters on board of country ships. Tope. — ^A gun ; a piece of ordnance. Topkkamu — artillery ; park of artillery ; arsenal. Tope, Topu. — ^A grove of trees ; properly of those which bear fruit, as mango, tama- rinds, &c. ; a southern word, used by the English only in the Bengal presi- dency. Tope. — Curious monuments of antiquity, first noticed in Affghanistan by Mr. Elphin- stone ; they are also found in the Punjab, in many parts of India, and in Ceylon, See Fergusson's " Hand-book of Architec- ture." Topee. — A hat ; a cap ; a skull-cap. Topee- wala — a European, the wearer of a hat. The people of India suppose that there are twelve tribes of Europeans, known by the different kinds of hats they wear, hence £am,Ji-iopee means all Europe — the twelve hats. TuHSEBL. — Collection, especially of the government revenue. TuHSEELDAE, — A native collector of revenue, particularly the land revenue. Tdksal. — A mint. TnKTA, Tdkita.— A pillow ; the grove in which a religious mendicant resides ; the seat of a fakir. These places often form the rendezvous of thieves and Thugs ; travellers stop at these places to chat and smoke, and often incautiously discover their secrets. Many a conspiracy and evil design has been traced to these groves, which have never been sufficiently watched by the English government. TuLWAK, — A sword. Tdmasha. — A spectacle ; a show ; a scene ; a ball ; a riot ; a fight ; any excitement. TuNOAW, Tunkha. — An order or draft for money ; an assignment by the ruling au- thority in payment of wages ; pay ; allow- ances. TuppnL. — The post; the carriage and deli- very of letters — used in the Madras presi- dency. TnssuB.' — An inferior sort of silk, the produce of a worm found wild in many parts of India, the Bombyx paphia. Tusser cloth is imported from Bengal in small quanti- ties, and is sometimes embroidered as robes for ladies. U. Ukbek. — See Akbeb. Ue, Oor, — A village ; a town ; a country. This word has suffered from the bad pronunciation of the English, as poor in northern India, and has become ore, GLOSSARY. as Velkre for Velloor, Ndlore for Nel- loor. TJkdoo, Oobdoo. — A camp ; a royal encamp- ment. Now applied to the Imgna franca of India, the language of the royal camp of the Mahommedans, being formed on a Hindee and Sanscrit basis, with a copious introduction of Persian and Arabic words, the result of the conquest of Hindostan by a people whose language and literature were Persian and Arabic. Now, many Portuguese and English words have been admitted : in the courts such words as ''pleadings," "decree," and "stamp" — and in ordinary life "towel" and " kettle " — are found in the Oordoo or camp language of India. Uttur. — See Otto. V. Vakeel, Wdkeel, Vakil. — An agent ; an ambassador ; in India, an authorized pleader in the courts. Veda. — The general name of the chief scrip- tural authorities of the Hindoos ; more correctly, the four canonical works, enti- tled the Rig Veda, Tvjoor Veda, Soma Veda, and Atkana Veda. ViLATUT, see Belattee. ViSHKOO, VisHNn. — ^The second of the Hindoo triad ; the preserving power — as Siva, Sheva, or Sib is the third, or the destroy- ing and renovating power — and Brahma is the first, the creator. Vizier, Wtjzebe. — The principal minister in a Mahommedan sovereignty. The Oude family were considered hereditary viziers to the Great Mogul, until they rebelled, by assuming the dignity of king. W, Wahabee. — ^Follower of a Mahommedan re- former of Arabia, especially of the prac- tices of the sect of Shiahs. In India the word has become a term of abuse, equiva- lent to " kafir " or infidel. Wala, Wahi, Wal. — Used only in compo- sition ; it denotes a person who does any act, is possessed of any property, is charged with any duty, as gao-w(S,v, — a cowherd ; Dehli-walu — an inhabitant of Dehli ; box-walu (in Anglo-Indian) — a ped- lar, a box-fellow. Y. YoGBB. See JOGBE. z. Zamokin. — ^The ruler of Calicut; possibly a corruption of Zemindar, in the feminine Zeminda/reen. Zat, Jat. — Sort ; tribe ; race ; caste. Zemindar, Zdmebndar. — ^A landholder ; an occupant of land. The tenures by which land is held in India are numerous and perplexing, but this term is applied to all who have the semblance of a proprietary right by usage, long possession, or other- wise, in the North-West Provinces. In Bengal, under the perpetual settlement of 1793, they were all declared "actual pro- prietors." Zbmindaeee. — The office and rights of a ze- mindar ; the tract of land constituting the possession of a zemindar ; an estate. Zenana. — The female apartments, used for the females of the family; the Habam, which see. ZlLLAH, ZiLA. — Side ; part ; division ; district. The name of the divisions or collectorates in India. Bengal proper is divided into 29 zillahs and oommissionerships : — Behar, 12 districts ; Orissa, 7 districts ; North-West Provinces, 37 districts ; hill and other dis- tricts, 13 ; Punjab, ^19 districts ; Madras, 21 districts ; Bombay, including Scinde and Sattara, 18 districts ; besides the pro- vinces of Assam, Arracan, Pegu, Oude, and others, to the number of 9, directly under the supreme government of India. The whole yields a land revenue of i£l 7, 000,000 sterling, according to the estimates of 1866. The gross revenue of India amounts to £31,000,000 sterling. Zoolfdoar, Zdleikar. — The name of the sword of Mahommed, and afterwards of Ali. The symbol of the sword on Mahommedan coins ; hence the name of the current silver coin of Hyderabad. ZcFT, Zabt. — Occupation ; seizure. In law — attachment ; distraint ; sequestration ; con- fiscation. CHEONOLOGICAL INDEX. 1001. — Sultan Mahmoud, of Ghizni, invades India. 1024. — Sultan Mahmoud, in his twelfth and last invasion of India, destroys the temple of Somnaut. The sandalwood gates of this temple were brought back from Aff- ghanistan by General Pollock, and are now preserved in the fort of Agra. 1191. — Conquest of Upper India by Moham- med Ghoory, founder of the Gaurian dynasty. 1193. — Capture of Delhi by Mohammed's lieutenant, Kootb-ood-Deen, the " Pole- star of the Faithful," 1206. — Kootb-ood-Deen, on Mohammed's death, proclaims himself king of Delhi, and founds the dynasty of the Slave- kings ; he himself having originally been sold into captivity as a prisoner of war. 1294. — Feroze founds the dynasty of Ehilgy, and sends the first Mahommedan expedi- tion into the Deccan. 1320.' — The Khilgyan dynasty supplanted by that of Ghazi Khan Toghluk, governor of the Punjab. 1351.— Death of Mohammed Toghluk. This headstrong and tyrannical prince twice attempted to remove the capital of his kingdom from Delhi to Deogur, which he namedDowlatabad, or theFortunate City. 1388. — Death of Feroze Toghluk, a prince celebrated for the number and magnitude of his public works. 1398. — Invasion of India by Timour the Tar- tar; capture of Delhi, and massacre of the inhabitants. 1497.— Vasoo de Gama doubles the Cape of Good Hope, and reaches Calicut, where the Portuguese finally effect a settlement. 1510. — Capture of Goa by Albuquerque. 1526. — ^Timour's great-grandson, Baber, seats himself on the throne of Delhi, and ter- minates the Patau dynasties that had ruled for 300 years. 1556. — Akbar succeeds his father Hooraay- oon, killed by a fall as he descended from the roof of his palace. Akbar reigned gloriously for fifty-one years. The state of Upper India at that time is set forth in a book compiled under the em- peror's instructions, and entitled " Ayeen Akberry " (the Institutes of Akbar). In this reign three Portuguese missions, of a religious character, were sent from Goa to Delhi by the emperor's request. 1591. — First "adventure" from ^England. 1599. — Association of London merchants to fit out three ships for the Indian trade. 1600. — Association merges into a chartered company, under the style and title of " Governor and Company of Merchants trading to the East Indies." 1607. — Akbar's son Selim ascends the throne, and assumes the name of Jehangir, or Conqueror of the World. His favourite queen was the famous Noor Mahal, or Noor Jehan. 1609. — Captain Hawkins arrives at Agra, on behalf of the English Company. 1612. — Factories established at Surat. 1615. — Sir Thomas Eoe arrives at Ajmere, as ambassador to the court of the Great Mogul from James I. 1627. — Jehangir succeeded by his sou Shah Jehan. Destroys the Portuguese factory on the Hooghly. Subdues the Deccan. Dissensions of his sons, and consequent civil wars. 1658. — Having defeated his two elder brothers, Aurungzebe imprisons his father and usurps the throne. 1666.— Death of Shah Jehan. 1680. — Death of Sevagee, the founder of the Mahratta power, of which Sattara subse- quently became the principal seat. 1700. — Calcutta founded. The settlement called Fort William, in compliment to the reigning sovereign. 1702. — The rival companies coalesce into " The United Company of Merchants trading to the East Indies," and so continue till 1833. 1707. — Death of Aurungzebe at the age of 94, after a troubled reign of nearly fifty years. Bernier, the traveller, resided some years at his court. 1739. — Capture and pillage of Delhi by Nadir Shah ; 8,000 persons supposed to have been massacred in a few hours. Eight years afterwards Nadir was assassinated in his tent at Meshed, in Khorassan. i CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. A..B. 1746. — Madras taken by Labourdonnais, but restored to the English by the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1749. 1748. — Death of Nizam-ool-Moolk. Dupleix, governor of Pondioherry, espouses the cause of his grandson Mozufiar Jung, and places him on the throne. The English side with the Nizam's second son, Nazir Jung, to whom his rival surrenders. 1750. — Nazir Jung quarrels with the English, and in a battle with the French is mur- dered by some of his own followers. Mozufiar Jung restored to the musnud. Glorification of Dupleix. MozufEar Jung being slain in battle with some rebellious nawabs, the French support Salabat Jung, a younger brother of Nazir Jung. English Influence in Southern India on the wane. 1751. — Clive volunteers to attack Arcot with 300 sepoys and 200 Europeans. Succeeds, and holds it against an overwhelming force for fifty days. English prestige revives. Clive destroys Dupleix, and levels Futtehabad to the ground. 1752, — D'Auteuil surrenders to Clive. Chunda Sahib murdered at the supposed insti- gation of Mahomet AJi, nabob of the Carnatlc. Covelong and Chingleput fall to Clive. 1754. — Departure of Dupleix for Europe. Gheriah, a. stronghold of pirates on the western coast, taken by Clive and Admiral Watson. Clive governor of Fort St. David. Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, soubahdar of Bengal, takes the English factory at Cossimbazar, and marches upon Calcutta, Fort William surrenders. The Black Hole : 146 persons confined in a room 18 ft. by 14 — next morning only twenty- three found alive, Clive and Admiral Wat- son hasten from Madras to the Hooghly, 1757. — Recapture of Calcutta. Reduction of the French settlement at Chandernagore on the Hooghly. Meer Jaffier, one of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah's chief officers, conspires against him. Battle of Plassy fought on the 23rd June ; Clive with 3,000 men and eight field pieces defeating the sou- bahdar's army of 50,000 men with forty guns, Meer Jaffier deserts to the English towards the close of the action, and by them is proclaimed soubahdar of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, Assassination of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah. Omichund basely cheated by Clive. 1758. — Arrival in India of Count de Lally, governor of the French settlements. Fall of Fort St. David. Lally besieges Madras. Siege raised by Admiral Pocock, 1759. — Brilliant successes of Colonel Forde in the Northern Circars, and fe,ll of Masuli- patam. Indecisive naval engagements be- tween Admiral Pocock and M. D'Ach^. Wandewash surrenders to Colonel Cnntfi 1760. — Defeat of the French at Wandewash ; Bussy made prisoner. Arcot and other places surrender to Colonel Coote. Clive returns to England, Mr. Vansittart governor of Fort William. Meer Jaffier superseded by his son-in-law Meer CoBsim. 1761. — Fall of Pondicherry. Departure of Lally for Europe ; beheaded in 1766. French power in the Carnatic annihilated. Major Carnac defeats Emperor's army near Fatna, and takes M. Law prisoner. 1 762. — Manilla taken by General Draper, the antagonist of "Junius," but restored to Spain in the following year, 1763. — Meer Cossim deposed, and Meer Jaffier restored. British take Moorshed- abad and Mongheer. Massacre of Bri- tish prisoners at Patna by Sumroo. Patna taken by storm. 1764. — Mutinous spirit of the British army. Twenty-four sepoy grenadiers blown away from guns by Major Munro. Meer Cossim, vizier of Oude, defeated at Buxar by Munro. 1765. — Death of Meer Jaffier ; succeeded by second son, Noojum-ad-Dowlah. Clive returns to Calcutta. The Emperor con- fers upon the Company the Dewanny, or collection and management of the re- venues, of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, Clive enforces covenants against receiv- ing presents ; speculates in salt, 1766, — Abolition of double batta, except at Allahabad, when on active service. Mu- tinous spirit of the European officers ; fomented by Sir Robert Fletcher, who is cashiered, but afterwards restored. Clive forms a military fund for invalid officers and soldiers, and their widows, by means of a sum of five lacs of rupees bequeathed to him by Meer Jaffier. This fund was warmly supported by the Company, but has been long since exhausted, 1767. — Clive finally quits India. HyderAli at- tacksColonel Smith's force, but is defeated. 1768. — Captain Nixon's detachment cut to pieces by Hyder All, Royal commis- sioners sent out to inquire into causes of the ill success of the war with Hyder Ali, &c. — lost at sea. Case of the nabob of Ai'cot — his agent, Mr. Macpherson, unduly influences the duke of Grafton, who sends out Sir John Lindsay with secret powers — succeeded by Sir Robert Harland. 1769,— Hyder Ali appears before Madras and solicits peace, which is accorded. WARREN HASTINGS. 1772.— Warren Hastings governor of Bengal. Harsh treatment of Rajah Shitabroy. DisCOntinnfiH nn.VT«onf nf +..;kinf.. +« 4.1.- CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. A.D. 1773. — New India Bill passed — presents and private trading prohibited to the servants of the Company — Supreme Court esta- blished at Calcutta. 1774. — Colonel Champion defeats the Kohillas at Kuttera. Seizure of Salsette. 1775. — Death of Shoojah-ad-Dowlah, nabob- vizier of Cude — succeeded by his son, AzofF-al-Dowlah. Various charges al- leged against Warren Eastings. Nunco- mar, his chief accuser, convicted of forgery and hanged. 1776. — Dissatisfaction at home regarding Governor-General's proceedings. Colonel Maclean declares himself authorized to tender Hastings's resignation, which is accepted by the Court, and General Clavering appointed to succeed. Lord Pigotj governor of Madras, unlawfully arrested by his own Council — he dies. 1777. — Hastings repudiates his agent, and refuses to resign — judges of the Supreme Court decide in his favour. 1778. — Renewal of war between French and English — Pondioherry capitulates to General Munro. Sir Thomas Bumbold governor of Madras. 1779. — Colonel Egerton's force, panic-stricken, take to flight — disgraceful convention with Kugonath Row. 1780. — Sir Elijah Impey, previously chief- justice of the Supreme Court, made judge of the Company's Sudder Dewanny Adaw- lut. Duel between Francis and Hastings — Francis is wounded and leaves India. Captain Popham carries Lahore and Gwalior by escalade. Hyder Ali invades the Carnatic. Bassein surrenders to General Goddard. Scindia, defeated by Colonel Camac, sues for peace, which is granted on too favourable terms. Colonel Baillie's force annihilated by Hyder Ali. Sir Eyre Coote proceeds from Bengal to take command of Madras army. Arcot sun-enders to Hyder Ali. 1781.— Total defeat of Hyder Ali, on the 1st July, by Sir Eyre Coote. Tippoo Sultan repulsed from Wandewash. Hyder again defeated on the 27th August and 27th September, Dutch settlements in the Indian peninsula and in Ceylon taken by the English. Cheyt Singh, rajah of Benares, arrested by Hastings, whose position becomes perilous. Cheyt Singh deprived of his zemindaree. 1782. — Colonel Braithwaite's corps cut to pieces by Tippoo Sultan. Indecisive naval engagements between M. Suffrein and Sir Edward Hughes. Death of Hy« der Ali. Hastings has an interview with vizier of Oude at Chunarghur : concludes a treaty. Spoliation of the Oude be- gums. 1783.— Death of Sir Eyre Coote. Peace between French and English. War with Tippoo Sultan. General Matthews trea- A.D. oherously made prisoner with other ofii- cers, and murdered. 1784. — Mangalore capitulates to Tippoo. Peace concluded on the 11th May. Hast- ings visits Lucknow. Mr. Pitt's India Bill passed : Board of Control esta- blished. 1785. — Hastings returns to Europe, is suc- ceeded by Mr. Macpherson, temporarily, who makes way for Lord Cornwallis. 1786. — Impeachment of Warren Hastings : preliminary proceedings. Lord Corn- wallis appointed governor-general. LORD CORNWALLIS. 1787.-^Hastings formally impeached. 1788. — Hastings's trial in Westminster Hall : Burke and Sheridan deliver most elo- quent speeches ; trial lingers till 23rd April, 1795, when Hastings is acquitted. 1789.— Tippoo Sultan attacks Travancore, but is repulsed, narrowly escaping with his life : English take part with the rajah. 1790. — General Medows governor of Ma- dras : indecisive hostilities. 1791. — Lord Cornwallis assumes the com- mand : takes Bangalore and advances upon Seringapatam, but is compelled by famine to fall back upon Bangalore, after defeat- ing Tippoo, in a general action under the walls of his capital. Capture of Hoo- liordroog, Oossore, and Nundedroog. De- fence of Coimbatore by Lieutenant Chal- mers. Fall of Savandroog, Ootradoorg, Hooly Onore, and Simoga. 1792. — Lord Cornwallis again sits down be- fore Seringapatam on the 5th Februaiy ; on the 26th Tippoo's two sons are given up as hostages, Coorg ceded, prisoners set free, and a large sum of money paid. 1793. — Pondicherry and all other French set- tlements reduced. Perpetual settlement of Bengal. Lord Cornwallis returns to England, and is succeeded by Sir John Shore, afterwards Lord Teignmouth, who essays the non-interference policy, and allows the nizam to throw himself into the arms of the French. SIR JOHN SHORE. 1795. — Death of Mahomet Ali, nabob of. Arcot. Reduction of the Dutch settle- ments in Ceylon, Malacca, Banda, Am- boyna, and Cochin. 1797. — Death of Azoff-al-Dowlah ; succeeded by his reputed son Vizier Ali, then at Calcutta : whose spurious birth being re- cognized, he is set aside for Saadut Ali, brother of the deceased Azoff. 1793. — Sir John Shore returns to England ; succeeded by Lord Mornington. CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. LORD MORNINGTON: MARQUIS WELLESLBY. A.D. 1798. — Zemaun Shah threatens India from Cabul. Tippoo intrigues with the French at the Mauritius. Tree of liberty planted in his capital, and himself addressed as "Citizen Tippoo." War determined on. Nizam's French contingent disarmed and broken up. Mr. Cherry murdered at Benares by Vizier All's orders ; the latter escapes to Bhotarel, and thence to Jyne- ghnr, but is given up on condition of life being spared. 1799. — British army takes the field under General Harris. Tippoo repulsed by General Stuart and Colonel Montresor at Sedasseer, General Harris lays siege to Seringapatam ; its capture, and death of Tippoo. His territories divided between the English and the Nizam. Restoration of ancient royal family of Mysore. Com- mand of Seringapatam confided to Colonel Arthur Wellesley. Dhoondia creates dis- turbances in Bednore ; flees into Mah- ratta territorry, and is plundered of every- thing. Lord Mornington returns to Cal- cutta. Restoration of the adopted son of the rajah of Tanjore. Troublesome cor- respondence with Saadut Ali, vizier of Oude. 1800. — British government assumes entire civil and military administration of Surat. Dhoondia Waugh finally defeated and slain. Lord Mornington created Mar- quis Wellesley. 1801. — General Baird's expedition to Egypt. Company assumes administration of the Carnatic, but confers title of nabob on Mahomet' All's son, Azlm-uI-Dowlah. Mr. Henry Wellesley, afterwards Lord Cow- ley, deputed to Luoknow. Treaty with the vizier, who agrees to cede territory in Rohilound for maintenance of contin- gent. Court of Directors refuse to sanc- tion the College of Fort William, pro- posed by the marquis. 1802. — Governor -General visits Lucknow. Settlement by Mr. Henry Wellesley with nabob of Furruokabad. Holkar defeats the combined armies of the peishwa and Scindia. Peishwa concludes defensive alliance with British government at Bassein. 1803. — General Wellesley restores the peish- wa at Poena. Mahratta confederacy. General Wellesley captures Ahmednug- ger. Broach falls to Colonel Wooding- ton, and on the same day, August the 29th, General Lake destroys Perron's French contingent at Alyghur. Coel taken. Alyghur carried by assault. Scindia's army, imder Bouquin, defeated by Lake six miles from Delhi, September at Assye, September 23rd. Agra capi- tulates to Lake, October 17th. Colonel Harcourt occupies Cuttack. Battle of Laswaree won by Lake, November Ist. Asseerghur falls to Colonel Stevenson. Wellesley defeats Scindia's army at Ar- gaum, November 21st. Gawilghur taken by Wellesley and Stevenson. Rajah of Berar makes peace, December 17th. Scindia makes peace, December 30th. War in Ceylon disgraceful to the British arms. 1804. — Commodore Dance with a fleet of Com- pany's ships repulses a French squadron. Treaty of alliance with Scindia, 27th of February. Colonel Don captures Tonk Rampoora from Holkar. Colonel Mou- son's disastrous retreat. Holkar re-oc- cupies Muttra, and threatens Delhi, but is repulsed by Colonels Burn and Ochter- lony. Lake routs Holkar's army at Deeg, 13th November. Deeg captured 24th December. 1805. — ^Unsuccessful siege of Bhurtpore by General Lake. The rajah sues for and obtains peace. Mr. Jenkins's camp plun- dered by Scindia's Pindarries. Sir Arthur Wellesley returns to Europe. Hostile preparations against Scindia ; suddenly discontinued — Marquis Wellesley being superseded on the 30th July by the arrival of Marquis Cornwallis, who adopts an ultra-pacific policy. Death of Marquis Cornwallis at Ghazeepore, near Benares, 30th October. Government provisionally assumed by Sir George Barlow, first mem- ber of council, who carries out the non- interference policy. Colonel Malcolm concludes treaty with Scindia, 25th No- vember. Peace concluded with Holkar. 1806. — General Lord Lake quits India. Mu- tiny at Vellore, and massacre of Euro- peans — suppressed by Colonel Gillespie. Lord William Bentinck, governor of Ma- dras, recalled by the Court of Directors. Sir John Cradook removed from com- mand of the Madras ai-my. Ministers appoint Lord Lauderdale as Governor- General ; opposed by Court of Directors, and Lord Minto finally sent out. LORD MINTO. 1807. — Lord Minto arrives at Calcutta, 31st of July. 1808. — Disturbances at Travancore — Colonel Macaulay, British resident, narrowly es- capes with his life. 1 809. — Operations in Travancore under Colonel St. Leger; dewan commits suicide, his brother taken and executed. Mr. Met- calfe concludes treaty with Runjeet Singh. Mutinous proceedings of European offi- .,.,-« «J? TlX^ J If i _ _l i_ /^ 1 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. latter suspended ; the former removed from command of the army, and lost on hia passage home. Occupation of island of Kodriguez. Brilliant attack on Bourbon. 1810. — Island of Bourbon surrenders to the English. Naval disasters. Capitulation of the Mauritius. • Suppression of piracy in the Persian Gulf. Capture of Am- boyna, Banda Neira, and Fort Nassau. 1811. — Reduction of Dutch settlements re- commended by Mr. Stamford Baffles. Expedition against Batavia under Sir Samuel Auohmuty. Surrender of the island. Sultan of Falimbang massacres the European residents. 1812. — Massacre of Falimbang avenged by Colonel Gillespie. Conquest of Java. Mission of Mr. Elphinstone to Cabul, and of Sir John Malcolm to Persia. 1818. — Lord Minto returns to England. Re- newal of Company's charter for twenty years ; exclusive trade with China con- tinued, but trade with India thrown open. LORD MOIRA : MARQUIS HASTINGS. 1814. — Earl of Moira arrives at Calcutta in October. Aggressions of the Nepanlese. Repulse of the British at Kalunga, and death of General Gillespie. General Martindell's failure before Jyetuck. 1815. — Several forts taken by Colonel Oohter- lony. General Wood fails before Jeet- gurh. Occupation of Kumaon. General Ochterlony gains various successes. Can- dy annexed to British empire by Sir Charles Brownrigg, governor of Ceylon. Gungadhur Shastry murdered at Punder- pore by agents of the peishwa's minister, Trimbuckjee Dainglia, who is finally sur- rendered to the British and confined in the fort of Thannah. 1816. — Peace concluded with Nepaul. Dis- turbances at Bareilly excited by Mahom- medan fanatics, under the pretext of op- posing a house-tax. Governor-General resolves on the suppression of the Pin- darries. 1817. — Hattrass and Moorsaum taken by Ge- neral Marshall. Mr. Elphinstone con- cludes treaty with the peishwa, June 13 ; but on the 5th November the peishwa's troops plunder and burn the British resi- dency. Peishwa's army defeated by Colonel Burr, and Poona surrenders to General Lionel Smith. Sir Thomas His- lop takes command of the army of the Deccan. Treaty concluded with Scindia. Appa Sahib, rajah of Nagpore, attacks a small British force under Colonel Hope- toun Scott at Seetabuldee on the 27th November, but is signally defeated. The rajah ultimately surrenders, and his capi- tal capitulates, December 30. Pindar- ries defeated at Jubbulpore by General A.D. Hardyman. Holkar's army defeated at Mahidpore, December 21, by Sir John Malcolm, acting under Sir Thomas His- lop. Governor-General created marquis of Hastings. 1818. — ^Treaty with Holkar signed, January 6th. Captain Staunton with a small detachment repulses peishwa's entire army at Coorygaum. General Smith surprises peishwa's army at Ashtee, and makes prisoner the rajah of Sattara. Sir Thomas Hislop takes Talneir, and puts the killadar to death after surrender. Appa Sahib convicted of treachery and dethroned. Mundela taken by General Marshall. Chanda falls to Colonel Adams, and Malligaum to Colonel MacDowell. Peishwa surrenders to Sir John Malcolm, and is dethroned, but obtains an extra- vagant pension. Appa Sahib excites disturbances in Nagpore ; takes refuge in Asseerghur. Order of the Bath ex- tended to Company's officers — Sir David Ochterlony the first G.C.B. 1819. — Asseerghur, after a stout resistance, surrenders to General Doveton ; but Appa Sahib had escaped to Lahore. Pindarries annihilated — their leader, Cheetoo, killed by a tiger. Vizier of Oude encouraged by the Governor- General to assume title of king, and renounce hia allegiance to emperor of Delhi. Affairs of "William Palmer & Co. at Hyderabad. 1823. — Marquis of Hastings returns to Eu- rope. Mr. Canning appointed to succeed him, but elects Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs. Lord Amherst therefore succeeds marquis of Hastings. LORD AMHERST. 1823. — Lord Amherst arrives at Calcutta, August 1st, and relieves Mr. Adam of his provisional duties. Burmese attack a British post on island of Shapooree, at the mouth of the Naf, and refuse redress. 1824. — Burmese invade Cachar. War de- clared. Bengal and Madras troops ren- dezvous at Port Cornwallis in the Great Andamans, under command of Sir Archi- bald Campbell. Capture of Rangoon. Stockades at Kemendine carried by as- sault. General actions, in which the British always victorious. Successful expeditions against Khyloo, Martaban, and Mergui. Disaatera in Arracan ; de- feat and death of Captaiu Noton at Ramoo. Burmese repeatedly defeated. Rangoon set on fire, December 14. Bas- sein occupied by Major Sale. Mutiny of the 47th Bengal native infantry at Bar- raokpore. Sir Edward Paget suppresses the mutiny with terrible i-igour. CHEONOLOGICAL INDEX. 1825. — Keduotion of Donobew. Capture of Prome, April 25. Burmese driven out of Assam by Colonel flichards, and out of Arraoan by General Morrison. Armi- Btice concluded, October 18 ; but hos- tilities resumed, November 3, and Bur- mese again repeatedly defeated. Lord Combermere lays siege to Bhurtpore, December 10. The place stormed on the 18th, and the fortifications levelled. 1826. — Peace concluded with Burmah, 2nd of Januai-y ; but hostilities resumed in a few days. Capture of Melloon. Enemy routed at Pagahm. Peace finally con- cluded at Yandaboo. Treaty with Siam. Mr. Jenkins concludes treaty with Nag- pore. 1828. — Earl Amherst quits India, leaving Mr. Butterworth Bayley provisional governor- LOED WILLIAM BENTINCK. 1828. — Lord William Beutinok arrives at Cal- cutta, and assumes the government of India. Half-batta reduction, November 29th. 1829. — Abolition of suttee, or immolation of widows on the funeral pyre of their husbands. 1831. — Disturbances in Baraset between Hin- doos and Mahommedan reformers. Go- vernor-general, acting on orders from home, introduces various financial reforms. Siamese expelled from Queda by the Malays, but return through the assistance of the English. 1832. — Disturbances in Chota Nagpore. Kajah of Ooorg becomes embroiled with the British government. Eevenue settle- ment of the North-west Provinces by Mr. E. Mertins Bird. 1 833. — Unsatisfactory correspondence between rajah of Coorg and the Government. Free-trade to India and China. East- India Company cease to trade, and be- come solely the governors of India, and administrators of its revenue. 1834. — Eajah of" Coorg dethroned and sent to Benares : his territory annexed. Abolition of corporal punishment in the native army. Natives first admitted to the magistracy. Measures taken for the sup- pression of infanticide, thuggee, and da- coitee. Claims of the Lucknow bankers brought before Parliament. 1835. — Foundation of medical college at Cal- cutta. Lord William Bentinck returns to Europe. Temporarily succeeded by Sir Charles Metcalfe, who emancipates the press. Lord Heytesbury appointed A.D. Peel ministry is superseded, previous to sailing, by Lord Auckland. LOED AUCKLAND. 1836. — Lord Auckland arrives at Calcutta, March 5. 1837. — Death of Nusseer-ood-Deen, king of Oude ; disputed succession : Nusseer-ood- Dowlah placed on the throne by Colonel Low and the British contingent. Captain Burns at Cabul. Captain Vickovich, the Eussian emissary, also at Cabul. Siege of Herat by the Persians. 1838. — British force occupies island of Karrak in the Persian Gulf ; Persians raise siege of Herat. Tripartite treaty signed at Lahore, June 26, between the British Government, Eunjeet Singh, and Shah Shoojah-ool-moolk, with the object of re- storing Shah Shoojah to the Afighan throne, from which he had been driven by his brother. Dost Mahomed Khan. Large army collected under Sir Henry Fane, who resigns in favour of Sir John Keane. 1839. — Sir James Carnao, governor of Bom- bay, deposes rajah of Sattara, and raises that prince's brother to the musnud. Army of the Indus takes the field. Kurrachee taken by Bombay force. Ar- rival at Candahar. Shah Shoojah en- throned. Death of Eunjeet Singh. Ghuznee carried by storm. Shah Shoojah enters Cabul. Dooranee Order insti- tuted. Colonel Henry, 37th Bengal na- tive infantry, killed by Kojuks. Kelat falls to General Willshire. 1840. — ^Army of the Indus broken up, Janu- ary 2. Lord Auckland created an earl, and Sir John Keane a peer. Colonel Orchard repulsed at Pishoot. Lieutenant Clarke's detachment cut to pieces. Kelat recaptured, and Lieutenant Loveday mur- dered. Major Clibborn's disaster. Enemy defeated in valley of Bameean by Co- lonel Dennie. Defection of 2nd Bengal cavalry at Purwan. Dost Mahomed Khan surrenders himself to Sir William Macnaghten. Kelat re-occupied by Ge- neral Nott. Nasir Khan defeated by Colonel Marshall at Kotree. Captain Brown retires to Poolagee, after an heroic defence of Kahun. 1841. — Unsuccessful attack on Sebee, a Ko- juok stronghold. Khelat-i-Ghiljie taken by Colonel Wymer. Sir William Mac- naghten appointed to succeed Sir James Carnac as governor of Bombay, but detained at Cabul by the defection of the Ghiljie chiefs. Sir Eobert Sale forces his wav throush the Khoord-Kabool nass CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. Jellalabad on the 12fch November. Riot in Cabul, 2nd November— death of Sir Alexander Biirnes and other officers. General Elphinstone, enfeebled by years and disease, vacillates. British troops misconduct themselves in action. Major Pottinger escapes with difficulty from Eohistan. Continued reverses at Cabul. Sir William Macnaghten murdered at an interview with Alcbar Khan, 23rd De- icember. Kurnool, in the Madras presi- dency, annexed. 1842. — Evacuation of Cabul by British forces, 6th January — cut to pieces in the pass of Boothauk — ladies and married officers alone made prisoners — Dr. Bryden reaches Jellalabad, which is bravely held by Sir Robert Sale. General Nott defeats Ak- bar Khan at Caudahar. Lord Auckland quits India 12th March. LORD ELLENEOROUGH. 1842. — Lord EUenborough arrives at Calcutta, February 28th. Colonel Palmer capitu- lates at Ghuznee : capitulation violated. Earthquake demolishes Sale's defences at Jellalabad, February 19th. Akbar Khan defeated, April 7th: death of Colonel Dennie. Jellalabad relieved by General Pollock, April 16th. General England repulsed, falls back upon Quetta. Gover- nor General recommends withdrawal of British troops from Afghanistan. Gene- rals Nott and Pollock demur. General England reaches Candahar. Colonel Wymer brings off garrison of Khelat-i- Ghiljie, which he dismantles. General Pollock forces his way to Cabul, and on the 16th September, plants British colours on the Bala Hissar. General Nott, on the 17th arrives at Cabul, bringing with him from Ghuznee the gates of the temple of Somnauth. General McCaskill storms Istaliff, September 29th. British prison- ers enter Sir Robert Sale's camp at tlrghandee, September 20th. Army re- tires from Affghanistan, and is received with honours by the Governor-General at Ferozepore. Lord EUenborough and Sir Charles Napier force a quarrel upon the Ameers of Scinde. Meer Roostum of Khyrpore persuaded to resign his turban to his younger brother Ali Morad. Panic-stricken, he flees to Emamghur, a fortress in the desert. 1843. — Sir Charles Napier crosses the desert and destroys Emamghur. The Belooohees attack the residency at Hyderabad, but are repulsed by Colonel Outram and Cap- tain Conway. Sir Charles Napier defeats the Ameers at Meeanee, six miles from Hyderabad, February 17th, and enters the capital of Lower Scinde, February 20th. Battle of Hyderabad, March 24th. Reduction of Omercote. Annexation of Scinde. Mama Sahib appointed regent of Gwalior through British influence, but soon deposed by the maharanee. After some hesitation governor-general decides upon interfering with the internal admi- nistration of Gwalior, and arrives at Agra December 11th. British army crosses the Cfaumbul under Sir Hugh Gough, and is attacked atMaharajpore, December 29th ; Mahrattaa defeated, and also at Punniar by General Grey, on the same day. 1844. — The Mahrattas submit; treaty con- cluded January 6th ; army disbanded, and a contingent raised. Lord EUenborough recalled by Court of Directors. LORD HARDINGE. 1844. — Sir Henry Hardinge appointed gover- nor-general May 28th, 1845. Sikhs cross the Sutlej and threaten Sir John Littler at Ferozepore, December 14th; Lord Gough defeats the Sikhs at Moodkee, De- cember 18th; Sir R. Sale and Sir J. McCaskill killed. Sir Henry Hardinge and Lord Gough defeat the enemy at Ferozeshah, December 22nd, after two days' fighting. Sikhs recrosa the Sutlej. 1846. — Sir Harry Smith loses his baggage at Buddiwal, January 21st, but defeats the enemy at Aliwal, January 28th. Lord Gough wins the battle of Sobraon, Feb. 10th. Lahore occupied, February 20th. Cashmere sold to Golab Singh. Governor General created a peer, 1847. Lord Har- dinge resigns. LORD DALHOUSIE. 1848. — Lord Dalhousie appointed governor- general. Mr. Vans Agnew and Lieut. Anderson murdered at Mooltan. Lieut. Herbert Edwardes and Colonel Cortlandt, with their irregular levies, hold Moolraj in check. City of Mooltan falls to General Whish, December 21st. An- nexation of Sattara. 1849. — Moolraj surrenders the citadel, Janu- ary 21st. Lord Gough defeats the Sikhs at Chillianwallah, January 11th, and again at Goojerat. Punjab annexed, March 30th. Sir Charles Napier ap- pointed commander-in-chief. 1850. — Differences between governor-general and commander-in-chief; the latter re- signs. 1861. — War declared against Burmah. Trial of Jotee Pershad at Agra ; acquitted. 1852. — Rangoon taken by Commodore Lam- bert and General Godwin, April 15th. Bassein falls May 19th, and Prome October 9th. Pegu annexed to British CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. empire, December 20th. Ali Morad con- victed of forgery ; Khyrpore annexed. 1853. — Peace with Burmah, June 30th. Pun- jab board abolished : Sir John Lawrence appointed chief commissioner. Nagpore annexed, for want of an heir. First rail- way opened, April 16th : Bombay line. 1854. — Granges Canal opened, April 8th : con- structed by Sir T. P. Cautley. Uniform cheap postage introduced, October 1st : electric-telegraph message from Agra to Calcutta, March 24th. 1855. — Treaty with Dost Mahomed signed at Peshawur. The four per cent. loan. Mr. Halliday appointed lieutenant-gene- ral of Bengal. Sontal insurrection ; put down by General Lloyd. Calcutta and Eaneegunge railway opened, February 3 . 1856. — King of Oude deposed ; Oude an- nexed, February 7th. Sir James Outram appointed chief commissioner. Lord Dal- housie returns to Europe, and is suc- ceeded by Viscount Canning. 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U];^^-^'i^^^JmStu^ont^^l^7/>o^ofth^ Sutb.; ^ ^'"■'■J'U,t6-,-lh,rS0U.'^,,atlieru,l,l I^ltJ, v the Jumna. - ■n-at^.y ofBu.nde^bujia 1 JL-i,ah . Stat/is of HaJpoota/uL . ; •.^tatar of MabraJi . [ •>tate^ of (rtycrat . Stat,:' on the JLzlahar coa.ft . ^ St,it,\r on the Burmese FroniJ'T . K \ MqHadenlXaliTCFKnocsinAlUaflcewrthtieBriuai I ■"^'^ o/'^Vo/ _... J^^jy^ ! (;/)^/ai Sijig of C(Mlmi,:ix- _._ Rf,nnr, ^'^" -^^- ** = RajakofDholpptv ■ptrnntm Ba/ih \-jJtfihie JjiactTa *fcJ \ jTittie '~") ,/ . ^ .- -GO.OOO — L626 foreign t"uix>peaji Possessions French T r\ I'otuiichett^- " I Oiajixlerriayoi-c I Mahe' I I IZuKu^n - , - - _-- ^ \ Portuguese "^ Damaun. ' , Area and Population K Stales Goto rumen t ^Areg^ TotalArea Population Total I Britisi States under the Govaiwr Genanl ^Hi.OjO ^06597'' ^OJ"^^^"^ I I-ieut.GovrofBcngai "220.303 „ -U.OlSjdJ-l I , LUut.Cf^rofXKV. 103.726 Z3.V£.Z6o a j Madras Ga\-ernmenl 132.090 "" /■j7'>o- . ^ ------- „. 1^1.../, \ -' Bomhay Om-crnmenl . JpOx>65 ■ goj ojj Jl.JiJif.067 ! Pr csidency I Ifaljro States Bengal SJJ.839 - , J. Z8.883.337 ■ ATadrar . _^ SI.802 5.^3.671 ^""^y " " - -^^^'^-630.216 ,A-m37q_ _^^.^ /^o^/:,"^_ ^ <>••"/>/-/' -Bivjapooi' MjoJ^dncT TJrot. ^"t/urifSll.ip.H.r -^130,897.515 C o U.31 1 rT 7.37a 1S8 ;-- 1.066 I.?S4 2os.sa7 313.262 Total - ..1.155.704 S17.149 V9.9nxm ^HtdJmtluni CXxHnDriu ■^Liidelh'oe '''*"'«''j|&»J,U.,.',,.,A •/"'"'■'■■"-■■*'"■"■ PI- J \^^^C-^""-° S ^A-imiiut^-i iwiiiptjdtt^o nitlaiil I V ■ Riidur.if o^i,^<" MipOfdn 'Upi'n-hdte ' jToiiiiiuiHe rorfnj^^^. * riu.^uoloa,ical Table ../>//.- Acq 7><^A^ /'/ ' Tmity. Jiiytiicts. 1757 - TiwitUf fouj- I'-fnyuiuiahr ,iv. ^Li.fuiii'iiigun S>.'. JUirdiitui , -Mid/iapooi', tuid (Jutbu/c Jif/u/ti/ Bu/uir tO**. _ _.... ti>iJi/fim/'.r Jatilure in the \u3Juij^ J'.vvyV/vvi (Mvarj /i3iiiiidiu-it at' He/itvx's _ J.duiid of Sai^-ttt ^ _ ytittcrt- _.„ li'iiirtoor (LvKur J'h/o J'uuwff X-c .^_ Malabar, ])uuiifftd , Salem . Barajiu t\und>trtoor. Caiiani. Wifitaad . .fr laiiforr yPijiriris artjuiird hti ihr Xi.^ain , ' J'ippoo SiUtaitn in if>n iind ifpp fiU'iuriie OvnidcpiHiw. T.oiirr Pooah, JitvvfUi, J'lsO-t'ii.f ui J)iuideU-wid A'uitiid: dJii /'uti'ids in tru/aui iiiuiuion S: paii of die 'J'aTtiiolooi'*alTal»lef'/'M/' Acqiiisitioiis f'/Y/;** BTitisl!?/? India ^- j,-j,- - Tnvtiiv ft>iu- Fi'jyujuuihf ,lv, * w£/-:.'' - JLhtiJi/'tiiii/ii <£*■- 5.~ Vv7/>i> _ Ihtnhttui . Muiiuipoo S'-'iv-rt;y __ JU-iiimJ BaJuv- (tV - .- - - - ^•t ' j^ii^ .,.. ttunjni/ii/'s Jttijiiirc in die \-u3JiUi/ of 3Jhth'' -?'^ j-^6 _._ Siu-Jwrii i'uY42rs — _ - - ^ :^ ://■-; iC€jm'ji(hu-i/ <»/' fie/nurs _ __ J-,-/; J.fi,iJiJ it' Suh'Ot j;;3 Ti'aporv 77J/7 fiiadoor (Jivar "J^Sffipaltmi -^ •ettipiidii'B inulanl Fnio J^'/uuiff &e — -^-_ Miilabiir. J'indipi'l- Sa/tvn . fltininiti/i/ , .tr. . f\uniltrtoor, (ivuirti . Wunaaii . .fv _ -. Ttur'crv - - - iPirirti-Js anjinntl hu i/ir J7^\uv i'ppa- 2\ui ('/' iJie Pooab. ]h-iJii TisiTto/y ii-v. i'Liijictf m tfu/aui . - Juuiiiii'/i ^c part I'f ilic Taiitie - - Siutuiu- d- ]LiUaJi,7)uji\ai- lix: ...- -- J^nint whom at\jnijvii . Till' yi^uii . Xoi> ii' lite fiviutiic Til,- M^or .n' Oude. J'.islinar. Titiftt/i of Jh'riir. J^oM-iai Riio StTJuUti . tiuicouar. Sc-rititiaf " Rillmit i Ct Bomel (^ ^UuiuJtii'oJ FoJin - A'/«;»'ir.i/-. ■J' Onanfpo?!/ idona tl luuidoi.fii il'v;. . - JWiuiii Jii'iiijiii .uunii " 2liiinrtt,i fouiiiri/ ].,jjidir ill Soiiliti-ni Jifn/.iat Pi/'iriii.f in J'lWiip-UT X- ^Uiniodnnopur ^ Siupii^^'or — M.il,uu'.i - ^i.T.ffU/i. .-l/THt'tjp. Till op. Je. T(Tiii.fsorim . Ae. ■a till- Sorl-iidda. S/uni^iudpoor.y r (j>i. K A- Kise ;>o liigrai-ed'brrJ.ftC'Walkrr. Tul'li^ial br W™ M. AUen. ^ C? Lc^i-denhall St>-e.-> HISTORY BEITISH EMPIRE IN INDIA. CHAPTER I. EEVIEW OE THE ALEXANDER.- AKCIENT HISTOET OF INDIA. — CONQUESTS OP THE PERSIANS, AND -BISK, PKOGKESS, AND DECLINE OP THE MAHOMETAN POWER IN INDIA. The early history of India is involved in the deepest obscurity. When the country was first peopled, from whom the settlers descended, and whence they migrated, are questions which may furnish appropriate exercise for specula- tive ingenuity, but upon which there exists no information that can afford a basis for even plausible conjecture. Although it would not be perfectly accurate to affirm that the Hindoos have no historical .records, it is undoubtedly in this species of composition that their literature is most deficient. Genealogies of different lines of kings are not wanting ; but these, apparently, are for the most part mythological, not historical ; and, even where they haTe some pretensions to the latter character, the diffi- culties which surround every attempt to give them a consistent interpretation, deprive them of all interest for the general reader. The researches of Oriental scholars may, in time, reduce to intelligible form the mass of crude materials which exists in the native records, and slicit light and harmony from sources which now present only darkness and confu- sion ; but when it is recollected that the his- tory of the earlier centuries of Rome, which had for ages commanded belief and respect, has been assailed, and, in the opinion of many competent judges, invalidated, by the acute- ness of modern criticism, an additional reason is furnished for hesitating to ascribe much im- portance to records which have not yet been subjected to similar searching inquiry. But, whatever opinion may be formed upon these points, destined, in all probability, long to remain subjects for controversy, the Hindoos are indisputably entitled to rank among the most ancient of existing nations, as well as among those most early and most rapidly civi- lized. The earliest notices which have de- scended to us lead to the conclusion that, long before the commencement of the Christian era, India exhibited the appearance of a country whose manners and institutions had become fixed by time ; where not only all the useful arts, and many 6f those conducive to luxury and refinement, had been long known and suc- cessfully practised, but where man, resting at length from physical labour, and escaping from sensual enjoyment, found both leisure and in- clination to engage in intellectual exercises. Ere yet the Pyramids looked down upon the valley of the Nile — when Greece and Italy, those cradles of European civilization, nursed only the tenants of the wilderness — India was the seat of wealth and grandeur. A busy population had covered the land with the marks of its industry ; rich crops of the most coveted productions of nature annually re- warded the toil of the husbandman ; skilful artisans converted the rude produce of the soil into fabrics of unrivalled delicacy and beauty ; and architects and sculptors joined in constructing works, the solidity of which has not, in some instances, been overcome by the revolution of thousands of years. The princes and nobles of India, unlike the wan- dering chieftains of the neighbouring coun- tries, already dwelt in splendid palaces, and, clothed in the gorgeous products of its looms, and glittering with gold and gems, indulged a corresponding luxury in every act and habit of their lives. Poets were not wanting to cele- brate the exploits of their ancestors, nor philosophers to thread the mazes of metaphy- sical inquiry, and weave the web of ingenious speculation, with as much subtlety, and per- haps with not less success than has attended the researches of subsequent inquirers. These conclusions are not based upon conjecture, but rest upon documents still existing, though grievously mutilated ; for the historian of an- tiquity, like the comparative anatomist who examines the animal relics of the antediluvian world, miist found his conclusions upon frag- ments — which, in this instance, however, are B ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [a.d. 1001. BuBBoient to prove that the ancient state of India must have been one of extraoi'dinavy magnificence. Whether the present inhabitants of India are generally descended from those by whom the country was originally peopled ; whether the various castes into which the Hindoo population are divided constitute one nation or more — the inferior tribes having been con- quered by the superior, — are questions which have been discussed with great ingenuity, but upon which, in the present state of inquiry, it would not be proper in this place to offer a positive opinion. Descending to the period when the light of authentic history begins to dawn — though too faintly to be of much value — we find India an object of attraction to the cupidity or ambition of its neighbours. The Persians, under Darius Hystaspes, certainly conquered a portion of India, but its extent is uncertain. It must, however, be presumed to have been considerable, since the amount of tribute drawn from the Indian satrapy is stated to have been nearly a third of the entire revenue of the Persian monarchy. The next invader of India, of whom we have any record, was Alexander. He crossed the Indus, traversed the Punjaub, and designed to advance to the Ganges ; but this intention was frustrated by the refusal of his soldiers to fol- low him : a refusal which can scarcely excite surprise, when the discouraging circumstances to which they had been exposed are remem- bered. The march into the Punjaub was per- formed in the rainy season. It consequently involved a degree of suffering to which troops are rarely subjected, and which none but the most hardy frames can endure. Foiled in his plan of advancing to the Ganges, Alexander was more successful in another direction. A fleet was constructed or collected to the amount, it is said, of nearly two thousand ves- sels. With thisf orce Alexander proceeded dov/n the Indus to the ocean, while a portion of bis army, overrunning the country on each side of the river, compelled it to acknowledge the Macedonian conqueror. The progress to the sea was necessarily slow. When completed, the less serviceable ships were laid up in the Delta, while a select number of the best class, manned by about ten thousand Greeks and Phenicians, were placed under the command of Nearchus, for the purpose of exploring the navigation between the Indus and the Euphrates, the king himself leading back the remainder of his army through the thirsty desert of Gedrosia. The Greek dominion in India did not expire with the life of Alexander, For two complete centuries after his death, the provinces bordering on the Indus were governed by monarchs of the Syrian and Bac- trian dynasties, some of whom carried their victorious arms as far as the Jumna and the Ganges. Their coins are still found in great numbers in the neighbourhood of those rivers. An irruption of the Tartar hordes put an end to the Greek dominion in Asia. Any further notice of that dominion would here be super- fluous, as the Greeks left upon the country and people of India no permanent impression of their conquest. One of the very earliest objects of commerce seems to have been to satisfy the craving of less favoured nations for the costly commodi- ties of India. Even before the time of Moses, a communication with Western Asia had been established for this purpose ; it was the mono- poly of this trade which, more than any other cause, contiibuted to the proverbial prosperity of Tyre, and which, after the destruction of that pity, rendered Alexandria the commercial capital of the world. The growing demand for Eastern commodities consequent on the progress of luxury throughout the Roman empire occasioned a diligent cultivation of the intercourse with India, and drew forth many bitter invectives from the political economists of the day, against a trade so calculated, in their opinion, to drain the empire of its wealth. The fulfilment of their prophecies was, how- ever, prevented by an unexpected event, the occupation of Egypt and the greater part of Asia by the Mahometans, and the consequent obstruction of both the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, the two principal channels of Indian commerce. The ambitious and aggres- sive spirit of Mahometanism, far from being satisfied by these vast and speedy conquests, soon led its votaries into India. From the middle of the seventh to the commencement of the eleventh century, various inroads took place, but they seem to have resembled rather marauding expeditions than deliberate attempts at conquest. Having satiated them- selves with pillage, the invaders retired. The first Mahometan prince who established a solid power in India was the Sultan Mab- mood, son of Sabatagin, who, having raised himself from an humble station to regal power, reigned at Ghizni, in Affghanistan, in great splendour, and became the founder of the Ghiznividian dynasty. His first expedition is entitled to no notice, as it does not appear pro- bable that he reached any part of the country now known as India. In a second attempt he defeated the Rajah of Lahore, and having enriched himself with much plunder, stipu- lated for the payment of an annual tribute. The hostile visits of Mahmood were subse- quently often repeated, greatly to the in? crease of his own wealth, and not vrithout advantage to the cause of the Prophet. In the progress of his conquests, Mahmood cap- tured and destroyed many monuments of Hindoo idolatry. Among them were the fam- ous temples of Nagrakote and Somnaut. Of the magnificence and strength of the latter. Gibbon gives a glowing description. "The pagoda of Somnaut," says the historian, "was situate on the promontory of Guzerat, in the neighbourhood of Diu, one of the last remain- ing possessions of the Portuguese. It was endowed with the revenue of two thousand villages ; two thousand Brahmins were conse- A.D. 1193.] THE GAUEIAN DYNASTY. 3 crated to the service of the deity, whom they washed each morning and evening in water from the distant Ganges ; the subordinate ministers consisted of three hundred musi- cians, three hundred barbers, and five hundred daucing-girls, conspicuous for their birth and beauty. Three sides of the temple were pro- tected by the ocean ; the narrow isthmus was fortified by a natural or artificial precipice ; and the city and adjacent country were peo- pled by a nation of fanatics. They confessed the sins and the punishment of Kinnoge and Delhi; but if the impious stranger should presume to approach their holy precincts, he would surely be overwhelmed by a blast of the divine yengeance." Their confidence, how- ever, was vain. The invincible temple was taken, and the gigantic idol to which it was dedicated broken to pieces. According to popular report, the Brahmins offered immense sums to ransom their god ; but Mahmood, declaring that he was a breaker of idols, and not a seller of them, ordered the work of destruction to take place. It is added that his incorruptibility was rewarded by the dis- covery of a vast store of diamonds and pearis within the idol. The story is so striking, that it 'is a pity it should not be true. But un- fortunately the earlier authorities make no mention of any offer of ransom, and as the idol was solid it could contain no treasure. Although the career of Mahmood was almost a. constant succession of conquests, his sove- reignty over many of the provinces included within his empire was little more than nomi- nal. The Punjaub was nearly all that was really subjected to the Mahometan govern- ment. The dynasty of Ghizni was continued through a succession of princes, some of whom made incursions into India, either to add new terri- tories to their dominions, or to vindicate their claims to those subdued by their predecessors. Latterly, their connection with that country was drawn more close by the state of their afiairs elsewhere. The wars in which they were involved with the Suljook Turks and with the Afighan house of Ghoor, dispossessed them of a considerable portion of their original territories, and drove them from their capital of Ghizni. The royal house in consequence took refuge in India, and the city of Lahore became their capital. They recovered posses- sion of Ghizni for a short period, but were again expelled from it, and their dynasty closed with a prince named Khoosrow MuUik, who being treacherously seduced into the hands of Mohammed Ghoory, the empire was trans- ferred to the race to which the victor be- longed. Mohammed Ghoory, founder of the Gaurian dynasty, was nominally the general of an elder brother, but in reality his ruler. Having set- tled the afiairs of Lahore, he returned for a time to Ghizni. He subsequently advanced to extend his conquests in India, but at first without success, being signally defeated by a confederation of native princes, and efiecting his own escape with difSoulty. Having re- cruited his army, he in turn gained a victory over his former conquerors, took possession of Ajmere, and subjected it to tribute. One of his generals, named Kootb-ood-Deen, expelled the ruler of Delhi, and made that city the seat of a Mahometan government, compelling all the districts around to acknowledge the faith of Islam. In the expeditions of Mohammed, plunder was regarded as an object equal, perhaps su- perior, in importance to the propagation of the faith. The accumulation of treasure went hand in hand with idol-breaking, and, when cut off by the hands of assassins, Mohammed left behind him wealth, the reputed amount of which the native historian represents as almost incredible. The larger portion of this wealth was undoubtedly obtained from India. His conquests extended into Guzerat, to Agra, and to the boundaries of Bengal. Succeeding princes carried the Mahometan arms into that country. Kootb-ood-Deen, already mentioned, became independent on the deatli of his master Mo- hammed, and Delhi, the seat of his govern- ment, is thenceforth to be regarded as the capital of the Mahometan empire of India. This prince had been a slave, but, manifest- ing an aptitude for learning, was instructed by the favour of his master in the Persian and Arabic languages, and in those branches of knowledge to which they afforded admission. Hia patron dying, he was sold by the execu- tors of his deceased master to a merchant, who again sold him to Mohammed Ghoory, with whom he became a great favourite. His talents justified the distinction with which he was treated, and he was finally dignified with the title of Kooth-ood-Deen, the Pole Star of the Faithful. The series of princes commencing with Kootb-ood-Deen are, in Oriental history, de- nominated the slave kings. After a few reigns, they were succeeded by the dynasty of Khilgy. Under Feroze, the first prince of this house, the earliest irruption of Mahometan arms into the Deccan appears to have taken place. This step was suggested by Alla-ood-Deen, the nephew of the reigning sovereign, to whom its execution was intrusted, and the motive to the undertaking was the reputed wealth of the princes of the south. From one of them immense plunder was obtained, and the com- mander of the expedition, on his return, mounted the throne of Delhi, having prepared the way by the assassination of his uncle and sovereign. The house of Khilgy terminated with a prince named Mooharik, who was mur- dered by a favourite servant, to whom he had confided all the powers of the state. The usurper was defeated and slain by Ghazi Khan Toghluk, governor of the Punjaub, who there- upon mounted the throne, to which no one ,could show a better claim, all the members of the royal house having perished. Thus com- B 3 TIMOTJE THE TAETAE. [A.D. 1320. menced the dynasty of the Toghluk. So rich a harvest had been reaped by the first spoilers of the Deccan, that their example found many eager imitators. In one of these predatory visits, a prince, named Mohammed Toghluk, was so much struck with the central situation of Dowlatabad, formerly under the name of Deogur, the capital of a powerful Hindoo state, that he resolved upon making it, in- stead of Delhi, the seat of the Mahometan empire in India. He returned to Delhi for a short period, but recurring to his former reso- lution, he again transferred the seat of govern- ment to Dowlatabad, and carried off thither the whole of the inhabitants of Delhi, leaving his ancient metropolis to become, in the lan- /guage of the Mahometan historian, a resort for owls, and a, dwelling-place for the beasts of the desert. But this prince was not des- tined to enjoy repose in his newly -chosen capital. Intestine commotion and foreign in- vasion desolated his dominions, and in Dow- latabad, under the very eye of the monarch, pestilence and famine thinned the number of the pining and miserable exiles with whom his wanton tyranny had hoped to stock his favourite city. After a time, permission was given to the inhabitants to return to Delhi. Of those who made the attempt, some perished on the road by famine, while most of those who gained the city found that they had es- caped death by the way, only to encounter it in the same frightful form at the place from which they had been so capriciously expelled, and a return to which had been the object of their fondest hopes. Tamine raged in the city of Delhi, says the native historian, so that men ate one another. In every quarter disaster attended Mohammed Toghluk. The Punjaub was invaded. Bengal revolted, and the greater part of his possessions in the Dec- can were wrested from him. In those pro- vinces where the authority of Mohammed Toghluk was still recognized, his cruelty and extortion had excited a universal feeling of detestation, and he complained that he no sooner put down disaffection in one place, than it broke out in another. The person to whom this complaint.was addressed ventured to sug- gest as a remedy, that the sovereign should abdicate the throne. The advice was received by Mohammed with an expression of anger, and the avowal of a determination to scourge his subjects for their rebellion, whatever might be the consequence. This intention he did not live to fulfil. An attack of indigestion relieved his enemies from the effects of his vengeance, and himself from a combination of difficulties which only the highest genius or the happiest fortune could have overcome. Under his successor, Peroze Toghluk, a qualified independence of the throne of Delhi seems to have been conceded both to Bengal and the Deccan. This prince, celebrated both for the number and magnitude of his public works, as well as for his clemency, moderation, and love of learning, is remarkable also for having twice abdicated the throne. He died at an advanced age, ten years before the in- vasion of Timour, better known in Europe under the name of Tamerlane. Timour was a Mogul — a race, the fame of whose arms had already spread terror wherever they appeared, and who had aided in changing the face of the civilized world. The Huns, who under the ferocious Attila gave a fatal blow to the tottering fabric of the Roman empire, were, it has been supposed, chiefly Moguls. In the thirteenth century, their leader, Chengiz, or Zingis, having subdued all the neighbouring Tartar tribes, extended his conquests far and wide, leaving to his succes- sors a larger extent of dominion than Borne possessed at the period of her highest grandeur. They pursued the course which he had so suc- cessfully begun. Carrying their arms west- ward, they traversed Russia and Poland, and, advancing their hordes into Hungary, Bohe- mia, and Silesia, struck terror into the heart of Europe. The empire was divided after the death of Chengiz, and the thrones which arose on its foundation, after a time, experienced the ordinary lot of Oriental sovereignties. Weakness and disorder had overspread them, when the barbaric grandeur of the Mogul em- pire was revived by the energy of a soldier of fortune, who, having delivered his own coun- trymen from subjection, led them forth to add to the conquests, and swell the list of crimes by which, at former periods, they had devas- tated the world. The situation of the Mahometan government at Delhi was calculated to invite the attacks of ambition. For a considerable period, the city had been a prey to disorder and violence. After a series of short and weak reigns, marked only by crime and suffering, two can- didates for the vacant throne were set up by rival bodies of chieftains. Each held his court at Delhi ; the pretensions of both were main- tained by an appeal to arms, and thus was produced the extraordinary spectacle of two emperors at war with each other while resi- dent in the same city. For three years the possession of the sceptre was thus contested, the people being subjected to all the calamities of civil war, as carried on in the East. At length, Yekbal, an ambitious and intriguing omrah, succeeded in obtaining the imperial power, which he exercised in the name of a prince who enjoyed nothing of sovereignty beyond the title. It was at this period that Timour, emphati- cally called " the firebrand of the universe," commenced his march. He crossed the Indus and advanced towards Delhi, his course being everywhere marked by the most horrible ex- cesses. While preparing to attack the capital, Timour became apprehensive of danger from the number of prisoners which had accumu- lated during his progress, and, to avert it, he put to death, in cold blood, nearly one hun- dred thousand of them. Having freed himself from this source of disquiet, he arrayed his A.D. 1556.] DEATH OF BABER. troopa against the imperial city. Its wretched ruler issued forth to make a show of resist- ance ; but it can scarcely be said than an engagement took place, for the troops of the Emperor of Deflhi fled, almost without fight- ing, pursued by the conqueror to the very gates of the city. The soyereign and his min- ister fled from its walls under cover of the night, and the submission of the principal in- habitants having removed every impediment to the entry of Timour, he caused himself to be proclaimed emperor, and his title to be acknowledged in all the mosques. The first function exercised by a Mahometan conqueror is to levy contributions on the conquered, and arrangements were made for carrying into effect this necessary consequence of Timour's success. Some degree of equity was to be observed, for the measure of contributions was to be regulated by the rank and wealth of the inhabitants. Some of the richest, however, it was represented, had shut themselves up, and refused to pay their shares. Troops were sent to enforce compliance ; confusion and plunder ensued ; the city was set on fire, and the triumph of Timour closed with one vast scene of indiscriminate massacre and pillage. The flames which had been kindled by ven- geance or despair, irradiated streets streaming with blood and choked with the bodies of the dead. Amidst these horrors, the author of them secured a booty so vast, that the cau- tious historian refrains from mentioning the reputed .amount, inasmuch as it exceeded all belief. The success of Timour was not followed by the permanent results which might have been expected. He remained at Delhi only a few days, and having glutted himself with plunder, returned to the capital of his Tartar dominions. His invasion of India resembled rather one of those predatory irruptions so common in Eastern warfare, than a settled plan of con- quest. After he quitted Delhi, his authority virtually ceased, and the city remained for some time a scene of the most frightful dis- order. It slowly recovered from this state, and the authority of its former ruler within its walls was to some extent restored, but the reins of extended empire had slipped irre- coverably from his grasp. The state of anarchy which had prevailed had emboldened the go- vernors of the provinces to renounce their alle- giance to the Court of Delhi. New kingdoms sprung into independent existence, and ill a brief period a very small district round the city of Delhi was all that remained to its ruler. Though the positive authority of Timour ceased with his departure from Delhi, a prince named Khizr, who obtained the government shortly afterwards, acknowledged a nominal vassalage to him, and caused coin to be stnick in his name ; but the dynasty of Timour was not actually establishedjn India until the cele- brated Baber, after some abortive attempts, succeeded in seating himself on the throne of Delhi. In establishing his authority, Baber en- countered difficulties which, to a mind of less energy, might have appeared insuperable. He persevered, however, and extended his con- quests as far as Behar, when his progress was terminated by his death. That event, according to some authors, was hastened by superstition. His favourite sou, Hoomayoon, was danger- ously ill, and some pious follower of the Pro- phet suggested that in similar circumstances Heaven had been sometimes pleased to accept the most valuable thing possessed by one friend as an offering in exchange for the life of another. Baber was struck by the suggestion, and exclaimed that, next to the life of Hoo- mayoon, his own life was what he most valued ; and that this he would devote as a sacrifioe for his son's. His friends pointed out a more easy though highly costly sacrifice in a dia- mond taken at Agra, reputed the most valuable in the world, and quoted the authority of ancient sages in proof that the proper offering was the dearest of worldly possessions. But Baber was infiexible, and proceeded to carry his intention into effect, according to the most approved forms of Mahometan piety. He walked three times round the sick prince, in imitation of the mode of presenting offerings on solemn occasions, and then retired to prayer. After some time, it is stated that he was heard to exclaim, " I have borne it away, I have borne it away;" and from that time Baber's health is said to have declined, and that of Hoomayoon to have improved. On the re- covery of Hoomayoon, it is only necessary to remark that he enjoyed the advantage of youth. With regard to the decline of Baber, it is to be observed that he was previously in ill health, and no one acquainted with the effects of imagination in producing or aggra- vating disease, will doubt that the conviction of his being a doomed man might accelerate the fate which he believed inevitable, more especially when acting upon a frame previously enfeebled by sickness. But whether this effect was produced or not, there is certainly nothing remarkable either in the death of the father or the recovery of the son. The son of Baber, after a few years of stormy contention, was forced to yield the throne to an Affghan usurper, named Sheer. Many public works tending alike to use and ornament, are attributed to this prince ; but their reputed number and magnitude seem hardly consistent with the brevity of his reign, which lasted only five years. In addition to his other measures for the public advantage, he established horse posts for the benefit both of the government and of commerce. Tradi- tion adds, that during his reign, such was the public security that travellers rested and slept with their goods in the highways without apprehension of robbery. The death of Sheer was succeeded by a struggle for the crown, which ended in the restoration of the exiled son of Baber. This prince dying from a fall very shortly after His elevation to sovereign 6 AKEAE AND JEFANGIE. [a.d. 1556. power, made way for his son Akbar, whose name occupies so conspicuous a place in the pages of Oriental history. Akbar was not fourteen years of age when he ascended the throne. The youth of the sovereign exposed the empire to attack, and the task of defending it was intrusted to a distinguished chief named Beiram, who en- tered with vigour upon the task of reducing to obedience all who disputed the authority of the monarch. He succeeded in giving stability to the throne ; but his imperious temper, aided by the intrigues of those who hated or envied him, gradually diminished bis influence at court ; and the attainment by the sovereign of the period of manhood made him naturally anxious to be released from a state of pupilage, Akbar accordingly issued a proclamation an- nouncing his own assumption of the reins of government, and forbidding obedience to any orders not bearing his seal. Beiram had recourse to rebellion, but, being unsuccessful, was compelled to throw himself on the cle- mency of his sovereign. Akbar received his repentant minister vrith the greatest kindness, and offered him his choice of a provincial government, a residence at court, or a pilgri- mage to Mecca, with a retinue and allowances suitable to his rank. Beiram chose the last, but never reached the place to which discon- tent and devotion to the Mahometan faith had united in directing his steps, being assassinated on the road by an Affghan, whose father he had slain in battle. The reign of Akbar was long, and during the greater part of it he was engaged in re- sisting rebellion or invasion within his actual dominions ; in endeavouring to reduce to entire subjection those countries which owned a nominal dependence upon him, or in^extend- ing his empire by fresh conquests. At this period the greater part of the Deccan was sub- ject to Mahometan princes, the descendants of former invaders ; but community of faith did not protect them from the effects of Akbar's desire for empire. Akbar demanded that they should acknowledge his supremacy. This they refused ; and the emperor proceeded to attack them. His success was but partial, bat it was sufficient in his own judgment to authorize his assuming the title of Emperor of the Deccan. With one of the kings who had denied his right to superiority, Akbar entered into relations of amity and alliance. The Shah of Beejapoor offered his daughter in marriage to the son of Akbar. The offer was accepted. The nuptials were celebrated with great magnificence. Ferishta, the eminent Mahometan historian, is said to have attended the princess on the occasion, and, at the invi- tation of her husband, to have accpmpanied the royal pair to the city of Berhampoor. But neither the conversation of the learned his- torian, nor the charms of the youthful bride, preserved the prince from courses injurious to his health and very inconsistent with his creed ; for, within a few months after his marriage, he died from the consequences of excessive drinking. His death, and the cir- cumstances connected with it, severely affected the previously declining health of Akbar, who, in about six months, followed his son to the grave, after a reign of more than fifty-one years. Akbar left an only son, Selim, who ascended the throne after a brief struggle made by a party in the court to set him aside in favour of his own son. Selim, with oriental modesty, assumed the name of Jehangir, Conqueror of the World. He was himself, however, under the control of a female, whose name is distin- guished in the romantic annals of the East, and as his passion is the most remarkable cir- cumstance of his life, it merits some notice. The captivator of Jehangir was the daughter of a Tartar adventurer, who bad raised himself to favour in the court of Akbar, and, according to the legend current in Asia, her birth and infancy had been distinguished by circum- stances of an extraordinary character. But whatever might have been the events of her childhood, she grew up a woman of the most exquisite beauty ; while in the arts of musiu, dancing, poetry, and painting, it is said she had no equal among her own sex. Selim saw and admired her, but she was betrothed to a man of rank. The prince appealed to his father, who was then living, but Akbar would not suffer the contract to be infringed, even for the gratification of his son, and the heir to his throne. The death of the emperor, and the succession of Selim, removed the obstacle thus interposed either by justice or prudence. The object of Selim's passion had indeed then become a wife, but this was a matter too trivial to be an impediment to the gratifica- tion of the wishes of the Conqueror of the World. The presumption of her husband in appropriating a treasure which a prince had aspired to possess was punished by his death. On the inexplicable coldness with which Jehangir subsequently regarded the woman for whom he had incurred so much guilt, and on his sudden and extraordinary relapse into all the wild abandonment of his former passion, it is unnecessary to dwell. Suffice it to say, that after the lapse of some years the emperor espoused the aspiring beauty, whose embraces he had bought with blood, The name of the enslaver of the Conqueror of the World was changed to Noor Mahal, Light of the Harem. 4-t a later period her name was again changed by royal edict to Noor Jehan, Light of the World ; and to distinguish her from other inmates of the seraglio, she was always ad- dressed by the title of empress. Thencefor- ward her influence was unbounded. Her family were raised to the highest offices and distinctions. Her father became vizier, and her two brothers were raised to the rank of omrahs. The history of Noor Jehan — of her intrigues and triumphs, her crimes and her misfortunes — is full of interest ; but to pursue it further would not be compatible with either A.D. 1630,] PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES. the limits or the object of this work. One event, immediately relating to that ohjeot, must not be passed over. It was in the reign of Jehangir that an English ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe, deputed by James I., arrived at the Mogul court, in the hope of securing protection to the English in the commerce which they were carrying on with India. Little, however, was effected by the ambassa- dor, although his reception was courteous and magnificent. The latter years of Jehangir's reign were attended by many vicissitudes of fortune, of which the haughty and vindictive character of his empress, and the rebellious spirit of his sons, were among the principal causes. The death of the emperor made way for the suc- cession of his son, Shah Jehan, who commenced his reign by a liberal use of the bow-string and the dagger. ResoK ed, like Macbeth, to secure the throne, he was more successful than that usurper in carrying his resolution into effect; and, with the exception of himself and his sons, all the male posterity of the house of Timour were disposed of. Yet the reign of Shah Jehan was at an early period disturbed by disaffection. An able and ambitious general, named Lodi, who held the chief command in the Deccan, had manifested reluctance to ac- knowledge the claims of Shah Jehan, and it became necessary to employ force to produce conviction of the rightfulness of the emperor's title, Lodi yielded to this argument, and ten- dering submission, was apparently forgiven. His pardon was even sealed by an appointment to a provincial government, but being ordered to attend at court, his reception there was accompanied by such studied insult, that an affray took place in the royal presence ; swords were unsheathed, and Lodi and his relatives fled. He took the road to the Deccan, where he had previously established an interest. Thither he was followed by the emperor at the head of an immense army. After a variety of operations in different quarters, the impe- rial arms were everywhere successful, and Lodi, having experienced innumerable disas- ters, died, with the few followers that still adhered to him, in an encounter prompted by the energy of despair. The emperor continued to prosecute the war in the Deccan ; but the ravages of the sword were but a small part of the calamities which that unhappy country was destined to bear. A severe drought produced famine — famine was followed by pestilence, and the dreadful mortality which ensued pro- bably hastened the termination of hostilities. During his progress homeward. Shah Jehan took possession of several fortresses, and ex- torted money or an acknowledgment of his supremacy, as well as a promise of tribute, from the princes through whose dominions he In following the history of the Mogul em- pire, an incident which occurred in the reign of Shah Jehan directs attention to a Euro- pean nation which for a time acted a conspi- cuous part in India. The governor of Bengal complained to the emperor that he was annoyed by a set of "European idolaters," who had been permitted to establish them- selves at Hooghly, for the purposes of trade, but who, instead of adhering strictly to the business of merchants, had fortified them- selves, and become so insolent as to commit acts of violence on the subjects of the empire. These " European idolaters " were the Portu- guese, to whose extraordinary career of dis- covery and conquest it will now be proper to advert. Their discoveries received the first impulse from Henry, the fifth son of John, the first king of Portugal of that name. Under his auspices, several expeditions were fitted out for exploring the coast of Africa and the adjacent seas. Tbe first discovery was not very important, but was sufficient to afford encouragement and stimulate to perseverance. It consisted of the little island of Puerto Santo, so named from its having been dis- covered on the festival of All-Saints. This was in the year 1418. In the following year the adventurers were further rewarded by the discovery of Madeira. For more than half a century the voyages of the Portuguese were continued in the same direction, but in general without more important results than occa- sional additions to the small stock of geogra- phical knowledge then existing. Little pro- gress seemed to have been made towards the attainment of the grand object of these enter- prises^-viz., the discovery of a new route to India — till the latter end of the fifteenth cen- tury, when Bartholomew Dias eclipsed the fame of all preceding navigators, by his suc- cess in reaching the southernmost point of Africa, and in doubling the famous promon- tory called by himself Cabo Tormontoso, the Cape of Storms, but more happily and pei-ma- nently designated by his sovereign, Cabo da Bona Esperanza, the Cape of Good Hope. Emanuel, the successor of John of Portugal, proceeded in the steps of his predecessor. An expedition was fitted out in furtherance of the object in view, and committed to the care of Vasco de Gama. It sailed from Lisbon on the 9th of July, 1497, doubled the Cape on the 20th of November following, and finally reached Calicut ; thus achieving the triumph so long and so anxiously sought. The admiral was forthwith introduced to the native prince, a Hindoo, called by the Portuguese historians Zamorin, by native authorities, Samiri ; and after a short stay, marked by alternations of friendliness and hostility, set sail on his return to Portugal, where he was received with the honours which he had so well earned. The Portuguese returned, and received per- mission to carry on the operations of com- merce. But disputes soon arose, and acts of violence were committed on both sides. The power and influence of the Portuguese, how- ever, continued to extend, and the assistance afforded by them to the neighbouring King of Cochin, in his quarrel with the Zamorin, was PORTUGUESE EXPELLED FROM BENGAL. [a.d. 1630. rewarded by permission to erect a fort for their protection within the territories of the former prince. Thus was laid the foundation of the Portuguese dominion in the East. An attempt to obtain possession of Calicut failed. Against Goa the invaders were more success- ful. That city was taken by storm ; and although subsequently retaken by a native force, was again captured by the Portuguese, and became the seat of their government, the capital of their Indian dominions, and the see of an archbishop — the primate of the Indies. The Portuguese were not slow in improving the advantages which they had gained. They claimed the dominion of the Indian seas, ex- tended their commerce into every part of the East, established numerous factories and forts for its management and protection, and waged destructive wars — sometimes in maintaining what they had acquired, sometimes in endea- vouring to add to their power. At Hooghly they appear to have established themselves with their usual views, and they probably ejdiibited their accustomed insolence and violence. Shah Jehan entertained no affection for them, having, when engaged in rebellion against his father, been personally offended by the commander of the Portuguese force at Hooghly, The taunt was treasured up, and the complaint of the governor of Hooghly afforded an opportunity of showing that it was not forgotten. The emperor's orders on the occasion were not more brief than decisive : — " Expel these idolaters from my dominions," was the imperial mandate. The subahdar, to whom it was addressed, lost no time in acting upon it. He proceeded to attack the Portuguese factory, and a practi- cable breach being effected, the place was car- ried by assault. The Portuguese defended themselves with courage, and after the enemy were in the town, continued to fight under cover of the houses ; but being no match for their assailants in point of numbers, they were compelled, after an unsuccessfal attempt to make terms, to lay down their arms, and trust to the clemency of the victor. Their fate was better than might have been anticipated, for the conqueror spared their lives, and contented himself with wreaking his wrath on their numerous images, which were forthwith broken down and destroyed. The affairwas altogether trivial, and would deserve no notice, but as being the first instance in which the arms of the Mogul were directed against Europeans in the East. In other quarters Shah Jehan carried on warlike operations upon a larger scale. Pro- fessing the opinion that " it is not enough for a great prince to transmit to his posterity the dominions only which he has received from his fathers," he proceeded to manifest a practical adherence to it by taking measures for the subjugation of the Beccan. An immense force was collected and divided into several armies, destined to execute the ambitious orders of the emperor. Those orders were marked by the most reckless disregard of human suffering. The country was delivered over to fire, and the people to the sword. One hundred and fif- teen towns and castles were taken in the coui-se of a year, and the kings of Beejapoor and Golconda, unable to offer any effective resistance, were compelled to propitiate the emperor by the most humiliating submission. They renounced their rank as sovereign princes, and received commissions from the emperor, constituting them hereditary gover- nors of their own dominions. In sJl their public acts they were to acknowledge the em- peror and his successors as lords paramount, and to designate themselves the humble sub- jects of the Emperor of the Moguls. Tribute, under such circumstances, was not to be for- gotten, and large annual payments were stipu- lated for, the first of them to take place on signing the treaty. But the Deccan was not to enjoy any long interval of peace. A Persian, named Mir Jumla, who had acquired considerable wealth by trading in diamonds, became a resident at the court of Kootb, sovereign of Golconda, and ultimately obtained the highest command there. In that capacity he had conducted a war of several years' duration in the Camatic, where he had gathered spoil of immense value. Dissatisfied with his sovereign Kootb, Mir Jumla threw himself upon Aurungzebe, son of Shah Jehan, who then commanded for his father in the Deccan. The desertion of Jumla was followed by the imprisonment of his son, and the confiscation of so much of his wealth as was within reach. Jumla, who had ac- quired the confidence of Aurungzebe, there- upon exerted his influence with the prince to bring about a war with Kootb. Aurungzebe warmly pressed the same views upon the em- peror, whose consent to commence hostilities was readily obtained. The command of the expedition was intrusted to Mohammed, Au- rungzebe's eldest son. Kootb being wholly unprepared for war, became alarmed, and sought to save himself by concessions^ but those which he was prepared to yield fell short of the demands of his invaders. Mo- hammed thereupon entered Hydrabad, and the scene so often acted under Mahometan conquerors was repeated. Fire and massacre raged through the city, and the activity of the first of these agents disappointed in a great degree the appetite of the conquerors for plun- der. So rapid was the progress of the flames, that nothing was saved except such articles as were indestructible even by fire. Similar hor- rors followed at the old city of Golconda, whither Kootb had retreated, and which was entered by Mohammed shortly after. Kootb was now at the mercy of his conqueror, and it is said that he was only saved from death by the beauty of his daughter, whom, amidst these scenes of blood and slaughter, Moham- med married. The termination of the vrar afforded the A.D. 1658.] SHAH JEHA^PS FOTJE SONS. Deccan but a brief period of repose. In tbe following year the dependent king of Beejapoor died. The vacant throne was filled without reference to the emperor, and the omission of this ceremony was deemed a fit occasion for again consigning the Deccan to the horrors of war. The command of the invading force was given nominally to Jumla, who had esta- blished himself in high favour, but was actually possessed by Aurungzebe. Victory again at- tended the armies of the emperor. The prin- cipal fortresses were, in rapid succession, reduced, and the offending king constrained to sue for peace, at the expense of any sacri- fice that the caprice of his conquerors might demand. The court and empire of Shah Jeban were now about to be agitated by extraordinary events. The atrocious care which Shah Jehan had taken to preserve the throne to his own family, did not secure him in the tranquil occupation of it. He had four sons, named Dara, Shooja, Aurungzebe, and Morad. The emperor being aiflicted with serious illness, the exercise of the government devolved upon Dara. An edict, directing that the seal of Dara should be considered as valid as that of the emperor, had been issued some time before the latter became incapacitated for rule, but until that period Dara made no use of this extraordinary power. The illness of the empe- ror, however, accelerated a crisis which had long been in preparation. Dara issued an order, forbidding, under pain of death, all intercourse with his brothers on the existing state of affairs. Their agents at court were imprisoned, their papers seized, and the pro- perty in their hands attached. His brothers, on their parts, were not idle. Shooja, the second, was administering the government of Bengal. Aurungzebe was in the Deccan ; Morad, in Guzerat. Each on receiving intel- ligence of his father's illness assigned to him- self the crown. Shooja was the first to advance towards the capital. The- emperor, however, recovered, and Dara, with a propriety of feeling not common in the East, returned the government into his hands. Shooja's plans were not disconcerted by the change. Affect- ing to disbelieve the report of the emperor's recovery, he advanced, but it was to his own discomfiture. He was met by a force com- manded by Soliman, the son of Dara, and entirely defeated. Aurungzebe was less precipitate. He paused to make his blow more sure. He levied forces, but not, he professed, to promote any ambi- tious designs of his own. With characteristic craftiness, he assured his brother Morad, that his own views were directed to heaven, and not to a throne ; but Dara, he declared, was unfit for sovereignty, while Shooja was a heretic, and consequently unworthy of the crown. Under these circumstances, he was anxious to assist Morad in ascending the throne, after which he should retire to spend the remainder of his life in the exercise of devotion. Morad was entirely deceived by these professions, and a junction of their forces was determined upon. While Aurungzebe was waiting for the arrival of Morad, he learnt that an immense force, under a distinguished Rajpoot commander, had advanced to oppose him. Had Aurungzebe been then attacked, his defeat would have been almost certain ; but he was saved by the absurd vanity of the Rajpoot general, who waited for the junction of the brothers, that he might in one day ti-iumph over two imperial princes. That triumph was denied him, for after a long and murderous conflict, he quitted the field a van- quished man, though exhibiting to the last abundant and extravagant proofs of his own contempt of danger. The result of the battle excited great alarm in the court of Shah Jehan. Shooja, ever since his defeat, had been besieged by Soliman, the son of Dara, in a fortress to which he had re- treated; but as the combination of Aurungzebe and Morad seemed likely to afford sufficient occupation to the emperor and his forces, it was deemed expedient to bring the war with Shooja to as speedy a termination as possible. He was accordingly reinstated in the govern- ment of Bengal, on giving a solemn promise to abstain from converting his power into the means of attacking his sovereign. The army under Soliman, being thus set at liberty, marched to effect a junction with another commanded by Dara, which was advancing against the rebel brothers, Aurungzebe and Morad. Dara had fortified himself, about twenty miles from Agra, in a position from which it was difficult, if not impossible, to dislodge him ; but a, traitor within the camp suggested to Aurungzebe a circuitous move- ment towards Agra, which was adopted, the tents, baggage, and artillery of his army being left to deceive their opponents. It was not till the rebels were in fall march to Agra that Dara became aware of the artifice which had been practised. He succeeded, however, in intercepting their progress ; but a trial of strength was now inevitable, although it was important to Dara to postpone a battle till the arrival of his son Soliman, who was ad- vancing to join him with the flower of the imperial army. The conflict which took place was obstinate, and the result for a long time doubtful. Ultimately the victory was decided by one of those accidents which have so often determined the fate of armies and of nations. Dara, from some cause, dismounted from an elephant which had borne him throughout the day ; and his remaining troops, seeing the ele- phant retreating with the imperial standard, and missing the prince from the situation which he had previously occupied, concluded that he was slain. Dara mounted a horse, but it was only to discover that he was de- serted by his followers, who, becoming panic- struck by the supposed loss of their general, had precipitately fled. Thus Aurungzebe be- came master of a field upon which, just before, 10 AURUNGZEBE USURPS THE THRONE. [a,d. 1659. he had found himself scarcely able to maintain the contest. The army of Auinngzebe had once been saved from imminent destruction by the infatuation of the Rajpoot general, in allowing his junction with the anny of Morad. The combined forces of the rebel brothers were now, to all appearance, preserved from a simi- lar fate by the inability of Soliman to effect a timely junction with his father Dara. The next object of Aurungzebe was to obtain possession of the person of his father. A long series of stratagem and counter-stratagem was played between the emperor and his son, who sought his throne. The latter, being the greater artist, ultimately triumphed. Au- rungzebe then saluted Morad emperor, and gravely solicited permission to make a pil- grimage to Mecca. Morad, who at last began to discern the real views of his hypocritical brother, was not disinclined to be relieved from his presence ; and, after some feigned reluctance, gave tbe required consent. Aurungzebe pretended to make preparations for his journey ; it was never commenced ; and each of the brothers, lately confederates in crime, and still ostensibly warm friends, turned all his thoughts to the discovery of means for destroying the other. The superior genius of Aurungzebe for intrigue again in- sured his success. Morad was seized and placed under restraint. The time had now arrived when Aurungzebe thought it safe and expedient to appropriate that prize which he had so long coveted. A body of those con- venient friends who are never wanting to the favourites of fortune — who watch the slightest intimation of a desire, and- stand obsequiously ready to anticipate the wishes of those on •whose favour theylive— besought Aurungzebe to crown his possession of imperial power by the assumption of the imperial title. He seemed grieved and almqst offended by the proposal, but not to disappoint the wishes of those who loved him, he finally accepted the honour thus thrust upon him. His ascent to the throne was not marked by any pompous ceremonial, for Aurungzebe affected to despise magnificence, and his contempt for display was, at this time, strengthened by the know- ledge that his finances were not in a condition to bear any extraordinary charge. Shah Jehan and Morad, his youngest son, were now prisoners of Aurungzebe. Dara, the rightful heir to the throne, was flying ingloriously to the boundaries of the empire before the arms of Aurungzebe. Soliman, the son of Dara, having been abandoned by the greater part of his once fine army, found a precarious refuge with the chief of a small state near the source of the Ganges. Shooja, the second son of Shah Jehan, alone remained in a condition to offer any effective resistance to the actual possessor of the throne of Delhi. The rich and populous districts of Bengal afforded ample means for recruiting the loss which Shooja had sustained in his conflict with Soliman. To gain time for the purpose, he had recourse to dissimulation, that never- failing ingredient of Oriental policy. He con- gratulated Aurungzebe on his attaining the throne, and solicited a commission continuing him in the government of Bengal. Arung- zebe, though he did not grant what was asked, met the overtures of Shooja with great cour- tesy, and both princes were profuse in profes- sions by which neither was deceived. At length Shooja took the field at the head of a numerous army, and marched on the capital. Having passed Allahabad, he took up a strong position about thirty miles distant ffom that city, where he awaited the approach of Aurungzebe. That wary general was in no haste, for he did not desire to bring the enemy to action till the arrival of his son Mohammed, who was advancing irom the north with rein- forcements ; but, on receiving this accession of strength, he moved forward with celerity, and the fate of the empire was placed on the issue of a battle. On the first day of the con- flict, the evening closed without any decisive advantage on either side. On the following day victory seemed about to crown the arms of Aurungzebe, when an unexpected act of treachery threw his army into confusion. Jeswunt Singh, the Rajpoot chief whose insane vanity had formerly led to his defeat by the combined forces of Aurungzebe and Morad, had made his peace with the former prince, and on this occasion his troops were arrayed in the cause of the new emperor. He received orders to advance, and he made a show of obeying them ; but at a critical mo- ment of the battle, when victory seemed within the grasp of Aurungzebe, and when retreat was ruin, the Rajpoot commander retired with all his force. To aggravate the effect of his secession, he fell suddenly on the rear of his allies, seizing the baggi^e and putting to the sword the women, with whom the movements of an Eastern army are encumbered. Panic, so easily propagated through an Orient^ army, began to take place, and, but for the firmness of Aurungzebe, would soon have de-* cided the question of victory or defeat. He remained seated on an elephant apparently re- gardless or unconscious of the danger which menaced him. A personal conflict between the brother competitors for the empire was averted by an of&cer Of Aurungzebe, who rushed before that prince, disabling the ele- phant on which Shooja was mounted, so as to render him unmanageable. The place of Shooja was immediately taken by one of his chiefs, who advanced against Aurungzebe on an elephant, and by the violence of the shock threw that of the emperor on his knees, a po- sition from which the animal was with diffi- culty recovered. For a moment the firmness of t^e usurper seemed to desert him. He had one foot placed ready to alight, when he was recalled to a sense of his situation by the em- phatic exclamation of an officer : " Stop — ^you descend from the throne." Aurungzebe re- gained his place, and the fight continued. His AD. 1660.] SHOOJA'S DEFEAT AND DEATH. 11 elephant showing a disposition to turn, Au- rungzebe ordered his feet to be looked, and in this position the emperor sustained the thick- est of the iight. Shoojai committed the error which had been fatal to Dara, and from which Aurungzebe was only preserved by the stern warning of a follower. When his elephant could not he moved forward he descended, and mounted a horse which was brought on the emergency. The appearance of the elephant with the empty castle, gave rise to a report that Shooja bad fallen, and flight became uni- versal. Aurungzebe was unable to pursue his victory, but he remained master of the iield. In the night, however, his ally, the Eajpoot chief, returned and plundered the camp. This act of aggression was chastised in the morning ; bat though in the scrambling conflict which en- sued fortune went against the rajah, he was able to carry away his booty. He had the further consolation of a temporary enjoyment of the distinction of a conqueror, for he presented himself before the walls of Agra, and boasted that he had defeated 'the emperor. The delu- sion was dissipated by the appearance of Au- rungzebe, who entered Agra amid many mani- festations of humility and self-denial. His father was within its walls, and, on his account, his filial piety silenced the guns which would otherwise have celebrated his entrance, "It was not fit," he said, " to triumph in the ears of a father over the defeat of his son." Shooja fled in the direction of Bengal, pur- sued by Mohammed, at the head of a consi- derable force, against which the former was unable to bear up. Shooja, therefore, con- tinued to retreat, till an extraordinary incident for a time changed the aspect of affairs, and afforded him hope of better fortune. Before the war Mohammed had been enamoured of one of the daughters of Shooja. An overture of marriage had been made and accepted, but the breach between the imperial brothers had prevented its being carried into effect. Mo- hammed's passion seemed to have passed away ; but while engaged in pursuing the retreating army of Shooja, he received a letter from the object of his attachment, lamenting the Unhappy dissensions between her father and the man who had been destined for her husband. This letter had the effect of re- viving the affection of Mohammed in all its former strength. The prince at once aban- doned the cause of his father, and passed over to Shooja. He had calculated upon being fol- lowed by a large part of his army, but in this he was disappointed. He obtained the hand of her for whom he had sacrificed his position as the heir of Aurungzebe, and the nuptial celebrations were joyous and magnificent ; but calamity was approaching with rapid steps, and the ruin of Mohammed followed hard on the indulgence of his passion. The detestable policy of Aurungzebe discovered the means of alienating the affections of Shooja from his son-in-law, and they were employed with his usual precision and success. A letter was ad- di'essed by Aurungzebe to Mohammed, appa- rently in answer to one from the prince to the emperor. The letter adverted in terms of raild reproof to the conduct of Mohammed ; his alleged professions of repentance were noticed in language of pardon and approba- tion ; and the execution of certain designs, which were only darkly alluded to, was laid down as an indispensable condition of complete forgiveness. The letter was placed by Shooja in the hands of Mohammed, who disavowed having entered into any correspondence with his father ; but Shooja could not prevail upon himself to yield belief to his protestations, and he dismissed the prince from his court. The infliction of perpetual imprisonment, or of snm- m£(,ry death, would have been in perfect ac- cordance with the received practice of the East; but Shooja not only suffered- Moham- med to depart, and to take with him his wife, but also a vast amount of treasure, with which the munificence of the monarch had endowed his daughter. The banished pair proceeded to the camp, in which, a short time before, Mo- hammed had held the chief command, but where now, though he was received with the honours due to his rank, the troops by whom he was surrounded were rather his keepers than his guards. He was placed in confine- ment at Gwalior, and whether he was ever permitted to emerge from his prison-house appears doubtful. But it is certain that he never again attained any portion of power, and that he died in obscurity and neglect. Shooja, who, since the fatal oonfiiot with the army of Aurungzebe, had been constantly retreating, was at last compelled to quit his own dominions aud seek safety in Arracan ; but even there he was still pursued by the maehinationsofhis implacable brother, Shooja had carried with him considerable treasure, and this added to his danger, by exciting the cupidity of the rajah with whom he had sought refuge. A pretext for violence was readily found, and, under the combined influence of avarice and fear, Shooja and his two sons were murdered. His wife destroyed h^rself^ and two of his daughters followed her example ; a third was forced into a marriage with the rajah, but survived the closing calamities of her house but a short time. Dara, after his defeat, wandered for a time in various directions, apparently without aUy fixed purpose. In Guzerat he, after a time, obtained assistance, which enabled him again to place himself at the head of an army ; and having opened a correspondence with Jeswunt Singh, the Hindoo rajah — who, notwithstand- ing his recent treachery, appears to have ob- tained the emperor's pardon, and to have been left in possession of his power, — tha(^ person intimated his intention of deserting Aurungzebe in the hour of danger, and urged Dara to hasten and support his defection. Dara's evil fortune or want of judgment on this, as on so many other occasions, prevailed. He waited to augment his forces, and Aurung- 12 DARA BETRAYED AND MURDERED. [A.D. 1660. zebe, having overcome Shooja, was left at leisure to direct his armies against his elder brother. Dara had fortified himself in a strong posi- tion near Ajmere. To dislodge him was a difficult, if not an impracticable task, and Aurungzebe, as usual, thought treachery a better weapon than those upon which more high-minded warriors depend. Two chiefs, who had previously been adherents of Dara, now held commands in the army of Aurung- zebe. At the suggestion of that prince, they addressed a letter to Dara, offering to renew their former allegiance to him, and promising to march over to his camp at sunrise the next morning. Dara was warned not to trust to this overture, but the warning was vain. He ordered that admission should be given to the expected deserters, and at the appointed time they commenced the anticipated movement. To countenance the delusion, the artillery of Aurungzebe opened a fire upon them, but with powder only. On reaching the entrance to the camp the mask was thrown off — some- what earlier, perhaps, than was intended, In consequence of the suspicions of one of Dara's officers, who required the strangers to stop till he should be satisfied of their real designs. The unwelcome challenge was answered by an arrow which pierced the heart of the cautious officer, and a contest hand to hand then com- menced. The assailants gained the summit of a mountain at the back of Dara's camp, and from this elevation cast down stones and frag- ments of rock upon their enemies beneath, while Aurungzebe, with his whole line ad- vanced in the front. Confusion raged through- out the camp, and panic, that mighty con- queror of armed hosts, did its work. Dara's loss is said to have amounted to four thousand, while that of Aurungzebe did not exceed two hundred. Dara was once more a wanderer without a resting-place, and for a time was subjected to almost inconceivable distress. He meditated escaping into Persia, but the severe illness of his wife, which rendered her removal impas- sible, and his reliance upon the friendship of a chief whom he had twice saved from death when judicially condemned, delayed his pur- pose. The sultana died, and Dara proposed to carry into execution his contemplated flight into Persia. After proceeding a short distance he perceived the obliged and grateful chief with whom he had lately sojourned following him at the head of a large body of horse. Dara at first supposed that this was an escort of honour ; but he was soon undeceived by finding himself surrounded, disarmed, and bound. He was thus carried to Delhi, and, after being paraded ignominiously through the city, was thrown into prison. There, after a brief interval, he was murdered. It is not undeserving of mention that the treacherous chief, who had delivered his benefactor to captivity and death, did not lose his just re- ward. Having narrowly escaped death from the indignation of the people at the gates of Delhi, when returning from his atrocious errand, he was less fortunate on approaching his own government, being slain by the coun- try people when only a short distance from its boundaries. The occurrence of these events was anterior to the death of Shooja, which has been already noticed. Soliman, the son of Dara, had for a time found an asylum with the Rajah of Seri- naghur. But the rajah had his pric6, and Aurungzebe was willing to pay it. Soliman, aware of the negotiation, endeavoured to es- cape the fate prepared for him by flight to the northward ; but, losing his way in the moun- tainous country, he fell into the hands of his betrayer, by whom he was forthwith trans- ferred to the tender care of Aurungzebe. The course of events relieved Aurungzebe from another source of disquiet. After an imprisonment of more than seven years, his father died, thus leaving the usurper without a competitor. From the age which Shah Jehan had attained, bis death could not be regarded as a remarkable event ; but the cha- racter of his son was such as to countenance suspicion that nature had not been left entirely to pei-form her own work. Aurungzebe was now the uudisputed master of a vast empire ; but a new power was rising in the Deocan, which was destined to occupy a prominent place in the history of India. The Mahrattas consisted of several tribes of mountaineers, whose origin and early history partake of that obscurity which hangs over Hindoo antiquity. At this period they were brought into notice by the appearance among them of one of those remarkable men whose ambition and success astonish and afflict the world. The name of this Mahratta leader was Sevajee. His father, named Shahjee, had been a successful adventurer, who, though of humble origin, bad played an important p.art in the intrigues and wars of the Deccan. Sevajee was born amid the storms of war, and during his childhood, was frequently in danger of falling into the hands of enemies. Under these circumstances his education compre- hended little more than instruction in horse- manship, and in the use of the various wea- pons employed in the Deccan, in which accom- plishments he acquired considerable skill and activity ; but he imbibed at the same time a deep attachment to his native superstitions, and a determined hatred of the Mahometans. His chosen associates were persons of wild and lawless habits, and scandal attributed to him participation in the profits of gang-rob- bers. But his ambition soon aimed at higher objects. The unsettled state of the country favoured his views, and his operations were so cautiously conducted as to attract little notice, till he had possessed himself of a considerable territory, and presented an appearance suffi- ciently formidable to control the jealousy of his neighbours. When Aurungzebe entered the Deccan, he opened a correspondence with A.D. 1678.J SEVAJEE'S SUCCESSFUL CAEEEE. 13 Sevajee, but both were such perfect masters of every description of political intrigue, that neither succeeded in gaining any advantage. Sevajee continued to pursue his own objects by his own means until the government of Beejapoor deemed it necessary to make an active effort to subdue him. An expedition was despatched for the purpose, but Sevajee dis- posed of its commander in a manner perfectly characteristic. He affected alarm, and pro- posed submission. A Brahmin, in the service of his Mahometan enemy, was accordingly despatched to confer with him. To this per- son Sevajee enlarged on his own devotion to the Hindoo faith, on the exertions he had made in its cause, and those which he still meditated ; the effect of these topics on the Brahmin being aided by large presents, and still larger promises. By the united influence of these motives, the pious Brahmin was so overcome as to be induced to suggest a plan for getting rid of his employer. This was eagerly embraced by Sevajee, and the con- ference broke up. The desired object was to be effected by prevailing upon Afzool Ehan, the Mahometan general, to afford Sevajee an interview, each to be attended by only a single follower ; and the worthy Brahmin found little difficulty in betraying his master into the snare. At the appointed time Sevajee pre- pared himself for the holy work which he was about to execute by the ceremonies of religion and the solace of maternal approbation. He performed his ablutions with peculiar care, and, laying his head at his mother's feet, be- sought her blessing. Thus morally armed for the conflict, he did not, however, neglect to provide himself with the more substantial requisites of success and safety. To appear- ance his covering was only a turban and a cotton gown, but beneath he wore a steel-chain cap and steel armoui-. Within his right sleeve he placed a crooked dagger, called, in the language of the country, a scorpion;' and on the flngers of his left hand a treacherous wea- pon called a tiger's claw, which consists of three crooked blades of small dimensions, the whole being easily concealed in a half-closed hand. Thus accoutred he slowly advanced to the place of meeting. The Khan had aiTived before him, and Sevajee, as he approached, frequently stopped, as though under the influ- ence of alarm. To assure him, the armed attendant of the Mahometan general was, by the contrivance of the friendly Brahmin, re- moved to a few paces distant from his master, and the latter approaching Sevajee, the con- ference commenced by the ordinary ceremonial of an embrace. The Mahratta prepared to make the most of his opportunity, and struck the tiger's claw into the body of the Khan, following the blow by another from his dagger. The Khan drew his sword and made a cut at his assassin, but it fell harmless upon the con- cealed armour. Sevajee's follower rushed to Ills support, and a preconcerted signal being given, a body of troops attacked those of his adversary, who had been stationed at a little distance, and who, being unprepared for such an attack, found themselves exposed to an enemy before they could stand to their arms. The victory enriched Sevajee with a vast amount of plunder, but this was little com- pared with the accession of reputation which he owed to it, — the perpetration of successful treachery being, in Mahratta estimation, the highest exercise of human genius. Sevajee was not always equally fortunate, and a succession of disasters at length com- pelled him to tender his submission to Aurung- zebe. It was graciously received, and Seva- jee was invited to Delhi ; the invitation being accompanied by a promise, by no means un- necessary, of permission to return to the Decoan. Upon the faith of this he proceeded to Delhi, but his reception was unsatisfactory, and having expressed some indignation, it was intimated that the emperor for the future declined seeing him at court. He was subse- quently placed under some degree of restraint, but he succeeded in outwitting his keepers and effecting his escape. Sevajee now applied himself with his usual energy to the task of more effectually esta- blishing his power and influence. By a series of intrigues he procured from Aurnngzebe a recognition of his title of rajah, and various favours for his son ; and he availed himself of the opportunity afforded by a period of com- parative leisure to revise and complete the internal arrangements of his government. His inactivity seemed to favour the belief that he was satisfied with what he possessed, aud would now settle down into a quiet dependent of the Mogul emperor. Those, however, who enter- tained this belief were deceived. His warlike habits were soon resumed ; several important places were taken, and Surat, which he had plundered some years before, was again sub- jected to the same operation. On this, as on the former occasion, the inmates of the English factory defended themselves with a spirit wor- thy of their national character. The Dutcb werenot attacked, their factory being beyond the scene of action. The French purchased an ignominious immunity, by giving the Mah- rattas a passage through their factory to attack a Tartar prince returning from Mecca with a vast treasure of gold and silver, and other valuable articles. In addition to his land force, Sevajee fitted out a powerful fleet, cal- culated either to co-operate with his troops by land, or to add to his wealth by successful piracy ; and being thus prepared to support his intention, he resolved to content himself no longer with exercising the functions of sovereignty, but determined to assume the style of an independent prince, and to establish an era from the date of his ascending the throne. He was enthroned with all the reve- rence which superstition could lend to the ceremony, and assumed titles not inferior in swollen grandeur to those borne by other Eastern potentates. The addition of dignity u AUEUNGZEBE'S CONQUESTS. [a.d. 1680. ■which he thereby gained made no change in his habits. He continued his predatory syBtem of wa,rfare, from which the kingdoms of Beeja- poor and Golconda were the chief sufferers. His death took place in the fifty-third year of his age. At the time of its occurrence he possessed a tolerably compact territory of considerable extent, besides many detached places, and his personal wealth was immense. He was succeeded by his son Sumbhajee, after an unsuccessful attempt to place on the throne another son named Baja Bam. It will now be proper to return to Aurung- zebe. Aided by the Portuguese, who were easily bribed by the promise of commercial advantages, the emperor's deputy in Bengal waged war with the Bajah of Arracan, and added Chittagong to the imperial dominions. On the other side, the empire was placed in some danger from a misunderstanding with the court of Persia ; but this was adjusted by the mediation of Jehanara, sister of the em- peror, a woman of extraordinary talent and address. A revolt of the Patans took place, a private soldier who happened to bear a strong resemblance to Shooja, the deceased ■brother of the emperor, being placed at its head, and imperial honours paid him. This was suppressed, and after the lapse of some time, confidence having been restored between the Patau chiefs and the emperor's repre- sentative at Peshawar, that officer invited the supporters of the pretender to a festival, where, having intoxicated them with drugged win?, he caused them all to be murdered, a sufficient force having been procured to master their retinues. Aurungzebe on this occasion acted with characteristic hypocrisy, in which nature and long practice bad made him a complete adept. He publicly reprobated the atrocity of the act, but privately assured the wretch by whom it had been perpetrated of his favour. With the Bajpoot states, the hypocrisy of Aurungzebe found another mode of exercise. Conversion to the Mahometan faith was pro- posed to their acceptance, and the alternative was submission to an oppressive capitation tax. To prepare the way for the designs of Aurungzebe, two Bajpoot princes are said to have been taken off by poison, and a treacherous attempt to subject the children of one of them to the initiatory rite of Ma- hometanism was defeated only by the despe- rate valour of their guards. In the war which ensued Aurungzebe gained little either of honour or advantage, and his fourth son Akbar, while engaged in it, was tempted by the offer of the aid of the Bajpoots to raise the standard of rebellion against his father. Aurungzebe took the same course by which he had ruined his son Mohammed with Shooja. He addressed a letter to Akbar, applauding a pretended scheme by which that prince was to fall upon the Rajpoots when attacked by the emperor. This, as was designed, fell into the bands of the Bajpoot commander, and Akbar was consequently believed to have betrayed his allies. , Having thus become an object of enmity with both parties in the war, his only chance of safety was in flight, and he sought refuge with Sumbhajee, by whom he was received with extraordinary distinction. Aurungzebe now turned his attention to- wards the Deccan, and prepared to prosecute his views there with vigour. He proceeded thither in person, with an immense force. His eldest son. Shah AUum, was ordered with an army to the Concan, to reduce the Mahratta fortresses on the sea-coast ; but the ravages of pestilence so thinned his ranks, that he was compelled to return without effecting any- thing, and with only the wreck of his army. In other quarters the emperor's arms were more successful. Beejapoor, the capital of the kingdom of the same name, fell to him. The fate of Goioonda was more protracted. The king, after sacrificing every article of value, even to the ornaments of the women of his harem, in the vain hope of propitiating his invader, retired to the citadel of his capital, and there sustained a seven months' siege. Aurungzebe ultimately triumphed by the use of those means of conquest which were so con- sonant to the constitution of his mind. A powerful chief and favourite of the king of Goioonda, who had been most active in the defence of the place, was gained over by bribes and promises to admit, in the night, a body of Mogul troops. Goioonda thus changed its master, and its farmer sovereign ended his days in prison at Dowlatabad. Another triumph awaited Aurungzebe. The Mahratta power had declined in the hands of Sumbhajee, who was abandoned to sensual indulgence. A plan to obtain possession of the person of this prince was laid and executed with success. Life was offered him, on con- dition of his embracing the Mahometan creed, but he replied by abuse of the Prophet ; and after being subjected to dreadful tortures, he was publicly beheaded in the camp bazaar. But the Mahratta, though crippled, was not destroyed. The brother of Sumbhajee was placed on the throne, and all the forms of government maintained. Sattara became the residence of the rajah, and the principal seat of the Mahratta power. In a few years a greater force was in the field than Sevajee had ever commanded, and tribute was levied ac- cording to approved precedent. The emperor, however, appeared unexpectedly before Sat- tara, which being inadequately provisioned for a siege, fell into his hands, though not with- out occasioning him severe loss. From some error in the construction of a mine, it exploded in a direction not contemplated, and it is said that two thousand of the besiegers were de- stroyed by the accident. A month before this event, the Mahratta sovereign had died from the consequences of over-exertion. He was 6uccee,ded by his eldest son, a boy only ten years of age. A child on such a throne as that of the A.D. 1739.] SACK OF DELHI. 15 Mabrattas, with his mother for a guardian,: would seem to have little chance of success when opposed by a, warripr so experienced, and a, negotiator so unprincipled as Aurung- zebe. The Mabrattas, however, continued to prosper ; and though Aurungzebe, by a series of sieges which occupied several years, suc- ceeded in gaining possession of many strong fortresses, not only were his efforts to crush the enemy abortive, but the vast army which he maintained was insuifieient even to sup- port his authority. His embarrassments were aggravated by the difficulty of procuring the means of subsisting so large a force. A scarcity of grain .arose, and the supplies of the imperial army from Hindostan were in- tercepted by the Mabrattas, who everywhere ravaged the country in search of plunder. The grand army itself was attacked on its route to Ahmednuggur, a part of it defeated, and its baggage plundered. The person of the emperor might perhaps have fallen into the hands of the Mahrattas on this occasion had they ventured to persevere in the attack, but on the approach of the emperor's train the enemy retired. The great age of Aurung- zebe probably saved him from the mortifica- tion of beholding a lai-ge portion of his con- quests severed from the empire which he had so laboured to extend. But his earthly career was a,pproaching its termination, and the close of his life found a fitting scene amid the tur- bulence, desolation, and suffering, which raged around him. He died in 1707, after a reign of nearly half a century, and at the patriarchal age of ninety-four. The ruling passion of Aurungzebe was the love of dominion, and he subjected it to no restraint from the obligations of morality. He was a consummate hypocrite, ever ready to cover the most guilty designs with pretences of devotion and religious zeal. He is said to have made good laws, and to have enforced them with vigour, at the same time that the administration of the empire was mild and equitable ; but though his dominions may not have been in all respects so badly governed as those of some other Oriental despots, the general tenour of his life evinces an utter dis- regard of all the principles of justice, and a total insensibility to the kind and generous emotions of nature. It may be that he rarely committed a crime which he did not believe necessary to the furtherance of his purposes, but no moral obstacle was ever suffered to impede them. He manifested a preference, indeed, for certain modes of obtaining any object of desire, but those modes were the meanest and the most vile. Craft and fraud were his favourite instruments, and bis long life was an unbroken chain of deceit and treachery. A superficial observer of his cha- racter will condemn his bigotry ; a more pro- found one will probably acquit him of this charge, but it will be only to pass a severer sentence on his atrocious hypocrisy. Where there is so little to relieve the moral darkness of the picture, it is neither instructive nor agreeable long to dwell upon it ; and as the progress of the state is here more strictly the subject of attention than the character of its bead, it will be sufficient to observe that, under Aurungzebe, the Mogul empire attained its widest boundaries, as well as the summit of its prosperity and splendour. The death of Aurungzebe was followed by a contest for the succession. It ended in the elevation of his eldest son. Shah AUum, to the throne, which he occupied only five years. Several weak princes followed in rapid suc- cession, whose brief and inglorious reigns may be passed without notice. The terrible visita- tion which marked that of Mohammed Shah, entitles it to be excepted from oblivion. Nadir Shah, a native of Khorassan, and the son of a maker of sheepskin-coats and caps, had renounced the peaceful occupation of his father for that of a robber chief, and finally seated himself on the Persian throne. Nadir being engaged in war with the Afghans, had reason, or pretended that he had reason, to be dissatisfied with the conduct of the court of Delhi in relation to his enemies. The murder of an envoy furnished him with a less equivocal pretext for hostilities ; and he advanced to inflict punishment with that vigour and celerity which ever distinguished his movements. On the plain of Karnal, about four days' journey from Delhi, he fell suddenly upon the unsus- pecting forces of the emperor, and quickly putting them to flight, removed every obstacle to his advance to the capital, the gates of which wei'e thrown open to receive him. For two days after the entry of the Persian, peace and order prevailed ; but a report of the death of Nadir Shah having been raised, the inhabitants, under cover of the night, rose upon the invaders, and the city became a scene of tumult and violence. Nadir Shah made some efforts to imdeceive the people, but to no purpose. The light of the morning, however, discovered the falsehood of the re- port which led to the popular outbreak, by showing Nadir Shah in person, giving orders to his troops to slaughter, without regard to sex or age, the inhabitants of every street or avenue in which they should find the body of a murdered Persian. These orders were fear- fully executed, and eight thousand Hindoos, Moguls, and Afghans perished in a few hours. Pillage accompanied bloodshed, and the horrors of the scene were aggravated by the flames which rose from every quarter of the capital. The appetite of the destroyer was at length satisfied, and an order given to stay the car- nage. But Nadir Shah had no intention of allow- ing Delhi to escape with this limited experi- ence of the effects of successful invasion. He proceeded to seize the imperial treasures, re- presented as being of vast amount. The pro- perty of the subjects was not permitted to enjoy an immunity denied to that of the sovereign ; contributions were demanded and 16 DECAY OF THE MOGUL EMPIKE. [A.D. 1739. levied with rigid severity. Among a people with whom avarice is bo strong a passion, there were, of course, many attempts to con- ceal the possession of wealth ; where this was suspected, torture was used to enforce a dis- covery. Famine and pestilence followed closely on the devastation of the city, and assisted in completing the horrors of a scene from which numbers escaped by becoming their own de- stroyers. Nadir Shah did not exercise the power which he certainly possessed of putting an end to the Mogul sovereignty, but contented him- self with annexing to his own dominions the provinces on the west side of the Indus, per- mitting Mohammed to keep the rest. The conqueror then withdrew from Delhi, having retained possession of it not quite two months. In that space, however, a fatal blow had been struck at the grandeur of the Mogul empire. That empire was, indeed, fast tending to its close. The Decoan can scarcely be considered as forming a portion of it after the death of Aurungzebe. Many years before the Persian invasion, a powerful chief had been appointed governor of that region, with the imposing title of Nizam-ool-Moolk, Regulator of the State. Though nominally the servant of the emperor, his object from the first was to establish him- self as an independent sovereign, and he suc- ceeded. In the subsequent history of India, the Nizam will be found occupying a promi- nent place among the Mahometan princes of that country. Another important limb was severed from the Mogul empire soon after the visit of Nadir Shah ; the sovereignty of Bengal being seized by one of those speculators in thrones, to whose hopes the unsettled state of the country afforded encouragement. The government of Oude was usurped by another. On the western side, some of its provinces fell to the Afghans, who penetrated to the heart of the empire, and plundered its capital. The Seiks, a sect of semi-religious, serai-political adventurers, profited also from the distracted state of the country in this quarter. In others, the JAts and the Eohillas contributed to relieve the Mogul princes from the toils of government ; while the Mahrattas, amidst these convulsions, were not unmindful of the opportunity of obtaining accessions of terri- tory, power, and influence. A portion of the public revenue, which in their plundering ex- peditions they had originally levied as the price of peace, was now, by the weakness of the Mogul state, ceded to them as of right. The entire surface of India was studded with their possessions, which, extending eastward, westward, and southward, to the sea, and northward to Agra, wanted nothing but com- pactness to constitute them a mighty empire. During the reign of a weak successor of the energetic founder of the Mahratta power, all authority was usurped by the principal officers of the state. Two powerful kingdoms were thus formed, the one under the Peishwa, whose capital was at Poena ; the other sub- ject to the commander-in-chief, who fixed the seat of his government at Nagpore. The latter acknowledged a nominal dependence upon the former, and both mocked the Bajah of Sat- tara with ceremonious but empty homage, while tbey withheld from him all substantiid authority. Other Mahratta chieftains of in- ferior importance also assumed sovereign power, the principal of whom, with the title of Guicowar, held part of Guzerat in a sort of feudal dependence upon the Peishwa, and fixed his residence at Baroda. Such was the state of India about the middle of the eighteenth century, when a new power was to enter the field of Indian politics, and the foundations of a new empire were about to be laid. CHAPTER II. KELATIONS OF EUEOPEAN NATIONS WITH INDIA.— ORIGIN AND PROGBESS OF THE ENGLISH EASI-INDIA COMPANY.— WARS OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH IN SODTHEBN INDIA.— CRITICAL POSITION OF THE ENGLISH. — DUPLEIX AND CLIVE. — FATE OP CHHNDA SAHIB. The first appearance of the English in India gave no promise of their future grandeur. The London East-India Company, established solely for the purposes of trade, was incorpor- ated towards the latter end of the reign of Elizabeth. Bantam, in Java, for the trade of the Indian Islands, and Surat, for that of the Continent, were long their principal stations. On the Coromandel coast they first established themselves at Masulipatam, subsequently at Armegum, and finally at Madraapatam, where, by the favour of a native prince, they obtained permission to erect a fortification, which re- ceived the name of Fort St. George. Tegna- patam, on the same coast, which was purchased from another native prince, was, in like man- ner, fortified, and became a station of some importance under the name of Fort St. David. On the opposite coast, the island of Bombay, which had been ceded to the British crown as part of the marriage portion of Catherine of Portugal, Queen of Charles the Second, was, by that sovereign, granted to the Company, and in process of time it superseded Surat as their pnncipal station on the western coast. In Bengal their progress was slow and subject to frequent checks. They, however, succeeded in establishing various factories, of which that of Hooghly was the chief; but for the most part they were dependent on Fort St. George. A.D. 1746.] MADRAS TAKEN BY DUPLEIX. 17 In the year 1700, the villages of Ghuttanuttee, Govindpore, and Calcutta, having been oh tained hy means of a large present to Aziin, grandson of Aurungzehe, the new acquisitions were declared a presidency. They virere forth- with fortified, and in compliment to the reign- ing sovereign of England, the settlement re- ceived the name of Fort William. Thus was the foundation laid of the future capital of British India, Among the projects resorted to for support- ing the government of William the Third, was that of establishing » new East-India Com- pany, the capital of which was to be lent to the Crown. This, though a violation of the rights of the old Company, was carried into effect. The new corporation commenced trade under the title of the English fiast-India Company, and a struggle between the two bodies was carried on for several years. A compromise at length took place. The old Company surrendered its charter to the Crown, and its members were received into the new corporation, which thenceforth, until the year 1833, bore the title of the United Company of Merchants of England Trading to the East Indies. For nearly forty years after this union of the Companies, the history of the British connec- tion with India presents nothing but a detail of the operations of trade, varied only by the efforts of the United Company to obtain pro- tection from native princes, to exclude those ■who sought to invade their privileges, and to .regulate the conduct of their servants. So humble were the views of the Company, and so little resemblance did its chief servant bear to a governor-general in later times, that the outlay of little more than a hundred pounds in the purchase of a chaise and a pair of horses for the President at Calcutta, was regarded as a reprehensible piece of extravagance, and the amount ordered to be repaid ; the Court of Directors observing, that if their servants ■would have "such superfluities," they must pay for them. Late in the year 1744, war was declared be- tween France and England, and soon after the declaration, a British fleet was despatched to India, which, after cruising with some success, appeared off the coast of Coromandel, threaten- ing Pondicherry. In consequence, however, of the intervention of the Nabob of the Car- natio and the fears of the British government of Madras, it retired without effecting or even attempting anything against the French set- tlement. The appearance of a British fleet in the Indian seas was soon followed by that of a French squadron, commanded by La Bonrdon- nais, a man whose name is eminent in the his- tory of the brief and inglorious career of his countrymen in the East, After some encoun- ters of no great importance, but in which the English had the advantage, the French fleet attacked the British settlement of Madras, As the nabob had interfered to protect the French possession of Pondicherry from the English, and had assured the latter that he would in like manner enforce the neutrality of the French, application was made for the fulfil- ment of his promise ; but it was not accom- panied by that species of advocacy which is requisite to the success of Oriental diplomacy, and it was, consequently, disregarded. The result was disastrous ; the town was forced to capitulate, the goods of the Company, part of the military stores and all the naval stores, were confiscated, and a treaty was signed pledging the British to further payments, in consideration of the evacuation of the town. The period, however, for performing this sti- pulation was extended, in consequence of the intrigues of Dupleix, Governor of Pondicherry, who claimed, in virtue of that office, supreme authority over all the French possessions in India. This man, in whose character ambi- tion, vanity, and duplicity reigned in a degree which makes it impossible to determine which predominated, '.had promised possession of Madras to the nabob — ^that prince, when he was perfectly aware that his interference could be of no avail, having thought fit to express his displeasure at the conduct of the French. But the nabob, estimating the pro- mises of Dupleix at their real Value, resolved not to trust to them, but to endeavour to secure by arms that which there was little hope of securing in any other manner. He made the attempt at the expense of about seventy men killed, and was compelled to retire to St. Thom^, about four miles distant from Madras, the French not losing a man. In the new position to which he had retreated, the same ill-fortune attended him, for, being attacked by the French, he was totally de- feated, and forced to retire to Arcot. This was a severe lesson to the presumptuous con- fidence of the nabob, who had calculated upon finding Madras an easy conquest. A cotem- porary historian observes that, measuring the military abilities of the Europeans by the great respect and Mimility with ■which they had hitherto carried themselves in all their transactions with the Mogul government, he imagined that this submission in their beha- viour proceeded from a consciousness of the superior military prowess of the Moors, by which name the Mahometans were then under- stood. The success of the French was followed by an act of atrocious perfidy towards their Eu- ropean opponents. The treaty concluded by La Bourdonnais was declared null ; the pro- perty of the English, excepting a few personal articles of trifling value, was seized, and those who refused to swear allegiance to the French king were required to depart from Madras within four days. The governor and princi- pal inhabitants were marched under an escort to Pondicherry, where they wei-e paraded in procession to grace the triumph of IDupleix. On the authorities of Madras becoming pri- soners to the French, the Company's agents at Fort St, David assumed the general admiui- ' 18 TREACHEEY OF CHUNDA SAHIB. [a.d. 1747. stration of British affairs in that part of India. Against this place Dupleix directed the arms of the French ; but the aid of the nabob had now been secured by the English, partly by the desire which he entertained of revenging his defeat, partly by virtue of an engagement to defray a portion of the expense of his army ; and thus assisted, the English were able to repel the attacks made upon them. The ap- pearance of a British fleet also added to their confideDce and security. Thus foiled, Dupleix had recourse to those arts of intrigue in which he was a proficient, and by them succeeded in detaching the nabob from his European allies. He was still, however, unable to possess him- self of Fort St. David, and the arrival of an additional naval force under Admiral Boscawen emboldened the English to undertake an at- tack upon Pondicherry. This, however, failed, no less signally than the attempts of Dupleix upon Fort St. David. The information of the assailants was imperfect and erroneous ; the engineers were unequal to their duty ; in some instances even the want of courage was as manifest as the want of conduct, and the Bri- tish force returned from Pondicherry with the loss of more than a thousand men. The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle restored Madras to the English, who resumed possession in Au- gust, 1749. Humble as was yet the position occupied by our countrymen in India, there were not wanting indications of an approaching change in their relations to the people of the country. Instead of seeking protection from the native authorities, they began to be regarded as in a condition to extend it. Prior to the restora- tion of Madras, a Mahratta prince had pre- sented himself at Fort St. David to solicit their assistance in regaining the throne of Tanjore, from which be had been expelled. The fugitive prince promised that the fort and territory of Devi-cottah should be the reward of placing him on the throne, and to remove any doubts of the practicability of eflfecting his restoration, he declared that, if supported by a moderate force, the people would rise in his behalf. On the faith of these representations, the British authorities despatched an expedi- tion against Tanjore, but the expected assist- ance from the people of that country was not forthcoming ; and after enc(ftntering some difficulties and disasters, the British troops returned to Fort St. David. The government, however, resolved upon making a second attempt, although it was apparent that no hope of assistance from the population of Tan- jore could be entertained. It was thought dangerous to continue under the reproach of defeat, and further, a strong desire existed to obtain possession of Devi-cottah, on account of its presumed commercial advantages. A new expedition was fitted out, and Devi-cot- tah was taken. With this acquisition the war terminated, the reigning sovereign of Tanjore consenting to confirm the English in the pos- session of it, and to make a small provision for the support of his rival ; the English, on their part, engaging for his peaceable beha- viour. These terms, it was believed, were more favourable to the invaders than could have been obtained but for the extraordinary circumstances of the Garnatic. The Rajah of Trichinopoly had died without issue, in the year 1732. Three wives survived him, the second and third of whom duteoualy devoted themselves to death on his funeral pile. The first, either from a dislike to this mode of quitting life, or, as was alleged^ in obedience to the wish of the departed rajah, conveniently communicated to his confidential minister, preferred to live and to succeed to the government. The commander-in-chief of the forces raised a party in opposition to her pretensions, and to resist him the queen sought the assistance of the Nabob of Arcot. It was readily given ; and an army was despatched by that prince to Trichinopoly, under the command of his son, who was aided by the counsels of a man named Chunda Sahib. This person, who was allied to his sovereign by marriage, possessed considerable ability and' not less ambition. By the successful exercise of the former, he had found means to gratify the latter, having raised himself by a series of successful measures, first to the actual administration of the government, and, finally, to the attainment of the formal appointment of Dewan. In seeking the assistance of the nabob and his ambitious minister, the queen was not insensible of the danger which she incurred, and the foreign troops were not admitted into the fort until the good inten- tions of their leaders were vouched, to all appearance, by the most solemn obligation that can bind the conscience of a Mussulman, Chunda Sahib tendered his oath upon the Koran as the guarantee that the troops should be introduced for no other purpose than the confirmation of the queen's authority, after which they should be faithfully withdrawn ; but the oath was actually taken, not upon the Koran, but on a brick wrapped in a covering similar to that in which the sacred book of the Mahometans is usually enveloped, and Chunda Sahib felt his conscience free. He exercised his freedom to the full extent, by putting an end to the authority of the queen, imprisoning her person, and hoisting on the wall of the fort the flag of Islam. ' Chunda Sahib having achieved this conquest, was thought the fittest person to administer its government under the authority of his master. This appointment excited jealousy and alaim in the minds of some of the advisers of the Nabob of Arcot, and they endeavoured to communicate to that prince a portion of their feelings. Failing in this, they commenced a series of intrigues with the Mahrattas, the object of which was the removal of Chunda Sahib, who, with his eldest son, was finally made prisoner and marched to Sattara. A Mahratta governor took his place, and a large extent of country thus fell under the power of that people. A.D. 1749.] DEATH OF NIZAM-OOL-MOOLK. 19 The wife and younger son of Chunda Sahib took refuge at Pondicherry. Tliere they were treated with great respect by Dupleix, the governor, who designed to make Chunda Sahib an instrument of advancing the French inter- ests in India. A coiTespondence with the prisoner of the Mahrattas was opened, and the French governor had the satisfaction of ascer- taining that he was not indisposed to enter into his views. To serve them effectually, however, it was necessary that he should be at liberty ; negotiations for the purpose were ooinraenoed, and Chunda Sahib obtained his freedom. He left Sattara early in 1748, and for some time his fortune was chequered by an alternation of happy and adverse events. But these were of little importance compared with others which followed, and which not only affected the interests of Cliunda Sahib, but convulsed the whole of that large portion of India denominated the Carnatic. These events were the death of Nizam-ool-Moolk, and the contest which ensued for the posses- sion of his power and territories. The de- ceased Nizam left several sons, and in addition TO their claims, whatever they might be, those of his grandson, by a favourite daughter, were asserted, on the ground of an alleged testa- mentary disposition. Chunda Sahib deter- mined to make common cause with Mozuffar Jung, the grandson of the deceased Nizam, this determination being taken with a due regard to his own interests. His price was paid in his appointment to the rank of Nabob of Arcot, and the conquest of the Carnatic was to be forthwith undertaken. Dupleix was perfectly ready to assist the confederates, and a force of four hundred Europeans and two thousand sepoys, under the command of M. d'Auteuil, was despatched to their aid from Pondicherry. Thej' joined without diffi- culty the army with which they were to co-operate, now amounting to forty thousand men. A victory gained principally by means of the European troops, the death of ■ the reigning Nabob of Arcot, the capture of his eldest son, and the flight of the younger to Trichinopoly, left the conquerors at liberty to march to the capital, of which they imme- diately proceeded to take possession. Tbe news of these events reached Tanjore while the English were in that country, and tended materially to assist them in making favourable terms with the reigning prince. Between that prince and Chunda Sahib there were many grounds of enmity, and the success of the latter was the source of great alarm at Tan- jore. The feeling was not ill-founded, for Chunda Sahib, after wasting some time in ostentatious pageantry at Arcot and Pondi- cherry, proceeded to Tanjore, demanding a large sum for arrears of tribute alleged to be due from the sovereign of that country, and another sum of great amount to repay the expenses of the expedition. After a long season of negotiation, and some demonstration of hostility, the Tanjore government agreed to pay a heavy ransom ; but before the first pay- ment was completed, Chunda Sahib received intelligence of the advance of Nazir Jung, the second son of Nizam-ool-Moolk, who, being on the spot when his father died, had seized his treasure, and was recognized by the army as his successor ; and who, to give to his assump- tion of the sovereignty a colour of right, pre- tended that his elder brother had renounced his claim. The news of his approach relieved Tanjore from the unwelcome presence of its inv6|ders, for although but a small part of the stipulated ransom had been received, they broke up their camp with precipitation, and retired towards Pondicherry. Nazir Jung was at the head of an army estimated at three hundred thousand men, but the actual strength of which fell far short of that number. On entering the Carnatic he sought the assistance of the English, who, it is said, were convinced by the vastness and splendour of his retinue, that he was the lawful ruler of the soutjiern provinces. It is probable, however, that in complying with his request for military aid,, the English were more influenced by the fact that the power and influence of the French were exerted in favour of the rival of Nazir Jung, than by any regard to the legitimacy of his title ; but, whatever were their motives, they despatched to his camp, which was now in sight of that of Mozufiar Jung, a body of six hundred Europeans, commanded by Major Lawrence. It is a remarkable feet, that while the English and French were thus preparing for hostile action in Asia, the two nations in Europe were at peace. " With reference to this anomalous state of things. Monsieur d'Auteuil sent a message to Major Lawrence, intimating that although the two nations took opposite sides, it was not the intention of the French commander to shed any European blood ; but as he did not know in what part of Nazir Jung's army the English took post, he could not be blamed if any shot came that way. Major Lawrence answered that the English colours were carried on the flag-gun of their artillery, and that if M. d'Auteuil would look out, he might thence ascertain where the English were posted ; that he was as unwilling as the French commander to spill European blood, but that if any shot came his way it would certainly be returned. Subsequently a shot from the French intrenoh- ment did fly over the English battalion, and Major Lawrence, conceiving that it was fired by M. d'Auteuil, with the design of trying the disposition of the English, ordered it to be answered from three guns. At the time when the French commander made the communication which has been re- lated, he was in a state of great difficulty and perplexity. Several officers who had obtained a liberal share of the partial payment made by the King of Tanjore to the invaders of his dominions, had found that their newly-ac- quired wealth required leisure to enjoy it, and they had, consequently, solicited and ob- C2 20 PEOGRESS OF THE WAR. [A.D. 1749. tained permission to quit the camp for a short time and to seelc repose in the city. This created discontent among those called upon to supply their places. They complained loudly of being exposed to danger without hope of advantage, while the men who, without fight- ing, had acquired wealth at Tanjore, were per- mitted to retire from the field ; and they de- manded such an amount of money as would place them on an equality with those whom they succeeded. To restore military subordi- nation, one of the malcontents was arrested, but the measure was met by a demand from all the rest to be placed in the same situation with their companion. This requisition would probably have been complied with, had not necessity forbidden it. So many officers could not be spared, and for the time they escaped punishment. The natural consequences of this impunity were manifested in the conduct of the private soldiers, who, imitating the ex- ample of their officers, became insubordinate, insolent, and regardless of their duty. The disorder was cons.ummated by thirteen of the discontented officers throwing up their com- missions and quitting the camp, when M. d'Auteuil, fearful of risking a battle under such circumstances, determined on withdraw- ing from the field and marching back to Pondicherry. This determination was a severe blow to the hopes of the party in whose cause they had taken the field ; and it was the more fearful because there was little reason to doubt that the retreat of the French would be fol- lowed by the defection of the whole army. Before.this should take place, it behoved the confederated leaders to choose the course which appeared most likely to insure their safety. Chunda Sahib resolved to accompany the French to Pondicherry. Mozufiar Jung, who had been for some time in negotiation with Nazir Jung, resolved to surrender himself to that prince. Promises of liberal treatment were held out to him, confirmed, it is stated, by the sanction of an oath. They were ful- filled in the mode usual in the East. When the person of the defeated prince was secured, he was subjected to all the rigours of cap- tivity. Among the immediate consequences of these events were the retaking of Arcot, and the transfer of the government to Mahomet Ali Khan, son of Anaverdy Ali Khan, the former nabob, who had fallen in the battle which gave possession of Arcot to Chunda Sahib. But Nazir Jung was not of a disposition to pursue his good fortune. Differences arose between the English commander and the prince, in consequence of the constant evasion of a request of the former for the confirmation of a grant of a territory near Madras, made by Mahomet Ali in return for the assistance ren- dered him. Another cause of difference was the refusal of the Enghsh to march with Nazir Jung to Aroot, a step which it was unadvis- able for them to take, as it would have exposed their settlements to the attacks of the French. The result was, that Major Lawrence, the com- mander of the English troops, returned to Fort St. David, and Nazir Jung proceeded to Arcot. There, regardless of the perils by which he was surrounded, he surrendered himself entirely to pleasure. The French commander, in the mean time, was not idle. He captured a fortified pagoda about fifteen miles west of Fort St. David, and the restored Nabob of Arcot, becoming alarmed at his progress, claimed the assistance of the English, promising to pay all the ex- penses of the troops that should be afforded him. A force consisting of four hundred Europeans and fifteen hundred sepoys, com- manded by Captain Cope, was despatched in answer to the request of the nabob ; but differ- ences not less irreconcilable than those which had separated the English and Nazir Jung, and not very dissimilar in their nature, brought the plan of co-operation to a speedy close ; an event accelerated by the inability or unwilling- ness of the nabob to discharge his engagement to defray the expenses of the British force. Immediately on the departure of that force, the French attacked the camp of Mahomet Ali. It would be ridiculous to call that which ensued a battle, for the French had only to march up to the intrenchments, which were abandoned by those within them. Horse and foot fled with the greatest precipitation and in the utmost confusion. The French did not lose a single man, while the nabob lost nearly a thousand, and with difficulty made his own escape to the camp of Nazir Jung. The French advanced to Gingee, a fortress of some strength, which was magnified extravagantly in the estimation of native opinion. Of this place they gained possession with a rapidity calculated to astonish even -themselves, and which had the effect of awakening Nazir Jung from the torpor in which he had so long slum- bered. He took the field, but with a dimi- nished army, and under other discouraging- circumstances. Supplies were procured with difficulty, and from this cause, combined with the inclemency of the weather, sickness began to appear in his camp. Within that camp, however, he had worse enemies than even famine and disease, Dupleix had been for several months carrying on an intrigue upon a large scale, and at length the disaffected o£5- cers of Nazir Jung commanded one-half of his army. This attack upon the fidelity of his enemies' officers had not prevented Dupleix from carrying on simultaneously a negotiation with their master, who, wearied with the difficulties with which he had to contend, difficulties greatly aggravated by his own weak and unwarlike character, had resolved to end them by conceding to the French nearly all they asked. At the very time, however, when the concession was resolved on, the plot, of which Nazir Jung was to be the victim, was ripened. Its maturity was an- nounced to Dupleix, and he promised to take measures for securing the success which so A.D. 1750.] OSTENTATION OF DUPLEIX. / 21 much time had been spent in prepariog. In December a force of about eight hundred European!?, and about three thousand nepoys, under the command of M. de la Touche, ad- vanced from Gingee upon the camp of Nazir Jung. After defeating the advanced posts, they attacked the main body of the army with success. Some anxiety was excited by the appearance of a vast body of horse and foot at some distance, drawn up in order, and extend- ing as far as the eye could reach ; but it was set at rest by discerning in the centre an ele- phant bearing a white flag, which was the signal of the confederates of the French, and a halt was made until some further demon- stration of their intentions should be made. The issue was not long doubtful ; Nazir Jung fell by the hands of one of his treacherous dependents, and Mozuffar Jung was saluted "Viceroy of the Deocan. The fall of the chief is in Oriental armies almost invariably followed by flight, and this instance afforded no excep- tion to the rule. "Victory rested with the French, and they forthwith applied them- selves to reap its fruits. Id this labour, how- ever, they met powerful competitors in the Patan chiefs whose perfidy had led to their triumph. These worthy persons proceeded to Pondicherry for the purpose of enforcing their demands, extending to the remission of all arrears of tribute, which they had not paid for three years, the grant of certain additions of territory, the exemption of those additions, as well as of the countries which they previously possessed, from the payment of tribute to the, Mogul empire, and, what more nearly concerned the French, the delivery of one-half of the value found in Nazir Jung's treasury. After much discussion, in the course of which Dupleix paraded his own moderation as an example for those with whom he was negotiating, some abatement was efiected in their claims, and the nabobs swore on the Koran allegiance to the new viceroy. Pleasure and magnificent display now occu- pied the entire attention of the French and their ally. The new prince was enthroned vfith the greatest pomp, and in the splendid pageant Dupleix was the principal actor. At- tired as a dignified Mahometan in a dress pre- sented to him by the new sovereign, the vain but wily European bent before the prince in acknowledgment of being appointed governor of all the provinces south of the Kistna. This was not the only favour bestowed on the French and their representative. Dupleix was elevated to the rank of a Heft Huzaree, or commander of seven thousand horse, and permitted to bear an ensign, assigned to pei-- sons of the highest note in the empire. No money was to be current in the Oarnatic but such as was coined at Pondicherry ; the Mo- gul's revenues in all the countries under Du- pleix's government were to be remitted to him, and he was to account for them to the viosroy ; the authority of Chunda Sahib, as Nabob of Aroot' and its dependencies, was to be subordinate to that of Dupleix, and in the distribution of rewai-ds and honours to those who had assisted Mozuffar Jung in obtaining the throne, the will of Dupleix was that of the sovereign. According to the constitution of the Mogul empire, many of these grants could have no validity till confirmed by the emperor; but Dupleix did not, on this account, postpone the assumption of the powers conveyed. He held his durbar or court in his palace at Pon- dicherry, surrounded by all the state which became an Eastern potentate. One Oriental custom was alike agreeable to his vanity and his cupidity, and it was rigidly enforced. Neither native nor European was suffered to approach his august presence without a pro- pitiatory gift. The same spirit was carried into the settlement of his claims upon the gratitude of Mozuffar Jung. It is true that to the Patan chiefs he had vaunted of his modera- tion ; but his self-denial was not so rigorous as to restrain him from receiving for his private benefit a sum of money, which, it i's believed, did not fall short of three hundred thousand pounds sterling, besides other marks of the kind feelings of Mozuffar Jung, in the form of valuable jewels. Thus provident for himself, decency required that he should show some regard for the interests of those whom he commanded and those whom he served. Ac- cordingly a sum of about fifty thousand pounds was obtained from the prince for distribution among the ofiBcers and troops who fought at Gingee, and another sum of like amount was paid into the treasury of the French govern- ment for the expenses of the war. These affairs being adjusted, Mozuffar Jung set out for Golconda, escorted'by a detachment of French troops, European and sepoy, com- manded by M. Bussy. In passing through the territory of one of the Patan nabobs, who, having placed Mozuffar Jung on the throne, had failed of obtaining the full reward to which, in their own estimation, they were entitled, an affray took place between some horsemen of the prince's train and some vil- lagers. This gave a pretext for the nabob of the district to attack the army of his acknow- ledged lord ; and though the fidelity of him- self and his brethren had been vonched by an oath on the Koran, it appeared that none of them felt any hesitation in turning their arms against one to whom they had so lately bound themselves by the most solemn sanction in relations of subordination and allegiance. Having betrayed the predecessor of Mozuffar Jung, they now arrayed their troops against the sovereign of their own choice and creation. A conflict ensued, in which, by the aid of the French troops, the twice perfidious nabobs were worsted. One of them was slain, and another left the field desperately wounded. The imprudent ardour of Mozuffar Jung in pursuing them led to his own destruction. The fiying chief turned on his pursuer, and in a personal contest Mozuffar Jung received in the brain the javelin of his adversary, who the 22 OLIVE'S EAELY LIFE. [A.D. 1750. next instant fell mortally wounded by the followers of the prince. In this emergency it became necessary to the interests of the French to find a successor to the vioeroyalty of the Deocan, whose in clinations might be as favourable to them as were those of their fallen patron. Mozuffar Jung had left a son, but he was an infant, and the favours received from his father were not sufficient, in the judgment of the French com mander, to counterbalance his own want of power to add to them. The support of the French was therefore unceremoniously trans- ferred to another branch of the vice-regal house, and Salabat Jung, a younger brother of Nazir Jung, whose cause the English had embraced, was chosen by the French as the new ruler of the Decoan. This arrangement had been made by M. Bussy under circum- stances which rendered it expedient that some determination should be speedily taken ; and, on communicating it to his principal, Dupleix, he had the satisfaction to find that it was entirely approved. The new subahdar being ready to confirm all the cessions and privileges which his nephew had conceded to the French, and even to go beyond him in this respect, it is obvious that he possessed the only qualifi- cation which, in the eyes of Bupleix, would give to one candidate for the throne a pre- ference over another. While the French were thus carefully and energetically advancing their interests, the English were doing little for the protection of theirs, and Mahomet Ali seeing slight prospect of successfully maintaining himself as Nabob of Arcot by the aid of his English allies, was endeavouring to make terms with their ene- mies. To avert this result, and in compliance with his pressing solicitations, small bodies of troops were sent by the British to his assist- ance, but little success attended their opera- tions, and the dominions claimed by Mahomet Ali were gradually passing into the hands of his competitor. The British troops finally took refuge under the walls of Trichinopoly, followed by Cbunda Sahib and the French. The conflict of interests between the English and the French seemed indeed about to find a termination in the complete and unchecked ascendancy of the latter power. The trade of the English Company would have ]|een lost with their political influence, for if Dupleix had failed entirely to drive them from the coast, he would have thrown in their way impediments which would have rendered their commerce unprofitable. Such appeared to be the probable tendency of events at the moment when the foundations of the magnificent em- pire of British India were about to be laid. Among the commercial servants of the Eng- lish East-India Company was a young man named Robert Clive. The son of an obscure country gentleman, of good lineage but small fortune, he had been sent to India in the capacity of a writer, partly because the ap- pointment afibrdcd a provision for one mem- ber of a very large family, and partly because the wayward character of the youth seemed to ofierbat slender hope of his succeeding in any pursuit that might be open to him at home. The duties and occupations of writers at that period were far diflTerent from what they are now. They were not employed in preparing themselves, by study and by practice in sub- ordinate offices, for controlling at a future period the revenues of vast and populous dis- tricts, or exercising the highest and most im- portant judicial functions. They were literally commercial clerks ; and though there was then, as now, a gradation of rank through which they ascended, that gradation had reference solely to commerce, as the names by which the superior classes were distinguished, factor, and junior and senior merchant, sufficiently indicate. From the peculiar situation of foreign traders in such a country as India, a few of the highest class of servants were oc- casionally called upon to discharge political and diplomatic duties ; and from the same . cause a few troops were entertained for the defence of the Company's factories. But the employment of the Company's civil servants in duties unconnected with trade was an acci- dental and extraordinary departure from the general course of things, and their military establishment was maintained solely for the protection of their commerce. The counting-house and the warehouse were scenes little adapted to the vivacious tempera- ment of Clive, and his career at Madras, where he arrived in 1744, was not quite unmarked by that erratic conduct which had distinguished him at home. Instances are on record, and might readily be quoted ; but as they form part of the personal, not the political history of Clive, it is more important to advert to such incidents as are connected with public events, and have the fiirther advantage of giving indications of those qualities which were more fully developed at a future period. When Madras was taken by La Bourdonnais, Clive was among the English residents who be- came prisoners of war, and gave their parole. The subsequent infraction of the terms of the capitulation was regarded, and justly, as re- lieving them from any obligation which they had incurred under that capitulation, and Clive, disguising himself as a native, succeeded in making his escape to Fort St. David. The circumstances of the times concurring with Clive's inclinations, he, in 1747, obtained an ensign's commission, and was present at the unsuccessful attack on Pondicherry with Ad- miral Boscawen. Here, on occasion of a want of ammunition for the battery at which he was posted, his impetuosity led him to run himself for a supply, instead of sending for it. This act was misrepresented as arising not firom zeal but fear. Clive called upon the party who had thus aspersed his military character for satisfaction, and the point would have been referred to the last appeal sanc- tioned by the usages of society in such cases, A.D. 1751.] CAPTURE OF ARCOT. 23 but for the interference of bystanders. A court of inq^uiry was held on the conduct of the two disputants, and the public submission of his defamer cleared the reputation of Olive, soon to be more decisively vindicated by his own daring acta. Clive was engaged in the second expedition against Tanjore, and held tile commission of lieutenant. He volunteered to lead the attack, and Major Lawrence having had previous opportunities of becoming ac- quainted with his courage and military talent, yielded to him the post which he sought. The force placed at his disposal consisted of thirty-four Europeans only, but seven hundred sepoys were to act with them. A rivulet was to be crossed, and the Europeans effected the passage with some difficulty, and with the loss of four of their small party. A part of the sepoys then passed, and Clive, with the Euro- peans, advanced briskly to attack the intrench- ment in flank, the sepoys being ordered to close upon the Europeans. Instead of obey- ing these orders, they waited upon the bank for the passing of more of their number, and the rear of Olive's handful of men was thus left exposed. The consequence was, that when just presenting their muskets to fire, a body of Tanjore horse, which had been concealed, rushed out, sword in hand, and by a rapid evolution gained the rear of the European party, twenty-six of whom were immediately cut down. The sabre of one of the horsemen was lifted to add Clive to the number, and he only escaped the fate of the greater part of his companions by darting aside while his assailant passed him. At the close of the Tanjore war Olive returned to the mercantile service, but was appointed commissioner for supplying the troops with provisions — an ap- pointment which associated him, though not as a soldier, with the feeble and unfortunate attempt of the English to aid Mahomet Ali, which ended in their retreat upon Trichino- poly. To that place he subsequently accom- panied Mr. Pigot, a member of council at Fort St. David, in charge of some recruits and stores. Returning with an escort of only twelve sepoys, they were attacked by an hos- tile party armed with matchlocks, who ha- rassed them for some hours and killed seven of their men. The rest, having expended all their ammunition, were ordered to disperse, and Pigot and Clive only saved themselves by the fleetness of their horses. Another rein- forcement sent shortly afterwards was in- trusted to Clive, who then received a captain's commission. It was joined by a detachment from Devi-cottah, under Captain Clark, who took the command of the whole ; and, after a skirmish with part of the French force, ar- rived safe at Trichinopoly. But the timid and petty spirit in which the operations of the English had been conducted was ill-suited to the genius of Olive, and on his return to Fort St. David he made such representations to the governor, Mr. Sanderson, as convinced him that the cause of Mahomet Ali could not be effectually aided but by adopting a course far more bold and vigorous than had yet been taken. Clive suggested an attack upon Arcot, and offered himself to lead the expedition. Both his suggestion and his services were accepted ; but the force placed under his command was proportioned to the means of the British government, and not to the duty to be per- formed. It consisted of only three hundred sepoys and two hundred Europeans, and the despatch of even this insignificant number of men almost denuded Fort St. David and Madras of troops. The deficiency of numeri- cal strength was not made up by the skill and experience of the ofiicers who were to act under Olive. These were eight in number ; but six of them had never been in action, and four of the six were, like Clive, volunteer.'! from the commercial service. With three field-pieces this small body, on the 26th of August, marched to the attack of Arcot, in which was a governor and eleven hundred men. On the 30th they halted within ten miles of the city, and the news of their ap- proach having preceded them, panic prepared the way for an easy conquest. The spies of the enemy reported that they had seen the English marching with unconcern through a violent storm of thunder and rain, and this report gave such an impression of the resist- lessness of the approaching foe, that the garri- son abandoned the fort, and the English, a few hours afterwards, marched through a hundred thousand spectators to take possession of it. The greatest order was preserved, and a fa- vourable impression was made on the inhabit- ants by the restoration to its owners of pro- perty to a large amount, which had been deposited in the fort for the sake of security. The first' care of Clive was to improve his good fortune by making provision for a siege ; but it little suited his impetuosity to wait the chance of attack, and accordingly he made various sorties in quest of the enemy, who usually fled on his approach. On the 14th of September he attacked their camp by night, and dispersed its occupants in every direction, without the loss of a man from his own force. Two eighteen-pounders and some stores were expected from Madras. An attempt made by the enemy to intercept them was defeated; but the convoy sent out for their protection having greatly weakened the garrison of the fort, the enemy was emboldened to make an attack upon it with his entire strength, horse and foot. This attempt, too, failed, and or the arrival in the town of the detachment in charge of the expected field-pieces and stores, it was abandoned. Thus far Olive's success may be regarded more as the result of good fortune than of military skill. He had now to show that be was not a mere child of fortune, and that the confidence reposed in him was not misplaced. It had been foreseen that the acquisition of Arcot would be followed by tie withdrawal 24 OLIVE'S DEFENCE OF AECOT. [a,d. 1751. of part of the force of Chunda Sahib from Triohinopoly, and this was one object of the attempt. Accordingly, the success of Clive was no sooner known than Chunda Sahib de- tached four thousand sepoys to act against him. These, being joined on their route by Kajah Sahib (son of Chunda Sahib) with one hundred and fifty French from Pondicherry, entered the town on the 23rd of September. On the 24th, Clive made a sally, driving the French from their guns — four field-pieces — but was unable to execute a design which he had formed of carrying them off. On this day he had a narrow escape from death, A sepoy, who was taking aim at him from a window, was disappointed of success through Clive being dragged aside by an of&cer named Tremwith, who was immediately shot through the body by the man whose aim he had de- feated. On the following day the enemy re- ceived a I'einforcement of two thousand men from Vellore, and possession was taken of all the avenues leading to the fort. Thus invested by a large force, the fort of Arcot seemed little likely to sustain a protracted siege. The stock of provisions was not more than suffi- cient to supply the garrison for sixty days, and it became necessary to send all the inha- bitants, except a few artificers, away from the fort. Of the eight ofiicers who had accom- panied the expedition, one had been killed and t.wo wounded ; another had returned to Madras. The troops fit for duty were reduced to one hundred and fifty Europeans and two thousand sepoys. Even this small force was daily diminishing ; for although none of the garriiion were allowed to appear on the ram- parts, except the few necessary to avoid a t-urprise, several were killed and wounded by the musketry of the enemy, who, sheltered by the surrounding houses, and firing from rest- ing-places, were enabled to select their objects with deadly certainty. The besieging force consisted of one hundred and fifty Europeans and about ten thousand native troops of vari- ous descriptions. The enemy being ill-provided with artillery, had for some days produced little effect by their attempt at bombarding the fort. The arrival of two eighteen-pounders and several pieces of smaller calibre from Pondicherry, enabled them to erect a battery, which, almost as soon as brought into play, disabled one of Clive's eighteen -poundei'S and dismantled the other. The battery continued firing for six days, and a practicable breach was made to the extent of fifty feet. But Clive and his men had been no less active in constructing works for defence, and the enemy appeared afi'aid of attempting to improve their oppor- tunity of attack. The critical situation of Clive did not pre- vent him from indulging in acts requiring, labour v»hich could not very well be spared, and whose chief result was a gratification of that love of , mischief by which his boyhood bad beeu i emarkably distinguished. The fort contained an unwieldy piece of ordnance, which, according to the current tradition, had been brought from Delhi "by Aurungzebe, drawn, as it was said, by a thousand yoke of oxen, Clive caused a mound of earth to be raised on the top of the highest tower of the rampart, so as to command the palace across the intervening houses. On this the gigantic engine of destruction was elevated, and being loaded with thirty pounds of powder and a ball proportioned to its dimensions, it was discharged by means of a train carried to a considerable distance on the ground. The ball went through the palace, to the great terror of Kajah Sahib and his principal officers collected there. No other result appears to have been contemplated; but this was deemed sufficient to justify a repetition of the salute on two succeeding days, at the precise time when the rajah's officers assembled at head- quarters. On the fourth day the amusement derived from this exercise was terminated by the bursting of the monster gun which had afforded the means of its enjoyment. It seems, however, to have imparted to the enemy a desire to retaliate. They, in return, raised a vast mound of earth, which com- manded not only the gate, but the whole in- terior of the fort. Clive suffered them to complete the work, and to mount on it two pieces of cannon. He then began to fire on it with his remaining eighteen-pounder : in less than an hour the mound fell with fifty men stationed on it; some of whom were killed and others disabled. The battery first erected by the enemy was to the north west of the fort. Subsequently another was erected to the south-west. The wall in this direction was in «. very ruinous condition, and a breach was soon made. The garrison kept up a vigorous fire of musketry against the battery, and several times drove the enemy out of it, but the breach notwith- standing was daily enlarged. With the prospect of ati immediate attack from a force overwhelming, when compared with the means of resistance, Clive's confi- dence never appears to have deserted him. The Company's agents at Madras and Fort St. David were anxious to relieve him, but a small detachment despatched for the purpose were unable to effect their object, and after a sharp conflict with u considerable number of Kajah Sahib's troops, were compelled to re- treat. A body of six thousand Mahrattas, who had been hired to assist the cause of Ma- homet Ali, lay about thirty miles from Arcot in a state of most suspicious inactivity. The nabob's affairs being thought desperate, his mercenary allies were not disposed to waste their strength in his defence. In the hope of stimulating them to action, Clive found means of communicating with them. Their com- mander, in reply, expressed his admiration of the gallant conduct of the defence of Arcot, by which, he said, he was then first convinced that the English could fight, and promised to A.D. 1751.] DEFENCE OF AECOT. 25 send a detachment to their aid. Intelligence of these commnnicatioqs haying reached Rajah Sahibj who commanded the besieging army, he became. apprehensive of the probable re- sult, and sent a flag of truce with proposals for the surrender of the fort. Honourable terms for the garrison, were offered, and a large sum of money for Clive ; while, that no motives for compliance might be wanting, the consequences of refusal were declared to be the storming of the fort and the immolation of every man in it. Olive's answer was strikingly characteristic of the man. He not only refused to surrender the fort, but con- veyed liis refusal in terms of haughty defi- ance. The merits of Chunda Sahib's claims were somewhat unoeremoniously noticed for the purpose of reproach ; the offer of personal advantage to Clive was treated, as it deserved, with contempt ; and the threat of storm and slaughter was met by the taunting remark, that the English commander bad. too high an opinion of the prudence of Kajah Sahib, to be- lieve that he would attempt to storm until he was provided with better soldiers than the rabble of which his army was then composed. Notwithstanding this answer, some of the enemy hovered round the ditch, conversing with the sepoys in the British service, and recommending them to desert. They were warned to retire, but the admonition being disregarded, it became necessary to render it more impressive by the adjunct of a volley of small arms, which killed some of the intruders and dispersed the rest. Before any steps were taken by the enemy in consequence of Olive's refusal of the prof- fered terms, the promised detachment of the Mahrattas arrived in the neighbourhood and attenjpted to enter the town, but found every street and avenue barricaded. Thus im- peSed, they had recourse to their usual and most approved occupation of plundering, re- lieved by setting fire to some houses in the outskirts of the town, after which they re- treated. Olive was accurately informed of all the proceedings of the enemy, and as the day of attack approached, he succeeded in becoming possessed not only of their general design, but of the precise disposition proposed to be made of their force. The dawn of day on the 14 th November was to decide the success of the meditated attempt, and the signal for its com- mencement was to be the discharge of three bombs. The knowledge of its approach did not diminish the confidence of Clive, nor dis- turb his equanimity. He made the arrange- ments which appeared to him necessary for meeting the approaching conflict, and then, to remove the effects of the excessive fatigue which he had undergone, and to gather re- newed strength for the struggle, he resigned himself to sleep, with as much calmness as though all danger was at an end, giving orders that he should be awakened on the first J alarm. The day of attack was one among the most distinguished in the Mahometan calendar. Happy was the Mussulman to whom it brought death from the sword of the unbe- liever, for his fall was regarded. as but a sud- den introduction to the highest paradise. By this belief the enthusiasm of the enemy's troops was wrought up almost to madness, and it was further increased by the free use of an intoxicating substance called bang. The morning came, and with it the expected movement. Clive was awakened, and found his garrison at their posts according to the disposition which he had previously made. On the enemy's side a vast multitude were in motion, bringing ladders to every part of the wall that was accessible. Besides these desul- tory operations there were others in progress, all directed to the same end. Four principal divisions of the enemy's troops marched upon the four points where an entrance to the fort seemed the more likely to be effected — the two gates and the two breaches which had been made in the wall. The parties who attacked the gates drove before them several elephants, armed with plates of iron on their foreheads, with which it was expected they would beat down the obstacles which stopped the course of the assailants : but the de- vice was more disastrous to those who em- ployed it than to those against whom it was directed. The elephants, wounded by the musketry of the British force, turned and trampled upon those who were urging them forward. At the north-west breach, as many as it was capable of admitting rushed wildly in, and passed the first trench before, their opponents gave fire. When given, it was with terrible effect. A number of muskets were loaded in readiness, which those behind delivered to the first rank as fast as they could discharge them. Every shot did exe- cution, while three field-pieces contributed effectually to thin the number of the as- sailants. In a few minutes they fell back : but the attempt was only suspended, not aban- doned. Another and another party followed, and were driven off as had been those who preceded them. Toapproaoh the south-west breach, the enemy embarked seventy men on a raft, who thus attempted to cross a ditch, and had almost gained their object, when Clive, observing that his gunners fired with bad aim, took the management of one of the field-pieces him- self. This he worked with such precision and effect that a few discharges threw the ad- vancing party into confusion. The raft was overset, and those on board thrown into the water, where some weie drowned. The re- mainder saved themselves by swimming back, abandoning the unfortunate raft which was to have borne them to the breach. These various attacks occupied about an hour, and cost the enemy in killed and wounded about four hundred men. After an interval employed by the assailants in endea- 26 OLIVE'S SUCCESSES. [a.d. 1751. vouring, under mucli annoyance, to carry off their dead, the firing upon the fort was re- newed, both with cannon and musketry. This was again discontinued. A formal demand of leave to bury the dead was complied with, and it truce of two hours agreed upon. At the expiration of the prescribed time the firing once more recommenced, and lasted until two o'clock on the following morning, when it ceased, never to be renewed. At daybreak, the gallant defenders of the fort learned that their besiegers had precipitately abandoned the town. The garrison imme- diately marched into the enemy's quarters, where they found several pieces of artillery and a large quantity of ammunition. These spoils were forthwith transferred to the fort, and thus ended a siege of fifty days. In the evening of the day on which th'te enemy fled from Arcot, the detachment from Madras, which had been prevented from enter- ing the town, arrived in it. Clive, leaving a gar- rison in the fort, took the field on the 19th of November with two hundred Europeans, seven hundred sepoys, and three field-pieces. Having summoned Timany to surrender, which imme- diately yielded, the British force waited for the promised aid of the Mahrattas, who were to join them with a thousand horse ; but these adventurers were for some days too much occupied with the interesting duties of plunder to perform their engagement. Their labours, however, received a check from a sudden at- tack of the French troops of Rajah Sahib, who surprised their camp, and by relieving them of such articles as could be conveniently carried off, demonstrated to the Mahrattas that they must not hope to enjoy a monopoly of the occupation in which they delighted. Intelligence being received of the approach of an European party from Pondicherry, Clive was anxious to obtain the assistance of the Mahrattas in intercepting them before they could join Rajah Sahib. But the only motive by which they could be affected was wanting — th^re was no prospect of plunder — and Clive marched without his allies. Rajah Sahib made a forced march to arrive where he was to be joined by the reinforcement from Pondi- cherry ; but the Mahrattas were still immov- able, until they learned that the reinforcement expected by the enemy were the bearers of a large sum of money ; a discovery which had a remarkable effect in rendering them anxious for a conflict, to which they had previously shown so much indifference. But not more than six hundred horse could be collected for the duty, the rest being otherwise engaged. By a forced march of twenty miles, Clive and hia Mahratta associates came in sight of the enemy's force, and, notwithstanding a great disparity of numbers, defeated them. In the pursuit a considerable booty fell into the hands of the victors, much to the gratification of the Mahrattas, with whom the service in which they were engaged became popular. The fort of Arnie, Olive was compelled, for want of cannon, to pass ; the governor refusing to sun-ender, although he agreed to take an oath of allegiance to Mahomet 'Ali. The great pagoda of Conjeveram was the next object of attention. Here the French main- tained a considerable garrison, which had afforded them opportunity of interrupting the communication between Arcot and Madras.— Prom this place they had surprised a party of disabled men returning from the siege of Arcot, and after murdering five or six as they lay helpless in their litters, relented so far as to spare the lives of two oiBcers named Reveli and Glass, whom they made prisoners. On being summoned to surrender, the French commander, on the plea that none of his gar- rison understood English, required his two prisoners to write to Olive informing him that if the pagoda were attacked they would be exposed on the works. The British officers made the desired communication, but added an expression of their hope that no regard for them 'would induce Clive to discontinue hia operations for the reduction of the place. Clive, however, was compelled to wait the arrival from Madras of the means of effec- tually commencing an attack. These being obtained, the walls, after three days' battery, began to give way, and the French com- mander, apprehensive of the just resentment of the English for his cnielty, abandoned the place in the night. Clive having destroyed the defences of Conjeveram, proceeded to Madras, and thence to Fort St. David, to re- ceive the congratulations which awaited him, and which he had so nobly earned. While Clive, in Arcot, had thus been pur- suing an uninterrupted career of success, Chunda Sahib and his French allies were labouring for the reduction of Triohinopoly. But their works were constnacted without - skill, and their labour and ammunition ex- pended with little effect. Their views, how- ever, were aided by the pecuniary distress of Mahomet Ali, whose troops openly threatened to desert a master who was unable to pay them. Among the projects of Mahomet Ali, who seems to have had no definite plan of proceeding, but to have intrigued with all parties, in the hope that chance might work something in his favour, was an application to Mysore for aid. That country had long been governed in the name of sovereigns who possessed bo particle of real power. A prince, labouring under the misfortune of having been born deaf and dumb, succeeded to the throne early in the eighteenth century. Hia imperfect organization placed him at the mercy of others, and the mental feebleness of his successors led to the continuance of the system of royal pupilage. The ambassador of Mahomet Ali at first met little encourage- ment from the lordly servants who then exer- cised sovereignty in the court of Mysore, but magnificent promises, the extent of which was kept secret from the British authorities, dis- pelled the coldness with which his mission was A.D. 1752.] BATTLE OF COVERPAH. 27 first received. The negotiation was brought to a successful conclusion, and its provisions ratified by an oath. The face of Mahomet All's affairs now began to brighten. In addi- tion to the army of Mysore, the government of that country took into its pay six thousand Mahrattas, of whom those who have been already noticed in connection with the siege of Arcot, formed part. "In conformity," says the historian of Mysore, " to the uniform principle of Indian policy, as the affairs of Mahomet Ali appeared to improve, he ac- quired more friends." The Eajah of Tanjore declared in his favour, and despatched a con- siderable body . of troops to his assistance. From other quarters the nabob received further aid, and his army, thus reinforced, became numerically superior to that of Chunda Sahib. But the army of the latter was stronger in regular troops, and so little re- liance did the officer commanding the British force place on his native allies, that he per- severingly resisted their repeated solicitations to attack the enemy till he was reinforced from Fort St. David. The enemy, however, emboldened by the retirement of Olive, had again appeared in some force in the province of Arcot, and having burnt several villages, and plundered some houses belonging to the English, they returned to Conjeveram, repaired the, de- fences, garrisoned the place with sepoys, and threatened to attack the Company's fort of Poonamalee. This diverted to another quarter the British reinforcements destined for Tri- chinopoly, it being deemed indispensable to check the ravages of the enemy in Arcot. For this purpose all the force that the British authorities could assemble was required. In- cluding a levy of sepoys, a detachment of Europeans from Bengal, and drafts from the garrisons of Arcot and Madras, it did not, however, amoant to seventeen hundred men, of whom less than four hundred were Euro- peans. The European force of the enemy was about equal to that of the British, but his native troops, horse and foot, amounted to four thousand five hundred. The British had six field-pieces ; the enemy a large train of artillery. The talents and previous success of Olive pointed him out as the commander of the expedition in the absence .of Major Law- rence, that able and experienced officer, who was among the first to discover the genius of Olive, having proceeded to England before that genius was fully developed. In antici- pation of an attack from the English, the camp of the enemy had been strongly forti- ■ fied; but, on the approach of Olive, it was abandoned, and his force concentrated at Con- jeveram. Thither Olive proceeded by a forced march, but found the pagoda in charge' of a garrison, who surrendered at the first sum- mons. The object of the enemy had been suspected, and it now became more apparent. The garrison at the fort of Arcot had been considerably weakened in order to add to the force placed under the command of Olive, and it was anticipated that the enemy designed to take advantage of this circumstance. Olive accordingly advanced towards Arcot, and on the road received intelligence that the enemy had entered the town of Arcot, and skir- mished against the fort with muskets for seve- ral hours. The attempt was to have been- aided by co-operation from within the fort, the enemy having corrupted two native offi- cers in the British service, who, on a given signal, were to have opened the gates for their admission. The intended treachery was discovered in time to defeat it. The enemy finding their signals unanswered, retired with precipitation. These facts were communi- cated to Olive by letter from the commanding officer at Arcot, but he was unable to state what route the disconcerted foe had taken. Uncertainty on this point did not long pre- vail. Near the village of Ooverpah, the van of the British force was unexpectedly sa- luted by a discharge of artillery from a thick grove of mango trees. Clive immediately made provision for the safety of his baggage, and for the disposal of his troops for ac- tion. For a time no very decisive results appeared. Two parties of infantry, French and English, continued for two hours to fire upon each other, and the enemy's cavalry made several unsuccessful attacks on a small force, European and native, which was op- posed to them. But the artillery from the grove did considerable execution, and Clive found that he must either become its master or determine on » retreat. The grove, in which the artillery was placed, was defended in front by a steep bank and ditch, but in the rear it was reported to be open and un- guarded. Two hundred Europeans and four hundred sepoys were accordingly despatched thither, and the anxiety of Olive for their suc- cess led him to accompany them through part of the circuit which it was necessary to make. This anxiety had nearly proved fatal to his hopes. The infantry who were left firing on that of the French, dispirited by the absence of Olive, and discouraged by the departure of the detachment sent to attack the enemy's artillery, were giving way, and some were actually in flight. The return of Olive w.as just in time to avert the consequences of his temporary absence. With his wonted ad- dress he rallied the fugitives, though not without some difficulty, and the firing was renewed. The attention of the enemy was thus diverted from the more important ope- ration which was in progress in another part of the field. The party who had been despatched to the rear of the grove halted at the distance of three hundred yards from it, and an ensign, named Symmonds, advanced to reconnoitre. He had not proceeded far before he came to a deep trench, in which a large body of the enemy's troops, who were not immediately wanted, were sitting down to avoid the ran- 2S BELIEF OF TRICHINOPOLY. [a.d. 1752. dom shots. The approach of Ensign Sym- monds being observed, he was challenged, and the party in the trench prepared to fire. His acquaintance with the French language saved his life, and probably prevented the failure of the attack, for, being mistaken for a French officer, he was suffered to pass. Pro- ' ceeding onward to the grove, he perceived that, besides the men stationed at the guns, there were one hundred Europeans to sup- port them, but that they kept no look-out, except towards the field of battle. Having made the observations necessary, he returned, keeping at a distance from the' trench where his progress had nearly been intercepted, and rejoined his detachment. Upon hia report, they immediately marched towards the point of attack, taking ike way by which he had returned. They entered the grove unper- ceived, and at the distance of thirty yards gave fire. The .efifeot was to paralyze the enemy, who, without returning a shot, aban- doned their guna and sought safety in. flight. Some took refuge in a choultry, or house of accommodation for travellers, where they were so much crowded that they were unable to use their arms, and quarter being oflfered them, it was joyfully accepted. The sudden silence of the artillery in- formed the British troops in front of the enemy of the success of the attack on his rear. The arrival of some fugitives from the grove conveyed the same intelligence to their opponenta, who immediately followed the ex- ample of their companions and fled. The force of the enemy having been broken in Arcot, Olive and his troops were ordered back to Fort St. David, preparatory to their being despatched to Trichinopoly. On their march, they passed the spot where Nazir Jung had been murdered. To commemorate the success of the French, Dupleix had planned the erection of a, new town, to be called Dupleix-Fateabad. In the centre of thia city of victory was to have been placed a column with inscriptions in various languages, recounting the event which it was designed to keep in memory, and magnifying the valour of the French. "Unluckily," saya Major Lawrence, "future ages will not be the wiser for it." Olive destroyed all that existed of the projected town, including the foundation which was to support the com- memorative column. Thus the evidencea of French glory scarcely endured longer than the auccess which they were intended to record. The force deatined for Trichinopoly was soon ready for the field, and Major Lawrence arriving from Europe at this time, it was placed under his command. The detachment moved, and on the 27th March was within eighteen miles of Trichinopoly. Here, being informed that a strong party was posted to intercept them. Major Lawrence resolved upon proceeding by another road ; but, by a mistake of his guides, was led within reach of the very post which he had desired to avoid, and the troops received the fire of six pieces of artillery. It was returned from four field-pieces, supported by one hundred men under Olive, while the line marched on, and was soon out of the reach of the enemy's guns. They then halted till the party with the fielS- pieoea came up. On the following day a more serious afiair took place ; but the com- mander of the native cavalry of the enemy being killed, hia men, according to established precedent, took to flight, and the rest of the army aoon followed their example. The vic- tory would have been more complete, but for the failure of the native troops to co-operate with the British alliea. The Mahrattas re- mained at a distance, idle, though probably not unconcerned, spectators of the fight. Their passiveness was occasioned by the pecu- liar situation of their leader, who was en- gaged in a negotiation with Chunda Sahib, and feeling uncertain what turn afifaira might take, was unwilling to commit himself with either party. The rest of the British allies appear to have declined fighting, in deference to the example of the Mahrattas. Happily the day was won without them, and the Bri- tish detachment advanced undisturbed to Tri- chinopoly. Here the respective commanders had an opportunity of conferring on a plan of operations, but the Mahometans and Hindoos not being able to agree on a fortunate hour of attack, nothing was determined on. A few days after the arrival of the English reinforcement, the French abandoned their posts, and retreated to the island of Sering- hara. This movement being hastily made, and without due preparation, was attended with very considerable loss. The retreating enemy carried off their artillery and part of their baggage, but a large store of provisions was burned. A bold auggeation of Olive's was now acted upon by the commander of the British expe- dition. It was to divide the amall force under his command, and while one half re- mained at Trichinopoly, to post the other half between Seringham and Pondicherry, in order to cut off the communication on which the French muSt now depend for their supplies. Major Lawrence justly considered Olive as the fittest man to undertake the command of the separate body, but a difficulty existed in the fact that all the captains in the battalion were his seniors. It was removed by the native generals, who unanimously declared that they would not make any detachment of the troops for the purpose, if they were to be commanded by any other person than Olive. Everything being arranged, the favourite captain marched on the 6th of April, with four hundred Euro- peans and a much larger number of sepoys, four thousand native horse and eight pieces of artillery. He took post at a fort a few miles from Seringham, and on the high road to Arcot and Pondicherry. Dupleix had become greatly dissatisfied with A.D. 1752.] OLIVE'S NARROW ESCAPES. 29 the prospect of affairs at Triohinopoly, and, in the hope of retrieving them, had sent rein- forcements of as large amount as he could raise, under Mons. D'Auteuil, who was forth- with authorized to assume the chief com- mand ; M. Law, who had for some time held it, having displayed little either of enter- prise or talent. Olive, apprized of the ap- proach of this force, marched out to inter- cept it ; and D'Auteuil, knowing how much depended on his effecting a junction with the army at Seringham, withdrew to a fort which he had just quitted. Clive not meeting the enemy's reinforcement where he had been led to expect them, considered that the report of their approach was a ruse to draw him from his fort, and inarched back with all possible speed. 'This was not the fact ; but the French commander at Seringham hearing of dive's departure, but not of his return, resolved to take advantage of it, by attacking the few troops which had been left in possession of the British post. With this view he de- spatched eighty Europeans and seven hundred sepoys, aided by the services of eighty Eng- lish deserters. Through a mistake at one of the outposts, the attempt of the enemy had nearly succeeded. The party being chal- lenged, answered that they were friends, and one of the deserters stepping forward, stated that they had been despatched by Major Lawrence to reinforce Captain Clive. This assertion, corroborated by the fact of so many of the party speaking English, satisfied t>.e guard. The strangers were suffered to enter without the pass-word being demanded, and one of the guard was despatched to conduct them to head-quarters. They marched on without giving any disturbance, or meeting with any, until they arrived at a pagoda, where they were challenged by the sentinels, and simultaneously by others posted at an adjacent choultry, within which Clive was asleep. They answered these challenges, not a;s before, by an attempt to parley, but by dis- charging a volley into each place. That di- rected to the choultry was not far from de- ciding the question of success, a ball having shattered a box at Olive's feet and killed a servant sleeping close to him. After this discharge the enemy pushed into the pagoda, putting all they met to the sword. Olive, awakened by the noise, and not imagining that the enemy could have advanced into the centre of i'is camp, supposed the firing to pro- ceed from part of "his own sepoys, and that the cause of it was some groundless alarm. In this belief he advanced alone into the midst of the party who were firing, as ap- peared to him, without purpose, and angrily demanded the cause of their conduct. In the confusion he was at first scarcely observed ; but at length one " of the enemy's sepoys dis- covering or suspecting him to be an English- man, attacked and wounded him. By this time the French were in possession of the Clive ordered the gate to be stormed, but it would admit only two men abreast, and the English deserters within fought with desperation. The officer who led the attack, and fifteen men engaged in it, were killed, and the attempt was then relin- quished until cannon could be obtained. At daybreak the French officer, seeing the dan- ger of his situation, endeavoured to escape it by a sally ; but being killed with several of his men, the rest retreated into the pagoda. Olive, advancing to the porch to offer them terms, experienced another of those remark- able escapes in which his career so much abounded. Rendered weak by the wounds which he had received, he leant upon the shoulders of two Serjeants. Both these men were of lower stature than their commander, who, from this cause, as well aa from the effect of weakness, stood in a stooping position, his body being thus thrown slightly behind theirs. An Irishman who took the lead among the deserters came forward, and addressing Olive in opprobrious language, declared that he would shoot him. This was not an idle threat, for he instantly levelled his musket in the direction in whicii Clive was standing and discharged it. The ball passed through the bodies of both the men on whom Clive was leaning, but from his relative position with regard to them, he was untouched. This occurrence is said to have facilitated the sur- render of the pagoda, the Frenchmen thinking it necessary to disown the outrage which had been committed, lest it might exclude them from being admitted to quarter. The enemy's sepoys without the pagoda endeavoured to re- pass the boundaries of the British camp, and succeeded ; but the Mahratta cavalry setting out in pursuit of them, overtook and cut them to pieces. Clemency is not a common weak- ness in the Mahratta character, and according to the report of those engaged in this exploit, not a single man of seven hundred escaped with his life. The tide of success now flowed steadily in favour of the British cause. D'Auteuil con- tinued to retire and his force to diminish. Fur- their resistance appearing hopeless, if not im- possible, he surrendered with the whole force remaining with him, consisting of only one hundred Europeans (thirty-five of whom wei-e British deserters), four hundred native infantry, and about three hundred and forty cavalry. A considerable quantity of military stores passed into the hands of the conquerors, and a large amount of money was expected, it being known that D'Auteuil had with him a considerable sum. This expectation, however, was disap- pointed, the wary Frenchman having con- trived to secrete a great part of it among his personal baggage, which he was permitted to carry away without examination. A part of the remainder was embezzled by the troops on both sides, so that not more than fifty thousand rupees were regularly taken possession of for the benefit of the captors. The progressive success of the British arms so FATE OF CHUNDA SAHIB. [A.D. 1752. had materially affected the state of affairs in the island of Seringham. The scarcity of sup- plies, and the small probability of effectually removing this difficulty, the constant annoy- ance sustained from the English posts, and the expectation, almost amounting to certainty, that these attacks would become more frequent, as well as more alarming — these causes tended to chill the friendship of the native chiefs who had brought their troops to the service of Chunda Sahib, and gradually to detach them from his interest. The greater part of them demanded their dismissal, a demand which he was in no condition to resist ; and the request being granted, many of the dismissed parties passed forthwith without hesitation into the service of the British. The desertions, and the fatal blow inflicted on the French interest by the surrender of D'Auteuil, rendered the pros- pects of Chunda Sahib gloomy indeed. He had vainly endeavoured to urge the French commander. Law, to a more enterpri- sing course of action, and the time when such a course could have availed was now past. The health, too, of the ambitious aspirant to the government of the Carnatio had given way under the pressure of mental anxiety ; and without the means of evading the difficulties which surrounded him, or the energy to at- tempt to force his way through them to a place of safety, his thoughts were no longer turned upon either of these objects. Only one termi- nation of his wretched fortunes was before him, and the sole question for his determination was, whose captive he should become. By the ad- vice of Law, he was dissuaded from surrender- ing to the English, and induced to trust his person for a time to native faith. A negotia- tion was commenced, which was managed by Monackjee, the commander of the Tanjore troops, with all the success derived from deal- ing with a man who had no resource but to yield. Its completion was hastened by a re- presentation from Monackjee of the necessity of a speedy conclusion, lest the advance of the English should deprive him of the power of insuring the safety of Chunda Sahib, a danger of which the negotiators on the other side were fully aware. Still they hesitated ; and their anxiety to discover and obtain some better se- curity than a Mahratta promise, led to a pri- vate interview between Law and Monackjee, in which a demand was made of hostages for the safety of Chunda Sahib. To this demand it was replied, that if treachery were designed, no hostage would prevent it ; that the act of giving any would betray the secret of the ne- gotiation, and that the escape of Chunda Sahib would thereby berenderedimpractioable. These arguments were not the only means employed . to remove the scruples of the French ofBcer. One pledge of fidelity could be given without difficulty and without danger ; and Monackjee did not refrain from tendering the same se- curity for the safety of Chunda Sahib, which the latter had afforded for his friendly inten- tions in introducing his troops into Trichino- poly. He bound himself by the most solemn oath to perform the articles of his engagement, and prayed that his own weapons might be turned to his destruction if he failed. That engagement obliged him to convey the fugitive, under an escort of horse, to a French settle- ment ; and, in addition to the weight of the general's oath, the sincerity of his purpose was confirmed by the testimony of one of his offi- cers, who assured Law that he was appointed to command the escort, and exhibited a palan- quin which had been prepared for the journey. "V\Tiether or not the oath, with its corrobora- tive testimony, dispelled the doubts which had previously existed, cannot be known, but those by whom they were entertained were not in a condition to insist on any other security, and Chunda Sahib proceeded to the camp of Mo- nackjee. He expected a guard to insure his safety ; and a guard was ready to receive him. But, instead of taking his place in the palan- quin which had been made ready for his jour- ney, he was forced into a tent, and there loaded with irons. The news was immediately spread through the camp, and the fate of the prisoner became an object of intense anxiety to all par- ties. In the morning a conference was held on the subject, when great diversity of opinion prevailed. No one suggested the fulfilment of the engagement by which Chunda Sahib had been entrapped into captivity ; but there were many competitors for the office of keeping him in safe custody, or consigning him to the still safer custody of the grave. The nabob Ma- homet Ali, the Tanjore general Monackjee, the commander of the Mysore troops, and the chief of the Mahratta force, all contended for the possession of the person of Chunda Sahib ; and Major Lawrence, who was present, seeing no chance of agreement, proposed that he should be given up to the British and confined in one of their settlements. In resisting this proposal, the other claimants were once again unanimous ; and the meeting broke up without coming to any decision. Two days afterwards, the cause of dispute was removed. A follower of Monackjee entered the tent, where lay the defeated candidate for the government of the Camatic, bowed down by sickness^ bonds, and mental suffering. He needed not to speai his errand. The prisoner too clearly understood it, yet still clinging to hope, where reasonable hope could not exist, implored that he might be permitted to see Monackjee, on the plea that he had something of importance to com- municate. But the business of his ferocious visitor was not negotiation. The captive's re- quest was answered by a thrust which pierced his heart ; and the assassin, having thus done his work, cut off his victim's head as evidence of the deed. This was immediately sent to Mahomet Ali, who, after gratifying himself and his court with an inspection of it, directed that it should be publicly exhibited for the pleasure of the multitude. The fortune of those whom Chunda Sahib had quitted, so unhappily for himself, remains 1752.] NATIVE INTRIGUES. 31 to be noticed. Before his depai'ture, the Eng- lish force had received a battering train from Devi-cottah, and the French commander had been required to surrender at discretion. Sub- sequently a more peremptory demand was made, and Law, being at length convinced of that which he was reluctant to believe — that D'Aateuil and his force had fallen into the hands of the British — requested a personal con- ference with Major Lawrence. The result was that, after much altercation, partly grounded on the anomalous position oif the English and French, in thus being at war in India while in Europe they were in peace, terras were agreed upon and a capitulation signed. The pfficers were to depart on parole, the privates to re- main prisoners, the deserters to be pardoned. On the 3rd of June, Captain Dalton took pos- session of Seringham, with the artillery and military force. The troops immediately in the French service were marched to Fort St. David, — those of their allies were suffered quietly to disperse. Thus, without a battle, ended the struggle to secure to Chunda Sahib the government of the Caruatic, on the very day which closed his earthly career. CHAPTER IIL EISPTJTES EESPEOTING THE POSSESSION OF TBIOHINOPOLT. — SUCCESSES OF OLIVE AND lAWEENOE. — WAR WITH MYSOBE. — DEPAETUBE OF DUPLEIX FOB EUEOPB. The success which had attended the opera- tions of the force engaged in the cause of Mahomet Ali, it was the desire of Major Law- rence to improve. He accordingly urged upon the nabob the necessity of proceeding to the reduction of those parts of the Carnatic which had not yet been subjected to his authority. The^ropriety of this advice could not be dis- puted ; but though calculated alike to advance the interests and gratify the vanity of the prince, he manifested a reluctance to act upon it, which, to the British commanders, was unaccountable. The mystery was at length explained. The price at which Mahomet Ali had agreed to purchase the aid of Mysore was, the cession to that power of Triohinopoly and all its dependencies, down to Cape Comorin. Under this agreement, Nunjeraj,the Mysorean commander, demanded the transfer of the for- tress which had just surrendered. Mahomet Ali objected, but Nunjeraj refused to march unless his demand were complied with. Men are seldom at a loss for reasons to justify a course which they are disposed to follow, and on such occasions the ingenuity of Oriental diplomacy is never baffled. Mahomet Ali adduced numerous arguments with the view of convincing Major Lawrence and Nunjeraj that he ought not to surrender Triohi- nopoly. With the former he found little dif- ficulty, but the Mysorean leader was not so easily satisfied. In estimating the motives of Mahomet Ali, they may all be passed by, the fact being simply, that he was resolved not to part with Trichinopoly if it were possible to retain it. The state of affairs caused by the refusal of the nabob to execute an engage- ment with Mysore, which had been kept secret from the British, was productive of great embaiTassment to the last-named power. Major Lawrence applied for instructions from the presidency, and both the contend- ing parties made applications to the same quarter. But the British authorities refused to interfere, aixd only recommended to the disputants an amicable adjustment of their differences. The office of a mediator, thus declined by the representatives of the East-India Company, was readily taken up by the Mahratta chief- tain, Morari Row. This person having had the good fortune to secure the confidence of both parties, entered upon his duties in form. A conference was agreed upon, which took place in the nabob's palace, and was graced by his personal presence. The interests of Mysore were under the care of two commis- sioners specially deputed for the purpose. Captain Dalton, an English' officer in com- mand of the garrison, was present as a spec- tator. The performances of the day com- menced by a long speech from the Mahratta, who enlarged upon the circumstances which had led to the connection of Mahomet Ali with Mysore, and on the events which bad followed. When his hearers and himself had been sufficiently gratified by the display of his eloquence, Morari Row produced the treaty on which the decision of the question at issue mainly depended, and, with the air of an honest and impartial umpire, called upon Mahomet Ali to fulfil his engagement by the delivery of Trichinopoly. The nabob performed his part no less ad- mirably. He listened to the harangue of his friend with patience, acknowledged his obliga- tions to Mysore with becoming gratitude, and expressed his resolution to fulfil his engage- ment in due time. But he claimed indulgence, because, having no considerable fortified town but Trichinopoly, he was for the present un- provided with any place to which he could remove his family. When the whole of the province of Arcot should be reduced to obe- dience, the difficulty would no longer exist j and, to give time for the purpose, he required a respite of two months, at the end of which period Trichinopoly should be given up. This exposition of the intentions of Mahomet Ali was perfectly satisfactory to his friend the 32 ATTEMPTS ON TEICHINOPOLY. [A.D. 1752. Mahratta ; the conference terminated, and the Mysorean commissioners withdrew. It was now no longer necessary to preserve the tone which had heen previously maintained. The chief actor in the scene which had just closed assumed a. new character, in which no eyes but those of the nabob and Captain Dalton were permitted to view him. Casting off the' solemn dignity of the umpire, and assuming a deportment at once confidential and courtly, the versatile Mahratta expressed a hope that the nabob attached no importance to what he had said in presence of the Mysorean commis- sioners ; and to show that his penetration into the views of others was not inferior to his skill in concealing his own, he further inti- mated his conviction that the nabob had no intention of performing the promise which he had then made. The acute perception of Mo- rarl Row, so far from offending the nabob, seemed to win his affection. Charmed not more by the friendly disposition than by the profound sagacity of the Mahratta, Mahomet Ali presented him with a draft for 50,000 rupees, as a retaining fee for his services, with a promise of as much more if he could succeed in procuring relief from the fulfilment of the treaty. Morari Eow readily accepted both the money and the commissioii, intending at all events to profit from both parties, and, if possible, to overreach both by obtaining Trichi- nopoly for himself. The disputes, jealousies, and private designs of the native powers, placed a bar on the prosecution of jhe object for which they were ostensibly brought together. Under the expectation that affairs would be arranged between the nabob and the Mysoreans, the British troops had marched from Trichino- poly to aid in establishing the authority of Mahomet Ali in other parts of the dominions which he claimed. The troops of the nabob and hie allies were tck follow ; but neither Mysoreans nor Mahrattas were willing to move. Their inertness, and the information which reached the British commander as to the probable result of his advancing, induced him to return two days after he had quitted Trichinopoly. The presence of the British troops brought about the appearance of an accommodation. The nabob made over to the Mysore general the revenues of the island of Seringham, and of some adjacent districts, which the latter was to collect for himself ; the promise of surrendering Trichinopoly at the end of two months was repeated, and in the mean time Mahomet Ali agreed to receive into the city seven hundred troops, provided they were not Mahrattas, for by this time the nabob had become suspicious of his favourite advocate and ally. On these conditions, the assistance of Mysore was to be continued. This arrangement answered the purpose of both parties, which was to gain time and opportunity for effecting special objects. Ma- homet Ali was not prepared to convert his ally of Mysore into an avowed enemy, be- cause it would interfere with hia prospects of obtaining the yet unsubdued districts to which he laid claim ; while Nunjeraj was well pleased that the nabob and his English allies should depart for this or any other purpose, as their absence was necessary to enable him to put into practice the design which he had formed of possessing himself of Trichinopoly. His desires and expectations were to a cer- tain extent gratified. The nabob marched to the northward, accompanied by a British force consisting of five hundred Europeans and two thousand five hundred sepoys ; leaving only two hundred Europeans and fifteen hun- dred sepoys in garrison at Trichinopoly, under the command of Captain Dalton. The Mysoreans and Mahrattas were to follow ; but their commanders chose that they should remain where they were. The army of the nabob was further weakened by the secession of Monaekjee and his troops, in consequence of the authorities of Tanjore disapproving of the proposal to give up Trichinopoly to the the Mysore government. Other chieftains foll6wed the example of Monaekjee and de- parted with their troops, and Mahomet Ali was thus left without any efficient support except that which he received from the British. Mahomet Ali, and a large part of the Bri- tish force, had no sooner left Trichinopoly than the designs of Nunjeraj became apparent. His first attempt was directed to corrupt a corps of Mahomet All's troops, whom he had the satisfaction of finding not indisposed to his purpose. Large sums of money were expended in bribing these men ; and the libe- rality of Nunjeraj would probably have been rewarded with success, had not its fame reached the ears of Captain Dalton. That officer, previously on his guard, now redoubled his vigilance, causing the artillery on the ramparts to be pointed every evening in- wards, towards the quarters of the Mysore troops who had been admitted within the place, and those of the corps upon whose cupidity Nunjeraj had practised. Other pre- cautions followed. At an inspection of the army, the troops who had been tampered witli were ordered to deliver up the flints of their guns for the alleged purpose of being replaced' by better. This proceeding convinced the officers through whom the bribes of Nunjeraj had been conveyed, that the transaction was no longer a secret ; and their only course being no^ to make their peace in the best manner that offered, they voluntarily com- municated to the British commander that which he already knew, protested that they had taken Nunjera.j's money from no other motive than the influence of compassion for the distress of their men, who had received scarcely any pay for nine months, and im- plored forgiveness. To aid their suit, and attest their sincerity, they brought the money which they had received, and which, judging from the share of the principal officers (16,000 rupees), appeared to have been dispensed with 1762.] ATTEMPTS ON TRICHINOPOLY. 33 no niggard hand. "Captain Dalton," saya Orme, "made them. few reproaches." Whether his forbearance was occasioned by a belief in the sincerity of their repentance and a con- viction of their returning fidelity, or whether it originated in some other motive, the histo- rian does not relate. But it is certain that, notwithstanding the signs of pei^itenpe which they had manifested, Oaptain Dalton did not think their continuance at Trichinopoly de- sirable ; he accordingly despatched them to join their master, Mahomet Ali. Neither the discouragement of defeat, nor the unpleasant consciousness of having ex- pended money without return, withheld Nun- jeraj from pursuing the object 'on which he had set his mind ; and it now occurred to him that the assassination of Captain Dalton and of Kheir-o-Deen, the brother-in-law of Maho- met Ali, would be important steps towards its attainment. Among such a population as then inhabited and surrounded Trichinopoly, it was not diffiqult to find instruments for this or any other base purpose. Several persons were to assist in executing the dark commis- sion, but its foi'tune was not better than that of the plan by which it had been preceded. Intelligence was obtained of the design, and two of those who were to have carried it into effect were arrested. Nunjeraj was reproached with this atrocious attempt, but, as might have been expected, he denied all knowledge of it. The two men who had been secured were each sentenced to be blown from the mouth of »■ gun, but the humanity of Nun- jeraj, or some other feeling, induced him to interpose for their protection. He did not indeed appear personally as a supplicant for mercy towards those whom he had instigated to crime. His assumption of such an office would have been inexpedient and probably vain ; he therefore had recourse to the Mah- ratta chief, Morari Row, who readily entering into the amiable feelings of his friend, soli- cited from Captain Dalton the pardon of the guilty men. In consequence of this inter- cession, the criminals escaped with no severer punishment than the terror of having been bound to the muzzles of two guns, prepa- ratory, as they believed, to their execution. This unexpected exercise of mercy is ascribed by Orme to the reluctance of Kheir-o-Deen to offend the Mahrattas ; but it was certainly in- judicious, and is not unfitly characterized by a later writer as unaccountable. Its effect was shown in renewed attempts to corrupt, the fidelity of the garrison. An overture was made to a native officer in command of one hundred and eighty sepoys, by two agents of Nunjeraj, whose mission was authenticated by the possession of engagements signed by their master. But these emissaries, made an unfor- tunate choice oi a subject for the commence- ment of their practice. The man whom they addressed, an old and faithful servant of the Company, acknowledged the favour intended him in a manner at once unexpected and un- desired. He seized the parties by whom his fidelity had been assailed, and carried them to Captain Dalton. Whether the charity of the Mahratta chief was exhausted, or whether his good offices were on this occasion exerted in vain, does not appear, but the men were executed ; and the result of this step was, that Nunjeraj could henceforward find among his own people none bold enough to under- take the work either of corruption or assassi- nation. He was obliged, therefore, to seek elsewhere for emissaries, and after a short in- terval he imagined that he had found in a European the pertion of whom he was in search. The individual thus honoured with the notice of the Mysorean leader was a Nea- politan, named Clement Poverio. This man, who had been long resident in India, had the command of a company in the service of Ma- homet Ali, and in the exercise of his duty had frequently the guard over the French prisoners in the city. In addition to his mili- tary occupations, Poverio was engaged in trading pursuits, which led him into the My- sorean camp, and from his knowledge of the native languages he had sometimes acted as an interpreter between Captain Dalton and Nunjeraj. Opportunities, therefore, were not wantiag for communication with Poverio, and of one of these Nunjeraj availed himself to seek his assistance in getting possession of the town. To show the feasibility of the project, Nunjeraj affirmed that, in addition to the Mysorean troops in garrison, he had many friends in the town ; and to connect the inter- est of the stranger with his own, he held out a promise of large reward. Poverio met the overture with the air of a man who is not in- disposed to compliance, but who sees diffi- culties and dangers which require some con- sideration. He said that he must try the dis- position of his officers, and left Nunjeraj under the impression that his object was likely to be attained. On his retui-n to the town, Poverio's first act was to proceed to Captain Dalton, to whom he made a free communi- cation of all that had passed with Nunjeraj . He was instructed to return to the camp on the next day, and avow his willingness to under- take the task for which his service had been sought. He did so ; and his management of the affair was so dexterous, that he succeeded in entirely securing the confidence of the Mysorean leader. A plan of operations was arranged, and the terms of carrying it into effect fixed. An agreement embodying those terms was drawn up, signed by Poverio and Nunjeraj, and solemnly impressed, with the great seal of Mysore. By this instrument it was stipulated that Poverio should receive 20,000 rupees for his personal benefit, and 3,000 more to buy fire-arms. With these he was to arm the French prisoners, who were to be set at liberty for the purpose of aiding in the capture of the place. Simultaneously with their release, Poverio was to seize on the gate nearest the place where the Mysoreana D 34 EXPEDITION AGAINST GINGEE. [a.d. 1752, •were encamped, and to hoist a red flag as a signal for the army to move to take possession of the town. That nothing might be wanting to insure success, six resolute ruffians were pro- vided, whose especial duty it was to watch for Captain Dalton's appearance after the alarm was given, and to despatch him. Hitherto all went well for the purpose of the British com- mander. He had made the necessary prepa- rations for defence without exciting suspicion of his connection with the visits of Poverio to the Mysore camp, or his cognizance of the plan which had been arranged with Nunjeraj. All the cannon that could oe brought to bear on the Mysorean camp was prepared to greet the enemy on his approach, and about seven hundred men were concealed near the gate- way where admission was expected, ready to receive the intruders in a manner not antici- pated. But the attempt never was made, having been frustrated in an extraordinary manner. When all his arrangements were completed, Captain Dalton informed Mahomet All's brother-in-law of the design which had been laid to surprise the place, and df the means which had been provided for its defeat. The representative of the nabob regarded the matter in a very different light from Captain Dalton. He had no disposition to encounter the hazard of an attack, and, in the language of Major Lawrence, consulting nothing but his fears, he sent a message to Nunjeraj, in- forming him that his plot was discovered, and that measures had been taken to prevent its execution. This step he deemed a master- stroke of policy, and communicaited the intel- ligence of it to Captain Dalton with much self-gratulation. Nunjeraj, as might have been expected, abstained from any attempt against the city, and not thinking himself quite safe within the reitch of its guns, re- moved his camp to some distance. Hia die- appointment sought relief in inflicting ven- geance on Poverio, for whose person, dead or alive, he offered a large reward. This led to a recommendation from Major Lslvfrehce to retort on the enemy with their own weapons. Captain Dalton continued to hold frequent conferences both with Nunjeraj and Morari Row ; and Major Lawrence's advice was that advantage should be taken of one of these op- portunities to seize the two native generals. The authorities of the presidency decided against this suggestion, and it cannot be doubted that they decided rightly. The hollow friendship which subsisted be- tween the respective parties congregated in the neighbourhood of 'Trichinopoly continued until the expiration of the two months fixed as the dSite at which the surrender of the town to Nunjeraj was to take place. A formal demand was then made of it ; but Mahomet All's brother, whose courage always beat high when no immediate danger was to be apprehended, met the call in a spirit of lofty indignation. He reproached the mes- sengers of Nunjeraj with the treachery of their master, the proof of which he exhibited in the agreement with Poverio bef(ring the signature of Nunjeraj, and distinctly informed them that the city would not be given up at ail. He intimated, however, that the nabob' was not forgetful of the expenses incurred by the state of Mysore on his aoeou'nt, and ptafi raised that the amount should be repaid ; i/ communication which would have been more satisfactory, if the promise had not been quali- fied by a postponement of its execution until the nabob's finances should be in a better condition. To this qualification Nunjeraj did not hesitate to aVow his dislike. The claim which he made amounted to 8,500,000 rupees; and as a proof of his moderation and desiire for a peaceful settlement of diflferenees, he professed himself willing to abandon his claim to Trichinopoly, if immediate payment of his demand were made — a condition which he knew could not be complied with. Such was the state of affairs at Trichinopoly. To the northward Mahomet AH succeeded ia obtaining a partial recognition of his authority, but the more powerful chiefs Waited the chance of events, and the stronger fortresses were- invincible by his arms. In this situation he applied to the British authorities for an ad^ ditional force to undertake the reduction of Gingee. To this attempt the judgment of Major Lawrence was decidedly opposed, and he proceeded to Madras (to which phice the presidency had recently been removed irom Fort St. David), for the purpose of dissuading the Company's government from compliance. Biit his representations were disregarded. Two hundred Europeans, with fifteen hun- dred sepoys, were placed under the command of Major Kinneir, an officer who had recently arrived in India ; and this force, with six hun- dred of the nabob's cavalry, was destined to achieve the object which Mahomet Ali bad in view. At first some trifling advantages were gained, hut upon the troops arriving within a short distance of Gingee, the wisdom of Major Lawrende's advice became apparent-. The^ force under Major Kinneir was utterly unequal' either to attack the fortress or to maintain possession of the passes through the mountain^ by which Gingee was surrounded. The garri- son was summoned to surrender, and with this ineffectual measure ended the demonstration against the place. In the mean time Duplei* had despatebed a considerable body of French, troops, which had taken a post in the rear of the force employed against Gingee. To meet this new difficulty reinforcements were obtained, and Major Kinneir retired to give the ertemy battle. Here misfortune continued to attend this ill-planned and ill-fated expe- dition. The point of attack selected by Majoi? Kinneir was badly chosen, and by an artificS the English were led away from their field- pieces to a place where they were exposed' to those of the enemy. Major Kinneir wa^ severely wounded at a time when part of bii troops were giving way; This increased the A.D. 1752.] AFFAIR AT BAHOOE. 35 panic which had already begun, and Europeans and natives alike fled in disorder. Of the entire force, only two ensigns and fourteen British grenadiers stood their ground. These gallantly defended their colours till shame induced a few of the fugitives to return, when the whole retired in good order. The disgrace brought on the British arms by this affair was worse than the defeat. It was so felt by Major Kinneir, who recovered of the bodily wound which he had received, but shortly afterwards sunk under a disease engendered by a wounded spirit. The English troops and those of Mahomet Ali retired to a redoubt about three miles from !F6rt St. David, where they waited for rein forcements from Madras, at which place a body of Swiss had just arrived from Europe in the service of the Company. These it was pro- posed to despatch to the aid of the British force in the neighbourhood of Fort St. David, and one company was embarked in small country boats to proceed thither. But the arrangement was defeated by a movement on the part of Dupleix, which the Madras autho- rities had not anticipated. When the boats arrived in sight of Pondioherry they were seized, the troops taken out, carried into the town, and made prisoners. This proceeding, Dupleix alleged, was quite as justifiable as the capture of bis troops at Seringham. Indeed it would demand the exercise of a very skilful casuistry to reconcile any part of the hostile operations carried on between the English and French in India, while the two countries were at peace at home, with the received principles of the law of nations. On the news of the seizure of the boats and the imprisonment of the troops reaching Madras, it was resolved not to intrust the remainder of the Swiss, consisting of another company, to the same mode of conveyance. They were accordingly forwarded in one of the Company's ships, and Major Lawrence embarked with them. The enemy's force which had defeated Major Kinneir had been considerably strengthened, and now amounted to four hundred and fifty Europeans, fifteen hundred sepoys, and five hundred native horse. It was encamped close to the bounds of Fort St. David. The army of which Major Law- rence took the command was superior as to num- bers. It consisted of four hundred Europeans, seventeen hundred sepoys in the British ser- vice, and about four thousand of the nabob's troops, cavalry and infantry. The enemy seemed impressed with a belief that the allied force was too strong for them, as, on Major Lawrence's arrival, they retired in the night to Bahoor. Being followed, they still con- tinued to retire towards Pondicherry ; and their commander, a nephew of Dupleix, named Kerjean, despatched a letter to Major Law- rence, protesting against a violation of the French territory. The orders of Major Law- rence forbade his entering its limits, and he cbnsequently contented himself with attacking an outpost which lay beyond them. This the enemy abandoned, and the whole army with- drew under the walls of the town. In this situation they manifested so deter- mined a disposition to remain, that Major Lawrence became weary of wailing for a change. Stratagem at length relieved him from the monotonous duty of watching an enemy whom he was desirous of engaging, but who would not advance, and whom he was forbidden to follow. The British force made a precipitate movement back to Bahoor, and their apparent want of confidence deceived Dupleix, whose sanguine reliance upon his own good fortune rarely suffered him to doubt when appearances were favourable to his views. Kerjean was not deceived, and on receiving orders from his uncle to follow the English, he remonstrated. He was answered by orders to the same effect as those which had preceded them, and so peremptory in tone as to leave him no choice but to obey. He did obey — advanced in the direction in which Major Lawrence had retired, was at- tacked by that officer, and summarily defeated. The enemy's line being broken by the English grenadiers, gave way, and panic flight suc- ceeded. The nabob's cavalry were desired to pursue, but they found more agreeable em- ployment in plundering the enemy's camp. Kerjean, with thirteen of his officers Hooghly, at some distance from Calcutta, at which the British authorities had re-assembled when beginning to recover from the effects of their panic. The absence of the two missing ships seriously diminished the efficiency of the force. One of them, the Owmberland, which bore the flag of Admiral Pocook, the second in command, was the largest in the squadron, and had on board two hundred and fifty of the European troops : the other, a Company's ship, named the Ma/rlhorough, contained the greater part of the field-artillery. The de- tachment under Major Kilpatrick, which had been dispatched from Madras on the arrival of the news of the fall of Cossimbazar, was at Eulta, but, having suffered dreadfully from the effects of long encampment upon swampy ground, was not in a condition to add mate- rially to the strength of the British force. Of two hundred and thirty men who had ori- ginally composed it, one-half had perished, and of those who survived only thirty were fit .for duty. Reinforcements were expected from / Bombay, but Clive determined to wait neither / for them nor for the arrival of the two ships ) which had been separated from the rest of the ■y fleet, but to advance at once upon Calcutta. The reduction of that place had been re- garded by Sooraj-oo-Dowlah as the most glo- rious achievement performed iu India since the d?ys of Timonr. The conquest was an- nounced at Delhi by letters magnifying its importance, and dwelling with equal diffuse- ness and complacency on the glory of the conqueror. But, though satiated with honour, Sooraj-oo-Dowlali was in other respects griev- ously disappointed. He had imagined Calcutta one of the richest places in the world, and had anticipated immense wealth from its plunder. Now that the prize was in his possession, he found that he had greatly over-estimated its value. Most of the inhabitants had removed their property in contemplation of the Sou- bahdar's visit, and the season of the year was one in which no large stock of merchandise was accumulated at Calcutta. The treasury of Omichund furnished about four lacs of rupees, besides some valuable effects ; and merchandise to the amount of about two hun- dred thousand pounds, the property of other parties, fell into the hands of the invaders. The soldiers having appropriated so much of this as they were able to conceal, and the officers appointed to superintend the plunder having provided for themselves as far as they imagined they might with impunity, the re mainder formed a solid appendage to th abounding glory in which Sooraj-oo-Dowlah rejoiced. Mr. Holwell and other servants of the Company were treated with great cruelty, in the expectation that they might thereby be brought to discover some concealed trea- • sure ; but as none existed, no revelation of the place of its concealment could be made ; and the Soubahdar having left in Calcutta a garrison of three thousand men, quitted it with little gain in any respect, except of self- satisfaction. His disappointed feelings found consolation in hostile messages to the French and Dutch, both of whom he threatened to extirpate unless they immediately contributed to the replenishment of his treasury. They endeavoured to soothe him by professions of respect and attachment, but the Soubahdar did not choose to be paid in such currency ; and, after some hesitation, the Dutch were obliged to purchase his forbearance by the contribution of four lacs and a half of rupees, while the French obtained the like favour by the payment of three lacs and a half. The better terms accorded to the latter were in consideration of their having furnished the Soubahdar, when on his march to Calcuttaj with two hundred chests of gunpowder, a service which the prince was too grateful to forget, even when engaged in plundering those to whom he was indebted for it. Thus, neither Dutch nor French had much reason to rejoice in the success of the policy which had re- strained them from affording aid to the Eng- lish. From the view which Sooraj-oo-Dowlah took / of his own military genius and its results, he \ had never contemplated the probability of any attempt on the part of the English to recover that which they had lost. Indeed, had he been correct in his estimate of the population of that division of the earth within which England lies, and of which it forms a very small part, he might have been justified in the proud contempt which he displayed for his enemies ; for it was the belief of this prince that "there were not ten thousand men in all Europe ! !" Yet the loss of the trade can-ied on by a small fraction of this scantily peopled portion of the globe was seriously felt in the diminution of the revenues of Sooraj-oo-Dow- lah ; and he was meditating the grant of per- mission to the English to return, under severe restrictions, when this exercise of his clemency was arrested by Intelligence that they had returned without Invitation, in great force, and were advancing upon their old settlement. The whole army of the Soubahdar was forth- with ordered to assemble at Moorshedabad, the capital of his dominions, for the purpose of resisting the daring strangers. In the mean time dispositions had been made for de- fending Calcutta by the officer in command there, who, says Orme, " had no courage but much circumspection." To this person letters were forwarded from Clive and Admiral "Wat- -son, addressed to the Soubahdar. They were eopen, and the cautious officer, after ascertain- A.D. 1757.] RECOVERY OF CALCUTTA. 47 ing their character, declared that he dared not send letters written in such menacing terms. On the 27th Decemher the fleet left Fulta, and the next day anchored at Moidapore, where the troops were disembarked for the purpose of marching to attack Budge-Budge, a fort of some strength, about ten miles dis- tant. The march thither was one of dreadful fatigue, and occupied sixteen hours. The country was such as could not be traversed, under the most favourable circumstances, with- out extreme labour, and the troops on this occasion had not only to encounter the diffi- culties which it presented to their own pas- sage, but also to draw two field-pieces and a tumbril loaded with ammunition. This arose from the continued apprehensions of the coun- cil at Fulta, who, clinging to their first fear with more than martyr's steadfastness, did not venture to provide a single beast either of draught or burden, lest they should incur the Soubahdar's resentment. After such a march, it may Well be believed that the troops stood in need of rest ; but unfortunately they re- signed themselves to it without taking thi common precaution of stationing sentinels to guard against surprise. Monichund, the go- vernor of Calcutta, was in the neighbourhood with a force of upwards of three thousand horse and foot. He was apprized of the movement of the English, and about an hour after they had laid down to sleep commenced an attack. Olive's intrepidity and presence of mind succeeded in averting the danger so negligently incurred. He promptly made the necessary dispositions for repulsing the enemy, which were executed with precision and effect. The enemy were driven irom the posts which they had occupied, but still seemed prepared to contest the fortune of the day, till a shot passing near the turban of Monichund so astounded that gallant commander, that he instantly turned his elephant and fled with his whole force. Although the British troops were in this affair taken at a disadvantage, the result seems to have impressed the enemy with a convic- tion that they were not to be despised. The following day was fixed for an assault on Budge-Budge, but in the evening a drunkeU sailor belonging to the British squadron having straggled to the ditch, crossed it, and scranl- bled over the ramparts. Finding no sentinels, he shouted to the advanced guard of the British force that he had taken the fort, and on their proceeding to join him, it was found that the place was evacuated. Monichund returned to Calcutta, but remained there only a few hours, when, leaving a garrison of five hundred men, he went awajr with the rest of his force to Hooghly, "where," says Orme, " having likewise communicated his own ter- 101*3, he proceeded to carry them to the Nabob at Moorshedabad." Calcutta, after the discharge of a few shots, was abandoned to the English, who, on the 2nd January, once more became masters of the place from which a few months before they had been so ignominiously expelled. But the want of an enemy did not insure pe^ce. The jealousy of the British authorities gave rise to fierce disputes as to the right of com- mand. Admiral Watson was singularly tena- cious of his rights, and of those of the service to. which he belonged. Clive was not slow in upholding his own claims as commander-in- chief of the Company's forces in Bengal, and as holding, moreover, the rank of lieutenant- colonel in his Majesty's service — an honour which had been conferred upon him before he left England. At the same time the Governor and Council of Bengal, though they had found their authority a burden in time of danger, were quite ready to resume it when the dan- ger Was passed. A party of sepoys having entered the fort at the same time with a detachment from the ships were unceremoni- ously turned out by the latter ; and Clive, on his arrival, was informed that none of the Company's officers or troops should have ad- mission. His was not a spirit to submit tamely to such an inteidict, and he accord- ingly entered in defiance of it. He found the fort in possession of Captain Coote, a king's officer, who showed him a* commission from Admiral Watson, appointing him governor. Clive denied the authority of the admiral, and threatened to put Captain Coote under arrest if he refused to acknowledge his own. Cap- tain Coote thereupon desired that Admiral Watson should be made acquainted with the state of affairs on shore, to which Clive as- senting, a message was despatched to the admiral, who, in reply, informed Clive that, if he did not immediately evacuate the fort, it should be fired on. Clive replied that he could not answer for consequences, but that he would not abandon the fort. Further at- tempts to shake his resolution were made, but Clive persisted in maintaining his claim, with the qualification that if Admiral Watson would come on shore and take the command himself, he would offer no objection. . This expedient was adopted. The admiral came, and having received the keys of the garrison from Clive, held them till the next day, when he delivered them in the king's name to the Company's representatives. Thus ended a very idle dispute, by which some time was wasted, the public service impeded, and much ill feeling engendered among brave men en- gaged in a common cause. These divisions being healed, the British proceeded to push their success in the direction in vfhich Monichund had fled. A force was detached to attack Hooghly. The fleet pre- pared the way by battering the fort, and a breach, barely practicable, having been made, it was determined to storm, A false attack at the main gate was made by one division of the troops, while Captain Coote with the other and some sailors succeeded in entering the breach undiscovered. The garrison no sooner 48 A TREATY CONCLUDED. [A.D. 17o7. perceived the English on the ramparts than they quitted their pasta and made their escape at a small gate. Thus far success the most ample had at- tended the progress of the British arms ; yet even the bold and sanguine spirit of Clive began to doubt of the expediency of per- severing in hostility. The Soubahdar was advancing, and the terror of his approach deterred the country people from bringing provisions either to the town or the army, which was encamped at a short distance from it. Another cause of alarm was the arrival of intelligence that war had been declared between England and France. The truce between the two nations in India was conse- quent! yat an end ; and as the French had a garrison at Chandernagore containing nearly as many Europeans as the English had in the field, the possibility of their junction with the Soubahdar could not be regarded without the utmost apprehension. Sooraj-oo-Dowlah pro- fessed to be willing to treat, but did not slacken his march. On the 3rd February the van of his army was seen advancing in full march towards Calcutta, while some villages in the distance were in flames. Either from a belief that an attack would be hazardous, or from a fear of interrupting a settlement by negotiation, little resistance was offered by Clive, and on the next morning the main body of the enemy advanced. A letter was at the same time received from the Soubahdar desiring that deputies from the English camp might be sent to him. Two civil servants, Messrs. Walsh and Scrafton, were appointed to this duly. On being introduced to the chief minister he affected a suspicion that they intended to assassinate the Soubahdar, and desired to examine whether they had not pistols concealed about them. This ceremony performed, he called upon them to part with their swords, but with that demand they re- fused to comply, and it was not enforced. "When brought into the presence of the prince, they delivered their proposals, which he read, and then having whispered to some of his officers, he desired the deputies to con- fer with his dewan. The conference, how- ever, did not take place. Omichund, after the capture of Calcutta by the Soubahdar, had been his constant follower, in the hope of getting back some part of the property which he had lost. Being the owner of many houses in Calcutta, and having other interests there, he was anxious at the same time to maintain his influence with the English, and on this occasion he probably saved the lives of the two deputies. He had been present at the audience, and as the deputies were re- turning he took an opportunity of advising them to take care of themselves, adding, with a signiflcant look, that the Soubahdar's cannon was not yet come up. The deputies, not slow in understanding his intimation, nor backward in acting upon it, ordered their attendants to extinguish their lights ; and in- stead of going to the tent of the dewan, pro- ceeded, in darkness, silence, and panting haste, to the British camp. On receiving their report, Clive determined to attack the enemy on the following morning. The attack was made, but without much judgment. The English, however, succeeded in passing en- tirely through the enemy's camp, though a thick fog prevented their turning their suc- cess to the best account. Neither party derived much either of honour or of satisfaction from the affair, but the Soubahdar's confidence was greatly shaken by it, and be retired some dis- tance with his army. Negotiation was then renewed ; and on the 9th February a treaty was concluded, by which the Soubahdar agreed to restore the Company's factories, but only such of the plundered effects as had been brought to account in the books of his government, which probably formed a very small part of them. The English were to be permitted to fortify Calcutta in whatever manner they might think expedient, and to coin money in their own mint. All merchan- dise under their dustucks or passes was to be exempt from tax, fees, or imposition of any kind ; they were to have possession of certain villages, and to be generally confirmed in all the privileges which had been granted them by the Mogul emperors from their first ar- rival in the province. Two days after the signing of the treaty, the newly established chain of friendship received another link by the addition of an article of alliance offensive and defensive. While the negotiations with the Soubahdar were in progress, the relative position of the French and English had occupied some degree of attention. It was part of Olive's instruc- tions to attack the French settlement of Chan- dernagore, if during his command in Bengal news should arrive of war having been de- clared between England and France. That news had been received ; and immediately on the conclusion of the articles of alliance with the Soubahdar, Clive had sought permission to act upon his instructions. The request was for a time evaded, and Clive availed him- self of the Soubahdar's temporizing conduct to move a part of the English troops in the direction of Chandernagore. The French, however, were in correspondence with Sooraj- oo-Dowlah, and the advance of the British force was stopped by a peremptory injunction from that prince. Clive was fearful of irrita- ting him by a resumption of hostilities ; and the French, while endeavouring to strengthen their interest by negotiation with the Soubahdar, were unwilling, till those ar- rangements were completed, to risk an attack from the English. Both parties sought to postpone the commencement of actual war- fare, and an extraordinary measure for effect- ing their common object was seriously dis- cussed. Formerly England and France had waged war in India, while the two countries were at peace at home. This it was now sug- A.II. 1757.] CAPTURE OF CHANDERNAGORK 49 gested to reverse : peace was to be maintained in Bengal, between the representatives of the respective nations, though war raged else- where. A proposal to maintain neutrality was made, and an arrangement based upon it would most probably have been concluded had the French authorities at Chandernagore possessed powers to enable them to complete it. But they were dependent upon the government of Pondioherry, and in conse- quence of that dependence they were unable to enter into any other than a provisional agreement, subject to confirmation or rejec- tion by the controlling authority. Olive was willing to suspend the commencement of hos- tilities upon the chance of the treaty being confirmed ; but Admiral Watson took a dif- ferent view, and expressed himself strongly against giving effect to any treaty until it had been ratified by the government of Pondi- oherry. While affairs were in this state, advice was received of the arrival of Admiral Pooook in the Cumberland, togetherwith part of the troops which had been despatched from Madras, and also of reinforcements from Bombay. Olive had constantly maintained the necessity either of agreeing to a neutrality, or of immediately attacking Ohandernagore. The additional strength now obtained seemed to favour the adoption of the latter branch of the alternative, but it was not determined on without con- siderable hesitation. The members of the select committee were,' Colonel Olive, Mr. Drake, Major Kilpatriok, and Mr. Becher. The two latter were for maintaining neutrality ; Olive was for attack ; Mr. Drake seems scarce to have been more master of himself than at the moment of his discreditable flight from Calcutta. " He gave an opinion," says Olive, "that nobody could make anything of." Subsequently Major Kilpatrick asked Olive whether he thought the land and sea forces of the British could oppose Ohandernagore and the Soubahdar's army at the same time ; and, on receiving an answer in the affirmative, he desired to withdraw his former opinion, and adopt that of Olive. The conversion of Major Kilpatrick was followed up by voting the un- intelligible " opinion of Mr. Drake to be no opinion at all :" and thus a majority in favour of war was secured. The immediate result was the dismissal of the French deputies, although it is said that the treaty of neutrality was even fairly copied, ready for the signa- ture of those by whom its terms had been arranged. But a new diBBculty occurred. Admiral Watson, though opposed to neu- trality, was unwilling to attack the French without the permission of the Soubahdar. To obtain it, he had addressed to him a series of letters written in a style of bold expostulation, and, latterly, even of menace. In a letter bearing date the 7th of March, he says, " I now acquaint you that the remainder of the troops, which should have been here long ago, and which I hear the colonel expected, will be at Calcutta in a few days ; that in a few days more I shall despatch a vessel for more ships and more troops ; and that I will kindle such a flame in your country as all the waters in the Ganges shall not be able to extinguish. Farewell ! remember that he who promises you this never yet broke his word with you or with any man whatsoever." The answer of the Soubahdar presents a perfect contrast to the direct and blunt style of Admiral Watson's communication. After referring to the principal parts of the admiral's letter, he thus proceeds : " If it be true that one Frenchman does not approve and abide by a treaty entered into by another, no con- fidence ia to be placed in them. The reason of my forbidding war in my country is, that I look on the French as my own subjects, because they have in this affair implored my protection ; for which reason I wrote to you to make peace with them, or else I had neither pleaded for them nor protected them. But you are generous and wise men, and well know if an enemy comes to you with a clean heart to implore your mercy, his life should be granted him, that is if you think him pure of heart ; but if you mistrust his sincerity, act according to the time and occasion." This communication was the result partly of the Soubahdar's fears, and partly of a timely pre- sent administered to his secretary. The words ''act according to time and occasion" were vague enough, but they were constraed into a permission to attack the French ; and though subsequent letters evinced a contrary dispo- sition on the part of the Soubahdar, they were not allowed to alter the determination of the British authorities. Ohandernagore was accordingly attacked, and fell. The honour of the conquest is prin- cipally due to the naval force, or rather to a portion of it. The Gwnherlamd could not be brought up the river in time, and Admiral Pocock, unwilling to be disappointed of a share in the approaching attack, took to his barge, the oars of which were plied night and day till he reached the place of action, where he hoisted his flag on board the Tiger. The Salisbwy was by an accident thrown out of action, and the entire briltit of the engagement was sustained by the flag-ships of the two admirals, the Kent and the Tiger. "Few naval engagements," says Sir John Malcolm, "have excited more admiration, and even at the present day, when the river is so much better known, the success with which the largest vessels of this fleet were navigated to Ohandernagore, and laid along- side the batteries of that settlement, is a sub- ject of wonder." The fire of the ships, says Orme, "did as much execution in three hours as the batteries on shore would have done in several days, during which the whole of the nabob's army might have arrived, when the siege must have been raised ; otherwise the troops alone were sufficient to accomplish the success." A body E 50 INTRIGUES OF SOOEAJ-OC-DOWLAS. [;a.d. 1757. of the Soubahdar's troops was stationed within the bounds of Chandernagore, previously to the attack. They belonged to the garrison of Hooghly, and were under the command of Nuncomar, governor of that place. Nunoomar had been bought by Omiohnnd for the Enghsh, and on their approach, the troops of Sboraj-oo- Dowlah were withdrawn from Chandernagore, lest, as the commander alleged, the victorious standard of the Soubahdar should be involved in the disgrace about to overtake the French. It had been expected that Olive would be able to effect the re-establishment of the British interests in Bengal in time to return in April with his troops to Madras, at which place a visit from the French was apprehended ; and compliance with this expectation was now enjoined by the government of Fort St. George. But the state of affairs in Bengal did not, in Olive's judgment, warrant so early a departure. It can scarcely be questioned that this view was a just one. Had Olive at this time re- turned to Madras, he would have left the possessions and commerce of his country in Bengal to the mercy of Sooraj-oo-Do*lah and the French commander Law. Alarmed by the success of the English at Chandernagore, and by a report that the Aff- ghana were in full march to Behar, the Sou- bahdar thought it necessary to assume an appearance of coi'diality towards the victors. He addressed letters of congratulation to Clive and Watson, but at the same time made a most suspicious distribution of his military force and protected the French who had escaped from Ohandernagore. These, by the Soubahdar's assistance, reached the French factory at Cossimbazar, where M. Law held the command. Olive demanded leave to attack them, but in place of granting it, the Sou- bahdar furnished them with money, arms, and ammunition, to enable them to escape, under a promise of being recalled at some future period. He had for some time carried on a correspondence with M. Bussy, urging him to repair to the relief of his countrymen in the Soubahdar's territories. Towards the English he manifested very different feelings. The pas- sage of a few British sepoys to Oossimbazar was obstructed by the Soubahdar's officers, and the transit of ammunition and stores to the English factory there, forbidden. The execution of the pecuniary provisions of the treaty was reluctant, tardy, and imperfect, and after a time the Soubahdar's dewan en- deavoured to obtain an acquittance for the whole of the stipulated sum, though a part only had been paid. Such was the conduct of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah towards the English. In the mean time a spirit was at work among his own subjects and ser- vants, which exposed his throne to danger more imminent than any arising from causes with which he was acquainted. In the entire circle of his officers, Sooraj-oo- Dowlah had not a single adherent on whom he could rely. Many were disgusted by his ca- price, and almost all feared that its conse- quences might some time be fatal to them- selves. The feeling of discontent and the desire of change were not confined to the range of the court or the camp : they had extended even to a class of persons of all mankind the most cautious, and peculiarly liable to loss from political disturbances. Among those! .: who wished to see the throne of Sooraj-oo*-' Dowlah occupied by another, were the Seits, native bankers, of great influence and great wealth. These portents had not been unob- served by Law, the French commander. He had warned the Soubahdar of the disaffection of many of his servants, had pointed out the consequences which would follow, and on taking leave of the prince previously to his departure from Oossimbazar, had emphatically declared his conviction that they would never meet again. Olive, too, had watched the in- dications of the gathering storm, and saw in its approach the dawn of British supremacy. When it was determined to attack Ohander- nagore, he had said that the English, having established themselves in Bengal not by con- sent but by force, the Soubahdar would en- deavour by force to drive them out — that con- sequently they could not stop where they were, but must go further. The soundness of these views was confirmed by the subsequent con- duct of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah. It was obvious that he was resolved to get rid of the English, and that he was ready to use the arms of their European enemy to accomplish his purpose : the state of feeling among the Soubahdar's subjects consequently acquired an increasing interest, and the British agents were instructed to observe it with gi-eat care. On the 23rd April, an officer named Tar Loottief Khan requested a secret conference with Mr. Watts, the British resident at the Soubahdar's court. This applicant commanded two thousand horse in the service of Sooraj-oo- Dowlah. He was, at the same time, in the pay of the Seits, native bankers, already men- tioned, whom he was engaged to defend against any danger, even though his arms should be required against the Soubahdar himself. The interview solicited with Mr. Watts it was thought dangerous to grant, but Omichund was sent to ascertain the object of the appli- cation. To him Loottief opened his views, representing that the Soubahdar would soon march to the northward to oppose the Affghans — that he intended to temporize with the English until his return, when he had deter- mined to extirpate them, and never again to permit them to establish a settlement in his dominions — that most of his officers held him in utter detestation, and were ready to join the first leader of distinction who should raise , the standard of revolt. Upon these alleged facts was formed a proposal that the English,, during the absence of Soovaj-oo-Dowlah, should seize Moorshedabad, and proclaim Loottief soubahdar, in which enterprise he promised them the assistance of some of the most pow-' A.D. 1757.] TBEATY WITH MEEE JAFFIEE. 51 erful interests in the country, including that of the Seits. Part of Loottief *s statement was known to be true, and the rest seemed not improbable. Neither the disposition of Sooraj- oo-DOwlah towards the English, nor that of his officers towards himself, could be doubted ; it might readily therefore be believed that the Soubahdslr entertained the intention ascribed to him, and that his chief officers would co- operate in a plan for his overthrow. Watts communicated the overture to Clive, who thereupon suspended the movement of a de- tachment which was about to be despatched in pursuit of M. Law and his men, the march of which would probably have precipitated the commencement of open hostilities with the Soubahdar. On the day following the conference with Loottief, the proposal made by that person was again made to Mr. Watts, with this differ- ence, that instead of Loottief being raised to the soubabdarship, that honour was claimed for Meer Jaffier, a distinguished commander in the service of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, and related to him by marriage. The rank and power of Meer Jaffier rendered this proposal more ad- vantageous than that of Loottief, it indeed the latter had been seriously intended; but the probability seems to be, that it was only de- signed to sound the disposition oi the English before implicating Meer Jaffier in the intrigue. This revised plan was immediately made known to Clive, and by him to the select committee, who, thinking that a revolution in the govern- ment, into whatever hands it might tall, would be advantageous to the English, unanimously determined to entertain the proposal. The Soubahdar had been relieved from apprehen- sion of an invasion from the northward by the arrival of intelligence of the retreat of the Affghans from JJelhi. His only remaining anxiety was occasioned by the English, and to keep them in check he resolved to reinforce a large division of his army which lay encamped at Plassy, about thirty miles from Moorshed- abad and ninety from Calcutta. The destined reinforcement consisted of not less than fifteen thousand men, and the general selected for the command was Meer Jaffier, the man who was plotting for the destruction of his sovereign, and his own elevation to the throne. His ap- pointment separated the chief conspirator from the British resident, Mr. Watts, who was con- ducting the negotiation on behalf of his govern- ment ; but Meer Jaffier was afraid to decline the command, lest suspicion should be excited. He accordingly proceeded to obey his master's cKrders with apparent alacrity, leaving an agent to conduct the correspondence with the British resident. While the negotiations were in progress, a letter was received in Calcutta from the Peishwa, offering to invade Bengal with one hundred and twenty thousand men, within six weeks after receiving an invitation from the ^English gavernment. It was brought by a Stranger, who seems to have been unable to authenticate his mission, and suspicion arose that the letter was an artifice of Sooraj-oo- Dowlah to try the sincerity of the English. It was consequently determined to send the letter to the Soubahdar ; a step which, whether the document were genuine or not, would have the appearance of amicable feeling. Further to lull the Soubahdar into security till the mo- ment arrived for striking the meditated blow, Olive broke up the English camp, removing half the troops into Calcutta and the remainder into Chandernagore ; and he availed himself of this movement to call upon Sooraj-oo-Dowlah to give similar evidence of pacific dispositions by withdrawing his army from Pla'ssy, This point was pressed by Mr. Scrafton, who was despatched to the Soubahdar's court with the Peishwa's letter. With the transmission of that document, which proved to be genuine, the Soubahdar appeared greatly pleased, but he still hesitated to withdraw his army, and expressed some doubts of Clive's sincerity. These doubts Mr. Scrafton exerted himself to remove, and not without effect. Orders were issued for recalling the army to Moorshedabad. Meer Jaffier consequently returned to the capital, and there gave an audience to Mr. Watts, under circumstances of great mystery and danger. A treaty was then produced, which Meer Jaffier swore on the Koran to ob- serve, and added, in his own handwriting, the words : — " I swear by God and the Prophet of God, to abide by the terms of this treaty while I have life." The treaty confirmed all the ar- ticles agreed upon in tlie treaty of peace with Sooraj-oo-Dowlah ; declared the enemies of the English, whether Indian or European, the enemies of the future soubahdar ; transferred to the English all the factories and effects of the FreBoh in Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and proscribed the latter nation from again settling in those countries. A crore of rupees (about a million sterling) was to be given as compen- sation to the English Company for the plunder of Calcutta and the maintenance of their forces, fifty lacs to the English inhabitants of that place, twenty lacs to the Hindoo and Maho- metan inhabitants, and seven lacs to the Ar- menian inhabitants : the distribution of all which sums was to be made by the British authorities. Certain tracts of lands were given to the British, and the aspirant to the soubah- darship bound himself to pay the charges of the English troops whenever he might require their assistance, to abstain from erecting any new fortifications near the Ganges below Hooghly, and to make the stipulated pay- ments as soon as he should be settled in the three provinces. A treaty embodying the same stipulations was signed by the British authorities, and which contained an additional article, solemnly binding them to assist Meer Jaffier in obtaining the government, and to maintain him in it when called upon, on con- dition of his observing the articles of the treaty. By a separate arrangement, fifty laoa were to be given to the army and navy. E 2 52 OLIVE TAKES THE FIELD. [A.D. 1757; , In Moorshedabad the state of affairs was rapidly tending to a crisis. Before Meer Jaffier was selected for the command of the troops designed to reinforce the army of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah at Plassy, he had been on bad terms with that prince. The Soubahdar'a ill feeling revived with the recall of the army, and Meer Jaffier was deprived of his command. This step was not the result of any knowledge or suspicion of the plot in which Meer Jaffier was engaged ; it was merely one of those capricious acts of offence in which Sooraj-oo- Dowlah was accustomed to indulge. Subse- quently some confused reports reached his ears of the existence of a conspiracy, of which Meer Jaffier was the head, and in which other of the Soubahdar's principal officers were con- cerned. For several days fierce messages were interchanged between the prince and the general. On the 11th June, letters received in the city from Calcutta announced that the English were confederated with Meer Jaffier, but the Soubahdar appeared to disbelieve it. Two days afterwards, the sudden departure of Mr. Watts, the British resident, convinced him that the announcement was true. He was then preparing to attacl^ the palace of Meer Jaffier with artillery, but panic-struck by the discovery of the extent of the con- federacy organized against him, he abandoned hostilities, and invited his rebellious general to a conference. Influenced either by fear or contempt, Meer Jaffier refused to attend the summons of his sovereign ; on learning which, the terror of the Soubahdar overcame his pride, and waiving at once his right to com- mand the presence of his subjects, and the state in which he was accustomed to receive them, he sought at the palace of Meer Jaffier the interview which was denied him at his own, and proceeded thither with a retinue too small to excite apprehension. The result of the meeting to th,e Soubahdar was perfectly satisfactory ; professions of reconciliation, and promises of fidelity, were exchanged with an appearance of sincerity, which seemed to want nothing but the solemn sanction of religion to render it impossible to disbelieve them. This too was supplied — both parties swore on the Koran to adhere to their engagements ; and the Soubahdar, relieved from a degree of alarm which had been felt as almost overwhelming, was now excited to the highest degree of con- fidence and exultation. He forthwith addressed a letter to Clive, couched in terms of indig- nation and defiance, and in proud anticipation of a victory over his English enemy, ordered his whole army to assemble without delay at their former encampments at Plassy. A portion of the force, upon which his hopes were rested, consisted of the troops of Meer Jaffier, com- manded by that officer in person. Such was the reliance placed by Sooraj-oo-Dowlah upon the effect of his recent conference with one whom he bo lately suspected of treachery. In the mean time the English had not been idle. The treaties signed by Meer Jaffier were received in Calcutta on the 10th June. No time was to be lost in commencing opera- tions, for before this period the secret of his intended movement against Sooraj-oo-Dowlah had by some means transpired, and had be- conje a subject of common talk. It was thus that it became known at Moorshedabad on the 11th. On the 12th, the troops at Calcutta, with a party of one hundred and fifty seamen from the fleet, marched to join the remainder of the British force at Chandernagore. Here one hundred seamen were left in garrison, in order that every soldier might be at liberty for service in the field ; and on the 13th the rest of the force proceeded on their march. It consisted of six hundred and fifty European infantry, one hundred and fifty artillerymen including fifty seamen, two thousand one hun- dred sepoys, and a small number of Portuguese, making a total of something more than three thousand men. It was accompanied by eight field-pieces and one or two howitzers. On the day of its leaving Chandernagore, Clive de- spatched a letter to the Soubahdar, I'eproaching him with his evasions of the treaty, and other instances of perfidy ; his correspondence with Bussy ; his protection of Law and his troops ; and his insolence towards various servants of the British Government. In contrast, Clive dwelt upon the patience shown by the English, and their readiness to assist him against the apprehended invasion of the Affghans. It was added, that the English had determined to proceed to the island of Cossimbazar, and refer their disputes to the arbitration of Meer Jaffier, Eoydooloob, the Soubahdar's dewan (who was also engaged in the conspiracy), the bankers (Seits), and other eminent persons ; and if it were found that they had deviated from the treaty, they would give up all further claims ; but if it appeared that it had been broken by Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, satisfaction would be demanded for the losses sustained by the English, and for all the charges of their army and navy. Clive concluded by announcing, that as the rainy season was near at hand, and many days must elapse before an answer could reach him, he had found it necessary to wait upon the Soubahdar immediately. The British force continued its march with- out interruption, and on the 17th of June took possession of the town and fort of Kutwah, where they found an immense store of rice. Clive, however, was kept in great anxiety by the dubious conduct of Meer Jaffier, whose communications were few, and generally of such ambiguous import, that it was not un- natural to infer either that his reconciliation with the Soubahdar was sincere, or that he wanted resolution to aid the accomplishment of his own design. Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, after some altercation with his troops respecting arrears of pay, had succeeded in assembling at and near Plassy his whole force, amounting to fifty thousand men, of whom fifteen thousand were cavalry, with upwards of forty pieces of cannon. The Hooghly flowed between the A.D. 1757.] BATTLE OF PLASSY. 53 two armies, and to cross it was to provoke an engagement. Uncertain of the support of Meer Jaffier, and doubtful of the success of an attack unaided by his co-operation, Clive hesitated to take a step which, if it should fail, would be fatal to the British power in Bengal. Had a defeat ensued, said Clive, " not one man would have returned to tell it." In 'this state of mind he had recourse to an expedient little in accordance with the bold and independent character of his mind. He called a council of war, at which he proposed the question, whether, in the existing situation of the British force, it would, without assist- ■ftnce, be prudent to attack the Soubahdar. Orme remarks, that " it is very rare that a council of war decides for battle ; for as the commander never consults his officers in this authentic form, but when great difficulties are to be surmounted, the general communical!ion increases the sense of risk and danger wnich every one brings with him to the consultation." In this particular case the natural leanina to the side of caution was perhaps strengthened by the unusual order in which the opinions of the members of council were taken. Instlead of beginning with that of the youngest officer, and proceeding according to the gradation of rank to him who held the chief command, Clive first declared his own opinion, which was against hazarding an action. The in- fluence of his rank, and the deference paid to his military talents, must be presumed to have had some effect upon the judgment of those who were to follow, more especially when the opinion of one of tlie most daring of men was given against the course to which his natural temperament would incline him. The result was, that of twenty officers who attended the council, thirteen were favourable to delay. Among those whose voices were given for immediate action was Major Coote, afterwards distinguished iu Indian warfare as Sir Eyre Coote. But the decision of the council was over- ruled by the man whose influence had in all probability mainly contributed to produce it. Sixteen years afterward Clive observed, that this was the only council of war that he had ever held, and that if he had abided by that council, it would have been the ruin of the East-India Company. On the 22nd of June, the British force crossed the river. An hour after midnight they arrived at Plassy, and took up their position there in a grove of mango-trees. At daybreak the army of Sooi'aj-oo-Dowlah was discovered in motion. Countless bodies of troops were seen advancing, with guns of the largest calibre drawn by vast trains of oxen, while a number of elephants, gorgeously clothed in scarlet cloth and embroidery, added greatly to the magnificence of the spectacle, if they contributed little to the strength of the array which they adorned. The cavalry and infantry were disposed in columns of four or five, thousand each, and between them were placed portions of the artillery. They marched as if intending to surround the Eng- lish force as far as the river would permit ; but, as soon as their rear was clear of the camp they halted, and a party of forty or fifty Frenchmen advanced with some guns, their officer, named Sinfray, calling upon some of the Soubahdar's troops to follow him. But his invitation was disregarded ; " for such," says Scrafton, " was their mistrust of each other, that no commander dared to ven- ture on singly, for fear some other com- mander, suspected of attachment to us, should fall on him." A general cannonading, how- ever, commenced from the Soubahdar's artil- lery. This was felt severely by the English; who had quitted the grove where they were sheltered by a bank, in front of which they were now drawn up. Clive accordingly re- turned with his troops, and they once more took up their position behind the bank. The enemy thereupon advanced their heavy artil- lery nearer, and fii'ed with greater rapidity than before ; but they produced little effect, the English troops escaping the shots by sit- ting down under cover of the 'bank. About noon, a heavy shower so much damaged the enem/s powder that their fire became feeble ; but the English, who had throughout the day answered the enemy's guns with their field- pieces, continued firing without interruption and with considerable effect. Another dis- aster befell the Soubahdar's cause in the loss of Moodeen Khan, one of the most able and faithful of his generals, who fell mortally wounded by a cannon-ball. Shortly after- wards the enemy ceased firing, the oxen were yoked to the artillery, and tlie whole army turned and proceeded slowly towards their camp. The Frenchmen, who seem to have behaved with much gallantry, still kept their post, till a party of the British force under Major Kilpatrick moved forward to attack them ; when Sinfray, seeing himself unsup- ported, retired, but carried off his guns. The detachment which had dislodged the French party was soon joined by the remainder of the British force, and all the field-pieces having been brought up, a vigorous cannonade was commenced on the enemy's camp. Symptoms of confusion after a time encouraged Clive to attack at once an angle of the camp, and an eminence near it. Both were carried. A general rout ensued, and the camp, baggage; and artillery of the enemy became prize to their conquerors. The enemy were pursued for about six miles, and it is supposed lost in the action and during the pursuit five or six hundred men. The loss of the English in killed and wounded was about seventy. Clive had intended to maintain the cannon- ade during the day, and to attack the camp at midnight. The retreat of the enemy, fol- lowed as it was by the happy movement of Major Kilpatrick, placed victory in his hands at an earlier period. " Sooraj-oo-Dowlah," Olive observed, "had no confidence in his 54 MEER JAFFIER'S TREACHEEY. [A.D. 1757. army, nor his army any confidence in him, and therefore they did not do their duty on the occasion." He might have added, that one half of those who held commands in his army had no intention or desire to do their duty. When Moodeen Ehan was killed, the unhappy sovereign sent for Meer Jaffier. Casting his turban at the feet of his servant, he implored him in piteous and almost abject terms to forget the differences which had ex- isted between them, and conjured him, by the respect due to their departed relative Aliverdi Khan, to defend the throne of his successor. IMeer Jaffier promised all that the Soubahdar could wish, and, as the best advice that a devoted friend could offer, suggested, in con- sideration of the advance of the day and the fatigue of the troops, that the conflict should be suspended till the following morning. The Soubahdar objected that the English might attack him in the night, but Meer Jaffier assured him that he would guard against this contingency. Orders were accordingly de- spatched to the dewan, Mohun Lai, to recall the troops to the camp. The dewan remon- strated; but Meer Jaffier insisted, and his counsel prevailed. The work thus com- menced by one of the conspirators was com- pleted by another. On the approach of the English, RoyJooloob advised the Soubahdar to retire to Moorshedabad, and the recommend- ation was too well supported by the fears of him to whom it was addressed to be disre- garded. Sooraj-oo-Dowlah fled with the utmost rapidity, and was one of the first to bear to his capital the news of his own disgrace. The disappearance of the Soubahdar rendered hopeless any attempt to rally his troops, and nothing was left for the English to perform but to take possession of the camp and pursue the fugitives. During the greater part of the day, Clive had remained uncertain of the intentions of Meer Jaffier ; it is probable, indeed, that Meer Jaffier himself shared the uncertainty, and that all that he had determined was to shape his course according to circumstances — to watch the turn of events, and join the party for whom victory declared. Late in the day, a large body of troops was observed on the flank of the English, whose object it was not easy to ascertain. This was the division of Meer Jaffier; but, in consequence of the mis- carriage of a message despatched by him to the English commander, no signs of recog- nition had been agreed upon. These troops were consequently regarded with suspicion, and the English kept them at a distance with their field-pieces. When, however, the general retreat took place, they kept apart from the rest of the Soubahdar's army. Clive then be- came satisfied, not only that they were the troops of Meer Jaffier, but that they would not be employed in support of the Soubahdar, and he was thereby encouraged to the attack upon the enemy's camp, which secured the victory. Meer Jaffier had not intended that he should remain thus long in suspense. Im- mediately after his interview with the Soubah- dar, when the pathetic appeal of the prince had drawn from the general renewed expres- sions of duty and attachment, Meer Jaffier had addressed a letter to Clive acquainting him with the advice which he had just given his master. That advice, it will be recol- lected, was to discontinue the battle for the day, but to renew it on the following ; and to secure its adoption Meer Jaffier had under- taken to guard against the chance of a sur- prise in the night. To Clive, this single- minded man recommended immediately to push forward, or at all events not to delay an attack beyond three o'clock on the following morning. But the messenger to whom the letter was intrusted was afraid of the firing ; it was consequently not delivered till the course of the British commander had been in a great measure determined, and it only served to give further assurance of its expe- diency. Meer Jaffier was not unconscious that hia conduct throughout had been open to sus- picion. He had endeavoured to stand well with both parties, so that, whatever the event of the contest, he might be safe ; but he felt some doubts whether his treason in the council would be regarded by the English as compensating for his neutrality in the field. In the interview with the English officers which followed the flight of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, he evinced more apprehension than joy ; the military honours with which he was received at the English camp, alarmed instead of gra- tifying him, and he started back "as if," says Scrafton, "it was all over with him." On being introduced to Clive, his fears were allayed by the apparent cordiality with which the colonel saluted him as Soubahdar of Bengal, Bebar, and Orissa. A few days afterwards he was led by Clive to the musnud, in the hall of audience, at Moorshedabad, and received the formal homage of the principal officers and dependents of the government. Soora,]-oo-Dowlah was now a wanderer through the country which lately owned no law but his will. On arriving at his palace, after his flight from Flassy, he found himself in danger of being abandoned by every adhe- rent. To secure the continued fidelity of his soldiers, he made a large distribution of money among them. 7hey readily accepted his bounty, but deserted with it to their own homes. His nearest relatives refused to engage in his support, or even to encounter the danger of accompanying him in the further ffight which was now iuevitable. That flight was accele- rated by the arrival of Meer Jaffier ; and, taking advantage of the night, Sooraj-oo- Dowlah, with a very slender retinue, departed, in the hope of being able to join the French detachment under M. Law. In search of shelter and food, he entered the dwelling of a devotee, who in the day of his power had been one of the sufferers firop his cruelty. The A.D. 1757.] DEATH or SOOEAJ-00 DOWLAH. S5 .peraon of the applicant -was known and the injury was remembered, but the hospitality implored was not withheld. The host received his visitors with courtesy, and placed before them refreshment, availing himself of the time occupied in partaking of it to despatch private information of the arrival of his distinguished guest to Meer Cossim, a relative of Meer Jaffier, who held a command in the neighbour- hood. The intelligence was too welcome to be neglected ; and Meer Cossim, proceeding to the cell of the hermit, made prisoners of bis vieitoTS, and took possession of their effects. The deposed prince was forthwith taken back to Moorshediabad, and, it is said, was treated on the way with great indignity and cruelty. Meer Jaffier felt or affected some compassion for the prisoner. Meerun, bis son, a youth whose character strongly re- sembled that of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, cherished no such weakness. By Meerun the unhappy captive was devoted to death ; but, either from the prevalence of respect for the rank of the destined victim, or from a belief that Meer Jaffier would not sanction the deed, some dif- ficulty was experienced in finding an execu- tioner. At length the task was undertaken by a miscreant who had from infancy enjoyed the bounty, first of Aliverdi Khan, and sub- sequently of his grandson and successor, now a prisoner and destined for death. The favours which had been heaped on him formed no im- pediment to his undertaking the murder of the man to whom and to whose family the assassin was so deeply indebted. Many there were from whom Sooraj-oo-Dowlah could look for nothing but vengeance : his death came from one of the few on whom he had a plaim for gratitude. He bad not completed the twentieth year of a profligate and scandalous life, nor the fifteenth month of a weak and cruel reign. Little now remained but the performance of the pecuniary stipulations agceed upon be- tween the British government and Meer Jaffier, The wealth of the Soubahdar's trea- sury had been greatly overrated, but it was yet able to bear very heavy drafts. After some discussion it was decided that one-half of the stipulated amount should be paid im- mediately, and the remainder at intervals within three years. Tihe first payment seems to have been the cause of great delight. The money was packed in seven hundred chests, which being placed in one hundred boats, the whole proceeded down the river in procession, with banners waving above, and music pealing around them. Many indeed had reason to rejoice in the advance of the richly-freighted fleet. Those who had sustained losses at the capture of Calcutta were to have compensa- tion ; and the army and navy had been en- couraged to look for reward. There was also another class of persons who were expecting to participate in the wealth which thus fol- lowed in the train of victory. When the negotiation with ICeer Jaffier wag, in progress. Mr. Becher, a member of the select com- mittee, suggested that, as the army and navy were to have donations, the committee, by whom the whole machinery had been put in motion, were entitled " to be considered," — and they were considered. Clive received on this account two lacs and eighty thousand rupees ; Mr. Drake, the governor, the same sum J and the remaining members of the com- mittee, two lacs and forty thousand rupees each. The generosity of the new Soubahdar even extended to those members of council who were not of the select committee, and who consequently had no claim "to be con- sidered " under the original proposal. Each of these gentlemen, it is stated, received a lac of rupees. Clive, according to his own state- ment, received a further present of sixteen lacs of rupees. Mr. Watts, in addition to his share as one of the committee, obtained eight lacs ; Major Kilpatrick, three lacs, besides his share ; Mr. Walsh, who was employed in part of the negotiations, had five lacs ; Mr. Scraf- ton, two. Others participated to a smaller extent in the profuse distribution that took place. Such transactions are perfectly in accordance with the spirit and practice of Oriental governments; but they are not re- concilable with European ideas. Many years afterwards, when the conduct of Clive was, on this account, impugned, he defended himself with some talent and some plausibility. He maintained his right to avail himself of the munificence of Meer Jaffier, on the grounds that he committed no injustice, and caused no injury to his employers ; that his forbearance would not have benefited them ; that he had abandoned all commercial advantages to de- vote himself to a military life ; and that all his actions had been governed by a regard to the honour of his country and the interests of the East-India Company. He even claimed credit for his moderation. "The city of .MoOTshedaba.d," said he, "is as extensive, populous, and rich, as the city of London, with this difference, that there are individuals in the first possessing infinitely greater pro- perty than in the last city. These, as well as eyery other man of property, made roe the greatest offers (which, nevertheless, are usual on such occasions, and what they expected would be required)^ and had I accepted these offers, I might have been in possession of mil- lions, which the present Court of Directors could not have dispossessed me of." And he declared that when he recollected entering the trea- sury at Moorshedabad, " with heaps of gold and silver to the right and left, and these crowned with jewels," he stood astonished at his own moderation. That Clive never sacrificed the interests either of his country or of thp East-India Company to his own is certain ; the tempta- tions to which he and his coadjutors were ex- posed, and the fact that the receiving of pre- sents was then forbidden neither by law nor by the covenants of the . Company's servants, 66 OMIOHUND SHAMEFULLY DECEIVED. [AD. 1757. must also be allowed their due weight. Nei- ther must it be forgotten, that the fixed emo- luments of the Company's servants were at that time altogether inadequate to remunerate the duties which were required. In some in- stances they were not sufficient to provide the means of decent subsistence. The result was, that no one ever thought of being satisfied with his pay or salary, and that all were intent upon discovering indirect means of acquiring wealth. Still, all these circumstances tend only to palliate, not to justify, the conduct of Clive and his colleagues. When these transactions became the sub- ject of parliamentary inquiry, there was an- other point on which the conduct of Clive and his colleagues was severely arraigned. A wealthy native, named Omichund, has been already mentioned as an assiduous attendant at the court of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, where his influence with the Soubahdar, as well as the information which he had the opportunity of acquiring, had enabled him to render many services to the cause of the English : these were highly estimated by the British resident, whose confidence Omichund appears, at one period, entirely to have possessed. He was aware of the overture made to the English by Loottief ; but, in consequence of his being disliked by Meer Jaffier, or, as it was sur- mised, by the Seits, who dreaded his influence, he was not at first intrusted with the secret of the conspiracy which ended in the depo- sition and death of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah. It was difficult, however, long to evade the pene- tration of Omichund, and impossible to pre- vent his entertaining suspicions. Mr. Watts, therefore, appears to have thought it the most expedient plan to apprize him of the confederacy of the English with Meer Jaffier, and to secure his co-operation. His fi'iendship might be useful ; his enmity would certainly be dangerous. Omichund knew well that none of the native agents in the proposed change would engage in the attempt without the prospect of gain, and he probably inferred that their European associates had similar views. It was not, therefore, to be expected that he should neglect to stipulate for some advantage to himself. He represented, and certainly with truth, that, connecting himself with the designs of the conspirators, he incurred risk both to his person and his fortune — the latter, very probably, was in his estimation the more dreadful — and he urged, therefore, that he ought to have a sufficient interest in the suc- cess of the plan to counterbalance the hazard of its failure. Had Omichund demanded any compensa- tion of moderate amount, it would perhaps have been bestowed. But his claim was framed on the suggestions of that master pas- sion to which he was a slave, and with refer- ence to the relative situation of the English and himself. He knew that they were in his power — that a word from him might frustrate the success of the conspiracy, disappoint all the hopes founded on it, and possibly involve the British interests in destruction. Desire and circumstance thus combining to remove all I'estraint upon the extent of his demand, Omichund required five per cent, on all the money in the Soubahdar's treasury, and a por- tion of his jewels. This Mr. Watts did not feel justified in promising ; but in the articles of treaty, fowarded by him to the committee, was one securing to Omichund thirty lacs of rupees. The committee were astonished at the vast- ness of the sum, but dreaded the consequences of refusing it. Omichund might betray the secret, and it is said that he threatened to do so if his claim were rejected. In this emergency, Clive suggested the means of at once disarming his threatened hostility and sparing the Soubahdar's treasury. Omi- ohund's interests were to be protected by a special clause in the treaty. Two treaties were drawn up ; one, written on white paper, contained no reference to Omichund; another, written upon red paper, contained all the sti- pulations of the white treaty, and, in addition, an article in favour of Omichund, to deceive whom was the only purpose for which it ex- isted. But a new difficulty occurred. The select committee had no hesitation in signing both the treaties ; but Admiral Watson re- fused his signature to the mock document, and the absence of his name, it was foreseen, would excite the suspicion of so wary a man as Omichund. Here again Clive had an ex- pedient ready. It was to attach the admi- ral's name by another hand. The two trea- ties were accordingly rendered complete, and the red one answered its purpose. Omichund kept the secret of the conspirators, Sooraj- oo-Dowlah was dethroned, and Meer Jaffier elevated to his place. The sequel of the tale is melancholy. Omi- chund embodied the very soul of covetoua- ness. In him, avarice had attained that stage when it becomes a disease rather than a pas- sion of the mind. He had passed a long life in unceasing labours to increase his wealth ; and he flattered himself that, by one master stroke, he had added to his former accumu- lations a sum which was in itself a regal for- tune. He had not been without fear that some deception might be practised upon him ; but he had ascertained that his claim was re- cognized in a treaty signed by all the Eng- lish authorities, and that the good faith of the British government was thus solemnly pledged to its discharge. He could not have been without anxiety as to the success of the attempt in which he had so large a stake ; but the arms of the English were victorious, and the sovereign of their choice occupied the throne. Nothing, therefore, seemed now to stand between him and the gratification of his desires ; and in the full expectation that he was about to receive that for which he had bargained, he attended a meeting of the prin- A.D. 1757.] rEENOH THREATEN TEICZINOPOLY. 57 cipal parties concerned in the revolution, held for the purpose of considering the state of the Souhahdar's treasury, and the mode of carrying out the pecuniary provisions of the treaty. That document was produced and read. Omichund became agitated, and said, " This cannot be the treaty ; it was a red treaty that I saw." Olive coolly replied, "Yes, but this is a white one ;" and turning to Scrafton, who spoke the native language more perfectly than himself, he said, " It is now time to undeceive Omichund." The pro- cess of undeceiving the miserable man was short and simple. In compliance with the suggestion of Olive, Scrafton said, "Omi- chund, the red treaty is a trick, you are to have nothing ;" and he needed not to say more. The senses of Omichund had fled ; he fell back in a swoon, from which he recovered only to linger out the remnant of his life in a state of idiotcy. CHAPTER V. AFFAIRS OF THE OAENATIO. — NAVAL ENGAGEMENTS.— UNSDOOESSFCl SIEGE OF MADRAS BY COUNT DE LALLT. — VIOTOKIES OF COLONEL FORDS AND COLONEL COOTE. — SHBRENDEB OF PONDICHERRT. — ANNIHILATION OF FRENCH POWER IN INDIA. The despatch to Bengal of a force, large with reference to the means of the British Govern- ment, had left the authorities at Madras with- out the means of displaying much vigour in the Oamatic. The nabob, Mahomet Ali, continued to be embarrassed by the impossi- bility of collecting his revenues ; and, to add to his difficulties, two of his brothers availed themselves of his weakness to raise the stan- dard of rebellion. Colonel Forde with a small force proceeded to Nellore, to aid the nabob's army in reducing one of them to obedience, but returned without success. To counteract the designs of the other. Captain Calliaud, who then commanded at Trichinopoly, was ordered to march to Tinne- velly. After some delay, occasioned chiefly by want of money, he inarched to reduce the fort of Madura. An attempt to take the place by surprise failed ; and Captain Calliaud was preparing to repeat his attack in the hope of being assisted from within, when he was re- called to Trichinopoly by intelligence that the French were in sight of that place. He did not receive the news till three o'clock on the 21st of May. At six he was on his march. It was commenced without tents, baggage, or artillery. The men bore their own food ; a few bullocks were taken to carry ammunition, and persons attached to the commissariat were sent forward to make the necessary arrange- ments for refreshment at the different places of halt. The force which menaced Trichinopoly was under the command of M. d'Autueil. Great exertions had been made to collect it. The French garrisons were drained of their effective men, and the duties left to be performed by invalids; assisted at Pondioherry by the Euro- pean inhabitants. The entire force thus set at liberty for an attack on Trichinopoly amounted to one thousand Europeans, infantry and ar- tillery, one hundred and fifty European cavalry, and three thousand sepoys, supported by several field-pieces. The force of the English in Trichinopoly consisted of one hundred and fifty European infantry, fifteen artillery-men, and seven hun- dred sepoys. There were also six hundred men furnished by Tondiman, a native chief, and the king of Tanjore, and about four hundred be- longing to Mahomet Ali. These added con- siderably to the number, but little to the strength of the garrison. The greater part of these auxiliaries are represented by Orme as being "only fit for night-watches; nor," he adds, " for that, without being watched them- selves." There was within Trichinopoly ano- ther body of men, whose absence was, under the circumstances, much to be desired. These were five hundred French prisoners. It was known that they maintained a correspondence with their countrymen without ; and the ex- pectation of their being able to emancipate themselves from restraint during the attack and aid its objects, was believed to have en- couraged the present attempt against the city. On the 15th of May the enemy began to throw shells into the town. The bombard- ment was continued through four successive days, when M. d'Auteuil made a formal de- mand of surrender. Captain Smith, who held the chief command in the absence of Captain Calliaud, answered by an avowal of his deter- mination to maintain the town. It was be- lieved that this would be followed by an at- tempt to carry the place by assault on the succeeding night, and some indications of such an intention were made. The arrival of Cap- tain Calliaud and his troops was consequently looked for with great anxiety, and at six o'clock in the evening of the 25th they were only twelve miles distant from Trichinopoly, The march had thus far been performed in safety ; but a greater difficulty remained. The troops of the enemy had been so disposed as to com- mand every line by which, in ordinary circum- stances, the city could be approached from the direction of Captain Calliaud's advance, and it was discovered that some spies had mixed with the English troops, for the purpose of ascer- taining the precise route which would be taken. 58 MAHEATTAS EXACT TRIBUTE. [A.D. 1757. These persons Captain Calliaud suffered to pursue their avocations undisturbed, as he de- signed to make them the instruments of mis- leading those by whom they were sent. Having, to all appearance^ determined upon the road by which he would seek to enter the town, he pursued it for about six miles ; it was then becoming dark, and the French spies, satisfied that they were in possession of the intentions of the British commander, dropped off to com- municate them to their employers. Captain Calliaud then changed his track, striking off to a direction where the enemy had made no preparation, not anticipating the possibility of any attempt being made to pass that way. The track chosen by Captain Calliaud lay over rice-fields, which being in a state of irriga- tion were thus converted into one continuous swamp. The march across them occupied seven hours, although the distance to be tra- versed was only about as many miles, for every step was taken knee-deep in mud. The break, of day brought the troops to firmer ground, and gladdened their sight by a view of the city and fort of Trichinopoly at no great dis- tance. Captain Smith drew out a part of his! garrison, with two field-pieces, to protect the reinforcement against any attempt to intercept them ; but none was made, and the detach-i ment entered the fort amidst the shouts of their comrades, their commander marching at; their head. His attention had been diverted^ to so many points during this extraordinary march, that he had undergone more fatigue! than any of his men ; and when he led them! into the fort, he was obliged, from weakness, to be supported by two grenadiers. The enemy still continued on the watch at the point where the report of his spies had led him to expect the advance of the English party, and it was not till the triumphant discharge of twenty- one pieces of cannon announced t^^eir safe arrival within the fort, that the French com- mander began to suspect that he had been misled. The suspicion was soon heightened into certainty. In the evening the French retired to Seringham, and soon afterwards to Pondicbeny. The march of Captain CaUiaud thus saved Trichinopoly from an attack, and possibly from capture. The war now continued to be carried on with little vigour or advantage on either side, but with the perpetration of some excesses on both. The English set fire to Wandewash, and the French in retaliation burnt Conje-- veram. By these acts, the European nations did little harm to each otheV, but inflicted' great suffering on the native population, who had but a slender interest in the quarrel. The balance of success was, however, on the whole, in favour of the French, who, after acquiring some minor factories belonging to their rival, obtained possession of the important one of Vizagapatam. The English were greatly dis- spirited by these events, and the expense of maintaining the campaign appears to have been a cause of embarrassment. To add to! their difficulties, the Mahratta, Eajee Row, made his appearance to demand chout, or tribute, from the ]!f abob of Arcot. After some discussion, the purchase of his departure was settled at the price of two hundred thousand rupees to be paid down by the nabob, and two hundred and fifty thousand more by orders on his polygars and dependants. The agreement being concluded, the nabob transferred the completion of his part of it to his English allies, requesting that they would furnish the money out of the rents which he had assigned to them for the expenses of the war. This was neither convenient nor as a matter of pi-ecedent desirable, but it was not easy to evade the demand. Morari Bow and some other chiefs tendered their alliance to aid in resisting the claim of Bajee How, but the English had no greater desire for their presence than for that of the collector of the tribute. Some attempts were made to postpone the settlement of the claim in hope of a change of circumstances, and others to attach certain conditions to its discharge, but all was fruit- less. " The English," says Orme, " had no alternative but to pay or fight." They had no troops to spare for the latter duty, and they were afraid of accepting the assistance that was offered by their neighbours ; they, there- fore, preferred the former branch of the alter- native, and the representative of !Bajee Eow departed laden with coin and bills. Early in September, a French fleet of twelve ships appeared in Pondicherry roads. By the Gonnqil of Fort St. David it was mistaken for an English force. A messenger was accordi- ingly sent to bear to the admiral the compli* ments of the authorities, £is well as a lett^ conveying some information which it was thoi}ght desirable to communicate. The mes- senger did not become aware of the mistake under which he had been despatched until it was too late for remedy. He had, therefor^ no choice but to conceal the letter and yielj himself a prisoner. For some time the move- ments of the French fleet were regarded with great anxiety, but the motives by whiph they were guided appeaired involved in great mys- tery. The fleet had on board a French regi- ment, under the command of the Marquis d? Soupires, who bore n, commission giving him the direction and command of all military operations. The command of the squadrou was held by M. Bouvet, who had been takeo on board at the island of Bourbon, and who had the reputation of being one of the ablest men connected with the French marine. Be- sides the troops, the fleet had on board some battering cannon and mortars, as well as 4 large supply of bombs and balls. Tlje troops having been landed at Pondicherry, the squadron suddenly disappeared, leaving the English utterly unable to account for its de- parture. The cause of it was the discovery of the letter from the Council of Fort St. David, and which the messenger had placed betweei} two planks of the boat in which he had pro- A.D. 1758 ] NAVAL ENGAGEMENTS. 69 oeeded. Among other matters referred to in that letter, was the probability of the arrival by the middle of September of Admiral Wat- son, with the ships under his command, from ^Bengal ; and from the junction of these with the squadron from England great results were anticipated. This intelligence so much dis- concerted M. Bouvet, that he determined not to wait the chance of encountering a force superior to his own. He declared that he had done enough in landing the troops, and should immediately sail back to the islands. So great was his haste, that he refused to disembark the artillery and heavy ammunition, on account pf the time required to land them, and to take in ballast to supply their place. The capture of the messenger of the Council of Fort St. David and the discovery of his letter were thus the means of relieving the English from the annoyance which was expected from the French fleet. On the day on which Soupires landed ati Pondicherry, Madura surrendered to the Bng-[ lish. Captain Calliaud being satisfied that, fori a time at least, Trichinopoly was in safety, had returned to Madara in July. Some at-( tempts had been made to reduce the place ^ during his absence, but they failed, and those subsequently made were at-tended with no better success. It yielded at last to the potent influence of money. About two-thirds of the amojint was destined for the liquidation of; the arrears of pay due to the troops who had' defended the place, the remainder for presents to the commander and principal officers. In Qctober, the French obtained possession of Chittapet, a place of some strength. It was gallantly defended by the killadar in command, and might probably have been saved had the English Government afforded any assistance ; but Mahomet All had conceived a dislike to the killadar, and his representations were suffered to influence the conduct of the Eng- lish. Trinomaly, and some other forts of in- ferior importance, were soon afterwards added to the acquisitions of the French, who lost no time in taking advantage of their successes by making arrangements for securing the reve- nues of the districts which fell into their ppwer. _ The earlier months of the year 1768 were passed in comparative inactivity ; but on the 28th of April a French squadron of twelve sail was descried standing in for the road of Fort St. David. Part of these ships had sailed from France in the preceding year, having on board a military force commanded by the Count de Lally, who had been appointed governor-genersd of all the French possessions and establishments in India. After encounter- ing much bad weather and suffering severely from contagious disease, the expedition arrived at the Isle of France, where it was strength- ened by the addition of some of the ships which the fears of M. Bouvet had, a few months before, so precipitately withdrawn from Pondicherry. Lally lost no time in proclaiming his autho- rity and establishing means for effecting the objects of the expedition. He proceeded with two of the ships to Pondicherry; and one pur- pose of his visit was manifested on the follow- ing morning, by the entry of a detachment of French troops within the bounds of Fort St. David. They were to have been joined by the troops from the fleet, but this was pre- vented by the appearance of an English squadron, which had discovered and bore down upon the French ships almost as soon as Lally had departed to Pondicherry. The English squadron was composed of the ships from Bengal which had returned in February under Admiral Pocock, and some others which had arrived under the command of Admiral Stevens. An action ensued, in which the French suffered severely in loss of men, and the Engheh in damage to their ships, but neither party could claim a victory. The French ships, from having sustained less injury in their masts and rigging, were enabled to outsail the Eng- lish, and with the exception of one, which was stranded, they reached Pondicherry in safety. Admiral Pocock laboured to bring the French squadron once more to action, but the winds and currents, together with the dilapidated state of one of the English ships, aided the opposite views of the French com- mander, M. d'Ach^, who contrary to the wishes of Lally, was above all things anxious to avoid an engagement. His reluctance to fight received some countenance from the fact of a large number of his men being dis- abled by sickness. To remove this ground of objection, Lally offered reinforcements to sup- ply the place of the sick, and M. d'Achd was at last compelled to proceed to sea ; but, instead of bearing down on the English squad- ron, which was unable to work up to him, he " kept the wind, plying for Fort St. David." On 1st of June he was observed working into the roads, and this probably influenced the determination of those who defended the English settlement. On the land side, it was attacked by two thousand &v6 hundred Europeans, and about the same num- ber of sepoys. The garrison consisted of sixteen hundred natives and upwards of six hundred Europeans, two hundred and fifty of whom were seamen. A vigorous bombard- ment had for some time been carried on, and though the enemy had made no breach, they had dismounted some of the guns, disabled the carriages, and inflicted serious injury on parts of the works. The tanks and reservoirs bad suffered, and water could only be proctired under cover of the night. The stock of ammu- nition also began to fail, much having been wasted. " The fort continued," says Orme, " to lavish away their fire night and day on everything they saw, heard, or suspected." In addition to these circumstances, the native troops deserted in great numbers, and part of the Europeans .are represented to have been drunken, disorderjy, and disobedient. On the 60 LALLY RETIRES FROM TANJORE. [A.D.1758. 2ud of June, terms of capitulation were pro- posed by the besieged, and on the evening of that day the place was surrendered. Cuddalore had been abandoned almost immediately after the French appeared before it. The surrender of Fort St. David excited both alarm and indignation at Madras. A court of inquiry was appointed, and their report, while it exonerated the commander. Major Porlier, from cowardice, condemned his arrangements for the defence, expressed an opinion that the place might have held out much longer, and declared the terms on which it surrendered shameful. Certain it is, that the defence of Fort St. David cannot be regarded as among the operations which have shed lustre on the British name in India. The fall of Fort St. David was immediately followed by that of Devi-cottah, and the suc- cess of the French arms appeared to Lally to warrant his indulging in a triumphant entry into Pondicherry, after the manner of his vain and unfortunate predecessor Dupleix. An attack upon Madras would have been the next step taken by the French governor- general had he not laboured under a deficiency of money, which he was anxious, in the first instance, to supply. A bond for a considera- ble sum, given by the king of Tahjore to Chunda Sahib, had remained several years in possession of the government of Pondicherry, and, to supply the necessities of that govern- ment, it was now determined to demand pay- ment of it. To enforce the demand, Lally took the field, and advanced with a considerable force towards Tanjore ; but the arrangements for the campaign were so miserably imperfect, that his troops were often in danger of perish- ing from hunger. His approach to the capital of Tanjore, however, created alarm, and led to negotiations, conducted in such a spirit as might be expected, where one party was bent upon obtaining money at all events, and the other resolved not to part with any if it were possible to avoid it. The king of Tanjore had, in the first instance, sought assistance from Trichinopoly, and Captain Calliaud had afforded it to an extent proportioned to his ability. Subsequently a treaty was conclu'ded between Lally and the government of Tanjore, by which the former undertook to march immediately against Trichinopoly. This arrangement was in turn frustrated by fresh misunderstandings between the parties to it, and the dispute became so warm that Lally threatened to transport the king and his family to the island of Mauritius as slaves. This revived the affection of that sovereign for the English, and, on his pressing solicitation, additional aid was furnished from Trichinopoly. Lally erected two batteries, and after five days' firing had made a breach about six feet wide, when it was discovered that the army was nearly destitute both of ammunition and provisions. At this time also Lally received intelligence that the French and English squadrons had again been engaged, and that the latter threatened a descent upon Karical, to which place Lally looked for the means of relieving the distress of his army. Like the former naval engagement, this had been inde- cisive ; and it further resembled it, inasmuch as the English had suffered more severely in their ships, and the French in loss of men. On the 9th August, Lally had recourse to the usual expedient by which men surrounded by difficulties, seek to relieve themselves from the responsibility of choice. He called a council of war, which afforded another illustration of Orme's remark, that such a body rarely de- cides for action. Lally's council was com- posed of twelve officers, of whom only two advised an assault, while ten declared for re- treat. Lally did not, like Clive, nullify the decision of the council on his own responsi- bility. Preparations were commenced for breaking up the camp ; the sick and wounded were sent away immediately, and the following day was fixed for the march of the rest. Monaokjee, the Tanjore general, was soon apprized of the determination to raise the siege, and he was not slow in ascribing the movement to its real cause — the want of means to carry it on. A reinforcement from Trichinopoly hap- pening to arrive at this time, Monackjee resolved with its assistance to attack the French camp. The attack was characteristi- cally commenced by a piece of treachery. At the dawn of day, fifty horsemen rode leisurely from the city towards the camp. On being challenged by the advanced guard, they said that they were come to offer their services to the French, and desired to see the general. They were conducted to his quarters, and halting at a short distance from the choultry where he slept, their leader advanced to confer with him. Lally left the choultry to receive his visitor, by whose hands he would probably have beeu dismissed from the cares and toils of warfare, had not the operation of opium led one of the stranger horsemen to commit an act which could not be reconciled with friendly intentions. Quitting his rank, he galloped . toward a tumbril loaded with powder, into which he fired his pistol. The frantic wretch ' was blown to pieces by the explosion of which he had been the cause, and an alarm being thus raised, the guard at the choultry rushed for- ward to protect their commander. In per- forming this duty they were charged by the horsemen, but their steady fire threw the as- sailants into confusion, and most of them galloped into a tank which they did not per- ceive till it was too late to avoid it. In the mean time the camp was attacked at various points, but the Tanjoreans were compelled to retire with heavy loss. The retreat of the French was attended with great suffering, and on the road Lally received information that D'Ache, the commander of the French squadron, had announced to the council of Pondicherry his determination to return without delay to the Isle of France. Lally despatched the Count d'Estaigne to dis- A.D. 1759.] SIEGE OF MADRAS. 61 Buade him from such a proceeding ; but the endeavours of the count were ineffectual to induce D'Ach^ either to hazard another en- gagement, or to abandon hi^ intention of re- turning to the islands. Lally himself, who arrived shortly afterwards, was not more fortu- nate ; D'AchS persisted, and his determination was, it is said, supported by the unanimous opinion of his captains. With some difficulty be consented to leave behind him five hundred seamen and marines, to serve on shore ; and on the 3rd September he sailed with all his ships for the island of Mauritius. Lally was greatly mortified by the ill success of his campaign against Tanjore. To alleviate the disgrace of its failure, and to supply his pecuniary wants, he now projected an expe- dition to Arcot. In this he was somewhat more fortunate ; and after the capture of some places of minor importance, he made a trium- phal entry into the city of Arcot, which had yielded not to the force of his arms, but to the effect of large promises made to the officer in command. But, though the vanity of Lally was gra- tified, his pecuniary resources were not im- proved by his success. His conquests did not reimburse the expense of making them, and the treasury of Pondicherry remained in an exhausted state. Lally, too, bad made a false step ia neglecting to se.cure the fort of Chin- gleput, which commanded the country from which, in the event of a siege, Madras must mainly depend for supplies. This place was garrisoned only by a few retainers of one of the nabob's dependants by whom the district was rented, and if attacked must have fallen an easy prize. The anxiety of the council at Madras for the safety of their principal settle- ment had led them to concentrate there nearly all the force at their disposal ; in consequence, several posts had been abandoned to the enemy. The council, however, were duly sensible of the importance of Chingleput, and they took the first opportunity afforded by the arrival of reinforcements from England to place it in a respectable state of defence. The march of the party of sepoys first despatched thither stopped the advance of a French detachment who were in motion to attack the place. The pressing wants of the French govern- ment were at length relieved by a small supply of money. Part of it was obtained from the Brahmins in charge of the pagoda at Tripetty, part was received from the island of Mauritius, and part Lally is said to have contributed from his own resources. This enabled him to put in motion his entire force for the reduction of Madras. It now became a question whether or not the seat of the British presidency should be attacked without previously reducing Chingleput. Lally, with characteristic rash- ness and impatience, determined to push on- ward, leaving Chingleput in his rear ; and by the middle of December the French army were in sight of Madras. Their force consisted of two thousand seven hundred European and four thousand native troops. To defend the place the English had nearly one thousand eight hundred European troops, two thousand two hiindred sepoys, and about two hundred of the nabob's cavalry, upon whom, however, no dependence could be rested. The enemy soon gained possession of the Black Town, in the plunder of which a quan- tity of arrack having been found, the conse- quences were ei'e loril; manifested. The Eng- lish being apprized of what had taken place, made a sally under Colonel Draper ; and such was the state of the French army, that the ap- proach of the English was first made known to them by the beating of their drums in the streets of the town. The fire of the English musketry, aided by that ol two field-pieces, was very destructive, and a French regiment, which had been drawn up to oppose them, soon fell into confusion and fled. At this moment Colonel Draper called upon his men to cease firing, and follow him to take posses- sion of four of the enemy's guns, to which he ran up, and discharged a pistol at the head of an oflioer who remained by them, but without effect. A pistol-shot being returned by the French ofBcer with no better success, he was on the point of surrendering the guns, when Colonel Draper perceived that no more than four of his men had followed him. The French now gaining confidence from the hesitation of their opponents, returned in considerable num- bers ; and of the four gallant men who accom- panied their commander, two were killed, the other two being severely wounded. The fight was, however, protracted for some time ; but finally the English retreated with a consider- able loss of men as well as that of their two field-pieces. Among those mortally wounded was Major Porlier, the unfortunate officer who commanded at Fort St. David when that place surrendered to the French. Having been blamed, and not without apparent reason, for his conduct on that occasion, he seems to have been anxious to lose no opportunity of show- ing that he was not deficient in personal courage. Under the influence of this feeling, he had requested permission to accompany Colonel Draper's party as ». volunteer, and while thus engaged received a wound of which he soon afterwards died. The loss of the French was not, less severe than that of the English ; several of their officers were killed, and the Count d'Estaigne was made prisoner. Though miserably deficient in nearly all the means of conducting a siege with a probability of success, Lally erected batteries, and on the 2nd of January commenced firing. The de- fence under the governor, Mr. Pigot, was con- ducted with considerable skill, and in an ad- mirable spirit. Some sallies were made by the besieged, which, however, usually ended in discomfiture ; but the communications of the enemy with Pondicherry and the country whence he drew his supplies were greatly im- peded by the operations of a body of sepoys under a native commander, named Mahommed 62 PECFNIAEY DIFFICITLTIES. [A.D. 1759: Isoof, aided by a detacbment from Chingleput under Captain Preston, some native Iiorae Gommanded by a bi'other of Mahomet Ali, and some Tanjorine cavalry. An addition to this force being desired. Major Calliaud had been especially deputed to Tanjore to en- deavour to obtain it ; but the sovereign was persuaded that the fortune of England was on the decline, and so little value did he now attach to' its friendship) that its representative was not even received with ordinary courtesy. With some difiBeulty, however. Major Calliaud prevailed on him to promise a further supply ©f cavalry, if their arrears of pay were dis- eharged — a promise given in the belief that the condition could not be fulfilled. Major Calliaud applied to the Tanjore agents of the bouse of Buokanjee, the principal bankers in the Carnatic, but they peremptorily refused to part with any money in exchange for bills on Madias. This refusal encouraged the king to become somewhat more explicit, and he pro- mised that the horse should be ready in four days if the money were paid. Major Calliaud now applied to the Dutch government of Ne- gapatam> who professed to be willing to grant a loan ; but the terms would have entailed on the English a loss of twenty-five per cent., and the oflTer was declined. The British ne- gotiator then turned to Triohinopoly, where the house of Buckanjee had also an agent. Here his prospects appeared to brighten, and he obtained the promise of a supply ; but again was he doomed to disappointment, Mahomet Ali was at Madras when the French appeared before it, but a besieged town not appearing to him the most agreeable place of residence, he was desirous of quitting it. The English authorities had not the slightest desire to counteract his wishes in this respect, and he accordingly departed with his family by sea for Negapatam. On the passage, his wife gave birth to a child. Arriving at Negatapam, the nabob, through his agent at Tanjore, in- formed the king that he intended to pass through that city on his way to Triohinopoly, anticipating that the usual honours would be offered him. But the flight of the nabob by sea at a season subject to tempest, and when the situation of his wife peculiarly demanded repose, was regarded as indicating a degree of danger at Madras which rendered inexpedient any expression of respect for either the Eng- lish or their allies. Under this impression, the king refused not only to receive the nabob within his capital, but even to visit him with- out the walls. Major Calliaud endeavoured, though in vain, to establish the appearance of a better feeling, and be had good reason to exert himself in the cause, for the circum- stances under which Mahomet Ali had de- parted from Madras, combined with the view of them taken at Tanjore, had alarmed the banker's agent at Triohinopoly, Vfho now re- tracted his promise of assistance, and refused to furnish money upon any terms. The diffi- culty was at last obviated. Mr. Norris, a member of tbei council of Madras who had' accompanied Mahomet Ali, was the bearer of a considerable sum destined to defray the ex- penses of the garrison of Triohinopoly. The urgent want of means to enable Major Calliaud to eflfect the objects of his mission was held to be a sufficient reason for diverting this- sum from its original purpose. The pretext for de- lay was thus removed, but no horse were fur- nished. The money, however, which had beefl obtained was Hot without effect, for its repu- tation induced the king to adopt a more friendly bearing towards Mahomet Ali, to whom he now paid a visit with the accustomed ceremonies. To give dignity to the nabob's entrance into Triohinopoly, Major Calliaud put himself at the head of the escort which was to conduct him thither. On quitting that place a few days afterwards, he gave utterance ibo expressions of strong indignation against the King of Tanjore, in the hope that they might be conveyed to him. Major Calliaud was not deceived in the expectation that his wrath would be reported to the king, nor altogether in the hope that some effect might be pro- duced by it. The king was alarmed, and despatched the pi-omised reinforcement, which, however, proceeded slowly, in consequence of frequent disputes as to the advances to be made to the men, which Major Calliaud was fain to settle as best he might. A far more valuable description of force which accom- panied Major Calliaud to the relief of MadraS was a body of sepoys from Triohinopoly, With these he arrived at Chingleput on the 7th of February, having been absent on hia mission to Tanjore from the 1st of December, His troops requiring rest, he left them there, allow- ing himself no repose, but proceeding on the evening of his arrival at Chingleput to the Mount of St. Thom^, where he took the com- mand 'of the force without the walls engaged in harassing the besiegers, and interrupting their supplies, Lally had seriously felt the annoyances in- flicted by this force. They were, he said, like flies, no sooner beaten off one part than they settled on another, and he resolved to make an effort to relieve himself from their presence. On the morning of the 9th of Feb- ruary the British discovered the enemy ad- vancing upon their post in two bodies, the one consisting of twelve hundred sepoys and five hundred native horse, the other of three hundred European cavalry and six hundred European infantry, with eight field-pieces'. The whole was under the command of a rela- tion of Lally, bearing the same name witli himself. The force available to repel the enemy consisted of two thousand five hundred sepoys and two thousand two hundred native horse, with one hundred and three Euro- peans, twelve of whom were artillerymen, and ten troopers, under the command of Captain Vasserot, who had recently come out of the town with treasure. Major Calliaud made the requisite dispositions to resist the attack ; A.D. 1759.] SIEGE OF MADRAS RAISED. es and to receive the French cavalry, who were advancing, he formed hia native horse, placing himself with Captain Vasserot and his ten troopers on their left. The ardour of the horsemen appeared perfectly irrepressible ; and anticipating the desire of the British com- mander for their advance, the whole body, in the words of Orme, "set off scampering, shouting, and.fiourishing their sabres." The French cavalry advanced to meet them at a rapid pace, but suddenly halting, the first rank dischalrged their carbines, by which four or five of their opponents were brought to the ground. This had so unhappy an effect ui^on the enthusiasm of the rest, that they imme- diately fled, leaving Major Calliaud with no companions but Captain Yasserot And the ten troopers. These retreated into an in- closure, and the French pursued the flying cavalry nntil stopped by a discharge from some field-pieces, and by the fire of a party of sepoys. Some loss was subsequently sus- tained through the indiscretion of an English officer, in rushing with his troops from a post which he had euccessfully maintained, to push his advantage by pursuing the enemy. The party were attacked in the rear by cavalry, thrown into confusion, and many of them cut down. The contest was maintained with fluctuating success throughout the day, but in the evening the enemy retired, leaving the English masters of the field. Most welcome to the English was this result, and little were the French aware of the value of the relief which their departure afforded. The English were not far from being reduced to a state when, from want of ammunition, it would have been alike impossible to maintain the fight or to effect a, retreat in the face of the enemy. Their remaining stock was only sufficient to furnish six cartridges for each musket, and three balls for each of the field- pieces. In the night Major Calliaud moved his force as silently as possible in the direc- tion of Chingleput, leaving fires to deceive the enemy. With his usual activity, he shortly afterwards made an attempt to surprise the Dutch settlement of Sadrass. Lally, who appears to have thought that the law of na- tions was without validity in India, had taken forcible possession of this place, and relieved the Dutch garrison of their duties by trans- ferring them to a French detachment. The design of Major Calliaud was frustrated by the mistake of his guides, in consequence of which he was unable to make his meditated attack, as he had intended, under cover of the night. But the time was approaching when the British force, both within and without the walls, were to be relieved fi^oin the labour and anxiety attendant on their situation. For nearly two months Lally had been carrying on operations against Madras. His batteries had been opened about half that time, and a breach was made which, he believed, justi- fied an attempt to storm, Hia officers, to whose judgment he appealed, but with a dis- tinct expression of his own opinion, took a different view, and though they admitted the breach to be practicable, declared it to be in- accessible. Thus far they only complied with the demand made for their opinion on a par- ticular point ; but they proceeded to deliver their judgment upon another, on which Lally had not sought their advice, and probably did not wish to receive it : tliey declared their conviction, founded on a comparison of forces, that the prosecution of the works to quell the fire of the place would only be to sacrifice many lives without the slightest probability of ultimate success. This view of the prospects of the besieging army was extremely distaste- ful to Lally, who attributed it to intrigue and ;a spirit of personal hostility to himself. But whatever the value of the opinion of the French officers, and whatever the motives which had led to its expression, it was an ad- verse stroke which, falling uppn Lally at a time when he was surrounded by a variety of discouraging circumstances, overcame even his self-satisfied and arrogant presumption. He was without money, and without the means of raising any. The pay of the troops was several weeks in arrear ; the supply of food was scanty and uncertain ; the sepoys deserted in great numbers ; some of the Euro- pean troops threatened to follow their ex- ample, while the feelings of the officers to- wards their commander were almost avowedly those of disaffection and hostility. The arrogant and imperious' temper of Lally had indeed surrounded him with ene- mies, at a time when he needed all the as- sistance which personal attachment could lend to the claims of public duty ; and he saw that to linger before Madras would be but to incur the chance of finding himself uni- versally deserted. He determined, therefore, to gratify his vengeance by burning the Black Town, and then to withdra-w from a scene where he had lost whatever portion of the confidence of his army he had ever possessed. The execution of tlie former part of this de- termination was prevented, and that of the latter accelerated, by the opportune arrival, on the 16th of February, of a fleet under Admiral Pocock, with reinforcements for Madras. An impression prevailed in the town that an assault would be made that night before the troops from the ships could be landed, and not only every soldier in the garrison, but every inhabitant capable of service, was under arms; but the expectation was un- founded. The enemy kept up a hot fire through the night, and the next day they were in full march towards A root. So hurried was their departure, that they left behind fifty-two pieces of cannon (some of them in- deed damaged) and a hundred and fifty barrels of gunpowder. They left, also, about forty sick and wounded Europeans who were un- able to march, and for whose transpbrt their commanders could make no provision. The 64 COLONEL FORDE'S EXPEDITION. [a.d. 1759. uufortunate men, however, received a, degree of attention which is creditable both to those who were compelled to abandon them and those into whose hands they fell. The French commander left a letter recommending them to the humanity of the English governor ; and the appeal was answered in a manner which drew from Lally an expression of his satisfaction. After an interval occupied in the necessary preparations, the English took the field, and followed the retreating army to Conjeveram. Lally had given up the command to M. Sou- pires, and, in consequence of impaired health, retired to Pondioherry. His instructions to M. Soupires were not to invite a battle, but to wait till he was attacked ; and they were strictly followed. The English were not less indisposed to attack, and the two armies re- mained several days almost in sight of each other, each reluctant to strike the first blow. This state of threatened hostility, but positive inaction, would have ended in the recall of the British troops into cantonment, had not Colonel Lawrence proceeded to the presi- dency to remonstrate against such a step. There this distinguished officer abandoned a command which ill health rendered him un- fit longer to retain ; and the same cause in capacitating Colonel Draper, the chief com- mand devolved upon Major Brereton. This officer, in the hope of bringing the enemy to an engagement, or of inducing the French commander to quit his post at Conjeveram, made a movement upon Wandewash, took ^possession of the suburbs, and opened gi'ound against the fort. Soupires ofiered no inter- ruption, but retired to Arcot. Major Brere- ton thereupon made a forced march upon Con- jeveram, which he took by assault. The officers engaged in the attack seem to have contended for pre-eminence in exposure to danger, and they suffered severely. A single discharge killed four and wounded five, Major Calliaud being among the latter. The place was defended by Murzafa Beg, a soldier of fortune, who had withdrawn himself from the British service during the siege of Ma- dras. He had surrendered, and was being led to Major Brereton, when he was met by Mahommed Isoof, who, raising his scimetar, nearly severed the prisoner's head from his body, exclaiming — "These are the terms to be kept with a traitor." Lally, on hearing of the departure of Major Brereton for Wandewash, had left Pondioherry with a party of Europeans, and ordered Sou- pires to join him at Chittapet. But his move- ments were paralyzed by want of funds. He advanced to Coverpauk, where distress and his personal unpopularity gave rise to a state of feeling in his army which rendered it mani- festly imprudent to risk a battle. The result was, that late in May the French went into cantonments, and the English shortly after- wards followed their example. It is now necessary to turn to the events which followed the recall of M. Bussy from the court of Salabat Jung. A petty rajah, named Anunderauze, who was dissatisfied with some part of the conduct of that officer, availed himself of his departure to attack Vizagapa- tam, of which he succeeded in dispossessing the French garrison. He immediately sent advice of his success to the presidency of Ma- dras, accompanied by an offer to surrender his conquest to the English, and by a request for the aid of a large detachment to act with his own troops in the provinces which the French had obtained from the Soubahdar of the Dec- can. But the council of Madras were not in a condition to affijrd any assistance. Fort St. David had fallen, and an attack on the seat of the presidency was expected. Disappointed in this quarter, Anunderauze turned to Ben- gal, where, but for the predominant influence of Clive, his application would have been at- tended with no better success than at Madras. Contrary to the opinion of his coadjutors in council, Clive determined to give the required aid ; and an expedition was despatched under Colonel Forde, consisting of five hundred Eu- ropeans, two thousand one hundred native troops, six field-pieces, twenty-four six-pound- ers for battery, a howitzer, and an eight-inch mortar. The expedition proceeded by sea, and having disembarked at Vizagapatam, joined the army of Anunderauze, which lay at a short distance from that place. But the pro- gress of the allies was impeded by disputes. The rajah expressed great satisfaction at the arrival of the English force, but manifested a strong disinclination to contribute anything to its support. Affairs were at length adjusted through the interposition of Mr. Andrews, a civil servant of the East-India Company, who had arrived to re-establish the factory of Viza- gapatam, of which he had formerly been the chief, and ^om that circumstance was per- sonally known to Anunderauze. Through his mediation a treaty was concluded, by which it was stipulated that all plunder should be equally divided ; that all the countries that might be conquered should be delivered to the rajah, who was to collect the revenues, with the exception of the sea-ports and towns at the mouths of the rivers, which, with the reve- nues of the districts annexed to them, were to belong to the Company ; and that no treaty for the disposal or restitution of the possessions of either party should be made without the consent of both. Finally, the prime difficulty in the way of action was removed by a stipu- lation that the rajah should supply fifty thou- sand rupees a month for the expenses of the army, and six thousand for the private expenses of the officers. The united forces now marched against M. Conflans, who had been left in com- mand of a portion of the French force which had not accompanied M. Bussy ; and they moved to victory. At Peddapore a battle took place, in which the French, being totally defeated, abandoned their camp to the victors, with many pieces of cannon, a large quantity of ammunition, and a thousand draught bul- A.D. 1769.] DIFFICULTIES OF COLONEL FOEDE. 65 locks. The honour of the victory belonged exclusively to the English force. The rajah's army consisted of five hundred horse, whose value Orme determines by the passing remark, that they were " incapable of fighting ; " and about five thousand foot, some of whom were armed with fire-arms of extraordinary fabrica- tion, and the remainder with pikes and bows. Horse and foot are alike included by the his- torian juat quoted, under the term of "rab- ble ; " and Colonel Forde seems to have been anxious for nothing so much as to get them out of the way. The only useful part of the rajah's force was a, body of about forty Euro- peans, whom he had collected to manage a few field-pieces, and who performed the duty very satisfactorily. The retreat of the French was conducted upon the principle of each man providing for himself. The flying troops took various routes, but most of them towards Rajahmundry. To this place the French commander, M. Conflans, bent his way; and if he had gained little repu- tation as a soldier, he seemed resolved at least to challenge the distinction of being a bold and rapid rider. No instances are recorded of his care to preserve the remnant of his array ; but it is related that he traversed the whole dis- tance from the field of battle to Rajahmundry (which is about forty miles) at full gallop, and by obtaining changes of horses, performed the journey in an incredibly short space of time. Rajahmundry possessed a fort, but it was almost incapable of defence ; besides which the French had lost nearly all their cannon. Under these circumstances it was deemed im- prudent to linger at that place ; and the fugitives, with all possible speed, crossed the Godavery, on the bank of which river the town stands. Colonel Forde advanced to Rajahmuudry, and waited some time for the rajah, who had engaged to make the first pay- ment under the treaty as soon as he was in possession of the fort. The rajah, however, did not arrive to seize the prize ; and Colonel Forde, with his forces, crossed the Godavery in pursuit of the flying enemy. But his pro- gress was soon stopped by the want of money. He had brought with him a supply from Ben- gal, but on the faith of the rajah's promises, he had lent that prince twenty thousand rupees, and the loan, with the current ex- penses of the army, had now left the British commander without the means of proceeding. He consequently recrossed the river, to the great dismay of the rajah, who imagined that the retrograde movement/ was made for the pucpose of inflicting punishment on him, and in this belief fled to the hills. The interposi- tion of Mr. Andrews was again resorted to, but the rajah's fear of Colonel Forde, and his reluctance to part with any money, seemed to have entirely divested him of all interest in the success of the expedition. With some difficulty a reconstruction of the treaty was effected, and it was stipulated that whatever sums the rajah might advance should be con- sidered as loans, and that the revenues of the countries which might be reduced on the fur- ther side of the Godavery, excepting such as belonged to the French, either by occupat on or grant, should be equally divided {letween the rajah and the English. The rajah then furnished a small amount in money, and a larger in bills, which enabled the British force to resume its march in the direction which had been taken by M. Conflans. That oflioer had recovered so much presence of mind as to collect part of his scattered troops at Masuli- patam, where he seemed resolved to make a stand. He had made application for assist- ance to Salabat Jung, and that prince ad- vanced with a body of troops from Hyder- abad; his brother, marching with another, joined him near the Kistna. But the English commander, undismayed by these threatening appearances, steadily continued his march, though greatly embarrassed and delayed by the erratic excursions of his native ally in search of plunder. On the 6th March he was in sight of Masulipatam, and on the same day he received the cheering intelligence that Lally had been obliged to raise the siege of Madras. Yet his situation was surrounded by difficulties. He had begun to construct batteries, and to make preparations for attack- ing the fort, but his hopes appeared in immi- nent danger of being frustrated from the, ex- haustion' of his resources. His military chest was empty, and the rajah refused any further supply. Colonel Forde had borrowed of hia officers all the money that they possessed, and even used the prize-money of the troops. Some treasure had arrived at Vizagapatam from Bengal, but the interposition of part of the French force rendered its transmission to Colonel Forde impracticable, and it was sent for safety to the Dutch settlement of Cocka- narah. While labouring under these embar- rassments, the whole of Colonel Forde's Eu- ropean troops suddenly turned out with their arras, and threatened to march away. With some difficulty they were persuaded to return to their tents and appoint a deputation to re- present their demands. These extended to an immediate payment of the prize-money then due to them, and to a promise of the whole booty of Masulipatam in case it should be taken ; and on any other terms it was declared the refractory troops would not serve in the siege. Colonel Forde, unable to comply with the first part of this demand, was compelled to try the effect of a promise to pay, out of the first money which should come into hia hands, the prize-money then due. With regard to the second part of the claim, he represented that, as by the Company's regulations the troops were only entitled to one-half of what is taken, he could not, on his own authority, engage that they should receive more ; but he promised to represent their case to the Company at home, and to retain the amount in dispute until the question was determined. The hasty resolves of excited men have F 66 FALL OF MASULIPATAM. [a.d. 1759. rarely muoh stability, and these assurances induced the disaffected troops to return to their duty. But one difficulty was no sooner removed than another started up. Salabat Jung, who was only about forty miles from Masulipatam, sent to Anunderauze, commanding him to quit the English, and repair to the standard of his lawful master. At the same time Intel ligence arrived that Rajahmundry had again fallen into the hands of the French. These events so alarmed the rajah, that he deter mined without delay to endeavour to regain his own country on the opposite side of the Godavery. Of this intention he gave no notice to Colonel Forde, but on the night of the 27th March he suddenly decamped, and though not usually remarkable for the rapidity of his motions, he on this occasion marched sixteen miles before break of day. Colonel Forde, as soon as he became aware of the rajah's flight, despatched messengers to endea- vour to win him back ; and by giving his fears a different direction to that which they had at first taken, they succeeded. They pointed out the danger to which the retreat of Anun- derauze was exposed from the cavalry of Sala- bat Jung on the one hand, and the French troops in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry on the other ; and the vacillating rajah once more rejoined his English ally. To divert Salabat Jung, an attempt was made to open a negotiation ; and a civil servant of the Com- pany proceeded to his camp to represent the views of the English, which were stated, to be confined to the acquisition of the French ports and factories on the coast, and not to extend to any part of the authority which that nation or its representatives had exer- cised in the interior. This exposition of the designs of the English was not ill calculated to conciliate the servants and retainers of Salabat Jung, who had entertained great jealousy of the power and influence attained by Bussy. In the mean time the batteries of the Eng- lish kept up a hot fire, and on the 6th April the works were so much damaged as to be deemed accessible in three places. On that day the artillery officers reported that only two days' ammunition for the batteries re- mained in store ; intelligence was also received that Salabat Jung was advancing, and that the French force which had been hovering about Rajahmundry, and which he had invited to form a junction with his army, was not far distant. It was now necessary to make a prompt decision ; and, notwithstanding great difficulties that presented themselves. Colonel Forde determined to make an attempt to carry the fort by storm. A heavy rain had greatly increased the labour of crossing the inter- vening ground, but this circumstance was regarded by Colonel "Forde as rather an ad- vantage, because it would tend to lull the suspicions of the garrison. He accordingly ordered the firing to be kept up vigorously through the next day, and all the troops to be under arms at ten at night. One part of the ground surrounding the fort was d, swamp of mud, through which the ditch had not been continued, partly on ac- count of the labour and expense of carrying it on, and partly because, from the nature of the ground, it was believed to be more difli- cult to pass than the ditch itself. It was re- ported, however, that the natives occasionally waded through the morass ; and on examina- tion it was found to be passable, though not without extreme difficulty. It waa resolved accordingly to distract the enemy's attention by a movement on this point, while the main attack was made on another, and the rajah's troops were making a demonstration on a third. The force allotted to the main attack pro- ceeded in three divisions. Two of these were composed of European troops, and were led respectively by Captain Fischer and Captain Yorke. The third, composed of sepoys, was led by Captain Maclean. The first division was discovered in passing the ditch, and while tearing up ■-• palisade which obstructed their progress, were exposed to a heavy fire of can- non and musketry. They gained the breach, however, and obtained possession of one of the bastions called the Chameleon. Here they were joined by the second division under Cap- tain Yorke. This officer, perceiving a line of the [enemy's sepoys moving along the way below the rampart, ran down, and seizing the French officer who commanded them, called upon him to order his men to lay down their arms and surrender. The demand was obeyed with little apparent reluctance. Captain Yorke now pursued his way, displaying the highest gallantry as well as the greatest gene- rosity and clemency towards the enemy. But his men showed some disposition to falter ; and at last, taking fright at what they erro- neously believed to be a mine, they all ran back. Their officers followed to reclaim them, and Captain Yorke was left alone with two drummers. Returning to the bastion, he found that some of the men were proposing to go out of the breach and quit the fort ; but Captain Yorke threatened instant death to the first who should make the attempt ; and, shame beginning to operate, a cry was raised that their commander was ill-used, and about thirty-six declared they would follow wher- ever he would lead. With these he returned, leaving the remainder to follow as soon as their officers should be able to bring them on. The interval, however, had allowed tim.e for the French to load a gun with grape-shot and point it in the direction in which the English party were advancing. It was fired when they were within a few yards of it, and the discharge did fearful execution. Some were killed, and sixteen, among which number was the gallant officer who led the party, were wounded. Captain Fischer in the mean time was advancing along the rampart with his A.D. 1759.] NEGOTIATION WITH SALABAT JUNG. 67 division of Europeans ; and the sepoys, under Captain Maclean, were gaining entrance at a place called the South Gate, which was in im- perfect repair. The two false attacks were also answering the purposes intended, although the rajah's troops were utterly unfit for any real service, and the force under Captain Knox, finding the enemy prepared, did not attempt to cross the swamp, but only fired over it. Both, however, contributed to divert the attention of the enemy and increase the alarm of M. Conflana, who is represented as having remained at his house issuing orders founded on reports brought to him there, which the arrival of the next report induced him to contradict. He at last resolved to make an offer of surrender on honourable terms. The answer of Colonel Eorde was, tbat the surrender must be at discretion, and further, that it must be immediate. M. Con- flans neither objected nor hesitated, but gave instant orders to discontinue further resist- ance. The fall of Masulipatam was unexpected, and the success of the English was, without doubt, owing to the daring spirit in which the attempt had been conceived and executed. The prisoners exceeded the number of those to whose arms they surrendered. The fort was abundantly provided with stores, and de- fended by one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon. These, with a rich booty, fell into the hands of the conquerors. The consequences of this success were imme- diately apparent. Salabat Jung was within fifteen miles of Masulipatam, but its fall in- duced him to manifest a disposition to treat ; and Colonel Forde proceeded to his camp, where he was received with marked attention. A treaty was concluded, consisting of four articles. By the first, the whole territory dependent on Masulipatam, as well as certain other districts, was granted to the English, without the reservation of fine or military ser- vice. By the second, Salabat Jung engaged that the French force, which still remained in his country, should pass the Kistna within fifteen days ; that, in future, the French should have no settlement south of that river ; that he would thenceforward retain no French troops in his service, and that he would neither render assistance to that nation, nor receive any from it. The third article gave impunity to Anunderauze for the tribute which he had levied in the French possessions, and exone- rated him from the payment of his own for one year — his future liability to make the accustomed payments being recognized, as well as the power of the Sonbahdar to enforce them, provided he neither assisted nor gave protec- tion to the enemies of the English. The fourth article restricted the English from aiding or protecting the enemies of Salabat Jung. This treaty gave to the English a territory extending about eighty miles along the coast and twenty inland. The provisions were altogether in favour of the English, and it is not probable that Salabat Jung would have granted so much had he not been under the influence of alarm from another source, in addition to the terror inspired by the capture of Masulipatam. His brother, Nizam Ali, was on terms of enmity with Bussy, whose dewan he had caused to be murdered. Clive, calculating on the influence of this prince's ill- feeling towards the French, had written to him requesting his assistance in support of Colonel Porde's expedition. The precise efieot of this communication cannot be ascei-tained, for Nizam Ali was quite ready, without any stimulus, to undertake any project that pro- mised to gratify his ambition, or promote hix interest ; but whatever might be the force of the various motives prompting him to action, Nizam Ali no sooner learned that Salabat Jung was marching against the English, than he took the field and advanced to Hyderabad, for the purpose, as he alleged, of regulating the affairs of the state — in other words, of supplanting his brother and taking possession of his throne. Salabat Jung had hoped to secure the assist- ance of part of the English force in resisting this attempt against his authority, and he sought to prevail on Colonel Forde to grant it by the lure of personal advantages. But the English commander refused, and the result was that the Soubahdar, on marching to the defence of his capital, took with him that French force which, by an express article of the treaty, he had undertaken to expel. His return dispelled the danger by which he was menaced. Nego- tiation was commenced between the brothers, and Nizam Ali withdrew ; but not without being restored to the government of Berar, from which he had been removed by the manage- ment of Bussy. This arrangement gave offence to Basalat Jung, another brother of Salabat Jung, who forthwith departed to promote his own views in the south, accompanied by the French corps which the Soubahdar, after engaging to expel, had brought to Hyderabad. This movement, and a report which obtained belief that a body of French troops had moved from Arcot, led to the despatch from Conje- veram of an English force under Major Mon- son. They marched on the 5th of July, and on the 17th appeared before Coverpauk, which was summoned to surrender, though with very slight expectation that the demand would have any effect. Greatly was the English com- mander surprised by receiving an answer, offering to surrender the place provided the garrison were permitted to retire to Arcot, the soldiers with their knapsacks, and the officers with all their effects. The offer was accepted, and the English thus easily gained possession of a place which was in a condition to have pnt them to the expense of a siege ; the time occupied from the summons to the surrender being only about an hour. This facile triumph encouraged Major Monson to proceed to Arcot, in the hope of finding the garrison under the influence of a similar spirit to that which prevailed at Coverpauk; but in P 2 68 NAVAL ENGAGEMENT. [A.D. 1769. tins he was disappointed. A determination was manifested to maintain the place, and the garrison was so much superior to their oppo- nents in artillery, that until a train could be obtained from Madras, the place could not be assailed with any prospect of success. Before this could arrive, the far greater part of the French army might reach Aroot from their cantonments, and Major Monson consequently inarched back to Conjeveram, leaving a gar- rison in Coverpauk. In April Admiral Pocock returned with his fleet from Bombay, to which place he had pro- ceeded in the month of October of the pre- ceding year, in order to avoid the north-east monsoon. A French fleet was expected from the islands, and the British admiral, in the hope of meeting it, continued to the wind- ward of Bondicberry, and chiefly at Negapa- tam. Eequiring a supply of water, which tVe Dutch authorities of the latter place refused to furnish, the admiral sailed for Trincoma- lee, in Ceylon, having a few days previously despatched the Revenge frigate in the same direction to look out for the enemy. At ten in the morning of the 2nd of September, some ships were discovered to the south-east, and soon afterwards the Revenge appeared chased by one of the strange vessels. The English squadron immediately weighed, but was unable to get within cannon-shot of the enemy before dark ; and from various circum- stances arising from winds, currents, and the weather, the fleets were kept asunder until the 10th. The French fleet was that of M. d'Ach^ considerably reinforced. It now consisted of eleven sail of the line and three frigates. The crews amounted to five thousand five hundred men, and the greatest exertions had been made to victual and prepare the fleet for sea. The labour had occupied many months, and pro- visions had been drawn not only from the French islands, but from Madagascar and other places. So great was the anxiety felt on this account, that a fleet had been despatched to procure provisions from the Cape of Good Hope, where a great quantity was purchased at a vast expense. A part of this outlay had, however, been reimbursed by the capture of an English Company's ship homeward bound from Madras. The English squadron consisted of nine ships of the line, two Company's ships, and a fire-ship. The difference between the two fleets in number of guns and men was very considerable. The action commenced soon after two o'clock in the afternoon, and con- tinued for about two hours, when the enemy's rear, and shortly after their centre, began to give way. Their van then made sail, and, with the entire squadron, bore away. They were pursued, but soon escaped beyond the reach of cannon-shot. The loss of men was supposed to be nearly equal on both sides, but the English, though the victors, appear to have sustained more damage in their ships than the enemy. None of the English ships after the engagement could set half their sails ; all the French ships except one carried their topsails. This, like some other naval engage- ments about this time, was attended by no de- cisive results. The fleets met, exchanged some broadsides, and then separated, each having sustained more or less of damage. In this instance the chief effect of the vast prepara^ tion made by the French was to inflict some degree of injury on the rigging of a few English ships. On the other hand, the French ran, and the English, therefore, must claim the victory ; but it produced nothing. The English fleet returned to Negapatam, and the French, five days after the engage- ment, arrived at Pondicherry. Here they landed one hundred and eighty troops, and a small amount of treasure in money and dia- monds, the latter having been taken in the English ship captured on the voyage to the Cape of Good Hope. D'Ach^, with that yearning for the islands which he never failed to experience when at Pondicherry, declared his intention immediately to return, — a deter- mination confirmed, if not caused, by intelli- gence of the approach of a reinforcement to the English fleet. Accordingly, on the 19th September the signal was made for weighing, and the ships loosed their topsails. These preparations excited a perfect storm of indig- nation in the settlement. The military autho- rities and principal inhabitants assembled at the house of the governor, and unanimously passed a resolution, declaring that the precipi- tate defection of the squadron could not fajl to produce the most dangerous consequences to the state, as holding out to all the country powers a shameful acknowledgment that the French had been defeated in the last engage- ment and could not sustain another, and that they utterly despaired of success on shore. Founded on this resolution a protest was imme- diately drawn, declaring M. d'Ach^ responsible for the loss of the settlement, and avowing a determination to appeal to the king for the infliction of such punishment as his conduct deserved. So great had been the speed of M. d'Ach^, that it was only by accident that he became acquainted with this formal expres- sion of the indignation of his countrymen. He was several leagues out at sea, as were all his ships but one, which had been detained from some cause after the others were under sail. To the commander of this vessel the protest was intrusted, with a charge for its immediate delivery to M. d'Aoh^. He was also fur- nished with a number of copies, one of which was to be given to every commander in the squadron. For the opinion of either the au- thorities or the inhabitants of Pondicherry, D'Aoh^ entertained little respect, when yield- ing to it was likely to place him in a position of danger ; but the threats of denouncing his conduct to the government at home made him pause. If there were danger in returning, there was also daugei*, though more remote, A.D. 1759.] UNSUCCESSFUL ATTACK ON WANDEWASH. 69 in flight. D'Aoh^ called a council of his cap- tains, after which he returned to Pondicherry, and went on shore to confer with Lally. ' Be- fore their deliberations were concluded, the English fleet appeared standing into the road in line of battle. The state of the wind gave the French the opportunity to bear down and engage if they chose, while it deprived the English admiral of this power. The French made their usual choice, and disposed their ships in such a manner as to place them be- yond the reach of the English, who kept their line throughout an entire day without exciting any other feeling in the enemy but that of satisfaction at being out of danger. D'Aoh^ yielded little to the remonstrances which as- sailed him on shore. He peremptorily adhered to his determination of retui-ning to the islands, and all that could be wrung from him was a reluctant consent to leave behind four hundred Africans who were on board his fleet, and five hundred European sailors and marines, which latter body were courteously denominated by Lally " the scum of the sea." The day of M. d'Ach^'s departure brought intelligence which in some degree relieved the gloom which hung over Pondicherry. The British Government had meditated an attack onWandewasb, the most important of the ene- my's stations between Pondicherry and Madras. Subsequently they appear to have been de- sirous of postponing this operation, but Major Brereton being most anxious to undertake it, they yielded. The garrison of Trivatore sur- rendered to this force on the first summons, and on the 28th of September the English army encamped under a ledge of rocks which extended about three miles north-west of the fort of Wandewash. The native governor had declined to admit into the fort any Euro- pean troops except a few gunners, and the French consequently took up their quarters in the town. There, on the night succeeding the 29th, Major Brereton determined to attack them. Tho troops by whom the attack was to be made were forpned into three divisions : the first, which was led- by Major Monson, succeeded in obtaining entrance, and made their way with little loss to a place where it was understood the main body of the French troops were lying ; but here they were surprised by finding no enemy, and embarrassed by not meeting with the second division of the Eng- lish force, which was under the command of Major Robert Gordon. A rocket was to be the signal for the advance of this division to the place to which Major Monson had pene- trated, and it was given as soon as they had arrived ; but Major Gordon appears to have lost all presence of mind, and after it had been determined to advance, and the party selected to lead the attack had actually gone forward, the commander of the division had disappeared. The second oflicer in rank. Cap- tain Preston, was a man of unquestionable courage ; but he, being ignorant of the reason of Major Gordon's absence, would not venture to take his place. The consequence was, that the advanced party being left unsupported, were exposed to a galling fire of musketry from the rampart, which, from their situation, they could return only at great disadvantage. This party, which was led by Lieutenant de la Douespe, gallantly stood their ground ex- pecting to be immediately joined by the main body, but in vain ; all the support they re- ceived was from two field-pieces, which opened a fire on the rampart. Major Gordon did not appear ; the African troops in his division soon took to flight; and the Europeans, disheartened by not being led on, and exposed to a fire which they could not eflfectually return, likewise fled. Still Lieutenailt de la Douespe and his brave party kept their ground — where they would probably all have perished, had not Captain Preston run forward and brought them back to the place where the officers of the division were assembled, deserted by all excepting the artillerymen, who still stood by their com- mandant. Captain Barker, and vigorously plied their guns. The fugitives made their way to the third division, which was the reserve, and was posted on a ridge in the rear. It was commanded by Major Brereton, who, on the first notice of the approach of the fugitives, rushed towards them unaccompanied, and under a strong impulse of indignation, ran the first man he met through the body. Major Brere- ton then pushed on to the two guns, which Captain Barker and his men were still working ; and thei-e being no longer any object to be gained by their perseverance, they were with- drawn to the reserve. Major Monson, ignorant of the position either of the enemy or of those from whom he expected assistance, had resolved to wait for the day. It broke, and brought upoo him the point-blank fire of fourteen of the enemy's guns from the tower and esplanade. This he could only return with the fire of two field- pieces and discharges of musketry. Such a disparity could not long be maintained ; but, unwilling to relinquish the hope of support. Major Monson sought the means ol protract- ing the contest as long as possible. Various methods of sheltering the men from the enemy's fire were tried ; but the enemy after a time, moving part of their guns, so as to attack the division in flank as well as in front, the field- pieces of the English being disabled, and the men beginning to lose courage, a retreat be- came advisable, if not inevitable. A singular illustration of the instinct of discipline marked this movement. The grenadiers of one ol the Company's battalions were to halt near the gate, but seeing it open, they marched out into the plain, quickening their pace at every step. Sensible that to call after men in such a state of feeling would only have the efiect of adding to their fear and driving them into wild and disorderly flight, Major Calliaud followed and passed them, when, stopping suddenly in front, he cried "Halt." 'i?he men obeyed the word of command, formed according to order, 70 MUTINY OF FEENCH TEOOPS. [A.B. 1769. turned, and followed the officer who had thus recalled them to duty. The retreat was sub- sequently conducted in good order. On the news of this affair reaching Pondi- cherry, Lally fired a hundred guns in honour of the great victory achieved by the French, and transmitted magnificent accounts of it to every quarter where it was likely to advance his interests. Bussy arrived at Wandewash the day after the English had left their encampment before that place ; he was proceeding with a detach- ment to join Basalat Jung. He marched to Trivatore, which surrendered to him as easily as but a short time before it had yielded to the English. Thence he advanced to Arcot, from which place he had made one day's march when his progress was stopped by the arrival of unwelcome intelligence from Wan- dewash. The pecuniary distress of the French had long been extreme. But little money had lately been issued to the troops, and that in place of provisions, which were not sup- plied with any regularity. More than a year's pay was due to the whole army. Discontent of no ordinary kind was the consequence, and the feeling was aggravated by the soldiers having generally taken up the belief that a great amount of treasure had been brought by the squadron, and that Lally had amassed and secreted much wealth. The success at Wan- dewash seemed to add strength to the sense of grievance previously existing, and the sol- diers complained openly and loudly. Their complaints were uttered with impunity ; but some men of Loraine's regiment having been subjected to punishment for other military offences, the whole regiment turned out and marched from the camp to the spot which the English had lately occupied. The officers of other regiments hearing the drums, turned out also, supposing that the camp was attacked, and this led to an apprehension on the part of the mutineers that they were about to be surrounded. To ascertain the fact, a deputa- tion was despatched, the chief of the party being the foremost man in the mutiny. His exhortations impressed those to whom he was sent with the same spirit which already per- vaded those by whom he was deputed, and they forthwith determined to imitate the ex- ample of their comrades. The officers expos- tulated, but in vain ; they were peremptorily commanded to retire. Arrangements were now made for supplying the necessities of the mu- tinous force. Parties were deputed to bring up the field-artillery, the tumbrils, oxen, tents, and baggage ; and even the market people, to the number of about two thousand, with a multitude of animals, were pressed into the service. When all was prepared, the muti- neers proceeded to the spot which they had selected for the encampment, where their first step was to elect a serjeant-major their commander-in-chief. This functionary nomi- nn,ted another Serjeant his major-general, and appointed the usual officers to the various companies. The general issued his orders, which were read to the men in the ordinary way, and every detail of duty and discipline was observed with the greatest regularity. The intelligence of this movement was communicated with all possible speed to Pon- dicherry. To allay the feeling which had led to it, Lally produced from his own chest a considerable sum, the members of the council sent their plate to the Mint, and some of the principal inhabitants followed their example. The Viscount Fumel was despatbhed to nego- tiate with the mutineers ; and having suc- ceeded in making some impression on the ma- jority, he left them to deliberate, giving them three hours for the transmission of an answer. The influence of their seijeant-general was exerted in favour of compromise ; and they resolved to return to their d«|y, on conditiou of receiving a general amnesty, six months' pay immediately, and the remainder in a month. This was agreed to ; a pardon and six months' pay were forwarded, and the troops marched back to Wandewash. The news of the discontent had extended to the force under Bussy, and its spirit was rapidly caught. To appease ■ it he was obliged at once to advance a month's pay to his men, and then to wait until a supply could be ob- tained, to place them on a level with the troops at Wandewash. The growing necessities of the French, and the fearful intimation which they had re- ceived, that their troops would not serve with- out pay, forced them to the consideration of the means of recruiting their exhausted trea- sury. In the rich and fertile island of Sering- ham, the approaching December harvest pro- mised to be unusually abundant, and the government share was estimated to be worth six hundred thousand rupees. This, in the existing situation of the French, was a tempt- ing prize ; and it was resolved to make an effort to secure it. The expedition for this purpose was intrusted to M. Crillon, and con- sisted of nine hundred Europeans, one thou- sand sepoys, and two hundred native horse. Neither the presidency, nor the commanding officer at Trichinopoly, appear to have been aware of this movement till it was too late to offer an effectual resistance. The approach of the force was only learned from the accidental discovery of an advanced party. A detach- ment, which was thereupon despatched from Trichinopoly, gained some advantage, and from the prisoners taken in this affair the first accurate information of the strength and object of the enemy was obtained. On the 20th of November, Crillon's force crossed into the island of Seringham, and encamped oppo- site the west face of the pagoda, within which were stationed three hundred sepoys, five hundred irregular troops armed with lances, and two field-pieces. An attempt was made to defend the gateway by erecting a wall across it with a single opening, in front of which was a trench, and behind a parapet for A.D. 1759.] EEDUCTION OF WANDEWASH. the field-pieces. The French, however, ad- vancing their heaviest cannon, soon beat down the wall, and disabled their field-pieces ; they then effected an entrance, though gallantly re- sisted by the sepoys. Their victory was tar- nished by a wantonness of cruelty disgraceful to a nation boasting of any degree of civil- izatioa. They not only refused quarter after resistance had ceased, but, having turned out all vrho survived the massacre, fired upon some who were departing, while their cavalry rode after others and cut them down. It is said that these acts were perpetrated by the common men without the sanction of their officers — a very insufficient excuse. If the officers disapproved of the conduct of their men, they ought to have restrained it. The loss of Seringham was in some degree counterbalanced by success in another quarter. The British force in the Carnatic had been considerably strengthened, partly by ex- changes of prisoners, and partly by the arrival from England of two hundred recruits, and a King's regiment containing its full comple- ment of one thousand men, under the com- mand of Lieutenant-Colonel Coote, who had formerly served in Bengal. He was now nominated to the command there ; but the appointment was qualified by permission for him to remain with his regiment on the coast of Coromandel, if circumstances should render it more desirable. The amount of British force at this time in India was quite dispro- portioned to- the demand for their services ; and it followed that everywhere the various authorities endeavoured to secure as large a part of it as possible for their own pro- tection. Thus Clive retained the troops which he took with him to Bengal, though aware that Madras was threatened with a siege. He knew the danger of the latter presidency ; he also knew the hazard of di- minishing his strength in Bengal ; and being naturally most anxious for the safety of those interests for which he was peculiarly re- sponsible, he was unwilling to place any part of his force in a position from which he could not recall them in case of necessity. The state of affairs in the Carnatic was now thought to warrant the exercise of the op- tion of detaining Colonel Coote and his regi- ment. Clive, however, had requested that, if Colonel Coote were detained. Major Cal- liaud' might be spared for Bengal; and that officer, with two hundred men, was accordingly despatched thither. When the presidency of Madras became aware of the movement of the expedition under M. Crillon, they determined that the whole of the British army should take the field. No plan of operations appears to have been decided on, the choice being left to Colonel Coote, who, about the time the French obtained possession of Seringham, arrived at Conjeveram, where the largest division of the army was in cantonment. The troops which had landed with Colonel Coote subsequently joined, and the best mode of employing the force thus collected was deemed to be in at- tempting to reduce Wandewash. To divert the enemy. Colonel Coote, with the main body of his army, marched to Arcot; while Major Brereton, with a strong detachment, after traversing the intermediate territory, marched on to Wandewash, and took possession of the town almost without resistance. Intelligeuoe of this success being forwarded to Colonel Coote at Arcot, he made a forced march to join Major Brereton, who in the mean time had been preparing a battery for the reduc- tion of the fort. Another was subsequently constructed, and both were opened on the 29th of November. The enemy had con- tinued to fire from the walls day and night from the time of the arrival of Major Brereton, but with so little effect that only one man in the British force had been wounded, and he but slightly. The fire of the English bat- teries, which was directed against the tower of the fort, succeeded, before noon on the day on which it was commenced, in silencing the enemy in that quarter and in making a prac- ticable breach. The fort was then summoned to surrender, but the answer was, that it would be defended to the last extremity. The fire of the English was thereupon continued, and, various parts of the defences were in suc- cession dismantled. On the following morn- ing the killadar sent officers to treat for his security in the event of his delivering up the place to the English. In the conference that ensued, Colonel Coote pledged himself to con- tinue the killadar in the fort, and in the occu- pation of the surrounding districts, as a de- pendent of the Company, if he would deliver up the French whom he had admitted ; but the promise was given on the condition of an unequivocal answer being returned by two o'clock in the afternoon. The appointed hour arrived without bringing the expected answer; but shortly afterwards the French soldiers, who seem to have reposed no great confidtenoe in their Mahometan coadjutor, appeared on the walls and offered to deliver up the fort. Colonel Coote immediately ordered a company of sepoys to advance and take possession of the gateway ; but having got there, they were told that the key was with the killadar. Against any check in this quarter, however. Colonel Coote had prepared. At the time of sending the sepoys to the gateway, he had himself advanced with another company to the breach, which was passed without oppo- sition. They were followed by others, no re- sistance being offered ; and thus Wandewash fell into the hands of the English without the loss of a single man, and at the expense of only five wounded. The killadar had signed the agreement for surrender to the English before they entered ; and it is discreditable to the British authorities that he was not ad- mitted to the advantages which had been pro- mised him. It is true, that the time fixed for receiving his answer had been in a trifling 72 LALLY SUEPEISES CONJEVEEAM. [A.D.1760. degree exceeded ; but something should have been allowed for the loose and dilatory nha raoter of Oriental diplomacy, and his evident intention of complying with the demand made on the part of the English ought to have secured to him the stipulated consideration. From Wandewash Colonel Coote marched to Garangoly, distant from the former place about thirty-five miles. He entered the town "with little difficulty on the 4th December, erected batteries and cannonaded the fort until the 10th, when his ammunition being nearly expended, he was under the necessity of send- ing for more to Chiogleput ; but before he was compelled entirely to suspend his fire, an offer of surrender on terms was unexpectedly made, and the situation of the British force induced their commander to grant almost everything that was asked. The European part of the garrison, consisting of one hundred men, were permitted to march away with their arms, two rounds of ammunition per man, six days' provisions, drums beating and colours flying. The sepoys also were set free, but without their arms. The fall of Carangoly was to have been fol- lowed by an attack upon the fort of Arcot. While Colonel Coote was on his march to Wan- dewash, Captain Wood, with a small force, had entered the city of Arcot, and without any opposition taken possession of the nabob's palace and the adjacent streets, although not half a mile from the fort. Here they re- mained several days, and compelled the French renter to furnish them with a quantity of rice at the market price. Anticipating the early arrival of Colonel Coote, they were engaged in making preparations for an attack upon the fort, when the approach of M. Bussy, re- turning from his march to join Basalat Juug, warned them to retire. ■ This movement of Bussy had produced nothing worth the labour and expense of making it. Alarmed by the approach of an English force under Captain More to watch his motions, and instigated by the advice of an influential native who was hostile alike to the two European powers, Basalat Jung not only demanded a complete recognition of his authority and the assistance of the French to maintain it, but added to these conditions of obtaining his friendship another, which, under the circumstances exist- ing, was one of the most inconvenient that could be devised. He required that Bussy should lend him four lacs of rupees ; and as the French authorities were, at that moment, in the situation of men who knew not where to turn for the means of defraying charges which could not be diminished or evaded without cei'tain ruin, it was obvious that this condition, if insisted on, must be sufficient to put an end to the negotiation. Bussy tried the effect of personal conference with Basalat Jung, but in vain, and he retired without gaining anything for the French cause but the barren form of a sunnud, enjoining all chiefs and offi- cers in Arcot to yield obedience to Lally. Their obedience was certain while Lally had the power of enforcing it ; and when he ceased to possess that power, it was equally certain that the sunnud of Basalat Jung would be of no value beyond that of the material upon which it was inscribed. With this document, the only result of his mission, Bussy returned, and having found the French force with Basalat Jung in a state of the greatest destitution, brought it away, and by the influence of his personal credit, managed to hire four hundred native horse to add to the efficiency of the force under his command. He arrived at Arcot on, the day on which Wandewash surrendered to the English. On the fall of that place, Colonel Coote advanced in the direction of Arcot, but the ravages of the French cavalry, and a body of Mahrattas, who, after being in treaty with the English, had joined the French, rendered it impracticable to obtain provisions, and the English army being without any stores, were subjected to great privation. The hardship of their situation was further aggravated by ex- cessive rains, which their tents were unable to resist, and the pressure of these circumstances forced Colonel Coote to withdraw his troops into cantonments. They were stationed in the fort of Coverpauk and the adjacent vil- The main body of the French army soon after advanced from Chingleput to Arcot. Be- sides the addition gained by the junction of Bussy, reinforcements were obtained from other quarters. Lally had become sensible that he had too far weakened his main body by detachments to the southward, and he .sought to repair the error by recalling a large portion of the troops from Seringham and from other garrisons. Colonel Coote had again brought his force into the field, having pitched his camp about midway between Coverpauk and Arcot ; and the new year found the two armies in sight of each other, but both appre- hensive of the consequences of an engagement. The French were the first to disturb the tem- porary calm, by a movement which Colonel Coote imagined to be directed against Wan- dewash. In this he was mistaken. The ob- ject of Lally was to attack Conjeveram, where lie supposed that the English had great store of rice ; and the mode in which he contrived to reach the place without exciting suspicion manifested some dexterity. For two days his progress was inexplicably slow ; on the third he amused those who observed him, by putting his troops through a variety of evolutions on a large scale, which appeared to be only intended as practice, but which had the effect of throw- ing his whole line in the direction to which his views were turned, and to place the horse in the position most favourable for his purpose. As soon as it became dark, he formed his troops into two divisions, and putting himself at the head of the first, he arrived in the morn- ing at Conjeveram. But he was disappointed of his expected prize. The English had no store of provisions there, nor indeed anywhere. A. II. 1760.] LALLY AND BUSSY. 73 It appears to have been then the common mode of conducting an Indian campaign to leave the day to provide for itself. If a supply could be obtained, it was well ; if untoward circum- stances intervened, the troops were destined to suffer hunger. The pagoda of Conjeveram contained some military stores, the loss of which would have been felt by the English : but Lally was with- out cannon to attack it ; and all that he could perform was, to wreak the effects of his dis- appointment on the inhabitants of the town, by first plundering and then setting fire to their houses. With the booty thus acquired, and two thousand bullocks, the most valuable result of this expedition, Lally joined the other division of his army, and proceeded to Triva- tore. Colonel Coote had no suspicion that the views of the French commander were directed to Conjeveram, till informed that he had ar- rived there by a communication from the British officer in command of the pagoda. It was late in the afternoon when the intelligence reached him ; but before sunset his whole force was in motion, and the colonel, advancing with the cavalry, arrived at Conjeveram, a distance of twenty-one miles, about an hour after midnight. In the morning the remainder of the army arrived, but the departure of the enemy had rendered their services unneces- sary. The attack of Wandewash, however, which Colonel Coote had supposed to be the first ob- ject of Lally's movement, was to follow his disappointment at Conjeveram. To this at- tempt Bussy was decidedly opposed. He was of opinion that to retake Wandewash in the face of the whole British force was imprac- ticable, and that, with reference to the cir- cumstances of the two armies, and especially to the superiority of the French in cavalry, a preferable course would be to keep together the regular troops and detach the Mahratta horse to lay waste the English districts. It was anticipated by Bussy that the English would either be compelled to fight at a disad- vantage or to fall back upon Madras for sup- plies ; and that, in either case, the easy reco- very of both Wandewash and Carangoly might be expected. Decency required that Lally should sometimes ask the advice of so dis- tinguished an oflleer as Bussy, but the over- weening confidence in his own talents, which never forsook him, led him on this occasion, as on many others, to distrust it. Infatuated by self-conceit, he appears to have attributed the advice of Bussy to jealousy of his own superior abilities, and of the probable fame which would flow from their uncontrolled exercise. The consciousness of his own feeling towards his able adviser might dispose him to believe in the existence of a corresponding feeling against himself Lally indeed was not envious of the abihties of Bussy, for he believed his own to be immeasurably greater ; but he was in- tensely jealous of the popularity of one whom the government had made his subordinate, but whom nature had formed his superior, and to whose qualities as a soldier and a man the homage of public respect rendered a tribute which Lally himself could not command. Lally determined to act on his own opinion, and on the 4th of January marched with a part of his force for Wandewash. The main body he left under the command of Bussy at Trivatore ; but there they did not long remain. On becoming acquainted with the departure of Lally, Colonel Coote marched and took up a position half-way between Wandewash and Chingleput, being thus within an easy distance of the former place while he secured a commu- nication with the latter, and through it with Madras. The Mahrattas had been ordered to observe the motions of the English army ; but the country was not yet quite exhausted, and while the work of plunder remained incom- plete, the Mahrattas could spare time for no other occupation. Lally was consequently ignorant of the march of Colonel Coote until the day on which he halted at the position which he had chosen, when a letter from M. Bussy announced the approach of the British army. The headstrong passions of Lally readily led him to doubt of that which he did not wish to be true, and it was with hesitation and diffi- culty that he yielded credit to Bussy's report. He at first ordered only a part of the force to advance from Trivatore, but the unwelcome news of the movement of the British army being confirmed from other sources, he gave permission to Bussy to exercise his own dis- cretion with regard to the remainder. Bussy immediately marched for Wandewash with his whole force. Colonel Coote had resolved not to advance upon the enemy till they were ready to assault, and then to make his choice according to cir- cumstances, to attack either the troops engaged against the fort or the army on the plain which covered them. The sagacity of Bussy penetrated the intention of the English com- mander, and he once more cast away some good counsel in urging Lally to suspend the siege, and keep his whole force concentrated till his opponents either ventui'ed on an en- gagement or withdrew. Various motives co- operated to insure the rejection of this advice — it came from a man whom Lally hated, it impugned his judgment, and it pointed to a, course which was tantamount to an acknow- ledgment of partial failure. All the predomi- nating feelings of Lally's mind rebelled against it, and he determined to persevere in the siege at all hazards. On the first arrival of Lally at Wandewash he had attacked the town with all his inlantry in two divisions. They were received by a sharp fire from the troops in the town, and some mistakes being committed, confusion re- sulted. The prosecution of the attack was thereupon deferred to the following day, when the French were observed advancing in a single column against the south side of the town with two field-pieces at their head. This 74 BATTLE OF WANDEWASH. [A.D. 1760. attempt was near ending in the same manner as that of the preceding day. The fire to which the colnnm was exposed brought the front " to a halt without orders," and but for the timely interposition of their general would have pro- duced something worse. Lally, resembling his predecessor Dupleix in many respects, differed from him in this — that he possessed personal courage. On observing the panic which threatened to frustrate his hopes of suc- cess, he rode to the head of the column, dis- mounted, called for volunteers, and running forward, was himself the first to enter the town. His example produced the intended effect upon those who before were on the point of shrink- ing. The whole column immediately poured in after him, and the troops who defended the town retired into the fort, where they arrived without loss. The French immediately began to intrench the openings of the streets facing the fort, and to raise !i battery against the tower which Colonel Coote had breached, and nearly on the ground which he had occupied for the purpose. The cannon had to be brought from a distance, and it was not till the morn- ing of the 20th January that the battery was ready to open. It was then vigorously worked, and by night had produced some effect. In- telligence of this being conveyed to Colonel Coote, he advanced the next day with his cavalry to reconnoitre, and then receiving a message from Captain Sherlock, who defended the fort, informing bim that the main rampart was breached, he retired a short distance, and gave orders to the main body of his army to advance. They joined during the night, and at sunrise Colonel Coote advanced with two troops of European horse, one thousand native horse, and two companies of sepoys, leaving orders for the main body to follow. The march ot the British force was interrupted by the French cavalry and by the Mahrattas, who having recently returned from a plundering expedition, were assembled in great numbers ; but these annoyances were repelled, and the English drew up in order of battle upon an open plain in sight of the French camp. Within that camp no motion was perceived, and Colonel Coote advancing with some of his officers to reconnoitre, was suffered to approach and re- turn without interruption. Equal inactivity appeared to prevail among those engaged in the attack upon Wandewash, for no firing was heard. On the return of Colonel Coote, he gave orders for the army to move towards the south side of the mountain of Wandewash, and in the direction of the fort. AiTiving at some stony ground which protected them from the attacks of the cavalry, the British infantiy ag.ain drew up in order of battle opposite to the French camp, and halted for some time in this position. The Mahrattas were spread round the foot of the mountain, but none of them ventured to approach, and some of the French cavalry who came out to reconnoitre were speedily driven back by the fire of two guns. No other notice was taken of the Bri- tish force, and its commander proceeded to complete the masterly operation which he had meditated, by moving round the moun- tain till he had placed his army in a position which secured a free communication with the fort, while at the same time one of his flaoks was protected by its fire, and the other by a tract of impassable ground : this position also gave him the opportunity of attacking at his pleasure the batteries of the enemy, their trenches, or their camp, and the latter either on the Sank or in the rear. Lally now per- ceived that he had given an important advan- tage to the English, and he lost no time in endeavouring to retrieve the error. He formed his troops in order of battle with all practi- cable expedition, and Colonel Coote, halting line, prepared in like manner for the conflict. Before the two armies were within cannon- shot of each other, Lally put himself at the head of his European cavalry, three hundred in number, and taking a large sweep on the plain, came down upon the cavahy of the Eng- lish. The greater part of this body were native horse, and they, it is said, pretending to wheel in order to meet the enemy, pur- posely threw themselves into confusion. As soon as this was effected, some went off, and the rest followed after no long interval, leaving the charge of the French to be sustained by the Europeans, of whom there were only eighty. But they were ably supported by two guns under the management of Captain Barker, who, watching the movements of the enemy and directing his own accordingly, was enabled to receive them with a point blank fire just as they were in the act of riding on to the English. In less than a minute they were thrown into confusion, and turning their horses galloped back to the French camp, Lally being the last man to retire. During this attack the French line had been cannonading the English, but in consequence of the distance, without effect. The English abstained from answering with their guns till they had advanced sufficiently near, when it being obvious that their artillery was much better managed than that of the enemy, they halted to preserve the advantage. Their fire severely galled the French infantry, who sus- tained it with much impatience till Lally re- turned from his unsuccessful charge of ca- valry, when his own impetuosity concurring with the feeling of his men, he gave orders to advance. The battle now became general. After the discharge of some volleys of mus- ketry, the regiment ot Loraine termed in a column twelve in front and prepared to charge the regiment of Colonel Coote. They went forward almost at a run, and at about fifty yards' distance received the fire of those against whom they were advancing. It struck down many, but did not stop their progress, which was so impetuous as to beat down those immediately opposed to it. In a moment A.D. 1760.] EECOVEEY OF ARGOT. 75 the troops of the two nations were, indiscri- minately mingled in deadly conflict with the bayonet, and in another their feet were en- circled by the dead and the dying. The regi- ment of Loraine had hitherto manifested a high degree of daring perseverance, but the feeling which had thus far supported now for- sook them — they fell back and ran in disorder to regai'i the camp. An accident contributed to increase the alarm caused by the repulse of Loraine's regiment. A shot from one of the English guns struck a tumbril loaded with powder, which was placed in a tank to the left of Lally's regiment, and about eighty men were killed or wounded by the explosion. All who were near and uninjured fled to the cimp, and four hundred sepoys at some dis- tance, who were in no danger, took the same course. Major Brereton immediately ad- vanced to take possession of the tank before the enemy had time to recover from their con- fusion. Bussy, however, bad succeeded in rallying a few of the fugitives, who were again posted in the tank with some additional force. Major Brereton and his men advanced at a rapid pace, suffering little from the enemy till they came close to the tank, which they forth- with assaulted and carried under a heavy fire which did great execution. Among its vic- tims was the gallant leader of the party, Major Brereton. Some of his men on seeing him fall, rushing to render him assistance, he bade them not think of him but follow on to victory. Victory was with them. He who had led them to it lived not to participate in the triumph, but his last breath was employed in the service of his country, and his conduct in death formed a worthy close to an honour- able life. The troops despatched against the tank being more than were deemed necessary to maintain the post, part of them formed with- out, to counteract any attempt that might be made to regain it. Between them and tally's regiment the fight continued to be maintained by a brisk fire of musketry; but two field- pieces being brought to bear on the Sank of the French, their line began to give way. At this juncture Bussy sought to avert impending defeat by leading to a charge ; but his horse being struck by a hall, he was forced to dis- mount, when he had the mortification of find- ing that he was followed by about twenty men only. The rest had shrunk from the danger ; and Bussy and his more adventurous followers were surrounded by an English party and made prisoners. The success of Colonel Coote against Lo- raine's regiment, and that of Major Brereton against Lally, decided the fortune of the day. The French troops in other parts of the field now retreated, and the British entered the enemy's camp without opposition ; they also obtained possession of twenty-four pieces of can- non, a large quantity of amnmnition, and such stores and baggage as had not been burned by Lally on his retreat. The loss of the English in killed and wounded was about two hun- dred ; that of the enemy was computed to amount to six hundred. After the cannon- ading, the action was maintained entirely by the European troops on both sides. Of these, the strength of the French was two thousand two hundred and fifty; that of the English nineteen hundred. Examples of courage were not wanting on either side. In numerical strength the French had the advantage ; the superiority of generalship was on the side of the English — and it triumphed. The native officers in the service of the English who had been spectators of the conflict, after compli- menting Colonel Coote on the victory which he had achieved, thanked him for the oppor- tunity of viewing such a battle as they had never before seen. A vague report of the battle and its result reached Madras by sunrise the next morning. At noon it was confirmed by the arrival of a note from Colonel Coote, written on the field with a pencil. Further accounts followed ; and at last eye-witnesses, capable of detailing the most minute particulars of the victory. The joy diffused by the intelligence was un- bounded. The French after their defeat marched to Chingleput, and from thence to Gingee. The English followed them to the former place, against which they erected a battery, and can- nonaded until a breach nearly practicable was made. The commandant then saved them further labour, by surrendering at discretion. Pursuing his career of success. Colonel Coote proceeded to Arcot. The fort sustained a battery for several days ; but on the 10th February the English took possession of it, and the capital of the Nabob was thus once more wrested from the French. It was be- lieved that the fort might have held out some days longer, had not the commandant and garrison abandoned themselves to despair. At one period of the siege the English had com- pletely exhausted their shot, and Colonel Coote sent a message to the commandant for no other purpose but to gain time to pick up what the enemy had fired. When the fort surrendered, the English stock of ammunition was so low, that on the following day the batteries must have ceased till a supply could have been obtained. Arcot, though the chief, was far from being the only prize which fell to the English arms ; many places of minor importance were in rapid succession added to the lists of their con- quests, while others were silently abandoned by the French. Among those thus captured or deserted were Trinomaly, Permacoil, Alam- parvah, and Devi-cottah. The possession of Karical was regarded as very important, on account of its value as a naval station, as well as because it afforded ready access to Tanjore. An expedition was fitted out against it, which, as the event proved, was almost ludicrously disproportioned to the resistance offered. This, however, was an error little to be re- 76 CAPTURE OF VILLENOEE. [a.d. 1760. gretted. The object sought was attained ; the extent to which resistaoce would be carried could not precisely be estimated ; and failure would have cast a shade upon the course of the English arms, detracted from the confidence engendered by recent suc- cesses, and renewed the hopes of the enemy. The forts of Villapove, Soolabgur, Tricalore, Trivelanore, Valdore, Chilambarum, and Cud- dalore, subsequently came into the possession of the English. These successes contributed greatly to ag- gravate the discontent and dissensions pre- vailing in Pondicherry. Lally, on arriving there after the battle of Wandewash, had been received with a torrent of invective and abuse. Accusations the most absurd and un- just were heaped on him. It was not merely of rashness, arrogance, and presumption that he was accused — ^to such imputations his con- duct was abundantly open, — but he was charged with cowardice and treason, and his return to Pondicherry was said to be a step in the execution of a design which he enter- tained to betray the city and its inhabitants. Every fresh instance of the success of the English exasperated the enmity which pre- vailed against Lally — every failure was attri- buted to him, whether it happened under his management or not. Lally, on his part, made no attempt to conciliate those who were op- posed to him : on the contrary, he treated them with haughty defiance, and answered the charges brought against him by counter- charges of corruption and misconduct on the part of his enemies, But these ebullitions of rancour within Pondicherry would not repel the English from its gates, to which they were fast approaching, having shut up the French within a very circumscribed space, where, if able to maintain their ground, they were in imminent danger of perishing by famine. It was necessary, therefore, to take some measures for relief, and it was necessary that they should be taken without delay. Lally had always manifested a profound contempt for the natives of India, yet he now consented to avail himself of native aid. Through the agency of a Portuguese bishop, he succeeded in concluding a treaty with Hyder Ali, an adventurer who had raised himself to high station in the government of Mysore, for the services of a body of troops from that country. The immediate price to be paid for this assistance consisted of the forts of Thiagur and Elvanasore, one hundred thousand rupees per month for the service of the army, ten eighteen-pounders as a present to the general, and all the artillery and military stores in the two forts, as well as a supply of ammunition while serving for the French. There was also a prospective arrangement, relating to schemes of conquest to be realized when the English were expelled from the Car- natic. The negotiation was conducted with great secrecy, and the English authorities were not aware of it till a few days before the arrival of the first division of the Mysorean troops. When the danger was known, prepa- ration was made to repel it ; but a force under Major More, despatched to act against the Mysoreans, was met by their whole body near Trivadi, and totally routed. Colonel Coote was at this time engaged in besieging the fort of ViUenore. Batteries had been erected and were in operation, when the French army, with the whole of the Mysorean force, appeared in sight. A detachment was sent to check the advanced parties while the line got under arms, and another to maintain the villages in the vicinity of the batteries, which by this time had beaten down the para- pet and silenced the fire from the fort. These efiects, followed by the advance of a few sepoys, so discouraged the officer in command, that at this critical moment he most unex- pectedly held out a flag of truce, and opened his gates to the English. The astonishment of the French may be conceived, when tbey saw their own colours suddenly hauled down to make way for those of the English, and found the guns on the rampart turned upon themselves and their Mysorean allies. The effect was to paralyze their entire force. All the lines stopped at once and without orders, as though stricken simultaneously by some sudden visitation which deprived them of the power of motion. Lally, when sufficiently recovered from the astounding effect of this surprise, gave orders to retreat. Had the sur- render of the fort been delayed a few minutes, its fate would have been determined by the result of a general engagement. For some time after the capture of "Villenore, the war in the Carnatic presents little de- serving of notice, except the departure of the Mysoreans, in consequence partly of the in- different prospects of their French allies, but principally because the situation of Hyder Ali at home required all the force that he could command. In September, Lally made an at- tack upon the English camp, which was planned with considerable skill, and to a cer- tain extent well executed ; but a mistake occurred in the disposition of one of the divi- sions engaged in it, and the attempt produced nothing but an accession of bitter feeling between Lally and his associates in arms. Lally attributed intentional misconduct to the commander of the division in which the failure occurred, and alleged that he was actuated by envy of the glory which was about to encircle the brows of him by whose genius the attack was suggested, and under whose auspices it was advancing to a successful issue. The French officers and authorities at this time seem to have been remarkably liberal in giving to each other credit for the possession of every evil and contemptible quality. The officers in the English army kept them- selves free from the scandal attached to the open and disgraceful quarrels of the French ; but they were not without causes of disunion and discontent. Some ships recently arrived A.D. 1760.] SIEGE OF PONDICHEREY. 77 from England had brought reinforcements, which were highly acceptable ; but they also brought commissions from the Crown appoint- ing Majors Brereton and Monson lieutenant- colonels, with priority over Colonel Coote. These officers were not to assume the advan- tages of their seniority while Colonel Coote remained in the Caruatic ; but Major Monson (the only survivor. Major Brereton having fallen at Wandewash) seemed disp6sed to yield as little as possible of the dignity of his new rank. Instead of offering to serve under his present commander, he proposed to retire to Madras ; but Colonel Coote determined to remove the difficulty by withdrawing to the command in Bengal, to which he had been originally appointed. He accordingly deli- vered over the command to Monson, and pro- ceeding to Madras, demanded permission for himself and his regiment to depart for Bengal. The presidency demurred, and Colonel Mon- son declared that if the regiment were with- drawn, the hope of reducing Pondicherry must be abandoned. Coote then consented to leave his regiment, and to proceed to Bengal without it. Between Coote and Monson some difference of opinion had existed as to the mode of carrying on operations against Pon- dicherry. Before the arrival of the new com- missions, Coote had ordered a force to march and invest the fort of Arianoopang; but Mon- son did not approve of the movement, and Coote, who appears to have surrendered his own judgment with great facility to that of his secondin command, countermanded the order for the march of the detachment. Monson had in view another operation, which his acquisition of the command enabled him to carry into effect. Pondicherry was surrounded by a hedge of trees and thorns, and this natural defence was strengthened by four redoubts. Against these, and a French post at Oulgarry, the attack was directed. It was in some re- spects ill conducted. Some mistakes hap- pened ; one of them, through the disappear- ance, at the moment when most wanted, of Major Robert Gordon, the same officer whose inexplicable absence had occasioned so much mischief at Wandewash ; but the French abandoned three of the redoubts and several pieces of cannon. This measure of success was not obtained without severe loss on the part of the English. Among the wounded was Colonel Monfeon, and the chief command consequently devolved on Major Gordon, whose incompetence within a few hours after- wards exposed the main body of his army to a night attack, which was disappointed of suc- cess only by the desperate valour of those by whom the English posts were defended. Happily the command was soon transferred to abler hands. Colonel Coote had not yet left Madras, and Colonel Monson, whose wound was so severe as to render it certain that for a considerable time he would be in- capacitated for service, strenuously requested that his_ predecessor would resume the com- mand. The presidency seconded the request with equal earnestness, and Colonel Coote complied. His military talents were forth- with exercised with the same perseverance and success which had distinguished his former command. In the mean time the prospects of Lally and the inhabitants of Pondicherry were con- stantly becoming more gloomy. The troops within were insufficient to the defence of the place ; but famine was threatening to assail them, and the absence of a large part of the French force at a distance was actually re- garded as an advantage, on account of the difficulty which would have been found in sub- sisting them in Pondicherry, No forage being procurable, the few cavalry that re- mained were sent away, although their de- parture further dimiaished the strength on which the town rested for defence, and both horses and men were likely to be taken by the English. Distress at length attained that stage when man regards his competitor for bread as an incumbrance from which he must deliver himself, whatever the means. On the 27th December an unwilling train passed out of the town, forced from their homes by the arm of power. They were the native inhabi- tants of both sexes and of every age. With the exception of a few domestic servants, whose labours ministered to the comfort of the richer and more powerful Europeans, all were expelled. Their number was fourteen hundred, and when the gates of the town closed upon the last, not one of the number knew whither to turn his steps for succour or even for safety. To escape death from famine was to meet it from the sword. The un- happy fugitives wandered in families and com- panies to various poifits, but everywhere the challenge of the English sepoy warned them back. They returned to the gates which had voided them forth, and implored to be ad- mitted to the privilege of sharing the common lot of those ahiong whom they had lived — but in vain. The energy of despair prompting some to attempt to force their way, they were met and di.smissed from suffering by dis- charges of musketry and of the cannon of the fort. Through eight days these miserable outcasts continued t» traverse the space within which they were circumscribed, repeating their importunities at the gates of the town for admittance, and at the English posts for permission to pass, and finding their petitions rejected alike by friends and foes. Daring this time the scantily spread roots of grass afforded their only means of subsistence. Their enemies at last yielded to the feeling of pity, which seemed lost among those on whom the sufferers had the strongest claim. The English commander allowed them to pass ; and though they had neither home nor friend in prospect, their joy on being delivered from the lingering death by which they were threatened was unbounded. Thanks were tendered for this act of indulgence, and bless- 78 SURRENDEB OF PONDICHEERY. [a.d. 1760. ings bestowed on those by whom it was granted, with a warmth which bore witness to the horror with which these wretched people regarded the situation from which they had escaped. It is creditable to the character of Mahomet Ali, who had re- cently arrived in the British camp, that he concurred in the act of mercy extended to the fugitives. On the 8th of December four batteries were completed, and at midnight they opened against the town. They continued to fire at intervals during several days, but with little effect beyond harassing the garrison, who, suffering greatly from want of provisions, were little able to endure fatigue. From the time of the expulsion of the native inhabitants, the soldiers had been put on famine allowance. A general search for provisions had on one occasion been made ; a second, which was threatened, was averted by the interposition of the superior of the Jesuits, who, it is said, " knew all the secrets of the town," and who promised, if the search were relinquished, to produce provisions for fifteen days, beyond which he could give no further hope. On the 30th of December the English suffered severely from a dreadful storm. The sea broke over the beach, and overflowed the country, carry- ing away the batteries and redoubts. Their tents were destroyed and their ammunition rendered useless, while the soldiers, in many instances, abandoned their muskets in their anxiety for personal safety. Many of the native retainers of the camp perished. The destructive effects of the storm were not un- observed in Pondicherry, and had it been pos- sible to move artillery through the wide-spread waters, a sally would have been made, which probably would have been but feebly opposed. Orme says that three hundred men properly armed would not, for three hours after day- light, have met with a hundred together in a condition to resist them. The squadron which was stationed to prevent the introduction of provisions into Pondicherry by sea felt the effects of the storm. Several ships were stranded, and most of the remaining ones con- siderably damaged. The repairs of the latter were, however, carried on with great celerity, and within a week Poadicherry was again blockaded by an English fleet. Similar dili- gence was employed in restoring the works and stations of the army. On the 5th of January an attempt was m^de to supply part of the loss which had been sustained, by an attack upon a redoubt which still remained in the possession of the enemy, and the command of which, if gained, would more effectually im- pede the access of supplies to the town than the posts which had been destroyed. Pos- session was gained by stratagem, and the English applied themselves to making some necessary additions to the works ; but on the following morning the post was vigor- ously attacked by a party from the garrison, and after a very indifferent defence, the oificer in command and the greater part of his men surrendered themselves prisoners. This affair would scarcely deserve notice, did not its con- clusion mark the distress which prevailed in Pondicherry. Lally sent back all the prisoners to the English camp under a promise not to serve again — the French being unable to spare food to keep them alive. On the 12th of January the English began to open trenches. Nearly fourteeii hundred men were employed in this work, which was conducted with extraordinary rapidity and great caution. One battery had been at work since the 10th ; others were in preparation, when a flag of truce announced the approach of a deputation. They came on foot, having neither horses nor palanquin-bearers. They bore a gasconading memorial from Lally, re- proaching the English with breach of faith iii the capture of Chandernagore and other pro- ceedings, which conduct on the part of the Enghsh, it was represented, put it out of the French general's power to propose any capitu- lation for the city of Pondicherry. Never- theless, he and his troops, reduced to extre- mity by want of provisions, were ready to surrender themselves prisoners of war — the English to take possession of the town on the following morning, and of the fort the day after. For the citizens and religious profes- sors he claimed a cartel, and for the mother and sisters of Rajah Sahib permission to seek an asylum wherever they should think proper, or at least that they should remain prisoners with the English, and " not," said the memo- rialist, " be delivered over to the hands of Mahomet Ali, still tinged with the blood of the father and husband which he shed, to the shame indeed of those who delivered up Ohunda Sahib to him, but to the shame like- wise of the commander of the Enghsh army, who ought not to have suffered such a bar- barity to have been committed within his camp." On the part of the governor and council of Pondicherry another memorial was presented, claiming personal freedom for the inhabitants, security for their property, and protection to the Roman Catholic religion. Colonel Coote gave a short answer to Lally, declining to enter into discussion on the breaches of faith charged against the English, and accepting the offer of surrender at dis- cretion. Accordingly, on the following morn- ing the English were admitted to possession of the town ; and as some tumult was appre- hended, the citadel was delivered up on the evening of the same day. When the authority of Lally was at an end, those who had been subjected to it gave un- restrained vent to their feelings of dislike. A crowd assembled to witness his departure for Madras. On his appearance they raised a general shout of derisive execration, and would probably have proceeded to violence, had they not been prevented by the escort. The shout was renewed on the appearance of Dubois, the king's commissary, who stopped A.D. 1761.] ANNIHILATION OF FRENCH POWER. 79 and said he was ready to answer any one. One of the crowd stepped forward and drew his sword. Dubois did the same — he was a man advanced in years, and labouring under the infirmity of defective sight ; the second pass laid him dead at his antagonist's feet. No one would assist his servant to remove the body; and the man who had taken his life was regarded as having performed a merito- rious act. On the fourth day after the surrender, Mr. Pigot, the governor of Madras, demanded that Pondicherry should be delivered over to the presidency, as having become the property of the East-India Company. Colonel Coote called a council, consisting of the chief officers both of the army and the fleet, and they decided against the claim made by the governor of Madras. The contest might have occupied considerable time, had it not been cut short by a declaration from Mr. Pigot, that if Pon- dicherry were not delivered up, the presidency of Madras would not furnish money for the subsistence either of the king'e troops or of the French prisoners. This stopped all further argument, and the authority of the presidency was admitted, under protest. When Fort St. David fell into the hands of the French, its fortifications had been de- stroyed. The court of France had indeed in- structed Lally to destroy all the maritime possessions of the English which might fall into his hands. The Court of Directors of | the English East-India Company had, in re- taliation, ordered their governments to resort to similar measures in the case of conquests made from the French. In consequence of these orders, the fortifications of Pondicherry were demolished ; and with a view further to embarrass any attempt that might be made by the French to re-establish themselves in India, all the buildings within the works were subsequently destroyed. From the time when Pondicherry fell, the French power in the Carnatic was virtually at an end. Gingee still remained in their pos- session, as did also Thiagur, which had been restored bytheMysoreans on tb'eir departure : but the former yielded to a force under Cap- tain Stephen Smith ; and the latter, after sustaining sixty-five days of blockade and bombardment, capitulated to Major Preston. Mafa^, and its dependencies on the coast of Malabar, also surrendered ; and early in the year 1761 the French had neither any regular military force in any part of India, nor any local possessions, except their factories of Cali- cut and Surat, which were merely trading establishments. In that spirit of universal conquest by which they had long been ani- mated, the French had sought to establish a commanding empire in India — vast efforts had been made to effect this object — and after a series of wars, occupying many years, nothing remained to them but the recollection of defeat. CHAPTER VI. EMPEBOE OOHTIEIIS MEER JAPFIBE IN GOVBENKENT OP BBNOAL — HOSTILITIES WTTH THB DUTCH — THBIE DEFEAT BT COLONEL POEDE — DEPOSAL OP MEBE JAPPIEE, AND ELEVATION OP MEBB COaSIM — EMPEEOE DEFEATED BT MAJOE CAENAO ABOLITION OP INLAND DUTIES — MBER JAPPIEE EESTOEED — MASSAOEE OP EUROPEANS AT PATNA — BATTLE OP BUXAE — LORD CLIVE GOVERNOR OP BENGAL — MUTINY OP SIE EOBERT PLETCHEE AND OTHER OPPIOEES — CLIVE POUNDS THB MILITARY POND — RETURNS TO ENGLAND — HIS CHAEACTER. The revolution which placed Meer Jaffier on the throne of Bengal was followed by the usual attendants upon a new and unsettled government — discontent, disturbance, and alarm. A very short time had elapsed when three distinct rebellions were raised in different parts of the country ; while Roydooloob, who had been one of the most valuable of Meer Jaffier's friends, and was now one of the most powerful of his dependents, became alienated from his master ; and to add to the difficulties of the new sovereign, an invasion of his do- minions was threatened from Ojude. The aid of Clive was indispensable to extricate Meer Jaffier from his difficulties ; but coldness, if not positive dislike, was engendered between them, by the reluctance of the new sovereign to fulfil the pecuniary stipulations to which he had bound himself. Clive, however, applied himself vigorously to remove the difficulties which surrounded Meer Jaffier, and to procure the discharge of the English claims. His en- deavours were not without success. He allayed the intestine commotions by which the new government was threatened, obtained p.iyment of part of the sums due to the English, and security for the rest ; and finally accompanied Meer Jaffier to Patna, with a view to overawe foreign enemies by the exhibition of a power- ful force on the frontier, and by the same means to facilitate the attainment of that which was an object of strong desire as well as of high importance both to the sovereign of Bengal and his English protectors — a sunnud from Delhi confirming Meer Jaffier in the authority which the English had conferred upon him. Soon after his return to Calcutta a despatch was received from England, directing the es- tablishment of a new system of administering the government of Bengal. By a despatch 80 DIFFICULTIES OF MEER JAFFIER. [ad. 1758. dated some months earlier, but which arrived only at the same time with that by which its provisions were superseded, a committee of five had been appointed, in which Clive, if in Bengal, was to preside. , By the later arrange- ment, a council of ten was nominated. The office of president was to be held by the four senior members in rotation, each for three months ; but Clive was altogether passed over. The members of the new council were, how- ever, unanimously of opinion that the state of affairs required that the office of president should be permanently held by some one per- son, and they were equally unanimous in judging that Clive should be the person se- lected. In compliance with these views they requested him to undertake the office. He was at first disposed to decline, but finally yielded to the urgent representations of per- sons of all ranks and parties in Bengal entreat- ing him, by his regard to the public interest, not to refuse his services at so critical a period. He was greatly ofiended by the apparent neg- lect of the Court of Directors, and had they manifested an intentional disregard of bis ser- vices, his anger would not have been without cause ; but the probability is, that they be- lieved him to be no longer in Bengal. In naming him president under the previous ar- rangement, the contingency of his departure from that part of India was i-eferred to and provided for. From his own letters the Court had reason to conclude that he had returned to Madras, and though they were aware of the capture of Calcutta, they were ignorant of the subsequent proceedings against Sooraj-oo-Dow- lah, of the battle of Plassy and its consequences. The wisdom of the arrangement which restricted the exercise of the authority of president of council to so short a period as three months may fairly be questioned, but there is not the slightest reason for believing that any inten- tion existed of offering violence to the feelings of Clive, or casting his merits into the shade. The absence of any such intention is indeed placed beyond doubt by the fact that, three months before the council invited Clive to ac- cept the office of president, he had been ap- pointed to it by the Court of Directors on their becoming aware of his protracted residence in Bengal, and of the new claims which he had established to the confidence of his employers. It was shortly after Clive, in compliance with the unanimous request of his associates, had undertaken the office of president, that the expedition under Colonel Forde was despatched to the Northern Circars. The progress of that expedition, and its brilliant result, the capture of Masulipatam, have already been related. The court of Meer Jaffier in the mean time continued to be a scene of intrigues, in which the sovereign and his son Meerun were no less active than their inferiors. A detail of them would possess little of either instruction or in- terest : they may therefore be passed over among the countless number of similar emana- tions of a tortuous and vicious policy, which, if it were only for the sake of a reasonable brevity, the historian of India must dismiss without notice. But a new danger menaced the throne of Meer Jaffier, in a threatened in- vasion of Behar by the Shazada or eldest son of the Emperor of Delhi. He had fled from the capital of his father, and having by the in- fluence of his rank collected a body of military followers, was instigated by the Soubahdar of Oude, and, as it was believed, by the governor of Behar, to march against the dominions of Meer Jaffier. The chief promoter of the move- ment was probably Law, who was unwearied in submitting to the ruler of Oude representa- tions of the unsettled state of Bengal, of the encouragement thus afforded to an invasion of that country, and of the certainty of a large French force soon arriving there. Meer Jaffier was not in a condition to regard this accession to his troubles with calmness. His troops were in a state of mutiny, and refused to march unless their aiTears were paid. From Clive he had long been in a state of considerable es- trangement ; but on this, as on every occasion of difficulty, he turned to him for assistance and protection. Indeed it appears that not only the prince, but all classes of his subjects, including even the mutinous troops, looked to Clive, and to Clive alone, to extricate them from the embarrassments and .dangers which surrounded and hung over them. His coun- tenance and support were at the same time sought by the Shazada, and he was assured that the prince "had thoughts of doing great things through his counsel and in conjunction with him." Clive apprehending that a know- ledge of these overtures might alarm Meer Jaffier, was careful to send him copies of all the letters. Meer Jaffier was so much alarmed by the advance of the Shazada, that he had seriously contemplated the expediency of purchasing his retreat. Clive expressed little apprehension of the result, but urged the necessity of a mili- tary force advancing in the direction in which the descent was threatened. Putting himself at the head of 'about four hundred and fifty Europeans, and two thousand five hundred sepoys, he avowed his belief that he should be able to " give a good account of the Shazada, though his army were said to be thirty thou- sand strong." The invading army were besieg- ing Patna. Itwas well defended by the governor of the province, who nevertheless was calcu- lating the chances of success on both sides, in order to determine to which he should finally attach himself. The advance of Clive decided the question. The governor redoubled his ex- ertions : the enemy was driven back after gaining possession of some of the bastions, and the repulse was followed by the Shazada ab- ruptly breaking up his camp and retreating with great precipitation. This step was oc- casioned partly by the approach of dive's advanced guard, and partly by the sovereign of Oude having seized Allahabad, the capital of Mahomed Kooli, a prince engaged in assist- A.D. 1769.] INTRIGUES OF THE DUTCH. 81 ing the shazada. Tlie fugitives hastened to cross the river which divides the territories of Bengal from Oude ; but the latter country afforded no asylum to the shazada, its ruler, by. whom the invasion of Behar had been en- couraged, being now the avowed enemy of those who made the attempt. From his father the wandering prince had nothing to- hope. The emperor was kept in a state of pupilage by an ambitious and powerful minister ; and it was to escape a similar state of thraldont that the shazada had fled the court. Not knowing whither to turn, the prince sought the pro- tection of the British Government ; but the emperor, or his minister acting in his name, had despatched an edict to Meer Jaffier, en- joining him as his vassal to seize and secure the person of his rebellious son. The empire of Delhi was fast approaching to its close ; but public opinion still attached high respect to its authority, and it was not desirable to embroil either the English or their native ally with a power which claimed supremacy throughout India, and which, though weak in actual re- sources, was strong in the recollections of ancient grandeur. Olive thereupon felt com- pelled to decline complying with the wish of the prince, but he sent him a sum of money, equal to about a thousand pounds, to enable him to make his escape. The' results of this invasion were fortunate both to Meer Jaffier and to Olive. The sha- zada had previously borne the title (for this was all that he ever possessed) of soubahdar of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. His disobe- dience to the reputed authority of his father led to the transfer of the titular distinction of soubahdar to the emperor's second son, Meer Jaffier being named as his lieutenant, with a perfect understanding that he should retain the substantial power, of which he was al- ready in possession. Olive, at the solicitation of Meer Jaffier, was made an omrah of the empire — an honour which he accepted without appearing to consider how far he was justified in receiving it without the permission of his own sovereign, or whether the authority which he thereby gave to the emperor to de- mand his military service might not at some time interfere with his duty to the East-India Oompany, or his natural allegiance to the crown of Great Britain. A more substantial reward of Olive's services followed. To sus- tain the honour conferred by his feudal supe- rior, Meer Jaffier bestowed on the fortunate captain who had raised him to a throne, and kept him there, a jaghire or estate. It was the quit-rent of certain lands which had been granted to the East-India Oompany, and was alleged to be worth thirty thousand pounds per annum. Olive accepted this mark of favour with as little hesitation as the former. He had indeed manifested some feeling of disappointment at its delay, and had taken occasion to remind Meer Jaffier that a compe- tent jaghire was a convenient and almost indis- pensable appendage to the dignity of an omrah. It has already been Been that the course of events in India, at this period, was not marked by any pedantic adherence to the principles of international law. A fresh in- stance is about to be adduced of the looseness with which the political relations of Europe operated in the East. The Dutch, in com- mon with their European neighbours, had suffered from the exactions of Sooraj-oo- Dowlah. On this account they were not dis- pleased with his downfall ; but either from jealousy of the power by which it had been effected, or from some other cause, they were slow in acknowledging the authority of his successor. This gave great offence to Meer Jaffier, and on his being suffered to pass their settlement of Chinsura without the usual com- pliment of a salute, he stopped their trade. The Dutch, always bumble when humility could promote their commercial interests, made a submissive apology, and were there- upon admitted to the advantages which they had previously enjoyed. They were now as assiduous in cultivating the favour of the prince as before they had been negligent in offering him even ordinary marks of respect. Meer Jaffier had begun to be weary of his English patrons, and was not indisposed to shake them off. The Dutch were envious of the advantage enjoyed by the Eng- lish in a monopoly of saltpetre which had been granted them by Meer Jaffier, and further felt aggrieved by the English Govern- ment requiritig all ships coming into the river to take English pilots — a precautionary mea- sure rendered necessary by the circumstances of the times. Under the influence of a sense of common grievance, Meer Jaffier and the Dutch, it was believed, had entered into a private negotiation, the object of which was to bring into Bengal a Dutch force to act a^ a counterbalance to that of the English. Some months after the date assigned to this negotiation, it was ascertained that » power- ful armament was fitting out at Batavia. Its destination was unknown, but it was ru- moured to he Bengal. By this time the ad- verse feeling of Meer Jaffier towards the Eng- lish had undergone some change. Their arms were everywhere successful, and the' magni- ficence with which the ruler of Bengal had rewarded the services of Olive in delivering him from the invasion of the shazada, attested the value which he now attached to his friend- ship. He wa^therefore, not prepared to provoke their hostility. The news of the pre- parations in Batavia was consequently fol- lowed by an expression of the displeasure of Meer Jaffier addressed to the Dutch authori- ties, and by a demand upon the English for the fulfilment of that provision of the treaty which bound them to render assistance to the nabob in resisting the introduction into his country of any foreign force. Soon after- wards a Dutch ship arrived full of troops. Meer Jaffier repeated his remonstrances to the Dutch and his demand for the aid of the 82 CONNIVANCE OF THE NABOB. [A.D. 1759. English. The answer of the Dutch was, that the ship came in from accident for water and provisions, having been driven from her des- tined port of Negapatam by stress of weather, and that both the vessel and the troops should leave the river as soon as their wants were supplied. It is almost unnecessary to say that no credence was given to this statement. Measures were taken to prevent surprise — all Dutch boats were subjected to a rigorous search, and on board of one belonging to the Dutch master-attendant some troops were found, which were forthwith taken back to the ship. These proceedings gave rise to much aitei'cation and remonstrance between the Dutch and English authorities. About two months after these occurrences, intelligence was received of the arrival of six other ships in the river, and these, in the words of Clive, "crammed with soldiers." This intelligence found Meer Jaffier on a visit to Clive at Calcutta. He was manifestly em- barrassed by it, not discerning how he might preserve appearances at the same time with the Dutch, whose assistance be had invited, and with the English, whose power he dreaded and whose alliance it was most de- sirable for him to maintain. On leaving Cal- cutta, he professed to be going to reside three or four days at his fort of Hooghly, and de- clared that from thence he would chastise the insolence of the Dutch, and soon drive them out of the river again. But instead of pro- ceeding to the fort, he took up his residence at a place about half-way between it and the settlement of Cbinsura, where he received the Dutch authorities with all the grace and be- nignity that royal condescension could show to the most favoured friends. In a few days he made a communication to Clive, informing him that he had granted some indulgence to the Dutch in their trade, and that they had engaged to leave the river with their ships and troops as soon as the season would per- mit. This was an obvious subterfuge, as was at once perceived. Clive, referring to this communication, says ; " The season permit- ting their immediate departure with the greatest safety and propriety, the last condi- tion in the nabob's letter, joined to his whole behaviour, convinced us that leaving the river was no part of their intention ; but that, on the contrary, they had his assent to bring up the troops if they could." This view of the subject was confirmed by thjMvent. Instead of lealving the river the shipWsegan to move up ; and it was found that the Dutch were enlisting troops at Cbinsura, Cossimbazar, and Patna — a process which could scarcely be carried on without the connivance of Meer Jaffier. When their preparations were thought complete, the Dutch addressed to the English authorities a remonstrance of great length and formidable purport. It recorded the griev- ances sustained from the assumption by the English of the right of search, and the ob- structions offered by them to the passage of the ships of the Dutch up the river, and con- cluded with denunciations of vengeance if re- dress were withheld. The English replied with calmness, justifying what they had done as having been performed under the orders of the nabob, and under the colours of his liege lord the emperor of Delhi ; recommending an application to the nabob on the subject of complaint; and — in a, strain which Clive himself says " rnay be thought to savour a little, of audacity" — tendering the friendly offices of the British Government to mitigate the resentment of the native sovereign. The contending parties were now on the verge of active hostility, and the position of the Eng- lish governor and council was one of extreme delicacy. If they suffered the Dutch to pass, they compromised the safety of the British settlements and power ; if they resisted, they might plunge the two countries into war, and themselves into disgrace and ruin. "In this situation," says Clive, " we anxiously wished that the next hour would bring us news of a declaration of war with Holland." The de- sired news was not received ; but the Dutch relieved Clive and his council from part of their anxiety, by committing various acts of violence, which could not be expected to pass without reprisal. Still to offer resistance to the passage up the Ganges of the vessels of a power nominally friendly, appeared to some timid politicians a strong measure — and the race of timid politicians appears to have been about this time very numerous in Bengal. Some of them endeavoured to imbue the mind of Clive with their own doubts, and to alarm him by representations of the personal danger which he incurred. His reply is said to have been, "A public man may occasionally be called upon to act with a halter round hia neck." Clive shrunk not from the responsi- bility which attended a vigorous course of ac- tion, but prepared to vindicate his country's honour and to advance his own. It was matter of doubt whether the Dutch intended to bring their ships past the English batteries, or whether they would land the troops below and march them through the country. Clive provided, as far as he had the means, against both. Colonel Forde, who had returned from the Deooan, was despatched to the northward with a force designed to alarm the Dutch authorities at Cbinsura, as well as to intercept the troops of the enemy if they should proceed by land. Heavy can- non were mounted at Cbarnoc's battery and the fort of Tannas, which places had been oc- cupied for the purpose of enforcing search ; while three Company's ships, all that were in the river, were ordered to pass the Dutch vessels and take their station above the batte- ries, where fire-boats were placed and other preparations were made to destroy the Dutch ships if they attempted to effect a passage. On the 21st November the Dutch ships came to anchor a little below the English batteries, and on the 23rd they landed on the opposite A.D. 1759.] HOSTILITIES WITH THE DUTCH. 83 shore a large body of European and Malay troops. On the same day orders were sent to the commod.ore of the English squadron, Cap- tain Wilson, to demand from the Dutch com- modore restitution of all the English persons, vessels, and property seized and detained by Mm ; and in the event of refusal he was, in the usual language of such commissions, to " fight, sink, burn, and destroy" the ships of those of whom it would now be absurd to speak other- wise than as " the enemy." The demand was made and refused, whereupon Captain Wilson proceeded to act upon the concluding part of liis orders with that spirit in which the marine o# England, whether royal or commercial, have rarely been deficient. Undismayed by the inequality of force, he attacked the enemy, and after an engagement of two hours the Dutch commodore struck his colours ; five of his ships followed his example, and six out of seven vessels which constituted the Dutch fleet became at once prize to the English. One succeeded in getting away, but was intercepted below, and captured by two other English . ships, which had just arrived. The number of prisoners taken by Captain Wilson is said to have been three times the number of the men under his command. On the same day on which the naval supre- macy of England was thus nobly asserted and sustained. Colonel Forde was attacked by the garrison of Chinsura while on his march to take up a position between that place and Chandernagore. They had posted themselves, with four pieces of cannon, amid the buildings of the last-named place. From this cover they were soon dislodged, when they fled to Chin- sura, abandoning their cannon, and pursued with some loss to the very barriers of the town. The following day decided the question of success. Colonel Forde having been apprized of the approach of the troops landed from the Dutch ships, and of their having been joined by part of the garrison of Chinsura, marched with two field-pieces, and met them on a plain, where an action ensued. The force of the Dutch consisted of eight hundred Europeans and seven hundred Malays, besides some troops of the country. They were commanded by Colonel Roussel, a Frenchman. The European force of the English fell considerably short of four hundred ; in addition, they had about eight hundred sepoys. The action has been justly described as "short, bloody, and deci- sive." Its duration was less than half an hour, and the Dutch were entirely routed, leaving dead on the field about a hundred and twenty Europeans and two hundred Malays. About a hundred and fifty were wounded ; three hundred Europeans, including Colonel JBoussel and fourteen ofllcers, and two hundred Malays were made prisoners. The loss of the English was inconsiderable. Colonel Forde reported his success, and re- quested further orders. Had he been directed to march against Chinsura, it must have yielded on a summons ; but this step was prevented by an humble application from the Dutch for a restoration of the relations of peace. A treaty was concluded, by which they di.savowed the acts of their naval commander, acknowledged themselves the aggressors, and agreed to reim- burse the English East-India Company the amount of damage which they had sustained, and the charges of the war. - On this arrange- ment the ships of the Dutch were delivered up to them. Three days after the battle, the Dutch learned by the encampment of Meerun, son of Meer Jaffier, with several thousand horse within a short distance of Chinsura, that there was another party besides the English with whom they had an account to settle. They had been defeated, and this rendered it in the eyes of the nabob highly inexpedient to main- tain with them the appearance of friendship. The terror of the Dutch was extreme, and they implored the protection of Clive, entreating him, in the most earnest as well as the most abject terms, to stand between them and the threatened infliction of Mahometan vengeance. He consented to give them the benefit of his good of&ces, and proceeded immediately to a situation near Chinsura, in order to check with more certainty than could be ensured at a dis- tance the conduct of Meerun, of whose cruel and capricious temper some sudden and violent outbreak might not unreasonably be expected. Deputies from the Dutch Government were subsequently admitted to audience by Meerun, and after some altercation the basis of a treaty was agreed upon. The terms were, that the nabob should protect them in their trade and privileges, on condition that they should never meditate war, introduce or enlist troops, or raise fortifications without his consent — that they should n ever keep more than one hundred and twenty-five European soldiers in the coun- try for the service of their several factories, Chinsura, Cassimbazar, and Patna, and that they should forthwith send away their ships and remaining troops. A breach of any of these conditions was to be punished by entire and utter expulsion from the territories of Meer Jaflaer. The treaty being concluded, and the nabob satisfied for the trouble and expense of the march of his troops, the Dutch were delivered from the apprehension caused by their vicinity. The restoration of peace on the coast was to be followed by the recurrence of hostilities in the interior. Before the arrangement of afiairs with the Dutch was completed, it was ascertained that the shazada was again pre- paring to enter the province of Behar, sup- ported by several powerful zemindars ; and that the foujdar of Purneah had taken the field on the eastern bank of the Ganges, about hall-way between Patna and Moorshedabad, with the intention, as it was believed, of join- ing the invader. Immediately after the con- clusion of the treaty with the Dutch, Colonel Calliaud arrived from Madras, and he was O 2 84 CLIVE EETUENS TO ENGLAND. ■[a.d. 1759. forthwith deapatoKed with a considerable force to Moorshedabad, where in a few days he was joined by Cli»e and Colonel Eorde. Both these distinguished commanders were about to quit India. Clive introduced Colonel Calliaud to the nabob, and recommended him to his confidence ; but it has been justly said that "confidence is a plant of alow growth," and Meer Jaffier regarded the approaching depar- ture of Clive with much alarm. Invasion threatened him from without, while within, an ' exhausted treasury, a discontented soldiery, and an oppressed people, afforded abundant grounds for apprehension. In addition to the anxiety generated by these sources of annoy- ance, Meer Jaffier was subjected to constant fear of the consequences which might arise from the wayward and extravagant conduct of his son Meerun. More especially did he dread that, in conformity with the many precedents which Oriental history affords, the prince might take some measures to quicken the natural course of the succession to the throne. The pride of Meer JafBer had sometimes re- volted at the interference of Clive, and circum- stances had occasionally led him to cherish the thought of emancipating himself from his control ; but when difficulty arose, he felt himself incompetent to meet it. Weak, timid, indolent," and indecisive, Meer Jaffier looked to a stronger mind than his own for counsel, and the loss of Clive was felt by him as the removal of the mainstay of his throne and safety. It was not by the Nabob only that Clive*3 departure was regarded with apprehension ; many of the Company's servants augured ill of the results. The nabob was surrounded by persons inimical to the interests of the English, and the influence of their counsel, it was feared, might shake to its foundations the fabric which the genius of Clive had raised. These views were pressed upon him with much earnestness, but his determination was taken. He was dissatisfed with the conduct of the Court of Directors, and the state of his health had long dictated retirement. After passing a few days at Moorshedabad, Clive returned to Calcutta, whence, in the month of February, he departed for England. The mode of sup- plying the vacancy thus occasioned had been the subject of violent and vehement disputes at home. A detail of these is unnecessary, and would be uninteresting. It will be suffi- cient to state, that the continuance or aban- donment of the rotation system formed one point of dispute ; and when that was disposed of by a resolution of the Court of Proprietors, enforcing a return to the former practice under which the presidential authority was intrusted to a single person, a fresh contest arose on the choice of an individual for the office. An order of succession was finally carried, under which Mr. Holwell was the fifth on the list ; but by the death or departure of those above him, he had attained the first place when Clive left India, and consequently succeeded to the office which Olive's withdrawal vacated. Colonel Calliaud had, on the 18th January, marched from Moorshedabad for Patna, ac- companied by Meerun, with an army which was in point of numbers formidable. The ad- vance of the force was delayed by the necessity of previously appeasing the nabob of Purneah, in order that an enemy might not be left in the rear. This being, to appearance, effected, through the mediation of the English com- mander, the march of the army was resumed. The prince against whom it was advancing was the same who has already been mentioned as the shazada, but he now claimed a higher character. His father had experienced the fate which rank and power so often have brouglit upon their possessors — the captivity in which he had long been held had been terminated by his murder. Intelligence of this event reached the shazada soon after he entered Behar, and he therefore assumed the title of emperor. The governor of Behar, Earn Narrain, was in command of a considerable force, and he had further the aid of a battalion of English sepoys, and a few Europeans which had been left at Patna. On the approach of the invad- ing army he marched out of the city and encamped under its walls. Colonel Calliaud was most anxious that an engagement should be avoided until he arrived, and he wrote repeatedly to the governor, warning him not to come to action. Earn Narrain was a good financier, and his arithmetical ability had caused his elevation ; but he was a very indif- ferent soldier, though his vanity led him to entertain a different belief. Anxious to achieve undivided glory, he disregarded the injunctions of Colonel Calliaud, engaged the enemy, and was totally defeated. The efforts of the English troops enabled him, with some difficulty, to retreat into Patna. On learning what had happened. Colonel Calliaud advanced with the greatest expedition, and on the 22nd February a battle ensued, in which the Eng- lish and their ally obtained a complete victory over the emperor. The ardent spirit of Colonel Calliaud suggested that the triumph should be followed by pursuit, and he entreated Mee- run to give him the assistance of a small body of cavalry for this purpose — but Meerun refused, and without the aid solicited by Colonel Calliaud no pursuit could take place. On the 2nd March it became known that the emperor was in full march for Bengal ; Colonel Calliaud followed, a,nd on the 7th was within ten miles of him. The emperor then diverged, to enter Bengal by another route, which lay across mountains which no army had before traversed. His force consisted chiefly of cavalry and was unencumbered by baggage — ■ he also had the advantage of a day's march in advance of Colonel Calliaud ; bat notwithstand- ing these circumstances, the latter succeeded in following him at no great distance. On the 4th April he joined Meer Jaffier, who was in the field, and on the 6th proposed to attack the enemy in the night if the nabob would A.D. 1760.] DEATH OF MEEEUN. 85 furnish a body of cavalry. He met with the same success which had attended his applica- tion for similar assistance from the nabob's sou — the cavaliy were refused. On the follow- ing day Colonel Calliaud came up with the rear of the emperor's army, a river only inter- posing between them. He then renewed his request to the nabob to march a body of cavalry to employ the enemy till the British infantry could be brought up. The request was disregarded, and the enemy thus gained an opportunity of marching away unmolested. The emperor returned to Patna, and having been joined by Law, with the remnant of the French force which followed that leader, made two assaults upon the city. He was preparing for a third when he was compelled to withdraw by the arrival of Captain Knox with a detachment sent by Colonel Calliaud to the relief of the place. The next task which demanded the attention of the English com- mander was to resist the foujdar of Purneah, who, not satisfied that he was safe in trusting Meer Jaffier, was again in arms for the purpose of joining the emperor. Captain Knox left Patna to stop his progress. He was accom- panied by the Bajah Shittabroy, a gallant native chief, with a few followers. The rest of the troops in Patna were either occupied in settling important questions relating to arrears of pay, or indisposed to engage in a project which they believed hopeless. One of the principal jemadars endeavoured to deter Shittabroy from accompanying Captain Knox, representing the folly of meeting such a force as that of the foujdar with a mere handful of men, intimating his suspicion that the defeat of the troops of Earn Narrain would not give their master much concern, as tuereby he would save payment of the arrears which were due to them, but adding, that the officers had resolved not to risk their lives by joining the rash and infatuated English. These sinister anticipations of defeat were not realized. Captain Knox was attacked by the foujdar, but the latter was defeated, and fled with the loss of the greater part of his baggage and artillery. A few days brought the armies of Colonel Calliaud and of Meerun to Patna. These pursued the flying foujdar, and having overtaken him, a skirmish took place, after which the foujdar continued his retreat, having burned all the heavy baggage and mili- tary stores that remained to him. Here again the obstinacy of Meerun rendered success imperfect. Colonel Calliaud had no cavalry, and Meerun, who throughout the action had kept in the rear, would not spare a single horseman for the pursuit. But the follies and crimes of this wretched prince were approach- ing an awful close. On the night of the 2nd of July was a heavy storm. The tent of Meerun, containing himself, a story-teller to amiise his leisure, and a servant employed in patting his feet, was struck with lightning, and all within it perished. The death of the general is always in the East the signal for the disper siou of his army. To prevent this misfortune, and to avert the confusion and plunder by which it would inevitably be attended, it was resolved to conceal from the army, if possible, the fact of Meerun's death. A few of the most trustworthy and influential of the officers were entrusted with the secret, and through their assistance the army was kept together during its march back to Patna, return thither being rendered necessary by the approach of the rainy season, not less than by the fatal accident which had left the troops of the nabob without a leader. The disappearance of Meerun was ascribed to illness, and during seven days, which the march to Patna occu- pied, the real cause was unknown, except by the few to whom it had been imparted in con- fidence. When the knowledge of the prince's death became general, the troops took advan- tage of the consternation excited by it, and became clamorous for their arrears of pay. They surrounded the palace and assailed the officers of the treasury, — reviled the nabob in language the most gross and opprobrious, and even threatened him with death if their de- mands were not complied with. The storm raged throughout two days, when peace was restored through the interposition of Meer Cossim, the son-in-law of Meer Jaffier. The nabob gave a promise of full payment at a specified time, and Meer Cossim became secu- rity for its performance. Meer Cossim con- tributed still more effectually to calm the excited feelings of the mutinous troops, and put an end to the violence in which they found expression by producing from his own treasury three lacs of rupees, the distribution of which had the effect of inducing the discontented soldiers to retire. It was about this time that Mr. Vansittart arrived from Madras to assume the office of Govei-nor of Fort William in place of Mr. Holwell, by whom it had been held since the departure of Clive. As the appointment of Mr. Vansittart interfered with the pretensions of the senior servants in Bengal, he could scarcely hope to enjoy his elevation without annoyance. He soon found that the disap- pointment of his colleagues was not the only cause of disquiet which awaited him. The man who had been placed on the throne of Bengal by the arms of the British Government was surrounded by enemies, secret and avowed — his pecuniary difficulties were great and in- creasing — his fidelity had long been more than questionable, and the death of his son Meerun had now opened a new fountain of discord in a controverted succession. That event, too, had added to the previous incapacity of Meer Jaffier for government. The blow falling on a man habitually indolent and unstable, somewhat advanced in years, and enervated by a life of indulgen ce, produced such a degree of dej ection as seemed to unfit him altogether for the exer- cise of any function ' requiring the slightest degree of mental exertion. Clive, whose vigorous mind had formerly held in captivity 86 FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES. [a.d. 1760. the weaker intellect of Meer Jaffier, was away ; and at the time when the ruler of Bengal most wanted a monitor and guide, there was no man on the spot possessing sufficient influence to assume the character with effect. This was not all. The new governor toolc possession of a treasury so exhausted that the trading in- vestments of the Company were obliged to be suspended, and it was with difficulty that the current expenses of the settlement were pro- vided for. The monthly subsidy for the pay- ment of the Company's troops while in the field in the service of the nabob was, like all similar engagements of that prince, consider- ably in arrear, and had it been paid with regu- larity it would have been insufficient for the expenses which it was intended to defray. Certain couutries had been assigned for a sti- pulated time to the English, to afford them the means of recovering the losses sustained on the capture of Calcutta. The time of assign- ment had expired, but a considerable balance still remained due. The nabob demanded the restitution of the lands, and offered as security for the outstanding amount some jewels. These could only be made available as a re- source in pecuniary difficulty by sale or mort- gage, and the circumstances under which they were to be held by the British Government would, for a time at least, forbid recourse to such means of conversion. No remittances were made from Europe for the purposes of the Company, an implicit reliance being placed on the vast wealth believed to have been ac- quired by the recent changes in Bengal, and the government of Calcutta were expected to provide not only for their own necessities, but also for the wants of Madras and Bombay. At the former presidency an army was in the field, engaged in a course of operations which, if successful, would destroy the last remnant of French dominion in India. This army could not be maintained but at a heavy expense ; and the cost of defending the British interests throughout India had been improvidently cast upon the resources of a single settlement. Such was the financial position of the govern- ment of Calcutta, and it was the parent of the policy which that government pursued. Meer Cossim, the son-in-law of Meer Jaffier, aspired to succeed to the throne. The money which he had advanced to allay the claim of the mutinous army had been furnished upon the condition that he should stand in the place of Meerun. Meer Jaffier had indeed two other sons, and the deceased prince had left one, but none of them were of an age to maintain their claim to the succession. That of Meerun's son was weakened, if not destroyed, by the death of his father prior to attaining the throne ; and all the three, it has been alleged, laboured under the disqualification of illegitimacy. Circumstances thus conspired to favour the pretensions of Meer Cossim, who was, more- over, so fortunate as to obtain the support of the British Government. The way had been opened for the recognition of his claims before the arrival of Mr. Vansittart. Mr. Holwell had for some time been bent upon effecting a- change in the government of Bengal. His plans were communicated to Mr. Vansittart almost as soon as he arrived ; and all of praise or of blame that belongs to the latter, in re- spect of the transactions that followed, rests upon his having adopted and carried out the plans of his predecessor. He who had laid the snare was judged the most proper person to manage the process by which the prey was to be inveigled within it. Mr. Holwell, not- withstanding he had ceased to be governor, continued to correspond with Meer Cossim. The latter, indeed, occasionally addressed let- ters to Mr. "Vansittart ; but the more free and confidential revelation of his desires and. hopes was reserved for Mr. Holwell. A sufficient understanding having thus been established, it was judged proper that a closer communication should take place. The permission of Meer Jaffier for Meer Cossim to visit Calcutta was obtained, under the pretence of its being neces- sary for arranging a plan for the next campaign against the emperor, and for effecting a set- tlement of certain accounts. Here, again, Mr. Holwell was the principal actor. At the express desire of Meer Cossim, that gentleman was deputed to confer with him ; and the aspiring candidate for the throne of Meer Jaffier opened his views with a degree of can- dour which somewhat startled his English friend. That he should seek to possess himself of all the substantial power of the sovereign was expected — that he should even claim to enjoy the title was not improbable ; but Meer Cossim, it appeared, looked to securing his seat on the throne by the death of him who then occupied it ; and though the British negotiator does not appear to have been a very scrupulous person, he was not prepared to concur in a premeditated assassination. His delicacy as- tonished and disconcerted Meer Cossim, who expressed his fear that Mr. Holwell was not so much his friend as he bad supposed. But this trifiing mishap was not suffered to inter- rupt the progress of the negotiation. Meer Cossim bad little hope of achieving any part of his object but bythe assistance of the'English ; and, after some debate, the basis of a treaty was agreed upon. Meer Cossim was to be in- vested with the dewanny, or control of the ex- chequer — a most important power. He was, further, to exercise all the executive authority ; but Meer Jaffier was to continue in possession of the title of sovereign : all affairs of govern- ment were to be transacted in his name and under his seal, and a suitable revenue was to be allotted for his support. Such were the ar- rangements affecting the actual and the nomi- nal sovere^ign. For his own government, Mr. Holwell stipulated for the possession of Burd- wan, Midnapore, and Chittagong, as means of defraying the Company's charges in maintain- ing the throne of Bengal. The terms were immediately communicated to the select com- mittee, and by them unanimously approved. A.D. 1760.] MEER JAFFIEE DEPOSED. 87 A few days afterwards a formal treaty was signed by the British authorities and Meer Cossim ; aud the arrangement being completed, nothing remained but to communicate it to the tnan whose power had been thus summarily transferred to one of his servants. Mr. Hol- well, who seems to have been in great favour with the governor, was requested to undertake this task, but he assigned various reasons for declining it, the most prominent, and probably the most influential, being that it would have placed him in subordination to Colonel Calliaud, with whom he was to be associated. The con- clusion of the treaty with Meer Cossim was the last official act of Mr. Holwell. He im- mediately afterwards resigned the service. On Mr. Holwell declining to be a party in the mission to Meer JaiEer, the governor re- solved to undertake it himself. It was antici- pated that Meer Jaffier would be slow in assenting to a scheme by which he was virtu- ally dethroned ; and that no means of per- suasion might be wanted, it was prudently arranged that Mr. "Vansittart and his coad- jutor should be attended by a considerable military force. On the 14th of October the English diplomatists arrived at Cossimbazar, and on the following day the governor received a visit from the nabob. On both sides there was an appearance of friendly feeling. Mr. Van- sittart expatiated on the evils of Meer Jaffier's government, and the nabob expressed himself willing to abide by any advice which the Eng- lish governor might offer with a view to im- provement^oertainly not anticipating the nature of the advice which he was soon to re- ceive. Other interviews succeeded, and three notes were addressed by Mr. Vansittart to the nabob, the last of which recommends the appointment of some capable person from among " the nabob's children" to retrieve the affairs of the state ; but so far from containing any intimation of the bargain which had been made with Meer Cossim, it does not even advert to that disinterested and high-minded pei-son as being fit for the duty required. The plot, however, gradually advanced to its deve- lopment. The unceasing representations made to the nabob of the disorders of his government, and the continued calls of theBritish authorities for reform, at length extorted from him a con- fession that age and grief incapacitated him for struggling alone with his difficulties. This furnished an opportunity for recurring to the recommendation to seek assistance from his relations. The nabob thereupon mentioned several, and among them him for whose name the British representatives were anxiously listening ; but their joy on hearing it pro- nounced was not suffered to overcome their discretion — instead of giving to Meer Cossim the suspicious testimony of their praise, they asked the nabob which of the persons whom he had named was the most fit to assist him. Again the voice of the prince delighted his hearers. Meer Cossim had some reputation for ability, and the nabob without hesitation declared him to be the fittest man to lend him aid. The English negotiators now thought that they might give expression to their wishes without imprudence ; they suggested that the man of the nabob's choice should be sent for. The satisfactory progress which the negotiation had appeared to be making was here inter- rupted. The rapidity with which the English wished to proceed was disagreeable to Meer Jaflfier, who had indeed no wish to proceed at all ; he for some time refused to comply, but yielding at last from weariness rather than from any other cause, he defeated the object of the English by intimating before Meer Cos- sim's arrival, that fatigue rendered necessary his own departure. Meer Cossim was scarcely more anxious for an interview than his rival. He came on the summons addressed to him, but he was under an appreliension, possibly not ill-founded, that instead of trusting him with the management of the state, the nabob would take measures for getting rid of him. The following day passed without any com- munication with Meer Jaffier, and it was de- termined at night to resort to force to carry out the views of the English. The necessary preparations were made with great secrecy. Colonel Calliaud, with his troops, joined Meer Cossim without exciting alarm, and marched into the outer court of the palace without meeting interruption . There the colonel formed his men, and before making any attempt against the gate of the inner court, which was shut, despatched to the nabob a letter which had been prepared by the governor. The letter expressed some disappointment at the silence of the nabob throughout the day, de- nounced the advisers to whom he had sur- rendered himself, and informed the prince that the English Government had sent Colonel Calliaud with a military force "to wait upon" him. The duty of the colonel was explained to extend to the expulsion of Meer Jaffier's evil counsellors, and the nabob was exhorted to receive and support him — to look upon the governor as his sincere well-wisher, and to " remain satisfied." But Meer Jaffier was not satisfied. The letter threw him into a transport of rage, and he threatened that he would resist to the last and abide his fate. Colonel Calliaud abstained from hostility, leaving opportunity for time to work a change in the nabob's mind. He was not disappointed. After an interchange of messages occupying about two hours, Meer Jaffier was content to stipulate only for the preservation of his life and honour, and an allowance suitable to his maintenance. These being readily granted, the desponding prince came out to Colonel Calliaud, whose troops took possession of all the gates of the palace. Mr. Vansittart hastened to the spot as soon as apprized of the result. On seeing him, Meer jaffier, whose apprehensions were not yet altogether allayed, demanded if his person were safe. The go- vernor answered that not only was the person of the nabob safe, but his government also, if 88 MEEE COSSIM'S MUNIFICENCE. [a.d. 1760. he so pleased, adding that it had never been intended to deprive him of it. The courtesy of the latter part of this answer is more evident than its veracity : Meer Jaffier, however, was unmoved by it. Aware that Meer Cossim was to be put in possession of all actual power, Meer Jaffier attached little importance to the honour of being called a sovereign. With far more spirit than might have been expected, he declined the name when stripped of the authority of a prince, and asked permission to retire to Calcutta. He set out the same evening. Meer Cossim was seated on the musnud, and the congratulations tendered him by the English authorities were followed by those of the principal natives, offered with all the sincerity which is commanded by suc- cess. By the evening all was perfectly quiet, and a stranger might have entered Moor- shedabad without suspecting that the city had that day been the scene of a revolution. Meer Cossim had fully expected that he was to purchase the dignity of nabob by a liberal donation to those who had helped him to attain it. This was quite in conformity with Oriental precedent ; and the example of Clive and his associates in the previous transfer of the government of Bengal had shown that Englishmen bad no objection to follow it. On the night on which the articles were signed, Meer Cossim had tendered to Mr. Vansittart a paper which, on examination, proved to be a note for the payment of twenty lacs of rupees to the members of the select committee. But either that body happened to be in the mood for indulging the feeling of disinterested patriotism, or the abruptness with which the offer had been made gave it, in their eyes, an appearance of indelicacy. They, one and all, shrunk from the polluted paper, and desired their president to inform the man whose gross- ness had shocked their moral feelings, that "he mistook their motives." The obtuseness of Meer Cossim led him to repeat the offer, when, to save him from utter despair, Mr. Vansittart was induced to promise, on the part of himself and his coadjutors, that when the affairs of the country were settled, and its finances flourishing, they would accept such marks of the prince's friendship as he might be pleased to bestow. The governor took this opportunity of soliciting a donation of five lacs of rupees for the Company, which was promptly granted, and applied by the English Govern- ment in aid of the operations against Pondi- cherry. The promise which the pertinacity of Meer Cossim had extorted from the committee was faithfully kept ; and although it will be an anticipation of the course of events, it will be more convenient to state the manner of its fulfilment here than to return to the subject when, in the order of time, it would require to be noticed. A few months after the eleva- tion of Meer Cossim, Mr. Holwell consented to receive two lacs and seventy thousand rupees, Mr. Sumner two lacs and twenty-four thousand rupees, Colonel Calliaud two lacs, Mr. M'Gnire one lac and eighty thousand rupees and five thousand gold mohurs. Mr. Culling Smith, who was secretary to the com- mittee, had one lac and thirty-four thousand rupees ; and Major Yorke, who commanded the detachment immediately attendant on Meer Caisim, benefited to the like extent. Mr. Vansittart, as was befitting his station, had the largest share of Meer Cossim's bounty — five lacs of rupees were appropriated to his personal use. These payments were to be de- ferred till the nabob's finances were in a con- dition to bear them. When they became the subject of Parliamentary inquiry, Mr. Sumner was questioned as to the circumstances of the country at the time when they were made. His answer was, that " it was a matter he sup- posed the nabob a proper judge of;" — a reply indicating a most decorous respect for the rights of a sovereign prince, and a laudable desire to avoid any impertinent interference in his affairs. Money being the sole object of the revolu- tion, Meer Cossim applied himself vigorously to the replenishment of his treasury. The re- lations and dependants of former princes, as well as those who had acquired wealth by ministering to their pleasures, were severely pressed. The demands of Meer Cossim were not confined to those enriched by his imme- diate predecessor : the retrospect extended to the reign of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, and even to that of Aliverdi Khan. The mandate to refund reached some who had long since renounced the dangerous and uncertain struggle for courtly favour, and had retired to the enjoyment in security, as they supposed, of the portion of wealth which, by the use of means of various grades of respectability, they had been enabled to accumulate. " In short," says the native historian, " the advice of Zaidee, the poet, ' Why coUeotest thou not from every subject a grain of silver that thou mayest form a, treasure?' Meer Cossim had attentively lis- tened to and now strictly followed." But his course was not perfectly smooth. The emperor was only about fifty miles from Patna. His standard offered a rallying point to the dis- contented zemindars and petty rajahs, and all were discontented when called upon for pay- ment of revenue. It had been part of the pro- jected policy of Mr. Vansittart to make terms with the emperor, but the execution of it was interrupted by the necessity of immediately removing this source of inconvenience. Major Carnac had taken the command of the British army at Patna on the 1st January. On the 15th he gave battle to that of the emperor, when the latter was entirely defeated. Among the prisoners taken were M. Law and his remnant of French followers. This success prepared the way for negotiation. Major Carnac solicited permission to visit the em- peror in his camp. The overture was after some hesitation accepted, and the British com- mander finally conducted the emperor to Patna. This commencement of friendly iu- A.D. 1761.] MEER COSSIM AND RAM NAREAIN. teroourse between the emperor and the Eng- lish was regarded by MeerCossim with jealousy, and on hearing of it he lost no time in proceed- ing to Patna. There he was solemnly invested by the Emperor with a khelaut, or dress of honour, and acknowledged his confirmation in the soubahdarship by undertaking to render an annual tribute of twenty-four lacs of ru- pees from the revenue of the three provinces. This ceremony performed, there was nothing which Meer Cossira so much desired as the absence of his lord, and he' was soon gratified. The English, though disposed to support the emperor, were unable from various causes to favour him to the extent of their wishes, and his departure was accelerated by an insurrec- tion in his camp, in which he would probably have perished but for the timely interposition of Major Carnac. He marched in the direc- tion of Oude, where he was to be met by the ruler of that country, who held the office of his vizier. One ground of jealousy and dispute between Meer Cossim and the English was thus re- moved, but others were not wanting, and a demand made by Meer Cossim upon Ram Narrain for a settlement of accounts was a fertile source of diflferenoe, and eventually of mischief. Ram Narrain was a wily- Hindoo, who havr ing been raised by Aliverdi Khan to the rank of governor of Patna, had contrived to main- tain himself there contrary to the wishes of Meer Jaffier, who distrusted him. That prince, on the ground that Ram Narrain would put faith in an English promise, but not in his own, had solicited Olive to write to him, assuring him of the English protection, in order, as the proposer of the scheme did not hesitate to avow, that he might get possession of his per- son and cut off his head. Olive answered, that such a proceeding would not be consistent with the customs of the English ; — that if the nabob was inclined to resort to arms to reduce Ram Narrain to obedience, be was ready to assist him ; but that if he made any promises, they must be fulfilled. Meer JafBer, who possessed no superabundance of energy, pre- ferred a peaceful course, even though shackled by the disagreeable condition of fidelity to a promise. Olive accordingly wrote to Ram Narrain, telling him that if he would present himself to the nabob and acknowledge the au- thority of the new establishment, he should be continued in the government of Patna, on the terms under which he had held it from Sooraj- oo-Dowlah. Ram Narrain complied, tendered his submission, and was accordingly confirmed in his appointment. When the shazada first menaced Patna, Ram Narrain exercised a prudent care to stand well with both parties in the war till he could ascertain which was likely to prove the stronger. At a subsequent period his ambition to display his zeal and military skill was near producing fatal conse- qaenoea to the cause in support of which it was indulged. His accounts, like those of most Oriental financiers, were considerably in arrear, and Meer Cossim demanded a settlement. The demand was evaded, and Meer Cossim . thereupon formed designs hostile not only to the power, but to the life of Ram Narrain. The resources of the province of Behar had suffered greatly from its being the scene of war ; and it has been questioned whether Ram Narrain was really indebted to the nabob at all. The presumption, however, lies the other way. If nothing were due, it could have been shown by producing the accounts j but these neither threats nor persuasion could extort. The influence of Mr. M'Guire, chief of the English factory at Patna, was employed, but in vain. Ram Narrain sometimes promised the accounts, but when the time for their pro- duction arrived, none were forthcoming. Had the accounts been rendered, and had they been fair and honest, Meer Cossim might not have relaxed in his hostility to Ram Narrain, but the withholding them clearly put the latter in the wrong ; and the pertinacity with which his conduct was defended by the officers who successively held the chief military command at Patna, can only be accounted for by their dislike of the policy which placed Meer Cossim on the throne, and their unfriendly feelings towards those by whom it had been adopted. Nothing could be more unhappy than the state of feeling which prevailed among the different authorities in Bengal. Mr. Vansit- tart was naturally disposed to support Meer Cossim, the nabob of his own creation, but he was not disinclined to protect Ram Nar- rain if he would comply with the demand of rendering an account. Meer Cossim, however, was, perhaps from the beginning of the dispute, but certainly soon after its commencement, bent upon the destruction of Ram Narrain, and he offered large bribes to both Major Carnac and Colonel Coote to induce them to aid his purpose. Those officers, however, seem to have determined not only to protect Ram Narrain from injustice and violence, but to uphold him in resisting every claim upon him, however just and reasonable. They were consequently involifed at once in dis- putes with the nabob and with the British council, in which the president had a majo- rity. With the former they were sometimes on the brink of positive hostility, while the correspondence between them and their offi- cial superiors was disgraced by the most bitter and unbecoming altercations. The disputes were terminated by the recall of Colonel Coote and Major Carnac to Calcutta : the command of the military force which remained at Patna was intrusted to Captain Carstairs, but its employment was to be entirely at the disposal of the chief of the factory. Those who had stood between Ram Narrain and ruin being thus removed, Meer Cossim pro- ceeded to avail himself of an opportunity which he had long coveted. Accounts were again demanded, and Ram Narrain having no longer any hope from evasion, some were ren- 90 ME. ELLIS'S VIOLENT CONDUCT. [a.d. 1761. dered. They were unsatisfaotory to the nabob ; and h'ad they been perfectly accurate • and just they would still have been unsatis- factory. It was declared that embezzlements to a vast amount were detected : the person of Earn Narrain was seized and his effects confiscated. This in the eyes of Meer Coasim was but an instalment of justice. The trea- surer of the culprit and his banker shared the fate qf their employer. All his dependents were subjected to amercement, and thus, as Gbolaum Hossein observes, " the nabob ac- quired a great treasure." As might be ex- pected. Earn NaiTain was eventually mur- dered. Such were some of the fruits of that injudicious and unjustifiable policy which had treated the sovereignty of Bengal as a com- modity for barter. The governor and council had asserted their authority, and Meer Cossim was in pos- session of his prey ; but peace was not thereby secured. Fresh sources of dispute and disturbance arose before the former were well dried. Shortly before the departure of Clive, a despatch had been addressed by the , Calcutta council to the Court of Directors, com- plaining in no measured terms of the asperity with which some part of the conduct of that council had been noticed. By the Court the de- spatch was regarded as so offensive as to call for the dis missal of all those who had signed it, and orders to that effect were sent out. In addi- tion to Clive, the offensive letter was signed by Messrs. Holwell, Pleydell, Sumner, and M'Guire. Clive was in England before these orders were despatched, and Mr. Holwell had resigned the service before their arrival in India ; their only effect, therefore, was to re- move from the service, and consequently from the council, Messrs. Pleydell, Sumner, and M'Guire. All these were supporters of Mr. Vansittart's policy, and their removal gave his opponents a majority in council. One con- sequence of this change (an " additional mis- fortune," Mr. Vansittart calls it) was the ap- pointment of Mr. Ellis, one of the most vehe- ment of the governor's opponents, to be chief of the factory at Paina. Here he was not long before he entered upon a course of acts equally disagreeable to the nabob and the English governor. A complaint was preferred by a servant of the English factory against one of the nabob's ofiicers, for obstructing the transit of some opium duly authorized to pass. The military force at Patna was to act under the directions of the chief of the fac- toiy, and Mr. Ellis ordered Captain Carstairs to seize the person whose conduct had given offence. But military subordination at that time sat lightly, and Captain Carstairs, in- stead of obeying the order, which, whether judicious or not, Mr. Ellis had an undoubted right to give, contented himself with trans- mitting a statement of the complaint to the nabob, accompanied by a request that he would reprimand the offender and release the opium. "The forbearance of Captain Car- stairs," says Mr. Vansittart, "made no dif- ference in Mr. Ellis's intentions ;" and it was not to be expected that it should. The only effect likely to be produced on the mind of Mr. Ellis was to irritate him by the obvious contempt with which his authority was threat- ened. Captain Carstairs, indeed, not only evaded the performance of his own proper duty, but in addressing the nabob on the subject without instructions, trespassed on that of Mr. Ellis. Other causes of dispute soon occurred. The nabob complained of the conduct of one of the Company's ser- vants in Purneah : Mr. Ellis retorted by complaining of those of the nabob in the same district. At the same time an Ar- menian in the nabob's service, who had been detected in purchasing some saltpetre, of which the Company possessed a mono- poly, was seized by Mr. Ellis, and sent in irons to Calcutta. The council, however, acted with more forbeaiance than the Com- pany's representative at Patna ; they re- frained from adding to the violence which had already been offered, and sent the Arme- nian prisoner back to Patna, with a request that the nabob would punish him. Another opportunity for the exercise of that power which Mr. Ellis was in nowise indisposed to exert, soon occurred. It was reported that two English deserters had taken refuge in the fort of Mongheer. Mr. Ellis applied to the nabob's deputy in Patna for an order to the commander of- the fort to give them up, or suffer a search to be made for them. The request not being complied with, Mr. Ellis de- spatched a party of British sepoys to enforce his wishes. The sergeant claiming admittance to the fort was answered by a warning to keep out of reach of the guns, or otherwise he would be fired upon. The party thereupon with- drew, but remained within sight of the fort for about three months. At length a search vvas granted. No deserters were found ; but this certainly does not prove that the fort har- boured none at the time when Mr. Ellis re- ceived his information : abundant time and opportunity had been afforded for their es- cape. An invalid Frenchman, however, who had been in the fort some months, and who was tempted by the offer of reward to reveal all that he knew on the subject, de- clared that he had never seen a single Euro- pean there, "Things," says Mr. Vansittart, "could not stand long upon the point to which they were now brought. Every word and action of the nabob was constiued into a declaration of a design against the English, and particularly from the chief and council at Patna sugges- tions of the kind were frequent ; whilst, on the part of the nabob, every ordinary motion of ours was represented to him in such colours as would most add to his apprehensions of oui intending to break with him." To endeavour to restore confi- dence in the mind of the nabob, the governor A.D. 1762.] THE INLAND TRADE DUTIES. 91 proposed a special missioa, to be intrusted to Mr. Hastings. Tlie council consented ; but ■when his instructions were under conside- ration, it was proposed to add to them a clause directing him to apply to the nabob for payment, for the use of the Company, of the twenty lacs of rupees offered by him to the governor and other persons engaged in concluding the treaty with him. This was strenuously resisted by Mr. Vansittart ; and his resistance was reasonable, although the interest which he had in the question pre- cluded his obtaining credit for purity of mo- tive. The proposal for the additional instruc- tion was undoubtedly factious, and its effect could scarcely be expected to aid the object of the mission — conciliation ; but the private feelings of the governor's enemies overcame their sense of public duty, and they suc- ceeded in carrying their motion. The answer of the nabob to the demand was suflBoiently decisive ; it was contained In a written paper delivered by him to Mr. Has- tings. He said, "By the grace of God I have completely fulfilled the treaty, and have not in a single instance deviated from it. Yet, gentlemen, notwithstanding this treaty you solemnly made with me, and ratified with the seal of the Company, you now demand a sum of money from me which I have never borrowed of you, nor obliged myself to pay, nor have you in any manner the least claim upon me. I owe nobody a single rupee, nor will I pay your demand." While engaged on this mission, Mr. Hastings took occasion to call the attention of the government to certain abuses connected with trade, which were perpetrated under the au- thority of the British name and flag. The Company had long enjoyed the privilege of carrying on their trade clear of customs duty, but this immunity was well understood to be confined to goods imported or exported by sea : such, in fact, was the only trade in which the Company had ever engaged. The internal trade of the country was in the hands of the natives. The exclusive right of dealing in some articles was claimed by the government, and by being farmed was converted into a source of revenue. All other articles, in ac- cordance with the absurd and vexatious system then universal in the East, were subjected to duties levied at various stations, so that goods could scarcely be removed at all without ren- dering their owner liable to make some payment to the state, and could not be transferred to any considerable distance without subjecting him to many such payments. The influence acquired by the English from the revolution in Bengal encouraged the servants of the Company to enter on their private account into the internal, or what was called the country trade. At first, they appear to have paid duties, but before long they claimed the privilege of carrying on their trade free. As between traders burdened with the payment of heavy duties and those who paid none, no competition could be maintained, it was ob- vious that the ultimate and not very distant result of the course taken by the Company's servants must have been to throw all the trade in the country into their hands, and it was equally obvious that the virtual abolition of both transit duties and monopoly profits, which must accompany the change, would be seriously felt in the nabob's treasury. Both prince and people, therefore, were interested in opposing the claims of the English. The assertion of those claims on the one side, and the resistance offered to them on the other, gave rise to innumerable disputes. Each party accused the other of resorting to violence. The nabob complained that the illegal trade was upheld by the exercise of force — the resi- dents at the English factories alleged that even the lawful trade of the Company was inter- rupted by the nabob's servants — and on both sides there was some truth, Mr. Vansittart was well disposed to abate these evils, but he possessed no influence with his council, and was moreover inclined to regard the period of five or six years, during which the Company's servants had been largely engaged in the pri- vate trade, as having given to their claim to retain it something of the force of prescription. Thus, powerless in his own governmenb, and not fully prepared to exercise power had he possessed it, he applied himself to bring about a compromise ; and in the hope of eflacting this object, he proceeded to Moorshedabad to try whether his personal influence with the nabob were greater than it was among his own countrymen. He found the prince greatly in- censed, but not altogether intractable, and a body of regulations for the government of the inland trade was agreed upon. The main pro- vision related to the amount of duty to be levied, which was fixed at nine per cent., to be paid on the first moving of the goods, and no further demand was to be made either during transit or at the place of sale. Most of the other provisions were directed to the suppres- sion of abuses, the existence of which' could not be denied. Had this arrangement been adhered to, it is probable that neither party would have had much reason for dissatisfac- tion ; but by the cupidity of one of the parties, between whom the governor stood as a medi- ator, and the precipitancy of the other, the good effects which its author had anticipated were frustrated. It had been agreed to postpone the publication of the regulations till after the arrival of Mr. Vansittart at Calcutta, when copies of them were to be transmitted from the council to the different factories, accom- panied by the orders of the nabob, with which the governor was furnished. Slow as for the most part is the progress of business in the East, the prospect of pecuniary advantage sometimes quickens it wonderfully. The tardy process by which the regulations were to be carried into effect accorded not with Meer Cossim's impatience to realize the gratifying vision of a nine per cent, duty, and he resolved 92 AEROGANCE OF THE COUNCIL. [A.r. 1762. to anticipate the proposed communication from C-alcutta. Scarcely had Mr. Vansittart left him, when he despatched to all parts of the country copies of that gentleman's letter em- bodying the proposed regulations ; the nabob's officers were ordered to act upon them, and all English goraastahs or agents who refused obe- dience were to be turned out of the country. The regulations being received at Dacca, the council of the English factoi-y there lost no time in transmitting them to Calcutta with a letter of remonstrance against the new plan. This missive found the minds of the council well prepared to insure its effect. They had previously informed their president that the subject required consideration, and that they had consequently ordered his communication to lie on the table till his return. The news from Dacca converted dogged discontent into active hostility. The council forthwith re- solved that their president, in concluding the agreement with Meer Cossim, had assumed a right to which he was not entitled ; that the regulations were dishonourable to Englishmen, and tended to the destruction of all public and private trade ; that the president's conduct in axiting independently of the council was an absolute breach of their privileges ; that the regulations should be resisted ; and that the absent members of council — excepting such as were at an inconvenient distance — should be immediately called to Calcutta, that the whole might be consulted on a matter of such "high consequence," — for thus did they characterize a measure which the chief and council of the factory of Dacca had represented as affecting "all "their "privileges," all their "fortunes and future prospects." In this spirit did Mr. Vansittart's colleagues meet his views of accommodation. Whether or not he was empowered to make a final arrangement is a point which seems not to have been clear even to himself; but it is quite certain that the motives of his European opponents were entitled to no respect, and for the hasty and ill-judged enforcement of the regulations by the nabob he was in no way accountable, that step having been taken in violation of a positive agreement. The spirit in which it was followed was calculated to add to the existing troubles and emban*assments, and as an amicable arrangement was previously a matter of great difficulty, it now became almost hopeless. "The views of the violent party in Calcutta," says Mr. Vansittart, " were but too well seconded by many of the nabob's officers." Armed as they were with their master's autho- rity, and, as they supposed, with that of the Eng- lish governor, they not only executed their du- ties in the most offensive manner, but proceeded to use their newly-acquired power for other purposes than the protection of the revenue. These abuses gave rise to fresh complaints from the factories — complaints the more diffi- cult for the president to deal with because they had some toundation in justice. In this state of things the resolution of the council for convening a full board was carried into effect. The number assembled (including two military officers, whose right to attend, except on the discussion of military questions, the president disputed) was twelve. Excepting the president and Mr. Hastings, all were of opinion that the Company and its servants had a right to carry on the inland trade duty free, but some indulged a spirit of liberal con- cession so far as to be willing to pay a trifling duty on certain articles. Finally, it was deter- mined that salt only should be subjected to duty, and that the amount should be two and a half per cent. The resolutions of the board on this subject, with others subsequently passed for regulating the conduct of the go- mastahs, were conveyed to the nabob in a letter from the governor ; but some of his enemies insisted upon the insertion of a para- graph, explaining to the nabob that the au- thority of the English government was vested in the entire council, and that the governor on such occasions was only the channel of making known their will. As a further an- noyance to the governor, it was proposed also to demand from the nabob the return of Mr. Vansittart's letter assenting to the former regulations for the private trade. Both points were carried. Meer Cossim, anxious to adora his newly acquired crown with the wreaths of conquest, had engaged in an expedition against Nepaul, but his success was not equal to his confidence, and in place of gaining, as he had hoped, both glory and wealth, he returned under the shame of defeat. Almost the first news that greeted him was that of the members of council being summoned from the outlying factories to take part in the consultations at Calcutta ; and he seems to have inferred from this unusual pro- ceeding, that it was in contemplation to make provision for his immediate descent from the throne. He next learned that his orders for carrying into effect Mr. Vansittart's regula- tions were disregarded at the English factories, and that until orders from the council were given, obedience would not be yielded. He complained heavily of these grievances in various letters addressed to Mr. Vansittart, and his complaint led to the extraordinary determination of the board to enlighten him on the extent of their powers in relation to those of the governor. While affairs were in this unsettled state, serious affiays took place at Dacca and other places. The council of Patna employed a military force in the defence of their trade, and made one of the nabob's col- lectors prisoner. The nabob despatched a body of horse to release him, but arriving too late to effect their object, they attacked a party of British sepoys in charge of some salt- petre at Tag^pore, killed four and made pri- soners of the rest, with the Company's gomastah. The nabob, however, feared to countenance this movement, and after repri- manding the gomastah he dismissed all the prisoners. Wearied with a contest which he A.D. 1763.] RESTORATION OF MEER JAFFIER. 93 saw little prospect of terminating with any degree of satisfaction, he now resolved to put in execution a plan which he had previously threatened to adopt. He ordered the collec- tion of all customs duties to cease. Before the nabob's decision was known at Calcutta, it had been resolved that a deputa- tion should be despatched to explain in per- sonal conference the views of the council, and endeavour to prevail upon the nabob to adopt them. Mr. Amyatt tendered his services, which were accepted, and at his request Mr. Hay was associated with him. The nabob showed some disinclination to receive them, and observed in a letter to the governor, that if the business of Mr. Amyatt was to dispute about customs, he had better not come, as the point was already settled by the abolition of those duties. But as this was a mode of set- tlement very distasteful to the majority of the council, it was determined, nevertheless, that the deputation should proceed ; and an addi- tion was made to their instructions, requiring them to demand the revocation of the obnoxi- ous immunity. The result of their earlier interviews with the nabob seems to have been a hope that he would yield to their demands : but he had no such intention ; and an oppor- tunity soon offered for manifesting his real feelings. Some boats laden with arms for the British troops at Patna were stopped at Mong- heer by the nabob's guards. Messrs. Amyatt and Hay demanded their release, but the nabob refused, unless the British force assem- bled at Patna were withdrawn, or that Mr. Ellis were removed from the oiEoe of chief of the factory there, and his place supplied either by Mr. Amyatt, Mr. M'Guire, or Mr. Hast- ings. While demanding the removal of the troops from Patna, the nabob was taking measures to diminish their number by holding out to the men inducements to desert. Acts of positive hostility followed ; and there being no longer any doubt as to the course which events would take, the presidency began in earnest to make preparations for war. Messrs. Amyatt and Hay demanded their dismissal from the nabob. It was accorded to the former, but Mr. Hay was detained as a host- age for the safety of some agents of the nabob, who were in confinement at Calcutta. These events gave opportunity for the commence- ment of hostilities at Patna. Mr. Ellis, the chief of the English factory there, was not indisposed to the work, nor was he without provocation to enter upon it. The immediate result of a sudden attack upon the city placed it in the possession of the English ; but unable to maintain the advantage which they had gained, they were driven, not only from the city, but from their own factory ; and failing to make their escape, were all either destroyed or made prisoners. Mr. Amyatt, too, was intercepted in his way from Moorshedabad to Cossimbazar, and with all his companions murdered in cold blood. When- it became evident that hostilities with Meer Cossim could not long be deferred, the question, who should occupy the throne, naturally presented itself. With regard to the feelings which actuated the majority of the council, it will excite no surprise to find that they determined on the restoration of Meer Jaffier, and on the 7th July, 1763, a proclamation issued under the seal of the East- India Company declared that personage once more sovereign of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and invited all persons within those countries to repair to his standard and maintain his claims. The act of the same authority only three years before was thus nullified, and all that had been done for the support of the pre- tensions of Meer Cossim rendered unavailing. The president offered no opposition to the will of the majority. He consented to sign the proclamation and all other public deeds, with a reservation, that he did not mean thereby to "prejudice his former deplarations and opinions." He could scarcely, however, look back to those declarations and opinions with much confidence in the expediency of the former, or the justness of the latter ; he could scarcely refer to them without some feelings of regret, unless the consolation afforded by the five lacs of rupees which they had procured him was sufficient to banish all unpleasant recollections. When the proclamation restoring Meer Jaifier was issued, the terms upon which his restoration was to be effected were not settled. It was possible, therefore, that the governor and council might have had occasion to recall the act by which they had acknowledged him as sovereign, and transfer the throne to another. Some differences occurred in the arrangement, but they were slight, and the council were not indisposed to yield to the new nabob in slight matters, seeing that he yielded to them in some points which they regarded as of the highest importance — the native traders were again to be subjected to duties, while the ser- vants of the Company were to carry on trade duty free, with the exception of two and a half per cent, upon salt. Thus, whatever might be the situation of the settled inhabitants of the country, those who sojourned among them for a brief period, for the purpose of amassing as much wealth and with as much speed as possible, had reason to rejoice. In addition to the important provisions respecting the inland trade, the treaty with Meer Jaifier confirmed to the English the possession of Burdwan, Midnapore, and Chittagong. The restored nabob also agreed to maintain twelve thousand horse and twelve thousand foot, and more in case of emergency ; to receive an English resident ; to enforce within his domi- nions the receipt of the coinage of Calcutta without batta. or allowance ; to give thirty lacs of rupees to defray the expenses and losses of the Company from the war and from the sus- pension of their investment (a measure which had become necessary by the failure of their funds) ; to reimburse the losses of private 94 THE PATNA MASSACRE. [A.D. 1763. persoDs duly proved before the governor and council ; to renew his former treaty with the Dutch, which limited their power of erecting fortifications and raising troops, and to re- strain the French, should they ever appear again in the country, from erecting fortifica- tions, maintaining forces, holding lands, or undertaking the management of land rents. The treaty being signed, Meer Jafiier left Calcutta on the 11th .Tuly to join the British force which had been put in motion to effect his restoration to the throne. It was com- manded by Major Williams, a king's officer. On the 19th, an engagement took place, which terminated in favour of the English, and com- pelled the enemy to abandon the fort of Kut- wal. On the 24th, the British force stormed the lines of Mootejil, and thus obtained pos- session of Moorshedabad and about fifty pieces of cannon. Pursuing their victorious course, the English, on the 2nd August, cro.ssed a ravine in the face of the enemy, who waited for them on the plain of Geriah, near Sootee. Here a general engagement took place. The battle was obstinately fought, and for a time victory seemed to oscillate between the com- batants. At one period the enemy bad suc- ceeded in breaking part of the British line, and taking possession of some of their cannon ; but the advantage was soon recovered, and, after a desperate confiict of four hours, the precipitate fiight of the enemy transferred to the English possession of all their cannon, and of one hundred 'and fifty boats laden with grain. The defeated army fled to OutahnuUa, a fort situate between a chain of hills and the river, and defended by an intrenchment, on which were mounted a hundred pieces of cannon. The ditch was deep, about fifty or sixty feet wide, and full of water. The ground in front was swampy, and there was no ap- parent mode of approach but on the bank of the river where the ground was dry for about a hundred yards ; upon this spot the English commenced approaches and batteries, but the de.sign was only to deceive the enemy, and draw off their attention from the point which was seriously menaced. On the 5th Septem- ber, while the enemy were amused by a false attack on the bank of the river, the real attack was made at the foot of the hills, and after an obstinate resistance on the part of the enemy, attended by great slaughter, the English ob- tained possession of the fort and cannon. It was said, that Meer Cossim had sixty thousand men in arms within the intrenchment. The English force, Europeans and sepoys, did not exceed three thousand. The victorious army advanced to Mongheer. This place Meer Cossim had made his capital, and had strengthened it as far as time and circumstances would permit ; but, as he had no inclination to sustain » siege in person, he quitted it on the approach of the English, leaving a garrison for its defence. He had previously signalized his temporary residence there by a characteristic act of cruelty, in putting to death several prisoners of distinc- tion, some of them his own relations, of whose fidelity he did not feel entirely satisfied. Among them was the unfortunate Eam Nar- rain, a victim to his own avarice and the un- happy divisions in the British Government. It is said that he was drowned with a bag of sand fastened round his neck. On the way to Patna, to which place he was returning, Meer Cossim further gratified his disposition for blood by putting to death the two bankers, Seit, whom he had sometime before compelled to attend him, lest they should give assistance to the English. Their bodies were exposed, under the care of a guard of sepoys, to the voracity of beasts and birds of prey, that they might not be disposed of in conformity with the practice of their country ; and on the advance of the English army their bones were found secreted in an apartment of a house. Mongheer was regularly attacked, and, after a practicable breach had been made, capitulated to the English. The news of this reached Meer Cossim at Patna, and infiamed him to such a pitch of fury, that he resolved on the perpetration of an act of wholesale slaughter, exceeding in enormity even the atrocities of the Black Hole. While the English army were on their march towards Mongheer, he addressed a letter to Major Adams, threaten- ing to put to death his European prisoners, and concluding thus: "Exult not upon the success which you have gained, merely by treachery and night assaults in two or three places, over a few jemadars sent by me. By the will of God you shall see in what manner this shall be revenged and retaliated." He was threatened with the utmost vengeance of the British nation if the prisoners sustained harm ; but neither the desperate guilt of the act which was meditated, nor the fearful con- sequences which might follow to its perpetrator, deterred Meer Cossim from giving orders for its execution. He found a fit instrument in a renegade European named Sumroo. The pri- soners were of course unarmed, and in order that this murder might be accomplished with the greater facility, a previous search was instituted for knives and forks, which were seized and sent away. The 3rd of October was the day of slaughter. Some of the victims were surrounded and fired upon ; others were cut to pieces by the swords of the soldiers employed in the dreadful work. It is said that they made all the resistance in their power by throwing bottles and stones at their murderers. Among the murdered was Mr. Ellis, whose impatience for hostilities had been so conspicuously displayed, and Mr. Hay, who had accompanied Mr. Amyatt on the mis- sion from the English Government to Meer Cossim. One Englishman only was excepted from the sentence of general massacre. He was a surgeon, named FuUarton, and the value of his professional knowledge probably was the cause of his preservation. The English prisoners in other places shared the fate of 1764.] DISAFFECTION OF THE TROOPS. 95 those at Patna. Mr. FuUarton, notwithstand- ing the favour which had been shown him, feeling some misgivings as to his own security, succeeded in effecting his escape about three weeks after the slaughter of his companions. It is said that the total number of Englishmen murdered in various places amounted to two hundred. Fatna, where the principal scene of this tragedy had been acted, was soon to pass out of the hands of the miscreant by whom it had been thus polluted. On the 6th of November it was taken by storm, and from this period the fortune of Meer Cossim was decided. His army was pursued by that of the English to the banks of the Oaramnassa, which river he crossed to seek refuge in the territories of the soubahdar of Oude, with whom he had pre- viously concluded a treaty. This campaign was most honourable to the British force and to those by whom it was commanded. Their numbers would bear no comparison with those of the army of Meer Cossim, which a military witness declared to be better appointed and better disciplined than any he had seen in India before. Meer Cossim, though possessed of little military talent and less courage, had been very anxious to improve his army by the introduction of European discipline, and he had to a consi- derable extent succeeded. When Meer Cossim crossed the Caramnassa, the emperor and the vizier were in camp at Allahabad. Thither the fugitive proceeded, and was honoured with a most gracious recep- tion ; but the desire of Meer Cossim that the vizier should march against the English was evaded, on the ground that he was about to employ his army in reducing to obedience some refractory dependants in Bundlecund, who had refiised payment of revenue ; Meer Cossim offered to undertake the task, and his services being accepted, he performed the duty entirely to the satisfaction of the vizier, who on his return to the camp agreed at once to march into Behar in support of the claims of the exiled nabob. The English authorities had been led, by communications from both the vizier and his master the emperor, to be- lieve that Meer Cossim would be surrendered, or at least stripped of his wealth and power ; but in case of the failure of this expectation. Major Carnac (who had succeeded to the com- mand of the army) was instructed to advance his army to the banks of the Caramnassa to oppose the entrance of the enemy into the country. Unhappily the services of the army could not be depended upon. A spirit of dis- affection had widely spread ; some of the troops went off to the enemy's camp, and the fidelity of those who remained was very doubt- ful. The mutiny was incited and kept alive principally by a body of French troops, which, in the exercise of a very questionable policy, had been taken into the English service. The alleged object of the movement was to obtain a donation in recompense of the extraordinary labours to which the troops had been subjected, but the distribution of money only partially allayed the discontent. The prevalence of this feeling in the army, the scarcity of provisions, and the disinclination of Meer Jaffier to com- mence hostilities, all tended to compel the British commander to confine himself to acting on the defensive, instead of adopting the bolder line which was repeatedly pressed upon him from Calcutta. On the enemy's approach an advance had been resolved upon, but it was subsequently found necessary to retire upon Patna. There, early in the morning of the 13th May, the British force was attacked. The conflict lasted till sunset, when the enemy was compelled to retire. Overtures for accom- modation were at this time made both by the emperor and the vizier, but the English au- thorities insisted, with great propriety, upon the delivery of Meer Cossim, the ruffian Sumroo, and the English deserters who had fled to the enemy ; and on the other hand, the vizier proposed to diminish the territory of Meeir Jaffier, by severing from it the province of Behar. Nothing resulted from these at- tempts, real or pretended, at negotiation ; and late in the month of June the enemy returned into Oude, a movement accelerated by a de- monstration made by Major Carnac of carrying hostilities beyond the frontier. In the action on the 13th May the British troops had behaved most creditably, and from this the council at Calcutta inferred that there was no reason to apprehend any return of in- subordination. Major Carnao's opinion was less favourable ; and as his opportunities of observation were better, this circumstance might have shielded an officer of his expe- rienced character from the censure with which he was visited by the council for not entering upon a more adventurous course than he thought fit to pursue. The name of Major Carnac was not unknown in Indian warfare, and those under whom he served must have been aware that he was not a man likely to evade encountering the epemy without good cause. He had avowed his opinion that the army under his command, " if stanch, was a full match for the enemy ;" but he had added an expression of his fear, that the open display of disaffection had only been kept down by the fear of punishment and the want of opportu- nity; and that numerous desertions would have taken place had not desertion been ren- dered exceedingly difficult by "the position he had taken, and the good look-out that was kept." While he held the command solitary instances of insubordination were not of un- frequent occurrence ; and his successor, Major Munro, found the army, on his arrival to as- sume the command, in a state which, in his judgment, called for the infliction of punish- ment, extensive, summary, and severe. The latter officer, wh» was in the king's service, had been called from Bombay with as many troops, both king's and Company's, . as could be spared from that presidency, in consequence 96 SUPPRESSION OF THE MUTINY. [a.d. 17G4. of the alarm created by the invasion from Oude. Arriving at Calcutta, he lost no time in proceeding with the troops which had ac- companied him to Patna. The army previ- ously assembled there, Europeans and sepoys, were in a state of mutiny. Desertions were frequent, and the mutineers soon went to the extent of threatening to carry off their ofiBcers and deliver them up to the enemy. Not only did they clamour for payment of a donation alleged to have been promised by the nabob, but an augmentation of pay was demanded ; and the entire force of the British which had been assembled in the neighbourhood of Patna seemed on the point of breaking up. Such being the situation of the army, Major Munro, to use his own words, "determined to en- deavour to conquer that mutinous disposition in them before" he " would attempt to con- quer the enemy." In the spirit of this deter- mination, he proceeded with a detachment and four field-pieces to one of the cantonments at a short distance from Patna. On the day of his arrival a battalion of sepoys marched off with their arms and accoutrements to join the enemy. A party, consisting of a hundred Europeans and a battalion of sepoys, whose ofiicers reported that they might be depended upon, was despatched with two field-pieces in pursuit of the deserters. They came up with them in the night, surprised them while asleep, made them prisoners, and marched them back to the cantonment. The officer commanding the detachment sent forward an express, an- nouncing the precise hour at which his arrival with the prisoners might be expected, and Major Munro was prepared to receive them with the troops under arms. He immediately ordered their officers to pick out from the de- serters fifty of those who bore the worst character, and who were likely to have been authors of the movement, or chief actors in it. This being done, a further selection of the twenty-four reputed to be the worst men in the fifty was made, and thesewere immediately placed upon trial before a field court-martial composed of native officers assembled on the spot. They were found guilty of mutiny and desertion) and sentenced to suffer death, the mode of carrying the sentence into effect being left to the direction of the commander-in-chief. He ordered them forthwith to be bound to the guns, and blown away. The order was no sooner made known than four grenadiers re- presented, that as they had always enjoyed the post of honour, they were entitled to suffer first. Their desire was complied with, the four men bound to the guns were released, the grenadiers fastened in their places and exe- cuted. The officers of the native troops in the field then informed the major that the sepoys were resolved not to permit any more men to suffer. He immediately directed the four field- pieces to be loaded with grape-shot, and the Europeans to be drawn up with the guns in intervals between them. The officers who had made the communication were commanded to return to the heads of their battalions, and the men were ordered to ground their arras under pain of being fired upon in case of dis- obedience or attempt at flight. The order was complied with — sixteen more of the offenders were blown away, and the remaining four carried to another cantonment where consi- derable desertion had taken place, there to suffer in like manner. From this time mutiny and desertion were at an end. Such measures can only be justified by strong necessity, and though it is impossible to regard them without a feeling of horror, we must not, under the indulgence of such a feeling, forget the para- mount necessity of upholding military loyalty and subordination, and the direful mischief of which an insurgent army might be the cause. The army being once more in a state in which it might be trusted to meet an enemy. Major Munro prepared to take the field as early as possible after the rains ; the 15th September was fixed for the rendezvous of the troops from the different cantonments. Before the army was put in motion, intelligence was received that the enemy had advanced several parties of horse, and thrown up some breast- work on the banks of the Soane to impede the passage of the English. To remove this ob- stacle. Major Champion was despatched with a detachment and four field-pieces to cross the river some miles below the place where the main body were to pass, and advance on the opposite bank for the purpose of dislodging the enemy and covering the landing of the British troops. It was important that Major Champion should arrive on one side of the river at the same time that the main body reached the other. The movements of both parts of the British force were regulated with a view to secure this — and with so much pre- cision were they executed, that Major Cham- pion's detachment began to fire on the enemy at the moment when the van of Major Munro's army appeared on the opposite bank. The enemy was soon dislodged — the English force was thus enabled to cross the river without molestation, and in four hours the operation was completed. Major Munro then continued his march towards Buxar, where the enemy lay. On the 22nd October he arrived there, and encamped just beyond the range of the enemy's shot. He found them intrenched with the Ganges on their left and the village of Buxar in their rear. The first intention of Major Munro was to attack them before day- break on the morning after his arrival. Some spies were sent out to ascertain in what part of their encampment the force of their artil- lery lay, where the tents of the vizier and Meer Cossim stood, and whether the British artillery could be brought to bear on the enemy's right. Major Munro being resolved to avoid attacking them on their left, in order, said he, "that we might have a better chance to drive them into the Ganges than they should us." Midnight arrived without bringing back the spies. The British commander concluded A.D.1764.] BATTLE OF BUXAE. 97 tbat they had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and he resolved to postpone the attack till the following morning. As the day broke, two of the spies returned, and reported that the enemy had been under arms all night, that they had been moving their artillery, and that the women and treasure had been sent away. A reconnmssance took place, and many of the enemy's troops were perceived under arms, but not beyond the intrenchments ; and it was the opinion of Major Munro and all the ofBoers who accompanied him, that the bustle appar- ent in the enemy's camp was a feint. " In this belief," said the major, "I returned to our camp, wishing they would come out and attack us, for our army was encamped in order of battle." His wish was gratified. At eight o'clock the field-officer of the day announced that the enemy's right was in motion, and that he was confident that they were seriously re- solved on making an attack. The drums were immediately ordered to beat to arms, the troops advanced from their encampment, and in a few minutes were ready to receive the approaching enemy. The action commenced at nine and raged till twelve, when the enemy gave way. They retired, however, leisurely, blowing up several tumbrils and three large magazines of powder as they went off. The British army broke into columns to pursue ; but pursuit was frustrated by the vizier sacrificing part of his army to preserve the remainder. Two miles from the field of battle was a rivulet, over which a bridge of boats had been con- structed. This the enemy destroyed before their rear had passed over ; and through this act about two thousand of them were drowned or otherwise lost. Destructive as was this proceeding, it was, says Major Munro, " the best piece of generalship Shoojah-ad-Dowlah showed that day ; because, if I had crossed the rivulet with the army, I would either have taken or drowned his whole army in the Ca- ramnassa, and come up with his treasure and jewels, and Cossim Ali Khan's jewels, which, I was informed, amounted to between two and three millions." The British force engaged in this memorable battle consisted of eight hundred and fifty-seven Europeans, five thousand two hundred and ninety-seven sepoys, and nine hundred and eighteen native cavalry, making a total of seven thousand and seventy-two men. They had a train of artillery of twenty field-pieces. The force of the enemy, according to some reports, amounted to sixty thousand men, and the lowest estimate fixes it at forty thousand. Of this vast number two thousand were left dead upon the field of battle, exclusive of those who perished from the destruction of the bridge ; the enemy also lost one hundred and thirty- three pieces of cannon of various sizes. The loss of the English in killed and wounded was severe, amounting to no less than eight hun- dred and forty-seven. The situation of the wounded enemy was pitiable, but they received all the attention which it was in the power of the victors to afford. Surgical assistance could not be rendered, for all that was available was insufficient to meet the wants of the wounded of the English army ; but for five successive days the field was traversed in search of those in whom life was not extinct, and rice and water bestowed on all who would receive it. To ensure the due discharge of this humane provision, it was personally superintended by. the commander-in-chief, who thus shewed that, although when circumstances required severity he would not shrink from its exercise, he was not less prompt in executing the gentle offices of chai'ity than in enforcing obedience to the demands of military law. On the day after the battle the emperor ad- dressed a letter to Major Munro, congratu- lating him on the victory which he had gained over the vizier — by whom the emperor alleged he had been treated as a prisoner — soliciting the protection of the English, and adding, that though he had been in camp with the vizier, he had left him on the night before the battle. The British army remained several days at Buxar, making provision for the wounded and burying the dead. Major Munro then marched in the direction of Benares. The emperor marched with his guards in the same direction, and every night pitched his tent within a very short distance of the British encampment. Subsequently to the transmission of the letter, the Emperor had sought an interview with Major Munro, in which he renewed his request for British protection, and offered to bestow in return the dominions of Shoojah-ad-Dowlah, or any thing else which the British govern- ment might please to demand. Major Munro had referred the subject to those under whom he was acting, and declined giving any coun- tenance to the emperor's wishes until author- ized by instructions firom Calcutta. At length instructions arrived. They were favourable to the emperor, and he was thenceforward regarded as under British protection. The emperor was not the only person who had reason to complain of the friendship of Shoojah-ad-Dowlah. Meer Cossim had be- come anxious to enjoy his alliance at a greater distance, and in the hope of escaping had pro- posed to depart for a season under pretence of collecting revenue. The wary vizier was not to be thus deceived. Suspecting tbat the real purpose of the proposed expedition was not that which was professed, he objected to its being undertaken, and Meer Oossim was com- pelled to submit. But though the ivizier thus refused to allow his friend an opportunity of collecting his revenues, he was not disposed to forget that Meer Oossim had purchased his alliance by an engagement to pay a monthly subsidy. Payment was demanded, but Meer Cossim pleaded his inability to comply. The vizier then called to his aid the name of his master the emperor, who, he affirmed, was pressing for the Bengal tribute, and that if it were not forthwith paid, the effects of Meer Cossim would be seized by the imperial 98 MEER COSSIM PLUNDERED BY THE VIZIER. * [a.d. 1764. officers. Meer Cossim, as was natural, besought the friendly offices of the vizier to avert this extremity ; but the vizier declared that he could not interfere, and that the accounts must be settled with the emperor. Meer Cossim felt, or affected to be in despair ; and to shame the vizier into greater conside- ration, he relinquished the state which he had been accustomed to maintain, and assumed the mortified habit and bearing of a devotee. The vizier, hearing of the change, appeared greatly shocked ; he lost no time in visiting the desponding prince, and by repeated assurances of the undiminished warmth and sincerity of his friendship, at length induced him to aban- don the dress and deportment by which his feelings of disappointment and dejection were expressed, and reassume his princely habili- ments and mode of life. But Meer Cossim had yet to gain further experience of the character of his friend. His troops became clamorous for their pay, and surrounded the tent of their master, demanding a settlement. Meer Cossim was unprepared with the ordi- nary silver currency of the country ; and to appease them he was obliged to have recourse to a cherished hoard of gold. This, however, was not a process to be repeated, and to avoid the necessity of again resorting to it, Meer Cossim resolved to get rid of an army which he was no longer able to pay without trench- ing upon resources that were reserved for the last pressure of extremity. The riotous troops were headed by Sumroo, the wretch who had been the willing instrument of executing the murderous orders of the Nabob at Patna. To him Meer Cossim communicated his intention of dispensing with the services of the force which be had commanded, and he requested that the cannon, as well as the arms and ac- coutrements of the men, might be returned to one of bis officers. Sumroo was not prepared to recognize the justness of the demand ; he had a strong opinion of the right of posses- sion. He answered that the articles belonged to those who bad them in their keeping, and bis practice illustrated his principle. He immediately tendered the services of him- self and his battalions to the vizier, by whom they were most graciously accepted. Such an accession to the vizier's army was valuable ; and it is not recorded that the prince enter- tained any scruples on account of the arms and equipments of the men having been furnished at the expense of his friend. This transfer had taken place before the battle of Buxar. Sumroo had there acted on behalf of the vizier; but, as has been seen, he gained for his new employer neither honour nor advan- tage. The day after the discharge of the troops by Meer Cossim his tents were sur- rounded by the troops of the vizier, who, sus- pecting that his friend's stock of gold was not exhausted, was desirous of transferring it into his own coffers. Meer Cossim was mounted on an elephant, and carried to the camp of his ally. A rigid investigation was made as to the extent of his effects, and all that could be dis- covered were appropriated by the vizier. Meer Cossim, however, was able to secrete a number of valuable jewels, which were despatched by one of his followers to the Rohilla country. In the plunder of his friend, the vizier ob- served neither moderation nor mercy. He would have taken the last rupee which Meer Cossim possessed, if he had been able to dis- cover where it was deposited. But while thus indulging his rapacity without restraint, he steadily refused — and his conduct in this respect was certainly creditable— to surrender Meer Cossim into the hands of the English. The demand had been made before the battle of Buxar and rejected; it was repeated after- wards with no better success. When Major Munro arrived at Benares, the vizier de- spatched to him an envoy, named Beny Baha- dur, to make proposals of peace. The major insisted, as a preliminary, upon the delivery of Meer Cossim and Sumroo. Beny Bahadur declared the concession of this demand to be impossible, but said, that, if it were aban- doned, the vizier would give twenty-five lacs of rupees to the Company towards the ex- penses of the war, twenty-five lacs to the' army, and eight lacs to the British com- mander. The manner in which the proposal was received by Major Munro is thus related by himself : — *' My answer was, that if he gave me all the lacs in his treasury, I would make no peace with him until he had delivered me up those murdering rascals; for I never could think that my receiving eleven or twelve lacs of rupees was a sufficient atonement for the blood of those unfortunate gentlemen who were murdered at Patna." This decisive de- claration silenced the vizier's envoy, and he departed. He returned after a time, in the hope of softening the British commander, but the latter refused to vary his determination in the slightest degree. Beny Bahadur then requested that an officer, named Captain Stables, might accompany him back, as the captain was familiar with the country lan- guage, and the vizier wished to make a pro- posal to him. The officer whose presence was thus sought was left by his commander at per- fect liberty to accept or decline this invitation according to his own discretion. Major Munro told him that he neither advised nor wished him to go, as he might perhaps meet the fate of the sufferers of Patna. Captain Stables, however, resolved to incur the danger, and he proceeded ' to the vizier's camp. A compromise was now proposed. Shoojah-ad-Dowlah would not de- liver up Meer Cossim, but he was ready to withdraw from him his protection (if protec- tion it were) and connive at his escape.. With regard to Sumroo, the vizier was prepared to go further. He would not surrender him, though his scruple was inexplicable, inasmuch as the course which he proposed as a substi- tute for this measure was more dishonourable than the surrender would have been. His plan was that two or three gentlemen from A.D.1765.] DEATH OF MEER JAFFIEE. 99 the English camp who were acquainted with Sumroo's person should visit the camp of the vizier. Sumroo was then to be invited to an entertainment, and amidst the festive rites was to meet his death, in presence of the Eng' lish witnesses. The vizier supported hia plan by an argument seldom neglected in the field of Oriental dialectics — he offered Captain Stables a large sum to use his influence with hia com- mander to get the terms accepted ; but the project was not one likely to meet the counte- nance of Englishmen, and its framer was still doomed to find his proposals rejected. All hope of making terms with Shoojah-ad- Dowlah being at an end, the British army continued its march towards Allahabad. Chunarghur was besieged and a practicable breach effected, but the assault failed through the bad behaviour of the ^epoys, and the suc- cess of a second was frustrated in like manner by the failure of the European troops who led the van : these running back, the whole gave way. In the meantime Shoojah-ad-Dowlah was endeavouring to get into the rear of the British army, and one object of this move- ment was to carry off the emperor. But the attempt was unsuccessful. Major Munro converted the siege of Chunarghur into a blockade, and leaving a sufficient force to maintain it, retired with the rest of the army to Benares. Shoojah-ad-Dowlah continuing to approach, the English commander concentrated his force by withdrawing the detachment from Chunarghur in expectation of a general action. The two armies, however, long remained in a state of quiescence, and before activity was again manifested, Major Munro had relin- quished his command and quitted India. The death of Meer Jaffier, which occurred in February, placed the throne of Bengal once more at the disposal of the English authorities. The competitors wereNoojum-ad-Dowlah, the second son of Meer Jaffier (but the eldest surviving), and the infant son of Meerun. The former was on the verge of manhood, the latter was only about six years of age. As both were illegitimate, neither had any legal right to the succession ; but both had enjoyed the advantage of having been publicly recog- nized by the former nabob as entitled to it. The British Government determined in favour of the candidate of riper age. Their decision appears to have been influenced by a regard to the public feeling in his favour, and by a prudent desire to avoid giving to the succes- sion the appearance of a new revolution. Pre- viously the new nabob seems not to have stood high in their esteem. They avowed that they had no favourable opinion either of his abilities or his character ; but, barring his ille- gitimacy, Noojura-ad-Dowlah was the successor to whom the Mahometan law pointed. The son of Meerun was an infant, as were the younger children of Meer Jaffier, and though the elevation of one of these might have con- tributed to increase the actual power of the Company, it would also have rendered that power tnore conspicuous than was desired ; and to remove the succession out of the family of the late nabob might, as the councibobserved, " create troubles." But though the new nabob apparently ascended the musnud according to ordinary rule^, he was, in effect, but the crea- ture of the British power, and in bestowing on him the throne, the opportunity afforded for adding to the stability of that power was not neglected. The tendency of events for some years past had been to throw on the Company's government the military defence of the three provinces. They were now to be formally invested with this office. The nabob was to be relieved from the expense of keep- ing up any greater military force than might be necessary for purposes of state, for the maintenance- of internal peace, and for enforc- ing the collection of revenue. To meet the increased expense that would thus be thrown on the Ccflnpany, a monthly payment of five lacs, which Meer Jaffier had made for a short time, was to be continued. In adverting to the incapacity of the new nabob, the council had promised to take care that proper officers were appointed for the management of the affairs of the government. To ensure this was the next object of anxiety. The old nabob had been madly attached to a man named Nunoomar, one of the most faithless and pro- fligate politicians that could be found even in an Eastern court ; to him all the power of the state had been committed almost without control. Nuncomar was an enemy, and a treacherous enemy, to the English. The dimi- nution of his power was consequently indis- pensable to the security of their interests, and this it was proposed to effect by transferring the exercise of the chief authority in the state to one believed to be better entitled to confi- dence. The man selected for the office of chief minister was named Mahomed Reza Khan, and the favour shewn him by the Eng- lish gave Nuncomar an opportunity of insinu- ating that it was intended to place him on the throne. Nuncomar'a station gave him great influence, and his cunuing and activity enabled him to make the best use of it for advancing his own ends. Without concert with the Eng- lish authorities he had applied to the emperor for sunnuds confirming Noojum-ad-Dowlah in ' the succession ; and they arrived before the formal recognition of the nabob by the British government had taken place. But the power of that government was in the ascendant. The influence of the objections raised by Nun- comar to the terms proposed by them had been removed — a treaty founded on those terms had been signed, and Mahomed Reza Khan had been acknowledged as naib or chief manager. Besides the military defence of the country, and the recommendation or appoint- ment of the chief minister of the nabob, the council had stipulated for such a degree of influence in the appointment of officers of revenue as should be sufficient, it was thought, to guard against any flagrant abuses in that H 2 100 MAHOMED EEZA KHAN'S LARGESSES. [a.d. 1765. important branch of the public service. All these arrangements may fairly be supposed to have hadftheir origin in an honest zeal for the benefit of the Company by whose servants they were made, and of the country to which they belonged. The same favourable view cannot be taken of their conduct in another instance. They renewed with Noojum-ad- Dowlah the agreement contained in the last treaty made with his father for continuing to the English the privilege of carrying on the inland trade free from duties, excepting the two and a half per cent, paid on salt. Not only was this unreasonable and unjust in itself, but it was in direct contravention of positive orders from the Company at home. The Court of Directors, by letter dated 8th of February, 1764, had required the inland trade to be dis- continued. The Court of Proprietors shortly afterwards recommended a reconsideration of the subject with a view to its regulation in such a manner as should " prevent all further disputes between the soubahdar and the Com- pany." The Court of Directors accordingly, in a letter dated the 1st June, 1764, desired the council of Fort William to form, with the approbation of the nabob — in the language of the dispatch, " with his free will and consent, and in such a manner as not to afford any just grounds of complaint" — a proper and equi- table plan for carrying on the private trade : but it is to be remarked, in giving these direc- tions, the Court took occasion to express their disapprobation of those articles in the treaty with Meer Jaffier which provided for the im- munity of the Company's servants from cus- toms duties except on salt, while the general exemption granted by Meer Cossim was to be reversed. The Court write, "These are terms which appear to be so very injurious to the nabob and to the natives, that they cannot, in the very nature of them, tend to any thing but the producing general heart-burnings and disaffection ; and consequently there can be little reason to expect that tranquillity in the country can be permanent ; the orders there- fore in our said letter of the 8th of February" — the orders directing the entire abandonment of the inland trade — "are to remain in force, until a more equitable and satisfactory plan can be formed and adopted." In the face of these orders, the council of Calcutta inserted in their treaty with Noojum-ad-Dowlah an article, resei'ving to the servants of the Com- pany the privilege of continuing to trade upon the same terms as had been granted by Meer Jaffier — terms which the Directors declared injurious to both prince and people, and incompatible with the tranquillity of the country. Well might the authority whose orders were thus set at nought address those by whom the new treaty was framed and con- eluded, in language of severe and indignant reproof. In expressing their opinion upon the treaty, the Court, after adverting to this article and to their previous orders, say, "we must and do consider what you have done as an express breach and violation of onr orders, and as a determined resolution to sacrifice the interests of the Company and the peace of the country to lucrative and selfish views. This unaccountable behaviour puts an end to all confidence in those who made this treaty." While the private trade was thus secured for the benefit of the Company's servants in gen- eral, those who had been instrumental in placing the new nabob on the throne had the usual opportunities of promoting their own special interests. Presents of large amount were ten- dered, and though for a time the members of council displayed a decent coyness, they were notunrelenting: asusualonsuch occasions, their scruples gave way before the arguments of their tempters. The nabob dispensed his wealth with a liberality becoming his rank. The gratitude of Mahomed Keza Khan was manifested by the earnestness with which he pressed a parti- cipation in his good fortune upon those who had bestowed it on him ; and Juggut Seit, anxious for the support of the British council in aiding his influence with the nabob, was ready, in the spirit of commercial speculation, to purchase it. Mr. Vansittart had retired from the government before the death of Meer Jaffier, and the chair was occupied by Mr. Spencer, a gentleman who, most opportunely for himself, had been brought from Bombay just in time to improve his fortune to the ex- tent of two lacs of rupees. Among other large sharers in the shower of wealth were Messrs, Johnstone, Leycester, Senior, and Middleton. These gentlemen had formed a deputation, to whom was entrusted the arrangement with the nabob of the terms of the treaty. Mr. Johnstone had formerly laid down the prin- ciple that money bestowed in reward of service rendered by the representatives of the Com- pany, and by their power and influence, right- fully belonged to the Company ; he had expressed a tender regard for the reputation of Mr. Vansittart and his colleagues, by recom- mending the diversion of Meer Cossim's bounty into another channel, lest suspicion should attach to their motives ; and he had manifested some disappointment, that when a bond of large amount was offered them, it had not been immediately placed to the credit of the Company. His views had undergone a change, neither the cause nor the process of which is anywhere explained ; but he accepted (and did not place to the credit of the Company) two lacs and thirty-seven thousand rupees — his share thus considerably exceeding that of the governor. Mr. Senior received one lac twenty-two thousand five hundred rupees ; Mr. Middleton one lac twenty-two thousand five hundred ; Mr. Leycester one lac twelve thousand flve hundred. Messrs. Pleydell, Burdett, and Gray, members of council, re- ceived one lac each. How the money had been merited in the case ot Mr. Burdett does not appear, as he had voted alone for calling the infant son of Meerun to the throne. Per- haps it was to prevent trouble arising from his A.D. 1765.] LORD CLIVE AS GOVERNOR. 101 discontent. A scarcely less remarlcable object of the nabob's generosity was Mr. Gideon Johnstone, who was not in the council, nor at the time had ever been in the Company's ser- vice ; he received fifty thousand rupees for no reason that can.be discovered, except that he was the brother of the gentleman who was chief of the deputation. While the arrangements consequent on the death of Meer Jaffier were in progress, the war in the northern provinces continued to be carried on to the advantage of the English. The council Being, however, anxious to bring it to an end, made a very extraordinary pro- posal towards accommodation. The demand for the surrender of Meer Cossim and Sumroo being the principal obstacle, they expressed their willingness to recede from it on one con- dition, and the condition was, that the vizier should put Meer Cossim and Sumroo to death "as an act of justice." The Court of Direc- tors, when informed of the proposal, declared it impossible to believe that this experiment on the vizier's regard for his friends was seriously meant, adding very justly, " if the law of hospitality forbad his delivering them up, surely it forbade his murdering them." Ohunarghur and Allahabad surrendered to the English in February. In the latter place the emperor took up his residence. The vizier iled to Lucknow, and from thence to seek refuge among the Rohillas. Meer Cossim had made his escape from the protection of the vizier, and followed the jewels which he had pi'eserped from the plunder to which he had been subjected. Sumroo, having no affection for a falling cause, was seeking a new service. The power of the vizier had indeed been completely broken, and the English were in a condition to strip him altogether of dominion, or to tolerate his retention of it upsn any terms which they pleased to dictate ; but before his fate was determined, Mr. Spencer had ceased to be the head of the British government in Bengal, and Olive, who during his residence in England had been create* an Irish peer, arrived on the 3rd of May to supply his place. The new governor was accompanied from England by two civil servants of the Company, Mr. Sumner and Mr. Sykes ; and these, with Mr. Verelst and General Carnae, were to form a select committee, vested with extraordinary powers, to pursue whatever means they should judge most proper to restore peace and tran- quillity to the country. Whenever it could be done conveniently, the council at large were to be consulted ; but the power of deter- mining was to rest in the committee alone. As soon as peace and tranquillity should be "restored and established in the soubabdar- ship of Bengal," the extraordinary powers of the committee were to cease, and the com- mittee itself to be dissolved. At the time of dive's arrival, the son of Meer Jaffier was in peaceful possession of the throne of Bengal, under the protection ot the English Govern- ment, before whose victorious arms the vizier was flying ; while, with the emperor, relations of friendly alliance had been established. Clive seems to have been disappointed that there was so little left for him to achieve ; and he felt more especially aggrieved by the govern- ment having provided a successor to Meer Jaffier before his arrival. The promptitude of the council might have been influenced by views of personal advantage ; but the dissatis- faction of Clive was unreasonable, and must be referred to a feeling more lofty, perhaps, than that of his rivals, but not more disin- terested. The ardour of the council might be stimulated by cupidity, while the complaints of Clive were the fruits of disappointed am- bition. The committee lost no time in entering upon their duties ; but, as might have been expected, the members of the council showed no alacrity in recognizing their authority. Mr. Leycester and Mr. Johnstone were de- sirous of obtaining some explanation from the committee as to the meaning and intent of their powers, which were especially limited to the restoration of peace and tranquillity j but CHve answered that he would not discuss such points — that the committee themselves were the sole judges of their own powers, and were resolved to carry them into execution. The fierce and haughty bearing of Clive silenced his opponents, if it did not satisfy them. A subject which was among those that first occupied the attention of the committee was one which the council would gladly have post- poned. The enormous presents, by which many of the Company's servants had enriched themselves at the expense of opulent and powerful natives, had attracted attention at home. The danger and the scandal of per- mitting such practices to be continued without restraint had been felt, and it had been re- solved to prepare forms of covenant to be executed by the civil and military servants of the Company, binding them not to accept the gift of any land, rents, or revenue whatever, nor of any other property, beyond a small amount, without the consent of the Court of Directors. The covenants had arrived at Calcutta in January, but the council had not taken any steps towards procuring their exe- cution ; and, indeed, as the death of Meer Jaffier and the accession of his eldest surviving son immediately followed the arrival of the covenants, it is obvious that a hasty execution of those documents would to the council have been exceedingly inconvenient. It appears, also, that they disapproved of them on princi- ple ; they thought them too unreasonable and absurd to be adopted or acted upon. One of their own body stated that he had heard from his brethren that the regulation appeared to them so new and extraordinary, and seemed liable to so many objections, that they pro- posed sending home a remonstrance against it, eettisig forth their reasons for judging the measure inexpedient and improper. The select 102 GIFT 0:1^ THE DEWANNY. [a.d. 1765. committee took a different view. They pe- remptorily required that the covenants should be executed ; and the demand met with little resistance, though it excited much dis- content. A very unfavourable report of the conduct of those who had been engaged in placing Noojum-ad-Dowlah on the throne was made by the select committee to the Court of Directors. Some of Olive's opponents were men of energy scarcely inferior to hia own ; but he had the power to crush them, and was not indisposed to exert it. Some of the discontented, to avert worse consequences, retired ; some of the more refractory were suspended, and no inconsiderable number were ultimately dis- missed the service. Mahomed Keza Khan was exonerated from the charges preferred against him, but he was not permitted to enjoy his vast power unimpaired. The nabob had manifested great dislike to the arrangement by which it had been placed in his hands, and it was reduced by admitting Juggut Seit and Eoydooloob to a participation. The nabob gained nothing by this division of power ; but it might possibly in some degree soothe his irritated feelings, and it had the additional recommendation of annoying Olive's oppo- nents. More important matters remained to be adjusted — the conclusion of the war with the vizier, the settlement of the relations of the Oompany with the emperor, and a new arrange- ment with the nabob ; for this, too, formed part of the plans of Olive. The vizier, with his allies, the Mahrattas, having on the 3rd of May been defeated by the English, he signi- fied, a few days afterwards, his desire of peace, upon any conditions which the victors might think fit to prescribe. Olive proceeded to the English camp to arrange the terms ; and the vanquished prince had no reason to complain of their harshness. The transfer of the entire dominions of the vizier to the emperor had been seriously contemplated ; but the design was regarded by Olive (as well as by the Court of Directors at home, when they became aware of the project) as impolitic and dangerous. The vizier was therefore restored to the pos- session of all the territories which he had previously governed, with the exception of Korah, and such parts of the province of Allahabad as were then actually occupied by the emperor. A defensive alliance was to subsist between the vizier, the nabob, and the English ; the latter were to carry on trade duty free ; but the vizier objected to granting them permission to establish factories within his dominions, and the claim was not pressed. The surrender of Meer Oossim and Sumroo was no longer within the vizier's power — one impediment to peace was thus removed, and the prince evinced no reluctance to stipulate that he would never entertain, receive, or countenance them. As an indemnification for the expenses of the war, he agreed to pay fifty lacs of rupees within thirteen months. This amount Clive and the select committee allowed to be inadequate ; but the reasons which they urged against pressing for more were creditable both to their liberality and prudence. The vizier's " circumstances," they represented, '.' would not afford more without oppressing the country, and thereby laying thd founda- tion of future contention and trouble." This explanation was followed by pointing out that no money had been granted "for any other consideration whatsoever." The intent of this remark is obvious ; but as some of the select committee were not distinguished for shunning the favours of fortune, its good taste is less palpable. The emperor was less fortunate than his rebellious ofi&cer. Not only was his expecta- tion of establishing himself in the place of the vizier disappointed, but in the settlement of his recognized claims to tribute from Bengal, more regard was shown to the convenience of those who had to pay than to the right of him who had to receive. The emperor demanded the amount, in money and jaghire, which had been fixed by engagements with Meer JafBer and Meer Oossim. Clive successfully objected to the jaghire, and five lacs and a half of rupees were thus annually saved to the revenues of Bengal. This point being yielded, the emperor applied for the arrears which were due, amount- ing to thirty-two lacs. Olive answered that it was impossible to pay one rupee, on account of the impoverishment of the treasury from various causes, more especially the war, which he did not fail to remind the emperor had been maintained partly on his majesty's account. The emperor resisted this attempt to confiscate the arrears of his tribute, and the " obstinacy" of the English negotiators (so it is termed by themselves) drew from him expressions of "warmth and displeasure ; " but the descendant of the emperors of Delhi had no choice but to abandon his claim with a good grace, or to continue to assert it without any hope of pro- fitirjg by his pertinacity. He took the former course, and the thirty-two lacs of arrears were numbered among things to be forgotten. The negotiation proceeded, and in its progress the English government gained an important accession to its power and influence. The emperor had some years before offered to bestow upon the Oompany the dewanny, or collection of the revenue, of the three provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, but it was then declined. It was now solicited, bestowed, and accepted. The English East-India Company was acknowledged as the representative of the throne of Delhi in the three provinces ; and the nizamut, or the executive functions of government, being at the same time confirmed to the nabob, the British authorities were for- tified by the sanction of that power which not long before had been paramount in India, and which still commanded respectful homage, even when unable to enforce obedience. The way to i-ender the gift of the dewanny available had been previously prepared. Clive, 1765.] OLIVE'S SALT SPECULATION. 103 by representing to the nabob the financial difficulties by which he was surrounded, had prevailed upon him to accept of an annual allowance of fifty-three lacs of rupees for the support of his dignity and contingent expenses, leaving the remainder of the revenues to be disbursed by the English government. The grant of the emperor entitled the Company to any surplus that might remain after the stipu- lated payments were made ; and they now lacked nothing of sovereignty but the name. In the arrangements made at this time with Clive, the nabob seems to have had little rea- son for complaint. His title to the throne was not the clearest, and it is admitted alike by the testimony of friends and foes that he was altogether unfit for the active duties of government. There is no evidence that he evinced any unwillingness to accept the name of sovereign and a large revenue, as a full satisfaction of his claims ; and as be was one of the weakest, if not one of the worst, of Oriental princes — utterly sunk in intemperance and sensuality, incapable of rational thought or vigorous effort — an arrangement which pro- vided him the means of unbounded indulgence, and relieved him from the cares of state, offered as the price of power that which a mind like the nabob's might be presumed to value more. Towards the emperor Clive scarcely showed equal liberality. It might not be expedient to gratify his wish to employ the English as the instruments of making conquests for his benefit ; but the mode in which his pecnniary claims upon the three provinces were disposed of was not that which the emperor of Delhi had a right to expect at the hands of those to whom he was giving a place among the states of India. Among the various questions of which Clive had to dispose, during this his third period of residence in India, was that of the private trade. The Court of Directors, it will be recollected, had forbidden their servants en- gaging in that trade, till some plan should be devised more equitable than that conceded by Meer Jaffier and confirmed by his weak suc- cessor. Clive, when at home, had strenuously urged the necessity of resti-aining the servants of the Company from trading in salt, betel- nut, and tobacco, articles which were among the chief objects of internal commerce, and with which the interference of foreigners had been felt as peculiarly vexatious. In a letter to the Court of Directors before he left Eng- land, he said, "The trading in salt, betel, and tobacco, having been one cause of the present disputes, I hope these articles will be restored to the nabob, and your servants absolutely forbid to trade in them." Again, in another letter : " The odium of seeing such monopolies in the hands of foreigners need not be insisted on." It could scarcely, therefore, have been doubted that Clive would have been zealous in carrying out the orders of the Court of Directors, consonant as they were to his own avowed opinions : yet, within a month after his arrival at Calcutta, Clive entered into a partnership with his colleagues in the select committee, Messrs. Sumner, Verelst, and Sykes, for the purpose of dealing in salt. An attempt has been made to excuse Clive, on the ground that his share of the profits of the speculation (which were enormous) was not appropriated to his own benefit, but was distributed among certain friends and dependents. This cannot alter the character of the proceeding. Clive had declared that the trade ought not to be permitted to the servants of the Company, and the Court of Directors had forbidden them to engage in it. Under these circumstances, he could no more be justified in entering upon the trade in salt for the benefit of others than for his own. Clive, too, at the very time he was thus acting, was claiming the character of a reformer, and addressing the Court of Directors in such language as the following : "Is there a man anxious for the speedy return of his son, his brother, or his friend, and solicitous to see that return accompanied by affluence of fortune, indifferent to the means by which it may have been obtained — is there a man who, void of all but selfish feel- ings, can withhold his approbation of any plan that promises not sudden riches to those, bis dearest connections — who can look with con- tempt upon measures of moderation, and who can cherish all upstart greatness, though stig- matized with the spoils of the Company — ^if there is such n man, to him all arguments would be vain — ^to him I speak not. My ad- dress is to those who can judge coolly of the advantages to be desired for their relations and friends, nor think the body corporate wholly unentitled to their attention." Yet Clive at this time was engaging in a trade forbidden by the orders of his superiors, for the purpose of enriching suddenly several persons, some of whom, at least, had small claims upon the Company or the countiy. One of them, Captain Maskeylyne, was a near relation of Lord Clive ; he had been in the service of the Company ; his good fortune had been far inferior to that of his patron, but it seems, from the testimony of a witness not indisposed to speak favourably, that it was tolerably proportioned to his merits. Another of the fortunate sharers in the salt profits was the private surgeon of Lord Clive ; and another appears to have contributed to his comfort in an humbler capacity — he is stated to have been his lordship's footman. On the inconsistency of such conduct with either the public duty or the public profes- sions of Clive it is unnecessary to dwell, Clive, however, found employment of a dif- ferent nature to that of bestowing fortunes on his friends, and carrying out the inland trade among the Company's servants. Whatever might be thought of these acts at home, they could not fail to be popular in India. Not so the reduction of the emoluments of the army, which was one of the duties imposed upon Clive by his instructions, and one which he was resolved to perform. 104 MUTINY OF EUROPEAN OFFICERS. [a.d. 1760. Aftei' the battle of Plassy, the Nabob Meer Jaffier bad granted to the English troops whom he was to support double batta, or field allow- ance. When the mode of defraying the ex- penses of the army was changed, by the assign- ment to the Company of certain districts for the purpose, the Court of Directors ordered that double batta should be abolished. These in- structions, though often repeated, had never been carried into effect ; and, as in the case of the covenants against the receipt of presents, it remained for Clive to enforce orders which iipathy, fear, or inclination had previously permitted to slumber. The select committee accordingly issued an order, directing that, Irom the 1st January, 1766, double batta should cease, except at Allahabad, where, on account of the distance from Calcutta, the allowance was to be continued while the troops were actually in the field, but was to be re- duced to single batta when they retired into cantonments. At Patna and Mongheer the troops were to have half batta when not on service. At the presidency they were to be placed on the same footing as at Madras ; they were to draw no batta, except when actually marching or serving in the field. Against this order remonstrance was offered, but in vain. The order was enforced ; and the enforcement led to a wide-spread conspiracy among the European officers, organized with much care and great secrecy, the object of which was the simultaneous resignation of their commissions on a given day. The details of this discredit- able business would afford neither instruction nor pleasure ; the subject may, therefore, be passed over with more than ordinary brevity. Clive exerted himself vigorously to repress the mutinous movement ; he was ably supported by Sir Robert Barker and Colonel A. Smith, who commanded two of the three brigades into which the army was divided. The re- maining brigade was commanded by Sir Robert Fletcher ; and he, it was discovered, though not until the muting was very far advanced, was the contriver and instigator of the guilty proceed- ings. He was brought to a court-martial, convicted, and cashiered — a lenient punish- ment, considered with reference to his aggra- vated guilt, and to the fatal consequences that might have followed his treacherous desertion of duty. A few officers of inferior rank were also brought to trial, and sentenced to punish- ment ; the remainder were permitted to enjoy the benefits of timely penitence, by restoration to their commissions. At the time that Clive was engaged in re- calling the army to their duty, he had an opportunity of evincing his regard for that body by a liberal donation for its benefit. On his arrival from England, he was informed that Meer Jaffier had bequeathed to him five lacs of rupees, which were in the hands of Munny Begum, the mother of the reigning prince. He at first hesitated as to receiving the legacy, on the ground, as he stated, that he had pledged his word that he would not benefit himself. directly or indirectly, by the government of India. But at the time of enforcing the order for the discontinuance of double batta, he de- termined to accept the bequest, and apply it to the formation of a, military fund for invalid officers and soldiers, and their widows. This legacy formed one of the subjects of inquiry when dive's conduct in India was submitted to parliamentary investigation. The fact of any such bequest having been made by Meer Jaffier was denied ; and, supposing it had, the right of Clive to benefit by it, after the prohi- bition of the receipt of presents, was disputed. The bequest was certainly involved in some mystery : but those who had to pay the money do not appear to have objected ; and if they had any personal object in heaping wealth upon Clive, they shewed great disinterestedness in renouncing the credit of their own liberality, and placing it to the account of a dead prince. In itself, moreover, the bequest was not alto- gether improbable. Meer Jaffier owed every thing to Clive ; and when he reflected on the treatment which he had met from Olive's suc- cessors, as contrasted with that which he had experienced from the great European soldier, he might naturally be desirous of marking his sense of the difference by some indication of his gratitude to Clive. There seems nothing, thei-efore, in the circumstances of the case that could render the acceptance of the legacy dis- honourable ; and a covenant prohibiting pre- sents could not, according to the letter, be applied to a testamentary bequest. There was little reason, however, for raising any questit)ii on the subject, as the acceptance and appro- priation of the money were sanctioned by the Court of Directors, and as no part of it was applied by Clive to his own use, or to the benefit of his personal friends. If all his pecuniary transactions had been equally free' from reproach, his memory in this respect would have stood clear of any imputation that could cast a shade upon it. In April, 1766, in conformity with ancient custom, the nabob held his poonah, or annual court for the adjustment of the zemindary accounts. The forms proper to this anniver- sary were rigidly observed, and nothing was wanting of its accustomed state and splendour. The prince sate as nazim, and Clive, as the representative of the Company, appeared as dewan, or collector of the imperial revenues. Noojum-ad-Dowlah never assisted at another ceremony of like nature. In May he was seized with malignant fever, which his consti- tution and habits were little adapted to over- come, and which in a few days put an end to his life. His brother, Syef-ad-Dowlah, was placed on the throne, and the opportunity was embraced of effecting a considerable reduction in the royal expenditure. Clive had regarded his mission to India as an extraordinary one, and £i-om the first had meditated returning at no remote period. He had found less occasion for exertion than he could have anticipated, and the little that A.D. 1767.' CHARACTER OF CLIVE 105 remained for him to perform had been aooom- pliahed. Peace had been concluded with the vizier ; the position of the Company and the nabob towards each other had been fixed, aa well as that of both with regard to the emperor ; the covenants against the receipt of presents had been enforced, and the inland trade — not prohibited, indeed, till- the pleasure of the Court of Directors could be known — but regulated, according to Olive's views, with some regard to equity. There was thus little left for him to perform, and the state of his health rendered him anxious not to protract his stay in India. He had renewed the arrange- ments for carrying on the inland trade for a second year, in spite of the denunciations re- ceived from home ; but at length the orders of the Court of Directors became too peremptory to be disregarded by a man whose friends were about to solicit for him further favours from the East-India Company ; to whom, conse- quently, the influence of the governing body was important, and who could not decently a,ppear as a candidate for reward in the cha- racter of a contumacious servant. One of the latest acts of Olive's government was to give orders for the abolition of the society of private trade from the period when the existing con- tracts expired. The despatch reporting this tardy act of obedience was dated the 24th January ; and before the month expired, Olive quitted Bengal for ever. He had no reason to complain of the reception which awaited him at home. On being introduced to the Court of Directors, he received from the chair- man a warm assurance of the approval and satisfaction of the court. In the general court his merits were acknowledged by a recommen- mendation to grant to him and bis representa- tives the enjoyment of his jaghire for an additional period of ten years, to commence from the expiration of the former term. The recommendation was adopted, and the grant formally made. As this gift must be regarded in the light of a reward for Olive's services during his last government, it is difi&cult to understand how he reconciled his acceptance of it with his often -repeated determination not to derive any pecuniary advantage from the appointment. The public life of Olive may now be regarded as at an end. He was subsequently called upon to answer for much in which he had been culpable ; and for some things in which he was blameless. These inquiries, for the most part, originated in factious and discreditable motives ; neither the accusers nor the accused appear in a favourable light — personal hostility and poli- tical intrigue prompted the charges — while Olive, in repelling them, is no longer the soldier whose cannon had shaken the thrones of Hindostan to their foundations, nor the statesman who had raised a goodly edifice of British power upon their ruins — but occupies the undignified position of a man who, having amassed bpundless wealth by means not always defensible,' is resolved to struggle to the death for its preservation. In India the very magni- tude of Olive's errors gave them something of greatness — at home, apart from the imperish- able wreath of military renown, which faction could not tear from his brow, there appears little to distinguish him from the mass of successful Indian fortune-hunters. The reader who looks back upon the scenes through which he has been conducted, will at once perceive that it is on his military character that Olive's reputation must rest. All the qualities of a soldier were combined in him, and each so admirably proportioned to the rest, that none predominated to the detriment of any other. His personal courage enabled him to acquire a degree of influence over his troops which has rarely been equalled, and which in India was before his time unknown ; and this, united with the cool and consummate judg- ment by which his daring energy was controlled and regulated, enabled him to effect conquests which, if they had taken place in remote times, would be regarded as incredible. Out of materials the most unpromising he had to create the instruments for effecting these con- quests, and he achieved his object where all men but himself might have despaired. No one can dwell upon the more exciting periods of his history without catching some portion of the ardour which led him through these stirring scenes ; no one who loves the country for which he fought can recall them to memory without mentally breathing " Honour to the name of Olive." In India his fame is greater even than at home, and that fame is not his merely — it is his country's. Well had it been for Olive, well had it been for the country which he so nobly served, if his brilliant qualities as a soldier had not been alloyed by any base admixture. It was not to be expected that he should be exempt from all touch of human weakness, but his failings were such as could scarcely have been believed to co-exist with the admii'able military virtues which he possessed and exercised. They were not the splendid infirmities of an aspiring spirit, but the mean propensities which might be tliought incompatible with greatness of mind. In the field, daring, self-denying, and self-devoted, Olive seemed a miracle of chival- rous valour — but the hero was assumed and cast off with the occasion ; and he whose noble bearing fixed the admiration of n.itions, and decided the fortune of thrones, could descend to the exercise of trickery and rapacity equal to that of the banyan, so accurately and power- fully depicted by himself in one of his parlia- mentary speeches. While history preserves the name of Omichund, the reputation of Olive must labour under »■ foul and fearful blot ; while men remember the means by which his princely fortune was accumulated, their ad- miration of his genius and courage will be qualified, in gentler minds by a feeling of pity for his weakness, in those of sterner cast by indignation and scorn. Olive spoke of the love of wealth as one of the master passions of the 106 EXPEDITION TO MANILLA. [A.D. 1762. human heart, and his conduct leads to the belief that, in this instance, he was no cold rhetorician — that he spolce as he felt. He was enslaved by the demon to whose power he bore ■witness, and the effects of his thraldom are dis- cernible in almost every action of his life. Grasping in India gold, jewels, and jaghire, with more than Oriental avidity — communi- cating secret intelligence to his agents at home to enable them to make favourable bargains in India stock — every where private interest and plans for self-aggrandisement are mixed up with the highest public objects. Yet while truth requires that his undue appetite for wealth be noted, justice demands that it be at the same time recorded that this passion, powerful as it was, never interfered with his duty to his country. When his personal inte- rest and the honour of the British name were opposed, he could, apparently without an effort, expel from his breast the ravening spirit which usually possessed it, and cast the darling pas- sion of his soul a willing offering at the shrine of patriotism. When he determined to resist by fore? the hostile demonstrations of the Dutch, the greater part of his fortune was in their bands. He thought not of this ; or, if the thought occurred, it was only to be de- spised. Clive, indeed, loved wealth too well, but he loved his country better. A mind sometimes soaring so far above the level of human nature, and sometimes sinking so much below it, is rarely to be found. As a statesman, Olive's vision was clear, but not extensive. He could promptly and adroitly adapt his policy to the state of things which he found existing ; but none of his acts display any extraordinary political sagacity. Turning from his claims in a field where his talents command but a moderate degree of respect, and where the means by which he sometimes sought to serve the state and sometimes to promote his own interests give rise to a very different feeling, it is due to one to whom his country is so deeply indebted, to close the nar- rative of his career by recurring once more to that part of his character which may be con- templated with unmixed satisfaction. As a soldier he was pre-eminently great. With the name of Clive commences the flood of glory which has rolled on till it has covered the wide face of India with memorials of British valour. By Clive was formed the base of the column which a succession of heroes, well worthy to follow in his steps, have carried upward to a towering height, and surrounded with trophies of honour, rich, brilliant, and countless. CHAPTER VII. EXPEDITION 10 MANILLA — BISE OF HTDEE ALl — HOSTILITIES BETWEEN HTDEB All AND THE ENGLISH — ALTEENATE SUOOBSSBS AND DEFEATS — DISCOMPITDEE OF THE ENQLISH — HTDEE ALI APPEAES BEFOEE MADEAS, AND &EANT8 PEACE ON FAVOUEABLE TEEMS. Soon after the British possessions on the coast of Coromandel had been placed in some degree of security by the reduction of Pondioherry and the annihilation of the French interests in the Carnatio, the ministers of the crown pro- jected an expedition againstManilla, a Spanish settlement, and the capital of the Phillippine Islands. The East-India Company were in- vited to aid in this object, and the government of Madras, in consequence, furnished about two thousand men for the purpose. General Lawrence remonstrated against the draft of so large a force, which he thought inconsistent with the safety of the British interests on the coast ; but his opinion was overruled. Part of the force left Madras at the latter end of July, 1762, and the remainder in the beginning of August, several civil servants of the Company accompanying, to take possession of the anti- cipated conquests. The land forces engaged in the expedition were commanded by General Draper, the naval force by Admiral Cornish. The operations against Manilla occupied twelve days, when it was taken by storm with very trivial loss. Articles were subsequently signed by the British commanders and the Spanish authorities, by which the private property of the inhabitants was secured, and the Spanish officers admitted to parole. On the other hand. all the dependencies of Manilla were to be sur- rendered, as well as all military stores, ajid a sum amounting to about a million sterling to be paid by way of ransom, one-half imme- diately. Manilla was restored to Spain at the general peace in the following year, and neither the East-India Company nor the British derived much advantage from the capture. That peace also restored to the French their former posses- sions on the continent of India — a most unwise concession on the part of the British negotia- tors, who ought to have been more alive to the interests of their own countrymen in the East than to suffer their intriguing and restless neighbours to regain the means of assailing them. In the meantime the government of Madras had been engaged in assisting Mahomed Ali in reducing several rebellious vaasals to obedience. The object was effected with a tolerable degree of ease, except in the case of Madura, which was held in opposition to his master by Ma- hamed Isoof, formerly a distinguished, and it was believed an attached, follower of the English. The siege of Madura was both tedious and expensive ; but it ultimately fell, and Ma- homed Isoof paid the ordinary penalty of rebellion in the surrender of his life. Another subject, which threatened to disturb A.D. 1763.] EISE OF HYDER ALL 107 the peace of that part of India, was a dispute between Mahomed Ali and the sovereign of Tatijore, relating to the repairs of a mound by which the waters of the river Cavery were pro- tected. By the mediation of the British government the quarrel was arranged, and this cause of hostility removed. But the energies of the British government were not long to be expended solely in reducing dependent chiefs to obedience; or arranging personal disputes between princes of greater dignity and dominion. A man of comparatively obscure origin was rising into notice, and gradually increasing that power which sub- sequently swept over a large portion of the south of India with the rapidity and withering influence of a destructive meteor. Hyder, the new candidate for conquest and dominion, has already been mentioned as affording temporary assistance to the French cause at Pondicherry. He was the son of a man who had held the dig- nity of a foujdar, but who, in one of those revo- lutions which are of such frequent occurrence in India, had lost his life — an event followed by the plunder of his family of all that they possessed. At this time Hyder was not more than seven years of age. His advance towards manhood gave little indication of future great- ness, and for some time after he had reached the period of maturity his life was totally devoted to pleasure. The sports of the field occupied a large portion of his time, the re- mainder was surrendered to voluptuous enjoy- ments. He had an elder brother, who at an early period of life had obtained military em- ployment in the service of Mysore. It was not till Hyder had completed his twenty-seventh year that he entered upon » similar course of life, by joining his brother's corps as a volunteer. Here he soon distinguished himself by the dis- play of extraordinary courage, and of a degree of coolness and self-possession not less admir- rable. In time he advanced to the command of a body of freebooters whom he had collected around him, who might, says Colonel Wilks, " well be characterised as brave and faithful thieves. In the ordinary circumstances of a cam- paign," it is added, "they more than realized the charges of their establishment by a variety of plunder and simple theft from friends, when the enemy did not offer convenient means." Hyder thus commenced his march to empire in the same manner as the distinguished founder of the Mahrattas, and his little band followed their avocation with a zeal, spirit, and success, not inferior to that displayed by the adherents of the illustrious Sevajee. In the confusion that ensued on the death of Nazir Jung, these adventurers, bold, faithful, and furtive, managed to mix with the crowd near the treasure of the deceased prince, which the treasurer had begun to load on the first alarm. But the caution and promptitude of the officer did not prevent the separation of two camels loaded with gold coin, which before order was restored were clear of the outposts, and con- siderably advanced on their way towards the head-quarters of Hyder. Horses, muskets, and other spoil, of inferior note, travelled in the same direction. Subsequently the number of Hyder's predatory troops was considerably increased, and with the aid of a brahmin, dis- tinguished by his proficiency alike in calcula- tion and in all the arts of crooked policy, a plan was devised for the regular organization and government of this extraordinary force, so as at once to promote their active devotion to the service and to secure to their chief a great proportion of the fruits of their ingenuity and daring. The men, besides their direct pay, were to receive one half the booty which was realized; the remainder was appropriated to Hyder, and its faithful delivery secured by a system of checks which rendered it nearly impossible to defraud the captain of his due. Under these excellent arrangements the trade of Hyder flourished wonderfully ; his power and his resources increased ; his stock of ele- phants, camels, tents, and equipments, enabled him to vie in this respect with the great chiefs in the state of Mysore ; and finally he was admitted to rank with them by being nominated foujdar of Dindigul, with a right to all the incidents attendant on the appointment, Hyder proceeded, at the head of a considerable force, to suppress a confederacy formed by the Polygars in the neighbourhood to resist the payment of tribute, and he succeeded. The news of his success was conveyed to court in terms which did not diminish its importance, nor veil the diflBculties which the victorious commander had surmounted ; and the despatch was closed by a formidable list of killed and wounded. So satisfactory was the intelligence, and so great the admiration felt for the com- mander and his troops, that a special messenger was despatched, with rich presents for the officers who had distinguished themselves, and a sum of money to be applied to the relief of the wounded men. To guard against imposi- tion (for it was felt that precaution was not unnecessary), an inspection was to take place. The actual number of wounded was sixty- seven. Hyder thought that the honour of his arms required that the return which he had made sliould be supported. To effect this he caused to be mingled with the real sufferers seven hundred men, whose limbs, though un- injured, were enveloped in bandages of formid- able size, and these passed muster just as well as the rest. The allowance which the com- missioner was authorized to distribute was at the rate of fourteen rupees per month for each man till cured. An estimate was made by the surgeons in attendance of the probable time that the cure of each would require, and according to the estimate and the muster the money was paid. The liberality of Hyder bestowed on each of the really wounded seven rupees per month, being one half of the amount which he received — what he gave to those who masqueraded for his honour and profit is not stated, but it may be hoped that he did not leave them altogether without reward. The 108 ADVANCEMENT OF HYDEE ALL [A. D, 1750. distribution of the presents to the officers was made on the same principle as the donation to the wounded. While Hyder was thus em- ployed, his faithful hrahmin remained at court, sometimes sounding the praises of his master, sometimes dwelling on the difficulties of his situation, and urging the necessity of increas- ing his force. Augmentations were accordingly authorized from time to time, and assignments of revenue made for the support of the new levies. Special commissioners were always deputed to watch the musters, but the adroit- ness of Hyder frustrated their vigilance. On one occasion he performed a manoeuvre termed, by a native who witnessed it, "a circular muster," the result of which was, that ten thousand men were counted and passed as eighteen thousand. Hyder continued to rise, and circumstances favoured his elevation. A mutiny broke out in the Mysorean army, and he was the instru- ment of suppressing it. On this occasion he made the opportune discovery that some of the richest chiefs were among the ringleaders. Their wealth, by a severe but necessary act of justice, was declared forfeited ; and it need not be doubted that the coffers of Hyder benefited by this act, as well as the treasury of his mas- ter. An opulent chief, named Herri Sing, had been despatched to collect revenue in Malabar. Failing to effect his object, and entertaining a rooted dislike to Hyder, now one of the most powerful persons in the court of Mysore, Hei*ri Sing was negotiating to enter the service of Tanjore. While thus engaged, he was unexpectedly attacked in the dead of night by a body of about three thousand men des- patched by Hyder. The chief and a large portion of his men fell, and the plunder was of great value. Hyder presented to his sovereign three guns and fifteen horses — the remainder he bestowed on himself. About the same time, by pressing his services on the notice of the court, Hyder obtained the district of Ban- galore as a personal jaghire. A demonstration on the part of the Mahrattas afforded opportu- nity for the further display of Hyder's talents for rising in the state. The army was ordered to march to resist the incursion ; but most of the chiefs represented that they were unable to obey the order, in consequence of the arrears of pay. Hyder, who knew that the amount of arrears due to the men was very small, liberally offered to become responsible for it ; he was thereupon nominated to the chief command of the field army. The appointment was so dis- agreeable to the chiefs of ancient family, that many of them resigned their commands. Hy- der was successful in reducing the Mahrattas to propose terms. The payment to them of a sum of money, in redemption of some districts ■formerly ceded in pledge, was one of the con- ditions ; and Hyder, with the aid of his confi- dential brahmin, procured the means of fulfilling it. He then returned in triumph to Seringa- patam, where he was received with a degree of distinction far from usual, and with a demon- stration of enthusiasm perhaps unprecedented in an Oriental court. "NuDJeraj,"6aysColonel Wilks, "paid him the novel compliment of rising on his approach and embracing him, apparently proud of this public justification of his own discernment in the elevation of Hyder." But neither the warmth of the minister's friendship, nor the favours which he had bestowed upon Hyder, precluded the latter from intriguing against his benefactor. Nun- jeraj had long exercised uncontrolled all the authority of the state. The rajah and his family were disgusted by his arrogance, but distrustful of their own power to remove him. The means were suggested by the widow of a deceased relative of the royal house, in con- junction with Hyder's wily brahmin : Hyder, it will be justly concluded, was to play an im- portant part in the project, and derive the greater share of the advantage in the event of its success. The grievance, ever occurring in Oriental ai'mies, of unliquidated arrears of pay, was to afford the means of accomplishing the object. Some chiefs were admitted to such a portion of the confidence of the conspirators as was neoessaiy to render them proper instru- ments of their wishes, but no more ; and their troops in consequence proceeded to Hyder's quarters, and demanded payment of their ar- rears. Hyder, with great mildness and ap- parent sympathy, replied, that his own corps, for which he possessed fixed resources, was re- gularly paid, but that he had no concern with the funds out of which the pay of the rest of the army ought to be defrayed. The applicants then requested that he would obtain payment for them from the person whose duty it was to see their claims discharged — that person being Nunjeraj. Hyder could not refuse his good offices to procure justice to his companions in arms, hut nothing followed. The visits of the troops were repeated till their patience was at an end ; when they insisted on Hyder going at their head to perform a superstitious ceremony called dhunta, with a view of extorting from the fears of Nunjeraj that redress which they were unable to obtain by other means. Hyder expressed great repugnance ; but fear of the mutineers, or some other motive, induced him to comply. Nunjeraj had gained some know- ledge of the interviews between the dowager and the brahmin. The presence of Hyder as chief actor in the dhwna unlocked the mystery ; and Nunjeraj shrunk from a contest with a man whose greatness he believed was destined to be raised on the ruins of his own. An interview between the late friends took place, and the descent of Nunjeraj fi-om the seat of power was arranged. The vanquished minister presented himself to the troops, and informed them that the misfortunes of his government had deter- mined him to bow to the decrees of fate ; that the rajah had accordingly assumed the principal direction of his own affairs, with the express view of permitting the retirement of his ser- vant ; that all his arrangements were made for A.D. 1760.] HYDEK ALI'S CRITICAL POSITION. 109 rendering his accounts and resigning his office, and that under these circumstances it was un- just to hold him responsible for any pecuniary claim upon the rajah's treasury. The effect of this explanation had not been left to chance. Some of the soldiers, duly trained, called out to remove the dhwma to the gate of the rajah. The proposal was received with acclamations ; the steps of the discontented troops were directed to the palace, and Hyder, less unwilling than before, was compelled to lea^ them. At the palace the business of the scene had been pre-arranged with much attention. A messenger came out and requested that Koonde Row, the ever active brahmin, might be sent to communicate with the rajah. The brahmin went, and returned with a promise from the rajah to find means of satisfying the demands of the troops, on condition that Hyder should take a solemn oath to renounce all connection with the usurper, Nunjeraj. Hyder, deeply affected by the command to abandon his friend, pretended not to conceal the pain which it gave him ; but he took the oath, and there- upon was admitted to an audience of the sovereign. He returned and informed the troops that to complete the arrangements for satisfying their claims would require a few days, but in the mean time he tendered his personal responsibility as security. This was readily accepted, and the tumultuous crowd disappeared. To enable Hyder to discharge the obligation thus incurred, additional assign- ments of revenue were made to him, and the territories under his administration thus came to exceed half of the entire dominions of the rajah. It was soon after he had reached this eleva- tion of power that he despatched » force to assist the French at Pondicherry, as already mentioned. The main cause of the precipitate retirement of that force, was the danger which threatened his newly acquired greatness from the jealousy and discontent of those by whose aid he had acquired it. The female contriver of the plot perceived that the only effect of the removal of Nunjeraj had been to invest a more dangerous man with the same plentitude of power which had been exercised by the de- posed minister. The brahmin, who had been appointed to the office of dewan, began to regard the encroachments of his late patron with some degree of distaste. The two persons who not long before had raised Hyder to his lofty position, now conspired to pluck him down, and advantage was taken of the absence of a large part of his troops. Hyder was can- toned under the fire of the garrison of Seringa- patam, with about one hundred horse and fifteen hundred infantry, and notwithstanding his usual caution, was unsuspicious of the storm that was gathering around him. He was only awakened to a knowledge of it by a tremendous cannonade from all the works that bore on his position. His first impulse was to send for his friend the brahmin — -he was informed that the person whose presence he sought was on the works directing the fire of the artillery. The attack upon Hyder was to have been aided by six thousand Mahrattas, but they, "according to custom, did not ar- rive at the appelated time." Some communi- cations took place between Hyder and the rajah's dewan, and it is said that the brahmin pointed out the way to retreat, and left the spot unguarded, that Hyder might retire in safety. However this may be, Hyder did retire with his cavalry and a portion of his treasure. His family were left behind, and these with the infantry and considerable pro- perty fell into the hands of his enemies. The soldier of fortune was now again thrown upon the world. It would be inconsistent with the design of this sketch to follow in detail his various movements, but one was too extraor- dinary and characteristic to be passed over. Having been defeated by a force commanded by his former friend the brahmin, he suddenly presented himself alone and unarmed as a suppliant at the door of Nunjeraj. Being ad- mitted to the presence of the retired minister, Hyder threw himself at his feet, and in strains of grief and penitence besought of him forgive- ness. All the misfortunes that had thronged on him be professed to regard as the just punishment of his ingratitude to his kind and generous patron, whom he implored to resume his place at the head of the state, and to receive his old servant once more under his protection. Nunjeraj was not without experience of the value of such protestations, and of the sincerity of his friend ; but he afforded a fresh instance of the influence which men's wishes exercise over their understanding. He consented to make common cause with Hyder, to aid him with a considerable body of horse and foot which he had collected during his seclusion, and to give to the man to whose treachery he owed his descent from power all the benefit of his name and influence. Hyder made use of the former without reserve. Some time after his reconciliation with Nunjeraj, being closely pressed by the brahmin Koonde Row, he forged letters in the name and with the seal of his ally addressed to the principal leaders in the army of his enemy. These referred to an engage- ment assumed to have been made for the de- livery of Koonde Row into the hands of Nun- jeraj, promised on the part of the latter the reward alleged to be agreed upon, and intimated that nothing now remained but for the con- spirators to earn it. The bearer of these let- ters was made prisoner, as was intended, and his charge placed in the hands pf the general. The success of the forgery was equal to that of Hyder's feigned penitence. Koonde Row was completely deceived ; he mounted his horse and rode at full speed to the capital," without deigning to hold any intercourse with the suspected chiefs. The flight of the general under any circumstances is calculated to spread panic through his ai-my ; it was in this case the more alarming, as the cause could not even be conjectured. The thoughts o£ every one were 110 SUCCESSES OF HYDER ALT. [A.D. 1760. turned to his own safety, and when dismay and confusion had attained a sufiBcient height, Hyder fell upon his enemy's army in front and rear and gained a complete and easy victory. Hyder now vigorously applied himself to destroy the remnants of the royal army and to strengthen his own. He was soon in a condi- tion to dictate terms to the rajah. The arrange- ment actually concluded gave to the successful adventurer every thing but the title of sove- reign. Districts sufficient to provide a mode- rate revenue for the personal expenses of the rajah and Nunjeraj were reserved for those purposes ; the entire management of the re- mainder of the country and all the functions of government were transferred to Hyder. Koonde Eow was surrendered to the conquerer, who imprisoned him in an iron cage. Hyder's honours now flowed thickly upon him. For some services rendered to Basalat Jung in the reduction of a small fort, and in consideration of a present of no great amount, that potentate created Hyder nabob of Sera, although he had neither possession nor right in respect to the country bestowed. The new nabob was designated as Hyder Ali Khan Bahadur, and thenceforth used those appella- tions. Having asserted his right to the dignity conferred upon him, by reduciog the countries from which his title was derived, he engaged in an invasion of Bednore, for the alleged pur- pose of restoring to the throne a youth who pretended to have been unjustly excluded from it. In his progress he rarely met resistance, and when so unusual a circumstance occurred it was requited by severity calculated to dis- courage its repetition. A hundred . men occu- pying a small fort ventured to fire on his troops. They were surrounded and taken, and so far nothing occurred which they might not have expected ; but after being made prisoners their temerity was punished by cutting off their noses and ears, and in this state they were dismissed to spread the terror of the in- vader's army. Four, twelve, and eighteen lacs of pagodas were successively offered to purchase Hyder's retreat, but in vain. He penetrated to the capital of the province, a place which it is said previously formed a happy exception to the common lot of India, in having no experience of the horrors of war. The palace and treasury were set on fire by their inmates, and the inhabitants of the town fled to the woods and mountains for security. The flames of the palace were subdued in time to save much that was valuable to the victor, and the troops, who had begun to pillage the city, were taught to respect the superior claims of the giant plunderer whom they served. In a few hours the door of every dwelling above the condition of a hovel was secured by the official seal of Hyder Ali, and respect for this stamp of authority maintained by a suitable guard. Within the town, which was about eight miles in circumference, were stored the accumulations of many years of extensive and profitable commerce, and the most moderate estimate of the amount of plunder realized by Hyder Ali fixes it at twelve millions sterling. This vast treasure secured, the conqueror dropped the mask under which the war had been carried on, and assumed his natural cha- racter. A former rajah had left the throne to an adopted son, constituting the ranee or queen his guardian during the period of his minority. The widow formed a criminal attachment, which was manifestly so publicly as to outrage decorum not Jess than morality ; and the young rajah having remarked on her frailty some- what too freely, his reproofs were silenced by the hand of an assassin. The person whom Hyder had taken underhis protection pretended to be the rajah who had been thus removed, and ascribed his escape to the mercy of the roan employed to dispatch him, by whom he represented himself as having been secreted during five years. It is not probable that Hyder Ali ever gave credence to the tale, but it suited his purpose to affect belief in it. That purpose being answered by the conquest of Bednore, the pretended prince was sent a close prisoner to a fortress a hundred and eighty miles to the eastward of the capital. His confinement was solaced by the company of the ranee, her paramour, and a child, whom they had placed on the throne after the murder of its lawful occupant. Hyder Ali did not enjoy his conquest without molestation. While la- bouring under an attack of ague, a disorder common in the country, a confederacy was formed to dispossess and assassinate him. It was detected, and three hundred of the conspi- rators hanged. After this operation, it is stated that Hyder All's health visibly im- proved. Subsequently, Hyder Ali suffered severely in contests with the Mahrattas, and was at length shut up within the lines of Bednore. He succeeded in obtaining peace on terms not unfavourable, considered with regard to his situation ; and having quelled various manifes- tations of insurrection, which his late unpros- perous circumstances had encouraged in differ- ent parts of his dominions, his restless and aggressive spirit was turned to the conquest of Malabar. The operations of Hyder Ali were there marked by the same character which distinguished the course of his arms elsewhere — the most odious perfidy, the most oppressive extortion, and the most intolerable cruelty. He succeeded in overrunning the country and procuring a nominal submission to his authority, after which he returned to Seringapatam. The rajah had died while Hyder was absent in Malabar, but this was too trivial a circumstance to interrupt the conqueror in his career. He sent orders for securing the succession to the eldest son of the deceased prince, with as much indifference as if the subject of his instructions had been the appointment of a domestic servant. On his return, he went through the form of rendering homage to the prisoner, whom he called his sovereign ; but, at the same time, he resumed A.D. 1766.] THE NORTHERN CIRCARS. Ill the districts which had been allotted for the support of the rajah, and plundered the palace of all the money and articles of value which it contained. So complete was the latter opera- tion, that nothing worth carrying away escaped the hands of the pillagers, except such of the ornaments of the female inmates as they hap- pened to have upon their persons when the clearance took place. As the rajah was now a pensioner upon Hyder All, his establishments were subjected to a rigorous revision, so as to reduce the expenditure to the lowest possible amount, and none were permitted to have access to the prince but the creatures of his keeper. The politics of the Deccan at this period, and for some years preceding the return of Hyder Ali to Mysore, present an entangled web, of which it is scarcely practicable to render a clear account. Some intercourse had taken place between Hyder and the government of Bombay, which on the whole was not of an unfriendly cha- racter. On his return to Seringapatam, how- ever, he found the government of Madras in league with Nizam Ali against him. The principal events connected with this alliance may be related in a few words ; the appropria- tion of a volume to the object would not afford the means of giving a satisfactory and lucid exposition of their causes, or of the motives of the actors engaged in them. It may be doubted whether the persons then forming the British government of Madras understood their own policy ; and it is quite certain that to ali others it must ever remain inexplicable. The possession of the districts called the Northern Circars was an object, for various reasons, desirable to the English. Salabat Jung, Nizam Ali, and Basalat Jung, the three brothers who contended for sovereignty in the Deccan, had all tendered these provinces as the price of assistance ; but a desire not to enter into Indian politics further than neces- sary rendered the government of Madras un- willing to accept the proffered gift from any of them. In the contest for supreme power in the Deccan, the fortune of Nizam Ali finally prevailed, and Salabat Jung became his pri- soner. With the reigning prince the British government continued to maintain a negotia- tion singularly vague in its character, till they were assured that the title of Nizam Ali had been confirmed by the emperor. They then ventured to take an assignment of the manage- ment of the Circars from the former on the terms of a divisionof the profits. When Nizam Ali, concluded this arrangement he was in fear of the Mahrattas ; having concluded a truce with those troublesome enemies, he proceeded unceremoniously to annul the agreement with the English government, who patiently submitted. Negotiation was renewed, but without effect, and the coveted districts were committed to the charge of a person named Hoossein Ali, by whom they had before been rented. The circumstances in which the country had for some time been placed had naturaUy produced the greatest anarchy and confusion. The authority of Hoossein Ali was, therefore, little more than nominal ; and to prevent the intrusion of the French, the British government, in 1765, agreed to aid him in establishing his authority. Part of the detachment destined for this ser- vice was sent ; the march of the remainder was stopped by the advance of Nizam All with a considerable force to attack the nabob. But the resolution of the invader failed on learning that the English were preparing to meet him, and after indulging himself in some plundering operations he retired, dispatched a friendly letter to the British governor, and sent him a present of an elephant. The letter and the elephant effected their object, and the govern- ment of Madras proceeded to extend their promised aid to Hoossein Ali as if nothing ex- traordinary had happened. This took place in the year that Clive last returned to India, and in the course of the negotiation conducted by him with the emperor, he, at the request of the Madras authorities, obtained sunnuds, bestowing on the Company the Northern Cir- cars, to be held immediately of the imperial government. The sunnuds were transmitted to Madras, but the government of that presi- dency hesitated to use them till Bengal should be " quiet," unless under Nizam All's confir- mation of them, alleging that it was not mate- rial to enter on possession till the following year, as Hoossein Ali had anticipated the re- venues, and that little more could be obtained than he had secured to the Company. Of the validity of the last reason for forbearance, it is impossible to judge ; but no difficulty exists with regard to that by which it is preceded. Bengal had not for ma,uy years been so "quiet" as it then was, and the project of calling upon a dependent to confirm the gift of his superior is too absurd to merit even ex- posure. At length, in Marph, 1766, the government of Madras took courage to give publicity to the grant from the emperor, and General Calliaud was dispatched with a mili- tary force to support the authority of the grantees. Still they could not divest them- selves of the impression that it was necessary to secure the consent of Nizam Ali. They were finally gratified by the conclusion of a, treaty, by which the occupation of the Northern Circars by the English was made subject to the payment of a considerable tribute : one of the Circars being bestowed as a jaghire on Basalat Jung, was not to be occupied till his death. By the same treaty the English govern- ment became bound to support Nizam Ali against his enemies ; and as, at the time when it was concluded, it was well understood that he was about, in conjunction with the Mah- rattas, to attack Mysore, the careful and saga- cious diplomatists who then administered the government of Madras, in their anxiety to avoid giving offence, actually plunged their country into difficulties and dangers &r greater 112 HOSTILITIES WITH HYDEB ALL [A.D. 1766. than were likely to be incnrred by a bolder and more consistent policy. The Mahrattas were foremost in adTancing to the attack of Mysore. To stop their pro- gress, Hyder Ali gave orders to lay waste the country, to bre-ik down the embankments of the reservoirs, to poison the wells, to burn the forage, to bury the grain, and to drive off the cattle. The dreadful devastation thus caused did not, however, stop the progress of the in- vaders. They advanced to Sera, where Meer Sahib, the brother-in-law of Hyder Ali, was stationed with a considerable force. The Mah- rattas proposed terms to this officer, which he accepted, and surrendered, together with his own character for fidelity, the fort and district whichitwashisdutyto have defended. Alarmed by his defection, Hyder Ali had recourse to ne- gotiation ; and, as the retreat of the Mahrattas is always purchasable, he was relieved from their presence by submitting to a considerable draft upon his treasury. While the negotiations between Hyder Ali and the Mahrattas were going on, the army of Nizam Ali and that of the English were advanc- ing to form a junction on the northern frontier of Mysore. The junction was effected ; but, from the moment of its taking place, the Eng- lish commander. Colonel Joseph Smith, saw much to excite suspicion. Like the Mahrattas, Nizam Ali was bought off by Hyder Ali : and, not content with deserting the English, whom he had ensnared to his support, he united his forces with those of Hyder Ali in hostility to them. The government of Madras were slow ingivingoredit to the defection of their ally, and their infatuation seems to have been unaccount- able. "Althoagh," says Colonel Smith, "it was as plain as Jioon day to every person except the council that" Hyder Ali and Nizam Ali "were preparing to enter the Carnatic jointly, no measures were taken to establish magazines of provisions in proper places, nor any steps to supply our army in time of need ;" and only three days before the invasion actually took place, that officer was directed to pass to the enemy a supply of provisions, of which his own troops were in the greatest want. Although Colonel Smith had no doubt of the intentions of Hyder Ali and the nizam, his want of acquaintance with the country subjected him to surprise. On the 25th August, some cattle belonging to the English army were driven off, and the cavalry hastily moving out to recover them, found themselves attacked by very supe- rior numbers, who charged them into the very lines of the encampment. The loss of men was considerable, and the loss of cattle was a severe misfortune to a force very insufficiently pro- vided with the necessaries of a campaign. A corps of British troops from Triohinopoly, under Colonel Wood, was advancing, and Colo- nel Smith's movements were ^directed towards forming a junction with this body. On his way he was attacked, on the 3rd September, by Hyder Ali, with a large force ; but the attack was ill conducted, and ended in the complete rout of the confederates. Colonel Smith esti- mated the loss of the enemy at two thousand ; his own was not more than one hundred and seventy killed and wounded. The victory was complete ; but the want of provisions pre- viously felt had been exaggerated by the loss, during the action, of the small quantity of rice in store. ApprehensivBof another attack while in this desperate condition, Colonel Smith moved with all speed towards Trinomaly, where he arrived on the day after the battle, his troops having been without either refreshment or rest for twenty-seven hours. Here, on the 8th September, he was joined by Colonel Wood. At Trinomaly, Colonel Smith had been led to believe that he should find abundance of stores. The expectation was miserably disap- pointed, and he was almost immediately obliged to remove his troops to the eastward in search of food, leaving his sick and wounded and his military stores in Trinomaly. The enemy made a show of attacking that place, but withdrew on the return of Colonel Smith, on the 14th, with a small supply of provisions. These were ex- hausted in two days, and another excursion for food became necessary. While the English army was thus depending for its daily bread almost on the chance of the day, the difficulty of procuring it was increased by the ravages of above forty thousand horse in the service of the enemy, and the suffering of want aggravated by the inclemency of the weather. In these gloomy circumstances, a council of war unanimously declared their conviction of the expediency of withdrawing the troops into cantonments, but the authorities of the presidency refused their consent. Indeed, nothing but the most dire necessity could have justified such a step ; but it had been well if the government, who insisted upon the army remaining in the field under circumstances of so much discourage- ment and distress, had made some slight provision to render it effective. The enemy were aware of the distress which prevailed in the English army, and they deferred an attack till the effect of long-continued and aggravated privation should increase the pro- bability of success. Colonel Smith, however, had succeeded in discovering some considerable stores of grain which had been subterraneously concealed. This happy accident increased the efficiency of his troops for the conflict which was approaching. On the 26th of September the enemy ventured to commence a distant cannonade upon Colonel Smith's left from six- teen of their heaviest pieces. Colonel Smith made a movement from his right, round a hill which concealed the great body of the confe- derated army from his view, for the purpose of turning or coming in contact with their left. The enemy observing this movement, and con- cluding that it was made in retreat, put their troops in motion, for the purpose of crossing and intercepting the English column. The two armies were thus marching round the hill at the same time, each concealed from the view of the other, although in a very short space of A.D. 1767.] SIEGE OF AMBOOE. 113 time their meeting was inevitable. When it took place the Burprise was reciprocal. The first struggle was for the possession of the hill. It was secured for the English by the exertions of Captain Cooke ; and sotne rooks, forming a position of donsiderable strength, were wrested frOm . a large body of the enemy's infantry. When the troops were drawn up in order of battle, the contrast between the numbers was striking. The English force consisted of four- teen hundred European infantry, thirty Euro- peaa cavalry, nine thousand sepoys, and fifteen hundred exceedingly bad native cavalry belong- ing to MahoDded Ali. The numbers of the enemy cannot be ascertained with equal accu- racy, but they have been computed at seventy thousand, of which more than half were cavalry. These were drawn up in a crescent, half en- circling the British force, and seemingly suffi- cient to overwheliii them. The enemy had about one hundred pieces of cannon, but not more than thirty could be brought into action. The English had about the latter number, which being steadily and skilfully served, nearly silenced those opposed to them. The guns were then turned upon the dense and frowning masses of the enemy's cavalry. For a few minutes the fire was sustained with a sullen calmness, and the horsemen appeared to be in expectation of orders to charge. None were given — to sit inactive and unmoved amidst the deadly havoc produced by the well- directed fire of the English was beyond their power of endurance, and myriads of flying cavalry soon covered the field in every direc- tion. Hyder, who had for some time per- ceived that all was lost, now drew off his cannon, and urged Nizam Ali to take the same course ; but the courage of the soubahdar at this moment raged at more than fever heat, and he declared that he would meet the death of Nazir Jung, rather than save his life by dishonourable flight. The advance of the British army in line abated his energy, and he gave orders for the guns to be withdrawn. The elephants bearing the women of his esta- blishment were in the rear, and these too were ordered to turn. A soft voice from the covered vehicle borne by one of them exclaimed, " This elephant has not been taught so to turn, he follows the standard of the empire." The English shot fell thick and heavy around, but the feminine champion of the honour of the empire would not suffer her elephant to be turned till the standard had passed, when she withdrew followed by her train. Nizam Ali was less fastidious in reference to such minute points of honour. True, he had invoked the fate of Nazir Jung in preference to dishonour- able retreat ; but within an hour after this burst of chivalrous feeling, he and a select body of cavalry were galloping to the westward, the superintendence of the retreat of his army being a duty unworthy of his royal attention. On the following day the confederated army was observed at a distance in full retreat ; but a train of forty-one pieces of artillery was thought not too far advanced to be beyond the possi- bility of capture. The attempt was made, and succeeded. Nine pieces had been taken on the preceding day, and fourteen more Were subse- quently secured. The loss of the English was one hundred and fifty men ; that of the enemy was believed to exceed four thousand. The de- feat of the allies had the effect of clearing the country of various parties which had been em- ployed in ravaging it, and had plundered al- most to the gates of Madras. The taXity season approaching, the British troops were withdrawn into cantonments. Hyder Ali, however, allowed not any repose to himself or his troops. Having gained pos- session of Tripatore and Vaniambaddy, two places of inconsiderable vilue, he proceeded to attack Amboor, a place of some strength, situated on the summit of a mountain of smooth granite. It was defended by Captain Calvert, an ofSoer of distinguished bravAry. In five days, Hyder Ali had so completely dismantled the lower fort, that it was no longer tenable ; and Captain Calvert, with a garrison of five hundred sepoys and a few Europeans, retired to the citadel. The native governor being dis- covered to be in correspondence with the enemy, was placed in confinement, and his men dis- armed. This proceeding disconcerted Hyder Ali's plans. He still, however, prosecuted the siege, and effected a practiaosite bank they were without a single cartridge fit for use. Happily they were not in immediate necessity, for at this moment the enemy were driven from the lines and batteries by the parties despatched by Captain Knox from the pettah. A more practicable part of the river having Ijeen discovered, the remainder of the column passed over, and a j unction was effected with the detached companies from Lord Corn- wallis's division which had crossed at an earlier period. The morning of the 7th of Pebruary thus found within the pettah of Seringapatam the left column and part of the central column of the British force, which had moved on the preceding night ; the right column, and the remainder of the centre, being on the Carigaut Hill. It is natural to inquire, where was the sultan while his camp was traversed by a hostile force ? He had just finished his evening meal when the alarm reached him : he hastily rose and mounted, but waited the arrival of accurate intelligence as to the nature of the attack, before taking any measures to re- pel it. The first precise information was received from a mass of fugitives, who, rushing from the bayonets of the English,- announced to the astonished sultan that his centre had been penetrated. The terror of the informants but too well attested the truth of their report ; of which, moreover, the sultan was soon assured by the evidence of his own senses. In the pale moonlight he perceived a lengthened column of the English army passing through the heart of his camp, and making their way to the main ford, the possession of which would cut off his retreat. There was not a moment to be lost ; and Tippoo, departing with all practicable speed, had just time to clear the head of the English column, many of his at- tendants being killed by tlie advanced com- pany. Tippoo gained the ford, passed it, and making directly for the east gate of the city, was once more in safety within the walls of his capital. It will be recollected that Captain Lindsay made a push to enter this gate, but found it shut. When Captain Lindsay ap- peared before the ga,te, only a few minutes could have elapsed from the entrance of the sultan. Next in importance to the danger to which he was personally exposed, Tippoo, in all pro- bability, estimated that in which a large amount of treasure was placed. The 6th of February was the day for issuing pay to the troops. The required amounthad been counted out to each buckshee, or paymaster, but the issue to the men was not to take place till the following day ; and in the mean time the re- spective sums remained in ' the custody of the treasurer, in bags bearing his own seal and that of the buckshee to whom they belonged. On the first alarm of an attack, the treasurer began to load his charge upon camels with all possible despatch. Musket-balls soon began to pass around him, and by one of them he was severely wounded. He continued, how- ever, to proceed with his work, and completed it. The camels were loaded, and driven across the ford, intermingled with the British troops and the flying servants of Tippoo. They reached the bank in safety ; and the un- daunted treasurer, conducting his caravan for a considerable distance along the glacis, entered the city by the Mysore gate, and had the satisfaction of depositing his charge in security, without the loss of a single rupee. The spirit of this courageous and persevering man was not shared by all the followers of the sultan. As is usual when misfortune over- takes an eastern army, a great number of the troops deserted. They passed away in crowds, and the reports of the morning after the attack presented a total of twenty-three thousand killed, wounded, and missing — the last class contributing in by far the largest proportion to swell the amount. The treasurer, who had so perseveringly protected his master's chest, recommended the proclamation of a further issue of pay, as a prol5able mode of bringing the fugitives back. The suggestion showed a perfect acquaintance with the character of his countrymen, but the plan was not successful. Fear was more powerful than cupidity, and very few of the wanderers returned. While the native followers of Tippoo were thus de- serting him by multitudes, a number of Eu- ropeans, principally Frenchmen, who had long served him and his fatlier, took the oppor- tunity of quitting a service of which they were weary. Among them was a man named BMvette, whose departure was a serious loss to the sultan, as he possessed considerable skill in fortification, and had actually con- structed the redoubts the credit of which was claimed and enjoyed by Tippoo. A.D. 1792.] DEFENCE OF A REDOUBT. 209 Discouraging as were tlie circumstances under which Tippoo had to renew the contest, he could not decline it. As the day advanced, the guns of the fort opened on such of the British troops as were within their range, and portions of the scattered remains of the enemy's force began to reassemble. Colonel Stuart, who, as the senior officer, had assumed the command of all the British troops on the island, had taken advantage of the daylight to re- move to a position better adapted than that, which he had occupied during the night, for keeping up a communication with the force which remained with Lord Cornwallis. He had scarcely effected this change, when his men were fired upon by a body of the enemy's infantry, which had advanced under cover of some old houses and walls. The British troops were in a considerable degree sheltered, but part of their ammunition having been damaged in passing the river, and much of the re- mainder expended during the night, they re- turned the fire but faintly, till the arrival of a supply of ammunition and a reinforcement of men, which Lord Cornwallis despatched to their assistance. The enemy then drew off. This attack was no sooner repulsed than the attention of the English on the island was directed td the sultan's redoubt, which the enemy were now making the most determined efforts to regain. The party within it con- sisted of somewhat less than a hundred Eu- ropeans and about fifty sepoys, commanded by Captain Sibald, of the 71st regiment. In defence of the redoubt, the first object was to shut up the gorge, which was open towards the fort. An attempt to effect this was made by throwing across some broken litters and the carriage of a gun. This being perceived from the fort, three guns immediately opened from thence upon the gorge, and two field- pieces were sent to some adjacent rooks, the fire of which was directed to the same point, By these means the inefficient barrier was soon shattered into splinters, and considerable injury done to the works. The gorge being clear, the enemy, about ten o'clock, advanced tp assault. They were beaten back, but with considerable loss ; and soon after they had re- tired, a cannon-shot deprived the party in the redoubt of their commander. Captain Sibald. Major Skelly, one of Lord Cornwallis's aides- de-camp, who had been despatched to this spot on some special duty, now took the com- mand, but found the probability of protracting the defence greatly diminished by the prospect of an approaching want of ammunition. While meditating the best means of husbanding the small stock that remained, Major Skelly was informed that two loaded bullocks had wandered into the ditch, and that it was sup- posed they were part of those which had been appointed for the carriage of spare ammuni- tion. The conjecture was right. The animals were soon released of their lading ; and these stray bullocks, with their unsightly burdens, " were," says Major Dirom, " more precious to the major and his party at this juncture, than if they had been loaded with the richest jewels in Tippoo's treasury." Scarcely had the men filled their cartridge- boxes from this unlooked-for supply, when a fresh attempt was made on the redoubt. The sultan had been greatly disappointed by the ill success of the former attack, and had passionately demanded if he had no faithful servants to retrieve his honour. There was little alacrity in responding to the sultan's call; but, after some hesitation, a body of cavalry was found to volunteer their services in fulfilment of the wishes of their prince.. About one o'clock they advanced towards the redoubt in compact order, two thousand strong. At first it appeared as though they intended to charge at once into the gorge ; but they suddenly stopped, just beyond musket-shot, and four hundred of them dismounting, rushed impetuously forward, to force the entrance with their sabres. The gorge had been neces- sarily kept clear during the continuance of the cannonade ; but when it ceased, by reason of the approach of the assailants, the garrison formed across the opening, while the portion of the parapet which bore on the enemy was also fully manned. Their fire was coolly re- served till it could be given with effect, and by the first discharge the leading part of the column was completely brought down. Re- covering from the momentary hesitation caused by the fall of their comrades, those behind again began to advance ; but the steady and rapid fire of the garrison threw them into con- fusion, and, I'egardless of the sultan's appeal and their answer to it, they fled to their horses and soon disappeared, their retreat being covered by the firing from the fort and the rocks. After the repose of an hour the garrison were threatened by another attack. It was led by the sultan's European corps, commanded by M. Vigie. This corps had been engaged in part of the operations of the preceding night, and being brought into a situation of some danger, it broke, and officers and men alike sought safety in disorderly flight. Their object was facilitated by the uniform of the coi-ps being red ; and M. Vigie himself rode quietly through one of the British columns, no one interrupting him, in consequence of his being mistaken for a JBritish officer. The behaviour of this corps at the redoubt did not tend to obliterate the disgrace of their previous flight. The garrison were prepared for a con- flict far more severe than those which they had already sustained ; but the expectations founded on the supposed superiority of this corps to the native troops were not realized. M. Vigie and his men advanced but a little way from the rooks, when two or three of the foremost falling, the rest came to a stand, fell into great disorder, and went off. No further attempt was made on tho re- doubt ; and never was relief more welcome than that afforded to the garrison by the • P 210 INVESTMENT OF THE CITY. [A.D. 1792. cessation of the enemy's attacks. Tbo day had been oppressively sultry, and within the narrow limits which bounded the efforts of the garrison two officers and nineteen privates lay dead ; while three ofHcers and twenty-two privates, miserably wounded, were passionately imploring water, which their companions had not to bestow, there not being within the place a single drop. Thus, surrounded within by death and suffering, exposed without to the attacks of a vast army supported by the guns of a well-appointed fort, did this gallant band maintain, not their post only, but their own honour and that of the country which they served. Great were their labours and their difficulties, but brilliant and unfading is the glory by which they were compensated. So long as the enemy's attention had been directed to the redoubt, no attempt had been made upon any other of the British posts. But about five o'clock two heavy columns entered the pettah, and driving before them some followers of the British camp who had dispersed in search of plnnder, advanced in the direction of the lines of Colonel Stuart, throwing rockets as they proceeded, A de- tachment being sent to meet them, they re- tired for a short distance ; but their numbers were greater than had been anticipated, and the officer commanding the British detach- ment applied for further assistance. A rein- forcement being obtained, the work of clearing the pettah of the presence of the enemy was not of long duration. They were rapidly driven from street to street, and finally forced to retire altogether. A prisoner taken in the course of the conflict, reported that Tippoo had convened his principal officers, and exhorted them to make a bold effiDrt to drive the Eng- lish from the island, and recover the tomb of Hyder All ; that the chiefs had thereupon placed their turbans on the ground, and sworn to succeed or perish in the attempt. The attack, the prisoner added, was to be made that night, and the march of the assailants was to be directed along the bank of the northern branch of the river to turn the right flank of the British line, and to cut off the communication with the camp. The account was so circumstantial that it appeared de- serving of credit — at least, it would have been imprudent to disregard it. Arrangements were accordingly made for effectually repelling an attack, should any be made, llie force in possession of the pettah was strengthened by the addition of four field-pieces to their means of defence, and the troops lay on their arms throughout the night. It passed, however, without alarm ; and the morning showed the whole of the redoubts north of the river abandoned. The English camp was thereupon advanced as near to the bound hedge as was practicable, pickets were sent into the de- serted redoubts, and a chain of posts com- pleted along the north and east faces of the fort, converting the enemy's fortified camp and works into lines of countervallation for the attack of his capital. " The proud city of Seringapatara," says Major Dirom, " which we could scarcely discern from our first ground, was now in forty-eight hours strongly and closely invested on its two principal sides ; the enemy's army broken and dispirited ; ours in perfect order, and highly animated by their success." Preparations for a siege were commenced without delay. A little to the eastward of the pettah was a garden of great extent, contain- ing the tomb of Hyder Ali and a new palace erected by Tippoo. It was filled with magni- ficent trees, now destined to fall beneath the axes of the English pioneers, and to be em- ployed in operations directed against the last retreat of the man to whom their spreading branches had formerly afforded shade, and their fruits refreshment. Throughout the 8th of February, while the English were actively engaged in preparing for the meditated blow against the citadel, Tippoo showed no symptom of energy, beyond wasting a large quantity of ammunition in a fruitless cannonade directed to the island, to the redoubts, to every scattered English party, and sometimes to their head- quarters ; but the distance on all sides was considerable ; and the pleasure of maintaining a continuous noise, and darkening the atmosphere by masses of smoke, was the only advantage derived from the exercise. In the evening he resolved to renew his attempt at negotiation. No intercourse of a pacific character had taken place for more than a month, and to the last overture from the enemy Lord Cornwallis had indignantly answered, that when the prisoners taken at Coimbatore, and unjustly detained in breach of the capitulation, should be sent back, he would, in concert with the allies, make arrangements for the commencement of nego- tiation. Two of these prisoners Tippoo now determined to employ as instruments of a new appeal to the governor-general. Lieutenants Chalmers and Nash were unexpectedly sum- moned to an audience of the sultan, and on their attendance were informed that they were about to be released. After communicating this welcome intelligence, Tippoo inquired if the former officer were not related to Lord Cornwallis. Eeceiving an answer in the negative, he then asked if he were not an officer of high rank. Lieutenant Chalmers having disclaimed this supposed ground of influence with the British commander-in-chief, Tippoo next inquired whether the emancipated prisoner, on his return, would have any personal intercourse with the governor-general ; and having learned that he expected to be admitted to an interview, the sultan requested that he would take charge of letters making overtures of peace, and lend his aid towards attaining the object. The charge was accompanied by a present to the officer receiving it of two shawls and five hundred rupees, and a promise that the baggage of both himself and his com- panion should bo sent after them. Lieutenant Chalmers undertook to gratify the sultan's A.D. 1792.] TEEAOHERY OF TIPPOO. 211 wishes by the delivery of the letters ; but at the same time warned liim, that beyond this it might not be in his power to promote his views. In the communication llius transmitted, Tippoo, with his habitual disregard of truth, asserted that the terras of the capitulation at Coimbatore had been misrepresented — that Kumraer-oo-Deen did not engage positively for the liberty of the garrison, but only pro- mised to recommend it. The counterpart of the articles of capitulation, signed and sealed by Kummer-oo-Deen, had been retained by Lieutenant Chalmers ; and had he been able to produce this with the letters of which he was the bearer, the veracity of Tippoo would have required no further illustration. But the sultan was too tender of his reputation to expose it to such hazard ; and before the English officer was permitted to depart, he was forcibly dispossessed of the document which would have furnished so unseasonable a commentary on the letters. Lieutenant Chal- mers, however, was able to speak to its con- tents, and to the manner in which it had passed out of his keeping ; but notwithstanding this — notwithstanding that the demand for the surrender of the prisoners taken at Coimbatore had been but partially complied with, Lord Cornwallis, with that degree of moderation which verges on weakness, if it do not actually pass the line of separation, yielded to the sultan's request, and consented to admit his vakeels to confer with those of the allied army. Coincident with the pacific mission to the English camp of Lieutenants Chalmers and Nash, Tippoo was preparing another of a very different character. His object was the death of the English commander-in-chief ; and on an expedition directed to this purpose, a select body of horse moved on the same day on which the two British officers were released, and crossed the river at Arikery. The movement was observed, but no particular importance was attached to it. The following day was employed by the detached party of the enemy in collecting information. On the third day their advanced guard interposed itself between the camp of Nizam Ali and that of the English, not unobserved, but without exciting suspicion, the intruders jseing mistaken for a party of Nizam All's horse. So similar were they to that body in appearance, that they were allowed, without interruption, to advance to the British park of artillery. Arrived there, they care- lessly asked of some natives in attendance on the guns, which was the tent of the burra Sahib — the principal commander. Even yet no suspicion was excited, but the question was misapprehended. The inquiry was supposed to apply to the tent of Colonel Duff, the com- mandant of the artillery, which was, without hesitation, pointed out. The horsemen then suddenly drew their swords and galloped towards the tent which they, supposed to be that of Lord Cornwallis, cutting down the few persons whom they met on their way; but before they reached the tent towards which they were furiously riding, their ardour re- ceived a check. On the alarm of their approach, a small body of sepoys turned out, whose fire soon changed the course of the horsemen, and sent them towards the hills in flight, at the same headlong speed with which they were previously rushing to the tent of Colonel Duff. Although, from the mistake that had occurred, Lord Cornwallis had been in no d.inger, this attempt was justly thought to call for some additional precautions for securing the safety of his person. While the army of Lord Cornwallis was engaged in preparing for the siege of Seringa- patam, it was joined by that of General Aber- oromby. That officer, on the former retreat of the governor-general from before Tippoo's capital, had, in conformity with his orders, withdr.iwn his army to Malabar. He had himself proceeded to Bombay, where his duties as governor required his presence ; but return- ing to Tellicherry after a short absence, with a new battering train, a supply of ammunition and stores, and a body of recruits, the army of Bombay thereupon quitted its cantonments and reassembled at Cananore. Its subsequent march lying through a mountainous country, the transport of the artillery stores was attended with great difficulty ; but it had been surmounted, when, late in January, General Abercromby received orders from Lord Corn- wallis to leave his battering train and advance with his field artillery only. The heavy guns and stores were accordingly sent back to the top of a ghaut which the army had just de- scended, and there placed in batteries erected for the defence of the pass. On February 11th General Abercromby crossed the Cauvery about thirty miles above Seringapatam, and after meeting with some annoyance from the enemy's cavalry, who took part of his bag- gage, joined Lord Cornwallis on the 16th. The vakeels of Tippoo had arrived, in accord- ance with the permission given by Lord Corn- wallis, and the process of negotiation was carried on simultaneously with the most vigo- rous preparation on one side for the prosecution of the siege — on the other, for the defence of Seringapatam. The fort was of a triangular figure, covered by branches of the river on its two largest sides. The third side, which was towards the island, was covered by strong out- works. Two broad and massy ramparts, the second at a considerable distance within the first, and both having good flank defences, a deep ditch with drawbridges, and various advantages derived from the skill of Tippoo's European servants in the modern principles of fortification, enhanced the difficulty of approach on this side. Notwithstanding these circum- stances, it was, in the first instance, selected as the point for the main attack, and the ground of the choice appears to have been an expectation that, as there were no impediments but those of art to encounter, the superiority p 2 212 SUSPENSION OF HOSTILITIES. [a.d. 1792. of the Britisli troops and artillery would secure success. More careful observation led to the adoption of a different plan, the change being accelerated by intelligence and suggestions from Tippoo's European servants — who were now quite as ready to exercise their skill and knowledge for his destruction as they had pre- viously been assiduous in using them for his defence — and it was resolved to make the principal attack across the river against the north side of the fort. The curtain there was perceptibly weak, and by extending close to the bank of the river, left no room for out- works. The flank defences were few, and of little value — the ditch excavated from the rock was stated to be inconsiderable, and was more- over dry. The stone glacis built into the river was in two places imperfect. The walls, it was concluded, might be trenched to the foundations, and the probable effect would be the filling up the greater part of the ditch. The main objection was the intervention of the river ; bat this was not thought suffi- cient to counterbalance the advantages of the plan. The works constructed by the English ad- vanced with great rapidity and great secrecy. When their design became fully visible, Tippoo, despairing of success in the endeavour to repel the invaders by the fire of the fort, attempted to distress them by turning the water from a large canal by which the English camp was principally supplied. ' The attempt was dis covered in time to prevent its completion, and the small damage which had been done to the bank of the canal was speedily repaired. On the 22nd of February, General Abercromby advanced his posts for the purpose of aiding in the operations of the siege. On the same day Tippoo made a new effort to drive the English posts to a greater distance from his capital, but was defeated. Through two succeeding days the besiegers steadily proceeded with their preparations ; in four days more it was ex- pected that two breaching batteries, one of twenty, the other of twelve guns, would be ready to open, together with an enfilading battery of at least ten pieces. These were to be assisted by a cross fire from the island, but more especially from the redoubt formerly called the Sultan's, but which had most pro- perly received from the English the name of Sibald's redoubt, in honour of the brave oflacer who fell while commanding the gallant band who so nobly defended it. Colonel Duff had his park fully provided and arranged. Even furnaces had been prepared for heating shot, and from the combustible nature of the mate- rials of which many of the buildings within the fort were composed, it was anticipated that the fire of the batteries would not long be opened before the place against which it was directed would be wrapped in flames. To add to the embarrassments of the enemy, Purseram Bhow, with the Mahratta army and Captain Little's brigade of English sepoys, was now approaching, as was Major Cuppage, with a force from Coimbatore. While the allied armies were thus ooncenti-ating their force around Tippoo's capital, they were exempted from the difficulty which had formerly driven Lord Cornwallis from before Seringapatam when victory seemed to be within his reach : the supply of provisions was abundant. Such was the condition of the armies of the allies — numerous, well appointed and well supplied ; the thunder of their cannon was about to be poured upon a fort, the last hope of the enemy, within which sat the prince whose aggressions had brought to his gates as a foe the head of the English govei-nment of India, bound by the most imperative instructions to preserve peace if practicable, and disposed by his own wishes to maintain the same course. On the head of the man who had so wantonly pro- tracted the calamities of war was the storm now approaching about to burst. The Eng- lish army almost looked upon themselves as in possession of Seringapatam, when, on the 24th of February, orders were sent to the trenches that the working should be discon- tinued, and all hostile demonstrations cease. The orders were received with that feeling which accompanies the hearing of any sudden and inexplicable communication. It was at first supposed that there must have been some mistake — but it was soon ascer- tained that this belief had no foundation. The orders became intelligible when it was known that, after several days' conference between the agents of the respective govern- ments, those of the allies had delivered their ultimatum — that the conditions therein laid down had been assented to by the sultan, and the preliminaries signed. The discussion had been brought to a conclusion on the 22nd, and the demands of the allies forthwith submitted to Tippoo. They were embodied in five articles to the following effect : — First, that one-half of the dominions of which Tippoo was in pos- session before the war should be ceded to the allies from the countries adjacent to theirs ; secondly, that Tippoo should pay three crores and thirty lacs of rupees, one-half immediately, and the remainder by three instalments, at intervals not exceeding four months each. Six crores had been originally demanded ; but the sultan's vakeels denied the ability of their master to pay more than the sum finally agreed upon, and offered to confirm their denial by the solemnity of an oath. After the tender of such a proof of their veracity, who could dis- believe them ? Lord Cornwallis, it would seem, did not. The third article stipulated that all prisoners taken by the four powers — the Eng- lish, the Nizam, the Mahrattas, and Tippoo — fi'om the time of Hyder AH, should be restored ; the fourth, that two of Tippoo's sous should be given as hostages for the due performance of the treaty ; and the fifth provided that when the hostages should arrive in the camp with the articles of the treaty, under the seal of the sultan, a counterpart should be sent from the three powers, hostilities should entirely cease, A.t). 1792.] INSOLENT CONDUCT OP TIPPOO. 213 and the terms of a treaty of alliance and per^ petual friendship should be agreed upon. On reading these articles, Tippoo assembled his principal officers in the great mosque, and having laid before them the Koran, adjured them hy its contents to answer sincerely the question he was about to proyiose to them. Having read the articles, he said, "You have heard the conditions of peace — you have now to hear and answer my question. Shall it be peace or war i" The assemblage thus appealed to were loud and unanimous in professions of devotion to their sovereign, and of their readi- ness to lay down their lives in defence of his person and capital ; but they were equally unanimous in declaring — softening, however, the repulsive truth so as to render it not quite unfit to reach the ears of an Oriental dc-ipot, but still without disguising it — that the troops were altogether dispirited, and that no confi- dence could be placed in them. The reed to which thefast-sinking hopes of Tippoo clung was now broken. Themen who never before had ven- tured to intrude upon the royal ear any unwel- come sound, nowdared to speak that which was true in preference to that which was agreeable. The extremity of danger hadmadethem sincere, and for once their master had received counsel that was above suspicion. He felt that it could not be disregarded. The articles were signed and despatched to Lord Cornwallis, but indulgence was solicited with regard to that which stipulated for the transmission of the preliminaries by the youths who were to be detained as hostages. They were not thus transmitted ; a short delay was asked to allow of due preparation for the departure of the princes, and the governor-general, with a very laudable feeling, granted it. The liberality of Lord Cornwallis was not met with any indication of a similar nature on the part of the enemy. Even the stipulation for the immediate cessation of hostilities, to which the sultan's seal had been affixed, was disregarded. Immediately on receiving the preliminaries, Lord Cornwallis had issued those orders for the cessation of all warlike operations which excited in his army so much surprise, not unaccompanied by something of despondency and something of indignation. It was not without difficulty that the men could be restrained from proceeding with the works which they had anticipated were to put them in possession of Seringapatam, and en- able them to effect the triumphant deliverance of those victims of Tippoo's tyranny and per- fidy who still remained within his power. But discipline prevailed — the wishes of the army yielded to the demands of duty, and all oil'ensive operations ceased. Not such was the conduct of Tippoo and his garrison. For several hours the fire of cannon from the fort, and of musketry from the advanced parties of the enemy, was kept up more vigorously than before ; a British officer and several men were wounded in consequence of tliis audacious contempt of an engagement so recently con- cluded. Most just would the retribution have been, had the governor-general revoked his former orders, recommenced the construction of his abandoned works, and prosecuted the siege to the point when the possession of Tippoo's capital should have been decided by the comparative valour or the comparative ' numbers of those who assailed and those who defended it. Lord' Cornwallis, however, con- . tented himself with a series of messages, the earlier of which produced no eflfect. It may be doubted whether the latter were more effi- cacious than those which preceded them, or whether the discontinuance of the firing is not attributable to the influence of that caprice to which Tippoo was accustomed to surrender himself; but from some cause the firing came to an end, and the irritation which it occa- sioned in the minds of the British troops, who found themselves placed on unequal terms with the enemy, subsided. On this instance of the sultan's folly and perfidy the observations of Major Dirom, deserve notice, from their justness and force. "This extra- ordinary conduct in the enemy," says he, "was supposed in camp to arise from a mistake in the vakeels not having acquainted their master that hostilities must cease ; but the sultan could not be ignorant of the articles he had signed and sealed the preceding night ; nor was this any great testimony of the sincerity of his wishes to terminate the war. Indeed, his conduct could bear no other construction than an insolent and revengeful bravado, to fire upon us when he could with impunity, and to impose upon the ignorant part of his own subjects, and our allies, and leave their minds impressed with an idea that his superior fire (for we had opened no guns upon the fort) and his resolute defence had been the means of his obtaining peace." On the 26th of February, the fourth article of the preliminaries was carried into effect by the departure of the hostage princes from Seringapatam to the British camp. The elder of the princes was about ten years of age ; his brother two years younger. Each'was mounted on an elephant richly caparisoned, and their dresses glittered with numerous and valuable jewels. They were attended by the Mysorean vakeels who had conducted the negotiation ; several messengers mounted on camels, and seven standard-bearers, carrying small green flags suspended from rockets, preceded the princes ; a hundred pikemen, withspears inlaid with silver immediately followed them ; and a guard of two hundred sepoys with a party of horse brought up the rear. Great crowds were collected to witness the scene, whether actuated by the desire of beholding an imposing spec- tacle, or by some higher motive. The sultan himself was on the rampart above the gate- way through which his sons passed. They departed under a salute from the fort ; and as they approached the British camp, twenty-one discharges from its park of artillery greeted their cpming, while the part of the British 214 KECEPTION OF TIPPOO'S SONS. [A.D. 1792. line which they passed was turned out to receive them. On arriving at the tents pre- pared for their reception, they were met by the governor-generara agent, Sir John Kena- ■way, and the vakeels of the nizam and the Mahratta state. The governor-general had proposed to meet them here ; but at the ex- press desire of Tippoo this mark of attention was omitted, and it was arranged that they should proceed to the British head-quarters. The procession accordingly advanced, with the addition which it had received from the acces- sion of the diplomatic agents of the allies and their attendants, and was met by Lord Corn- wallis, accompanied by his staff and some of the chief ofiBoers of the army, at th6 door of his lordship's principal tent. On the princes alighting, the governor-general embraced them ; and then extending to each one of his hands, led them into the tent and seated them by his side. The duty of Tippoo's head vakeel, who h.id been placed in charge of the boys, was now at an end ; and he signalized its conclusion by a graceful appeal to the feelings of Lord Cornwallis. "These children," said he, "were this morning the sons of the sultan, my master ; their situation is now changed, and they must look up to your lordship as their father." The govei-nor-general made an appropriate reply, assuring the vakeel, and the pi'inces themselves, that all possible care would be taken for the protection of their persons, and tho promotion of their happiness. The promise was religiously fulfilled ; and the transfer of the paternal character announced by the vakeel, " ceased," says Colonel Wilks, " to be an Orien- tal image, if determined by the test of paternal attentions." A strong interest for the captive youths was indeed prevalent throughout the British army ; a feeling which, with regard to the younger, was increased by the affecting circumstance of his mother having recently died from fright, occasioned by the attack on Tippoo's lines. So fully was the sul- tan contented with the reception of his sons, that he ordered a royal salute to be fired in testimony of his satisfaction. In partial payment of the sum stipulated by the preliminaries, a crore of rupees was forwarded by Tippoo to the British camp. The vakeels continued to meet for the arrange- ment of the definitive treaty ; but their pro- gress was embarrassed by the usual arts of Indian negotiators. The cessions to be made by Tippoo were to be determined with refer- ence to revenue ; but the sultan's vakeels pre- tended that the revenue accounts of many districts were lost, and proposed to supply their place by statements which, as might be expected, invariably over-rated the resources of the provinces to be surrendered, and under- rated those which were to be retained by their master. The vakeels of the nizam and the Mahrattas produced counter-statements, which in all probability were not less unfairly exaggerated or diminished than were those of Tippoo. This was not the only source of dif- ference. The value of the sultan's coins was fixed by public regulation ; and it was not unreasonable to expect that, in the payments to be made by that prince to the confederates, this valuation should be followed. Tippoo]s vakeels, however, affirmed that it was appli- cable only to the receipt of money into the treasury ; and that when issued from thence, it was always at a rate much more favourable to the sovereign. This was probably true ; but the allies were not readily to be persuaded to receive payment at the rate at which the sultan had been accustomed to liquidate the debts due from him to his subjects. A middle course was at length adopted : the vakeels of the allies agreed to divide the difference in their respective modes of estimating the value of the coins, and thus to allow to the sultan one-half the advantage which he obtained in dealing with those who could not resist him. A similar compromise was effected with regard to the estimated value of the different pro- vinces constituting his dominions, and the labours of the negotiators seemed in a fair way of coming to a speedy conclusion. But a new difficulty arose. Among the cessions demanded on behalf of the allies was Coorg, a mountainous country of considerable extent, but yielding only a very moderate tribute. The people of Coorg were Hindoos, and in their habits not very dissimilar from the Nairs of Malabar. They were warlike, and averse to foreign dominion. They had, however, been subdued by Hyder Ali ; and though frequent insurrections had taken place, they were speedily suppressed, and the coun- try continued to be an appendage to the throne of Mysore. The rajah, when a youth, had been imprisoned by Tippoo ; but, effecting his escape, he succeeded in collecting round him a band of followers, by whose assistance he was enabled to assert his authority, and gradually to dispossess the foreign population which, in conformity with a frequent practice of the house of Hyder Ali, had been settled in the country. Not satisfied with this mea- sure of success, he retaliated on his enemy by levying contributions on the territory adjoin- ing his own frontier, and by these predatory excursions he retrieved the resources of a country exhausted by the oppression of foreign conquerors. On the commencement of hostili- ties between the English and Tippoo, he gave passage to the .army of General Abercromby through his dominions, and greatly facilitated their operations by the supply of provisions, the communication of intelligence, and the extension of every species of aid which he could command. He had, therefore, a strong claim to the protection of the British govern- ment, which could only effectively be exerted by the transfer of his tributaiy dependence from Tippoo to the power whose interests the Coorg Kajah had so zealously promoted. Were he given up to the discretion of the Sultan of Mysore, no question could exist as A.D.1792.] PUESH DISPUTES. 215 to the use which would be made of the liberty. The honour of the British government seemed, therefore, involved in the assertion of the demand for the transfer of Coorg ; but, on the other hand, as that country was not properly adjacent to the territories of any of the allied powers, the demand was not in strict accord- ance with the terms of the preliminaries. The rage of Tippoo, on learning the demand made on behalf of the English, was un- bounded. " To which of the English posses- sions," he asked, "is Coorg adjacent! Why do they not ask for the key of Seringapatam ?" To these passionate inquiries he added a de- claration, that his enemies knew that he would sooner have died in the breach than consent to the cession, and that they dared not bring it forward till they bad treacherously obtained possession of his children and treasure. It is certain that the possession of Coorg was most important to the English, as enabling them to hold Tippoo in check. For this reason, as well as in regard to the just claims of the rajah upon their protection, it is deeply to be lamented that the preliminaries were not so framed as to allow of the demand for its sur- render without giving the sultan even a colour- able pretence for complaining of bad faith. The importance of Coorg, and the services of the rajah, could scarcely have been overlooked when the preliminaries were drawn. If such were the fact, the case was one of most repre- hensible negligence. But the more probable opinion seems to be, that, from the weak anxiety of the governor-general for peace, it was judged expedient to frame the prelimi- naries in such a manner as to keep out of sight any point likely to be peculiarly startling or disagreeable to the sultan's feelings. The result was, that the English were ultimately compelled either to assert a. claim in which their right was, to say the least, suspicious, or to abandon a meritorious supporter to the mercy of the tyrant of Mysore. In this choice of evils, the governor-general made his election in favour of that which per- haps was, on the whole, the less. He refused to recede from the demand, ordered some guns which had been sent away, to be brought back to the island and redoubts, and preparations recommenced for prosecuting the siege. Tip- poo, with equal vigour, began to prepare for defence. Indeed, he had scarcely, if at all, discontinued the work. For some time after the cessation of all active labours on the part of the English, the stir of preparation was observable within the fort. This, being con- trary to the rules of an armistice and the custom of war, no less than to the conduct of the besiegers, was made the subject of remon- strance. Tippoo, in a tone of insolence thinly disguised under an appearance of extreme humility, answered, that Lord Cornwallis must have been misinformed ; but for his lordship's satisfaction, if he desired, one of the bastions should be thrown down, that he Blight see into the fort. The unexpected demand of the Coorg country furnished the sultan with a sufficient excuse for pursuing his operations without disguise, and he lost no time in availing himself of the oppor- tunity. The ability of the English to carry on the siege was greatly impaired by the delay which had taken place. The greater part of the materials collected for the purpose had become unfit for use, and fresh supplies could be ob- tained only from a considerable distance, and with considerable labour. The trenches had suffered much injury, and required repair — and worse than all, the army, especially the European part of it, by confinement to a fixed spot, in an unhealthy situation, during the most unhealthy season, had become greatly enfeebled by the encroachments of disease. So rapidly was sickness extending, that there was some reason to fear that by the time the necessary preparations for assault were com- pleted, the requisite number of men for making the attempt, with a fair probability of success, would not remain effective. In other quarters there was ground for apprehension. Differ- ences existed between the nizam and the Mahratta allies of the British, and but little reliance could be placed on the fidelity of either, while Scindia was in motion with views believed to be not friendly to British interests. Thus circumstanced, every hour of delay diminished the strength of the British army and increased its danger, while it enabled Tippoo to add something to the difficulties with which it had to contend. To gain time by protracted negotiation was obviously the interest of the enemy, while to the English it was important to bring the point in dispute at once to a close. With a view to expediting such a result, on the return of the vakeels with the report of Tippoo's refusal to as- sent to the surrender of Coorg, the two hostage princes were apprized that they must prepare to move the next morning towards Coromandel, and their Mysorean guards were disarmed and placed under restraint. The youths, who were much affected by the inti- mation, were, in accordance with it, conducted to the rear of the army, but were there per- mitted to halt and await the result of a further attempt on the part of Tippoo's vakeels to induce their master, as they said, " to hear reason." These officers were desired to inti- mate that unless the signature of the sultan were affixedwithout delay to a definitive treaty, based on the arrangements concluded between them and the vakeels of the allies, hostilities would be immediately resumed. Purseram Bhow had now arrived, and, according to Mahratta custom, felt little disposition to respect any suspension of arms which inter- fered with the acquisition of plunder. His horsemen set vigorously to work, and carried off a number of camels and cattle belonging to the enemy. Against this breach of the armistice Tippoo remonstrated, but it perhaps had some effect in influencing his final deter« 216 EATIFIACTION OF THK TREATY. [A.ri. 1792, minatioD. After various excuses, the vakeels, on the 18th of March, once more appeared ■with the treaty duly ratified in triplicate, and on the following day it was formally presented to Lord Cornwallis by the captive sons of the sultan. The effect of this treaty was to bring the frontiers of the Mahrattas to the river Toom- buddra, which was their boundary about thir- teen years before ; to restore to Nizam Ali his territories north of that river, and the pos- session of Kurpa on its south ; while the English obtained Malabar, Coorg, Dindigul, and BAramahal, all of them cessions of con- siderable importance in adding to the strength and compactness of the Company's territories. In judging of the proceedings of Lord Corn- wallis, due allowance should undoubtedly be made for the influence of the delusive state of feeling with regard to Indian affairs which was all but universal in England, and for the desire which the governor-general may be supposed to have entertained to offer to that feeling as little offence as possible. But one of the pre- liminary articles was so shamelessly and scan- dalously evaded, that no consideration of expe- diency ought to have been permitted to restrain the British Government from expressing its indignation, and, if necessary, compelling by force the due execution of the provision thus atrociously violated. It was provided that ali prisoners from the time of Hyder Ali should be set at liberty. Tipooo had carried off a great number of prisoners from Coromandel, whom he had detained in violation of the treaty of 1784, and who, notwithstanding the conclusion of the subsequent treaty, were unable to regain their liberty except by stealth. These persons fled in considerable numbers, and were received by the English, but in a manner which seemed as though they were ashamed of performing this duty, and no means were adopted to ascertain how many of these unhappy persons still remained within the tyrant's power. Some inquiry was made respecting the officers and soldiers taken during the war, but with regard even to them the English authorities appear to have been satis- fied with whatever explanation it pleased the vakeels of Tippoo to give, although there was strong ground for suspecting that in several instances the missing parties had fallen victims to the sultan's vengeance. Some of the fol- lowers of the English camp who had been made prisoners returned after a time, each mutilated of a band. These unfortunate men were shown to the vakeels, who said, that they had been caught plundering, and that the bar- barous punishment inflicted on them was with- out the sultan's knowledge. The ignorance of the sultan was indeed always pleaded to exonerate him from responsibility for the cruel- ties exercised under his authority. He, it was said, did not sanction them, and could not inquire into all the details of his govern- ment. With such ready apologies as these the governor-general was content. If, however, Lord Cornwallis failed in some points in which the national honour was mate- rially concerned, he manifested great personal disinterestedness, by relinquishing for the benefit of the array his share of booty. The example was followed by General Meadows ; who, though he had proved himself unfit for the exercise of an independent command of importance, appears to have merited the cha- racter of a brave soldier and a generous man. As soon as the arrangements between the belligerents could be regarded as finally con- cluded, Lord Cornwallis became anxious to remove his army with all practicable speed from the pestilential spot which was rapidly consuming its strength. The governor-general arrived at Madras late in May, and in Bengal in July following. After his departure from Seringapatam, Tippoo assembled the chiefs of his army and the heads of departments, and informed them, that the contribution of three crores and thirty lacs, by which he had purchased the absence of the invaders, must be provided for at the joint cost of himself, the army, and the people at large. His own share was, in the exercise of his royal grace and benignity, fixed at one crore and ten lacs — - one third of the entire amount. Sixty lacs were to be furnished by the army, as a nuzzerana or gift — a donation bestowed as freely and with the same degree of good- will as was formerly in England the "bene- volence," so called, in aid of the sovereign's necessities. The remaining one crore and sixty lacs were to be provided by the civil ofiicers and the inhabitants generally. The ., mode of distributing this last share of the burden was left to the heads of the civil departments, who prudently endeavoured to relieve themselves as far as possible from its pressure. The accounts, however, were made up with all the strictness which was due to public decorum, and to the characters of the responsible parties who exercised control over them. Each civil officer was debited with the sum which in fairness he might be called upon to pay, and a corresponding entry of the discharge of the claim was made with due precision. Had the sultan condescended to examine those records, he must have been delighted, not only by the accuracy with which they were made up, but by the severe exact- ness maintained by those who prepared them, in regard to their own contributions. But the books were false witnesses, and those by whom they were compiled paid nothing. Their shares were paid by an extra levy upon the inhabitants of each district beyond the amount of the nominal assessment. There was one inconvenience attending this ingenious opera- tion. The great men, with whom it originated, could not conceal the process from their official inferiors ; the latter were not to be persuaded that those above them possessed any exclusive claim to the exercise of fraud and extortion — and it followed that, to secure impunity to themselves, the higher officers were obliged to A.D.1793.] HESTOfeAflON OF T^lPPOO'S SONS. 217 connive at conduct similar to their own in every person engaged in the collection. It is not difficult to conceive what was the situa- tion of a conntry thus plundered at the dis- cretion of every revenue officer, from the chief who stood in the royal presence, to the lowest runner who conveyed to the miserable inhabitants the unwelcome order to deliver their cherished hoards. Under such a system, it is obviously impossible to ascertain how much was extorted from the suffering people ; but it was generally believed that the sum far exceeded the whole amount which, according to the allotment made by the sultan, they were called upon to pay. Yet, at the end of several years, a balance of sixty lacs still stood on the books of the treasury against the country. Torture in its most horrible forms was resorted to ; but from utter destitution even torture could extort nothing ; and that obstinate determination, which in the East so often accompanies and fortifies the love of money, not unfrequently defied the infliction. Such are the ordinary incidents of native governments ; and it must be remembered, that of such governments, that of Tippoo was by no means the worst. With regard to the fulfilment of the pecuniary engagements of that prince with the allies, it will be sufficient, without entering into details, to state, that at the end of about two years its progress per- mitted the restoration of the two hostage princes to their father. They were accom- panied by Captain Doveton; and Tippoo, in the exercise of that hatred to the English which long indnlgence had rendered almost uncontrollable, hesitated whether he should admit the British officer to his presence. The question was submitted for the opinion of his councillors. They represented that the sultan's refusal might excite suspicion, and that the Englishman might be amused with professions of friendship, while "whatever was in the heart might remain there." This sage and honest advice the sultan followed. Captain Doveton was received with great courtesy, and personally surrendered his charge to the sultan. Tippoo exhibited no emotion on recovering from captivity two persons who might be supposed so dear to him. His reception of them was far less warm and affectionate than that which they had met from Lord Comwallis on being placed under his care. The war with Tippoo was the great event of' Lord Cornwallis's administration ; and no- thing of a similar nature occurred to desei-ve notice, except the capture of the French settlements in the year following that which had terminated the disputes with Mysore. The French revolution had lighted up the flames of war throughout Europe, and Eng- land had embarked in the struggle to chain the demon, whose avowed object was_ the destruction of all existing thrones, institutions, and forma of government. The attention of the British governments in India was thus directed to the reduction of the possessions of France in that country, and they fell almost without an effort to maintain them. Lord Comwallis hastened from Bengal to undertake the command of an expedition against Pondi- cberry ; but no such difficulties or labours as were encountered by Sir Eyre Coote fell to the lot of the English when again the capital of the French possessions in India was sum- moned to surrender. No protracted siege — no formidable array of lines, and batteries were required. Before the arrival of the governor-general the place had yielded to a British force under Colonel Braithwaite. This event took place in August, 1793. The re- duction of the minor French settlements was effected with equal ease and celerity; and again, as had happened thirty-two years before, not a staff throughout the wide ex- panse of India was surmounted by the French flag ; nor did a French soldier remain in the country, except as the servant of some native prince or the prisoner of the British govern- ment. It now remains only to advert to the changes effected by Lord Comwallis in the internal administration of the territories sub- ject to the presidency of Bengal. It will be recollected that the dewanny or administration of the revenue and financial departments of the state had been bestowed on the East-India Company by the Mogul, and that the power had been formally assumed, although the condition on which it was granted was not implicitly observed. From the weakness of the native governments, the nizamut, or remaining powers of the state, passed at first covertly, and afterwards ostensibly, into the hands of the English, who thus became the sole rulers of a very extensive and eminently ill-governed territory. In all native states abuse is the rule, not the exception ; and Bengal, under its later nabobs, might be taken as a type of the worst-ordered. During the period of transition, when the old authority was rapidly falling into decay, a^ gathering round it the ordinary concomitants of weak- ness, contempt, and opposition — -while that which was supplanting it had as yet neither the physical power nor the moral respect which are the growth of time — when no one precisely knew with whom any particular portion of authority resided, nor in what manner the rights and duties of government were apportioned between the tottering, sink- ing rausnud of an indolent, effeminate, power- less prince, and the council chamber of the stranger merchants whom the coarse of events had so wonderfully associated with the desti- nies of Hindostan — -when all was unsettled, indefinable, and precarious, the native policy, which prescribes that each man should secure to himself as large a portion as he can of the objects of human desire, without regard to the means employed or the personal claims of others, received an extraordinary measure of acceleration and strength. The state of the 218 ADMINISTRATION 01" JtTSTICE. tA.D. 1793. country with regard to the two great branches of administration, revenue and law, was briefly but comprehensively described in two short passages of a letter addressed, during an early period of Hastings's administration, by the president and council of Bengal to the Court of Directors. With regard to revenue, it was observed, that "the nazims exacted what they could from the zemindars and great farmers of the revenue, whom they left at liberty to plunder all below, reserving to themselves the prerogative of plundering them in their turn when they were supposed to have enriched themselves with the spoils of the country." On the morality of this it is unnecessary to say a word ; the misery en- gendered by it stands not in need of illus- tration ; but the infatuation with which avarice sought to gratify its insatiate appetite by plundering all within its range, though sure that nothing could be retained — that equal avarice, armed with greater power, would compel a full surrender of the fruits of rapine, might afford opportunity for instructive re- mai-k were there place for it. All grades of revenue officers engaged in the work of plunder with an avidity which seemed to imply a con- viction that they were working for their own benefit ; yet none but the highest were able to keep what they gained. Such is the power of a passion which appears to defy not more the restraints of justice than the dictates of common sense — such is a picture of society in an Indian state, where the exercise of extor- tion is universal, but the enjoyment of its profits confined to a select and powerful few 5— where the plunderer of to-day is the victim of to-morrow — where the minor oppressor plies his craft but to enrich his more digni- fied brethren, and endures a life of anxiety and guilt without recompense or alleviation. With respect to the administration of justice, the situation of Bengal at the period alluded to was not less wretched than with regard to the collection of the revenue. The government re- ported that "the regular course was every- where suspended ; but every man exercised it who had the power of compelling others to submit to his decisions." What it was that, in such a state of society, every man who had power dispensed to his neighbours, may readily be imagined. It will not be suspected that it was either justice or law. The ad- ministrator in this case, like the revenue oificer, had no object but to promote his own interest. " Decisions," like other commodities, were marketable, and, in conformity with the custom of trade, were sold to the best bidder. Where any exception occurred, the volunteer administrator of what was called justice was actuated by personal motives of favour or revenge. These enormous abuses were tolerated too long ; but at length a move- ment was made for their suppressiou, and, under the authority of instructions from home, Hastings exerted himself vigorously to intro- duce improvement, A board of revenue was established at the capital ; European collectors, with native assistants, were appointed in the provinces; and certain members of the council were deputed to make circuits for the purpose of carrying the new arrangements into execu- tion. In the judicial department, two principal courts, called the Sudder Dewanny Adawlut and the Sudder Nizamut Adawlut, were created, and civil and criminal courts of in- ferior jurisdiction were established throughout the provinces. Various changes took place subsequently, some of them at a very early period ; but these it would be impossible even to mention without extending the notice of these transactions to an inconvenient length. One of the most important measures of Hastings's government was the effecting a revenue settlement for five years. Some ex- cellent rules were at the same time pro- pounded — it would be too much to say that they were enforced. Nuzzars, or free gifts, as they were called, were prohibited, and revenue officers were forbidden to hold farms. At the expiration of the five years the practice of annual settlement was again resorted to, and continued till the time of Lord Cornwallis. That nobleman, soon after undertaking the ofBce of governor-general, was furnished with copious instructions from the Court of Di- rectors on the internal management of the coun- try committed to his care. These instructions were marked by a decided leaning towards the class of functionaries called zemindars, the precise nature of whose connection with the land and the people has afforded subject for much dispute. The court censured the em- ployment of farmers and persons having no permanent interest in the land in place of the zemindars ; adverted to great defalcations which had taken place ; and expressed their opinion that the most practicable method of avoiding such occurrences in future would be, to introduce a. permanent settlement of the revenue on reasonable principles, such settle- ments to be made, in all practicable instances, with the zemindar ; and in cases where he might be incapable of the trust, with a relation or agent of the zemindar, in preference to a farmer. But though it was proposed that the assessment should be ultimately fixed in per- petuity, it was determined that at first the settlement should be made for a term of years only ; and in order that the views of the oom-t might be carried into effect with precision, it was recommended that inquiry should be made into the rights and privileges of the zemindars and other landholders under the institutions of the Mogul or Hindoo governments, and the services they were bound to perform. The crowning measure of endowing any plan of settlement with perpetuity was reserved to the court. These instructions were issued in consequence of a clause in an act of parliament passed a few years before, by which the Court of Directors were required to give orders for redressing the wrongs of "rajahs, zemindars, polygars, talookdars, and other native land- A.D. 1793.] THE PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. 219 holders." It is not unworthy of remark that the act only prescribes the establishment of ^ permanent rules, for the regulation of tributes, ' rents, and services ; but by the mode in which the requisition was carried out in Bengal, the actual amount of tribute or rent assessed upon the land was permanently and unalterably fixed. This was obviously more than the act demanded. If the home government construed somewhat liberally the intentions of the legislature, their governor-general was not slow in imitating their example in his method of dealing with his instructions. A settlement for ten years was made, preparatory to the irrevocable step which was to deprive the government for ever of any future claim upon the land. In the mean time some inquiry was instituted in obedience to the commands of the court, into the rights and duties of the zemindars ; but a very slight examination was sufficient to satisfy the governor-general. At the threshold of the inquiry lay the question, to whom did the pro- perty of the soil belong? On this point different opinions have ever been maintained, and all of them with .some degree of plausi- bility. By some it has been held that in India the land has always been regarded as the pro- perty of tho sovereign ; by others, that inmost parts of the country the persons called zemin- dars are the rightful proprietors ; while by a third party it has been contended, that the great majority of cultivators have a permanent interest in the soil, and that the zemindar was only the officer through whom in many cases the claims of government were settled. These theoretical differences of opinion have given rise to others of a practical character, as to the parties to be recognized by government in levying its claims upon the land — whether a settlement should be effected with a person called a zemindar, who is responsible for the whole assessment upon a given district, generally of considerable extent ; with an association of persons occupying lands within a particular locality, termed a village, the in- habitants of which are connected by peculiar institutions ; or with the individual cultivators, known in the language of the country by the name of ryots. These three modes of settle- ment are respectively described as the zemin- dary, the village, and the ryotwar systems ; and the presumed advantages of each have been maintained with great zeal. But no difference on this point embarrassed the go- vernment of Lord Cornwallis. All the in- fluential servants of the presidency appear to have agreed with the governor-general in the preference expressed by the home authorities for the zemindary system of settlement. On the right in the soil, the same unanimity did not pi-evail ; but the governor-general cut short all inquiry by determining, certainly with great precipitancy, to recognize the right as residing exclusively in the zemindars. He not only affirmed his belief that it actually belonged to them, but declared that if it did not, it would be necessary to confer it upon them, or upon some other persons ; as nothing, in his judgment, would be more pernicious than to regard the right as appertaining to the state. Lord Cornwallis either entirely overlooked, or chose to appear ignorant of, the possibility of other rights existing in connection with the land besides those of the government and the zemindar. Mr. Shore, an able civil servant, afterwards Lord Teign- mouth, recommended caution and further in- quiry ; but the governor-general seemed to think that his duty was not to inquire, but to act. The sanction of the home authorities for declaring perpetual the decennial settlement which had recently been made was asked and obtained ; and on the 22nd of March, 1793, the assessments made under that settlement were authoritatively proclaimed to be fixed for ever. The provinces permanently settled have undoubtedly prospered : being among the richest and most fertile portions of the British dominions in India, it must be a perverse system of government indeed which could materially check their prosperity ; but a vast mass of inconvenience and suffering is directly traceable to the haste with which the impor- tant measure of a permanent settlement was carried out. The rights of hereditary culti- vators were sacrificed. From the default of the zemindars, from their incompetence, and from other causes, the office often became vested in the hands of persons whose character or position in society commanded no respect, and who used it only as an instrument of extortion. Lawsuits in consequence of these circumstances abounded, and the privations and penalties which follow in the train of litigation were frightfully multiplied. Changes affecting minor branches of the revenue were made by Lord Cornwallis, but the land so far transcends in importance all other sources of income, that a particular reference to those of inferior value may be spared. Some notice, however, is demanded of the new machinery created for dispensing civil and criminal justice. One of the most decided changes was the severance of judicial authority from that connected with the revenue. The power heretofore exercised by zemindars was talcen away, and the European collectors were also deprived of their judicial character. Por the administration of civil justice the governor-general and members of council were to form one chief court, called the Court of Sudder Dewanny Adawlut, which was to hear appeals and control the exercise of the power of the inferior courts. No appeal could be made to the Court of Sudder Dewanny Adawlut unless the sum in dispute amounted to one thousand rupees. The courts imme- diately under this were called provincial courts. Like that above them, they were courts of revision and appeal with relation to the courts below ; but they were also, to a certain extent, courts of primary jurisdiction. 220 JUDICIAL ABRANGEMENTS. tA.D. 1793. In each of these courts were to be three judges, chosen from amoug the covenanted servants of the Company. They were em- powered to try, in the first inst'ance, such suits as should be transmitted to them for the pur- pose by government or the Court of Sudder Dewanny Adawlut, and to order their decision in such cases to be executed by the judges of the zillah or city com-ts ; to receive original suits or complaints which any judge of the zillah or city courts had refused or neglected to entertain or proceed with, and to cause such judge to hear and determine such case ; to receive petitions respecting matters depend- iiig in the courts below, and give directions therein to the judges in such courts ; to receive any charges which might be preferred against the zillah or city judges for cori'uption, and forward them to the Court of Sudder De- wanny Adawlut, as well as to report to that court on any negligence or misconduct of such judges. They were also to hear appeals from the zillah courts if preferred within three months from the passing of the decree appealed ' against, or after that period, for sufficient reason. Whenever it should appear to a provincial court that a suit had not been sufficiently investigated in the zillah court, they might either take such further evidence as they might deem necessary, and give judg- ment thereon, or remit the suit back to the zillah court with instructions. The decisions of the provincial courts were to be final for sums not exceeding one thousand rupees. The next class of judicial estaljlishments consisted of the zillah (or district) and city civil courts. Over each of these a European judge presided. He was assisted by a register, also a European covenanted servant, and in some cases by an assistant similarly qualified. As all questions relating to succession, inheri- tance, marriage, caste, and all usages and institutions of the like character, were to be decided by the Mahometan law with respect to Mahometans, and by the Hindoo law with regard to Hindoos, each court was provided with a native officer of each persuasion, pre- sumed to be well versed in the principles of law as expounded in their respective creeds ; these persons acting as assessors to the judge, who received their written opinions, and regu- lated his judgment accordingly. The pleadings ■were directed to be in writing, and to consist of, first, a plaint ; secondly, an answer ; thirdly, a reply ; and fourthly, a rejoinder. If anything material to the suit had been omitted, either in the plaint or answer, one supplemental pleading of each kind, but no more, was to be admitted. The pleadings might be written, at the option of the parties, either in Persian, Bengalee, or Hindoostanee. The pleadings being completed, the courts were to proceed to hear evidence, either written or oral, and the latter was to be reduced to writing in one of the languages previously mentioned. The decree followed, and this it was provided should contain the name of every witness examined, the title of every paper read, and a statement of the amount or value of the property in dispute. . These courts were empowered to take cogni- zance of all suits and complaints respecting the succession or right to real or personal property, land, rents, revenues, debts, ac- counts, contracts, marriage, caste, claims to damages for injuries, and generally all suits of a civil nature, if the property sought to be recovered, or the defendant against whom the suit was brought, were actually within the limits of the court's jurisdiction. Those limits were the same with the boundaries of the zillah or city in which the courts might be estabhshed. The power of these courts ex- tended to all persons not British subjects, in the sense in which those words were then legally applied, European subjects of the King of Great Britain were consequently exempted; but it was provided that none excepting officers of the King's or the Com- pany's army, or civil servants of the Company, should reside within the jurisdiction of any zillah or city court, at a greater distance than ten miles from Calcutta, without executing a bond rendering themselves amenable to the court for sums not exceeding five hundred rupees. European officers of the government, as well as native officers, were also declared amenable to the courts for acts done in their official capacity in breach of the regulations or laws enacted by the local government. Those regulations formed the code by which the decisions of the courts were to be guided, save in oases where the native law was pei-mitted to operate. Where no specific rule might exist for their guidance, the judges were directed to act according to equity, justice, and good conscience. An appeal lay to the provincial courts in all suits without exception. To relieve the zillah and city courts from part of the business supposed, from the inferior value of the matter in dispute, to be of inferior importance, the registers of those courts were empowered to hear and decide causes in which the amount or value of the thing at issue did not exceed two hundred rupees; liberty of appeal to the court to which the register was attached being in all cases reserved. Still further to relieve the zillah and city courts, as well as in the expectation, which in other countries has been so often held out and so seldom realized, of bringing substantial justice to every man's door, inferior judica- tures were constituted, called courts of native commissioners. These commissioners were to exercise their functions in three different characters : as aumeens, or referees ; as salis, or arbitrators ; and as moonsiffs, or judges exercising original jurisdiction. Their autho- rity was restricted to suits in which the value of the thing in litigation did not exceed fifty rupees. They were to be nominated by the judges of the zillah and city courts, and to be approved by the Court of Sudder Dewanny Adawlut. 'To the latter court alone was given A.D. 1793.] LAW AMENDMENTS. 221 the power of removing them. The native commissioners were to be sworn to the .adniin- • islratioii of their duties, and to be liable to prosecution for corruption, or for oppressive nnd unwarranted acts of authority — an in>por- tant provision in a country where judgment had been so long bought and sold. In their character of referees, the native commissioners were to try such causes as might be remitted to them by the zillah courts, proceeding in the manner prescribed for the conduct of suits in those courts. As arbitrators, they might decide disputes not brought before the court, provided the parties executed bonds, engaging to abide by the decision of the commissioners, and to make the award a decree of court. In no case were these commissioners to have the power of enforcing their own decrees. Monthly reports of causes decided, such reports being accompanied by all original documents, were to be made to the zillah court to which the commissioner was immediately subject, and that court was to enforce the decision reported, if not appealed against within thirty days ; the power of appeal being subject to no other limitation. In addition to the establishment of courts of various grades, and the distribution of business among them, it was attempted to improve the character of the vakeels or agents who might be employed in them. Previously, all that a suitor did not perform in his own person was committed either to some servant or dependant, or to men who were ready to transact any busi- ness for any person who would employ them, but who were not recognized by the courts, nor subject to any regulations. In the former case, the suitor was represented, and his in- terests maintained, by persons for the most part entirely ignorant of law of any description.' In the latter, the amount of the advocate's knowledge seldom extended beyond a slight acquaintance with the ordinary forma of pro- ceeding, and a familiarity with all the arts of chicane. It was proposed, therefore, to intro- duce a better class of vakeels, by insuring the possession of some measure of qualification for the office which they undertook, and by sub- jecting them to due control. The appoint- ment of these officers was vested in the Sudder Dewanny Adawlut. They were to be selected from the students in the Mahometan college at Calcutta and the Hindoo college at Benares, If these establishments were unable to supply the requisite number, any natives of good character and competent ability might be appointed. They were to be sworn to the due discharge of their duties, and to be remu- nerated according to a regulated table of fees. A small retaining fee was to be paid on the engagement of the vakeel ; his subsequent emoluments were deferred till the termination of the suit, when he was to receive a commis- sion on the amount involved, varying from five per cent., upon the smaller sums, to one-half per cent., upon those of larger amount. They were liable to suspension by the court in which they practised for promoting or encouraging litigious suits, for fraud, or for gross misbe- haviour of any kind. The suspension was to be reported to the Court of Sudder Dewanny Adawlut, by whom the vakeel might be either deprived of his privilege or fined. Such were the main provisions for the ad- ministration of civil justice. In one respect the task of legislating for the exercise of criminal judicature was less embarrassed by difficulty. There was little or no conflict of laws, criminal proceedings having been almost universally conducted on the principles of the law of Mahomet. The Koran was necessarily the chief authority; the sayings of the Prophet, stored up in the memory of his followers and handed down by tradition — perhaps occasion- ally invented to answer existing emergencies — supplied some of the deficiencies of the Ko- ran, which were neither few nor unimportant ; the opinions and judgments of learned Maho- metans, contemporaries with the Prophet, and who enjoyed the benefit of personal communi- cation with him, formed another resource ; and lastly, came reports of decided cases by judges of later date, who had ventured to exercise their own judgment where that of their pre- decessors afforded no guide. The law thus obtained was not of the best description, and its administration, it is unnecessary to say, was corrupt and venal. Hastings endeavoured to correct some of the evils which existed both in the law and the judges, by subjecting both to the control of the British government. For eighteen months he personally exercised this control, but at the end of that period, the numerous demands upon his time and atten- tion rendered it impracticable to continue the labour which he had imposed on himself, and the duty of watching and superintending the administration of criminal justice once more passed into Mahometan bauds. Some years afterwards, the principal European officers in the revenue and civil departments were in- vested with a portion of magisterial authority, but the greater and more important portion of the duties connected with the restraint and punishment of crime was vested in the naib nazim and his subordinate officers. No fur- ther alteration was made till Lord Cornwallis submitted to his council proposals for amend- ing both the law and the courts by which it was administered. The alterations proposed in the law were three : — First, that the crimi- nality of homicide should be judged of not by the weapon or means used, but by the inten- tion of the slayer, however discoverable. By this, a variety of curious and mischievous dis- tinctions were got rid of. The second proposal was, that the heirs of a murdered person should not be permitted to prevent the punishment of the murderer — a privilege which the Maho- metan law allowed. The third suggested the abolition of the barbarous punishment of muti- lation, which the light of Mecca also tolerated, and the substitution in its place of imprison- ment, hard labour, or pecuniary fine. Chris- 222 RESULTS OF THE CHANGE. [A.ri. 1793. tian and European feelings were thus brought to the improvement of the code of Mahomet in various important particulars. The proposals of the governor-general were adopted and em- bodied in regulations, which, however, mani- fested a singular tenderness towards the law which they were designed to improve. The authority of that law was still recognized — the native officer still expounded its decree for the information of the European judge ; but the latter was forbidden, in certain cases, to act upon the opinion thus given. If the law of Mahomet prescribed mutilation of person for any offence, the officer declared that such was the will of the Prophet ; but the punish- ment was not infficted. It was commuted for a term of imprisonment, vaiying according to the degree of severity maintained by the law which was thus superseded. The threatened mulct of two limbs subjected the convict to double the term of imprisonment incurred by him whom the law of Mahomet would have deprived but of one. Again, in cases where the heir o£ a murdered person refused to pro- secute, the native law officer was to be called upon to state what would have been the decree of the law had the heir been of sterner mind, and then the same sentence was to be passed as though the right to prosecute had not been waived. Further, the rules of evidence, ac- cording to the Mahometan law, were not altogether such as the British government ap- proved. It did not, however, venture to in- terfere with the integrity of the holy code — the rules were left to be still solemnly enun- ciated by the native adviser of the court ; but where the evidence of a witness was impugned by reason of his religion, the officer was called upon to say what would have been the decree of the law had this defect not existed, which being done, sentence was to be passed pre- cisely as though it did not exist. To put in motion this remarkable combina- tion of Mahometan and European law, the means resorted to were nearly the same as those employed for civil proceedings. The governor-general and council formed a high court of revision and control, called the Sud- der Nizamut Adawlut; the provincial courts were constituted courts of circuit within their respective localities, throughout which they were to make two gaol deliveries in each year ; the zillah and city judges were to be magis- trates exercising the usual authority of the office, both in regard to preliminary proceed- ings in criminal cases of importance and in the cognizance and punishment of petty offences. Zemindars, and persons of similar condition, had formerly been responsible for the peace of the country, and whatever of police authority existed was exercised by them. From these duties they were now relieved. Each zillah was divided into police jurisdictions, superin- tended by a darogah, a native officer, who was empowered to receive charges of criminal of- fences, and to remit the accused to a magistrate, taking security for the appearance of the pro- secutors and witnesses. The darogah was also authorized to apprehend vagrants and suspi- cious persons. The village watchmen were declared subject to the orders of this function- ary, and were required to give him all the assistance and Information which they could afford. The above sketch of the judicial arrange- ments of Lord Cornwallis may appear to possess little either of interest or instruction ; but some notice of them was called for, first, because they were the earliest arrangements which could aspire to any higher character than that of temporary expedients ; and, secondly, because it is upon the improvement of the internal government of the country that the reputation of Lord Cornwallis has, in a great degree, been rested. The effects of the important revenue change effected under his administration have been briefly noticed ; the judicial changes could scarcely aggravate the evils previously existing, but they had perhaps little effect in abating them. The amount of power was altogether unequal to the labour to be per- formed — the number of B aropean functionaries was too small — in many cases their acquaintance with Indian character too limited to allow of their doing much good, while the native agents were often, it is to be feared, too corrupt to effect anything but evil. If it were an object of the change in the mode of administering civil justice to increase litigation, the plan certainly succeeded. Suits multiplied, till those who should have decided them looked at the files of their courts in despair, convinced that the life of man was insufficient to clear off the overwhelming mass of arrears. Parties who felt aggrieved, and who saw themselves partially excluded from redress by law, sought it in a more summary manner, and breaches of the peace from this cause were frequent. It would be unjust to charge the whole of these evils upon thejudicialplans of Lord Cornwallis. In a country which had long been without any settled or well-ordered judicial tribunals, wrongs would multiply, causes of complaint abound. If in connection with this considera- tion reference be had to the love of litigation which forms so prominent a part of the native character, it will be seen that the governor- general had no easy task to perform . His great error appears to have been that he did not duly appreciate the difficulty of that which he un- dertook to effect. Like most Indian reformers, he expected to do at once that which required a long series of years, and like most Indian reformers also, he evinced an unwise and an unwarrantable disregard of native institutions. His police arrangements were thought to be inferior to those which they superseded, and in spite of all the provision made either tor the punishment or the prevention of offences, crime continued to flourish with a luxuriance which showed at once how deeply it had struck its roots in the soil, and how inadequate were the means provided by the governor-general for its eradication. Year after year some A.D.1793.] EVASION OP ENGAGEMENTS. 223 change was made in the system established by Lord Cornwallis : experiment auooeeded ex- periment, each tending to confirm a truth of which European innovators have so often been forgetful, that it is impossible by a stroke of the pen to change the character of a people, or to render either useful or popular, institutions not framed with due regard to national habits and peculiarities. Lord Cornwallis did not return to Bengal after his visit to Madras, undertaken with a view of reducing the French settlements on the coast of Coromandel. He quitted India in August, 1 793, and was succeeded as governor- general by Sir John Shore, a civil servant of the Company, who had been a member of council at Bengal, and who, it will be re membered, when the permanent settlement was in contemplation, had ofifered some sugges- tions for securing the rights of the inferior landholders, which Lord Cornwallis had dis- regarded. Sir John Shore was not a man of brilliatit abilities, but he enjoyed, and justly, a high degree of the confidence of those whom he served. His reputation for knowledge in matters of Indian revenue was great, and his upright and honourable character universally admitted. The attention of the new governor-general was soon directed to the circumstances and position of the two powers in concert with whom his predecessor had undertaken the re- duction of Mysore. By the treaty concluded by the three powers — the English, the nizam, and the Mahrattas — previously to the com- mencement of the war with Tippoo, it was provided, that if, after the conclusion of peace with that prince, he should molest or attack either of the contracting parties, the others should join to punish him ; but the mode and conditions of effecting this object were left for future settlement. On the tei-mination of the war. Lord Cornwallis had proposed the re- duction of this conditional stipulation into a formal treaty of guarantee ; but he was de- sirous of clogging the engagement with a con- dition which would without doubt have left either party at liberty to evade the perform- ance of the treaty, and without much danger of incurring the imputation of bad faith. If one of the allies were attacked, the others were not to be bound to render assistance until they were convinced that justice was on their side, and that all measures of conciliation were fruitless ; and, as no one can estimate the degree of conviction which operates on the mind of another, it must be obvious that such a treaty would have been to all practical pur- poses a nullity. If the allies of the party attacked thought it their interest to assist their neighbour, they would assist him, and this might be relied upon without any treaty. If their interests inclined them to take another course, they could deny the justice of the cause of their ally, and refuse to aid him. Still Lord Cornwallis must not be too hastily blamed for insisting upon an article which would have had the effect of neutralizing the engagement into which it was introduced. One of the parties with whom he had to deal was the Mahratta state, and Mahratta notions of right and wrong are endowed with such convenient flexibility, that it is quite impos- sible to estimate, with any approach to accu- racy, whither a positive engagement to defend them may lead. The Mahrattas had some demands for chout, both on Tippoo and the nizam, which they did not mean to abandon ; and the proposal of Lord Cornwallis was met by counter proposals — the Mahratta chiefs being anxious to obtain the assistance of the British to carry out their own views, but averse to any alliance which should impose upon them a necessity for peace and modera- tion. These proposals were distasteful alike to the nizam and the British govei-nment ; and the latter, after some protracted discus- sion, desisted from pressing the execution of any treaty whatever. The nizam did not share in the reluctance of the Mahrattas to execute the proposed treaty; his interests and his wishes disposed him to seek British protection, however vague the conditions on which it was to be rendered. He represented that the failure of one of three parties to fulfil its engagements afforded no justification to the other two for the violation of theirs, and he urged the conclusion of the projected treaty before the departure of Lord Cornwallis from India, but in vain. That nobleman left the relations of the British government iu this respect in a most unsatisfactory state, and Sir John Shore had to contend with difficulties from which his predecessor seems to have been glad to escape. The long-impending storm at length burst. The Mahrattas attacked the nizam. Accord- ing to existing engagements, the British were not requii-ed to take arms in this case ; both parties were their allies, and though generally bound to assist either against Tippoo, they were under no obligation to assist one against the other. But Tippoo was about to joia the Mahrattas, and the nizam had, therefore, to all appearance, a claim to call for the assist- ance of his British allies. He did call for it, but without success. Sir John Shore on this occasion, while he evinced no extraordinary aptitude for the government of a great state, displayed a talent for casuistry which, if he had devoted himself to the legal profession, must have obtained for him a high reputation in the science of special pleading. He deter- mined that, the alliance being tripartite, the secession of one party put an end to all obli- gations which it imposed upon the remaining two. He accordingly resolved to surrender the nizam to the combined power of the treacherous Mahrattas, with whom fidelity is a word destitute of meaning, and of Tippoo, infuriated by recent degradation, and burning for revenge on those who had aided in subject- ing him to it. The result, in one respect, was less disastrous than might have been autioi- 224 INCREASE OP FRENCH INFLUENCE. [a^d. 17£ patod. Tippoo was too much occupied at home to render active assistance to the Mah- rattae ; but the latter were sufficiently strong without his aid to reduce the nizam to pur- chase peace on ignominious terms. Such was the policy of Sir John Shore — a man distin- guished by many excellent qualities, but alto- gether out of his place in society as governor- general of the British possessions in India. He maintained an insecure and unstable peace, and the price paid for the equivocal advantage was the honour of the country which he repre- sented. The nizam was greatly incensed by the con- duct of the British government ; and, on his return to Hyderabad, he intimated a desire to dispense with the services of two English battalions, which he subsidized, and which, being precluded from taking any part in the war with the Mahrattas, had been employed, while it continued, in maintaining the internal tranquillity of the nizam's dominions. The effects of the ultra-pacific policy of the go- vernor-general now began to appear. The Eng- lish corps, at the request of the nizam, was withdrawn, and that prince, with a view to supply their place, immediately applied him- self to increase and improve a large body of l-egular infantry, which constituted the main strength of his army, and was commanded by French officers. His attachment to the French was naturally strengthened by the hostile feelings engendered by the defection of his English ally, and the influence of the former power was aided by constant and ex- aggerated statements of the wonderful progress of the French arms in Europe. The British resident endeavoured to impress the nizam with a sense of the inexpediency of the course which he was pursuing, but without effect. What effect, indeed, could have been expected from such representations under such circum- stances ? The governor-general himself ad- dressed the nizam, but to no better purpose ; and Sir John Shore now found that the result of his policy had been to hand over the nizam, his power and resources, from the English to the nation with which, in Europe, they were waging a war of unparalleled difficulty. Whatever may be the faults of the French people, it is certain that indifference to the power and glory of their country is not among them. M. Raymond, who commanded the force which has been referred to, was in- defatigable in labouring to inci'ease the in- fluence of the French in the Deccan. His battalions carried the colours of the republic one and indivisible, and the cap of liberty graced their buttons. A detachment was moved to Kurpa, near the British frontiers, and through the agency of its officers a mutiny was excited in a battalion of sepoys on the Madras establishment. A correspondence was opened with the French prisoners at Pon- dicherry, and no probable means neglected of once more establishing the French interest in India on the ruins of that of the English. All appearances boded ill for the latter power, and a crisis was obviously approaohiiig when even the argumentative dexterity of the governor- general might be useless. It was averted by the occurrence of an event, unexpected alike by the nizam, by the party which had fooli-shly lost his friendship, and by that which had succeeded them in possession of it. This was a rebellion excited by Ali Jah, the nizam's son. The alarm this occasioned led not only to the recall of the detachment from Karpa to be employed in suppressing the rebellion, but to an earnest appeal for the oo-opei-ation of the English government for the same object. The governor-general did not now hesitate. Assistance was promptly despatched, but be- fore it reached the scene of action M. Ray- mond had put down the rebellion and taken prisoner its author. Ali Jah released his father from all further apprehension on his account, by taking poison. The judicious improvement of the oppor- tunity afforded for manifesting a regard to the interests of the nizam was not without effect, and the English influence at the court of Hyderabad might have been gi-eatly strength- ened, had not Sir John Shore been rendered insensible to every other consideration by his fear of offending the Mahrattas. Some Eng- lish adventurers were encouraged to enter the nizam's service, in the hope that they might be useful in counteracting the views of the French ; but the scheme entirely failed, and the British government derived from this pro- ject little of either credit or advantage. The progress of events, however, continued to be rather beneficial to tlie interests of the nizam, and not unfavourable to those of the English. The Peishwa, in whose name several chiefs had so long carried on their own plans of personal advantage and aggrandizement, terminated his life by an act of self-destruction, A series of intrigues followed, in the course of which the nizam had an opportunity of recom- mending himself to several of tbe parties engaged, and, in consequence, his principal minister, who had been given up as a hostage for the performance of some of the disgraceful conditions of the late peace, was set at liberty, and some territorial cessions extorted from the nizam were relinquished. The passions and divisions of the Mahratta chieftains thus inter- posed in favour of the nizam, whom his British ally would have left to be crushed by the powerful and unprincipled confederacy to which they belonged. The year 1795 was marked by the death of the notorious Mahomet Ali, and the question how the affairs of his ill-governed dominions should in future be administered, gave rise to a sharp dispute between the government of Madras, at the head of which was Lord Ho- bart, and the controlling government of Ben- gal. Lord Hobart, without previous commu- nication with the governor-general, proposed to the successor of Mahomet Ali the cession of certain territories, with a view partly to the A.D. 1797.] DEATH OF FYZOOLLA KHAN. 225 security of the Company's claims, and partly to the relief of the country from the frightful mass of oppression and abuse to which, under Mahomet Ali, it had been subjected. The views of the government of Bengal went further. They were desirous of obtaining the cession of the whole of the nabob's terri- tories. Thus far the object of the two govern- ments differed only as to degree. But Lord Hobart was disposed to employ some degree offeree to effect his object, while the govern- ment of Bengal were determined to carry it by negotiation, or not at all. The details of the dispute would now possess little interest. It may suffice to say, that the nabob resolutely refused to comply, and compliance was not enforced. The prevailing abuses, therefore, not only continued but increased. It was indeed impossible for such a system to be stationary. If not abolished, it would in- evitably grow and extend itself. Every form - of rapine and extortion, every device by which usury could heap interest upon interest, every cruelty by which avarice could realize its golden hopes was practised, till the wretched inhabitants might almost have rejoiced in the irruption of a powerful enemy, and hailed as a deliverer any invader who would have relieved them from the weak, perfidious, and profligate government by which they were borne down. The nabob asserted that he was unable to yield that which the British government de- manded — that the host of natives and Euro- peans who benefited by the continuance of abuse were too strong for him. This, it will be obvious, was an idle excuse. Although he could have effected nothing without the aid of the British government, he might with their support have relieved his dominions from their oppressors ; but he disliked the mode by which relief was to be obtained, and would not pur- chase protection for his subjects at the cost of gratifying the British government, which he hated. It was natural, indeed, that he should be reluctant to dispossess himself of power ; but sovereignty in his hands was but a name — power he had none. The usurers of Madras were masters alike of him and his subjects, and heavily did the yoke press both on prince and people. The same year which produced this abortive attempt to rescue some of the most valuable districts of the Carnatio from the ruthless grasp of those by whom they were desolated was signalized by the reduction of the Dutch settlements in India and the Indian seas — Ceylon, Malacca, Banda, Amboyna, Cochin. All except the last yielded after very slight resistance. It has been seen that the policy of Sir John Shore was essentially quiescent. But besides the attack of the Duoh settlements, the neces- sity for which was imposed upon the Indian government by the alliance of Holland with the revolutionary rulers of France, two events occurred in the northern parts of India which compelled the governor-general to depart from his ordinaiy plan of suffering affairs to take their own course. The first of them waa the death of FyzooUa Khan, the. persevering Ko- hilla chief, whose resistance had wearied the vizier into the confirmation of his jaghire, but whom Hastings engaged, in concert with that prince, to dispossess of his territories, although it subsequently appeared that he had no inten- tion of carrying his engagement into effect. Mahomed Ali, the eldest son of FyzooUa Khan, claimed to succeed his father, and his claim was enforced by the vizier, as well as recog- nized by the principal persons in the province. His younger brother, Gholam Mahomed, how- ever, an ambitious and unprincipled man, raised a rebellion, made Mahomed Ali prisoner, and after a time murdered him. On these events becoming known to the governor-gene- I'al, he felt, as might have been expected, that the honour of the British government required the intervention of their arms to suppress the rebellion raised by Grholam Mahomed, and avenge the treacherous murder of his brother. But the just indignation of Sir John Shore took a turn which, with reference to his mild and amiable character, was truly wonderful. He determined to punish, not only the usurper, but the entire family which the cidprit had disgraced and injured — the innocent with the guilty — by confiscating the jaghire granted to FyzooUa Khan, and transferring the districts of which it consisted to the direct government of the vizier. The justice of such a proceeding it would be difficult to vindicate, and it would be not less vain to attempt its defence on the ground of humanity. The dominions ad- ministered by FyzooUa Khan were in a state of prosperity, broadly and strongly contrasting with the condition of the ill-governed and miserable territories of the vizier, to whose wretched sway the governor-general proposed to commit them. The promptitude of Sir Robert Abercromby, the officer commanding the British force in Oude, prevented the full execution of this notable plan. Before the arrival of instructions from Calcutta, he had marched with part of the army of the vizier against the rebel chief. A battle was fought, in which the usurper was defeated. The vizier benefited by the acquisition of con- siderable treasure ; but a jaghire was granted to the infant son of the chief who had been so basely murdered. The rebel fratricide escaped with impunity. The other event which roused the governor- general to action was connected also with the affairs of Oude. In 1797 the Vizier Azoff-al-Dowlah died. He was succeeded by his reputed son, Vizier Ali, whose title, though impugned by the voice of rumour, was recognized by the British government. The grounds on which this recognition was afforded were the acknowledgment of Vizier Ali as his son by Azoff-al-Powlah, an acknow- ledgment corroborated by various acts and declarations, and believed to be valid according to the Mahometan law ; the acquiescence of Q 29 226 VIZIER ALI'S SPURIOUS BIRTH. [a.d. 1797. the begum ; and the apparent general consent of the inhabitants of LuoKnow. A report hostile to the claims of Vizier All had indeed reached the governor-general, and in the same minute from which the above reasons are quoted — in the same paragraph in which they appeared, and in the very next sentence to that in which they are enunciated. Sir John Shore speaks of its being the " popular belief " that the birth of Vizier Ali was spurious. It is not easy to reconcile the facts of the popular belief being against his claim, and the governor- general being aware that such was the case, with the apparent general consent of the in- habitants of Lucknow in his favour alleged in the preceding sentence in justification of his recognition. Notwithstanding the force ascribed by the governor-general to the reasons in favour of the claim of Vizier Ali, he was not at ease ; and he left Calcutta to proceed to Oude, not, as he says, with any view to an alteration of the succession, but under the impression of a possibility " that the repugnance of the in- habitants of Oude to the title of Vizier Ali might be such as to force upon" him "the further consideration of it." At Cawnpore he was met by the minister of Oude, Hussein Reza Khan ; and here that which had been anticipated occurred. The consideration of ^ the new vizier's title was " forced " upon the ' . attention of Sir John Shore, the minister de- claring, without reserve, that there was but one opinion on the subject, that opinion being r'that the reigning prince and all his reputed brothers were spurious ; and that Saadut Ali, the brother of the deceased vizier, was the lawful successor to the musnud. The minister, who had been instrumental in elevating Vizier Ali to a place which he now affirmed belonged to another, endeavoured to excuse his conduct by reference to the same circumstances which the governor-general pleaded in justification of his own. Saadut Ali, according to the report of this functionary, had but few hearty supporters, his extreme parsimony having rendered him unpopular, while the profuseness of Vizier Ali had con- ciliated the soldiery, who were far more readily influenced by the liberal dispensation of pay and gratuities than by any regard to the law- ful claims of inheritance. Other information corroborated the report of the minister as to the Vizier All's want of title, and the gover- nor-general resolved to prosecute inquiry, as far as was practicable without exciting sus- picion, as to the birth of the reigning vizier, and his brothers or reputed brothers, as well as into the popular belief on the subject. The result of his investigation as to the former point went to establish the following facts : — that the deceased prince was the father of two sons only, both of whom had died in infancy ; — that he had been in the habit of purchasing children and their mothers, and that the children thus acquired were, in various in- stances, acknowledged by him, and brought up as his own ; that the mother of the reign- ing prince was a menial servant of the lowest description, employed in the house of one of the vizier's officers, at the monthly wages of four rupees ; — that she was the parent of three sons, of wliom the eldest was purchased by the vizier for five hundred rupees, and received the name of Mahomed Ameer; the second, less fortunate, became a menial servant ; while the third shared, and even surpassed, the good fortune of his elder brother, being in like manner purchased by Azoff-al-Dowlah for five hundred rupees, endowed with the name of Vizier Ali, acknowledged by the prince as his son, and heir to his dignity, and finally raised to the throne. It appeared that the younger begum, the wife of AzofF-al-Dowlah, had in- variably refused to see Vizier Ali ; — that having been requested by the vizier to honour the nuptials of his heir, by allowing him to be introduced to her on the occasion, she had declined with civility ; but at the same .time declared to the officer who delivered the mes- sage, that she would not disgrace the dignity of her family by admitting such a person as Vizier Ali into her presence. All circum- stances seem to have combined to discredit the claim of Vizier Ali except one — the elder begum, the mother of the deceased prince, supported the person thus denounced as an unjust pretender to the throne. This, however, cannot be regarded as conclusive, or even strong evidence in his favour. In the impure atmo- sphere of an eastern court, regard to family honour is often sacrificed to personal motives. The effect produced on the mind of the governor-general by the evidence which he was able to collect, is thus stated by himself : — "The result of the whole, in my opinion, is this, — that Vizier Ali, and all the reputed sons of the deceased nabob, are undoubtedly spurious. The impressions which I received on this subject since my inquiries commenced are very different from those which I enter- tained in Calcutta. The parentage of Vizier Ali, as many of the persons to whom I have appealed observe, is not considered as any matter of delicacy in Lucknow. A suppo- sition that he is the son of Azoff-al-Dowlah would have been treated with ridicule, except- ing by the partisans of the nabob (Vizier Ali), or those who benefit by his follies and extravagance ; and I could add many anecdotes to prove that Vizier Ali has often, previous to the death of Azoff-al-Dowlah, been reproached as the son of a Fraush, and that the nabob fi:equently alluded to his base origin. His ele- vation to the musnud was a matter of surprise to persons of all ranks, and was even spoken of with contempt by the native troops at Cawnpore." After adverting to certain mo- tives for declining to enter into the investiga- tion at an earlier period. Sir John Shore continues : — " Feeling in all its force the impression of the popular belief of the spu- rious birth of Vizier Ali, and aware of all the consequences to our political reputation A.D. 1797.] INTRIGUES OP ALMAS. 227 and justice which might result from the ac- knowledgment of him as the successor of Azoff-al-DowIah, I still was not authorize;! to make them the grounds of rejecting him in opposition to the acknowledgment and decla- ration of his presumed father ; whilst I felt equ&l repugnance to fix obloquy on the repu- tation of the deceased nabob by an inquiry dictated by general rumours only. It is now no longer dubious that the repugnance to the admission of Vizier All's succession, after an interval of reflection, was general ; that the acknowledgment of it by the Company ex- cited surprise and diappointment ; that it was esteemed both disgraceful and unjust, and that nothing but the support of the begum and of the Company would have suppressed the ex- pression of that repugnance. That may now exist in a less degree, but the disgrace attached to our decision still remains. I conclude with repeating, that the prevailing opinion of the spurious birth of Vizier Ali was not a partial rumour originating in enmity or interest at his accession ; that it has ever invariably and uni- versally prevailed, in opposition to the ac- knowledgment of him as his son by the nabob, Azoff-al-Dowlah, which never obtained credit with a single human being ; and that the truth of it is now established by the clear, positive, and circumstantial evidence of Zehseen Ali Ehan, which carries with it the fullest convic- tion of its truth, as well from his character as from his situation, which enabled him, and him only, to have a personal knowledge of the circumstances which he has detailed. In his house Vizier Ali was born, and he paid the purchase-money for him to his mother. That evidence so clear was to be obtained was not indeed within the probability of expectation." Few unbiassed persons, after an examina- tion of the evidence, will arrive at a conclusion different from that of the governor-general ; yet it cannot but excite surprise that, with a resident at the court of Lucknow whose duty it was to watch and to report to the govern- ment which he represented everything of the slightest public importance, the general dis- belief of the claim of the recognized son of the sovereign to the inheritance for which he was destined should have been either unknown or disregarded by the British government. The latter, however, appears to have been the fact. Before the death of Azoff-al-Dowlah, the wit- ness, on whose evidence Sir John Shore relied and acted, had communicated to the resident part, at least, of the facts which he afterwards opened more fully to the governor-general. Strange does it appear that they excited no greater degree of attention — that no particular investigation of them then took place — that all inquiry into the conflicting claims of candidates for the succession was postponed till it was ne- cessary to decide at once between them ; when, as was certainly far from improbable, the ques- tion was improperly determined. It argues little for the activity of the resident, or of the governor-general, that such should have been the fact. One or both must have deserved great blame. The most probable solution of the difficulty is, that Sir John Shore's almost invincible habit of leaving afiairs to settle themselves led him to acquiesce in the recog- nition of a title which he could not but feel to be questionable, and this view is not incon- sistent with his own language. The considera- tion of the question was at length, as he says, forced upon him ; he took it up upon compul- sion, but he inve"stigated it with an earnest desire to discover the truth, and his decision was a sound and an honest one. The elder begum, though she had supported Vizier Ali, had given offence by dissuading him from certain acts of indecorum and extra- vagance : and in return for the good advice expended on him, the vizier recommended her withdrawal to Fyzabad. The English govern- ment, however, had found it expedient to intimate to the begum that her interference in public affairs might be dispensed with ; and this communication tended to allay her resent- ment towards the vizier and turn it on the English. Her chief adviser was a rich and powerful frequenter of the court of Lucknow, named Almas, who had long been regi,rded as a determined enemy to the influence of the British government. Almas, however, sud- denly sought an interview with the native minister, whose communications had led to the inquiries instituted by Sir John Shore, and fell in with what he was satisfied was the course of the prevailing current, by making heavy complaints of Vizier Ali, whom he designated in terms the most opprobrious. He spoke of the baseness of the vizier's birth, and the profligacy of his character ; declared that the begum entirely disapproved of his conduct, and that it was the earnest wish, both of her and himself, that the reigning prince should be deposed, and his place supplied by one of two brothers of the late sovereign, whom he named, to the exclusion not only of all the reputed sons of Azoff-al-Dowlah, but also of Saadut Ali, the undoubted heir to the throne, if the children of the late vizier were spurious. The minister recommended him to open his views to the governor-general, and to him he held language similar to that which he had previously employed. He subsequently re- peated it in the presence of the officer in command of the British force in Oude ; and these communications were important in pre- paring the way for that which was to follow, as they enabled the English authorities to obtain a distinct admission of Vizier All's defective title from the party most likely to defend it in opposition to that of the rightful claimant. True it was that the begum and Almas supported other candidates, and not Saadut Ali, but the claim of Vizier Ali was abandoned by all capable of rendering efficient aid in upholding it. The strange succession of intrigues which had followed the death of Azoff-al-Dowlah are thus recounted by Sir John Shore : — " The preceding detail fur- Q 2 THE GOVEENOR-GENERAL'S INDECISION. [a.d. 1797. nishes a history which has been rarely paral- leled. Vizier Ali, without any title in the public estimation, was elevated to the musnud by the selection of tlie begum, and act of the resident and minister. He was confirmed upon it by the acknowledgment of his title by the Company, and their declaration to support it. Without that acknowledgment and support he would have been opposed by Almas, whose influence over the begum would have gained her consent to his deposition The declarations of Almas on his departure from Lucknow were equivalent to a renunciation of allegiance to the "Vizier Ali, and his measures were so suspicious as to excite general alarm. Vizier Ali immediately began to act in opposition to the influence and interests of the Company, and the interference of the begum in the ad- ministration of affairs produced disorder. The begum and Vizier Ali were not then united. She censured and condemned his conduct ; he felt sore under her control, and urged her departure to Fyzabad. An intimation to the begum to withdraw her interference united them, and under their union the most violent and insulting measures to the Company were adopted. The begum, from whatever motives, now disclaims Vizier Ali, as illegitimate and un- qualified ; and proposes to depose the person of her choice, and transfer thesuccession to thesons of Shoojah-ad-Dowlah. The proposition is brought forward by Almas, who joins in it." This extraordinary succession of incidents gives occasion to a very characteristic remark on the part of the governor-general : — " If," says he, " the interests of the Company and huma- nity, the reputation of the Company for honour and justice, did not oppose the measure, my own feelings would have induced me to with- draw from a scene of so much embarrassment." He could not withdraw, but his mind .appears to have been greatly divided as to the course which he should take. He seriously enter- tained the thought of continuing Vizier Ali on the throne and endeavouring to control him through the begum. As a temptation to adopt this course, the begum had offered to make an addition to the annual subsidy. Such a plan would have given to her and her ally. Almas, all that they wished ; but no one can believe that it would have been beneficial to the interests of the British government. An- other mode which occurred to the mind of the governor-general was, to place the administra- tion of the affairs of Oude directly under the control of the Company's government. But this, he observed, could only continue during the minority of Vizier Ali (who was seventeen years of age), and be deemed such a plan open to weighty objections. With much hesitation, he chose the right course ; and as his conduct was the result of deep and anxious considera- tion, the reasoning by which he was finally determined is deserving of notice. "The pre- ceding statement of facts and information," said be, " suggested questions of very serious embarrassment. The course of my investiga- tion into the birth of Vizier Ali had weakened or subverted all the grounds upon which our acknowledgment of his title had been made : the acknowledgment of him as his son by the late nabob — his birth in the harem — the force of the Mahometan law in favour of that ac- knowledgment — the apparent satisfaction of the inhabitants at Lucknow at his elevation, and the decision of the elder begum in his favour. It proved, that if the succession to the musnud of Oude had been suspended during the first interval of surprise and con- fusion attending the sudden death of the nabob Azoff-al-Dowlah, and if an appeal had been made to the unbiassed voice of the people as a jury, their verdict would have pronounced Vizier Ali, and all the sons of the late nabob, spurious — destitute of any title to the musnud ; and that the sons of Shoojah-ad-Dowlah had an undeniable right to it. The evidence of Zehseen established to my entire conviction the justice and truth of the public sentiment ; and I had the mortification to learn that the reputation of the Company had suffered by an act which, in the opinion of all reputable people, had been no less disgraceful than un- just. It was impossible to silence these im- pressions by arguing that the government had not directly interfered in deciding upon the succession, since, in the opinion of all. Vizier All's elevation was considered an act of the English government ; and it is certain that, without their acknowledgment and support, he could not have maintained his situation. On the other hand, it might be argued, that the state of the case was now altered ; that the nabob having been acknowledged, and that acknowledgment confirmed, the question was no longer open to decision ; that the discredit of tbe act bad been incurred, and that the reputation of the Company would not now be restored by an act which, in the first instance, would have promoted it ; that the public were in some degree reconciled to the succession of Vizier Ali, who had gained many partisans." The objection above noticed is combated by the governor-general, after reference to prece- dent, by arguing, "that our acknowledgment of Vizier Ali in the first instance had been ex- torted by the urgency of the case, and that the more deliberate confirmation of it was made upon presumption which could not be set aside upon the evidence or information before us ; — that the public sense of Vizier All's want of all title to the musnud had un- dergone no revolution, nor ever could ; — that there is not a man living who ever believed him to be the son of Azoft-al-Dowlah, or to have a shadow of right to the musnud ; on the contrary, that in Lucknow he is generally known to be the son of a Eraush ; and if his future character should prove as abandoned as It promises to be, the disgrace attending his elevation to the musnud would be perpe- tuated ; — that although many were now recon- ciled to his title from various motives — the support of the Company, his liberality, infla- A.B. 1797.] RECOGNITION OF SAADUT ALL 229 ence, iDteresfc, ov indi£FereDce — men of the most respectability, who were not biassed by such motives, had not changed their senti- ments upon it." The governor-general thus continues ; — "The investiture of Vizier Ali, in the words of Abdul Lateef, was doubtless con- sidered by all men of respectability as an act of injustice to the immediate desoendantsof Shoo- jah-ad-Dowlah, as the rightful heirs ; and no one gave the Company credit for acting from motives of supposed justice, but all ascribed their acknowledgment of Vizier Ali to the political expectation of establishing a more easy and effective influence in Oude than they otherwise could. If so, with a certainty that the sentiments of Abdul Lateef were general, with evidence that they are well founded, the political reputation of the Company can only be restored by the establishment of a family on the musnud which in the universal opinion has an exclusive right to it. Wherever that opinion extends, the justice and reputation of tlie Company must be affected by confirming the succession of an empire to the son of a Fraush. If Saadiit Ali has a right to the musnud, upon what grounds can we defend the denial of it ? Whilst the presumption was in favour of Vizier Ali, we determined to main- tain his title, not only against Saadut Ali, but against all opposition. That presumption is done away, and the right of Saadut Ali, as the representative of the family of Shoojah-ad- Dowlah, stands undeniable by justice and uni- versal opinion. It may be argued that we are not bound to run the risk of hostilities in support of it ; and the argument would be unanswerable if we could withdraw from all interference in the question, or if our inter- ference did not amount to a denial of his right. The begum and Almas, by their admission that Vizier Ali has no title to the musnud, and by their proposition to invest Mirza Jungly (a younger brother of Saadut Ali), on whatever principle it may be founded, have precluded themselves from all right of opposition to the claims of Saadut Ali. I do not mean to assert that they will not oppose his claim against the support of the English ; but having admitted the superior right of Shoojah-ad-Dowlah'6 sons, their opposition to the representative of that family would prove a total dereliction of all regard to right and principle on their parts, and a determination to maintain their own in- terests against all opposition. On the other hand, as every act of injustice is the parent of more, we must not overlook the future pos- sible consequences of denying that right to Saadut Ali, to which, in the opinion of all, his title stands good. We are so implicated in our connection with Oude, that we cannot withdraw from it, and we are so situated in it, that without a decisive influence in its admi- nistration we cannot have any security. The consequences of such a situation might be fatal if the government of the country were secretly hostile to us, and such, in my judg- ment, would be the situation of the Company under the administration of Vizier Ali, ad- mitting that we could extort from him Allah- abad, a pecuniary compensation, and an annual addition to the subsidy ; he must be put under restrictions, the begum must be compelled to relinquish all interference in the administra- tion, and the power of Almas must be reduced ; without this, which would be equivalent to taking the administration of goverment into our own hands, all attempts to improve the ad- ministration of the country and render the situation of the Company secure would be fruitless." After adverting to the difficulty of finding proper instruments for effecting this, the governor-general adds : — " The restrictions which must be imposed upon Vizier Ali would never be borne by him, but under a secret de- termination to embrace the first opportunity of shaking them off." The above remarks contain much that admits of far wider application than the events which called them forth, and it is principally for this reason that they have been quoted at length. They contain an unanswerable justification of thecourse which thegovernor-generahtltimately determined to pursue — granting the facts on which it was based, which indeed scarcely ad- mitted of doubt. It is only to be lamented that these facts were not ascertained at an earlier period. After the series of arguments which have been quoted. Sir John Shore briefly adverted to some personal objections to his acting against Vizier Ali, grounded on their being on apparently amicable terms, and on the governor-general's dislike to all decep- tion. It is impossible not to be struck with the delicacy of sentiment which these objec- tions display, and equally impossible not to admire the determination with which they were vanquished by a sense of public duty. All the feelings and inclinations of Sir John Shore, but this one, disposed him to acquiesce in the existing state of things, but he did not yield to their influence. Saadut Ali was re- stored to his right through the agency of the British government, and the usurper compelled to withdraw to a private station, with an allow - ance for his support, proportioned, not to his natural place among men, hut to that which he had for a time so strangely occupied. By the treaty which determined the relations of the new vizier and the English, the annual subsidy was fixed at seventy-six lacs, and the fort of Allahabad surrendered to the latter power. The English force in Oude was to be ordina- rily kept up to ten thousand, and if it at any time exceeded thirteen thousand, the vizier was to pay for the number in excess ; while, if it were allowed to fall below eight thousand, a proportionate deduction was to be made. Twelve lacs were to be paid to the English as compensation for the expense of placing Saadut Ali on the throne, and he was restrained from holding communication vrith any foreign state, employing any Europeans, or permitting any to settle in his dominions without the consent of his British ally. 230 LORD TEIGNMOUTH QUITS INDIA. [A.D. 1798. _Sir John Shore's administratioa presents | to an Irish peerage by the title of Lord nothing further for report. He was elevated | Teignmouth, and quitted India in March, 1798. CHAPTER XV. THE EAKL OF MOENINGTON APPOINTED GOVBKNOB-GBNEEAL — POSITION OF THE BRITISH GOVEKNMENT" IN INDIA — HOSTILE DESIGNS OF TIPPOO SULTAN — DISSOIUTION OF THE FRENCH CORPS IN THE NIZAM'S SERVICE — BRITISH ARMY TAKES THE FIELD — SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF SEEINGAPATAM — DEATH OF TIPPOO — ■ SETTLEMENT OF MYSORE — PARTITION TREATY WITH THE NIZAM — DISTURBANCES CREATED BY DHOONDIA. Some hesitation occurred in providing for the vacancy occasioned by the retirement of Lord Teignmoiith. The Governor of Madras, Lord Hobart, had expected to succeed to the chief place in the government of Bengal ; but the expectation was disappointed by the selection of Lord Cornwallis to re-assume the duties which a few years before he had relinquished. This appointment was notified to India, but never carried into effect, his lordship being subsequently named lord-lieutenant of Ireland. The choice of the home authorities ultimately fell upon the Earl of Mornington, who pre- viously stood appointed to the government of Madras, and he quitted England late in the year l797. The new governor-general had established for himself the reputation of a dis- tinguished scholar, a brilliant parliamentary speaker, and an able man of business. His attention had for a series of years been sedu- lously devoted to the acquisition of such infor- mation as was calculated to fit him for the ofiice which he had now attained. His pursuit of this branch of knowledge was, in all proba- bility, the result of inclination rather than of any other motive ; as the probability of success to any aspirant to an office so honour- able and so highly remunerated as that of governor-general must be regarded as small. But whatever the motives, the result was most happy. The Earl of Mornington pro- ceeded to his destination prepared for his duties by as perfect an acquaintance with the history and circumstances of British India as the most assiduous inquiries could secure. In addi- tion to the fruits of his private studies, he had derived some advantage from having served as a junior member of the Board of Commis- sioners for the Affairs of India. At the Cape of Good Hope he met with Major Kirkpatrick, an officer who had filled the office of British resident at more than one of the native courts ; and the information derived from him, added to that which had already been accumulated by reading and official observation, enabled the governor-general to enter upon his office with a confidence which in his case was well war- ranted, but which, with inferior opportunities, no one would be justified in entertaining. The position of the British government in India at this time was not inaccurately described by Lord Teignmouth as " respect- able." The Company possessed a considerable, but not a compact territory. Beyond their own dominions they exercised a certain influ- ence, which might have been much greater had its extension been encouraged instead of being checked. But still the political prospects of the British in India were far from being bright. In various quarters the elements of danger were gathering into heavy masses, which the most supine observer of the times could scarcely overlook ; and the policy which for some years had been pursued threatened to leave the British government to brave the storm without assistance. The proba- bility, indeed, seemed to be, that, in the event of its being attacked by any native power, it would find in almost every other an enemy. Statesmen, whose views, entirely moulded upon European experience, were incapable of adapting themselves to a state of society so vridely different as that existing in India, had determined that if ever the British govern- ment should emerge from the passive acqui- escence to which it was usually doomed, it should be for the purpose of maintaining a principle which had long been regarded as the conservator of the peace of Europe — the balance of power. The attempt to presei-ve the peace of India upon any such principle must now appear, to every one acquainted with the subject, not only idle, but ludicrous. But at the period under review, the hope, wild as it was, found harbour in the breasts of statesmen of high reputation ; and the new governor-general was earnestly enjoined to maintain the balance of power as established by the treaty of Seringapatam. That balance, however, such as it was, had been destroyed ; and the apathy or bad faith of the British government had contributed to accelerate its destruction. ■ The dominions and resources of the nizam had been left to be partitioned by the Mahrattas at their pleasure ; and though the dissensions of the conquerors had relieved the conquered partyfrom a portion of thehumi- liation and loss incurred by his defeat, he had, notwithstanding, suffered greatly both in honour and power. The means for preserving any portion of either, which had been forced upon him by the policy of the British government, afforded, as has been seen, additional cause for alarm to that government. The main strength of his army was under French control ; and as, in states constituted like that of the nizam, the influence of the army was far greater than in those wherein the due subordination of A.D. 1798.] POLITICAL EETEOSPECT. 231 military to civil authority is understood and maintained, the councils of that prince were in a great degree swayed by those who held the power of the sword. The danger of the British government from the continued main- tenance of such a force in the service of the nizam was sufficiently obvious. No hope of effective assistance from that prince, against Tippoo or any other enemy, could be looked for ; and even his neutrality could not safely be relied upon. This was not the only evil, perhaps not the greatest evil, resulting from the unfortunate course of policy which had been pursued. The hostile feelings with which the English and French regarded each other were known throughout India ; and the know- ledge that the star of French fortune was in the ascendant, while the interest of the English was declining, was eminently calculated to give confidence to the enemies of the latter nation, and even to add to the number of their enemies by deciding the wavering against them. On tumingfrom the nizam to the Mahrattas, there was little to relieve the gloom created by a contemplation of the unprosperous state of the British interests at the court of Hyder- abad. The course of events had greatly diminished the power and influence of the peishwa, and there was little probability that the inferior chiefs would hold themselves bound by engagements entered into by their nominal leader to co-operate vigorously in any common object. The predominent influence at Poena was that of Scindia, who was not believed to have any good-will towards the British government. Such were the altered circumstances of the two states who had co- operated with the English in reducing the power of Mysore. ArcotandTanjore remained, as they bad long been, sources of weakness rather than of strength. The new nabob of Arcot, following the example of his prede- cessor, gave up his country an unprotected prey to the rapacity of usurers. The state of Tanjore was in this respect little better ; and there an intricate question of disputed suc- cession furnished additional cause of embar- rassment. In the north, the extraordinary scenes which had recently taken place in Oude were yet fresh in the memory of all, and the new government which Lord Teignmouth had been compelled by duty to establish, though in strict accordance with public feeling, had not yet acquired any portion of the confidence which is the growth of. time. It was appre- hended that Almas would resist it by arms, and fears were entertained of an insurrection of the Rohilla chiefs, a hardy and warlike race, never slow to draw the sword when an oppor- tunity presented itself for asserting their inde- pendence. Zemaun Shah, the ruler of Caubul, who had on several occasions disturbed the peace of India, might, it was thought, deem the existing combination of circumstances favourable to a renewal of his attempts. This belief did not rest on mere conjecture. It was known that Zemaun Shah bad been in com- munication with the bitter and irreconcilable enemy of the British power, Tippoo Sultan, and the mention of this prince leads to the consideration of the chief danger which the Company's government had to apprehend. The untamable hostility of Tippoo, a feeling as active as it was intense, had led him, ever since the conclusion of the peace negotiated by Lord Cornwallis, to seek in every quarter the means of regaining his lost power and influ- ence, and of humbling the strangers who had inflicted such deep and painful wounds on his ambitious mind. His intercourse with Zemaun Shah was directed to these objects. An invasion of the north of India from Caubul would have facilitated any hostile measures taken by Tippoo in the south by distracting the attention of the British government and dividing its force. At Poena, Tippoo had laboured assiduously to counteract British influence, and to engage the Mahratta chiefs in his views. At Hyderabad he had ventured to pursue the same course, and here he found his purposes answered by the co-operation of the French officers in the service of the nizam. It was not in this quarter only that Tippoo sought aid from the national feeling of hostility so long existing between the French and the English people. During a period of many years he had employed all the means which suggested themselves for inducing the French to lend him efficient assistance in driving their rivals from India. An embassy sent by him to Constantinople had been intended to proceed from thence to Paris ; but circumstances changed the determination, and another em- bassy, consisting of three persons, was subse- quentlydispatched direct to France, proceeding by sea from Pondioherry. It arrived while the unfortunate Louis XYI. still sate on the throne of his ancestors, and was received most graciously ; but its object was unattained. The French government, then tottering to its foundation, was in no condition to render assistance to a despot separated from France by thousands of miles, and whose only claim to support was founded on his hatred of the English nation. The mission failed, and the meanness of the presents which Tippoo had .thought worthy to be offered to the monarch of one of the most powerful nations in the world afforded abundant room for those sportive effusions of wit and ridicule which even the obvious approach of the moral earth- quake which was to shake all the thrones of Europe could not banish from the French court. The ambassadors, too, quarrelled among themselves as to the apportionment of certain presents which the liberality of the French king bestowed on them ; and on their return, without effecting anything for the purposes of the mission, one, who had been slighted by his colleagues on account of his having previously been in the position of a menial servant, revenged himself by accusing them of partioi- 232 CONDUCT OF TIPPOO SULTAN. [a-D. 1798. pating in indulgenoeB forbidden by the Prophet. Tippoo, not unprepared to feel displeasure at the unsatisfactory termination of an attempt which had been the cause of considerable expense, soothed his feelings by disgracing the ambassadors. But he did not thus easily relinquish an object so near his heart. The fearful changes which swept over France shortly after the departure of Tippoo'sministers from that country made no alteration in his views or conduct. Through the agency of the government of the Mauritius various commu- nications were made by Tippoo, in all of which he professed the strongest attachment to the French people, and attributed to this cause the hostility of the English, and the misfor- tunes to which he had in consequence been subjected. Well disposed as were those who administered the government of France to enter into any project for giving annoyance to Great Britain — anxious as they were to vindi- cate the national glory in India, where the flag of France had so often been lowered in submission to the rival natiqn, the state of affairs in Europe long rendered it impracticable for the French to bestow much of attention and any portion of assistance upon a supplicant from a distant part of the world. Tippoo, however, was too ardently bent upon his object to abandon it in despair ; though the apparent indifference of the great nation must have annoyed, it did not discourage him, and some time in the year 1797 a circumstance occurred which reanimated his hopes. A privateer from the Mauritius arrived at Man- galore dismasted, and the commander sohcited the means of repair. The officer exercising the chief naval authority at Mangalore, pos- sessing a slight acquaintance with the French language, entered into conversation with the master of the disabled vessel, and reported, as the result, that this person represented him- self as the second in command at the Mauritius, a,nd stated that he had been specially instnicted to touch at Mangalore for the purpose of ascertaining the sultan's views regarding the co-operation of a French force which was ready to be employed in the expulsion from India of the common enemy, the English. Nothing could be more gratifying to the sultan than such an overture ; the master of the privateer was promptly admitted to the royal presence, and honoured with long and frequent conferences. The result was an arrangement, by which the master of the vessel, though recognized in his high character of an envoy, was, for the sake of concealment, to be ostensibly received into the service of Tippoo ; the vessel was to be purchased on the part of that prince, and to be laden with merchandise for the Mauritius ; and confiden- tial agents of the Sultan were to proceed in her for the purpose of concei'ting all that related to the proposed armament. The servants of Tippoo were less credulous than their master. They had conversed with some of the crew of the privateer, and dis- covered that the rank and mission of the com- mander were fictitious. The result of their inquiries was communicated to the sultan, together with a representation of the_ danger which he would incur by disclosing his views to the English without any prospect of timely or adequate succour from the French. But Tippoo was too anxious that the Frenchman's assertions should be true to allow him to entertain a doubt of them. He met the warnings of his ministers by a reference to the doctrine of predestination, by which a sincere Mussulman consoles himself under all calami- ties, and excuses his want of exertion to avert them. The purchase of the vessel was ar- ranged, but as the master was to remain in Mysore, the money was intrusted .to one of his countrymen to make the required payment on its arrival at the Mauritius. This person absconded with the amount thus obtained, and his subsequent fate is unknown. His unexpected flight disconcerted in some degree the sultan's plans, and even shook his confidence in the representations of the pre- tended French envoy, who was placed under personal restraint, on suspicion of being in collusion with the defaulter. Considerable delay took place before Tippoo could deter- mine what course to pursue ; but ultimately it was resolved to restore the vessel to the master, on his giving bond for the amount intrusted to his countryman, and to allow him to proceed to the Mauritius, conveying with him two servants of Tippoo, as ambassadors to the government of that island, with letters from their sovereign. The suspicion with which the commander of the vessel bad been regarded probably generated a similar feeling in his mind ; and, before he had been long at sea, he demanded to examine the letters in charge of Tippoo's ambassadors, threatening that, if refused, he would proceed on a priva- teering expedition, instead of making for the Mauritius. Some altercation took place, which was ended by the Frenchman adopting, the short and eflective course of forcibly seizing and opening the objects of his curiosity. The perusal of the letters seems to have removed his distrust, and he steered without hesita- tion to the Mauritius, where he arrrived in January, 1798. Te ambassadors were received by the French governor with distinguished honour; but the publicity thus given to their arrival, however flattering, was altogether inconsis- tent with the secrecy which it was intended should be preserved with regard to their mis- sion. Their despatches being opened, were found to express the great anxiety of Tippoo for the co-operation of the French in a plan which was laid down for the conquest of the English and Portuguese possessions in India, and of the territories of their natives allies. The answer was most courteous, but little satisfactory. The French authorities declared that they had not at their disposal any ade- quate means of aiding the sultan's views, but A.D. 1798.] CITIZEN TIPPOO. 233 that hig proposals should be transmitted to the government of France, who, it was not doubted, would joyfully comply with his wishes. The letters of the sultan were accordingly trans- ferred to France in duplicate ; but as a long period would necessarily elapse before the determination of the government there could be known, the governor of the island. Genera! Malartio, resolved to manifest his sympathy with the caxise of Tippoo by issuing a procla- mation, inviting citizens, both white and black, to enrol themselves under the Sultan's flag, assuring those who might be disposed to volun- teer, of good pay, the amount of which was to be fixed with the ambassadors, and of being permitted to return to their own country when- ever they might desire. The success of the experiment was commensurate with its wis- dom. Tippoo's servants re-embarked with a mere handful of followers, and they for the most part the refuse of the island rabble. With this precious addition to the strength of the sultan, they landed at Maugalore in April. One of the earliest measures of Tippoo's new friends, was to organize a Jacobin club on those principles of national equality and uni- versal fraternization which formed the creed of their countrymen at home. This associa- tion was not merely tolerated by the sultan — it was honoured by his special approbation, and he even condescended to become a mem- ber of it. Whether or not he submitted to the fraternal embrace is uncertain ; but it is beyond a doubt that he was enrolled among these assertors of liberty and equality, and added to the titles which he previously bore another, which, in the East, had at least the charm of novelty : the Sultan of Mysore became Citizen Tippoo. The tree of liberty was planted, and the cap of equality elevated. The citizen adveuturers met in primary assem- bly ; "instructed each other," says Colonel Wilks, "in the enforcement of their new rights, and the abandonment of their old duties;" the emblems of royalty were pub- licly burnt, and an oath of hatred to that .antiquated institution publicly administered and taken ; and these ceremonies took place in a country where one man held at his dis- posal the lives, liberty, and property of all others — that man, moreover, though not only a despot, but a tyrant, witnessing these republican rites with approving eyes, and giving to them importance by his countenance and suppoi't. The Earl of Mornington arrived at Madras in April, and at the seat of his government in Bengal,. in May, 1798. Shortly afterwards, a copy of the proclamation issued at the Mau- ritius, announcing the designs of Tippoo, and inviting French citizens to join bis standard, appeared in Calcutta. It necessarily attracted the attention of the governor-general, whose first impression was to doubt its authenticity. "It seemed incredible," said the governor- general, in recording his views on the subject. "that if the French really entertained a design of furnishing aid to Tippoo, they would pub- licly declare that design, when no other appa- rent end could be answered by such a deolara' tion, excepting that of exposing the project in its infancy to the observation of our goverments both at home and in India, and of preparing both for a timely and effectual resistance. It did not appear more probable that Tippoo (whatever might be his secret design) would have risked so public and unguarded an avowal of his hostility." The governor-general, how- ever, deemed it proper to guard against the dangers of rash and obstinate disbelief, no less than against the inconveniences that might result from over-hasty credence. He forth- with instituted such inquiries as might lead to the determination of the question whether or not such a proclamation had been issued ; and to be prepared for whatever measures might become necessary, he directed the Governor of Madras, General Harris, to turn his atten- tion to the collection of a force on the coast, to meet any emergency. The authenticity of the proclamation was soon ascertained ; but another doubt occurred — ^whether the step might not havebeen taken by M. Malartic without the concurrence of Tippoo, and for the promotion of some object of the French government unconnected with his interests and unauthorized by his consent. The investigation which followed developed all the facts that have been related as to the embassy despatched byTippoo to the Mauritius, its flattering reception, the previous absence of any view on the part of the French authori- ties of aiding Tippoo in any manner, and the subsequent proceedings, down to the embarka- tion of the motley band of volunteers, their landing at Mangalore, and their admission into the Sultan's service. It was now for the governor-general to determine whether he would afford Tippoo further time to mature his plans, and to gain strength for carrying them into effect, or whether he would strike while the enemy was comparatively unprepared. He preferred the latter course, and resolved to obtain effectual security against the animosity of such an im- placable foe by reducing his power so far as to establish a permanent restraint on his means of offence. With this object in view the Earl of Morn- ington meditated a series of bold and extended operations against Mysore. It was in the south that the blow was to be struck, and it therefore became of importance to ascertain what probability existed of the speedy assem- blage of a powerful army on the coast of Coro- mandel. The communications from Madras were discouraging. The resources of that presidency were represented as exhausted ; the equipment of an army, it was alleged, could not take place within such a period as would admit of its acting with effect ; and some of the more influential of the servants of the government even suo'jested the danger of 234 TREATY WITH THE NIZAM. [A.D. 1798. making any preparation for war, lest Tippoo should take alarm, and invade the Carnatio before the English were in a condition to resist him. Before the receipt of these representa- tions, the governor-general had been led to conclude that it would be necessary to post- pone the execution of his plan for an imme- diate attack upon Tippoo. The advices from Madras confirmed this view ; but as the at- tack was only to be deferred, not relinquished, and as moreover, under any circumstances, it would be necessary to place the British terri- tory under the government of Fort St. George in a state of defence, directions were given to extricate the army of that presidency from the wretched condition of inefficiency to which it had been reduced by the enforcement of a blind and undiscriminating frugality; and, in the mean time, the negotiations in progress at the courts of Hyderabad and Poonah were continued with reference to the great objects in view — the annihilation of French influence in India, and the increased security of the British dominions in that country, by humbling the chief enemy which the English had to dread, Tippoo Sultan. The uizam had long been anxious for a closer connection with the British government than that which subsisted between them ; but so far from any approach having been made to gratify his wishes in this respect, opportunities for attaching him more intimately to English interests had been positively neglected, much to the detriment of those interests, and to the advancement of those of the French. To the Earl of Mornington fell the task of correcting the errors of those who had preceded him. A. new subsidiary treaty, consisting of ten articles, was concluded with the nizam. The first five regulated the pay and duties of the subsidiary force, the number of which was fixed at six thousand. The sixth was a most important article. It pronounced that, imme- diately upon the arrival of the force at Hyder- abad, the whole of the officers and sergeants of the French party were to be dismissed, and the troops under them " so dispersed and dis- organized, that no trace of the former estab- lishment shall remain." It was further stipu- lated, that thenceforward no Frenchman should be entertained in the service of the nizam, or of any of his chiefs or dependants ; that no Frenchman should be suffered to remain in any part of that prince's dominions, nor any European whatever be admitted into the ser- vice of the nizam, or permitted to reside within his territories, without the knowledge and con- sent of the Company's government. By other articles, the British government pledged their endeavours to obtain the insertion, in a new treaty contemplated between the Company, the nizam, and the peishwa, of such a clause as should place each of the two latter at ease with regard to the other. Should the peishwa refuse, the British government undertook to mediate in any differences that might arise. The Nizam bound himself to refrain from aggression on the government of Poonah, and to' acquiesce in the decisions of his British ally. No correspondence on affiiirs of im- portance was to be carried on with the Mah- ratta states, either by the nizam or the English, without the mutual consent and privity of both. The French sepoy corps in the service of the nizam had been raised before the commence- ment of the war in which that prince was engaged, in conjunction with the English and the peishwa, against Tippoo Sultan, but its original strength did not exceed fifteen hun- dred. In a few years it had increased to eleven thousand, and, at the period of the arrival of the Earl of Mornington in India, it consisted of thirteen regiments of two batta- lions each, amounting in the whole to upwards of fourteen thousand men. Its discipline, which had been regarded as veiy defective, had been greatly improved ; and although deemed by militaiy judges inferior in this re- spect to the English army, it was fiir superior to the ordinary infantry of the native powers. Besides field-pieces to each regiment, there was attached to the corps a park of forty pieces of ordnance, chiefly brass, from twelve to thirty-six pounders, with a well-trained body of artillerymen, many of whom were Euro- peans. A design existed of raising a body of cavalry to act with the corps, and a commence- ment had been made. The national spirit manifested by its officers, and the zeal and activity which they displayed in advancing the interests of their own country andundei'mining those of the English have been already noticed. The death of its commander, M. Raymond, which had occurred u< short time before the period under consideration, did not appear materially to have diminished French influ- ence. Raymond was an accomplished master of intrigue, and a successful practitioner of all the arts of crooked policy, but he enjoyed little reputation for military skill. His successor, M. Peron, was a more active and enterprising man than Raymond, his political feelings were more violent, and he was far better acquainted with the principles of the military art. The second in command, an officer named Baptiste, though inferior to Peron in military endow- ments, compensated for the deficiency by a burning hatred of the English, and a degree of cunning which rendered him a most usefiil in- strument for caiTying on the designs in which the French party had for years been engaged. But this corps, so long in a constant state of increase, and so long the source of annoyance and apprehension to the British government, was now sentenced to dispersion, and the talents of its officers, whether for war or in- trigue, were unable to arrest its fate. The governor-general had directed the government of Madras to make a detachment for the pur- pose of co-operating with the British troops already at Hyderabad against the French force at that place. The despondency which on former occasions had operated so injuriously at Madras, had on this nearly paralyzed the arm A.D. 1798.] THE FRENCH CORPS DISBANDED. 235 of the British government, when raised to strike at a most formidable and most insidious source of danger. Objections were raised, and, but for the firmness and public spirit of General Harris, the governor, they would have been fatal. He met them by declaring that he was prepared' to take the responsibility of the measure upon himself ; and that, if no public money could be had, he would furnish from his private funds the sum necessary to put the troops in motion. The required detachment was accordingly made, and placed under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Koberts. Some little delay occurred in its quitting the Company's territories ; but it arrived at Hy- derabad on the loth of October, and joined the British force previously at that place. On the arrival of the detachment. Captain J. A. Kirkpatrick, the acting British resident, demanded the full execution of that article of the treaty which related to the French corps. But intrigue was at work to procure its post- ponement, and the nizam hesitated. His minister, though well inclined to the English, recoiled from a measure so vigorous as that called for by the British resident, and was desirous that resort to extremities should be delayed, and, if possible, altogether avoided. The resident endeavoured to put an end to the vacillation of the court of Hyderabad by a powerful remonstrance, concluding with an avowal of his intention to act without the authority of the nizam, if that authority con- tinued to be withheld. The effect of this was assisted by a movement of the British force to the ground which commanded the French lines. There was now no longer any room for evasion — the nizam and his minister were compelled to make choice between the English and the French ; and, as was to be expected, they de- termined in favour of the former. A body of two thousand horse was sent to the support of the British force, and a mutiny which broke out in the French camp aided the views of those who sought its dispersion. The object was speedily effected, and without the loss of a single life. The French officers surrendered themselves as prisoners, not reluctant thus to escape the fury of their men ; and the sepoys, after some parleying, laid down their arms. The whole affair occupied but a few hours. The total number of men disarmed was about eleven thousand, part of the corps being absent on detachment. Means were taken for the arrest of the officers commanding the detached force ; and the whole were ordered to be sent to Calcutta, from thence to be transported to England ; the governor-general engaging that, on their arrival there, they should not be treated as prisoners of war, but be immediately restored to their own country, without suffer- ing any detention for exchange. The property of the captured officers was carefully preserved for then' use, and their pecuniary claims on the nizam duly settled, through the influence of the British resident. It had been the desire of the governor- general to conclude with the peishwa a treaty similar to that which had been entered into with the nizam ; but the object was not at- tained. Though the relations between the peishwa and the English government were professedly friendly, there was perhaps not a Mahratta chief who would have viewed the hu- miliation, or even the destruction, of the British power without delight ; and amid the compli- cated intrigues of which a Mahratta durbar is ever the scene, the attempts of the Earl of Mornington to restore the triple alliance to a state of efficiency were defeated. In the mean time the preparations against Tippoo proceeded. The objects of the gover- nor-general, as explained by himself, were, by obtaining the whole maritime territory remain- ing in the possession of Tippoo Sultan below the Ghauts on the coast of Malabar, to pre- clude him from all future communication by sea with his French allies — to compel him to defray the entire expenses of the war, thus securing reimbursement of the outlay rendered necessary by his hostility, and, by crippling his resources, increasing the probability of future security — to prevail on him to admit perma- nent residents at his court from the English and their allies, and to procure the expulsion of all the natives of France in his service, together with an engagement for the perpetual exclusion of all Frenchmen both from his army and dominions. Before hostilities commenced, however, the sultan was allowed time to avert them by timely concession. Some doubt had arisen whether or not the district of Wynaad were included in the cessions made to the English at the peace, and their claim to it was abandoned. Disputes had arisen between Tippoo and the Kajah of Coorg, whom he cor- dially hated, and these it was proposed to refer to the decision of commissioners. In Novem- ber, news arrived in India of the invasion of Egypt by the French, and of the victory ob- tained over the fleet of that nation by Lord Nelson. This intelligence was communicated to Tippoo, with such remarks as the subject and the known views of the Sultan naturally suggested. During the same month, another letter was addressed by the governor-general to Tippoo, adverting to the transactions be- tween that prince and the French government of the Mauritius, and proposing to send an English officer to Tippoo for the purpose of communicating the views of the Company and their allies. Another letter was subsequently despatched, calling attention to the former ; and to be prepared either to lend vigour to the operations of war, or to facilitate the progress of negotiation, the governor-general determined to proceed to Madras, where he arrived on the 31st of December. Here he received an answer fi-om Tippoo to the two letters which he had last addressed to that prince. A ridiculous attempt was made to explain away the embassy to the Mauritius, and its consequences. In all other respects the communication was vague, almost beyond the ordinary measure of Orien- 236 COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES. [A.D. 1799. tal deficiency of meaning. The proposal to despatch a British officer to the court of the sultan might be regarded as declined, Tippoo saying, that he would inform the governor- general at what time and place it would be convenient to receive him, but neither time nor place being named. The answer of the Earl of Mornington contained an able and in- dignant exposure of the conduct of the sultan ; but the door for negotiation was still kept open, and acceptance of the proposal previously made strenuously pressed upon Tippoo's considera- tion. ■ A few days later another communication was made, repeating the proposal, and enclosing a letter from the Grand Seigneur to Tippoo, de- nouncing the conduct of the French in Egypt, and calling upon the Sultan to co-operate against them. Throughout January, and a considerable part of the succeeding month, the letters remained unanswered. Of the state of affairs in Egypt nothing satisfactory was known : the arrival of a French fleet in the Arabian Gulf was apprehended, and it was ascertained that while Tippoo either neglected to answer the communications of the British government, or answered them with studied evasion, an embassy from him to the executive Directory of France was about to take its de- parture from the Danish settlement of Tran- quebar. Overtures for peaceful arrangements of differences were obviously wasted on such a man, and the governor-general properly deter- mined "to suspend all negotiation with the sultan until the united force of the arms of the Company and of their allies" should "have made such an impression on his territories " as might "give full effect to the juat representa- tions of the allied powers." Before the des- patch, however, containing the report of this intention was closed, a letter was received from Tippoo, singularly brief and frivolous, but which conveyed the sultan's assent, so often reqxiested, to the mission of a British officer to his court. The decision of the Earl of Mornington on this occasion was marked by his usual judgment : — The " design," said he, "is evidently to gain time until a change of circumstances and of season shall enable him to avail himself of the assistance of France. I shall endeavour to frustrate this design ; and although I shall not decline even this tardy and inaidioiis acceptance of my repeated propositions for opening a negotiation, I shall accompany the negotiation by the movement of the army, for the purpose of enforcing such terms of peace as shall give effectual security to the Company's possessions against any hostile con- sequences of the sultan's alliance with the French." The command of the army of the Carnatic had been intended for Sir Alured Clarke, the commander-in-chief of the forces of Bengal ; but the apprehension of an invasion of the north of India by Zemaun Shah suggested the necessity of retaining that officer at Calcutta, where he was appointed to exercise the chief functions of government during the absence of the Earl of Mornington. The command thus vacated was bestowed on General Harris, who with singular disinterestedness, when the alarm on account of Zemaun Shah had been dispelled by the retrograde march of that sovereign, suggested the re-appointment of Sir Alured Clarke in supersession of himself. The command, however, was retained by Gene- ral Harris at the express desire of the governor- general, and he accordingly joined the army, which consisted of two thousand six hundred cavalry (nearly a thousand of whom were Europeans), between five and six hundred European artillerymen, four thousand six hun- dred European infantry, eleven thousand native infantry, and two thousand seven hundred gun- lascars and pioneers ; forming altogether a force of about twenty-one thousand. The army was accomp.inied by sixty field-pieces, and was well supplied with stores. A corps, under Lieu- tenant-Colonel Bead, was to collect, arrange, and eventually escort supplies of provisions to this army during its advance. A similar corps, under Lieutenant-Colonel Brown, was appoint- ed to the discharge of similar service in Coim- batore. Another army, consisting of six thousand men, assembled on the coast of Malabar, under the command of General Stuart, ascen- ded into Coorg. It was against this army that the first effort of Tippoo was directed. On the 2nd of March, a brigade of three native battalions, under Lieutenant-colonel Montre- sor, took post at Sedasseer, distant a few miles from Periapatam. On the morning of the 5th, an encampment was unexpectedly ob- served to be in progress of formation near the latter place. Before the evening, it had as- sumed a formidable appearance ; several hun- dred tents were counted, and one of them being green seemed to mark the presence of the sultan. The most recent information, however, was opposed to the belief that the tent was designed to shelter Tippoo, it being represented that he had marched to meet the Madras army, and that a detachment, under Mahomed Beza, was the only force left in the neighbourhood of Seringapatam. In this state of uncertainty. General Stuart re- solved to strengthen the brigade of Colonel Montresor by an additional battalion of sepoys, and wait for further intelligence to determine his future course. At break of day on the 6th, General Hartley, the second in command, advanced to reconnoitre. He could discern that the whole of the enemy's army was in motion, but the thick jungle which covered the country, and the haziness of the atmo- sphere, rendered it impossible to ascertain the object of the movement. Uncertainty was removed soon after nine o'clock by an attack on the British line. The front and rear were assailed almost at the same moment, and the advance of the enemy had been conducted with such secrecy and expedition, that the junction of the battalion destined to reinforce 1799.] PEEPAEATIONS FOE SIEGE. 237 Colonel Montresor was prevented. His bri- gade was completely surrounded, and for seve- ral hours had to sustain the attack of the enemy under the disadvantage of great dis- parity of numbers. General Stuart, on receiv- ing intelligence of the attack, marched with a strong body of Europeans, and encountering the division of the enemy which was acting on the rear of the English brigade, put them to flight after a smart engagement of about half an hour's duration. The attack in the front still continued, and on reaching it Gene- ral Stuart found the men nearly exhausted with fatigue, and almost destitute of ammunition ; but the fortune of the day was decided, and the enemy retreated in all directions. Notwithstanding the reports of the sultan having advanced to oppose General Harris, this attack was made under his personal com- mand, and he was probably encouraged to it by the recollection of the success which some years before had followed an attempt not very dissimilar, in the destruction of the force under Colonel Baillie. The sultan, however, in this instance gained neither honour nor advantage. His loss has been estimated as high as two thousand, while that of the English fell short of a hundred and fifty. The discovery thus made of the unexpected proximity of Tippoo induced General Stuart to change the dispo- sition of his force, and to abandon the post occupied at Sedasseer. This circumstance en- abled the sultan, with his usual veracity, to claim a victory. It was apprehended that he might hazard another attack, but, after re- maining several days on the spot which he had first occupied, he retired without attempt- ing again to disturb the English force under General Stuart. His efforts were now directed to resist the advance of General Harris, who, havingbeen joined by the contingent of Hy- derabad and the troops of Nizam Ali, had crossed the My8orea,n frontier, with an army about thirty-seven thousand strong, on the day on which Tippoo had encamped near Peria- patam. His march was attended with many difficulties, but they were surmounted by care and perseverance, and on the 27th of March the army of the Carnatic had advanced to Mallavelly, within forty miles of Seringapatam. Here the enemy occupied some heights, from which they opened a cannonade upon the English force, A general action followed, in which Tippoo was defeated, with severe loss. He retired, and his subsequent movement was designed to place his army in the rear of that of General Harris, who he expected would advance towards Seringapatam by the route taken by Lord Cornwallis. On that route Tippoo had taken his usual precaution of destroying all the forage. But the sultan was disappointed of the success which he had anticipated. At an early period of the march, General Harris had formed the design of crossing the Cauvery at a ford some distance below Seringapatam. The motives to this deviation from the usual route were various : one object was to mislead the enemy, another, to facilitate communication with the army of Malabar and with the oorpsunderColonelBrowQ and Colonel Read. Besides these iudacements, the ford was said to be easy, the country was believed to have escaped the operation of the devastating policy of Tippoo, and the southern, part of Seringapatam was regarded as the least defensible. The detour was effected so secretly, that the army, with its park and ordnance, had crossed the river and encamped near the fort of Soorilly before Tippoo was aware of the move- ment. When, too late, he became apprized of it, he is said to have exclaimed, "We have arrived at the last stage," and to have so- lemnly demanded of his principal officers what was their determination. They answered by professing their readiness to die with him, and henceforward every act of resistance or defence was performed under the chilling in- fluence of despondency. The advance of the British army, after cross- ing the Cauvery, to the position intended to be taken up before Seringapatam, was slow. The distance was only twenty-eight miles ; but though undisturbed by the enemy, such was the exhausted state of the draught cattle, that five days were consumed in performing it. The deficiency of these animals had seriously impeded the progress of the army from its commencement. It had been a source of com- plaint from the time of Sir Eyre Coote, if not from an earlier period ; but no measures had been taken to guard against the inconve- nience. The neglect perhaps was encouraged,, if it were not oi'iginated, by the sanguine be- lief which was so widely en tertained, that every war in which the English happened to be en- gaged in India, was to be the last. At length the capital of Tippoo was within view, and the English general issued an order at once brief and inspiring. It ran thus : — " The com- mander-in-chief takes this opportunity of ex- pressing his deep sense of the general exer- tions of the troops throughout a long and tedious march in the enemy's country with the largest equipment ever known to move with any army in India. He congratulates officers and men on the sight of Seringapatam. A continuance of the same exertions will shortly put an end to their labours, and place the British colours in triumph on its walls." The operations of the British army were promptly commenced. On the night of its arrival at its position, an attempt was made upon the enemy's advanced posts. It partially, failed ; but the attack being renewed on the following morning, wag completely successinl. On that day, General Floyd was dispatched with a considerable body of infantry and ca- valry, and twenty field-pieces, to join General Stuart. Tippoo made a large detachment ta intercept them ; but all attempts failed, and the united bodies joined General Harris in safety at Seringapatam. Before their arrival, Tippoo had addressed a letter to General Harris, the first that he had forwarded to any 238 RENEWAL OE NEGOTIATIONS. [a,d. 1799. English authority for a considerable period. Its purport was to declare that the writer had adhered firmly to treaties, and to demand the meaning of the advance of the English armies, and the occasion of hostilities. The English commander answered by directing the sultan's attention to the letters of the governor-general for explanation. The preparations of the siege continued to be carried on, and much was effected of great importance, the relation of which would be tedious. On the 17th of April an attempt made by the enemy to establish a redoubt on the northern bank of the river, was defeated by a force under Colonel Vaughan Hart, though exposed to a heavy cannonade from the fort. The post thus gained by the English was connected with others previously estab- lished, with a view to the future operations of the siege. The 20th of April was marked by a tardy overture from Tippoo to negotiate. The governor-general had prepared General Harris to enter on this task by transmitting with his final instructions, on the opening of the cam- paign, drafts of two treaties, either of which he was authorized to adopt under certain specified circumstances. After consulting the commissioners appointed to assist the general in political arrangements, he determined, in reply to the sultan's advance, to transmit a draft of preliminaries embodying the con- ditions of the less favourable of the two proposed treaties between which he had to choose. This, as it appeared from a despatch addressed by the governor-general to General Harris three days after the date of the over- ture, and when, consequently, the former was not aware of its having been made, was in perfect accordance with his views of the course proper to be taken under the state of circumstances which then existed. The articles thus proposed to Tippoo provided for the reception at his court of an ambassador from each of the allies ; for the immediate dismissal of all foreigners being natives of countries at war with Great Britain ; for the renunciation by the sultan of his connection with the French, and for the perpetual ex- clusion of that people from his service and dominions ; for the cession to the allies of one- half the dominions of which he stood possessed at the commencement of war ; for the relin- quishment of the claims of T'ippoo to any districts in dispute with the allies or the Eajah of Coorg ; for the payment to the allies of two crores of sicca rupees, one-half imme- diately, and the remainder within six months ; for the release of prisoners ; and for the delivery of hostages as security for the due fulfilment of the previous stipulations. These conditions were severe, but not more severe than justice and necessity warranted. While Tippoo retained the power of being mischie- vous, it was certain he would never cease to afford cause for alarm. So intense was his hatred of the English, and so perfidious his character, that, instead of allowing him the choice of retaining a diminished share of dominion and influence, or of losing all, the British authorities would have been justified in declaring, like the great powers of Europe at a later date, with regard to another enemy, that they " would no more treat with him, nor with any member of his family." General Harris required an answer to be sent within forty-eigbt hours, together with the required hostages and the first crore of rupees, under pain of extending his demand to the surrender of Seringapatam, No answer arrived, and the labours of the besiegers went briskly on. They were only suspended when an attack from the enemy required to be repelled ; and in these conflicts success in- variably rested with the English. On the 26th of April it became necessary to dislodge the enemy firom their last exterior entrench- ment, distant something less than four hundred yards from the fort, covered on the right by a redoubt, and on the left by a small circular work open in the rear. The duty was en- trusted to Colonel Wellesley, who commanded in the trenches. It was a service of difficulty ; but, in the course of the night and of the following morning, was successfully performed, though not without considerable loss. This achievement seems to have been deeply felt by Tippoo ; and, shaking off the lethargy or the disdain which had hitherto withheld him from replying to General Harris's proposals, he despatched another letter, acknowledging their transmission, but alleging that, as the points in question were weighty, and without the intervention of ambassadors could not be brought to a conclusion, he was about to send two persons for the purpose of conference and explanation. General Hams, in his answer, offered Tippoo once more the advantage of the proposals formerly transmittedj without an addition to the demands therein made ; but declined to receive vakeels, unless they were accompanied by the required hostages and specie, in recognition of the terms being accepted. The sultan's determination was demanded by three o'clock on the following day. No reply was forwarded by him ; and from the moment in which he received this communication fi'om General Harris, he is represented as passing rapidly through an agony of grief into a silent stupor, from which he seldom awoke except for the purpose of professing a confidence which he could not feel, that his capital would be successfully defended. On the 30th of April the fire of the English batteries was opened for the important opera- tion of breaching ; and on the evening of the 3rd of May the breach was considered practi- cable. Before daybreak on the 4th the troops destined for the assault were stationed in the trenches. They consisted of nearly two thou- sand four hundred European, and about eighteen hundred native infantry. The com- mand was intrusted to Major-General Baird. A.D. 1799.] FALL OP SEEINGAPATAM. 239 The instractions of the commander-in-chief to this officer were, to make the capture of the rampart his first object. For this purpose General Baird divided the force under his command into two columns ; one commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Dunlop, the other by Colonel Sherbrook. The assault was to take place at one o'clock ; and at a few minutes past that hour, General Baird, having com- pleted all his arrangements, stepped out of the trench, and drawing his sword, exclaimed, " Now, my brave fellows, follow me, and prove yourselves woi-thy of the name of British soldiers !" In an instant both columns rushed from the trenches, and entered the bed of the river under cover of the fire from the batteries. They were instantly discovered by the enemy, and assailed by a heavy fire of rockets and musketry. On the previous night the river had been examined by two officers named Farquar and Lalor, and sticks had been set up to indicate the most convenient place for fording. Both the attacking parties ascended the glacis and the breaches in the fausse-braye together. On the slope of the breach the forlorn hope was encountered by a body of the enemy, and the greater portion of those en- gaged fell in the struggle ; but the assailants pressed on, and within seven minutes after they had issued from their trenches, the British flag was waving from the summit of the breach. As soon as sufficient force was collected, the two parties filed off right and left, according to the plan proposed by General Baird. The party detached for the right marched rapidly forward on the southern rampart, under Colonel Sherbrook. The gallantry of Captain Molle, commanding the grenadiers of the Scotch brigade, was eminently conspicuous and serviceable. Kunning forward almost singly, he pursued the enemy till he reached a mud cavalier, where he planted a flag and displayed his hat on the point of his sword. His men soon collected around him, and being joined by the rest of the troops engaged in this attack, they advanced rapidly, the enemy retreating before their bayonets. The remain- ing cavaliers were carried in succession, and in less than an hour after ascending the breach, the party, after occupying the whole of the southern ramparts, arrived at that portion of them surmounting the eastern gateway. The progress of the column which had proceeded to the left was not quite so rapid. Colonel Dunlop, by whom it was commanded, had been wounded in the conflict at the sum- mit of the breach ; and just as the party began to advance from that point, the re- sistance in front was powerfully aided by the flanking musketry of the inner ramparts. All the leading officers being either killed or disabled, Lieutenant Farquar placed himself at the head of the party, hut instantly fell dead. Captain Lambton, brigade-major to General Baird, now assumed the command ; and the column, though not without some- times being brought to a stand, pushed for- ward, killing many of the enemy and driving the rest before them, till they reached a point where the approach of the right column was perceptible. Here the enemy were thrown into the utmost confusion, and the slaughter became dreadful. The operations of this column were ably supported by a detachment under Captain Goodall, which, having effected a passage over the ditch between the exterior and interior ramparts, took the enemy in flank and rear. The result of these combined attacks was, that when both divisions of the British force met on the eastern rampart, the whole of the works were in their possession. The only remaining objects of anxiety were the palace and person of the sultan. With regard to the sultan the greatest un- certainty prevailed. Whether or not he had perished in the conflict, and, if he still survived, whether he had effected his escape, or re- mained to fall with his capital into the hands of the victors, were questions to which no satisfactory answer could be obtained. Three officers of the general staff, Majors Dallas, Allan, and Beatson, passing along the ram- parts, discovered three men desperately wound- ed and apparently dead. Two of these, irom their dress and other circumstances, appeared persons of distinction ; and one, upon exami- nation, manifesting signs of remaining life, was raised by the British officers. It was not the sultan, as had been conjectured, but one of his most distinguished officers, named Syed Saib. He was recognized by Major Dallas, who addressed him by his name. He had previously appeared excited and alarmed, but the kind bearing of the British officers, and the recognition of his person by one of them, seemed to divest him of fear, and he became instantly composed and tranquil. He raised Major Dallas's hand to his forehead and em- braced his knees, but was unable to speak. On partaking of some water, his power of speech returned, and he inquired how Major Dallas came to know him. Being informed that he was the officer commanding the escort of the commissioners at Mangalore many years before, Syed Saib at once recollected him. A surgeon, passing, was called by the officers to the assistance of the wounded man, but having with him neither instruments nor dressings, he was unable to afford any. The palanquin of Syed Saib was then sent for to convey him to camp, and the opportunity was taken to in- quire if the sultan was in the fort. Syed answered that he was in the palace. The at- tention of the British officers was now called off by a firing of musketry occasioned by a sally of the enemy, and they left Syed Saib in the charge of two sepoys. But their kindness was unavailing. Soon after the departure of those who had endeavoured to rescue him from death, the unfortunate man attempted to rise, but staggering from the weakness occasioned by his wound, he fell into the inner ditch. The firing which interrupted the attentions 240 MAJOR ALLAN AND THE PRINCES. [a.d. 17 shown by the three officers to Syed Saib having ceased, they proceeded to a spot where they could obtain a distinct view of part of the in- terior of the palace. There they could per- ceive a number of persons assembled as in durbar, one or two being seated, and others approaching them with great respect. They then sought General Baird, to communicate to that officer what they had heard, and what they had observed. The general had previously received information of similar import, and had halted his troops for refreshment, before he proceeded to summon the palace. The men being somewhat recovered, and the necessary preparations made for attack, should the sum- mons be disregarded. Major Allan was des- patched to offer protection to the sultan and every person within the palace, on immediate and unconditional surrender. Having fastened a white cloth on a sergeant's pike, he pro- ceeded with some European and native troops to execute his mission. He found part of the 33rd regiment drawn up before the palace, and several of Tippoo's servants in the balcony, apparently in great consternation. Major Allan made the communieatiou with which he was charged, and desired that immediate inti- mation of it might be given to the sultan. In a short time the killadar and another officer came over the terrace of the front building and descended by an unfinished part of the wall. They evidently laboured under great embarrassment, but not to such an extent as to prevent the exercise of their ingenuity in endeavouring to procure delay, with a view, as Major Allan thought, with great appear- ance of probability, of effecting their escape under cover of the night. To these function- aries Major Allan repeated the substance of his message; pointed out the danger of neglecting it ; urged the necessity of imme- diate determination ; pledged himself for the due performance of the promise which he bore ; and, finally, required to be admitted into the palace, that he might repeat his assurances of safety to the sultan himself To this proposal Tippoo's servants manifested great dislike, but Major Allan insisted, and called upon two English officers, one of whom spoke the native language with extraordinary fluency, to ac- company him. The party ascended by the broken wall, and from thence lowered them- selves down on a terrace where a large body of armed men were assembled. It was foi-th- with explained to these persons, that the flag borne by Major Allan was a pledge of security to them, provided no resistance was offered ; and a singular step was taken in order to induce them to give credit to the assertion. With a degree of confidence which can only be characterized as imprudent and rash. Major Allan took off his sword, and placed it in charge of Tippoo's officers. The situation of the sultan was still unascertained. The killadar and other persons affirmed that he was not in the palace, though his family were. The Oriental fondness for delay was still indulged, and the killadar seemed not to know in what manner to act. After a further repetition of the assurances and the warnings which had been already given, the latter being enforced by reference to the feelings of the troops before the palace, which the killadar was apprized could not be restrained without difficulty, that personage and his companions left the British officers, who now began to feel their position critical. A number of persons continued to move hurriedly backwards and forwards within the palace, and of the object of these move- ments Major Allan and his colleagues were necessarily ignorant. He hesitated whether he should not resume his sword ; but, with more prudence than he had displayed in divesting himself of the means- of defence, he resolved to abide by the choice which he had made, lest by an appearance of distrust he should precipitate some dreadful act. The people on the terrace, however, appeared to be anxious for the success of the British mission, and to feel great alarm at the possibility of its failure. They entreated that the flag might be held in a conspicuous position, in order at once to give confidence to the inmates of the palace, and prevent the English troops from fbroing the gates. At length the forbearance of Major Allan became exhausted, and he sent a message to the sons of Tippoo, who vrere admitted to be in the palace, urging upon them once more the necessity of decision, and in- forming them that his time was limited. They answered that they would receive him as soon as a carpet could be spread for the purpose, and shortly afterwards the killadar reappeared to conduct him to their presence. He was introduced to two of the princes, one of whom he recollected from having wit- nessed his delivery, with another brother, into the charge of Lord Cornwallis, as a hostage for the due performance of the treaty concluded by that nobleman with their father. Painful and humiliating as was that scene to the house of Tippoo, it was exceeded in bitterness of calamity by the spectacle which Major Allan now witnessed. The sons of Tippoo were then to be temporary residents with the English till the territorial cessions could be effected, and the pecuniary payments made, by which their father had agreed to purchase the privilege of retaining his place among sovereign princes. They had now before them nothing but uncon- ditional submission to a foreign power which held possession of the capital of their country, which could dispose at pleasure of every vestige of territory which yet owned Tippoo as its lord, and to whose humanity himself and his family would owe their lives should they be spared. The feelings of despondencj and fear resulting from these disastrous cir- cumstances were strongly depicted on the features and indicated by the manner of ths princes, notwithstanding their efforts to sup- press their exhibition. Major Allan having endeavoured to give them confidence by re- ferring to the objects of bis mission, represented A.D.1799.] DISCOVERY OF TIPPOO'S BODY. 241 the impossibility of their father's escape, and entreated them, as the only way of preserving his life, to discover the place of hi? conceal- ment. They answered, that he was not in the palace. Major Allan then proposed that the gates should be opeped to the English. This renewed the alarm which the courteous bear- ing and pacific assurances of the British officer had, in some degree, calmed, and they ex- pressed a disinclination to take so important a step without the authority of the sultan. The necessity of yielding being, however, again strongly pressed, and Major Allan having promised to post a guard of their own sepoys within the palace, and a party of Euro- peans without, to suifer no person to enter without his own special authority, and to re- turn and remain with the princes till General Baird arrived, they consented, and the palace gates opened to admit as conquerors that people whose utter expulsion from India had been meditated by its master. Before the gates was General Baird, and Major Allan was ordered to bring the princes to the general's presence. Alarmed and re- luctant, they raised various objections to quitting the palace, but at length they allowed themselves to be led to the gate. The mo- ment was not the most favourable for their introduction, for General Baird had not long before received information of Tippoo, in strict accordance with his character, having murdered a number of English prisoners who had fallen into his hands. His indignation v/as highly excited, and to a feeling natural and even laudable in itself may perhaps be ascribed the harshness which, in one respect, he seems to have manifested towards the captive sons of Tippoo. He in the first instance hesitated to confii-m the conditions made with them by Major Allan, unless they would inform him where their fether was. The attempt to pro- cure the desired information failed, and the general finally assured the princes of protection .and safety. It is not to be supposed that General Baird had any serious intention of "violating a promise solemnly made by one of his officers under instructions from himself, and by virtue of which possession of the palace had been obtained ; but it is to be lamented that the glory earned by the capture of Sering- apatam should have been shaded by even the appearance of want of generosity or good i'aith. Apart, indeed, from all reference to the special obligation which the British authorities had incurred, the attempt to extort from the terror of the sons an exposure of the retreat of the father must be condemned, as at variance with some of the holier feelings of the human heart. There was no proof that the young men who were now the prisoners of the British general, had participated in the guilt arising from the murdfer'of his soldiers; and they ought not to have been subjected to moral torture for the purpose of discovering the retreat of the criminal, he being their father. The cruelty of Tippoo merited the severest retri- bution which could be inflicted, but if even he had been found within the palace, he must have shared the safety promised to all beneath its roof, or the honour of the British nation would have been irreparably tarnished, A minute search throughout the palace was ordered, with a view to securing the persou of the sultan, who, notwithstanding the denial of his followers, was yet believed to be within its walls. The zenana was exempted from scrutiny, but a guard was placed round it sufficient to prevent the escape of Tippoo if he were concealed there. The search was un- availing, and information was next sought by acting on the fears of the killadar. This officer, upon being threatened, placed his hands on the hilt of Major Allan's sword, and solemnly repeated his former protestation, that the sultan was not in the palace ; adding, however, and as it seems for the first time, that he lay wounded at a distant part of the fort. To the spot which he named he oflfered to conduct the British officers, and professed himself ready to submit to any punishment which the general might be pleased to inflict, if he were found to have deceived him. The place to which the killadar led was a gateway on the north side of the fort. Here hundreds of dead bodies were piled one upon another, and the darkness rendered it almost impossible to distinguish either form or features. Lights were procured, and an examination of the fallen victims of ambition was commenced. The discovery of the sultan's palanquin, and of a wounded person lying under it, seemed to indicate that the object of the search was attained ; but the man whose position in this scene of death and carnage appeared to mark him out as the sultan, was only one of his confidential servants who had attended him throughout the day. But the necessity for further search was at an end. The wounded servant pointed to the spot where his master had fallen ; and a body dragged from the accumulated mass above and around it was recognized by the killadar as that of the sultan. Being placed in a palanquin, it was conveyed to the palace, where multiplied testimonies to its identity removed all ground for doubt. Tippoo had fallen, but his fall was scarcely known, and it certainly contributed nothing towards the result of the day. During the last fourteen days of the siege he had fixed his abode at a place formerly occupied by a water- gate, which Tippoo had some years before closed. Here he erected a small stone choultry, enclosed by curtains, and four small tents were fixed ior his servants and luggage. Over- whelmed with despondency, he sought con- solation in those miserable dogmas, half com- monplace, half paradox, which have so often passed current as sound philosophy, and struggled to renovate hope by the delusions of judicial astrology. A rigid Mahometan, he did not in the hour of his distress disdain the knowledge which the brahmins were reputed to possess, and their art was invoked for thg 242 DEATH OF THE SULTAN. [a.d. 1799. sultan's information. Either from the effect of chance, or from observation of the circum- stances of the siege, both Mahometan and Hindoo astrologers declared the 4th of May a day of danger. To avert the threatened cala- mity, the brahmins recommended an oblation, and the fears of the sultan induced him to bestow the means of making it. On the morn- ing of the day on which peril was apprehended, he proceeded to the palace, bathed, and, Mus- sulman as he was, presented, through a brahmin of high reputation for sanctity, the required oblation with all the customary formalities. A jar of oil lormed part of the offering ; and, in compliance with a Hindoo custom, the sultan endeavoured to ascertain the aspect of fate from the form of his face as reflected from the surface of the oil. Whether the exhibition indicated good or evil is not known ; but, as Colonel Wilks observes, the result depends on mechanical causes, and " the reflection of any face may be formed to any fortune." About noon the sultan had completed the ceremonies which despair had led him to practise at the expense of his consistency as a believer in Mahomet, and he repaired to the choultry to partake of his mid-day repast. On his way he was informed by two spies that the besiegers were preparing to storm. He remarked, that an assault by day was not probable. An officer who commanded near the breach elIso apprized him that there ap- peared to be an unusual number of men in the trenches, and recommended that orders should be issued for the troops to be on the alert. Tippoo again expressed his belief that the attempt to, assault would not be made by day ; and coolly added, that if it should, the attack must be repelled. The next intelligence that reached him was calamitous. It announced the death, by a cannon-ball, of the man from whom he had received the last communication, and who was one of his chief officers. The Sultan was agitated, but gave the orders neces- sary for the occasion, and sat down to his repast. It was yet unfinished when he re- ceived a report that the storm had commenced, and he hastened to the northern rampart. He found that the English had surmounted the breach, and placing himself behind one of the traverses of the rampart, he fired seven or eight times on the assailants, and, as was believed by those who attended him, killed several Europeans, The flight of his troops before the victorious besiegers compelled him to retire ; though whenever an opportunity offered for making a stand, he is stated to have embraced it. But no efforts which he was able to make could turn the current of success. He had received a, slight wound, and the exertions which he was unavailingly making rendered painful the lameness under which he laboured. Finding a horse, he mounted and rode towards the gate of the interior work, with what object does not appear. Here he received a wound in the right side from a musket-ball. He rode for- ward a few paces, when he received another ball in his left breast, and his horse was at the same moment brought down. The faithful servant who had accompanied him through the day, and who survived to point to his con- querors the place where the tyrant had fallen, urged him to discover himself to the English soldiers who were pressing forward, as the most probable means of preserving his life. But the instinct of guilt forbade this course. Tippoo remembered that he had recently mur- dered some of their comrades with circum- stances of great barbarity, and he apprehended that by discovering who he was he should but accelerate the fate which his zealous adherent thus proposed to avert. He accordingly checked the imprudent suggestion, as to him it appeared, by passionately exclaiming, "Are you mad ? — be silent !" But silence, though it concealed his rank, availed not to preserve his life, Tippoo was placed by his follower in his palanquin under an arch on one side of the gateway. A grenadier, entering, attempted to seize the sultan's sword-belt, which was very rich. Had he submitted to the loss without resistance, the man would probably have pushed on ; but, though fainting with the loss of blood, Tippoo seized, with a feeble grasp, a sword which was near him, and made a stroke at the soldier who had thus commenced the work of plunder, by whom he was immediately shot through the temple. The circumstances attending the discovery and recognition of his body have been already detailed. On the morning after the capture of Seringa- patam, an English officer, having gone towards the river with a party of sepoys, perceived on the opposite side a few horsemen, one of whom waved a white flag. The officer, advancing to the bank, was met by one of the horsemen, who informed him that Abdul Khalik was desirous of throwing himself on the protection of the English, provided his personal safety were secured, and his honour preserved. This candidate for British clemency was the second son of Tippoo, and the elder of the two princes who had formerly been received by the English governor-general as hostages for their father's good faith. The required promise of security and honourable treatment was immediately given, and the prince surrendered himself to the British party. In the evening the re- mains of the deceased sultan were deposited in the mausoleum erected by Hyder Ali, with all the pomp which could be bestowed. The arrangements were under the superintendence of the principal Mahometan authorities ; the chiefs of the nizam's army joined with the followers of the sultan in the solemn procession which followed his remains, and the military honours with which it is the custom of Europe to grace the soldier's obsequies aided the solemnity of the scene. The evening closed with a dreadful storm, by which several per- sons were killed and many more severely hurt. Seringapatam is subject to such visitations, and there was nothing remarkable in the A.l).1799.] EESTOEATION OF ORDER. 243 Btorm which succeeded the funeral rites of Tippoo, except its extraordinary violence. Yet the imagination cannot fail to be impressed by the fact, that the consignment of the body of Tippoo to its resting-place was followed by a desolating convulsion not incongruous with his perturbed and mischievous life. The conquest of Seringapatam was not achieved without a considerable sacrifice, but the loss of the British army was less severe than might have been expected. The total amount of killed, wounded, and missing, in the whole of the operations throughout the siege, fell short of fifteen hundred. The loss of the enemy cannot be ascertained with pre- cision ; but it has been estimated that, in the assault alone, eight thousand fell. Dreadful as it is to refiect on such slaughter, it is grati- fying to know that scarcely any of the unarmed inhabitants were injured. A few unavoidably suffered from random shot ; but the assault being made by daylight, insured the power of discrimination, and it was exercised to the utmost practicable extent. The capture of Seringapatam placed in pos- session of the victors guns, stores, and treasure to a large amount. Nine hundred and twenty- nine pieces of ordnance of various descriptions were found within the fort, two hundred and eighty-seven of them being mounted on the fortifications. Nearly a hundred thousand muskets and carbines were also found, a great number of swords and accoutrements, a con- siderable weight of shot and powder, and specie and jewels exceeding eleven hundi-ed thousand pounds in value. The library of the sultan was not the least remarkable portion of the property transferred by the result of the siege. The books were of small value ; but the private collection of state papers was of incalculable interest and importance, as they contributed to render the evidence of Tippoo's hatred of the English, and the extent of his intrigues against them, too strong to be denied or doubted by the most determined advocates of a policy undeviatingly pacific. The history of his negotiation with the government of Mauritius, and of its consequences, was illus- trated by copies of all the correspondence which arose out of those proceedings. Other documents were found, relating to his mis- sions to Turkey and France. Others, again, developed his intrigues at the court of the nizam ; and among these were copies of cor- respondence passing between Tippoo and cer- tain chiefs of the nizam's army during the first campaign of Lord Cornwallis. The evidence of his endeavours to engage the Mahrattas against the English was in like manner con- firmed ; and it was further shown, that it was not merely the greater powers of India that Tippoo sought to unite against the object of his hatred — he had descended to solicit many who might have been thought too unimportant for their friendship to be desired or their in- difference deprecated, and had addressed others who might have been supposed too distant to attract the sultan's attention. "This corre- spondence," says Colonel Kirkpatrick, by whom it was examined, " proves Tippoo to have been extremely active in his endeavours to open and establish an interest even with princes whose names might be supposed to have hardly reached him." The intensity of his hatred enlarged the boundaries of his observation, which in Asia were not determined even by the limits of India. His correspondence was enlarged to Persia, and to the petty sovereigns of Arabia ; and its single and invariable object was the destruction of the British power in the East. England- has had enemies more able and more formidable than Tippoo, but never one more bitter or more implacable. Yet even he, but for the discoveries made at' Seringapatam, might have found apologists among those who can discern nothing of good in the policy of their own country, and nothing of evil in the character of its enemies. The recesses of the sultan's cabinet furnished proof which set at defiance all the arts of sophistiy and misrepresentation ; and which as amply vindicated the sagacity which had penetrated the views of Tippoo, as the result of the war attested the wisdom and energy by which those views had been counteracted. The permanent command of Seringapatam was intrusted to Colonel Wellesley, who exerted himself vigorously, as General Baird had previously done, to restrain excess, and restore order, tranquillity, and confidence, ^he inhabitants who had quitted the city soon began to return, the exercise of the arts of in- dustry revived, and the daily commerce inci- dental to a populous town recovered its wonted activity. "In a few days," says Major Beat- son, "the bazars were stored with all sorts of provisions and merchandise, for which there was a ready and advantageous sale. The main street of Seringapatam, three days after the fort was taken, was so much crowded as to be almost impassable, and exhibited more the appearance of a fair than that of a town taken by assault." The same period of time was sufficient to convince the military chiefs that their best course was to bow to the autho- rity which had succeeded that of their master. On the 7th of May, Ali Eeza, one of the vakeels who had accompanied Tippoo's son to the camp of Lord Cornwallis, arrived at Se- ringapatam with a message from Kummer-oo- Deen, the purport of which was, to acquaint General Harris that, as fate had disposed of Tippoo Sultan and transferred his power to the hands of the English, he begged to be admitted to a conference, and in the mean time he had sent Ali Keza to announce that tour thousand men under his command were at the disposial of the British general, and ready to obey his orders. Within five days more, all the chiefs who continued to hold military command, including Futteh Hyder, the eldest son of the deceased sultan, had personally tendered their submission to General Harris, and the example of the chiefs was promptly B 2 2ii PARTITION OF MYSOEE. [A.D. 1799. followed by the whole of the troops. On the 13th of May, General Stuart, with the army of Bombay, marched from Seringapatam on its return to Malabar by way of Coorg. A detachment from that army was made for the occupation of Canara. The powerful fortresses in that province, and in other parts of Mysore, surrendered to the conquerors ; the cultivators of the soil pursued their occupation as though no change had taken place, and a general dis- position was manifested to submit to the good fortune of those whom Tippoo, in the insanity of unreasoning passion, had destined to dis- graceful flight from the shores of India. The fall of his capital and his own death had put an end to all exercise of authority in the name of the sultan of Mysore. The occupation of the conquered country being provided for, the next point calling for decision was its ultimate disposal. The go- vernor-general had furnished General Harris with instructions for concluding a preliminary treaty with Tippoo, under certain circum- stances ; but the infatuated obstinacy of the sultan and the extraordinary success which had thence resulted to the British army, had given rise to a state of things different from any which had been contemplated in framing those instructions. The governor-general, in consequence, reserved the final arrangements for the settlement of the country to himself. His first measure was to call for information on all points respecting the country of Mysore, and the possible candidates for its government, and for the views of the commissioners upon the subject. In conveying to them his orders on these points, the governor-general took occasion to state certain principles as funda- mental, and requiring attention in any mode of settlement that might be adopted. These were, thjit the mode of settlement to be pre- ferred was that which would unite the most speedy restoration of peace and order with the greatest practicable degree of security for the continuance of both ; that with this view not only the interests of the Company, but those of the nizara, of the Mahrattas, and of the leading chieftains in Mysore, were to be re- garded ; that the military power of Mysore must be broken, or absolutely identified with that of the Company ; that Seringapatam mu.st be in effect a British garrison, under whatever nominal authority it might be placed, and that the Company must retain the whole of the sultan's territory in Malabar, as well as in Coimbatore and Daraporam, with the heads of all the passes on the table-land. Some ol these points, it will be remembered, were propounded by the governor-general as indispensable con- ditions of peace at an earlier period. The views of the governor-general were dis- tinguished not less by moderation than by wisdom. The justice of the war against Tippoo could be denied by none but those who were deficient either in intellect or candour ; its success was as little open to dispute ; and the Company and the nizam consequently enjoyed the fullest right, in accordance with the re- ceived principles which regulate the conduct of nations towards each other, to divide between themselves the territory which their swords, drawn in a lawful cause, had won. Clemency or state policy might urge the abandon- ment of some portion of their claim, but their right to reap the full advantage of their suc- cesses was evident. To the free and unchecked exercise of their right the state of the country offered no impediment. The people appeared to render willing obedience to the new autho- rity. There was nothing to indicate the pro- bability of any outbreak of popular feeling in favour of the former government, nor of any attempt by the military chiefs in favour'of the house of Tippoo. It had been the policy of the deceased sultan to discourage and reduce all power founded on hereditary right, esta- blished office, or territorial possession, and to concentrate all authority, and as much as was practicable of administrative function, in him- self. Many of the military chiefs had fallen in the war, and those who survived had yielded to the victors. There was no reason, there- fore, to apprehend that any disposition of the country which might be made by those who had conquered it would give rise to formidable opposition either from the people or the ser- vants of the late sultan. But there were reasons against the appor- tionment of the whole between the Company and the nizam, arising from the rel.itive position of those powers towards each other and towards other states. Such a distribution would have excited the j ealousy of the Mahrattas, and given them ground for discontent, however unreason^ able. It would, at the same time, have in- creased the power of the nizam to a dangerous extent. It would have transfeiTed to his hands many of the fortresses on the northern ■frontier of Mysore, while it would have left the British frontier in th?it quarter exposed. The increase of the strength of the British government would thus have borne no proportion to the ex- tension of its dominions. The Mahrattas would have found fresh cause of enmity both towards the Company and the nizam. The nizam, from a useful ally of the Company, might have been converted into a dangerous enemy. The partition of Mysore between the two powers who united their arms against Tippoo thus promised little for the permanent peace of India, Still, as it was expedient to preserve as near an approach to a good understanding with the Mahrattas as the character of the people admitted, the governor-general, after much consideration, determined on adopting a plan of distribution, which, assigning to the peishwa a small portion of the territories of Tippoo, gave a larger to the Company and to the nizam, the shares of the two latter powers being of equal value ; while, to guard against some of the inconveniences which he perceived to be attached to the complete dismemberment of Mysore, he re- A.D. 1799.] ENTHRONEMENT OP THE EAJAH. 245 solved on forming a part of the country into a separate state, It is to be observed that the boon proposed for the peishwa was not to be given unconditionally, but was in- tended to form the basis of a new treaty with the Mahratta empire. This mode of distributing the conquered dominions having been resolved upon, the next question that presented itself for consideration was, who should b the ruler of the renovated state of Mysore. Sound policy seeming to forbid the restoration of the house of Tippoo, the governor-general naturally turned to the representative of the ancient royal family of Mysore, whose rights had been usurped by Hyder Ali. The heir was an infant only five years of age. The intentions of the governor- general were signified through Purneah, a brahmin, whose talents as an accountant had led to his retention in high office by Tippoo, but who was quite ready to transfer his ser- vices to the new prince. The communication was followed by a visit of ceremony to the infant rajah from the commissioners who had been appointed to conduct the arrangements for the settlement of the country. They found the family of Hyder All's master in a state of great poverty and humiliation. The ancient palace of Mysore, though suffered by the usur- pers gradually to fall to decay, had for some years afforded a miserable shelter to those whom they had supplanted. The privilege of occupying even the ruins of the building which had once been the seat of their power was at length thought too great. The palace was converted into a store-house, and theMyso- rean family provided with another residence of very humble pretensions. In a mean apart- ment of this house the commissioners were received. A portion of the room was secluded by a curtain, behind which were the rana and the female relations of the family. The males surrounded the person of the rajah. A formal communication of the design of the British government was made ; and the rana, through one of her attendants, acknowledged in strong terms of gratitude the generosity of the British nation in rescuing her family from the degra- dation and misery in which they had been so long enthralled, and raising the heir of the bouse to the rank and distinction of a sovereign. A few days afterwards, the infant prince was solemnly placed on the throne. The ceremony took place in the old town of My- sore. The palace was now incapable of aiford- ing accommodation to its master ; and so complete had been the progress of ruin within the city, that it contained no building in which the ceremony of enthronement could be per- formed. To supply the deficiency, a temporary shed was erected; and though architectural grandeur was necessarily wanting, there were several circumstances calealated to gratify the Mysorean family and their adherents. It was on the very spot which had been the seat of the power exercised by the ancestors of the young rajah that his title was solemnly recog- nized ; and the musnud on which he sat was the same which former princes had occupied on similar occasions of state. The British com- missioners, with the commander-in-chief attheir head, awaited the arrival of the rajah. Meer AUum, the chief officer of the nizam, and his son, Meer Dowra, accompanied them ; and the presence of a large escort of horse and foot gave to the depopulated town an ap- pearance of gaiety and splendour to which for many years it had been unaccustomed. The prince was attended by all the male part of his family, and followed by a vast concourse of people. At the entrance of the building erected for the occasion he was met by General Harris and Meer AUum, each of whom took his hand. He was thus conducted to the musnud and placed upon it, under a royal salute from the fort, and three volleys of musketry from the troops present on the occasion. While the family of the late sultan were thus excluded from political power, their welfare was consulted to the full extent that political prudence would permit. The governor-gene- ral resolved to assign to them a more ample maintenance than they had enjoyed under the' rule of Tippoo, and if there were any error in his arrangements, it was in the dispropor- tionate magnificence with which the relations of the fallen prince were provided for. The failing, however, had its origin in generous and noble feelings. Under the influence of similar feelings the necessary proceedings for" the restoration of the ancient dynasty had been deferred until after the departure of Tippoo's sons from Mysore. It was thought a point of policy, not less than of generosity, to conci- liate the principal chiefs and officers of the late government by a libej-al provision, and to exercise similar consideration with regard to the families of those who had fallen in the war. This principle was extensively acted upon, and in some instances its application drew from the persons in whose favour it was exercised expressions not only of gratitude but of wonder, at the beneficence manifested by the Company's government. Kummer-oo-Deen received a jaghire from the nizam, and another from the Company. The changes which have been noticed were effected under two treaties, the earlier of which, called the partition treaty of Mysore, was concluded between the Company and the^ nizam. The first article assigned to the Com- pany ». certain portion of the territories of Tippoo, out of which provision was to be made for his family and for that of his father. The principal of these acquisitions were Canara, Coimbatore, and Wynaad. The second article determined the districts to be added to the territories of the nizam, which were selected from those adjacent to his former dominions, and recognized the claim of Kummer-oo-Deen to a, personal jaghire from the revenues of those districts. The third, after reciting that, for the preservation of peace and tranquillity, and for the general security on the foundations 246 THE PARTITION TREATY. [A.D. 1799. then established by the contracting parties, it ■was expedient that the fortress of Seringapa- tam should be subject to the Company, trans- ferred that fortress, and the island on which it was situated, together with a smaller island lying to the westward, to the Company, "in full right and sovereignty for ever." The fourth provided for the establishment of the new government of Mysore ; and the fifth pre- scribed the cessions to be made for its estab- lishment. The sixth reserved to the Company the right to reduce the amount of its payments to the families of Hyder Ali and Tippoo on the death of any member of the families ; and in the event of any hostile attempt against the Company, the nizam, or the rajah of Mysore, to suspend the issue of the whole or of any part of such stipulated payments. The seventh article related to the reserve of terri- tory made for the peishwa in accordance with the governor-general's views as they have been already explained. This addition to the domi- nions of the peishwa was made dependent on his accession to the treaty within one month after it should be formally notified to him, and also upon his giving satisfaction to the Com- pany and the nizam on such points of differ- ence as existed between himself and either of those parlies. By the eighth article, if the peishwa should refuse to accede to the treaty, and give satisfaction to the original parties to it, the territory intended for him was to revert to the joint disposal of the Company and the nizam. The ninth article provided for the reception of an English subsidiary force by the rajah of Mysore, under a separate treaty to be subsequently concluded between the Company and that prince. By the tenth article the ne- gotiators undertoolt for the ratification of the treaty by their respective governments. There were two additional articles, by the first of which the two parties were exempted from accountability to each other in consequence of any diminution of the stipends payable to the families of Hyder Ali and Ti ppoo Sultan by the Company, or of the personal jaghire of Kum- mer-oo-Deen from the nizam. Its operation was thus reciprocal ; but the object of intro- ducing it was a prudent desire on the part of the British government to exclude the nizam from interfering in the arrangements con- nected with the maintenance of the exiled families. The second additional article was fill explanation of the eighth in the treaty, and was framed in contemplation of the possible refusal of the peishwa to avail himself of the advantages to be proffered for his acceptance. In that case, it was provided that two-thirds of the reserved territories should fall to the nizam, and the remaining one-third to the Company. The reason of this unequal distribu- tion was, that if the peishwa should accede to the conditions annexed to his claim to the addi- tional territory, one of these conditions being the satisfactory settlement of certain points of difference between him and the nizam, the latter power would thereby derive considerable bene- fit ; and the design of the article was to afford him ample indemnification in the event of the disappointment of his expectations at Poonah. Under the fourth and fifth articles of the partition treaty, the new state of Mysore was established in the manner which has been seen. In conformity with the provision of the ninth, a subsidiary treaty was concluded with the government thus called into existence. For many reasons the governor-general deemed it more advisable to erect a new state on the ruins of the old government of Mysore than to divide the entire country between the con- querors ; but he had never contemplated this state except as a barrier to the Company's interests ; in fact, it was to be British in all things but the name. This intention was never concealed from those who were interested in being acquainted with it. A stipulation for the defence of Mysore by an English subsidiary force, which virtually gave to the English the entire command of the country, was inserted in the treaty with the nizam, and the terms on which the infant rajah was to ascend the throne were at an early period indicated to his ad- visers. The subsidiary treaty concluded on his behalf consisted of sixteen articles. The first declared that the friends and enemies of either of the two contracting p.T,rties should be considered as the friends and enemies of both. By the second, the Company undertook to maintain, and the rajah agreed to receive, a military force for the defence and security of his dominions, in consideration of which he was to pay seven lacs of star pagodas, the dis- posal of which sum, together with the arrange- ment and employment of the troops, were to be left entirely to the Company. 'The third article was important. Towards the increased expense incurred by the prosecution of war for the defence of the territories of the two parties, or of either of them, or by necessary prepara- tion for the commencement of hostilities, the rajah was to contribute in a just and reason- able proportion to his actual net revenues, the amount to be determined after attentive con- sideration by the governor-general in council. The fourth article was directed to making pro- vision against any failure In the funds destined to defray either the expenses of the permanent military force in time of peace, or the extra- ordinary expenses incurred during war or in preparation for war. For this purpose the British government, whenever they might have reason to apprehend failure, were em- powered to introduce such regulations as might be deemed expedient for the manage- ment and collection of the revenues, or for the better ordering of any other department of the government ; or they might assume and bring under the management of the servants of the Company any part of the territory of Mysore. The fifth provided for the due exe- cution of the fourth article. Whenever the governor-general in council should signify to the rajah that it had become necessary to bring that article into operation, the rajah was A.D.1799.] THE SUBSIDIARY TREATY. 247 to issue orders either for giving effect to the prescribed regulations or for placing the re- quired territories under English management. If such orders were delayed for ten days after formal application for them, the governor- general in council might, of his own authority, take the necessary measures. But in all cases ■where possession was taken of any part of the rajah's territories, an account was to be ren- dered, and the income of the rajah was in no case to fall short of one lac of star pagodas, increased by one-fifth of the net revenues of the whole of the territory ceded to him by the partition treaty, the payment of vrhich sum the Company guaranteed. These comprehen- sive articles secured to the British government all the advantages that could be derived from the establishment of the new state. They carried out the avowed objects of the governor- general in a manner not less creditable to his character for manly and straightforward deal- ing than for political ability. The articles of the treaty which succeeded the important ones already explained must now be briefly noticed. The rajah was bound to abstain from any interference in the affairs of the allies of the Company, or of any other state ; and precluded from holding any com- munication or correspondence with any foreign state whatever, without the previous know- ledge and sanction of the Company. Like other allies of the British government, he was restricted from employing Europeans without the concurrence of the Company, or suffering them to reside in his dominions. This article was framed with unusual strength. The rajah engaged to apprehend and deliver to the Com- pany's government all Europeans of whatever description who should be found within his territories without regular passports from the English government ; "it being his highness's determined resolution not to suffer, even for a day, any European foreigner to remain within the territories now subject to his authority, unless by consent of the Company." Another point, which the governor-general had justly regarded as important, was provided for by an article giving to the Company the power of determining what fortresses and strong places should be placed in their charge, and thereupon of garrisoning such places in what- ever manner they might think proper. The Company's government were to be the sole judges of the propriety of dismantling and destroying any forts, or of strengthening and repairing them ; and the charges incurred by any such operations were to be borne in equal proportions by the two parties to the treaty. If the employment of the regular troops of the Company should become necessary to the maintenance of the rajah's authority, their aid, upon formal application being made, was to be afforded in such manner as the Company's government might see fit ; but they were not to be employed in ordinary revenue transac- tions. The rajah was to provide the funds for pensioning the Mahometan officers whom it had been thought politic to conciliate ; but he incurred no charge on account of the late sultan's family, who were to be supported by the British government, nor of Kummer-oo- Deen, who was provided for by assignments of jaghire. It was stipulated, that provisiona and other necessarie»-for the use of the garri- son of Seringapatam should be allowed to enter that place from any part of the rajah's dominions, free from duty, tax, or impedi- ment ; that a commercial treaty should be concluded between the two governments ; that the rajah should at all times pay the utmost attention to such advice as the English govern- ment should judge it necessary to offer, " with a view to the economy of his finances, the better collection of hia revenues, the administration of justice, the extension of commerce, the encouragement of trade, agri- culture, and industry, or any other objects connected with the advancement of his high- ness's interests, the happiness of his people, and the mutual welfare of both states." With a view to the proper connection of the respective lines of frontier, provision was made for an exchange of territory between the Company and the rajah, or for an adj ustment by such other means as should be suited to the occasion, in case it should be found that any districts assigned to either party by the parti- tion treaty of Mysore were inconveniently situated. Such was the substance of the articles from the sixth to the fifteenth ; the sixteenth and last providing for the ratificatioa of the treaty by the governor-general. Thus did the uncontrollable enmity of Tippoo Sultan to the English nation result in a vast acquisition of territory, power, and influence by the people whom he hated, and whom it had been the labour of his life to circumvent. The means taken by him to effect their destruction ended in his own ; and, as if to render the retribution more strik- ing, the officer who dealt the final blow, to which Tippoo owed his dethronement and death, had been one of the victims of his tyranny. General Baird had fallen into hia hands after the fatal defeat of Colonel Baillie'a detachment, and for several years had been subjected to the sufferings and horrors by which imprisonment under Tippoo Sultan was aooorapauied. In the new settlement of Mysore, some difficulty was apprehended from the attempts of the poligara, who had been dispossessed by Hyder Ali and Tippoo, to re-establish their claims. It had been endeavoured to guard against this by the mode in which the change was effected. The investment of the rajah with the character of a sovereign was treated, not as the restoration of the old government, but the creation of a new one, and the antici- pated difi[iculty was scarcely felt. Some of the commandants of fortresses were anxious to sell their fidelity at a good price ; and others, who had collected plunder, delayed surrender to gain time for securing it ; but the hostile 248 A PATAN ADVENTURER. [a.d. 179 demonstrations thus rendered necessary were not of sufficient interest to merit recital. Tlie only impediment of importance occurred in the province of Bednore, where an adventurer named Dhoondia gave some disturbance^ requiring the dispatch of a force for its sup- pression. Dhoondia was a patan, who had incurred the resentment of Tippoo by commit- ting depredations on the sultan's territories. He was at length secured, and the pious zeal of the prince being gratified by the compulsory conversion of his prisoner to the Mahometan faith, Dhoondia made such progress in Tippoo's favour as to be trusted by him with military employment. But his good fortune was of short duration, and for some time before the commencement of the war, the convert had been confined in irons. On the fall of Seringa- patam the humanity of tbe conquerors set him at liberty, and Dhoondia availed himself of his newly-gained freedom by an early flight from the place of his imprisonment, a movement to which his liberators would be likely to attach little importance. Resuming his old habits, Dhoondia, on the disbanding of Tippoo's army, collected a few cavalry, with whom he took the direction of Bednore. The state of the country was not unfavourable for gathering recruits, and he soon found his band of fol- lowers considerably increased by men anxious for service of some kind, and not troubled with any acute sensibility of conscience in relation to its character. By the influence of motives which it is not easy to explain, certain killadars were prevailed upon to betray their trusts to him, and in this manner some of the principal places in the province fell into his hands before it was in the power of General Harris to detach from the army a sufficient force to act against him with efiect. In the mean while Dhoondia made the best use of the time thus aflPorded him ; he levied heavy contributions , on the rich country which lay at his mercy, enforced these exactions by the most unrelent- ing cruelty, and filled the province with acts of rapine and murder. To stop his career, a light corps of cavalry and native infantry, under the command of Colonel James Dal- rymple, moved from Chittledroog as soon as their services could be spared. They soon fell in with a party of the banditti, consisting of about two hundred and fifty horse and four hundred infantry, which they completely destroyed. The capture by the English force of a fort on the east bank of the river Tung- buddra followed, and not long afterwards another on the west bank was taken. While Colonel Dalrymple was thus engaged, Colonel Stevenson was advancing into Bednore, by another direction, at the head of a light force, composed also of oavah-y and native infantry. Simoga was attacked by this force, and carried by assault. On the 17th of August Dhoondia was attacked near Shikarpoor, and his cavalry, after sustaining considerable loss, were driven into a river which was situated in their rear. The fort of Shikarpoor at the same time fell into the hands of the English. Dhoondia escaped by crossing the river in a boat which had been procured for the occasion. He was closely pursued, and compelled to take refuge in the Mabratta territory, where he encamped with the remnant of his followers. There would have been no difficulty in taking or destroying him, had tbe British force been at liberty to pass beyond the Mahratta boundary ; but this the governor-general had forbidden, and Colonel Stevenson accordingly halted his detachment. But Dhoondia was not in a position where he could calculate on either safety or repose. A robber and a murderer by profession, he had limited the exercise of his occupations to no particular districts. Wherever his foot had pressed he left records of his presence in acts of violence and blood. The Mahrattas, it appeared, had some accounts of this character against him, and they proceeded very sum- marily to administer a degree of punishment which, if inadequate to the crimes of Dhoondia, was quite in accordance with the temper and habits of the people among whom he sojourned. A chief, commandinga division of the peishwa's army, paid the wanderer a visit within a few hours after he had pitched his camp within the Mahratta borders, and relieved him of every- thing which was necessary either to the future exercise of his trade of plunder, or to the supply of the wants of the passing day. It would be too much to ascribe this visitation to the .operation of the moral sense in those who made it. Had the character of Dhoondia been as pure as it was depraved, his fate, under the circumstances of his situation, would have been the same. It was his helplessness, not his crimes, which invited the infliction to which he was subjected ; and it would be an injustice to Mahratta ingenuity to suppose that if the peishwa's servants had been without expe- rience of Dhoondia's acts they would have wanted a pretence for plundering him. But, whatever their motives, they rendered a useful service to the English which the latter power could not itself perform. The great work which had brought the governor-general to Madras having been com- pleted, the necessity for his presence there had ceased, and he returned to Bengal in September. At both presidencies enthusiastic congratulations flowed in upon him, which, as soon as the news of his success could be dis- seminated, were echoed from every part of the world where an Englishman or a friend of England was to be found. A.D. 1799.] ARROGANCE OF AMEER SINGH. 349 CHAPTER XVI. PEOOEEDINSS IN TANJOEE — ASSUMPTION BY THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT OF THE ADMINISTRA- TION OF SURAT — DHOONIIIA DEFEATED AND SLAIN — GENERAL EAIRD'S EXPEDITION TO EGYPT — MARQUIS WELLESLEY ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT OF THE OABNATIO — TITLE OF NABOB CONFERRED ON AZIM-UL-DOWLAH — NEW TREATY WITH THE NIZAM. The remarkable promptitude and energy which the governor-general had displayed in counter- acting the designs of Tippoo Sultan, might lead to the Belief that the accomplishment of this object had occupied his undivided atten- tion. But such was far from being the fact. Other affairs of weighty importance pressed on his consideration, and among these were the succession to the throne of Tanjore, and the necessary measures for settling the go- vernment of that country in a manner which should relieve the people from the oppression to which they had long been subjected. Some years before the arrival of the earl of Mornington in India, the rajah of Tanjore, having been deprived by death of all his legi- timate children, provided for the succession in a manner not unfrequent in the East, by adopting a son. The guardianship of the child and the care of the government during his minority were assigned by the rajah to his brother, Ameer Singh ; but the views of- that personage extended beyond the exercise of a delegated and temporary authority. The death of the rajah, which occurred soon after the act of adoption, gave opportunity for the ambition of Ameer Singh to display itself: the title of the youthful successor was forth- with disputed, and the validity of the act under which he claimed denied. Various ob- jections were raised, and the support of the British government being invoked on both sides, the questions at issue were referred by that authority to the decision of a council of pundits learned in Hindoo lore, specially summoned for the occasion. In taking this course, the Company's government had no object in view but to do justice. Nothing had occurred which could lead them to enter- tain any feeling of partiality or prejudice with regard to either of the candidates for the musnud, and the answer to the questions upon which the decision of the conflicting claims depended was awaited, both at Madras and Bengal, with perfect indifference. Unhappily the desire of the British authorities to do justice was not aided by the knowledge ne- cessary for its guidance ; and, in resorting to the advice of native expounders of the law, they had done little to guard themselves from error. The contest between a child and a man of mature age was an unequal one ; .and the decision of the learned pundits wa^ in favour of the party who had the better means of maintaining his claim, and the readier opportunity of rewarding their services. The British government presumed not to under- stand the Hindoo law better than its recog- nized expositors, and the brother of the de- ceased rajah was declared the lawful successor to the musnud, to the exclusion of the adopted child. The former was accordingly placed on the throne, but not without a distinct intima- tion of the expectation entertained by the British government, that the excluded infant would be protected and maintained in a man- ner suitable to the hopes which he had been led to cherish. Nothing could be more easy, nothing more natural, than to promise com- pliance with the wishes of those who had the power of bestowing or withholding a king- dom ; and, as 'far as professions were con- cerned, Ameer Singh gave to his patrons full satisfaction. But he went no further. Com- plaints of the treatment received by his infant rival soon became loud and frequent. He was subjected to rigorous confinement in a dark and unhealthy place, and his mind was left unimproved even by the narrow measure of instruction usually accorded to Oriental youth. The governor of Madras at length felt called upon to address to Ameer Singh a letter sug- gesting the necessity of taking proper care of the health, and education of the boy. By this time Ameer Singh had become impressed with a full sense of his own dignity, and the receipt of the letter filled him with indignation. He had promised, indeed, to comply with the wishes of the English government on the sub- ject, but he now treated its mediation as an improper interference with his domestic ar- rangements. ' He alleged that, during the reign of his brother, his own situation had been worse than that of the person in whose behalf he was addressed, and that the British government had never interfered in his favour. Such, indeed, was the spirit in which the com- munication was received, that it was found necessary immediately to follow it up by another of more decisive tone. Ameer Singh was called upon, in terms somewhat peremp- tory, but sufficiently warranted by the circum- stances of the case, to extend to the adopted son of his brother certain specified indul-- gences ; and, with a view to some better security than Oriental promises for the fulfil- ment of the desire of the British government, it was intimated that a small guard of Com- pany's sepoys had been directed to attend ou his person. After various attempts on the part of the British resident to induce Ameer Singh to yield compliance to the wishes of the British government, they were ultimately carried into effect almost by force. It could 250 AMEER SINGH DEPOSED. [A.D. 1799. not be expected that the hatred borne by Ameer Singh to his rival ■would thereby be abated ; and he continued to manifest it by all the means in his power. Further measures for the protection of the persecuted youtb became obviously necessary ; and a "wish which he had expressed, to be removed to Madras, was gratified. The widows of the deceased rajah, who had been grievously op- pressed by his successor, likewise found a refuge in the Company's territories. One ob- ject of their removal was to assist, by their influence, in forcing upon the British govern- ment a reconsideration of its decision in regard to the title of the reigning prince of Tanjore, It was represented, and with great appearance of probability, that the pandits to whose opi- nion he owed his elevation had been bribed ; and the judgment which they had delivered was challenged. The British government thereupon deemed it necessary to enter upon a formal examination of the title in dispute. The objections taken to the claim of the adopted son of the former rajah were three ; — First, that at the time the act of adoption was performed, the rajah was in such a state of mental and bodily infirmity as rendered him incapable of duly executing so important a function. The second and third related to points of Hindoo law. It was represented that the boy being an only son, his adoption was on that grojind invalid ; and that his age exceeded that to which the law restricted the exercise of the privilege. The alleged inca- pacity of the rajah was amply disproved. On the remaining questions a number of brah- minical opinions were obtained, all of them favourable to the claim of the youth whom the deceased prince had destined to succeed him. The adoption of an only son, though admitted to be reprehensible, was declared not to be invalid ; it was an act which ought not to be done, but which when done could not lawfully be set aside. The question of age was determined unequivocally and with- out reserve in favour of the rival of Ameer Singh. And these opinions were not confined to the expounders of Hindoo law in the south of India ; they were confirmed by the judg- ment of their brethren in Bengal, and at the great depository of brahminical learning, Ben- ares. The ignorance or the coiTuption of the pundits upon whose sentence the adopted son had been passed by, thiis became evident, and it was but just to retract the false step which had formerly been made. These events and inquiries extended through several years, during which Lord Cornwallis and Lord Teign- mouth exercised the powers of governor- general, and a series of governors, commencing with Sir Archibald Campbell, ahd ending with Lord Hobart, presided at Madras, There appears throughout to have been a strong leaning on the part of the British authorities in favour of Ameer Singh, and against bis youthful competitor. The succession of a brother is undoubtedly more consonant to European feelings than that of a distant rela- tive capriciously invested with a stronger title ; but Hindoo feeling is different : and in this case, moreover, the claim of Ameer Singh was vitiated by the fact of his being illegiti- mate. The right to the throne of Tanjore had ceased to be matter of doubt when the earl of Mornington arrived in India. The Court of Directors had resolved to uphold the claims of the lawful candidate, and it only remained to determine the time and mode of carrying their decision into effect. The earl of Mornington determined that no delay should take place. There was, indeed, no pretence for delay ; but had there been any, the reasons in favour of the course resolved upon by the governor- general were amply sufficient to justify its adoption. The causes of the miserable con- dition of Tanjore required a searching investi- gation, and it was in contemplation to issue a commission to examine and report. The governor-general at once perceived that to take such a step while Ameer Singh remained on the musnud, would be but a mockery of inquiry. It could not be expected that he would promote researches which, if success- ful, would have the efiiect of exposing his own misgovernraent ; and his continuance on the throne would enable him to throw impedi- ments in the way of the commissioners. He would have had the power not only. of pro- tracting their labours, but of rendering them vain. The adopted heir of the deceased rajah was accordingly placed on the throne. This was comparatively easy ; but, in effecting a satisfactory settlement of the country, the governor-general experienced difficulties in- calculable and almost insurmountable. These did not in any degree arise from the character of the new rajah, which was amiable and generous, but from the accumulation of abuses under former governments, which had gathered strength proportioned to the time during which they had existed and the numerous interests which were connected wuth their preservation. The energy of the governor-general ultimately triumphed over all the obstacles that stood in the way of a settlement ; and the result was, that, with the free consent of all parties in- terested, the British government assumed the entire civil and military administration of Tanjore, a splendid provision being reserved for the rajah. This arrangement was un- doubtedly beneficial to the interests of Great Britain ; but it is no exaggeration to say that it was far more beneficial to the people of Tanjore. It delivered them from the effects of native oppression and European cupidity. It gave them what they had never before possessed — the' security derived from the ad- ministration of justice. The rajah, who owed to the British government his previous eman- cipation from thraldom, insult, and personal danger, was now indebted to the same power for his elevation to a degree of state and splendour which must have fulfilled all his A.D. 1799.] BRITISH CONNECTION WITH SUEAT. 251 expectations. It was necessary for the pur- poses of good government, that he should re- tain little of actual power ; but in the enjoy- ment of a splendid revenue and of a limited degree of military authority, his situation was brightly contrasted with that in which his earlier years were passed. The treaty was concluded on the 25th of October, 1799, and ratified by the governor-general in council on the 29th of November following. A change, similar to that made at Tanjore, was effected with regard to the principality of Surat. The city of Surat was one of the first in India in point of commercial importance. There also flocked in vast numbers the pious votaries of the Arabian prophet, in search of the means of transport to the city which every good Mussulman is anxious to behold ; and 8urat thus came to be spoken of as one of the gates of Mecca. The English at an early period had established » factory at Surat, and about the middle of the seventeenth century had bravely defended not only the Company's factory, but a large part of the town, against an attack of the Mahrattas under Sevajee. For this service they received the thanks of the Mogul commander'. Nearly a century after- wards, the English were invited by the inhabi- tants to take possession of the castle and the fleet. They hesitated, from an apprehension of incurring the resentment of the Mahrattas, who some years before had subjugated a large portion of the province of Surat, and, more recently, by taking advantage of disputes carried on for the government of the re- mainder, had established, with respect to the city and the districts attached to it, a claim for chout. Some outrages committed upon the English by those against whom they- had been invited to act finally induced the govern- ment of Bombay to interfere. The govern- ment of the town had long been separated from the command of the castle and of the fleet, and the person who exercised the first agreed to assist the English in obtaining pos- session of the two latter, on condition of being protected in his authority. The government of Bombay had previously been In correspon- dence with a rival candidate for the civil government, the reigning nabob being con- nected with the party whom the English desired to dispossess. But the view of the person to whom the musnud was to have been transferred not being favoured by the influential part of the inhabitants, a com- promise was effected, under which the nabob was to retain bis office, and his rival was to be invested with the character of naib or chief manager. Little difficulty was found in carry- ing this arrangement into effect. The English took possession of the castle and the fleet, and their assumption of the command was after- wards solemnly confirmed by the imperial court of Delhi. All who had ever exercised any description of authority at Surat, except- ing the Mahrattas, had professed to act in the name and under the appointinent of the Mogul Emperor. The firman of the emperor trans- ferred the charge of the castle and the fleet to the English ; the Mogul flag consequently continued to float from the castle, and was hoisted at the mast-head of the Company's chief cruizer on the Surat station. The acqui- sition which the Company had made appears, indeed, to have wanted scarcely any conceiva- ble ground of justification. The movement which they had headed was strictly a popular one ; the people of Surat had sought the inter- ference of the government of Bombay, and rejoiced in the change which had taken place. The Emperor of Delhi, who claimed the sovereignty, acquiesced, and appointed the Company his vicegerent. The nabob professed to be the servant of the emperor, and could not consistently object to yield obedience to his commands ; and he had, moreover, become voluntarily a party to the transfer of the military and naval power to the English. It seems, therefore, that little exception can be taken to the step by which the English first obtained the public and recognized exercise of authority in Surat. When the British government undertook the charge of the defence of Surat, revenue was as- signed for defraying the expenses of the duty. It proved insufficient, and it could not be ex- pected that the Company's government should burden other portions of territory with the charge of preserving Surat from danger. This gave rise to various disputes and negotiations. Other grounds of difference were furnished by the gross mismanagement of that portion of power which had been committed to the nabob. With the abuses existing under an independent government that of the Company would have possessed no right to interfere ; but the inti- mate connection which subsisted between the English and the nabob — the nature of that con- nection, which could be concealed from no one, and the circumstances under which the power of the Company in Surat had been acquired, rendered it an incumbent duty to exercise that power, not only for the advantage of those who held it, but for the promotion, also, to the widest possible extent, of the prosperity and happiness of the people. ■ With regard both to its own claims and those of the people of Surat, the British government long entertained feelings of dissatisfaction towards the nabob. The insufficiency of the means placed at their disposal for the defence of the place, and the abuses of the civil ad- ministration, had alike furnished grounds oi protracted discontent before the arrival of the earl of Mornington in India. With much re- luctance, the reigning nabob agreed to make some addition to the payment scoured to the Company for the defence of the place ; but before the arrangement was concluded he died, leaving an infant son, who survived but a short time, and whose death afforded an opening for the claim of an uncle to succeed to the office. The opportunity was a favourable one for effecting those changes which were indispens- 252 STJEAT ATTACHED. [A.D. 1800. ably necessary to the good government of the place. The British authorities had long ex- ercised the power of disposing of the oflBce of nabob at their discretion, as the Mogul Em- peror had formerly done ; and though the claims of relationship had been respected, they bad never been regarded as conferring a right to the succession. They were still respected, but not to the extent of subjecting the inhabit- ants of Surat to the evils which they had long endured under native rule. The candidate for the nabobship was unwilling to comply with the requisitions made of him, and the British government determined to assume the entire civil and military administration — a change in which the people of Surat had far greater reason to rejoice than even those by whom it was effected. The person whose claim to the exercise of power was thus set aside was in- dulged by being elevated to the rank to which he aspired. An ample provision was made for him and the family to which he belonged ; and the only obstacle to improvement being thus ]:emoved, the reformation of the wretched institutions of Surat was commenced with promptitude and vigour. Never had there existed greater necessity for such a labour. It was truly stated that " the frauds, exac- tions, and mismanagement in the collection of the revenue, the avowed corruption in the administration of justice, and the entire ineffi- ciency of the police, as manifested in the dif- ferent tumults which " had "occurred in the city, particularly that excited in 1795," afforded " abundant evidence that the nabobs were as incompetent to conduct the internal govern- ment of the city as to provide for its external defence." The riot above adverted to was caused by the rival fanaticism of the Maho- medanand Hindoo inhabitants of the city, and was attended with the perpetration of many acts of atrocious barbarity. The Bombay government had given the nabob some good advice on this occasion, but had not felt at liberty to do more, although the British resi- dent at Surat had strongly urged them to take some decisive measures for the preservation of good order in the city. The Hindoo inhabit- ants complained loudly of theirwant of security, alleging that the trade and population of the city entirely depended on the protection of the English. This protection, however, they re- marked, had been only nominal since the abo- lition of the office of naib. While this office was maintained, the person holding it was es- pecially intrusted with the charge of the police of the city, and he was accountable .to the British government for the exercise of this as well as of all other powers with which he was invested. The abolition of the office had de- prived the Company's government of all power of efficient control, and committed the peace of the city to those who were either unable or unwilling to maintain it. The moral bearings of the question are exhibited forcibly and tersely in two short passages of a despatch on this subject addressed by the government of Bengal to that of Bombay: The "right," say they, " of disposing of the office of nabob is accompanied by an indispensable duty of pro- viding a just, vsdse, and efficient administration for the affairs of Surat ; the lapse of the powers of government having left no other party, ex- cepting the Company, in a state to protect the persons and property of the inhabitants of that city." And, after adverting to the objects to which the power of the nabobs ought to have been directed, but which they had signally failed to accomplish, the despatch continues : "It is obvious that these important objects can only be attained by the Company taking the entire civil and military government of the city into their own hands ; and, consequently, it is their duty as well as their right to have recourse to that measure." The Company accordingly now undertook the duties previously assigned to the nabob ; and, as far as the people were concerned, the only ground for regx'et was, that this step had not been sooner taken. One good effect, indeed, attended the delay : the moderation and for- bearance of the Company's government were amply attested. The new arrangements at Surat were embodied in a treaty which was signed by the parties interested on the 13th of May, 1800. About the time of the settlement of the government of Surat, it became necessary to take measures for the preservation of the Mysore frontier from predatory attacks. The danger arose from Dhoondia Waugh, who had found means to repair the damage which he had sustained from the Mahrattas, and to place himself in a condition to resume the exercise of his occupation. The necessity of putting down this adventurer was urgent, with a view not only to the actual incon- venience occasioned by his ravages, but also to the possible consequences of allowing them to be perpetrated with impunity. Dhoondia was endeavouring to raise himself from the position of a vulgar robber to that of the head of a political confederacy. The discontented within the Company's territories and those of their allies were invited, by letters written in his name, to take advantage of the opportunity afforded by his invasion of Mysore, and rise simultaneously against the objects of their hate. Dhoondia, though in himself, as he was justly termed by Colonel Wellesley, "a, des- picable enemy," thus became a formidable one ; and both his character and his attempt may be regarded as having gained something of dignity from the fact of the greatest general of modern times having taken the field against him. Dhoondia having established himself in the, territories of the peishwa, where he had seized and gaiTisoned several forts, it became neces- sary to obtain the consent of the Mahratta chief to the passage of the British troops over the boundaries, in search of the freebooter. This was at first refused, under pretence that orders had been given for his expulsion. Sub- A.D. 1800.] DHOONDIA WATJGH; 253 sequently an attempt wa3 made to limit the number of troops to be employed against Dhoondia, by a promise that a Mahratta force should co-operate with them. Finally, and with reluctance, the required permission for the entrance of any number of British troops that might be necessary for the proposed object was accorded. Colonel Wellesley entered upon the duty which devolved on him with characteristic energy ; and after driving the enemy before him for some weeks, and capturing several places which had been occupied by Dhoondia, succeeded, on the 30th July, in surprising a division of his army while encamped on the right bank of the Malpoorba. The attack was crowned by the most complete success. Not a man within the camp escaped ,' and a quantity of baggage, elephants, camels,- horses, and bullocks, became the prey of the assailants. After the destruction of this portion of his army, Dhoondia retired with the remainder to the opposite ,side of the Malpoorba. This operation was not effected without much diffi- culty. Being without boats, he had made his way through jungles to the sources of the river, round which heihad passed.' The trans- port of the guns and stores of the English army by such a route would have been ex- tremely inconvenient ; it was deemed prefer- able to wait-the construction of boats ; but in the mean time a detachment, lightly equipped, was despatched to harass Dhoondia's rear, and endeavour to cut off part of his baggage. A brigade was also despatched to occupy the passes of the river most likely to be fordable, and thus to guard against Dhoondia recrossing with any considerable number of followers. This force in its progress gained possession of several forts which were held by parties in the interest of the adventurer. At one of these places, named Sirhitty, an extraordinary in- stance ol cool and determined bravery occurred. The outer gate of the fort was attacked and carried. The inner gate was next to be gained, but the passage was found too narrow to admit a gun-carriage. This difficulty, how- ever, was not suffered to check the progress of the assailants : the gun was instantly taken off the carriage, and, under a very heavy fire from the fort, transported by a body of artillerymen, led by Sir John Sinclair, to the gate, which was very shortly burst open. The precautions which had been taken to prevent Dhoondia crossing the river were rendered unavailing by its sudden fall, which enabled the adventurer to enter the territories of the Nizam. Thither he was followed by Colonel Wellesley, with as much speed as was consistent with the difficulties attending the movement and the arrangements necessary for effecting the junction of the various portions of the army. The campaign was now ap- proaching to a close. On the 10th of Sep- tember Colonel Wellesley encountered Dhoon- dia's army at a place called ConahguU. He was strongly posted, his rear and flank being covered by a village and a rock ; but one im- petuous charge put his troops to the rout, the whole body dispersed, and were scattered in small parties over the Cice of the country. Many were killed, and among the number was the author of the mischief, Dhoondia him- self Part of the enemy's baggage was taken in his camp, and another portion, with two guns, all that remained to him, in the pursuit. Thus terminated the career of Dhoondia Waugh, a man whose views were directed to higher fortunes than he was fated to attain. He assumed the title of king of the two worlds, and elevated some of his officers to the rank of afeioffs and nabobs. From beginnings not more respectable, states and dynasties had previously sprung up in India ; and Dhoon- dia Waugh might have been a second Hyder Ali, had his progress not received a timely check. Sir Thomas Munro, writing to Colonel Wellesley, on his fall, said ; — "A campaign of two months finished his empire, and one of the same duration has put an end to the earthly grandeur, at least, of the sovereign of the two worlds. Had you and your regicide army been out of the way, Dhoondia would undoubtedly have become an independent and powerful prince, and the founder of a new dynasty of cruel and treacherous sultans." The news from Europe at this time was highly unfavourable. The triumphs of the French there would, it was expected, leave them at liberty to direct their arms to more distant quarters ; and India or Egypt, it was apprehended, would be among the points selected. To be prepared for danger, wher- ever it might occur, the governor-general (now, by the well - merited favour of the Crown, the Marquis Wellesley) proposed to concentrate the strength of his majesty's squadron in the Indian seas, together with such an amount of military force as India could spare, at some point whence they might be able to proceed with promptitude and facility to any place where their services might be wanted. The point chosen was Trincomalee ; and three European regiments, a thousand Bengal volunteers, with details of European and native infantry, were despatched thither ; while Admiral Eainier, who com- manded the squadron, was earnestly requested to co-operate in the arrangement, by pro- ceeding to Trincomalee without delay. The employment of the force thus assembled was to be determined by circumstances. It was to proceed either up the Red Sea, to co- operate with any British force that might be employed in Egypt from the side of the Medi- terranean ; to advance to any point in India menaced by the French, should they despatch a force thither ; or to be directed to the re- duction of the Mauritius. This latter object was one vrhich the information of the governor- general led him to believe might be undertaken with the best prospects of success, and it was one of which the importance would fully justify the attempt. In every war between Great 254 ADMIRAL EAINIEE. [A.1I. 1800. Britain and France, from the time when the two conntries became rivals in the East, the possessions of the latter in the Indian seas had furnished abundant means for annoying the trade of the former. Numerousprivateers, fitted out at the islands of Mauritius and Bourbon, swept the ocean and enriched their owners, at the expense alike of the East-India Company and of those engaged in the local trade. While Lord HoTjart administered the government of Madras, the despatch of an expedition from that pi'esidenoy for an attack on the Mauritius was contemplated ; but the delicate state of the British interest in India rendered it a point of prudence to relinquish the design at that time. The object, however, was steadily kept in view by the Marquis Wellesley ; and the Mauritius would most probably have been attacked but for the re- fusal of Admiral Rainier to co-operate. This relusal appeared at first to be grounded on an opinion that it would be injudicious to employ any considerable portion of the land and sea forces on distant objects of enterprize ; but ultimately another reason was permitted to transpire. The admiral held, or professed to hold, the extraordinary principle that the ex- pedition could not be undertaken without the express command of the king, signified in the usual ofQcial form to the British government in India and to the commanders of h is majesty's forces. Admiral Rainier, it seems, expected that the governor-general would dissentfrom his view ; and the expectation was most just and reasonable. That so monstrous a principle should have been gravely maintained, i.s sa&- ciently startling ; that it should have been re- garded as sound and true by any human being whose education and habits qualified him to form an opinion on such a subject, is utterly incredible. Admiral Rainier, however, pro- fessed so to regard it ; and the governor- general therefore condescended to honour the objection with an elaborate answer. **If," Baid he, " the ground of your excellency's dis- sent firom the proposed expedition to the Isle of Erance be admitted as a general rule to govern the conduct of the military and naval service in these distant possessions during the existence of war, I apprehend that the greatest advantage must result from thence to the cause of the enemy. It is an established maxim of state, as well as an unqualified principle of public duty, that in time of war all public officers should employ their utmost endeavours to reduce the power and resources of the com- mon enemy of the state, and should avail themselves of every advantage which circum- stances may present for the advancement of the interests of their country by the vigorous prosecution of hostilities. In remote pos- sessions the exigency of this duty increases in proportion to the distance from the parent state, and to the consequent difficulty of ob- taining from home express and precise orders applicable to the various emergencies that must arise in the course of war. If no advan- tage can ever be taken of the temporary or accidental weakness of the enemy's possessions iu India without express orders from England, signified through the usual official channels, not only to the government of India but to the commanders of his majesty's land and sea forces, it is evident that opportunities of re- ducing the enemy's power and resources must frequently be lost, without the hope of re- covery, by reference for formal commands to the source of sovereign authority at home. In the present instance, an extraordinary and fortunate accident had disclosed to me tne weak and almost defenceless state of the most important possessions remaining to France in this quarter of the globe. In my judgment, I should have foiled in my duty towards my king and country if I had waited for hia majesty's express commands, or for his orders signified through the official channels estab- lished by Parliament for the government of India, before I had proceeded to take the necessary steps for availing myself of the critical posture of the French interests within the reach of the force intrusted to my control." After some observations on the powers and responsibility of the governor-general in India, the marquis appeals to his own conduct under similar circumstances, and its results. " Of the rule," says he, " which I assert, I have furnished an example in my own practice ; and if the principle which your excellency has adopted bad governed my conduct, the con- questof Mysore would not have been achieved." Some time before this dispute, the attention of the governoi'-general had been turned towards Batavia. He had direct instructions from the king for bringing this settlement under the protection of the British crown, on terms similar to those which had been granted to the Dutch colonies of Demerara, Berbice, and Surinam. It was proposed to eflFeot this by negotiation, and Admiral Rainier was to undertake the task, aided by such an amount of sea and land force as would be sufficient to give weight to his representations. The probability that the required force could be employed more advantageously elsewhere led to the postponement of the attempt ; but when the project for attacking the Mauritius was defeated by the perverseness of Admiral Rainier, the views of the governor-general were again turned to Batavia. But the Dutch colony was to enjoy a further period of repose. Soon after the fall of Seringapatam, the Mar- quis Wellesley had suggested to the ministers at home the practicability of employing a force from India, to co-operate with any that might be despatched from Great Britain, against the French in Egypt ; and it has been seen that the assemblage of troops at Trincomalee was made with reference to this among other objects. The suggestion was adopted ; and the governor-general was instructed to despatch to Egypt, by way of the Red Sea, a force of about a thousand Europeans and two thousand native infantry, under the command of an A.D. 1801.] EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 255 aotiTe and intelligent officer. These instruc- tions were immediately acted upon. The force at Ceylon, strengthened by sixteen hundred native infantry which had been assembled at Bombay for foreign service, was intrusted to the command of General Baird, and the whole embarked with all practicable expedition. A squadron of Company's cruisers, under Admiral Blanket!, with a small body of troops, had sailed for Egypt some time before. General Baird and his army, after performing a march of extraordinary peril and difficulty across the desert, proceeded down the Nile to Khonda, from whence they advanced to Ro- setta. But the fate of the French attempt upon Egypt had been previously decided ; and the Indian reinforcement enjoyed no oppor- tunity of gaining distinction, except by its patient and cheerful submission to hardships and toils, and the ready surrender by the native portion of the troops of their prejudices to their sense of military duty. The expedition to Egypt was despatched early in the year 1801. In the month of July, in the same yeai', a change took place in the affairs of the Carnatic, which will require reference to a series of events of prior occur- rence connected with that division of the south of India. The death of Mahomet Ali during the administration of Sir John Shore, and the dispute between the British authorities to which it gave rise, have been noticed. Maho- met Ali was succeeded by his son, Omdut-ul- Omrah, who, from the commencement of his reign, manifested a disposition to pursue the same ruinous policy which had marked that of his father. The Marquis Wellesley, on his arrival from England, occupied a considerable portion of the time which he spent at Madras in vain attempts to obtain the prince's consent to the arrangements necessary for extricating himself and his subjects from the wretchedness in which both were involved. The ^abob was obstinately bent on resisting all change, and the governor-general left Madras with a con- viction that negotiation was useless. It was, however, obvious that, without the adoption of some new arrangements, it would be impos- sible to secure the Company from loss, to save the nabob from ruin, or to rescue the oppressed inhabitants of the country from the intensity of misery in which they were involved. The war with Tippoo commenced, and with it the necesaity for all the aid which the nabob could afford to his British ally. At this period the conduct of the nabob's officers, with regard to the collecting of supplies for the use of the British army, indicated a total absence of friendly feeling on the part of the prince, if the acts of the servants were to be viewed as furnishing any evidence of the wishes of their master. They were for the most part inactive. Those who made any exertions directed them to obstruct, not to facilitate, the supply of the wants of the British government. The nabob was not sparing in professions of friendship, and he even agreed to advance a considerable sum of money for the use of the army, on specified conditions. The conditions were assented to, but the money was not forth- coming, and but for the opportune arrival of treasure from Bengal, the consequences of the disappointment might have been seriously inconvenient. After Lord Macartney's plan for exercising the administration of the Carnatic territory had been abandoned, an attempt was made to adjust the claims of the Company and the nabob by a treaty concluded by Sir Archibald Campbell ; but the execution of its provisions was soon found to be impracticable, and its securities worthless. A new treaty, more indulgent to the nabob, was conoluddd by Lord Cornwallis : one article of which treaty gave to the Company, in the event of war breaking out in the Carnatic or the contiguous countries, a right to the exercise of fall autho- rity within the nabob's dominions, except with respect to certain jaghires. This treaty was in force at the period under notice ; and on commencing the war with Tippoo, the governor-general, by virtue of that article, might at once have assumed the entire control of the affairs of the Carnatic. With great moderation he abstained from the immediate exercise' of this undoubted right, and only took advantage of the occasion to endeavour to gain the nabob's assent to arrangements at least as beneficial to himself as to the Com- pany. The governor-general addressed to him a despatch of considerable length, adverting to the dislike entertained by the nabob and his father to the assumption of the administra- tion of the Carnatic by the Company, and to the desire of the British government to show respect for their feelings to the utmost extent consistent with security ; pointing out mildly, but distinctly and forcibly, the vices of the nabob's administration, and the general ruin that could not fail to follow ; and complaining of the violation of the treaty of Lord Corn- wallis, more especially by a practice which had notoriously prevailed, of granting assign- ments of revenue on the districts which formed the security for the nabob's payments to the Company — a practice not only inconsistent with the purpose for which they had been pledged, but in contravention of an express provision of the treaty, that no such assign- ments should be granted. The governor- general referred to the moderation shown in relaxing the provisions of the treaty concluded by Sir Archibald Campbell, and placing the nabob in the more favourable position secured to him by the later treaty, ui-giug that, as the Company's government then waived an undeniable right under a sub- sisting treaty, and consented to a new arrangement at the solicitation of the nabob, and for his benefit, that government had a just claim to expect that, in representing the necessity of further modification, its views and intentions should be judged with the same 256 AFFAIRS OF THE CAENATIC. [A.D. 1801, liberality which Lord Comwallia exercised towards those of Mahomet AH. These points being suificlently pressed, the governor-general proceeded toenumerate the principles of the pro- posed arrangement. It was designed to extend to every branch of the nabob's affairs connected with his relation to the Company, and by this comprehensiveness to guard, as tar as precaution could effect such an object, against future misun- derstanding ; to provide to the utmost practi- cable extent against the necessity for any further change, and to relieve the Carnatic from the inconveniences of a divided government or of a fluctuating or precarious authority. An enumeration of details followed, and the points believed to be most interesting to the nabob were first noticed — the adjustment of , his debt with the Company and of certain claims on his part of a pecuniary nature, arising from various sources. Modes of ar- ranging these having been suggested, the governor-general declared himself ready to relinquish the right of the Company to assume the entire government of the Carnatic during the existing war, or any that might thereafter occur, on condition of a territory equal to securing the amount of the monthly payments to the Company for which the nabob was liable, being placed in perpetuity under the exclusive management and authority of the Company. If the required territory should produce more than the amount of revenue anticipated from it, the surplus was to be paid over to the nabob, while, on the other hand, if, from an unfavourable season or any other casualty, a deficiency were to arise, the Com- pany were to bear the lo^, and the nabob to be entirely exonerated from charge on this account. The proposal included other points of detail relating to the defence of the country and the satisfaction of the private debts of the nabob, some of which were reserved for consideration at a more advanced period of discussion. The answer of the nabob was long, but little satisfactory. Its tone was somewhat lofty. The nabob positively refused to consent to any modification of the treaty of 1792. This might have been contemplated from his previous con- duct ; but his refusal was associated with an application which certainly could not have been looked for. His letter was written after the fall of Seringapatam, and the consequent transfer of the dominions of Tippoo. The nabob availed himself of these events to set up a claim to .share in the distribution of the conquered countries. But the reasonablenes and decency of the request of the nabob at the time when it was preferred were emi- nently illustrated by the fact, that within the recesses of Seringapatam, opened to the view of the conquerors by the success which attended their efforts, was found evidence most satis- factorily convicting the Nabob Omdut-ul- Omrah and his father, Mahomet All, of having perfidiously violated their engagements with the British Government by intriguing with Tippoo Sultan against that power. This evi- dence was contained in a voluminous corre- spondence between Tippoo and two of his vakeels, named Gholaum Ali Khan and Eeza Ali Khan, who accompanied the hostages to Madras at the close of the war undertaken by Lord Cornwallis. The subject was taken up soon after the arrival of the vakeels at Madras. In an early letter they gave their master an account of an interview which had taken place between the nabob, Mahomet Ali, the two princes, and themselves. On that occasion the nabob was represented not only to have professed the warmest attachment to Tippoo, which might have been the effect of hollow courtesy, but to have reprobated the war then just concluded, and to have declared that ithad been undertaken by the allied powers for the subversion of the Mahometan religion. This charge was not very probable, seeing that the nizam was a party to the war ; but while it could not fail to be agreeable to Tippoo, by leading him to regai'd himself as a martyr in the c.iuse of the prophet, it also gratified the malignant feelings which Mahomet Ali had long entertained towards his British protectors. The praise of Tippoo was enhanced by contrasting with his conduct that of the nizam, whose future retri- bution for aiding in the destruction of religion was darkly shadowed forth. According to the vakeels, Mahomet Ali did not confine himself to general expressions of sympathy with the sultan and his cause. At the first and the last meetings he expressed the most earnest wishes for the establishment of relations of friendship and harmony between himself and Tippoo, on the ground of community of re- ligious belief, and with a view to the main- tenance of the faith of Mahomet. Tippoo, as may be supposed, was pleased with these manifestations, and directed his vakeels to give them all encouragement ; and in two let- ters, which, some months^ later, he addressed respectively to Mahomet Ali and Omdut-ul- Omrah, he professed the most entire confidence in their exertions in the common cause. These discourses and communications would be sufficient to establish the state of feeling with which the nabob and his son regarded the various parties concerned in the war with Tippoo ; but they might have been considered nothing more than the purposeless overflowings of un- controllable hate, had not the acts of the two princes corresponded with their professions. Mahomet Ali maintained secret emissaries in Bengal, to collect information for his use. From these persons he learned that the British resident at Poonah had apprized his govern- ment that Tippoo was intriguing with the Mahrattas. This article of intelligence was duly communicated to one of the vakeels of Tippoo, accompanied by a friendly intimation of the impolicy of the course which his master was pursuing, and an urgent admonition to discontinue it until a more favourable time, which was judged not to be far distant. Lord A.D. 1801.] THE NABOB'S DUPLICITY. 257 Cornwallia, it was represented, would soon go to Europe, the hostage princes would return to their father, and the payments of Tippoo would he completed. "After his lordship's departure, the liquidation of the kists and other points, whatever" might be " his high- ness's pleasure," would, it was declared, " be right and proper." Nor was this the only instance in which the nabob gave the sultan intelligence and ad- vice. He communicated to him the intended march of British troops against Pondioherry, on the commencement of war between the English and the French, and warned the sul- tan to be cautious as to the manner in which he carried on his intercourse with the latter people — not to discontinue it, but to avoid written communications — there being no objec- tion, as the nabob is reported to have stated, to verbal communications in case of necessity. The discovery of the documents relating to these transactions suggested the propriety of endeavouring to elucidate them by an ex- amination of some of the servants of Tippoo. Among these were the two vakeels, whose temporary residence at Madras had afforded opportunity for opening a correspondence tetween Tippoo and Mahomet Ali. The duty of conducting the examination was in- trusted to two experienced servants of the Company, Mr. Webbe and Colonel Close. Gholaum Ali Khan endeavoured to evade the objects of the inquiry, by affecting to have fallen into a state of dotage and imbecility. Ali Beza Ehan was more candid ai^d commu- nicative, but little of importance was elicited. It was represented, however, that a marriage between the two houses had been one of the subjects of negotiation ; and the vakeels en- deavoured to show that all the secret commu- nications which had taken place related to this subject. But they did not agree as to the party from whom the overture came ; and if such an engagement really formed a subject of discussion, it was certainly not the only one, nor was it of such a nature as to require the protection of a secret cipher, which cipher, too, was obviously framed for application to political purposes. Further, if the overture, as one of the vakeels affirmed, came from Arcot, the desire there manifested to form an alliance with the bitter and implacable enemy of the English could only be regarded as an additional evidence of hostility to that people. The investigation of the evidence of the nabob's treachery required time : and, when completed, it was obviously desirable, in a mat- ter so delicate and so liable to misrepresenta- tion, to avoid acting without due deliberation and a full consideration of consequences. There were also motives connected with a pending negotiation with the nizam for some delay. At length, on the 28th May, 1801, the Mar- quis Wellesley addressed to the governor of Eort St. George, Lord Clive, a despatch, com- municating his determination as to the final adjustment of the affairs of the Carnatic, It was clear, that if the perfidy of Mahomet Ali had been discovered during his life, the British Government would have been , justified in inflicting punishment upon its treacherous dependent, and providing for itself security. Omdut-ul-Omrah had, on the part of his father, negotiated the treaty with Lord Cornwallis : he had also been confederate with his father, in the machinations carried on against his British ally. Omdut-ul-Omrah was, indeed, substantially a party to the treaty ; for it secured to him the right of succession under the same conditions and obligations which attached to the right of his father. The treaty had been violated by Mahomet Ali — it had been violated by Oradut-ul-Omrah both before the death of his father and subsequently to that event. The governor-general therefore decided that the Company should assume the government of the Carnatic, and that the nabob should become a stipendiary upon its revenues. He could not decide otherwise, without betraying the interests which he was sworn to protect. The despatch addressed by the Marquis Wellesley to Lord Clive was accompanied by a letter to Omdut-ul-Omrah, which, after ad- verting to the long suspension of all commu- nication on the part of the governor-general beyond the transmission of ordinary compli- ments, explained the cause to be the discove- ries made at Seringapatam, and referred the nabob to Lord Clive for information as to the steps about to be taken in consequence of those discoveries. Motives of humanity prevented this letter from reaching the nabob. On its arrival at Madras the prince was labouring under mortal disease ; and from an apprehenr sion that the communication might aggravate his complaint and accelerate its fatal termina- tion, all knowledge of the intentions of the British government was withheld. But it being understood that some members of hia family had introduced armed men into the palace, with the view of advancing their own objects on the occurrence of the death of the prince, if not before, Lord Clive deemed it ex- pedient to despatch a party of the Company's troops to take possession of the principal gate- Way. This was effected Without resistance ; and it being explained to Omdut-ul-Omrah that the object of the movement was the pre- servation of order, he was perfectly satisfied. On the 15th July he died. Mr. Webbe and Colonel Close immediately proceeded to the palace, where they were met by some of the deceased nabob's officers. It was stated that the nabobhadlefta will, butsomedifficultywas raised in the way of producing it. The Bri- tish deputies, however, insisting on its being brought forward, it was at length exhibited. On being read, it appeared that Omdut-ul- Omrah had appointed a reputed son, known as Ali Hussein, to succeed him in the possession of all his rights, possessions, and property, in- cluding the government of the Carnatic. The British deputies then requested a private con- 258 A DELICATE INVESTIGATION. [A.D. 1801. ference with two confidential khans, who stood high in the confidence of the late nabob, and who were nominated in his will as advisers of his heir in the administration of affairs. Tothese functionaries the deputies stated the nature of the discoveries made at Seringapatam. The khans received the communication with the appearance of great surprise, and endeavoured to explain away the evidence on which the charges against the late nabob and his father rested. The strong professions of friendship for Tippoo were declared not to pass the bounds of ordinary civility. The cipher of- fered greater difficulty ; and the khans had no better excuse to bring forward than the very probable suggestion that the paper containing the key had been placed in the archives of Tippoo by some enemy of Omdut-ul-Omrah, with the view of prejudicing that prince in the estimation of the British authorities. The object of the khans was obviously to obtain a protracted discussion of the question, in the hope that some favourable chance might suspend the resentment of the British government. This was seen and frustrated by the deputies, who, after referring to the inten- tion entertained of demanding from Omdut-ul- Omrah satisfaction and security, and explain- ing why it had not previously been acted upon, demanded to know whether the khans, on the part of the reputed son of the deceased na- bob, were disposed to an adjustment of the claims of the British government by an amica- ble negotiation. They answered by making abundant professions of respect for the British government, declaring the family of Omdut-ul- Omrah dependenton its protection, anddwelling on the impossibility of their resorting to any other than amicable means of settlement ; but avoided any direct answer to the question pro- posed to them. The day was now considerably advanced, and the khans heartily tired of the conference. To cut it short, they urged the necessity of their attending to the funeral of the departed nabob, and to the preparaitons requisite for transferring his remains to Tri- chinopoly. This being pressed, on the grounds of public decorum and regard for the feelings of the nabob's family, the deputies did not feel at liberty to resist the desire of the khans, and the conference terminated without any positive answer being given to the proposal made on behalf of the British government. It was renewed on the following day, when the deputies distinctly explained, that the only basis on which the British government could recognize the reputed son of the nabob, was the entire transfer of the civil and military administration of the Carnatic to the Com- pany. The khans made the obvious answer, that such a transfer would be a virtual annihi- lation of the office of nabob. The deputies replied, that the power of assuming the go- vernment in certain oases had been secured to the Company by the existing treaty, and that which preceded it ; that the power had actually been exercised, and yet that the rankanddignity of the nabob had never been impugned. This interview was long, and much of it was occu- pied by desultory conversation, the khans evincing great anxiety to divert attention from the main points at issue, and great tact in ef- fecting their object. Ultimately they requested a postponement of the question for a day, to allow of their consulting the various branches of the nabob's family ; and the Bri- tish deputies yielded their assent, with an intimation that, at the time specified, they should expect a determinate answer. The answer given at the ensuing meeting was not such as the deputies had required — a simple acceptance or rejection of the proposal made by the British government. The khans stated that the entire family of the late nabob, as well as his ministers, having been assem- bled to consider the proposal, the result of their deliberations was, a conviction that, notwithstanding the decided language in which it was submitted, the British govei-n- ment would be disposed to consent to a modifi- tion of the terms required for its security in the Carnatic ; and they accordingly produced a counter proposal, which they desired might be transmitted to Lord Clive. The deputies reiterated the assurance which they had al- ready given, that they had full power of rejecting any proposal inconsistent with the principle previously laid down hy them as the basis of adjusttnent, and that no other could be admitted. They warned the khans of the consequences which must follow the rejection of their plan ; and finally intimated that, in a question which related exclusively to the interests of the late nabob's reputed son, they were desirous of receiving from himself the answer which was to determine his future situ- ation. The khans manifested great dislike to this proposal. They urged as objections the youth of the heir — though he was nearly eighteen years of age — his inexperience, the fear of his mother, and the recent occurrence of his father's death. But the deputies were persevering, and a conference with Ali Hus- sein was at length fixed for the following day. During this discussion, the khans stated that the subject of the evidence discovered at Se- ringapatam had been agitated in the durbar for more than twelve months, and that mea- sures had been taken for justifying the conduct of Omdut-ul-Omrah. An instructive commen- tary was thus afforded on the surprise expressed by the khans when the discoveries were first mentioned to them by the British deputies ; and a most satisfactory test of the degree of cre- dit to be attached to anything they might state, or leave to be inferred from their deportment. At the appointed time the British deputies repaired to the palace, and being first intro- duced to the khans, they demanded of those officers whether further consideration had wrought any change in their sentiments. They were answered that it was not the intention of Ali Hussein to recede from the terms of the counter project presented at the L.D.1801.] UNSATISFACTORY CONFERENCES. 259 previous interview. The heir then entered, in conformity with the arrangement made on his behalf, and, in reply to a question from the deputies, declared that he considered the khans to have been appointed by his father for the purpose of assisting him, and that the object of his own councils was not separated from theirs. The deputies thereupon made a communication, which they had been in- structed to deliver, of the intention of Lord Olive to hold a personal conference with Ali Hussein previously to carrying into effect the measures in contemplation. This took the khans by surprise, and appeared greatly to alarm them. Various modes of evading the proposed conference were resorted to ; but the deputies insisting that the governor's orders admitted no excuse or delay, the khans retired to make preparations, and Ali Hussein took advantage of their absence to declare, in a low tone of voice, that he had been deceived by them. On their return, the whole party assembled proceeded to the tent of the officer commanding the Company's troops at the palace, where they were met by Lord Clive. The ceremonies of introduction being over, the attendants of Ali Hussein were required to withdraw, and the conference was conducted by him and the British governor. Before the latter had fully explained his views, he was interrupted by Ali Hussein, who, after ex- pressing his sense of the governor's considera- tion, voluntarily proceeded to state that the conferences had been conducted by the khans without his participation, and that he dis- approved of the result which had followed. In consequence of this avowal, the entire substance of the conferences was recapitulated to Ali Hussein, the proofs of the violation of the engagements of the late nabob with the British Government were distinctly enume- rated, and the extent of the security required by the latter concisely explained. Ali Hussein then declared himself willing to agree to the terms proposed ; and after some conversation on matters of secondary importance, he sug- gested that a treaty should be prepared, vesting the entire civil and military authority in the Company, which he observed he would be ready to execute, with or without the consent of the khaus, at another separate conference which was appointed to be held on the following day within the British lines. On that day the deputies proceeded to the palace, to conduct the heir of Omdut-ul-Omrah to the place of meeting ; but a change had passed over his mind, and he announced, that as the two khans had been appointed by his father's will to assist his councils, he could not adopt a line of conduct inconsistent with their advice, and that consequently no further inter- view with the governor was necessary. He was urged, notwithstanding his new determi- nation, to keep the appointment which had been made, and he consented. The conference with Lord Clive, like the former, took place •without the presence of the khans ; but Ali Hussein maintained the same tone which had marked his previous communication to the deputies. Being requested to give some explanation, he said that he was aware that the sentiments which he now expressed dif- fered entirely from those which he had avowed on the preceding day, but that the change was the result of reflection : that the whole family had been assembled to deliberate on his affairs — that he had, in consequence, given the subject better consideration, and that he now considered it to be totally incompatible with his interest and his honour to accede to the proposal to which he had previously given his consent. He was reminded of his admission that the khans had practised deception on him — the consequences of persisting in his new course were pointed out, and assurances were given of protection from any insult or danger that he might apprehend from an adherence to his former decision ; but all these topics were urged in vain. A suspicion was then intimated to Ali Hussein that he had been encouraged by interested persons to adopt the fatal course on which he had entered — that their representations had induced him to dis- believe the existence of orders from the go- vernor-general warranting the proposal which had been made to him, and the terms on which its acceptance had been urged. He admitted that he had been spoken to on the subject, l)ut denied that he was influenced by any distrust of the nature of the governor- general's orders. Against the mischievous deceptions believed to be employed to mislead him, Ali Hussein was warned repeatedly though unavailingly. He was apprized that, if he entertained any hope that what might he done by the govern- ment of Fort St. George would be undone by a superior a-uthority, he deceived himself. He was assured, not only that the orders of the governor-general were peremptory to carry into effect the plan which had been submitted for his concurrence, but that the same views were entertained by the government at home, and that consequently, all expectation of revision in that quarter must be vain. The conference concluded on the part of Lord Clive by repre- senting to Ali Hussein that no pains had been spared to guard him against the consequences which he was about to incur ; that the duties of humanity towards him, and of attention to the honour of the British name, had been satisfied ; that his position in society had been determined by himself, and that his future situation would be that of a private person, regarded as hostile to the British interests, and dependent for support on the voluntary bounty of the Company. Ali Hussein listened to the governor's parting address with com- posure, and retired from the place of audience without offering any observation on it. Omdut-ul-Omrah appears to have left no legitimate offspring ; and it had been deter- mined, should his testamentary heir reject the throne 'on the modified terms on which it was S 2 260 SETTLEMENT OF THE CAENATIC. [A.D. 1801. in future to be held, to tender it to the acceptance of Azim-ul-Dowlah. This prince was the only legitimate son of Ameer-nl- Omrah, the second son of Mahomet Ali. The ordinary principles of succession would thus be little violated ; and except with reference to the testamentary disposition of the throne by Omdut-uI-Omrah, they would not be vio- lated at all. It was, however, in this case far more easy to determine than to carry the determination into effect. Azim-ul-Dowlah was in the power of those who supported the pretensions of his cousin. Opportunity was sought for making a private communication to liim ; but so strictly was he watched, that it was found impracticable. A negotiation might have been commenced openly ; but this, there was reason to apprehend, might involve the prince in the fate which in the East so often overtakes those who enjoy the dangerous distinction of royal birth without the means of self-defence. Before the question of how to communicate with Azim was solved, it was ascertained that the rival party were t'isplaying much activity, and no inconsider- able share of audacity. The khans bad pri- vately, but formally, placed Ali Hussein on the musnud of Aroot, and a public ceremony of the like nature was to take place without delay. As such an investiture would be the signal for civil war. Lord Olive felt it neces- sary to resort to vigorous measures to prevent it. The officer commanding the British de- tachment in charge of the palace gateway was ordered to take possession of the entire build- ing, and to remove th^ guards of the late nabob, who had hitherto been suffered to continue at their posts. This being effected, the difficulty of communicating with Azim- ul-Dowlah was removed ; a- party of the Company's troops being substituted at the place which he inhabited for the guards of the late nabob who were previously stationed there. The prince was surprised by the change, and his surprise appears to have been not unmixed with alarm. It was explained to him that the movement was intended for his more effectual protection, and he was satisfied. Although he could not be aware of the precise views of the British government, he could at least place confidence in its honour, and must have felt certain that no change of guard could involve him in greater danger than that which previously surrounded him. On the morning after the change the prince was visited by Colonel MacNeil, the officer in command, who intimated that, if he felt any desire of representing the state of his affairs to the British government, the means of doing so were now open to him without danger. The offer was embraced, and Azim was soon admitted to an interview with Lord Clive. He appeared to entertain no ambitious de- signs, and he probably did not anticipate the possibility of his elevation to the dignity which Ali Hussein had renounced. He complained of injuries and hardships, of poverty and its inconveniences, and requested with great ear- nestness that, in any settlement that might be made of the affairs of the Carnatic, bis claims might be considered ; but he appeared to limit his expectation to the provision of more suit- able accommodation for his family. He was assured that his wishes would be regarded, and the conference closed without any intima- tion that his expectations were likely to be exceeded. Another interview took place on the following day, when the views of the British government were gradually unfolded. These being understood, there remained little to impede the progress of negotiation. Azim acknowledged the right acquired by the Com- pany by the perfidy of Mahomet Ali and Omdut-ul-Omrah, and expressed himself will- ing to accept the office tendered him, with all the conditions attached to it by the British government. Within a few days a treaty was drawn up and signed, by which the respective rights of Azim and the Company were defined and settled on the basis previously determined on ; a proclamation was issued by the governor of Eort St. George, setting forth the grounds upon which the British government had acted, and thus the long-vexed territories of Arcot passed easily and tranquilly into the posses- sion of the East-India Company. The states- man under whose auspices this great and happy change was effected was amply justified in declaring the settlement of the Carnatic to be " perhaps the most salutary and useful measure which has been adopted since the acquisition of the dewanny of Bengal." It has been mentioned that the necessary measures for the settlement of the Carnatic were deferred partly vrith a view to the pre- vious completion of some negotiations pending with the nizam. These ended in the conclu- sion of a new treaty with that prince, under which provision was made for an increase of the subsidiary force maintained by the Com- pany for the defence of his dominions, and the payments accruing on account of the whole were commuted for assignments of territory. Eor this purpose the whole of the territory acquired by the nizam under the treaties of Seringapatam and Mysore was, by an article of the new treaty, transferred in perpetuity to the English ; but as some of the districts lay inconveniently for their occupation, ar- rangements were made by a subsequent article for the exchange of those districts for others, which, though of somewhat less value, were more favourably situated with regard to British possession. The Marquis Wellesley thus secured for his country the full benefit of the conquest of Mysore, and this without invading the just rights of the only ally who had taken part in the conquest. A portion of the acquisitions of that ally was, it is true, now surrendered to the English, and a further cession of terri- tory was made iu exchange for the remainder ; but for these advantages an ample equivalent was offered, in relieving the nizam from the A.D. 1798.] AFFAIRS OF OUDE. 261 subsidiary payments to which he must other- wise have been liable. The nizam was thus exempted not merely from the necessity of payment, but from the harassing vexations which Eastern princes never fail to expeiience when money is to be disbursed. His people had reason to rejoice that one excuse for ex- tortion was removed, while the inhabitants of the ceded territoi-y had still greater cause for congratulation in the change of rulers. To the British government the new treaty gave security for the expense incurred on account of th^ nizam, an improved frontier, and all the power and respect resulting from a consi- derable extension of territory. All parties were thus benefited, and the governor-general had the satisfaction of feeling that, while he was raising the position of his own govern- ment among the states of India, he was indi- rectly contributing to the peace and happiness of others. CHAPTER XVII. APFAIKS OF OUDE — MUBDEB OF ME. OHEKRY — COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN THE GOVERNOK- GENEEAL AND THE NABOB VIZIEE — THE VIZIER'S CONTEMPLATED EESIQNATION — MALAU- MINISTEATION OE OUDE — ME. HBNET WELLESLEY NEGOTIATES THE CESSION OE TEEKITOEY IN DISOHAEGli OE BRITISH CLAIMS — GOVERNOR-GENERAL VISITS THE NORTHERN PROVINCES — INTERVIEW WITH THE VIZIEE — AEKANGEMENT WITH THE NABOB OF PUEEUCKABAD. Attention must now be carried back to the commencement of the Marquis Wellesley's administration, and diverted from the southern to the northern parts of India. In Oude the rightful sovereign had been placed on the musnud ; but in other respects, all was em- barrassment and disorder. The British subsidy was always in arrear, while the most frightful extortion was practised in the realization of the revenue. Justice was unknown ; the army was a disorderly mass, formidable only to the power whom it professed to serve. These evils of native growth were aggravated by the presence of an extraordinary number of Euro- pean adventurers, most of whom were as destitute of character and principle as they were of property. It is worthy of remark, that an ill-governed Indian state is precisely the place which a disreputable class of Euro- peans find the most suitable to the exercise of their talents. To all these points, as well as to the extraordinary degree of power, far too great for a subject, possessed by Almas, the attention of the governor-general was turned soon after his arrival, and his views were thus explained in a letter dated a few months after that event, and addressed to the resident at Lucknow. " The necessity of providing for the defence of the Carnatic, and for the early revival of our alliances in the peninsula, as well a^ for the seasonable reduction of the growing influence of France in India, has not admitted either of my visiting Oude, or of my turning my undivided attention to the reform of the vizier's affairs. There are, however, two or three leading considerations in the state of Oude to which I wish to direct your par- ticular notice, intending at an early period to enter fully into the arrangements in which they must terminate. Whenever the death of Almas shall happen, an opportunity will offer of securing the benefits of Lord Teignmouth's treaty, by provisions which seem necessary for the purpose of realizing the subsidy under all contingencies. The Company ought to suc- ceed to the power of Almas, and the manage- ment, if not the sovereignty, of that part of the Doab which he now rents, ought to be placed in our hands, a proportionate reduction being made from the subsidy. The effect of such an arrangement would not be confined to the improvement of our security for the subsidy; the sti-ength of our north-western frontier would also be greatly increased. On the other hand, in the event of Almas's death, we shall have to apprehend either the danger- ous power of a successor equal to him in talents and activity, or the weakness of one inferior in both, or the division of the country among a variety of renters. In the first case we should risk internal commotion ; in the two latter, the frontier of Oude would be con- siderably weakened against the attacks either of the Abdalli or any other invader. The only remedy for these evils will be the possession of the Doab, fixed in the hands of our govern- ment. The state of the vizier's own troops is another most pressing evil. To you I need not enlarge on their inefficiency and insub- ordination. My intention is to persuade his excellency at a proper season to disband the whole of his army, with the exception of such part of it as may be necessary for the purposes of state, or of the collection of the revenue. Some expedient must be devised for providing a maintenance for such leaders and officers as from their birth or habits cannot easily be divested of their militaiy pretensions (I do not say military character, for I do not believe that any such description of men exist at Lucknow). In the place of the armed rabble which now alarms the vizier and invites his enemies, I propose to substitute an increased number of the Company's regiments of infantry and cavalry, to be relieved from time to time, and to be paid by his excellency." In addition 262 MASSACRE OF ENGLISH OFFICERS. [a,d. 1798, to the measures noticed in the above extract, the governor-general meditated the relief of the country from the host of Europeans who had fixed upon it as their prey. These he proposed to disperse hy as summary a process of ejection as should be consistent with humanity. Before these designs could be put in course of execution, a tragical occurrence, arising out of the disputed claim to the musnud of Oude, displayed without disguise the character of the pretender, who had been dispossessed by Lord Teignmouth. Vizier Ali had been allowed to reside at Benares, a place singularly ill-chosen with reference to his pretensions and character, and from which the new governor-general, with sufficient reason, determined to remove him. His numerous retinue had more than once disturbed the peace of the city ; and the ordinary military force stationed tliere was not deemed suiEcient to guard against the danger either of commotion or escape. It was also understood that Vizier Ali had despatched a vakeel with presents to the Affghan prince, Zemann Shah ; and it was justly inferred that he would not fail to turn to his advantage any opportunity that might be afforded by the approach of the shah, and the consequent employment of the British troops at a distance. Saadut Ali had applied for his removal ; and, independently of this, such a step was ob- viously called for by sound policy. Mr. Cherry, the British agent, was accordingly instructed to signify to Vizier Ali the governor-general's intention that he should transfer his residence to the vicinity of Calcutta ; at the same time assuring him that no' diminution of his allow- ances or appointments would be attempted, and that at his new abode he would neither be subjected to any additional restraint, nor denied any indulgence which he had been accustomed to enjoy at Benares. When this communication was made. Vizier Ali expressed great reluctance to the required change. This had been expected ; but in a short time his feelings appeared to have undergone great alteration. He ceased to manifest any dislike to removal, and seemed perfectly satisfied with the assurances which he had received of con- tinued attention and indulgence. The conduct of Mr. Cherry towards Vizier Ali is represented to have been kind, delicate, and conciliatory ; and the latter, so far from affording any ground for suspicion, had uniformly professed to enter- tain towards the British agent feelings of affectionate gratitude. But the part which Mr. Cherry's official duty had imposed on him, in relation to the deposition of Vizier Ali, had fixed in the mind of that person the deepest hatred. Mr. Cherry was warned of this, but unhappily the warning was disregarded. Pru- dence and the orders of government alike counselled precaution, but none was taken. A visit which Vizier Ali made, accompanied by his suite, to the British agent, afforded the means of accomplishing the meditated revenge. He had engaged himself to breakfast with Mr. Cherry, and the parties mef in apparent amity. The usual compliments were ex- changed. Vizier Ali then began to expatiate on his wrongs ; and having pursued this sub- ject for some time, he suddenly rose with his attendants, and put to death Mr. CheiTy and Captain Conway, an English officer who hap- pened to be present. The assassins then rushed out, and meeting another Englishman named Graham, they added him to the list of their victims. They thence proceeded to the house of Mr. Davis, judge and magistrate, who had just time to remove his family to an upper terrace, which could only be reached by a very narrow staircase. At the top of this staircase Mr. Davis, armed with a spear, took his post, and so successfully did he defend it, that the assailants, after several attempts to dislodge him, were compelled to retire without effecting their object. The benefit derived from the resistance of this intrepid man extended be- yond his own family ; the delay thereby occa- sioned afforded to the rest of the English in- habitants opportunity of escaping to the place where the troops stationed for the protection of the city were encamped. General' Erskine, on learning what had occurred, despatched a party to the relief of Mr. Davis, and Vizier Ali thereupon retired to his own residence. This, after some resistance, was forced, but not until its master had made his escape, with most of his principal adherents. No further measures seem to have been taken till the following morning, when a party of cavalry was despatched after him ; but the rapidity of his movements, and the advantage which he had gained by the delay of pursuit, rendered the attempt to overtake him ineffectual. The miscreant found refuge in the terri- tories of the rajah of Bhotwul, a chief tributary both to the vizier and the rajah of Nepaul, at which latter place the rajah Of Bhotwul was at the time in durance. By his repre- sentatives, however. Vizier Ali was hospitably received, and allowed to take means for con- siderably increasing the number of his fol- lowers. The British government remonstrated with the rajah of Nepaul against this conduct of the rajah of Bhotwul's dependents, and the remonstrance produced such demonstrations on the part of the person to whom it was addressed, as led Vizier Ali to conclude that Bhotwul was no longer an eligible place of residence. The strength which he had ac- quired enabled him to display a bold front, and he advanced into Goruckpore, whither a detachment of the Company's troops had marched. With these a skirmish took place, to the disadvantage of Vizier Ali. His fol- lowers then began to drop off, and he would probably have been taken, but for the treachery of a body of the vizier's troops who had been stationed to intercept him. Passing along the foot of the northern hills, he succeeded in reaching Jyneghur, where he was received, but placed under restraint. It being suggested by Captain Collins, the British resident with A.D. 1799.] MILITARY REFORM IN OUDE. 263 Scindia, that the rajah of Jyneghur might be induced, by the offer of a considerable reward, to surrender his visitor, that officer was in- structed to open a negotiation for the purpose. The task was not unattended with difficulty. The law of honour, as understood at Jyne- ghur, stood in the way of giving up to his pursuers even a murderer. On the other hand, the rajah's appetite for wealth was violently stimulated by the large sum offered by Colonel Collins as the price of the transfer of the person of Vizier Ali into his keeping. A compromise was at length effected. Vizier Ali was given up, on condition that his life should be spared, and that his limbs should not be disgraced by chains. Some of his accomplices had previously suffered the punish- ment due to their crimes. The great criminal escaped through the scruples of the rajah of Jyneghur. Those scruples, however, did not prevent his relieving his guest of the charge of a quantity of jewels. This acquisition, with the sum obtained from the English, probably consoled the rajah for the slight taint which his honour had incurred. The views which the governor-general had previously propounded to the resident at Lucknow were subsequently directed to be pressed upon the attention of the vizier. It was justly urged that the alarm created by the recent approach of Zemaun Shah ought to operate as an inducement to employ the season of repose afforded by his retirement in provid- ing such effectual means of resistance as might be sufficient to avert the apprehension of future danger. The military establishment of the vizier was admitted, by himself, to be useless for the pupose of defence. It was worse than useless ; for at the moment when the presence of the British force had been required to make a formidable demonstration on the frontier, it had been found necessary to retain a part of it in the capital to protect the person and autho- rity of the prince from the excesses of his own disaffected and disorderly troops. The con- clusion which this state of things suggested to the governor-general was unanswerable. " The inference to be drawn from these events,'' said he, " is obviously that the defence of his ex- cellency's dominions against foreign attack, as well as their internal tranquillity, can only be secured by a reduction of his own useless, if not dangerous, troops, and by a proportionate augmentation of the British force in his pay. " A change which not long afterwards took place in the office of resident at Lucknow caused some delay in the communication of the governor-general's views to the vizier. Mr. Lumsden was succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, who bore a letter from Sir Alured Clarke, then holding the office of vice-president in Ben- gal, calling attention to the necessity of mili- tary reform. A favourable opportunity for presenting the letter was offered by the vizier's complaints of the turbulent and disorderly state of some of his battalions. Of this Colonel Scott took advantage ; and the prince, on read- ing the letter, declared his thorough concur- renoe in the sentiments which it contained. The resident thereupon pressed an early con- sideration of the subject, and requested that the result might be communicated to him as soon as possible. He, at the same time, sug- gested the propriety of preparing certain state- ments of the number and expense of the troops of every description employed by the vizier. More than twenty days passed without any satisfactory notice of this communication. The resident then pressed for the appointment of a day for the discussion of the subject, and a day was fixed. On its arrival, however, nothing could be drawn from the vizier but the most vague and dark intimations of his views and feelings. He observed, that the measure proposed was not impracticable, but such as he hoped might be accomplished ; but he added, that he had a proposal to make, con- nected with his own ease, the prosperity of his government, and the happiness of his subjects, and which, in its operation, could be prejudi- cial to no one ; but all intimation of its nature or character he deferred till an expected visit of the governor-general to Lucknow, or till the execution of the projected measure was com- mitted to the resident. No representations could induce him to explain ; but he promised to visit the resident on a future day, and dic- tate a memorandum. He came, but the mat- ter dictated for report to the governor-general proved to be nothing more than a repetition of what he had stated on the former day. The resident entered into arguments to show the propriety of separating the two projects, as the reform of the military department must be greatly protracted if it were made dependent on the acceptance of the vizier's unexplained proposal. On that proposal it was urged no determination could be formed for a consider- able time, inasmuch as the governor-general's presence at Lucknow could not be immediate, and it was not to be expected that he would delegate powers for the conclusion of an ar- rangement with the nature and object of which he was totally unacquainted. But the vizier was unmoved, and the conference terminated without any progress having been made in the negotiation. From the mysterious deportment of the vizier nothing could be distinctly known of his wishes or intentions. All was left to conjec- ture. The resident believed that he was anxious to annihilate the functions of the ministers, who were the ordinary organs of communication with the resident, and to be- come the sole executor of his own purposes. What those purposes were, and in what man- ner they were can'ied on, was manifest from the whole course of the government since its assumption by Saadut Ali. The appropriation of the profits of oppression had been in a great degree changed, but no change had taken place for the benefit of the people. The same abuse and mismanagement, the same frightful extor- tions which disgi-aced the revenue coUectious 264 AUGMENTATION OF THE CONTINGENT. [A.D. 1799. under the former government, continued to prevail undiminished in extent or atrocity, under that of Saadut Ali. The only diflferenoe was, that the entire fruits went into the private treasury of the sovereign, and, as parsimony vpas a striking feature in his character, were carefully hoarded by him. Formerly, a large portion was appropriated by those who stood between the prince and the people, and the part which reached the royal coffers was quickly dissipated in wild and thoughtless profusion. " I cannot but feel," said Colonel Scott, " that the ruin of the country, commenced in a reign of profusion and indolence, will progressively proceed in a reign of parsimony and diligence." The governor -general's answer to the repre- sentations of the resident was to the effect, that the present condition of the government appeared to preclude the acquisition of the information necessary to the first step in the proposed reforms ; that it was to be hoped an application addressed to the vizier by the go- vernor-general, simultaneously with his com- munication to Colonel Scott, would remove all difficulty, and establish the resident in the degree of influence and consideration which it was necessary he should enjoy ; but if this ex- pectation should be disappointed, the resident was to insist, in the name of his superior, on the vizier placing his government in such a state as should afford the requisite means of information, as well as of carrying the neces- sary military reforms completely and speedily into, effect. The nominal minister, Hussein Heza Khan, was supposed to offer a bar to these results. His master withheld from him confidence, consideration, and power. His talents were not such as to make it desirable to retain him in opposition to the wishes of the vizier, and the governor-general was ready to assent to his removal, due provision being made for his support and safety, provided that his successor should be a person unequivocally well disposed to cultivate and improve the existing connection between the state of Oude and the Company. The proposed military reform, however, was declared to be the great and immediate object of the governor-general's solicitude. This point was to be pressed with unremitted earnestness, and the vizier's ac- quiescence in the necessary measures was expected to be totally unqualified by any con- ditions not necessarily connected with it. In answer to this letter from the governor- general the vizier declared that the advantages, both immediate and future, of a reform in his military establishment were more strongly im- pressed on his own mind than on that of his illustrious correspondent, and that he would, without a moment's delay, consult with Colonel Scott upon what was practicable, and com- municate the result of their joint deliberations. This promise was fulfilled in the manner usual with the vizier — it is unnecessary to explain that, in point of fact, it was not fulfilled at all. The promised communication of the vizier's sentiments not arriving, the governor-general again addressed a letter to him, representing the obligation of the Company to defend the prince's dominions ; the insufficiency for the purpose of the number of British troops or- dinarily stationed vrithin them ; the danger impending from the intentions of Zemaun Shah, and possibly from other sources ; the necessity of an augmentation of the British force, and the ready means of providing for the cost by disbanding the disorderly bat- talions, which were a source not of strength but of weakness. The letter concluded by in- timating that the British troops in Oude would be immediately reinforced by a portion of the proposed augmentation; the remainder were to follow at a future period. The justice of this measure must be deter- mined by the conditions of the treaty under which the relative claims of the vizier and the British government arose — its expediency, by the circumstances under which it was resorted to. The treaty was that concluded by Lord Teignmouth and Saadut Ali on placing that prince upon the throne. This instrument for- mally recognized the obligation incurred by the East-India Company under former treaties, of defending the dominions of the vizier against all enemies ; it bound the vizier to pay a spe- cified amount of subsidy for an English force to be continually stationed in his territories, which force was never to be less than ten thousand strong ; ''and if at any time it should become necessary to augment the troops of the Company in Oude beyond the number of thirteen thousand men, includmg Europeans, and natives, infantry, cavalry, and artilleiy, the Nawaub Saadut Ali Khan," agreed " to pay the actual difference occasioned by the excess above that number." The possible augmentation of the force beyond thirteen thousand is here clearly contemplated and provided for. A question arises, who was to judge of the necessity ? and to this the treaty gives no answer. If the vizier, it might happen that a prince who, like Saadut Ali, was at once under the iofiuence of an extreme love of money, and a headstrong will, might, with a view to the gratification of his passions, deny the necessity, when its existence was clear to every one else ; and if his denial were .to determine the question, the country might be overrun by enemies, whose subsequent ex- pulsion might occasion to the Company an amount of trouble and of loss which better provision would have averted. The Company, it is to be remembered, were bound not merely to assist the vizier with a specified amount of force for the defence of his dominions — they were bound efficiently to defend them ; and to require them to do this with a force inade- quate to the exigencies of the case, would be altogether unreasonable and absurd. The obligation to defend the territory of Oude involved the obligation of allotting a sufficient force for the dnty ; if thirteen thousand men were insufficient, they were bound to employ A.D. 1800.] VIZIER PROPOSES TO ABDICATE. 265 more, for the country was to be defended absolutely and unreservedly. The obligation which the Company had undertaken was therefore accompanied by the right of deter- mining upon the necessity for an increase of force. If the right rested with any other party, the result would be, that the Com- pany might be lawfully called upon to perform an impossibility. Some misapprehension may have arisen from the manner in which the operation of the seventh article of Lord Teignmouth's treaty is adverted to in the letter to the vizier. It is said : "The seventh article of the treaty concluded with your excellency by Sir John Shore, provides for the occasional augmenta- tion of the Company's troops in your excel- lency's dominions." This is not strictly accu- rate ; the words of the treaty are, "if at any time it should become necessary to augment the troops of the Company in Oude ; " the pro- vision is general — it refers not to the augmen- tation being either occasional or permanent. Indeed, the paragraph of the letter preceding that in which occurs the reference to the power of augmentation as only occasional must have satisfied the vizier that that which was proposed was designed to be permanent. " It might not be in the power of the British govern- ment," it is said, "on a sudden emergency to reinforce the troops in your excellency's coun- try with sufficient expedition ; my firm opinion therefore is, that the Company can in no other manner falfil effectually their engagement to ' defend the dominions of your excellency, against all enemies,' than by maintaining con- stantly in those dominions such a force as shall at all times be adequate to your eftectual pro- tection, independently of any reinforcement which the exigency might otherwise require, but which might not be disposable in proper season." The views of the governor-general were thus most clearly and distinctly explained. Should it be said, that if the above con- struction of the treaty be correct, the vizier, as to the expense of supporting the British force was altogether at the mercy of the British government — this is quite true. He placed himself at their mercy by delegating to them the defence of his dominions. His weakness required support — ^he consented to receive it from a powerful neighbour. He bad placed himself in a condition of dependence, and having agreed to purchase certain advan- tages upon certain terms, he had no right to object to those terms being enforced. The right of the English government was not in- deed to be pressed to its full extent without reason ; but if reason existed, he could not justly question its exercise. This leads to the second point of inquiry — whether at the time it was expedient to call upon the vizier to entertain an increased num- ber of British troops ? and this admits of a very ready answer. Oude was menaced by Zemaun Shah, who had not only threatened invasion, 4)ut advanced to Lahore to carry his design into effect. True it was, that, alarmed for the safety of his power at home, he had suddenly retreated ; but his return at a convenient season was fairly to be expected. Scindia, too, was believed to cherish designs unfavourable to the peace of Oude. The Rohillas, always turbulent and discontented, were ready to embark in the occupation they loved, and every part of the vizier's dominions was overrun with disorder, crime, misery, and disaffection. A new scene was now about to open at Lucknow. The vizier had for some time been in the habit of dwelling, in his con- versations with the British resident, on the impossibility of his conducting the affairs of the country. So frequently had this occurred, that the resident stated he had been led to conjecture that the prince had it in contem- plation to retire from the cares and fatigues of government. This surmise he had never communicated to the governor-general, and he imputes his silence to various causes — the apparent absurdity of the expectation, and the countenance afforded to a contrary belief by the conduct of the vizier, in meditating state regulations, projecting buildings, and making household arrangements, implying the intention permanently of residing at Lucknow. The time, however, arrived when Colonel Scott had something more than his own con- jectures to communicate. The vizier made a formal avowal of his desire and resolution to re- linquish a governtnent which he declared him- self unable to manage either with satisfaction to himself or — and in this respect the admission was certainly as literally true as it was appa- rently candid — with advantage to his subjects. Colonel Scott made some remarks tending to show that, by following his advice, the a&irs of the country might be administered for the benefit of the people, and at the same time with ease and reputation to the prince. The vizier replied that this might be so, but it was im- possible for one person to judge of the feelings of another ; that his mind was not disposed to the cares and fatigues of government ; that he was firmly disposed to retire from them ; and that, as one of his sons would be raised to the musnud, his name would remain. At a subsequent period of the conference, he added, that in relinquishing the government he re- nounced every thought of interfering in its concerns, or of residing within its limits ; that the money he possessed was sufficient for his own support, and for the attainment of every gratification in a private station — which was certainly the fact ; but he desired to stipulate for a due provision being made for his sons, and for the other branches of his family, whom he meant to leave at Lucknow. In reporting to the governor-general the intention of the vizier, together with the sub- stance of several conversations held with him on the subject. Colonel Scott suggested certain points for consideration. One of these was, whether it would not be more advisable, if the 266 MALADMINISTEATION OF OUDE. [a.d. 1800. ■vizier's consent could be obtained, that the abdication, instead of being confined to his own person, should also extend to his posterity. In connection with this suggestion, it is right to state, that though the vizier had sons, none of them were legitimate. Another question raised by the resident related to the disposal of the treasure left by the former vizier. This had been removed by Saadut Ali from the public treasury to the female apartments of his palace, and it was conjectured that this step might have been taken in contemplation of the design of relinquishing the government. The debts of the vizier's brother, to whose place and treasure Saadut Ali had succeeded, were considerable, and no part of them had been paid. Salaries were due to public ser- vants, and a considerable amount of allowances to pensioners. All these claims it was pro- bable Saadut Ali meant to evade. Colonel Scott had recommended that the vizier should himself write to the governor-general. This he declined, on the ground that there was no one about him to whom he could confide so delicate an affair ; and he desired the resident to draw up a paper in Persian, embodying the views of the prince as previously explained, for transmission to the governor-general, which was accordingly done. It is unnecessary to trace minutely the proceedings which fol- lowed. It will be sufficient to state that, in reference to the various communications which he had received, the governor-general trans- mitted a series of instructions to the resident, a draft of a proposed treaty, and a paper explanatory of the views of the British govern- ment, specially intended for the perusal of the vizier. The tendency of these documents was rather to discourage the meditated step of abdication than otherwise. The governor- general saw that many advantages would result from it, if the entire administration of the government, civil and military, were transferred to the Company ; but he saw also that the realization of those advantages would be greatly impeded if the abdication of Saadut Ali was to be followed by the establishment of a successor. The certainty that the evils by which the country was afflicted would be continued under such an arrangement, and the possible inconveniences to Saadut Ali himself, were pointed out, and the representation was fatal to the vizier's resolution. He rejected the condition proposed to be attached to his retirement, and declared that, as the appoint- ment of a successor was objected to, he was ready to abandon his design, and retain the charge of the government . Whether he had ever entertained any sincere intention of relinquish- ing it, is a question on which it is impossible to arrive at any satisfactory conclusion. The delivery of the letter to the vizier, announcing the march of a body of the Com- pany's troops to augment the British force in Oude, had been deferred pending the proceed- ings arising out of the vizier's professed desire to abdicate. "When that project was aban- doned, the letter was presented. The proposed reinforcement also marched without further delay, and after multiplied subterfuges and evasions on the part of the vizier, the process of disbanding his disorderly battalions com- menced. The accomplishment of this necessary measure required much care to avert dangerous consequences ; but the requisite care was not wanting, and the British authorities taking an interest in the inspection of the accounts, and the due discharge of arrears, the business pro- ceeded with less difficulty than could have been anticipated, and without any disturbance of serious character. While some progress was thus making in reforming the military affairs of Onde, its civil government remained in the same wretched circumstances by which it had ever been characterized. The vizier took advantage ol this to intimate the probability of an approach- ing failure of his engagements with the British government. This step accelerated a measure really necessaiy and important, but which the vizier was most especially anxious to postpone — an inquiry into the cause of that misery and disorder which was universally spread over the fertile country subject to his administration. That cause, as pointed out by the governor- general, was the government. Adverting to the communication from the vizier, the gover- nor-general, in addressing Colonel Scott, says : " Had the territories of Oude been subject to the frequent or occasional devastations of an enemy — had they been visited by unfavourable seasons, or by other calamities which impair the public prosperity, the rapid decline of the vizier's revenues might be imputed to other causes than a defective administration. But no such calamitous visitations have afflicted the province of Oude, while, in consequence of the protection which it derives from the presence of the British forces, it has been maintained, together with all the Company's possessions on this side of India, in the unin- terrupted enjoyment of peace. A defective administration of the government is therefore the only cause which can have produced so marked a difference between the state of his excellency's dominions and that of the conti- guous territories of the Company. While the territories of the Company have been advanc- ing progressively during the last ten years in prosperity, population, and opulence, the dominions of the vizier, though enjoying equal advantages of tranquillity and security, have rapidly and progressively declined." A detail of particulars would amply bear out the general remarks above quoted. " I have repeatedly represented to your excellency," said the governor-general, addressing the vizier, " the effects of the ruinous expedient of anticipating the collections — the destructive practice of realizing them by force of arms — the annual diminution of the jumna of the country — the precarious tenure by which the aumils and farmers hold their possessions — the misery of the lower classes of the people, absolutely A.D. 1801.] CESSION OF TEREITOEY. 267 excluded from the protection of the govern- ment — and the ntter insecurity of life and property throughout the province of Oude." These positions are illustrated by reference to facta then of recent occurrence ; and the repre- sentation being addressed to the vizier, the truth of the alleged facts would have been impugned had it been possible. The vizier, indeed, had admitted the miserable condition of his revenue administration ; and all autho- rities concur in exhibiting the state of his dominions as little removed from complete anarchy. Tinder these circumstances the con- tinued payment of the British subsidy could not reasonably be relied upon ; and the vizier himself had, by his own suggestions, lent encouragement to those apprehensions which, on other grounds, there was abundant reason to entertain. It has been seen that, at an early period of his administration, the Marquis Wellesley had been impressed with the necessity of obtaining territorial security for a part, at least, of the vizier's pecuniary engagements with the Bri- tish government. The desire of abdication, which at one time the vizier entertained or affected to entertain, suggested another mode of arrangement, which the governor-general now instructed the resident at Luoknow to press upon the consideration of the prince. This was the entire transfer of the government of the country, civil as well as military, to the Company, under suitable provisions for the maintenance of the vizier and his family. Colonel Scott was directed to prepare the draft of a treaty for this purpose, on the model of the treaty concluded with the rajah of Tanjore and that proposed to the vizier at the period of his meditated abdication. In framing such a treaty, the resident was in- structed to keep in view its primary objects — the abolition of abuses, and the substitution of "a wise and benevolent plan of govern- ment, calculated to inspire the people with confidence in the security of property and of life ; to encourage industry ; to protect the fruits of honest labour, and to establish order and submission to the just authority of the state, on the solid foundations of gratitude for benefits received and expectation of con- tinued security ; " but he was, at the same time, to defer to the inclinations and prejudices of the vizier, as far as might be compatible with the attainment of the main objects of the treaty. The draft, when prepared, was to be submitted to the vizier. If on receiving it he might manifest any disposition to accede to its general principles, but should desire some particular modifications, his suggestions were to be reserved for the decision of the governor- general. But as it was obviously more probable that he would reject the proposal altogether, this result was provided for. In that case the resident was to fall back on the plan which the governor-general had entertained from the moment of his entering on the duties of his office, and probably from an earlier period. The vizier was to be informed that the funds for the regular payment of the subsidy must be placed without delay beyond the hazard of failure, and for this purpose the cession of territory of adequate extent was to be re- quired. The doab, including the tribute from Furruckabad, was to form part of the territory to be thus demanded, and Bohilcund was pointed out as an eligible addition. The pos- session of these provinces by the English would tend to remove the vizier from foreign con- nections and foreign sources of danger ; and it was suggested that their transfer would be less mortifying to him than that of any other portions of his dominions, inasmuch as they were not part of the more ancient possessions of his house, but had been acquired for it by the British arms. The absence of the vizier on a hunting excursion, and the subsequent celebration of a Mahometan festival, delayed for some time the execution of the orders of the governor- general. When the draft of the proposed treaty was at length submitted to the vizier, his deportment was such as afforded no clue to his probable decision. He received the draft, with a letter addressed to him by the governor-general, without any manifestation of emotion, and engaged to communicate with Colonel Scott on the subject as soon as he should have fully considered it. Two days afterwards a second conference took place, when the vizier, though he did not positively reject the first proposal — that of the total relinquishment of the government of Oude to the Company — displayed a strong repugnance to it. Colonel Scott endeavoured to reconcile him to the arrangement by an appeal to his patriotic feelings, but the attempt was a failure. The resident having suggested that the sacrifice of feeling on the part of the vizier would be compensated by the satisfac- tion which he would derive from witness- ing the increasing prosperity of the country and the happiness of the people under the man.igement of the British government, the prince answered with great candour, that, under the circumstances in which he should be placed, the contemplation of these things would not afford him the smallest gratification. He referred to a letter of advice addressed to his predecessor by Lord Cornwallis, which though it contained strong recommendations for the introduction of various reforms in the different branches of government, left the exe- cution of the proposed measures to the hands of the vizier and his ministers. To this there was an obvious answer. Lord Cornwallis quitted India in August, 1793 : the conversation in which his advice was thus referred to took place on the 26th February, 1801. The interval was little less than eight years, and not one step had been taken, either by the reigning vizier or his predecessor, towards carrying into effect any portion of the salutary sug- gestions offered to them. This, as the resi- den argued, showed either that the advice 268 PROGRESS OF NEGOTIATIONS. [A.r. 1801. was disregarded, or that the power of acting upon it was wanting, the latter supposition being countenanced by the desire which the vizier had some time before professed to abdi- cate. The vizier further represented that his own payments of subsidy had been punctual, while those of his predecessor had been irre- gular ; and he urged that it would be time enough to demand security when feilure ac- tually took place. To this it was answered, that if that period were waited for, it would then not be within the reach of human wisdom or power to retrieve the afi^irs of an exhausted and depopulated country. The vizier might have been reminded of his own expressed apprehension of its approach. After making some remarks on the pro- posed establishment of courts of justice, to which the prince seemed to entertain great dislike, he requested to be furnished, on a luture day, with some account of the second proposal — that which was confined to the de- mand of territory as a security for the claims of the British government, which was afforded. Being now in possession of the entire views of the governor-general, the vizier formally and distinctly rejected both branches of the alter- native submitted to him. He could not, he said, with his own hands, exclude himself &om his patrimonial dominions, "for," he naively asked, "what advantage should I derive from 80 doing ?" — nor could he consent to any posi- tive territorial cession by way of security for the British subsidy ; and the reason assigned for this refusal is truly wonderful, when con- sidered in relation to the character and con- duct of the vizier. " I expect," said he, " to derive the most substantial profits from bring- ing into a flourishing condition this country, which has so long been in a state of waste and ruin ; by a separation of territory my hopes of these substantial profits would be entirely cut off." The governor-general in reply addressed a letter to the vizier, tender- ing again the two proposals for acceptance, and answering at great length the objections of the prince, showing that there was no hope for the abolition of the mass of abuses by which the country was overrun but in its transfer to the British government ; and whe- ther this desirable event should take place or not, exhibiting the right of that government to demand adequate security that its interests should not be involved in the general ruin. "It would be vain and fruitless," said the governor-general, "to attempt this arduous task" — that of thorough and effectual reforma- tion — " by partial interference, or by imperfect modifications of a system of which every principle is founded in error and impolicy, and every instrument tainted with injustice and corruption. After long and mature deli- beration," he continued, "I offer to your excellency a renewal of my former declaration, that the province of Oude cannot otherwise be preserved than by the gradual and regular operation of a system of administration founded on principles of substantial justice and of com- prehensive policy, and enforced by all the power and energy of the English government." After illustrating some of the advantages of this plan, he added, "but whatever may be your excellency's sentiments with regard to the first proposition, the right of the Company to demand a cession of territory adequate to the security of the funds necessary for defray- ing the expense of our defensive engagements with your excellency is indisputable." That right was rested principally upon the notorious fact, that the evils and abuses of the existing system of administration had greatly impaired the resources of the state, and the well- grounded inference that the causes of decay would continue to operate with increased and accelerated effect, until ultimately the prince should become unable to fulfil his engagements with the Company. The pretended expecta- tions of the vizier were justly met by an inquiry, whether he could reasonably hope to induce the governor-general, by this unsup- ported assertion, to rest the interests of the Company in the province of Oude on a foun- dation so precarious and insecure as the expec- tation of an improvement obstructed by the whole system of the vizier's government, and by every relative circumstance in the state of his affairs. The vizier continued to withhold his assent to either proposal, and to endeavour, by a resort to all possible arts of evasion and delay, to defer the final settlement of the questions at issue between the British government and himself. At last he determined on a list of conditions or stipulations, to which he desired the assent of the governor-general before agreeing to the required cession of territory. They were in number eighteen, and related to a great variety of subjects. The first was a very characteristic one. It referred to the payment of the debts of Azoff-al-Dowlah, for which the vizier congratulated himself he was not accountable, and, moreover, avowed that he was unable to provide ; and, referring to the non-responsibility of the Company, seemed to infer that their government would confirm the exemption which he claimed for himself. Other of the vizier's demands pointed in the same direction. The fourth would appear, on a cursory reading, to be little more than idle verbiage ; but it had a deep and important meaning. It ran thus : — " Whatever here- ditary rights of this state descended to the late Nawaub Azoff'-al-Dowlah now devolve upon me his successor ; let me enjoy such rights exclusively, and let all the inheritances of my ancestors and the whole of the rights attached to my family centre in me, and let no person interfere in or assume them." Colonel Scott was sufficiently acquainted with native diplo- macy, and with the character of the vizier, to be induced to suspect that more was meant than met the eye. He imagined that it might be intended to recognize the right ol the vizier to appropriate the property oi the Bho Begum, A.D. 1801.] THE VIZIEE'S CONDITIONS* 269 and, with some hesitation, this construction was acknowledged by a moulavy retained by the vizier to be the correct one. This was, therefore, an indication of a design on the patt of the prince to resort to the same means of enriching his treasury which had been practised by his predecessor under the patronage of Warren Hastings. It was be- lieved that, in addition to the strong appetite for accumulation which the vizier manifested at all times and under all circumstances, there was a peculiar reason for the attention which he thus bestowed on the reputed wealth of the begum. With the view, probably, of securing, during her own life, the enjoyment of that wealth, she had proposed to the British govern- ment to make the Company her heir. The imprudence of the begum, or of some of her dependants, had, it was supposed, suffered the secret to reach the ears of the vizier, and the mysterious article by which he sought to fortify his claims to succeed to all that was enjoyed or inherited by his predecessor was apprehended to have been the result. The resident very fairly took occasion to contrast this article with the first, in which he dis- claimed the debts of the prince whom he suc- ceeded. He claimed all the property which his predecessor possessed, or to which he was entitled, but he would have nothing to do with that prince's liabilities. Colonel Scott inquired by what rule of equity the debtor and creditor sides of the account were to be thus separated, but it does not appear that he received any answer. The fifth article was not dissimilar in its object from that by which it was pre- ceded. It was wide and sweeping in its range: — "Should any person," it ran, "have obtained, or hereafter obtain, by breach of trust or other means, possession of specie or property belonging to this circar, let no one obstruct my taking back such property or specie." Ostensibly this was not open to objection. No one could properly desire to protect the possession of property fraudulently obtained ; but the effect of the provision would have been to secure to the vizier the power of subjecting whom he pleased to those means of pressure by which Oriental potentates are accustomed to relieve wealthy subjects of a portion of their treasure. During the con- fusion that succeeded the death of Azoff-al- Dowlah, and continued through the short reign of Vizier Ali, it was suspected that much valuable property had been carried away from the private treasury, jewel-office, and ward- robe ; and the suspicion was probably well founded. The British authorities did not wish to give impunity to these thefts, nor to screen from punishment those by whom it was merited ; but neither did they wish to let loose on every person whom the vizier might think a fit subject for experiment, the processes by which are tested the possession of property, and the degree in which the possessor is endued with the power of tenacity. Colonel Scott desired that the suspected persons might be pointed out, but he condemned the design of involving every person about the court in vexatious accusations. The thirteenth of the required stipulations was not less mysterious than some' of those which had preceded it. It commenced with this recital : — "Some arrange- ment among the servants of the circar (state) calculated to diminish my expenses will become indispensable ; and to obviate disturbances, it will become necessary to return such numbers only as can be paid monthly and regularly." These premises were followed by a very per- emptory conclusion and a very sweeping demand: — "This arrangement can only be effected by dismission, and I desire that no intercession be made for any person whatever." Who were the persons destined for dismission, and thus excluded from the benefit of interces- sion? Whomsoever the vizier pleased — his brothers — the begum — the family of the de- ceased vizier — the public servants of the state, and all persons holding jaghires or enjoying pensions. These provisions were intended to afford the vizier a field for plunder. There were others, designed to secure to him the privilege of misgoverning his dominions with- out let or molestation. It was required that all correspondence should in future be carried on directly between the governor-general or the resident on the one part, and the vizier on the other, to the exclusion of the ministers of the latter — " since the present practice," said the prince, " is apt to render such people con- tumacious." The resident was to shut his ears to everything but what the vizier chose should enter them : " Let the resident," he said, t cordially and with sincerity uniting with me, pay no sort of attention to the representa- tions of event-searching, self-interested per- sons." Further it was demanded, that the British troops to be paid by the vizier should remain permanently in the ceded countries, and that no interference, except in the way of advice, should take place in "any one" of the affairs — such were the vizier's words — of his government. Some of the proposed conditions would seem almost to have been framed with the intention of offering personal offence to the governor-general. The imputations conveyed in the following passages could not be mis- understood : — " When the matters now under discussion shall have been finally adjusted, according to what his lordship has written, let no fresh claims, of whatever sort, be advanced — let no increase be demanded." And again — " Let the engagements entered into between his lordship and this circar be firm and per- manent, and let such a treaty be now drawn up, that no governor-general, who shall here- after be appointed to the charge of the Com- pany's affairs, may have it in his power to alter, change, or infringe the said treaty." Of the affronts thus offered to himself the governor- general took no notice ; but he rejected the whole of the proposed conditions, partly on the ground that the demand made on behalf oi the Company being a matter of right, compliance 270 MISSION OF MR. WELLESLEY. [A.D. 1801. ought to be unshackled with any conditions, even though they should be unobjectionable, and partly because the conditions proposed, so far from being of this character, were calcu- lated to bring disgrace on the British name, and ruin to the honour of the vizier, the dignity and security of his relations, and the happiness of his subjects. Adverting to the articles which manifested more especially the vizier's dislike of British interference, the governor- general said : " From these articles it appears that the nawaub vizier has already forgotten that the safety of his person and the existence ot his government have been maintained ex- clusively by the British power, and by the presence of British troops. His excellency now seems disposed to gratify his unwarrant- able suspicions at the hazard of the continu- ance of his authority over his subjects, and even of his personal safety, by removing the British forces from his territories, and by con- fiding his government and his life to those whose treason had repeatedly endangered both." Passing on to the articles which were designed to gratify the vizier's avarice, the governor-general thus expressed bis opinion with regard to them: "The object of those articles appears to be, under the shelter of the British name to cancel all the public debts of the state of Oude ; to defraud and plunder the ancient and venerable remains of the family and household of Shoojah-ad-Dowlah, together with whatever is respectable among the sur- viving relations and friends of the late Nawaub Azoff-al-Dowlah ; to involve the whole nobility and gentry of Oude in vexatious accusations and extensive proscriptions ; to deprive the established dependants and pensioners of the state of the means of subsistence ; to frus- trate every institution founded in the piety, munificence, or charity of preceding govern- ments, and to spread over the whole country a general system of rapacious confiscation, arbitrary imprisonment, and cruel banish- ment." The negotiation continued to drag on for several months without apparently making any progress. The vizier, on being apprized of the determination of the governor-general in respect to the proposed stipulations, declared that without their concession on the part of the British government he would not yield his assent to either of the plans which had been submitted to him ; but while thus refusing to be a party to the separation of his dominions, he affected a spirit of meek and patient resigna- tion, declared that he had neither inclination nor strength to resist, and expressed a desire to proceed on a pilgrimage. During his ab- sence he proposed that one of his sons should be invested with the ofiice of deputy, and be empowered to carry into effect the territorial cession, as well aa to complete the yet imper- fect measure of reducing the vizier's military force. Before this scheme was brought to the knowledge of the governor-general, he had determined to despatch his brother, Mr. Henry Wellesley, a gentleman endowed with singular talents for diplomacy, to co-operate with Colo- nel Scott in endeavouring to bring the British relations with the vizier into a more satisfactory state. One motive to this step was the belief that the presence of one so nearly allied to the governor-general would have the effect of accelerating the vizier's determination, and it was further intended to put an end to a hope which the vizier was believed to entertain of procrastinating his decision till the arrival of the Marquis Wellesley on a visit, which he had long meditated, to the northern parts of India. To put an end to this hope, it was distinctly intimated that the governor-general was resolved not to hold any personal inter- course with the vizier while the points in dis- pute remained undecided. BeforeMr .Wellesley arrived, a premature intimation given by the resident to certain aumils as to the payment in the coming year of the revenues for which they were responsible, gave the vizier a pre- tence for withholding payment of the kista actually due. There appears in this case something to blame on both sides. The vizier ought not to have withheld payments actually secured by treaty, unless he proposed to put an end to the treaty and was able to maintain his intention by force. At the same time, as there was no immediate necessity for the inti- mation given by Colonel Scott, it was an out- rage upon the feelings of the vizier which might well have been spared. The vizier required that, as some reparation, the resident should call upon the aumils to pay their respects at the prince's durbar as usual. This, it appeared, they had never ceased to do, and the resident, feeling that any such inti- mation from him would seem to indicate that the British government faltered in its determination, refused to give it. Eventu- ally the vizier made the necessary payments, to prevent, as he said, the Company's affairs from being embarrassed by his withholding them. Mr. Wellesley arrived at Lucknow on the 3rd of September. On the 5th he presented to the vizier a memorial, recounting the mo- tives which had led to his mission, and refer- ring to the determination of the governor- general to avoid a personal interview with the vizier under the existing state of circumstances ; warning him that no change in the British councils at home would affect the general tenor of the policy of the British government in India, and that no relaxation would take place in pursuing the measures previously deemed necessary for the peace and prosperity of Oude and the security of the Company's dominions. The memorial concluded by call- ing the vizier's attention to the first of the two proposals which had been submitted to him, and inviting a discussion of its terms. The vizier engaged to consider the subject, and after several days delivered his answer, declining, as on previous occasions, to agree A.D. 1802.] MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY AT LUCKNOW. 271 to any arrangement which might involve the sacrifice of his sovereignty. The British nego- tiators sought to shake this determination, but in vain. The vizier was peremptory in avow- ing his rejection of the plan, and declared it to be unqualified. The discussion of the second proposal made to the vizier by the governor- general was then resumed ; and after several days had been consumed in profitless dispu- tation, the prince signified his readiness to assent to it on certain conditions. These con- ditions were, that he should be permitted to depart on a pilgrimage ; that his authority during his absence should be exercised by one of his sons, the right of resuming the govern- ment on his return being reserved to the vizier, in the event of his being disposed to avail himself of it. The British negotiators felt some doubt as to the course which it would be expedient lor them to pursue, hut finally they determined to accept the vizier's consent thus qualified. But a new diflBculty was immediately interposed, by a demand from the prince for the introduction of an article, providing that as the territories to be ceded were to be entirely under the manage- ment and control of the Company, so those to be retained by him should be exclusively under his own, or that of his heirs and successors. This was so directly at variance with the views avowed on the part of the British authorities throughout the negotiations, and with one main object of the proposed new aiTangement, that the vizier must have known it could not be entertained. The presumption is, that the attempt to revive discussion upon a question long before set at rest was only made for the purpose of delay. Other expe- dients for procrastination were found with the facility usual with Oriental diplomatists on such occasions ; but at length a treaty was concluded, which on the 14th of November received the ratification of the governor- general. By this engagement the vizier bound himself to cede territory yielding a revenue of one crore thirty-five thousand lacs, including expenses of collection, in commutation of all claims on the part of the British government, and he in return was released from all future demands on account of the protection of Oude or its dependencies. The engagement on the part of the Company to defend the vizier from foreign and domestic enemies was repeated and confirmed, and the prince was restricted to the retention of a limited number of troops for purposes of state and revenue. A detach- ment of British troops, accompanied by a pro- portion of artillery, was to be at all times attached to the vizier's person ; the remainder were to be stationed in such parts of his dominions as might seem fit to the British government. The territories not ceded to the English were formally guaranteed to the vizier, the guarantee being accompanied by one of those provisions which the prince had been most anxious to avert — that in the exercise of his authority he was in all cases to be guided by the advice of the officers of the Com- pany. When the treaty with the vizier was ratified, the governor-general was on a progress through the northern provinces, undertaken with the view of informing himself of their state more particularly than could be effected at Calcutta, of stimulating by his presence the zeal of the Company's civil and military servants, and ultimately of proceeding to Lucknow to com- plete the arrangements which had beeji begun and carried forward to a certain point by others. On the 10th of January, 1802, he was met at Cawnpore by the vizier, who proceeded from his capital for the express purpose of conduct- ing' the governor-general to Lucknow. Con- cluding that the mind of the prince could not fail to be sore, from the effects of the long course of attrition which preceded the conclu- sion of the treaty, the governor-general judi- ciously resolved to defer all reference to the object of his visit till by the interchange of per- sonal civilities opportunity might be afforded of softening any feelings of asperity that might find place in the vizier's heart, and dis- posing him to some measure of cordiality and confidence. The attention of the governor- general was assiduously directed to this pur- pose, and as he was endowed in an eminent degree with those qualities which are calculated to win for their possessor the esteem and affec- tion of those towards whom they are exercised, his hope of succeeding was reasonable. • Soon after arriving at Lucknow, the governor- general had a private conference with the vizier, in which the attention of the prince was directed to varioijs points of considerable importance both to the English government and that of the vizier. One of these was the necessity of immediately taking measures for introducing an improved system of adminis- tration into the vizier's reserved dominions, in conformity with the treaty. This was further pressed at a subsequent interview, when the vizier returned to that system of evasion which was habitual to him, and which was never re- linquished but under the pressure of necessity, and then only for a very brief period. He admitted the existence of the abuses and evils pointed out, and acknowledged the propriety of the remedial measures proposed, but accom- panied these admissions by mysterious com- plaints of his want of sufficient authority to check the evils or enforce the remedies. All attempts to draw from him any explanation of the nature of the impedimenta thus darkly alluded to were vain ; but a paper which he soon afterwards delivered showed the point towards which his objections were directed. The master grievance was the check interposed by the presence and counsel of the British resident. It would be idle to expect that the existence of such a check could ever be ren- dered agreeable or even tolerable to a prince who loves the exercise of power. Saadut Ali loved power ; but still more did he love that which power enabled him to obtain. He had 272 AFFAIRS OF FUEEUCKABAD. [a.d. 1802. contracted an unconquerable aversion to Colo- nel Scott, but he stated his views in general terms, and without any apparent reference to that officer. It has been s^en that the vizier ■was much disposed to be his own minister ; and he demanded that whatever advice the resident might have to give should be com- municated to him, in the first instance, with- out the presence of any other person ; and further, that the resident should not hold any communication with the vizier's subjects, ex- cept through his intervention. This second demand was most properly rejected. In an- swering it, the governor-general laid down a principle which oaght ever to be borne in mind under similar circumstances. "It appears," said he, " to be indispensably necessary for the resident's coiTect information, as well as for the maintenance of his authority, that he should maintain the most free and unrestrained intercourse and correspondence with all ranks and descriptions of people." The first point was conceded, on the understanding that the vizier woidd not act in any important matter without the consent of the resident, whose judgment was to be final. The rejection of part of his demands gave great dissatisfaction to the prince. He resumed his proposal of proceeding on a pilgrimage, which had for some time slept ; but finally he appears to have become reconciled to the circumstances in which be was placed, which he had no power of modifying, and which could not have been modified in any mode satisfactory to himself without inflicting gross injustice on his people. One object of the governor-general's visit to Lucknow was to arrange an exchange of territory, for the convenience of both parties interested, and this was efiected without difficulty. Among the cessions made by the vizier to the British government was that of the tribute paid to the former by the Nabob of Furruck- abad. The arrangement between these two princes was not unlike those between the British government and its subsidiary depend- ents. The Nabob of Furruckabad was re- stricted from maintaining more troops than were requisite for purposes of state, and the vizier was charged with the defence of the province both from internal and external enemies. The nabob with whom the engage- ment was concluded, Muzuffer Jung, was murdered by his eldest son. The parricide escaped the severity of punishment which he well merited. His life was spared ; but he was carried to Lucknow and there confined by order of the vizier. Consequent upon the con- viction of the elder son, the inheritance was transferred to the second son of the murdered prince ; but he being a minor, it was necessary to appoint a manager. A person named Khi- rudmund Khan was selected for the office ; but having powerful enemies, who hoped to obtain an ascendancy in the new government for themselves, he refused to undertake it with- out the fullest assurance of support and pro- tection from the British government. This was given, and the manager entered upon his office under the joint protection of that government and the vizier. The promise of support which Khirudmund Khan had required, the British government was, on various occasions, called on to fulfil. The enemies of the manager succeeded in establishing an unbounded influence over the mind of the young nabob, and about the time of the changes at Oude, the nabob, whose minority was nearly at an end, laid claim to the privilege of taking into his own hands the administration of afiairs. Khirudmund Khan was equally anxious, or afiected to be equally anxious, to be relieved from his charge, and to retire upon a provision which had been secured to him on the occurrence of such an event. The making some arrangement for conducting the affairs of Furruckabad was thus impera- tively pressed upon the British government. There was some difficulty in determining what that arrangement should be. According to Khirudmund Khan, the disposition of the young nabob was bad, and his natural pro- pensities to evil had been aggravated by the advice and example of his associates. This representation, indeed, was to be received with caution, for the nabob bore no good- will to the man by whom it was made, and the associates whom he charged with encouraging and mul- tiplying the nabob'sviceswere his own enemies, and had been competitors for the power which he exercised. He, too, was accused by the nabob of abusing his office. On neither side do the accusations seem to have been substan- tiated ; but on neither side were they destitute of probability. It is not incredible that an Oriental guardian should endeavour to profit unduly by his office — it is not incredible that an Oriental prince should find evil advisers and listen to them. In both cases the presumption lies against the parties accused. The solution of the question in what manner the government of Furruckabad should in future be administered was intrusted by the governor-general to his brother, Mr. Henry Wellesley, who had been placed at the head of a commission for the settlement of the ceded provinces with the title of lieutenant-governor, Mr. Wellesley commenced his task by calling upon Khirudmund Khan to communicate his views with regard to the future government of the province. The manager displayed a truly Eastern reluctance to any direct avowal of opinion ; but with some difficulty he was brought to state that three different modes suggested themselves to his mind : — that the administration of afiairs should be continued in the same hands by whicb it had been carried on during the nabob's minority ; that the na- bob, on the attainment of the proper age, should be allowed to assume the government ; or that the entire civil and military adminis- tration should be transferred to the British government. The first would probably have been the most agreeable to the manager : the A.D. 1802.] MARQUIS WELLESLEY WISHES TO RESIGN. 273 last, he might expect, would be the most accept- able to his auditor ; but the wary oflScer con- tented himself with suggestion, and presumed not to say which of the suggested plans was the best. Mr. Wellesley did not conceal his own leaning in favour of the transfer of all power to the government which he repre- sented, and Khirudmund Khan professed him- self ready to promote his views ; but it is worthy of remark, that he never took a single step in furtherance of them, A proposal for the entire transfer of the nabob's dominions to the Company was, however, made by Mr. Wellesley to the nabob. The latter was very unwilling to relinquish the power to the enjoy- ment of which his hopes had so long been directed : but he reluctantly yielded. The province of Furruckabad was added to the dominions of the Company, and the nabob was endowed with a splendid provision, the security of which was some satisfaction for the loss of the dependent sovereignty of which it was the price. The duty of settling the provinces acquired from the vizier was performed by Mr. Henry Wellesley in a manner which secured for him the approbation of all to whom he was respon- sible. Some overgrown zemindars, who were disaffected to the new government because it tended to restrain the power which they had been long accustomed to abuse, offered resist- ance, which in a few instances was formidable ; but they were ultimately subdued, and the entire country submitted peaceably to the British authority. Mr. Wellesley, on the close of his duties in the ceded provinces, departed for Europe, having established the reputation of an able public servant. CHAPTER XVIII. MAEQUIS WELLKSLET M18UNDEEST00D AT HOME. — NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE PBISHWA. — 8CINDIA AND THE PBISBWA DEFEATED BT HOLKAB. — RESTOEATION OP THE PEISHWA. GENEBAL WELLESLEY TAKES THE FIELD. — FALL OF AHMEDNUQQUB AND BKOAOH. — NOTICES OP PERRON AND DE BOIGNE. — PEEBON DEFEATED BT LORD LAKE. — CAPTURE OF COEL AND ALLYGHUR. — RESTORATION OF THE EMPEROR. — BATTLE OF ASSYB. — ^PALL OF AGRA. — BATTLE OF LABWABEK. — NEGOTIATIONS WITH SOINDIA. — BATTLE OP ARGAUM. — CAPTURE OF GAWIL- GHUB. — PEACE WITH THE EAJAH OF BERAE AND SOINDIA. — OCCUPATION OP BUNDLECUND. — A FRENCH SQUADRON REPULSED BY A FLEET OP INDIAMEN. — VARIOUS TEEATIES. On the 1st of January, 1802, at a time when Lis policy was everywhere throughout India crowned with the most brilliant success, the Marquis Wellesley addressed to the Court of Directors a despatch, intimating his desire to resign his oifice at the close of that year or the commencement of the succeeding one. The desire of the governor-general to be thus early relieved from an office in which he had rendered to his country such splendid service, and acquired for himself so much honour, would be inexplicable without reference to the feelings with which he was regarded at home. In his official despatch he did not enter into the reasons which led to the tender of his resignation, but other documents supply the deficiency. He had not the confidence of the Court of Directors, and he felt it. They had, on various occasions, issued orders which the governor-general felt as offensive to him- self, and others which he viewed as dangerous to the public service. Among these was a peremptory order to reduce the army, especially in the peninsula. This arrived at a time when it could not be obeyed without putting in hazard not only recent conquests, but the entire fabric of the British empire in India. The governor-general suspended its execution, and, as will here- after be seen, subsequent events amply justi- fied the exercise of this discretion. As the incre£.se of the army had been the act of the governor -general, he considered the order for its reduction to have been framed in a spirit of personal hostility ; but it was pro- bably only the offspring of a blind economy. Some other instances of frugality would seem to be more open to the suspicion of personal aim. Colonel Wellesley, who held the chief command in Mysore, was, by the nature of his duties, subjected to heavy expenses ; his allowances were consequently fixed by the government of Madras on a liberal scale. The home authorities thought them too great. On this subject his lordship expressed himself in the language of indignant remonstrance. After stating that, though the duty of fixing the allowances of Colonel Wellesley was part of the ordinary detail of the government of Madras, with which the governor-general did not interfere except in cases of exigency, it must yet be reasonably supposed that he was cognizant of the subject, and had exercised his judgment with regard to it, although no record of such judgment might exist, the marquis demands, "Can the Court of Di- rectors suppose that I am capable of per- mitting the government of Fort St. George to grant an extravagant allowance to my brother, and that my brother is capable of accepting such an allowance ? If such be the opinion of the Court, it ought to remove Colonel Wellesley from his command and me from my government." He continues: "The fact is, that the allowance is scarcely equal to the unavoidable expenses of Colonel Wellesley's situation, which is known to be of a very pecu- liar nature, involving the necessity of a great T 274 THE SHIPPING QUESTION. [a.d. 1802. estiiblisHment and of other charges requisite for the maintenaDce of our interest in that recently-conquered kingdom." After dwelling upon the affront offered to his brother, and its possible effect, the governor -general adds : " It cannot be denied that the Court, by re- ducing the established allowances of Colonel Wellesley, has offered me the moat direct, marked, and disgusting personal indignity which could be dcTised. The effect of this order must be, to inculcate an opinion that I have suffered my brother to derive emolu- ments beyond the limits of justice and pro- priety ; and that I have exhibited an example of profusion and extravagance in an allowance granted to my nearest connection. I have already stated that the ground of the order is as unjust and unwarranted in point of fact, as its operation is calculated to be injurious and humiliating to my reputation and honour. If the Court of Directors really was of opinion that Colonel Wellesley's allowances were too high, the respectful and decorous course would have been to have referred the question to my consideration ; nor can it be imagined that the Court would have omitted so indispensable a precaution of delicacy and justice, unless the Court acted under a strong sense of displeasure and discontent at the general tenor of my admi- nistration, and under the influence of an uncon- querable jealousy of my intentions." But darkness of political vision and undue parsimony were not the only sources of the hostility directed against the Marquis Wel- lesley. A body of men, who at that time exercised a very powerful interest in the councils of the Company, conceived that their interests were injuriously affected by some measures adopted by the governor -general with regard to trade. The Company's mono- poly had a few years before been relaxed by an enactment requiring them to provide a certain amount of tonnage annually for the use of private merchants. As far as the ex- port trade from G-reat Britain was concerned, the extent of the provision was probably suffi- cient, as at that time there was little demand in India for British manufactures ; but it was not sufficient for the return trade. There was throughout Europe a considerable demand for various articles which India could furnish ; and the supply of this opened a, convenient mode of remittance to persons who had acquired fortunes in that country, which they proposed to invest and enjoy at home. From this state of things a large portion of the exports of India found their way to Europe in foreign shipping, though the trade was supported and carried on by British capital — the aoouraula- tions of the servants of the East-India Com- pany. For this state of things there was no remedy but the employment of India-built shipping to an extent which might supply the deficiency in the Company's tonnage ; thus diverting a valuable and increasing depart- ment of trade from foreign to British ships. Though in England extraordinary delicacy of feeling had been manifested with regard to Indian princes, though the exercise of the right of self defence has been almost pro- scribed in their favour, little sympathy has ever been displayed towards the people at large. Subjected to British rule, they had been treated as aliens, and denied rights en- joyed by every other class of British subjects. The London shipbuilders chose to consider the extension of justice to India as an act of injustice to them. Some time before the de- parture of the Marquis Wellesley they remon- strated against it, and though it was obvious that the employment of India-built ships would displace not British but foreign tonnage, they demanded its prohibition. The degree of justice attending this demand is accurately and forcibly depicted in a communication from Mr. Dundas, then president of the Board of Commissioners for the Affairs of India, to the chairman of the committee of shipbuilders. " The injustice of the propo- sition," says he, "consists in depriving a great description of the subjects of Great Britain of a right undoubtedly belonging to them. The British teri-itories in India are under the sovereignty of Great Britain, and the ships built there are equally entitled to all the privileges of British-built shipping as those built in the West Indies, or Canada, or any other foreign dependency of the empire ; and I have never heard that the ship builders in Great Britain have set up a claim to pro- hibit any of the shipping in those quarters from bringing home the produce of those territories in ships of their own building, if they found it convenient to do so ; and yet it is obvious that the same plea of interest and supposed injury would equally apply." Having vindicated the rights of the people of India to be regarded as British subjects, the writer proceeded to show that the view taken by those whom he was addressing, of their own interests and those of the British nation, were erroneous, observing : — "They (the ship- builders) conceive that the prohibition of India-built ships coming to Great Britain would make a proportionate degree of room for the shipping of the East-India Company. It would have no such effect. It would have no other effect than that which it has always had, of driving those ships, with their cargoes, into foreign ports, and thereby establishing in foreign countries an Asiatic conmierce, founded on British capital, which, by a con- trary policy, ought, in the first place, to centre in the river Thames, and be from thence re-exported for the supply of other European nations." Sound as were these views, they failed to satisfy the shipping in- terest, which continued to employ its vast influence in the courts of the East-India Com- pany to withhold from the shipping of India all participation in the trade carried on between that country and Great Britain. The necessity, however, of providing some extent of extra tonnage was so apparent, that A.D. 1802.] IRRITATION OF THE MARQUIS, 275 it was impossible to resist it. Accordingly, authority was given to the government of Bengal to take up a limited amount of tonnage on account of the Company, and relet it to the merchants of Calcutta. The Marquis Welles- ley, on his arrival at that place, had been assailed by representations from the mercan- tile community in favour of the employment of India-built ships ; and in carrying into effect the orders from home, he made some changes calculated to divest the authorized measure of some incumbrances which tended to impede its beneficial operation. He took the same course at a subsequent period, and thus at once earned the gratitude of the mercantile interest of India, and the relentless enmity of the shipbuilders of the port of London, Be- tween the two periods of granting indulgence to India-built ships a year had intervened, during which it had not been resorted to ; and the experience of that year was stated by the governor-general to have attested the expe- diency of restoring it. "Goods to a large amount," he said, "originally intended for the port of London, were sold to foreigners in the port of Calcutta, and thus diverted to the channel of the foreign trade," This result appeared to the governoi'-general to justify a return to the position of the preceding year. "The rapid growth," said he, " of the foreign trade during the lastseason urgently demanded the immediate interference of your govern- ment on the spot. The number of foreign ships actually in the port of Calcutta, the alacrity, enterprise, and skill of the foreign agents now assiduously employed in providing cargoes, and the necessary inaction and lan- guor of the British private trade, embarrassed by the restraints of the existing law, created a serious apprehension in my mind, that any farther delay in the decision of this momentous question might occasion evils of which the remedy might hereafter become considerably difficult, if not absolutely impracticable. The unrestrained progress of the foreign trade in the present season, added to its great increase during the last, might have established its predominance over the private trade of British subjects, to an extent which no future regu- lation might have proved sufficient to limit or restrain. The difficulty of diverting this lucrative commerce from the channel into which it had been forced would naturally be aggravated, in proportion to the length of time during which the trade should continue to flow in that course." Such were the views, or rather such was the necessity, under which the governor-general acted. It is a case in which it is impossible to assign to his conduct any motive but a sense of public duty. Yet, while thus suspending for a season the opera- tion of measures which he felt to be just, wise, and necessary, — while seeking to be relieved from the painful duty of upholding them on his own responsibility, — he incurred the re- sentment of those who supposed themselves injured by those measures, and thus added another active ingredient to the elements of opposition which were fermenting at home. The orders to reduce the army have been mentioned, as well as those relating to the allowances of Colonel Wellesley. The Court had, in other instances, animadverted on measures of policy in a manner which the governor-general regarded as offensive. On some of these points he appears to have felt a degree of indignation which, at this distance of time, seems scarcely warranted by the occa- sion. But high genius is ever associated with strong sensibility. The Marquis "Wellesley knew his own purity ; he knew also the feelings with which he was regarded at home ; and it need excite no surprise, if, irritated by annoyances which he thought an ungracious return for his eminent services, he should have alluded to some of them with more impatience than they now seem calculated to excite. Amidst the great events which mark the administration of the Marquis Wellesley, it would be wrong to pause for the purpose of discussing the merits of the servants of the government, except so far as they were con- nected with those important facts which it is more especially the province of history to record. A very brief notice of the acts of the Court, in displacing certain servants from office, and appointing others, must therefore suffice. The governor-general had appointed Colonel Kirkpatriok secretary in the political department. The Court ordered the appoint, ment to be rescinded, on the ground that his military commission disqualified him for civil office. This was a new construction of the law, and cei'tainly had the appearance of having been specially devised for the occasion. The Marquis Wellesley was not the first governor-general who had nominated military men to political or civil duties. He found the practice to a certain extent existing ; and it is not inapplicable to remark, that it has never been entirely discontinued. The general rule, undoubtedly, should be to distribute civil appointments among the members of the civil service; but, with reference to the peculiar delicacy and difficulty of the political offices under the governor-general, it may sometimes become necessary to dispense with the rule. Where a military officer possesses a pre-emi- nent degree of fitness for such an appointment, it is obviously not for the benefit of the public service to pass him by. On the same principle which was applied to Colonel Kirkpatriok, orders were given to revise the appointment of Colonel Scott at Lucknow, with a view to rescind it. This was certainly an ungracious step towards both the governor-general and Colonel Scott. A most important negotiation had been brought to a successful conclusion — that which had been done was formally approved from home — yet discouragement, and, indirectly, blame, were cast both on him who had devised the plan and on him by whom it had been carried into effect. The Marquis Wellesley believed that the extraor- T 2 276 THE CIVIL SERVICE. [A.D. 1802. dinary interference from home was intended to give personal annoyance to himself and Lord Olive. The latter nobleman entertained the same impression. He had entered cor- dially and zealously into the policy of the Marquis Wellesley, and the hostility displayed towards the governor-general was believed for this reason to be extended to the governor of Fort St. George. There was one farther ground of difference between the Court of Directors and their governor-general, which, although it had not been fully developed, it will be convenient to notice here, to avoid interrupting the progress of the narrative hereafter. The altered situa- tion of the Company had not at this time produced any alteration in the mode of selecting their servants, or of preparing them for their duties. The Marquis Wellesley saw the evil, and determined on providing a remedy. In a minute of great length and ability, he adverted to the vast changes which had taken place since Great Britain first obtained a settlement in India, to the extent of the Company's dominions, the important duties devolving on their servants, and to the qualifications which they ought to possess. After dwelling upon these points in detail, he thus summed up his views : — " The civil ser- vants of the English East-India Company, therefore, can no longer be considered as the agents of a commercial concern. They are, in fact, the ministers and officers of a powerful sovereign ; they must now be viewed in that capacity, with reference not to their nominal but to their real occupations. They are required to discharge the functions of magis- trates, judges, ambassadors, and governors of provinces, in all the complicated and extensive relations of those sacred trusts and exalted stations, and under peculiar circumstances, which greatly enhance the solemnity of every public obligation, and aggravate the difficulty of every public charge. Their duties are those of statesmen in every other part of the world, with no other characteristic differences than the obstacles opposed by an unfavourable climate, by a foreign language, by the peculiar usages and laws of India, and by the manners of its inhabitants. Their studies, the disci- pline of their education, their habits of life, their manners and morals, should therefore be so ordered and regulated as to establish a just conformity between their personal considera- tion and the dignity and importance of their public stations, and to maintain a sufficient correspondence between their qualifications and their duties. Their education should be founded in a general knowledge of those branches of literature and science which form the basis of the education of persons destined to similar occupations in Europe. To this foundation should be added an intimate ac- quaintance with the history, languages, cus- toms, and manners of the people of India, with the Mahometan and Hindoo codes of law and religion, and with the political and commercial interests of Great Britain in Asia. They should be regularly instructed in the princi- ples and system which constitute the founda- tion of that wise code of regulations and laws enacted by the governor-general in council, for the purpose of securing to the people of this empire the benefit of the ancient and accustomed laws of the country, administered in the spirit of the British constitution. They should be well informed of the true and sound principles of the British constitution, and sufficiently grounded in the general principles of ethics, civil jurisprudence, the law of nations, and general history, in order that they may be enabled to discriminate the cha- racteristic differences of the several codes of law administered within the British empire in India, and practically to combine the spirit of each in the dispensation of justice and in the maintenance of order and good government. Finally, their early habits should be so formed as to establish in their minds such solid foun- dations of industry, prudence, integrity, and religion, as should effectually guard them against those temptations and coiTuptions with which the nature of this climate and the peculiar depravity of the people of India will surround and assail them in every station, especially on their first arrival in India. The early discipline of the service should be calcu- lated to counteract the defects of the climate and the vices of the people, and to form a natural barrier against habitual indolence, dissipation, and licentious indulgence ; the spirit of emulation in honourable and useful pursuits should be kindled and kept alive, by the continual prospect of distinction and reward, of profit and honour ; nor should any precaution be relaxed in India which is deemed necessary in England, to furnish a sufficient supply of men qualified to fiU the high offices of the state with credit to themselves and with advantage to the public. Without such a constant succession of men in the several branches and departments of this government, the wisdom and benevolence of the law must prove vain and inefficient. Whatever course and system of study may be deemed requisite in England to secure an abundant and pure source for the efficient supply of the public service, the peculiar nature of our establish- ments in the East, so far from admitting any relaxation of those wise and salutary rules and restraints, demands that they should be en- forced with a degree of additional 'ngilanoo and care, proportioned to the aggravated dif- ficulties of civil service, and to the numerous hazards surrounding the entrance to public life in India." Such were the views entertained by the Marquis Wellesley as to the importance of due preparation for the discharge of the important duties of the civil service of India. He pro- ceeded to show that the minds of the young men annually arriving at the presidencies in the capacity of writers had rarely undergone any adequate preparation — that fi-om some. A.D.1802.] COLLEGE OF FORT WILLIAM. 277 all instruction in liberal learning had been withheld, while in others, the course of study had been interrupted precisely at the period when it might have been pursued with in- creased advantage — that in India they had no opportunities of acquiring even the technical knowledge requisite to fit them for civil office — knowledge of the languages and cus- toms of the natives ; of the regulations and laws ; or of the details of the established system of revenue — that the well-disposed and in- dustrious were bewildered for want of a guide, while others, devoting themselves wholly to luxury and sensual enjoyment, remained sunk in indolence, until their standing in the ser- vice rendered them eligible to some office of trust, for which, however, they were incapable, from want of preparation, and from the diffi- culty of suddenly breaking long-indulged habits of idleness and dissipation. There were not wanting, indeed, instances of ap- plication to study and habitual propriety of conduct ; but all the merits of the civil ser- vants, it was urged, were to be ascribed to themselves, while their defects were to be attributed to the constitution and practice of the service, which had not been accommodated to the progressive changes of our situation in India — had not kept pace with the growth of the empire, or with the increasing extent and importance of the functions and duties of the Company's servants. To remedy the existing evils, the governor-general proposed to esta- blish a college in Calcutta, for the reception of writers for the three presidencies, who were there, for a limited period, to be subjected to the restraints of academic discipline, and trained in such studies as might fit them for their future duties. These were to be pursued under the superintendence of two clergymen, chaplains in the Company's service ; for the Dative languages moonahees were to be pro- vided. The expense of the institution was to be provided for in a manner which should not In the first iustance subject the Company to any additional charge; but the governor- general expressed a hope that the liberality of the Court of Diiectors would in due time be •extended to it. It was established without previous reference home, and the following grounds were assigned for the omission : a conviction of the great immediate benefit to be derived irom the early commencement even of the partial operation of the plan — the experience of the advantages which had already in some instances been derived from the systematic study of the native languages — the anxiety felt by the governor-general to impart to the young men arrived from Europe within the three preceding years a share of the anticipated benefits of the institution, and a solicitude, perfectly natural in its projector, to superintend the foundation of the college, and to accelerate and witness its first effects. It will be judged, from the rapidity with which the design was carried into execution, .that the establishment of the College of Fort William was a favourite object with the Marquis Wellesley. It was not so fortunate as to meet equal favour in Great Britain. The Court of Directors, prepared to look with suspicion on any proposal originating with the governor-general, feeling perhaps some displeasure, not altogether unwarranted, that the plan had been actually carried into effect without their concurrence, and anticipating a charge upon their finances, of heavy and unde- finable extent, withheld their approval of the magnificent establishment which had been de- vised, but voluntarily sanctioned the formation of an institution of more bumble pretensions, at each of the presidencies, for instruction in the vernacular languages. The abolition of the college followed. The suppression of the college added one further mortification to those which the go- vernor-general had already experienced ; but his design to return home at the expiration of a year from the time when he announced it was not carried into effect. The Conrt of Directors requested him to prolong his stay for another year, acknowledging that, though they had differed from him in some material points, it was impossible not to be impressed by the zeal and ability which he had displayed in the general management of their affairs, and intimating a conviction that the interests of the Company would be essentially promoted by his yielding to their request. Whether or not he would have complied, had India re- mained at peace, cannot be known ; but a state of affairs had arisen which deprived him of the opportunity of returning with honour. He consequently remained to enter upon a new course of arduous and important service, which must now be followed. The governor-general had been desirous of drawing more closely the connection between the British government and the peishwa. He had invited that prince to co-operate in the war against Tippoo Sultan, and though the appeal was disregarded, he had proposed to bestow on the peishwa a portion of the terri- tory which the British arms had conquered. He had been anxious to conclude a subsidiary treaty with the head of the Mahratta con- federacy, but the measure, though unremit- tingly pursued for a long period, had failed. Throughout these negotiations the peishwa did not discredit the established character of hie countrymen for proficiency in all the arts of evasive and dishonest policy. While seek- ing to amuse the British agents by a series of illusory representations, he was employed in endeavouring to detach the nizam from his British ally, and to engage him in a confederacy against that power to which he was indebted for protection. At length, late in the year 1801, the peishwa, being surrounded with difficulties from which he knew not how to extricate himself, signified his willingness to subsidize six battalions of British troops, on the condition that they should not be stationed within his own dominions, but be prepared at 278 ALLIANCE WITH THE PEISHWA [a.d. 1802. all times to act on his requisition ; and for the payment he proposed to assign territory in Hindostan. The proposal required and re- ceived mature consideration. The peishwa was obviously and not unnaturally anxious to surrender as small a portion of power as pos- sible. He was aware that the permanent establishment of a British force at Poena would be fatal to his independence ; he therefore sought to keep it at a distance, except in cases of emergency. In the opinion of the governor- general, he probably calculated that the know- ledge of his ability to command so powerful a body of troops as that which he proposed to subsidize would be sufficient to support his authority and overawe those who might be disposed to subvert it. As to the portion of the territory to be assigned for the payment of the required force, it was simply stated to be in Hindostan. From this intimation it was inferred that it was to be north of the Ner- budda. There, however, the peishwa possessed only a nominal authority, and the assignment of territory, under such circumstances, was very different to transferring its possession. It was suspected, also, that the territory might be selected with a view to the reduction of the power of Scindia or of Holkar, or of relieving the peishwa from the control exercised over him by the former chief, which he had long felt a sore burden, and that the mode by which this object was to be effected was by involving Scindia in a contest with the British govern- ment. There were some other proposed con- ditions of inferior importance, to which it is not necessary to advert. The governor-general, on a review of the relative positions of the peishwa, his nominal dependents, and the British government, deemed the proposal in- admissible without considerable modification ; but there were indications in the pohtical horizon which disposed him to acquiesce in the required limitation as to the portion of the subsidiary force, provided a less objectionable arrangement for the discharge of the subsidy could be effected. In July, 1802, the British resident at Poena was instructed to intimate that he was prepared to make a communication on the subject of the peishwa's proposal. The peishwa received the intimation with great in- difference, and manifested a remarkable absence of curiosity as to the governor-general's deter- mination. At last the affair was opened and the proposed arrangement discussed, but with little apparent probability of an early conclu- sion. The approach of Holkar, who was in arms against Scindia and his nominal head, the peishwa, brought the negotiation to a crisis. On the 23rd of October, Holkar encamped within a short distance of Poena. On the 25th an action took place between his army and the combined force of the peisbwa and Scindia. The peishwa, to be prepared for the event, whatever it might be, moved out of the city attended by the standard of the empire, and at the same time despatched his minister to the British resident with an instrument under the prince's seal, declaring his consent to subsidize the proposed number of troops, and engaging, for their subsistence, to cede to the Company territory in Guzerat or in the southern quarters of his dominions, yielding an annual revenue of twenty-six lacs. The minister, at the time of presenting this instru- ment, gave the British resident the fullest assurance that it was the peishwa*s intention and meaning, that a general defensive alliance should be concluded between himself and the Company, on the basis of the treaty of Hyder- abad. The resident deemed it expedient, under the circumstances, immediately to sug- gest to the governments of Madras and Bom- bay the necessity of preparing a body of troops at each presidency, for the eventual support of the peishwa's government. He made a similar application to the resident at Hyderabad, with a view to the service of a considerable detach- ment from the subsidiary force stationed there. These preparations were not needless. The battle, which had commenced at half-past nine in the morning, ended about mid-day, when victory rested with Holkar, a result to be attributed inagreat degree to his own desperate efforts. The peishwa fled with a body of cavalry to the fort of Singurh. The Company's resi- dent, Colonel Close, remained at Poena, and the British flag, which waved conspicuously at his quarters, commanded the respect of all parties. The engagement of the peishwa had been transmitted without delay to the governor- general, who ratified it on the day of its arrival. Orders were at the same time issued to the governments of Madras and Bombay, and to the resident at Hyderabad, confirming the requisitions of Colonel Close for the assemblage of troops. The peishwa, quitting Kaigurh, proceeded to Mhar, whence he despatched letters to the Bombay government, requesting that ships might be sent to convey him and his followers to that presidency. Alarmed by the advance of some of Holkar's troops, he soon after fled to Severndroog, where he resided for some time under protection of the fort. A British ship finally conveyed him to Bassein, where he arrived on the 16th of December, attended by a small escort of about a hundred and thirty followers. The British resident remained at Foona for some time after the departure of the peishwa, and had several conferences of an apparently friendly character with Holkar. The object of that chief was to obtain possession of the person of the peishwa, and use the name and authority of the prince, as Scindia had previously done, for his own purposes. To this end he was desirous of having the support of the British government, and he invited the resident to undertake the task of effecting an accommodation for him with the peishwa. Colonel Close referred him to the governor-general; and with some difficulty obtained permission to depart. He arrived at Bombay on the 3rd of December. On the 6th he received a communication from the gover- A.D. 1802.] TERMS OF THE TREATY. 279 nor-general, approving of the arrangements into which he had entered. On the arrival of the peishwa at Baesein, Colonel Close waited on the prince, and the necessary steps were commenced for the conclusion of a definitive treaty. Some difference existed as to the territories to be assigned for the pay of the subsidiary force, but it was terminated by the peishwa suddenly and unexpectedly signifying his assent to the surrender of those on which the British resident had insisted. On the last day of the year 1802 the treaty was signed and sealed ; and the counterpart, duly ratified by the governor-general, was shortly afterwards transmitted to the peishwa. This document was of great length, com- prising no fewer than nineteen articles. It declared the friends and enemies of either of the contracting parties, friends and enemies of both, and confirmed all former treaties and agreements between the two states not con- trary to the tenor of the new one. It provided for the joint exertions of both to defend the rights or redress the wrongs of either, or of their respective dependents or allies ; and this provision was followed by an explanatory addition, declaring that the British govern- ment would never permit any power or state whatever to commit with impunity any act of unprovoked hostility or aggression against the rights and territories of the peishwa, but would at all times maintain and defend them, in the same manner as the rights and territories of the Company. The subsidiary force was to consist of six thousand regular native infantry, with the usual proportion of field-pieces and European artillerymen attached, and the proper equipment of warlike stores and ammunition, and it was to be permanently stationed within the peishwa's dominions. This last point was an important departure from the plan proposed by the peishwa, and to which the governor- general was prepared, if necessary, to consent : but the concession was not extorted by the force of circumstances, it had been yielded by the peishwa at Poena, and before hi,9 fortune had taken the unfavourable turn which led to his flight. A succeeding article provided for the cession of territory described in a schedule attached to the treaty, for the payment of the subsidiary force, and another provided for exchange of territory should it at a future period appear desirable. The total annual expense of the force was estimated at twenty- five lacs — the estimated value of the lands ceded was twenty-six lacs, the additional lac being intended to meet possible deficiencies — an arrangement the expediency of which will be denied by none wlio have had oppor- tunity of observing the wide difierence which, in matters of Indian revenue, ordinarily exists between estimates and realizations. By the next article, designed to avert a collision of authorities and claims, it was stipulated that orders should be given for admitting the Company's ofiicers to the charge of the ceded districts aa soon as it should be signified that they were prepared to take it ; that all collections made by the peishwa's officers between the date of the treaty and the period of the Company's taking possession should be carried to the credit of the latter; and all claims to balance on account of ante- cedent periods be considered void. All forts within the ceded districts were to be given up without injury or damage, and with their equipment of ordnance, stores, and provisions. Grain, and all articles Jf consumption, and provisions, and all sorts of materials for wealing apparel, together with the necessary numbers of cattle, horses, and camels, required for the subsidiary force, were to be entirely exempted from duties ; the commanding officer and the officers of the force were to be treated " in all respects in a manner suited to the dignity and greatness of both states." The force was to be at all times ready to execute services of importance, such as the protection of the peishwa's person, the overawing and chastise- ment of rebels, or suppression of disturbances in his dominions, and due correction of his subjects and dependents who might withhold payment of the just claims of the state ; but it was not to be employed on trifling occasions, nor in a variety of ways which were enume- rated. The negotiation of this treaty afforded opportunity for relieving Surat from certain Mahratta claims which had been a source of much vexation and dispute, and it was not neglected. These claims were to be abandoned on consideration of the surrender, on the part of the Company, of land, the revenue of which should be equal to the annual estimated value of the Mahratta tribute. Some similar claims in other places were to be extinguished in the same manner. The article with regard to the employment of Europeans by, the peishwa was far less stringent than that inserted in other engagements of like character between the British government and its allies. In place of stipulating for the entire exclusion of Europeans and Americans from the service of the peishwa, the treaty, after reciting that it had been usual for that prince to enlist and retain in his service Europeans of different countries, provided that, in the event of war breaking out between the English and any European nation, and of discovery being made that any Europeans in the peishwa's service belonging to such nation at war with the English should have meditated injury towards their government, or have entered into intrigues hostile to their interests, such per- sons were to be discharged, and not suffered to reside within the peishwa's dominions. The following article restrained the peishwa from committing any act of aggression against the Company's allies or dependents, or against any of the principal branches of the Mahratta empire, or against any power whatever ; and bound him to abide by the Company's award, should differences arise. Two other articles, which referred to existing disputes with various parties (the Mahrattas were never 280 GENERAL WELLESLEY'S MOVEMENTS. [a.d. 1803. without a standing array of disputes witli every Indian power), gave to the Company the right of arbitration, and pledged the peishwa to obedience. In the event of war, the peishwa engaged, in addition to four battalions of the subsidiary force, to aid the Company immediately with six thousand inliintry and ten thousand horse from his own troops, and, with as little delay as possible, to bring into the field the whole force which he might be able to supply from his dominions. The Company, on the other hand, engaged to employ against the common enemy the largest force which they might be able to furnish, over and above the number of the subsidiary troops. When war might appear probable, the peishwa was to provide stores and other aids in his fron- tier garrisons. He was neither to commence nor pursue negotiation with any power whatever without giving notice and entering into con- sultation with the Company's government. While his external relations were thus re- strained, the rights preserved to him in his own dominions were most ample. The Com- pany disclaimed all concern with the peishwa's children, relations, subjects, or servants, with respect to whom his highness was declared to be absolute. The subsidiary force were to be employed, if necessary, in suppressing disturb- ances in the ceded districts ; and if disturbances should arise in the peishwa's teiritories, the British government, on his requisition, were to direct such of the Company's troops as should be most conveniently stationed for the purpose to assist in quelling them. The concluding article, in oriental fashion, declared that the treaty should last as long as the sun and the moon should endure. In conformity with the suggestions of Colonel Close, confirmed by the governor- general, the whole of the subsidiary force stationed in the territories of the nizam, amounting to something more than eight thousand three hundred men, marched from Hyderabad at the close of the month of February, and on the 25th of March reached the town of Paraindah, situate on the western frontier of the nizam's dominions, about a hundred and sixteen miles from Poona. The subsidiary iorce was accompanied by six thou- sand of the nizam's disciplined infantry, and about nine thousand cavalry. At Madras Lord Clive prepared for carrying out the views of the governor-general. On the 27th of February he instructed General Stuart, then present with the army on the frontier of Mysore, to adopt the necessary measures for the march of the British troops into the Mah- ratta territory, leaving it to the judgment of the general to determine the amount of force necessary to be detached for the purpose. The choice of a commander Lord Clive did not delegate to another. He selected for the command Major-General Wellesley, who, in addition to his military claims, had acquired in Mysore much local knowledge that could not fail to be eminently useful, and by his cam- paign against DhoondiaWangh, had established among the Mahratta chieftains a high degree of reputation and influence. The detachment made by General Stuart consisted of one regi- ment of European and three regiments of native cavalry, two regiments of European and six battalions of native infantry, with a due proportion of artillery. It amounted to nearly ten thousand men, and to this force were added two thousand five hundred of the rajah of Mysore's horse. It is impossible to advert to this without referring to one ad- vantage of the conquest of Seringapatam, and the subsequent treaty which the movement of the troops under General Wellesley brings to notice. For the first time ia the wars of Great Britain with the native states, were the power and resources of Mysore brought to the assistance of the Company's government. Hitherto that state had been a source of unceasing danger and alarm. The policy of the Marquis Wellesley had converted it into a valuable accession of strength. General Wellesley commenced his march from Hurryhur, on the frontier of Mysore, on the 9th of March, and crossed the Toombud- dra river on the 12th. The march of the British troops through the southern division of the peishwa's territories had the effect, of restoring a degree of peace which the country rarely experienced. The chieftains and jag- hiredars, whose petty differences had previ- ously kept the districts oppressed by them in a state of constant warfare and ou 283 BATTLE OF DELHI. [a.d. 1803. termination to resist, and soon after the capture of AUyghur he renewed his applica- tion for permission to enter the British terri- tories. It was promptly complied with, and one great object of the war was thus achieved almost without an effort. The retirement of Perron, after raising him- self to the rank of a petty sovereign, cannot but appear extraordinary. It was not the effect of moderation nor of satiety, but of necessity. Perron continued to love power,, and all that power can command, as well as he had ever loved them j but a combination of circum- stances had rendered his tenure of power inse- cure, and he thought it better to preserve his movable property, which was considerable, than risk it in a contest for dominion which might probably be unsuccessful. The English government had determined on the destruc- tion of his power if practicable. But, besides this cause for alarm, he had others arising out of the circumstances of the Mahratta state, of which he was a dependent. Perron's conduct had given rise, in Scindia's mind, to suspicion. A chief, named Ambagee Inglia, took advan- tage of it to advance his own interests and undermine those of Perron. His views are said to have been aided by a supply of money to meet the wants of Scindia, and the autho- rity of the French chief was transferred to his native rival. To render the transfer effective, Ambagee Inglia intrigued with Perron's of5- cers. Had they been faithful, their com- mander might not have been compelled to seek safety in flight ; but where personal interest is the sole motive of action, fidelity is never to be relied upon ; and some officers, who had received signal marks of Perron's favour, went over to his enemy. He had consequently no choice but to withdraw : to remain was to devote himself to plunder and perhaps to death. The retreat of Perron was the virtual disso- lution of the French state which he had formed on the Jumna. This did not necessarily in- volve the reduction of the force which he had commanded ; but the loss of its chief, preceded as it had been by a course of conduct on his part, which was at the least undecided, if not pusillanimous, shook greatly the strength of native confidence in French officers, and im- pressed those officers with a strong feeling of the necessity of providing for their own safety. An officer named Fleury had attacked a body of troops under Colonel Cunningham, who, after vigorously resisting and temporarily beat- ing off a force greatly superior to his own, had been compelled to accept for himself and his men permission to retire with their arms, on condition of not again serving against Scindia during the war. A detachment was sent against Flenry, which he contrived to evade, but he finally accompanied his chief to the British camp. Another officer named Louis Bourquin, who commanded a division of Perron's force, resolved to make a stand against the main body of the English under General Lake. The hostile armies met on the 11th Septem- ber, about six miles from the imperial city of Delhi. The British had performed a march of eighteen miles, and had just taken up their ground for encampment, when the enemy ap- peared in such force as to oblige the grand guard and advanced pickets to turn out. The numbers continued to increase, and General Lake on reconnoitring, found them drawn up on rising ground in great force and in com- plete order of battle. Their position was well defended, each flank being covered by a swamp, beyond which cavalry were stationed, while artillery guarded the front, which derived fur- ther protection from a line of intrenchments. The English commander resolved, however, to give them battle. The whole of his cavalry had accompanied him on his reconnoissance, and that being completed, he sent orders for the infantry and artillery to join. This could not be effected in less than an hour, during which the British cavalry, which were two miles in advance, were exposed to a heavy fire from the enemy, which brought down many men. During this interval the horse of General Lake was shot under him. Although the British commander had de- termined on hazarding an action, he felt that to attack the enemy in the position which had been taken up would be attended with but a feeble chance of success. He therefore ordered his cavalry to fall back, partly to cover the ad- vance of the infantry, but principally with a view to allure the enemy from their advan- tageous post by the appearance of a retreat. The feint had the desired effect. No sooner were the British cavalry in motion than the enemy rushed forward with wild manifesta- tions of triumph and delight, the vivacity of the French leaders having communicated itself to those whom they commanded. But their exultation was soon checked. The cavalry continued their retrograde movement till the infantry came up ; the former then opened from its centre, and allowed the latter to pass to the fi-ont. Preparations having been made for guarding the flanks of the British force, one of which was threatened by some native cavalry, the whole line moved forward. A tremendous fire from nearly a hundred pieces of cannon, some of them of large calibre, fell around them ; but the British troops, unmoved by it, advanced steadily and without removing their muskets from their shoulders till within a hundred paces of the enemy. Orders were then given to charge — the whole line fired a volley, and, headed by the commander-in- chief, pushed on their bayonets with resistless force. The fate of the day was decided, and when the troops halted after the charge, the enemy were flying in all directions. The vic- torious infantry immediately broke into columns of companies, by which movement the whole of the cavalry, both European and native, were enabled to charge through the intervals with their galloper guns, pursuing- the enemy to the Jumna, where great num- bers perished. All the artillery and stores of A.D. 1803.] THE EMPEROE OF DELHI. 289 the enemy fell into the hands of the English, and three days after the battle, Louis Bour- quin, with four other French officers, surren- dered themselves. In the city of Delhi, which was forthwith evacuated by the French, the battle had been an object of much interest. There, at the ancient seat of the power which Baber had reared — where Akbar had placed on record the length and breadth of the provinces which owned its sway — where Aurungzebe had as- sembled mighty armies to chastise his enemies and reduce to subjection tributary kings — there dwelt the living representative of the house of Timour in the person of a miserable man, old, blind, and decrepit — without power, without pomp, or state, or retinue — almost without the means of commanding the common necessaries of life. This was Shah Allum, once the gallant sbazada, whose military energy had alarmed and annoyed the British govern- ment, but for many years. the suffering captive of those who secured his person for the sake of abusing his name to purposes of selfish aggrandizement. He had allied himself with the Mahrattas, and through their assistarioe had obtained possession of Delhi. This is not the place to pursue the troubled history of his life. It must suffice to say that thenceforward it was an almost unbroken series of calamity. The territories nominally subject to the em- peror were the constant scene of disorder and rebellion. Surrounded by troubles of every description, he conceived the most violent sus- picions of the loyalty of his eldest son. Such suspicions are of common occurrence in ori- ental monarchies, and are frequently not un- warranted. In this instance there seems to have been no ground for them. Alienated from the affections of his father by those who had an interest in fomenting dissensions, the shazada passed a great part of his life at a dis- tance from the city which was the witness of the former glory and present degradation of his house. He made repeated efforts to obtain the aid of the British government for the de- liverance of his father from thraldom, but in vain. Hastings was not indisposed to afford it, but was restrained by orders from home dictated in the spirit of the non-intervention policy which then prevailed. The shazada died in the British dominions, of fever, and not long afterwards the calamities of his wretched parent were consummated. A ruffian chief, of Eohilla origin, named Gholaum Kaudir Khan, having obtained possession of the city of Delhi, and with it of the person of the em- peror, committed the most dreadfiil excesses — excesses which an historian has felt justified in declaring to he "almost without parallel in the annals of the world." The apartments of the women, which in the East usually command some respect even from the most abandoned, were rendered by Gholaum Kaudir the scene of crimes of which violent and in- discriminate plunder was the lightest ; and the emperor, after being exposed to every insult which malice and insolence could devise, w.is deprived of sight hy the dagger of the wretch who had previously heaped on him every other misery. The arms of Scindia rescued the un- happy monarch from the power of Gholaum Kaudir, and the crimes of that miscreant met a fearful retribution. The authority of Shah Allum was once more recognized, but the recognition was only formal. AU substantial power was exercised by the Mahratta au- thorities. The office of vakeel ool-moolk, or executive prime minister of the Mogul empire, was bestowed on the peishwa, hut Scindia had no intention to burden his highness with the duties of the office. The discharge of these he personally undertook as the peishwa's deputy, and the function, with all its power and influ- ence, passed to his successors. Perron, in the course of his restless intrigues, obtained the appointment of commandant of the fortress of Delhi, and thus the person and power of Shah Allum was transferred from the Mah- rattas to the French. From neither did the emperor meet with either kindness or generosity. He was not merely deprived of power — of this he could scarcely complain, having by his own act transferred his right to others — but his rank and misfortunes com- manded no sympathy, and even the means of subsistence were tardily and scantily dealt out to him. A considerable sum had been pro- fessedly allotted to the support of the royal household, but so badly was it paid, that the emperor and his family were often in want. The triumph of the British arms under General Lake opened a new scene. Imme- diately after the battle the emperor had de- spatched a message to the victorious com- mander, offering the monarch's congratulations and soliciting protection. An appropriate answer was returned ; and on the 16th of September the heir of Timour, so long the victim of adverse fortune, seated in the capital of his ancestors, gave audience to the English general. In that place his predecessors, clothed in the most gorgeous productions of the loom, had sat upon thrones formed of gold, and made radiant by a dazzling profusion of the most costly jewels. Around them had stood hundreds of obsequious guards and de- pendants, waiting in mute and watchful atten- tion the expression of the sovereign's will, and ready to give it effect as soon as uttered ; while vassals from distant countries, or their representatives, tendered respectful homage to the lord of the faithful throughout India, and wooed his favour by presents worthy of his rank. Far different was the scene which met the eye of the British general and his attendants. Beneath a small and ragged canopy, the appearance of which seemed a, mockery of regal state, sat one whose age exceeded that usually attained by man, but in whose appearance the operation of time was less apparent than that of long and hopeless misery. Eighty-three years had passed over his head, and they had been filled with trouble n 290 BATTLE OF ASSYE. [A.D. 1803. and sorrow. While his name waa held in reverence throughout India, hia life had been passed amid poverty, danger, and suffering, and all around him at this moment indicated the most wretched destitution. But there was one element of misery greater than all. The light of heaven, the common source of enjoyment to the prosperous and the wretched, shone not for him — the face of nature was to him a blank. The miserable satisfaction of contrasting the appearance of all things around him then with former scenes was denied him. Strangers from a far distant country stood before him — in their hands was his fate — they addressed to him words of sympathy, and kindness, and comfort, but he could not read in their countenances a confirmation of the friendly language which fell on his ear. Poor, dependent, aged, infirm, and sightless, the head of the empire illustrated in his per- son the wide -spread ruin which had over- whelmed the empire itself. Shah AUum regarded the English as his deliverers, and he bestowed on General Lake a host of titles, in testimonial of his bravery and military skill — the sword of the state, the hero of theland, the lord of the age, and the victorious in war. Such were the terms in which, in the spirit of Oriental exaggeration, the services of the British commander were acknowledged. Colonel Ochterlony was left at Delhi, in a capacity similar to that of resident, and Lord Lake resumed his march. But before advert- ing to the subsequent events of his career, attention must be directed to the progress of the British arms under General Wellesley in a different part of India. Scindia and the rajah of Berar had entered the territories of the nizam, and it was sup- posed would cross the Godavery, which was fordable, and attack Hyderabad. General "Wellesley moved to counteract them, and the confederates retired towards the point by which they had entered. They were soon after joined by a considerable detachment of regular infantry under two French officers. On the 21st of September, General Wellesley was so near the corps of Colonel Stevenson, who commanded the Hyderabad subsidiary force and the nizam's horse, as to be able to hold a conference with that officer, when a plan was concerted for attacking the enemy on the 24th, it being understood that their army was collected at a place named Bokerdun. General Wellesley was to attack their left, and Colonel Stevenson their right. The for- mer directed his march with the view of arriving on the 23rd within twelve or fourteen miles of the enemy ; but it turned out that the information upon which the plan had been arranged had deceived the commander. The enemy's camp, instead of being at Bokerdun, had its right at that place, and extended several miles to Assye. There was a district, as well as a village, called Bokerdun : the camp was entirely within the district, and hence arose the mistake. Its result was, that Geneial Wellesley on the 23rd found himself within six miles of the enemy, instead of the distance which he had expected. To add to the surprise which the discovery of the enemy's position was calculated to produce, and to increase the difficulty of deciding how to deal with the unexpected state of circumstances. General Wellesley received intelligence that the confederates were about to retire. li^ therefore, he postponed the attack till the arrival of Colonel Stevenson on the following day, the opportunity might be lost, by the departure of the enemy in the night. It was probable that they might have heard of his approach, and the intelligence would be likely to accelerate their removal. Should this not be the case, there was another danger of a different character ; General Wellesley could not hope to withdraw unobserved, and retreat would have exposed him to harassing attacks from the enemy's cavalry, attended, in all probability, with the loss of part of his bag- gage. These were rea.sons against retreat. On the other hand was the alarming fact, that in his front was a hostile army comprising a body of infantry three or four times as many as his own, a numerous cavalry, and a vast quantity of cannon ; the whole occupying a formidable position. In emergencies like this, the bolder course is not unfrequently the safest. General Wellesley preferred it, and resolved to attack. The enemy's right consisted entirely of cavalry, and it was in front of this that the British commander found himself. He deter- mined, however, to direct his attack to their left, as the defeat of the infantry was the more likely to be effectual. Between the hostile armies flowed the river Kaitna. This was crossed by the British force at a ford which happily the enemy had neglected to occupy. The infantry were immediately formed into two lines, and the British cavalry, as a reserve, into a third. The native horse were employed in keeping in check a large body of the enemy's cavalry, which had followed the march of the British force. The attack was made with promptitude and vigour ; it was attended by corresponding success. Some mistakes occurred, which, though they affected not the fortune of the day, added greatly to the loss of the English. The enemy had made a change in their position, which threw their left to Assye, in which village they had some infantry, and which was surrounded by cannon. General Wellesley, observing this, directed the officer command- ing the pickets on the right to keep out of shot from that village. The officer, misap- prehending the order, led directly upon it. The 74th regiment, which had been ordered to support the pickets, followed, and suffered severely. The mistake rendered necessary the introduction of the cavalry at an earlier period than was desirable. Various evils attended this step. The cavalry suffered much from the cannonade ; they were incapacitated A.D. 1803.] AGRA CAPITULATES. 291 for pursuit when the period for thus employ- ing their services arrived, and when they were brought forward there was no reserve. One consequence of this deficiency was, that strag- glers left in the rear of the British force, who had pretended to be dead, were suddenly re- stored to animation, and turned their guns upon the backs of the conquerors. But the victory, though bought by the saoi-ifioe of many valuable lives, was complete. The re- sistless bayonets of the British troops drove the enemy before them in repeated charges, and when their last-formed body of infantry gave way, the whole went off, leaving the English masters of the field, and of nearly a hundred pieces of cannon abandoned by the fugitives. General Wellesley shared largely in the labours and the dangers of the conflict. Two horses were killed under him, and every officer of his staff experienced similar casualties. The loss on the part of the English amounted to nearly four hundred killed. The number of wounded was fearfully large —between fifteen and sixteen hundred. The enemy left twelve hifndred killed, and » vast number were wounded ; but many of the latter being scattered over the country, not even an esti- mate could be formed of the amount. Among the mortally wounded was Scindia's principal minister, who survived but a short time. The battle of Assye places in a conspicuous light the cool determination of the general, and the admirable qualities of the troops at his disposal. Entangled in difficulties from which there was no escape but through danger, he chose the mode which to the superficial or the timid would have appeared the most dan- gerous. He was justified by the character of his troops, and the result was alike honourable tohis own judgment and to the intrepid spirit of those on whom he relied. Misinformation brought the battle prematurely on — mistake added to its dangers and difficulties ; but all untoward circumstances were successfully overcome by the admirable judgment of the leader and the devoted earnestness of his followers. So rapid and so numerous were the successes of the British arms, and so much were all these operations parts of one consistent whole, that it is impossible to restrict the attention of the reader for any length of time to one series, without neglecting and throwing out of place other transactions of great interest and im- portance. The proceedings of General Lake must now for a brief interval supersede the record of those of his coadjutor in the south. On quitting Delhi, General Lake had marched towards Agra, at which place he arrived on the 4 th of October. The fort was summoned ; but no answer being returned, preparations were made for dislodging seven battalions who held possession of the town, of an encamp- ment vrith a large number of guns on the glacis, and of the ravines on the south and southwest face of the fort. This being effected with success, though not without considerable loss, the operations of the siege commenced, the approaches being made under cover of the ravines which had been won &om the enemy. On the 14th a communication was received from the fort, demanding a cessation of hos- tilities, on the ground that terms were about to be proposed. General Lake, in consequence, directed the firing to cease for a few hours, and requested that a confidential person might be sent without delay with the proposed terms. Terms were sent, and General Lake despatched one of his own officers with letters, giving his assent to them. The fort had been for some time the scene of mutiny ; but in the commu- nication to General Lake it was stated that all ill-feeling was at an end, and that officers and men were alike ready to abide by whatever agreement might be made between their com- mandant, Colonel Hessing, and the English general. But this unanimity, if it ever existed, was of short duration. The British officer de- spatched to make the final arrangements found great diversity of opinion among the native chiefs, and a great desire to raise objections. While he was endeavouring to remove these, the firing from the fort was recommenced with- out any apparent cause. On this the English officer returned. The belief of General Lake was, that the overture was but 'an expedient to gain time, and this opinion seems highly probable. Throughout his career, the humanity of the commander-in-chief was eminently con- spicuous, and it is to this feeling that his con- sent to a cessation of firing is to be ascribed. It may, however, be doubted whether, under the circumstances, he was justified in consent- ing to discontinue his fire, vrith a view to obtaining a surrender on terms. He had expressed his belief that the place would not stand ten hours' breaching, and any appearance of hesitation was calculated to give confidence to the enemy, and diminish that feeling among his own troops. On the 17th of October, the grand battery of the besiegers being completed, they were enabled to open a destructive fire on the point of the fort which appeared least capable of resistance. A practicable breach would soon have been made, but in the evening the gar- rison sent an offer to capitulate, and on the following day, at noon, marched out, when the place was immediately occupied by a por- tion of the British force. The fort contained one hundred and seventy-six guns, which, with twenty-six captured beyond the walls, made a total of two hundred and two. In addition to the great plana which G eneral Lake and General Wellesley were successfully working out, there were various detached operations at this time in progress, all bearing some relation to each other, and all conducted with vigour and success. The notice of some of these must be deferred to a later period, but the occupation of Cuttaok, which was com- pleted during the month of October, may pro- perly be adverted to in this place. This service was effected by Colonel Harcourt, who, having occupied that great seat of Hindoo superstition, u 2 292 OCCUPATION OF CUTTACK. [a.d. 1803. Juggernauth, proceeded to reduce the fort of Barabuttee, situate about a mile from the town of Cuttack. The fort was built of stone, and was surrounded by a ditch twenty feet deep, and varying in breadth, according to the situation of the bastions, from thirty-five to a hundred and thirty-five feet. A battery was completed on the night of the 13 th of October, and on the morning of the 14th opened its fire. By eleven o'clock most of the defences in that part of the fort against which the fire was directed were taken off, the enemy's guns were silenced, and Colonel Harcourt judged that the time for attempting to gain possession had arrived. Over the ditch was a narrow bridge leading to the gate, and by this communication the assailants were to endeavour to effect an entrance. The party, which consisted of both Europeans and sepoys, was led by Lieutenant- Colonel Clayton. They advanced under a fire of musketry from the fort, ill-directed but heavy, to which they were exposed for forty minutes. The gate was to be blown open, but no impression could be made except on the wicket, the remainder being fortified by large masses of stone. The wicket having yielded, the assailants entered, but could only pass singly. Notwithstanding this disadvan- tage, and a very determined resistance offered at the outer and two succeeding gates, the British party gained possession of all, and the victory was the more gratifying from its having been attained with comparatively little loss. The capture of Barabuttee was followed by the entire submission of the province of Cut- tack, and the greater part of the troops by whom the conquest had been effected were at liberty to enter Berar, to co-operate with the army under General Wellesley. The month of November opened with a bril- liant addition to the splendid success which in every quarter had crowned the arms of Eng- land. General Lake marched from Agra on the 27th of October, in pursuit of a Mahratta force composed of some brigades despatched fi'om the Deccan in the early part of the cam- paign, and of a few battalions which had effected their escape from Delhi. Great anxi- ety was felt to destroy or disperse this corps, on account of its being provided with a nu- merous artillery. The march of the English army having been seriously impeded by un- favourable weather, it was resolved to leave the heavy artillery at Futtypore, and pursue the enemy by forced marches. On the 31 st, the British force encamped at a short distance from the ground which the enemy had quitted on the same morning, and General Lake de- tei'mined to push forward with his cavalry, in the hope of overtaking and delaying them by a light engagement till the infantry should be able to come up. At midnight the cavalry was accordingly put in motion, and, after a march of twenty-five miles, came up with the enemy soon after daybreak. On descrying them, the English commander supposed that they were in retreat, and, to prevent their effecting this object, he resolved to attack them at once, instead of acting upon the plan which he bad proposed, of keeping them in check till the infantry arrived. The official details of the early proceedings of this day are singularly obscure ; but this much is certain, that the attempt to make any permanent im- pression on the Mahratta line by cavalry alone was unsuccessful. The enemy's artillery mowed down menandhorsesinmasses, and the sacrifice was vain. The valour displayed by the British cavalry in this fruitless struggle, commands in- deed the most unbounded admiration, mixed with a deep feeling of regret that it should have been so utterly wasted. Nothing could excuse the premature conflict provoked by General Lake, but the mistake under which he laboured in believing the enemy to be in retreat, and the laudable desire which he felt to prevent the escape of a force which was re- gai-ded with considerable apprehension. The infantry, which had marched at three, arrived at eleven, having occupied in their march only two hours more than the cavalry. At this time a message was received from the enemy, offering to surrender their guns upon terms. This was remarkable, because up to this period the Mabrattas had no cause to be dissatisfied with the fortune of the day. The probability is, that it was an expedient to gain time for some desired object, and the result seems to countenance such a belief. General Lake ac- cepted the offer, "anxious," as he says, "to prevent the further effusion of blood." He might have adduced another reason also : his infantry, after a long march, performed very rapidly, under a burning sun, needed rest and refreshment. Whatever might be the motive of the Mahrattas for seeking delay, this cir- cumstance made delay not the less desirable for the English. General Lake allowed the Mahrattas an hour to determine whether they would agree to his acceptance of their own proposals, — a, mode of proceeding more easily reconcilable with the ordinary course of Indian negotiations than with common sense. The English general seems to have expected little irom this overture, and, whatever the measure of his expectation, he acted wisely in employ- ing the interval of suspense in making pre- parations for renewing the attack under more advantageous circumstances. The infantry was formed into two columns on the left. The first, composed of the right wing, was destined to turn the right flank of the enemy, and to at- tack the village of Laswaree ; the second column was to support the first. There were three brigades of cavalry. One of these, the third, was instructed to support the infantry ; the second was detached to the right to watch the motions of the enemy, take advantage of any confusion that might occur, and fall upon them in the event of a retreat : the remaining brigade — the first, which was formed between the third and second, composed the reserve. As many field-pieces as could be brought up with the gallopers attached to the cavalry A.D. 1803.] BATTLE OF LASWAEEE. 293 formed four distinct batteries for the support of the operations of tlie infantry. The hour of expectation passed, and nothing further being heard from the enemy, the in- fentry were ordered to advance. Their march lay along the bank of a rivulet, and for a time they pursued it under cover of high grass and amidst broken ground concealed from the enemy. As soon, however, as they were dis- covered and their object ascertained, the enemy threw back their right wing under cover of heavy discharges of artillery. Showers of grape, poured forth from large mortars as well as from guns of heavy calibre, did fearful ex- ecution on the British infantry, whose bat- teries returned the fire with promptitude and vigour indeed, but, from their inferiority in numbers and weight of metal, with very in- ferior eifect. The King's 76th was at the head of the advancing column, and so dreadful were the ravages made in its ranks by the storm of fire to which it was exposed, that, on its arriving at the point from which the charge was to be made. General Lake resolved rather to proceed to the attack with that regiment and some native infantry who had closed to the front, than to wait for the remainder of the column, whose advance had been from some cause delayed. The conduct of the men nobly justified the confidence reposed in them by their commander. They advanced with as ranch regularity as was practicable, under a tremendous shower of canister-shot, which further thinned their previously weakened ranks. This was immediately succeeded by a charge from the enemy's cavalry ; but they were received in a manner which sent them back in confusion. They rallied at a short distance, and there being reason to apprehend further mischief, the King's 29th dragoons were ordered to attack them. They formed on the outward flank of the 76th, by whom they were received with cheers, which were echoed back by the cavalry with no diminution of vigour. From this time the details of the battle became too involved to be narrated with perspicuity. A general charge of horse and foot was made, in which the desperate valour of the assailants set at naught every obstacle and defied evei-y danger. At the moment when the commander-in-chief was about to place himselt at the head of the infantry, his horse was shot under him. While in the act of mounting that of his son. Major Lake, that officer was wounded by his side ; but this was no time for the indulgence of even the deepest sympathies of nature. The notes of the cavalry trumpets sounding to the charge — which caught the ear when the thunder of the guns from the enemy's lines for a moment subsided — told that those lines were to be won, and those guns made prize ; and such was the result. The enemy fought with a determination far exceed- ing all that had been expected of them, and it was not tiU they had been dispossessed of all their guns that they relinquished the contest. Even then some of the best qualities of the character of a soldier were desplayed, in an at- tempt made by their left wing to effect an orderly retreat. In this, however, as in every other point, they were defeated ; a regiment of British dragoons and another of native cavalry breaking in upon them, cutting many to pieces, and making prisoners of the rest, with the whole of their baggage. The loss of the English, in killed and wound- ed, amounted to more than eight hundred ; but this, though heavy, was not to be compared with that of the enemy. About two thousand of the latter were taken prisoners, and with the exception of these, and of a few whom the possession of good horses and local knowledge might enable to escape to a distance, the whole of the seventeen battalions were destroyed. It has been conjectured that the number of slain could hardly be less than seven thousand. The destruction of this force was scarcely less important with regard to that strength which is based on opinion, than on account of its actual and immediate effect in crippling the resources of the enemy. The battalions which fell at Laswaree constituted the flower of Scin- dia's army, and had been distinguished by the imposing name of the Deccan Invincibles. The charm was now broken ; not only had the invincible battalions been vanquished, but so entire bad been their defeat that they had ceased to exist. The completeness of their destruction was indeed in one sense honour- able to them, for it attested the vigour of their resistance ; but how proud was the distinction earned by those who had dispelled the illusion which had raised this corps above the reach of the chances of war and claimed for it a charter of perpetual success ! The victory was gained entirely by hard fighting. The course taken by General Lake in various instances was bold even to the verge of rashness. So nearly did it approach the line which separates courage from temerity, that had the result been unfavourable, it would probably have been impugned by that numerous class whose judgment, if not altogether govern- ed by the event, is greatly modified by it. His venturing to attack the enemy with his cavalry alone, oannot be defended without reference to the belief under which his resolution was taken. He found the enemy were about to elude him altogether. The subsequent advance to charge with only part of his infantry, is more easily defensible. Exposed as they were to a fire which was rapidly consuming them, it was scarcely possible that they could be placed iu more unfavourable circumstances, while an in- dication of fearless determination was calculated at once to keep up their spirit and to abate that of the enemy. But whatever opinion may be formed of the conduct of the baftle of Laswaree, it is impossible to trace its progress and results without a deep impression of reverence for that indomitable courage and perseverance by which victory was secured to the English. The san- guine and imaginative will, from a perusal of its history, catch some portion of the spirit 294 MAHEATTA DIPLOMACY. [A.D. 1803. which burned in the breasts of those by whom it was won ; and if a casual recollection of it should ever flit over the mind of one engaged amid equal dangers in maintaining the cause of England in distant lands, the lapse of years will detract nothing from the force of the example : the dauntless heroism of those who fought and conquered at Laswaree will aid to nerve the arms and brace the sinews of the soldier, so long as their deeds are remembered. Again does it become necessary to direct attention to the army in the south for the pur- pose of noticing in their proper place its con- tributions towards the safety and honour of the British government. General Wellesley had apprized Colonel Stevenson of the neces- sity imposed on him of attacking the enemy at Assye without waiting for his junction. The latter immediately marched with part of his troops ; and the enemy, on hearing of his ad- vance, departed suddenly from the spot where they had passed the night after the battle, and proceeded towards the Adjuntee Ghaut. Colonel Stevenson, having met with consider- able difficulties on his march, was unable to pursue them ; and he was further detained, that the wounded in the battle of Assye might have the assistance of his surgeons, great inconvenience and suffering having been occasioned by the want of a sufficient number of medical officers. When Colonel Stevenson advanced, the enemy's infantry, or rather the wreck of it, retired towards the Nerbudda. This division of the British force met with no interruption in the field, and Colonel Steven- son obtained possession of several important fortresses with little difficulty. General Wel- lesley in the mean time made some rapid and harassing marches, all of them intended to promote important objects. His situation can- not be better painted than in his own words. " Since the battle of Assye," says he, "I have been like a man who fights with one hand and defends himself with the other. With Colonel Stevenson's corps I have acted offensively, and have taken Asseergbur ; and with my own I have covered his operations, and defended the territories of the nizam and the peishwa. In doing this, I have made some terrible marches ; but I have been remarkably fortunate — first, in stopping the enemy when they intended to pass to the southward through the Casserbarry Ghaut ; and, afterwards, by a rapid march to the northward, in stopping Soindia when he was moving to interrupt Colonel Stevenson's operations against Asseergbur, in which he would otherwise have undoubtedly succeeded. I moved up the Ghaut as soon as Colonel Ste- venson got possession of Asseergbur ; and I think that in a day or two I shall turn Kagojee Bhoonslah, who has passed through to the southward. At all events, I am in time to prevent him doing any mischief. I think that we are in great style to be able to act on the offensive at all in this quarter ; but it is only done by the celerity of our movements, and by acting on the offensive or defensive with either corps, according to our situation and that of the enemy." In pursuit of the rajah of Berar, General Wellesley arrived at Aurungabad on the 29th of October. The rajah was so little anxious for a meeting, that in the two days succeeding the arrival of the British force at that place he moved his camp five times. He, however, gathered sufficient confidence by the 31st to venture, with a body of four or five thousand horse, to attack a small force engaged in pro- tecting a convoy of fourteen thousand bullocks; but was compelled to retire without any ad- vantage beyond the capture of a few of the Several weeks before this transaction, vague and apparently unauthorized overtures for negotiation had been made on the part of Scindia to General Wellesley. Early in No- vember there arrived in the English camp, on a mission from Soindia, a Mahratta chief of considerable rank, named Jeswant Eao Gho- repuray, and a Brahmin named Naroo Punt ; but these persons, when called upon to pro- duce their credentials, had none to show. They were permitted to remain in the English camp till measures could be taken for remedy- ing this defect ; but before any answer could be received to their application for the pur- pose, a letter was received by General Wel- lesley from Scindia, disavowing Jeswant Eao Ghorepuray and his colleague, and intimating an intention of sending another person to nego- tiate with the British general. The latter was persuaded, notwithstanding, that Scindia had really despatched the mission which he now disavowed, and, notvrithstanding the let- ter of Soindia, it was not dismissed. General Wellesley was not unacquainted with the cha- racteristics of Mahratta diplomacy. " In pro- portion," said he, " as I gain experience of the Mahrattas, I have more reason to be astonished at the low and unaccountable tricks which even the highest classes of them practise, with a view, however remote, to forward their own interest." An addition to his experience was now about to be made, perfectly in accordance with that which he had previously gained. Shortly after the receipt of Soindia's letter, disavowing Jeswant Eao Ghorepuray and his Brahmin associate, those parties produced a letter from their master, conveying to them certain powers sufficient to corroborate their claims to be received as the representatives of Scindia, but insufficient to justify the British commander in even opening a negotiation. Unable to treat for a, peace, the vakeels pro- posed a temporary suspension of arm's, and this was acceded to on condition that Scindia with his army should enter Berar twenty coss (about forty miles) to the eastward of EUich- pore, and keep at all times at that distance from the British troops. On the part of Soindia, it was demanded that the cessation of arms should extend to Hindostan, but to this General Wellesley refused to consent. " The rule," said General Wellesley, " not to cease A.D. 1803.] BATTLE OF AEGAUM. 295 hostilities till peace be concluded, is a good one in general." His chief reason for concluding that a deviation from it would, in this case, be beneficial, was, that if hostilities continued uniuten-uptedly, Scindia would probably em- barrass the contemplated operations of Colonel Stevenson, while the English would be unable to do anything effectually against Scindia, the army with him in the field being composed entirely of horse, to follow which would draw the English force too far from its sources of supply, and prevent its being directed against the rajah of Berar. Colonel Stevenson was preparing to attack Gawilghur, within the territories of the last-named chief, and the fall of that place was regarded as of great im- portance. An irruption of the enemy into Guzerat, which was but weakly provided with the means of defence, was also apprehended, and to avert this was one of the objects of the British general in concluding the truce ; another was, to effect a division between Scindia and the rajah of Berar, who was not included in it. The agents had proposed that it should extend to the forces of that chief ; but the proposal, independently of its interfering with one main object of the British com- mander, that of separating the interests of the confederates, could not ha-ve failed to be re- jected. The agents of Scindia had no powers to treat for the rajah of Berar, and conse- quently he could not be bound by any stipula- tions which they might make on his behalf. He might have repudiated them on the ordi- nary principles of reason and justice, and with- out any necessity for resorting to the conve- nient resources of Mahratta morality. Colonel Stevenson having equipped his force at Asseerghur for the siege of Gawilghur, marched to Ballapoor, where he was joined by the convoy which the rajah of Berar had in vain attempted to out off. To support and cover his operations, General Wellesley de- scended the ghauts by Eajoora on the 25th of November. At Parterly was a force belong- ing to the rajah of Berar, and commanded by his brother, Manoo Bappoo : it comprised, together with a body of cavalry, a great part, if not the whole, of the rajah's infantry, and a large proportion of artillery. Soindia's vakeels became alarmed by General Wellesley's ap- proach to this force, and intreated that it might not be attacked. His answer was, that there was no suspension of arms with the rajah of Berar ; and to this communication he ap- pended another, probably more unexpected, that there was none with Scindia till he should comply with the terms of the agreement. The provision that Scindia should occupy a position twenty coss to the east of EUichpore had not been complied with, that chief being encamped at Serroody, about four miles from the force under Manoo Bappoo. That Scindia should conform to any obligation except so far as it appeared to answer a present purpose, was, indeed, not to be expected. His conduct had reduced the armistice to that which Mah ratta engagements may, for the most part, be considered — an idle and useless piece of writing, without force and without value. General Wellesley accompanied his notice of Scindia's breach of engagement by a declara- tion that he should attack the enemies of the Company wherever he should find them, and Scindia was undoubtedly to' be accounted not merely as an enemy, but as one engaged in active hostilities. At Parterly General Wellesley was joined by the division under Colonel Stevenson. Shortly after their arrival parties of the enemy's horse appeared, with which the Mysoreau cavalry skirmished during part of the day. On General Wellesley going out to push forward the pickets of the infantry to support the Mysorean horse, he perceived a long line of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, regularly drawn up on the plains of Argaum, about six miles from the place where he had intended to encamp. It was late, the day had been intensely hot, and the British had marched a long distance ; but, notwithstanding these circumstances. General Wellesley re- solved not to lose the opportunity which pre- sented itself, and he accordingly marched forward to attack. The advance was made in a single column, in a direction nearly parallel to that of the enemy's line, the British cavalry leading. The rear and left were covered by native cavalry. The enemy's infantry and guns were on the left of their centre, and on the left of these was a body of cavalry. Scindia's army, con- sisting of one very heavy body of cavaliy, was on the right, and to its right was a body of Pindarics and other light troops. The enemy's line extended about five miles, having in its rear the village of Argaum, with ex- tensive gardens and inclosures. In its front was a plain, but considerably intersected by water-courses. As the British army approached the enemy it was formed into two lines, the infantry in the first, the cavalry in the second, supporting the right, which was rather advanced, to press on the enemy's left. The left of the British was supported by the Mogul and Mysore cavalry. Some delay took place from part of the native infantry getting into confusion. By one of those inexplicable panics which some- times seize even the best troops, some battal- ions, which had eminently distinguished them- selves at the battle of Assye, were so terrified by the cannonading, far inferior as it was to what they had previously encountered, that they broke and fell into confusion. Happily, the general was at no great distance, and the presence of him who had so lately led them to victory brought them back to their duty. The whole then advanced in the best order. The conflict was not marked by any of those vicissitudes which lend interest to the narrative of such events, when victory seems to hover between the combatants. The battle was sanguinary, but from the moment when the 296 SIEGE OE GAWILGHUE. [a.d. 1803. temporary confusion in part of the BritiBh line W.1B dispelled, tlie result was not for an instant doubtful. Tlie King's 76tli and 78tli regiments were fiercely attacked by a large body of Persian troops, and the latter were entirely destroyed. Scindia's cavalry made a charge on the first battalion of the 6th regi- ment ; but being repulsed with great slaughter, the whole line of the enemy gave way, and fled in the utmost disorder, abandoning to the victors thirty-eight pieces of cannon and all their ammunition. '■ They were pursued, and great numbers of the fugitives destrpyed. The ' close of the day gave some advantage to the flying, but the light of the moon was suificient to enable the pursuers to add to their previous captures many elephants and camels, and a considerable quantity of baggage. The loss of the English in killed and wounded amounted to three hundred and forty-six. The enemy suffered dreadfully, and General Wellesley de- clared his belief that, with one hour more of daylight, not a man would have escaped. After this signal victory. General Wellesley determined to proceed to the siege of Gawil- ghur. Both divisions of the army accordingly marched on the 5th of December, and arrived at Ellichpore on the same day : here they halted on the 6th, to provide an hospital for the wounded, Gawilghur is thus described by General Wellesley : — " The fort of Gawilghur is situ- ated on a range of mountains between the sources of the rivers Poena and Taptee. It stands on a lofty mountain in this range, and consists of one complete inner fort, which fronts to the south, where the rock is most steep ; and an outer fort, which covers the inner to the north-west and north. The outer fort has a third wall, which covers the approach to it from the north by the village of Labada. All these walls are strongly built, and fortified by ramparts and towers. The communications with the fort are through three gates : one to the south with the inner fort; one to the north-west with the outer fort ; and one to the north with the third wall. The ascent to the first is very long and steep, and is practicable only for men : that to the second is by a road used for the common communications of the garrison with the countries to the southward ; but the road passes round the west side of the fort, and is exposed for a great distance to its fire ; it is so narrow as to make it imprac- ticable to approach regularly by it, and the rock is scarped on each side. This road also leads no further than the gate. The com- munication with the northern gate is direct from the village of Labada, and here the ground is level with that of the fort ; but the road to Labada leads through the mountains for about thirty miles from Ellichpore, and it was obvious that the difficulty and labour of moving ordnance and stores to Labada would be very great." Notwithstanding the objections existing against the last-mentioned route, it was re- solved to adopt it, on the ground that it was the least objectionable of the three, and the requisite measures were immediately taken. Two detachments were made — one to drive the enemy from the ground which they occu- pied to the southward of the fort ; the other to seize the fortified village of Damergaum, covering the entrance to the mountains which were to be passed in the way to Labada. These detachments succeeded in performing the services on which they were respectively despatched. On the 7th of December both divisions of the army marched from Ellichpore ; Colonel Stevenson into the mountains by Damergaum, and General Wellesley towards the southern face of the fort of Gawilghur. Erom that day till the 12th, when Colonel Stevenson broke ground near Labada, the troops in his division went through a series of exhausting labours not unprecedented in Indian warfare, but rarely paralleled elsewhere. The heavy ord- nance and stores were dragged by hand over mountains and through ravines for nearly the whole distance which had to be passed, and this by roads which it was previously neces- sary for the troops to construct for themselves. At night, on the 12th, Colonel Stevenson erected two batteries in front of the north face of the fort : one, consisting of two iron eigh- teen pounders and three iron twelve-pounders, to breach the outer fort and third wall ; the other, composed of two brass twelve-pounders and two five-inch howitzers, to clear and destroy the defences on the point of attack. On the same night the troops of General Wellesley's division constructed a battery on a mountain towards the southern gate. Two brass twelve-pounders were here mounted ; two iron ones were to have been added, but no exertions of the troops could get them into their places. All the batteries opened their fire on the morning of the 13th, and on the 14th, at night, the breaches in the walls of the outer fort were practicable. The party destined for the main attack from the north was led by Lieu- tenant-Colonel Kenny ; and, to divei-t the enemy's attention, two attacks were made from the southward by troops from General Wellesley's division, commanded by Lieute- nant-Colonel Wallace and Lieutenant-Colonel Chalmers. About ten in the morning the three parties advanced, and nearly simul- taneously. The detachment under Colonel Chalmers arrived at the north-west gate at the moment when the enemy were endeavouring to escape through it from the bayonets of the assailants under Colonel Kenny. Thus far, therefore, the attack had entirely succeeded ; but the wall of the inner fort, in which no breach had been made, was yet to be carried. After some attempts upon the gate of com- munication between the inner and outer fort, a place was found at which it was deemed practicable to escalade. Ladders were brought, by which Captain Campbell and the light in- A.D. 1803.] TREATY WITH RAJAH OF BERAR. 297 fantry of the King's 94th ascended ; by them the gatea were opened to the storming party, and the fort was in the British possession. This acquisition was made with comparatively small loss. During the siege and storm, the total amount was one hundred and twenty-six killed and wounded. The garrison was nume- rous and well armed : vast numbers of them were killed, particularly at the difiereut gates. Much ordnance and many stands of English arms were found within the tort. The killadar was a Rajpoot of eminent bravery, but whose judgment seems to have been so greatly in- ferior to his courage that he had been unable to frame any regular plan for defending the inner wall. He was aided by another Kaj poot, Beni Singh, bold and intrepid as himself ; but the bravery of the leaders does not seem to have been shared by those whom they com- manded. Little of their spirit was displayed by the garrison. The two Rajpoot commanders appear to have considered the fall of the place as inevitable, and to have resolved not to sur- vive the event. Their bodies were found among a heap of slain ; a more fearful fevidenoe of the determined spirit in which they had acted was afiorded by the discovery, that, in conformity with the feeling of their country, they had doomed their wives and daughters to become sharers in the fate which they scorned to evade for themselves. But the task had been imperfectly performed. A few of the women only were dead : the rest, some of whom had received several wounds, survived to afford exercise to the humane feelings of the conquerors. It is scarcely necessary to add, that General Wellesley directed all at- tention and respect to be shown them. The battle of Argaum and the capture of Gawilghur impressed the confederate chief- tains with a sense of the necessity of quicken- ing their endeavours to secure to themselves some portion of territory and some degree of power. Before the occurrence of the latter event, the rajah of Berar had despatched vakeels to the camp of General Wellesley, and on the 17th of December a separate treaty of peace with that chief was concluded. By this treaty the rajah ceded the perpetual sovereignty of the province of Cuttack, including the fort and district of Balasore, to the Company and their allies. The latter were not named, and General Wellesley, in transmitting the treaty to the governor-general, observed : " The reasons for omitting to name the allies in the treaty, and to engage that they shall ratify it, will become sufficiently obvious when ' the character and conduct of the government of these allies are recollected. It will remain with your excellency," he continued, " to give such orders as you may think proper to the residents at the different durbars, to obtain the assent of the allies to the treaty, but I should imagine that the rajah of Berar will be satisfied with your excellency's ratification." In truth, there was not, and never has been, a prince in India who would not feel more confidence in the simple promise of the head of the English government than in the most solemn securities of any native sovereign within the country. The general terms in which the cessions were made were thus accounted for by General Wellesley : " The cessions under the treaty are made to the British government and its allies, and I have drawn it in this manner in order that your excellency may have an opportunity of dis- posing of them hereafter, in such manner as you may think proper." Besides the cessions above mentioned, the rajah of Berar relin- quished all claims on certain old possessions ot the nizam, the revenues of which had for some time been collected by the two princes in various proportions. At first the rajah received only a fifth : the encroaching spirit of Mahratta policy soon increased his share to a fourth. It then became half, by treaty, and latterly four- fifths, by exaction and violence. By the treaty this partition, with all its tendency to throw the whole into the hands oi the Mahratta prince, came to an end, and the frontier of the nizam was carried forward to the Wurda river. The ministers of the rajah were desirous ol the insertion of an article confirming all grants and treaties made heretofore by the nizam and the peishwa; but General Wellesley objected that he could not consent to confirm that of which he had no knowledge. In place of confirmation, he proposed the mediation and arbitration of the British, and a claim upon its justice, as the best security that the rajah could have for his demands upon the other powers ; and the proposal being accepted, an article was framed, binding the Company's government to the discharge of the requisite duties. The comment of General Wellesley upon this part of the negotiation is full of instruction. "-It appears to me," says he, "an important point gained, and highly honourable to the character of the British government, that even its enemies are willing to appeal to its justice against the demands of its allies." To an article binding the rajah never to take or retain in his service any Erenchman, or subject of any European or American goverament at war with the English, or any British subject, whether European or Indian, without the consent of the British government, no objection was ofiered by his ministers ; but a clause was added, at the rajah's request, by which the Company engaged not to aid or countenance any of his discon- tented relations, rajahs, zemindars, or subjects, who might fly from, or rebel against, his au- thority. A succeeding article, providing that accredited ministers from each government should reside at the court of the other, was admitted by the rajah's ministers with equal facility, but another was the occasion of some difficulty. The British government had con- cluded treaties with some minor chieftains, feudatories of the rajah. The article in ques- tion required that these treaties should be confirmed, and it was provided that lists of 298 TREATY WITH SCINDIA. [A.D. 1803. the parties with whom treaties had been made should be given to the rajah, when that with himself should be ratified by the governor- general. The rajah's minister objected that, after the cessions which his master had made by former articles of the treaty, he had no territory left which he might not be bound to give up by virtue of the article under consi- deration. The answer of General Wellesley was decisive. The rajah's minister was told that the article was indispensable, and could not be given up ; but it was added, that the British government would not have consented to conclude a treaty of peace with the rajah had it desired the destruction of his state. The article, it was explained, was not intended to apply to more cases than were absolutely necessary to preserve the good faith of the British government, and it was stated that it should be applied to no other. The vakeel professed himself satisfied, and the article was admitted. By an article immediately follow- ing that which had occasioned the discussion above noticed, the rajah agreed to separate himself from the confederacy formed by Soindia and other Mahratta chiefs against the Com- pany. This, like the preceding article, was a source of some difficulty — not that it was objected to by the rajah, but the British com- mander demanded a hostage for its due performance. The answer of the rajah's vakeel was, that his master would send whomsoever the English general pleased, with certain exceptions — those exceptions extending to the only persons whose presence in the English camp would be of the least value as a security, the brother, son, or nephew of the rajah. Fearing that this point would not be conceded, and that the treaty, which it was certainly very desirable to the British government to obtain, might go off on the question. General Wellesley resolved not to persist in demand' ing a hostage. The last obstacle to the satis- factoiy conclusion of the negotiation was thus removed, and the confederacy against the British government was deprived of an im- portant limb. The treaty was duly ratified by the rajah of Eerar, and also by the governor- general. The secession of the rajah of Berar proba- bly determined Scindia to seek peace with more earnestness and sincerity than he had heretofore displayed. Jeswant Eao Ghorepu- ray and Naroo Punt had remained in the British camp, and on the 23rd of December they were joined there by two of Scindia's ministers, named Eitul Punt and Havel Nyn, with the declared object of concluding a peace. The ordinary course of Mahratta diplomacy might, however, have been pursued, but for the extraordinary decision of General Welles- ley ; and the result of his firmness was, that on the 30th a treaty was signed, which, like that with the rajah of Berar, was declared to be with the Company and its allies, the latter not being named, and the cessions to be made to the allied powers generally. Those cessions comprised all the territories north of the coun- tries of the rajahs of Jeypore and Joudpore, and the rana of Gohud, with the exception of certain pergnnnahs considered the private pro- perty of Scindia's house. The jaghire lands of the ladies of his family, and those of some of his powerful ministers and sirdars, were to remain in their possession, under the protection of the British government ; and other sirdars in Scindia's service were to be provided for by pensions or jaghires, subject to a provision fixing a limit to the total amount to be thus applied. General Wellesley, in communi- cating this arrangement to the governor-gene- ral, thus assigns his reasons for consenting to it : — " It would have been impossible to arrange this great cession, in the disturbed state of Scindia's government, under all the circurastancea of his misfortunes in the war, and of the great diminution of his military power and reputation in comparison with that of his rival Holkar, without determining to provide, in some degree, for those who reaped benefits from the revenue of the ceded tem- tories, or making up my mind to throw into Holkar's hands, and to add to his arms, all the sii'dars and troops who had been subsisted by the resources of those countries, who must have been forthwith discharged from Scindia's service, and must have looked to Holkar for protection and future employment. I chose the former, which I think is most consistent with your excellency's policy ; and it appears that, besides avoiding the evil of increasing the numbers of the followers of the only free- booter that remains in India, it tends to esta- blish an influence in Scindia's durbar, which must guide its measures in a great degree, even if Scindia should omit to unite himself more closely with the Company, and must tend greatly to facilitate all the objects of the British government in his durbar, if he should agree to the terms of the general defensive alliance." Besides the districts already described, Scindia agreed to give up, in perpetual sove- reignty, the forts of Baroach and Ahmednug- gur, and the territories depending upon them, except so much of the territory dependent on the latter as formed part of his family pro- perty ; but into the land thus reserved to him, he was never to introduce any troops to collect revenue, or under any pretence whatever. Further, Scindia renounced for ever all claims of every description upon the British govern- ment and their allies, the nizam, the peishwa, andthe guioowar ; he agreed to confirm the treaties concluded by the British government with the rajahs and others previously his feudatories ; to admit the rights of the peishwa to certain lands in Malwa as formerly exist- ing, and, in case of difference, to submit to the arbitration of the Company ; to relinquish all claims upon the emperor, and abstain from all interference in his majesty's afiairs. The provision, excluding from Scindia's service Frenchmen and other foreigners, was the same A.D. 1803.] GENERAL REFLECTIONS. 299 as that in the treaty with the rajah of Berar. Accredited ministers from the two states were to be reciprocally received. Scindia was to be admitted, if he chose, to the general defen- sive alliance subsisting between the Company and its allies ; and in the event of his consent- ing within two months to become a party to it, the Company engaged to furnish a force, for the defence of his territories, of six battalions of infantry, with their complement of ordnance and artillery, and usual equipments ; but no pecuniary payment or further territorial cession was to be made on this account ; the expense of the force was to be defrayed out of the revenue of the lands ceded by other articles of the treaty. If Scindia should decline to become a party to the general defensive alliance and receive a British force, the refusal was not to affect any other stipulations of the treaty. The exemption of Soindiafrom any additional charge on account of the British, should he consent to receive such a, protection, was one of the most extraordinary, but, at the same time, one of the most judicious points of arrangement ex- hibited in the treaty. The reasons operating on the mind of the British negotiator, and tending to its adoption, are thus stated by himself in addressing the governor-general ;— " In the course of this war, Scindia's power, reputation, and military resources have been greatly diminished, while his rival, Holkar, after having recovered the possessions of his family by his treaty of peace with Scindia, j:emains with undiminished power and in- creased reputation. Comparatively with those of Scindia, his power and his military resources are much greater than they were previous to the war ; and I have but little doubt that the contest between those chiefs will be revived. This would be a matter of but little conse- sequence to the British government, if the parties were so equal in point of strength, resources, and abilities, as to render the event of the contest doubtful. But Holkar is certainly, at this moment, superior to Scindia in every point of view, and the consequence of leaving the latter to his own means must be that he will fall an easy prey to Holkar ; or if he should endeavour to avoid the contest, which I do not think probable, his government will, by degrees, become dependent upon that of his rival. Under these circumstances, and parti- cularly as I was aware of your excellency's determination to support the peace, and the relative situation in which it should leave the different powers in the manner in which that had been established by the exercise of the force of the British government, I thought it expe- dient to hold forth to Scindia an option of becoming a party of the general defensive alli- ance ; and, as a further inducement to him to agree to that treaty, to engage that the assist- ance which should be given to him should occa- sion no further diminution of his revenue. I was induced to make this last engagement by the conviction that Scindia would not agree to the treaty ofgeneraldefensiveallianoe, although his ministers proposed that he should unite himself more closely with the Company, if he were to be obliged to pay for the assistance which he should receive, and that if he does agree to that treaty, the peace of India is secured as far as it can be by human means. I have every reason to believe also, that when Scindia shall wind up his affairs at the end of the war, he will not have a disposable clear revenue such as the British government would require to pay the expenses of the force which might be given to him." It thus appears that there was reason to suspect that Scindia could not have paid for a subsidiary force had he been disposed, and that, if he had possessed the power of paying, he would have been unwilling to pay. It was important to uphold him against Holkar, and to attach him, if possible, to the British con- federacy — so important, that with reference to the fact that the English acquired by the treaty large territorial cessions, and in con- sideration of this advantage, it was worth while to afford to Scindia the assistance of the British force without demanding more. Such were the views of General Wellesley, and they were justified by the circumstances under which they were formed. The day on which the negotiations with Scindia were brought to a termination was distinguished by an event of a different cha- racter, but one calculated to promote the in- terests of peace and order. General Campbell, with a force previously employed in defence of the nizam's territories, had been despatched into the south Mahratta country to check some suspicious indications on the part of the jag- hiredars there. On the 27th of December he received at Woodasoory information that a party of Mahratta plunderers, amounting to about ten thousand horse, with some pindaries on foot, had passed the Kistna at the Dharoor Ghaut, and were proceeding towards Moodia- noor. General Campbell marched on the fol- lowing morning with his cavalry and f ank companies lightly equipped, and on the 29th reached Jallyhall, when a party of marauding horse sent to watch his motions were surprised, and their chief, a notorious plunderer, with several of his officers — if officers they may be called — ^brought in prisoners. The leader of the ruffian force, of which General Campbell was in search, was a man named Mahomed Bey Kian ; but this name he repudiated as unsuitable to his purpose. That by which he chose to be known was Dhoondia Waugh, a name which it will be recollected was borne by a preceding adventurer, whose career towards sovereignty, as well as his life, were prema- turely abridged by General Wellesley. Al- though the death of Dhoondia Waugh was a matter of sufficient notoriety, the new adven- turer found from eastern credulity a ready ad- mission of his pretensions. He was, moreover, a devotee, and exhibited that combination of undisguised robbery and avowed sanctity, which, however extraordinary elsewhere, is 800 DESTRUCTION OF BANDITTI. [a.d. 1803. not regarded as remarkable in countries where religion, though extending its control to almost every outward act which men can perform, aspires not to the office of purifying the heart. At Jallyhall General Campbell heard that this saintly robber had pitched his camp between Doodyball and Moodianoor, with the intention of intercepting the British convoys and carry- ing his depredations beyond the Toombuddra. The British commander thereupon marched on the enemy on the evening of the 29th of De- cember, and at four o'clock on the morning of the 30th learned that he was within six miles of those whom he sought, and that they were entirely ignorant of his approach. At dawn of day he came upon them, and pushed his cavalry into the centre of their camp with little opposition. An hour sufficed, to destroy part of the band which the sham Dhoondia Waugh had collected around him, and to disperse the rest. Two thousand of the enemy were killed, and upwards of one thousand wounded or made prisoners ; the remainder threw down their arms and fled. Among the prisoners was the venerable facquir, who, underborrowed plumes, had led to the work of plunder and devastation. His banner, on the day of his defeat, was fol- lowed by four frenchmen, who, it seems, in the search for military employment, were op- pressed with few scruples as to its character when tested by the principles of morality, or the degree of estimation in which it must be regarded by men trained in European modes of thought. One of these, whose dress and appointments seemed to indicate him to be a person above the common rank, was killed ; the remaining three escaped by the help of good horses and their own discretion, which prompted them to depart at an early period of the engagement. The whole of the free- booters' baggage and bazaars, and upwards of twenty thousand bullocks, were taken. Only two men in the English force were killed and fifteen wounded. The flank companies of the King's 83rd, after marching thirty miles, came up with the cavalry, and had their full share in the attack upon this horde of plunderers. Among the objects embraced by the govern- or-general's comprehensive plan of warfare was the occupation of Bundlecund. This de- sign was prosecuted during the progress of the important operations which have been narrated, but was not entirely completed until after the conclusion of peace with the rajah of Berar and Scindia. The peishwa had certain claims on Bundlecund, and it was as his ally that the English, in the first instance, appeared there. More than seventy years before the occurrence of the transactions under review, a Hindoo prince of Bundlecund, named Chitoor Sal, being hard pressed by a Rajpoot enemy, soli- cited the aid of the peishwa. It was promptly granted, and so highly was the service appre- ciated by Chitoor Sal, that he adopted the peishwa as a son, and on his death left him an equal share of his dominions with two sons, whose claims to the title were founded in nature. This was the origin of the peishwa's right. It is unnecessary to pursue the history of Bundlecund minutely — it will be enough to say that it differed little from that of other parts of India under native government or native anarchy. Late in the eighteenth cen- tury we find the province overrun by two chiefs, named Ali Bahaudur and Himmut Ba- haudur, the former an illegitimate scion of the house of the peishwa, the latter a soldier of fortune, little scrupulous as to modes of ob- taining its favour, though distinguished for his religious attainments, and holding high rank in one of those associations which open to fanaticism means for gratifying spiritual pride, and to imposture opportunity for profitable deception. He was a gossain. Ali Bahaudur acknowledged the paramount authority of the peishwa, and owned his own liability to render tribute, but which, according to Oriental fashion, he never paid. His death left the authority of Himmut Bahaudur predominant ; but that pious person not feeling quite secure in his authority, and thinking that a jaghire under a power able to protect its dependants was preferable to the possession of nominal sovereignty without the means of maintaining it, made a tender of the province of Bundle- cund to the British government. The offer was made to Mr. Heni-y Wellesley while hold- ing the office of lieutenant-governor of the ceded provinces. It was declined on the ob- vious and honourable ground that it could not be accepted without violating the rights of the peishwa. The capture of Poena, the flight of the peishwa, and the conclusion of the treaty of Bassein, by changing the position of the British government, effected a change in its deter- mination. The occupation of Bundlecund, in the name and on the behalf of the peishwa, was consistent with justice, while, at the same time, it was undoubtedly expedient, with a view to prevent its falling into the hands of the confederated chiefs. Mr. Mercer, a medical officer, who had been secretary to Mr. Henry Wellesley, was accordingly despatched to lUa- labad, to confer with an agent of Himmut Bahaudur, and terms for the co-operation of that personage were arranged. The gossain, it appeared, had a relative who had been engaged in the conspiracy of Vizier Ali, and on that account was kept prisoner at Lucknow. His liberation was demanded by Himmut Bahaudur, and the British government under- took to solicit the vizier to grant it, on condi- tion of the party thus favoured giving security for his future good conduct. Thus much did the holy man stipulate for his relation ; but, albeit his vows should have weaned him from any aspirations after the ordinary objects of human desire, he had yet something to ask for himself. It was not a cell, where he might pass his days in solitary meditation, nor a sum of money to be disbursed in charitable gifts^ it was a jaghire in the Doab, suitable, not to his profession, but to "his rank and station," A.D. 1804.] OCCUPATION OF BUNDLECUND. 301 and an assignment of revenue in Bundleound of twenty lacs of rupees for the support of a body of troops which this despiser of earthly good proposed to keep at his command. In consideration of this arrangement, the troops were to be always prepared to obey the orders of the British government. These terms were granted, the progress of the negotiation being facilitated by another carried on with the peishwa for the cession to the British govern- ment of territory in Bundleound in place of other cessions made by the treaty of Bassein. A British detachment which, had been formed near lUalabad, under Lieutenant- Colonel Powell, shortly afterwards entered the country, and was joined at Teroa by Himmut Bahaudur, at the head of eight thousand irregular infantry, about four thou- sand horse, three regular battalions commanded by a European officer, and twenty-five pieces of ordnance. On arriving at the river Cane, which flows through Bundleound and falls into the Jumna a little below the town of Corah, they found posted on the opposite side the army of Shumsheer Bahaudur, son of All Bahaudur, who, like those by whom he was confronted, professed to act in the name of the peishwa. Having reduced several forts in the vicinity, and established the British authority between the Jumna and the Cane, Colonel Powell crossed the latter river. A series of desultory warfare and indecisive negotiation followed. The British authority continued, in the mean time, to be extended. Shumsheer Bahaudur found great difficulty in prevailing on himself to submit, although submission was obviously inevitable ; but an offer to settle on him and his family an annual sum of four lacs of rupees brought him to the English camp. His submission was speedily followed by the surrender of all the forts in Bundleound held by his adherents. Mention has been made of a negotiation with the peishwa, having for its object an exchange of n. portion of the cessions made under the treaty of Bassein. It ended in the formation of eight supplemental articles to that treaty, by the first of which certain terri- tories in the Carnatic, yielding a revenue of sixteen lacs, were restored to the peishwa. By the second, the Company's government renounced a portion of territory in Guzerat, yielding three kcs sixteen thousand rupees. The third provided for the addition to the Poona subsidiary force of a regiment of native cavalry, of the same strength and complement as the cavalry regiment belonging to the Hyderabad subsidiary force. The fourth annulled the fifteenth article of the treaty, which regulated the amount of force to be brought into the field by the peishwa in case of war, and fixed it at four thousand cavalry and three thousand infantry, with a due pro- portion of ordnance and military stores ; this was a considerable reduction from the former amount, which was ten thousand cavalry and six thousand infantry. The fifth article pro- vided that a corps of Mahratta cavalry, amounting to five thousand, should, during the war, be maintained by the British government for the service of the state of Poena, two thousand of whom were to serve with the peishwa, and three thousand with the British army in the field. The sixth related to the cessions to be made in consideration of the countries relinquished by the Company under the first and second articles, and of the addi- tional expense incurred by tliem under others. Territory in Bundleound producing a revenue equal to that ceded in the Carnatic and Guzerat, namely, nineteen lacs sixteen thousand rupees, was to be transferred to the Company ; a further tract of country, yielding fifty thousand rupees, was to be bestowed, in consideration of the high value of the country restored in Guzerat, and cessions to the amount of separate sums of seven lacs and a half, five lacs, and four lacs, to meet the expense of the cavalry regiment added to the subsidiary force, that of maintaining the Mahratta corps of horse, and the extraordinary expenses of putting down resistance in Bundlecund and establishing the British authority there. The total value of the cessions in Bundlecund was thus thirty-six lacs sixteen thousand rupees. By the seventh article, the whole of these cessions were to be taken from those parts of Bundlecund most contiguous to the British, possessions, and most convenient for the Company's occupation. The eighth article related to the territory restored in Guzerat, and, after reciting that such territory was particularly valuable to the Company, by reason of its proximity to the city of Surat, in the prosperity of which the British government entertained an anxious concern, it provided that the territories referred to should be go managed and governed at all times by the Mahratta authorities, as to con- duce to the convenience of Surat, by attention to the rules of good neighbourhood, and the promotion of amicable and commercial inter- course between the inhabitants on both sides. It was further provided, that as the sove- reignty of the river Taptee belonged to the British government, the Mahratta authority in the restored territory should have no right or concern whatever in the wreck of any vessel that might be cast upon any part of the country bordering on the river, but should be bound, in the event of any vrreck taking place, to render the vessel all practicable aid, for which the parties assisting were to be entitled to receive, from the owners of the wreck, just and reasonable compensation. This last article was not unnecessary. Even in countries where higher principles of action than prevail among the Mahrattas are professed, the frag- ments of property that have survived the destruction occasioned by tempest or accident are but too frequently regarded as lawful objects of appropriation. The Mahrattas, in adopting this view, would only be extending to the waters the principles by which their conduct is invariably governed on the land. 302 NAVAL ENGAGEMENT. [a.d. 1804. On the remainder of the supplemental articles little observation is necessary. The exchanges of territory were convenient to both parties interested in them. The British government obtained territory in a quarter where it was very desirable to possess it. The peishwa received back a country from which he would realize a revenue, in exchange for one from which he had never derived any ; while Eundle- cund, by being placed under the authority of the Company, was relieved from the anarchical state which had long prevailed, and placed in circumstances to partake of the good order and prosperity which characterize the British dominions in India, as compared with those under native governments. A brief digression from the progress of events in India must now be permitted, for the purpose of noticing a naval action of ex- traordinary brilliancy, in which the Company's ships, unaided by any vessels of war, signally sustained the honour of Great Britain in the Indian seas. A fleet from Canton had been despatched from that place on the 81st January, 1804, under the care of Captain Dance, who commanded one of the ships named the Earl Camden, and who was selected for the charge assigned to him as being the senior commander. On the morning of the 14th of February four strange sail were discerned. It was subsequently ascertained that they consisted of a ship of eighty-four guns, two heavy frigates, and a corvette of twenty-eight guns. At daybreak on the 15th, the ships which were discerned on the pre- ceding day were observed lying to, about three miles to windward of the English fleet. The merchantmen hoisted their colours and offered battle if the strangers chose to come down. The four ships immediately hoisted French colours, and the larger was observed to carry a rear-admiral's flag. In addition to the ships already mentioned was a brig, which hoisted Batavian colours. They formed a squadron which had been despatched under Admiral Linois to the Indian seas on the recommencement of hostilities between the English and French after the brief peace of Amiens. The enemy evincing no alacrity in accepting the invitation of the British com- mander, the latter formed in order of sailing and steered his course. The enemy then filled their sails and edged down towards the English, with the obvious intention of cutting oft' their rear. As soon as this was perceived. Commodore Dance made the signal to tack and bear down. The manoeuvre was performed with great precision, and the gallant merchant- men stood towards the enemy under a press of sail, and forthwith opened their fire on the headmost ships. The Royal George, com- manded by Captain Timins, was the leading ship of the English line, and was carried into action in admirable style. The Ganges, Captain Moffatt, was the next, and this was followed by the commodore's ship. The fire of these three bad such an effect on the enemy, that before the remaining ships could be brought up they stood away to the eastward under all the sail they could set. The English commander made signal for a general chase, and the enemy was pursued for two hours, when Commodore Dance fearing that he might be carried too far out of his course, and with reference to the great value of the ships and cargoes (estimated at eight millions), deemed it prudent to discontinue further attempts to overtake the frighted foe. Had circum- stances permitted, there can be no doubt that those who had so bravely commenced would have brought the affair to a worthy conclu- sion. An event so honourable to the maritime service of the East-India Company could not be passed in silence without injustice to that service, and to the country to which it was an ornament and a safeguard. The narrative must now return to the course of negotiation consequent on the splendid success of the British army by land. The opening afforded for Scindia's accession to the general defensive alliance was improved by the despatch of Cap- tain Malcolm to the camp of that chieftain, to endeavour, by negotiation, to attain the object. After encountering the usual amount of difficulty interposed by Mahratta habits of delay and dissimulation, he succeeded, and on the 27th of February a treaty of alliance was signed. It consisted of sixteen articles. The first contained an ordinary declaration of friendship and union. By the second the parties bound themselves to concert and pro- secute measures of defence in case of either being attacked, the expression of this mutual obligation being accompanied by a long expla- nation declaring that the British government would never permit any power or state to com- mit any act of unprovoked hostility or aggres- sion against Scindia, but, on his requisition, would maintain and defend his rights and territories in like manner with those of the Company. By the third, Scindia was to re- ceive a subsidiary force of not less than six thousand infantry, duly provided with artillery and properly equipped ; and by the fourth, that prince was exonerated from all additional expense on this account. The fifth article pro- vided for the mutual exemp'lion from duties, of supplies for the forces of the Company or of Scindia when in the territories of each other, and for securing to the officers of the two states due respect and consideration. The sixth declared the purposes for which the sub- sidiary force was to be employed, which were stated generally to be " services of import- ance " — a description illustrated by enumerat- ing a few instances of similar character to those referred to in other subsidiary treaties. The seventh article extended and rendered more stringent the provision of the former treaty against the employment of foreigners. The change was made on the suggestion of the governor-general. By the former treaty, Scindia was restrained from taking into his A.D. 1804.] TREATIES WITH MINOE CHIEFS. 303 service or retaining therein any Frenchman, or the subject of any European or American power the government of which might be atwar with Great Britain. The amended article intro- duced into thenew treaty contained no reference to the contingency of war ; Scindia was never to employ in his service or permit to remain in hig dominions any European or American whatever, without the consent of the British government. In return, the British govern- ment undertook never to employ or sanction the residence within its dominions of any per- son guilty of crimes or hostility against Scindia. The eighth article restrained Scindia from negotiating with any principal states or powers without giving notice to the Company's govern- ment and entering into consultation with them. On the other hand, the Company's government declared on their part that they would " have no manner of concern with any of the Mahara- jah's relations, dependants, military chiefs, or servants, with respect to whom the Maha- rajah " was admitted to be " absolute.'' The British government was never to afford " en- couragement, support, or protection to " any of the parties above enumerated " who might eventually act in opposition to the Maharajah's authority, but, on the contrary," on being re- quired, were " to aid and assist to punish and reduce all such offenders to obedience," and no officer of the Company was to interfere in the internal affairs of Scindia's government. The ninth article bound Scindia to refrain from entering into hostilities with any state in alliance with the Company, and to submit all disputes with any such states to its arbitration. The tenth and eleventh regulated the amount of force to be furnished by each party in the event of their being engaged in war with any other power, and provided for the accumula- tion of stores. The twelfth provided for the equal partition of conquests made in any such war, on condition that each party should have fulfilled the stipulations of the treaty. The thirteenth related to points of detail connected with the employment of the subsidiary force, and of other forces of the Company, in the event of disturbances. The fourteenth re- stricted both parties from interfering with the tributaries of the other. By the fifteenth the Company agreed to exert their influence to maintain the observance of such ceremonies and customs as should appear to be fixed in communicating between the peishwa and Scindia, and to recognize the right of the latter to all the possessions which he held either by written or unwritten authority, provided the written authority, if any, should not contravene the provisions of the treaty, and that all disputes relating to possessions held by unwritten authority should be referred to the arbitration of the British government. In this case, there- fore, the Company only agreed to recog- nize that which themselves should determine to be right. The article concluded with an engagement on the part of the British govern- ment to use its endeavours to prevent any acts done by Scindia or his ancestors, under the authority of the peishwa, from being sub- verted ; provided, however, , the maintenance of such acts should be consistent with the honour and dignity of the peishwa and the stipulations of the treaty of peace. The value of such an engagement, so qualified, is very easily appreciated. The sixteenth article re- lated to the negotiation and ratification of the treaty, and to the delivery of the ratified copy. From causes which will hereafter appear, the provisions of this treaty became practically of no importance ; but a just estimate of the policy then pursued in India could not have been formed without a full exposition of the views entertained and the measures adopted with regard to Scindia. For this reason, the principal parts of the treaty have been exhibited with a, degree of care which, for other purposes, would be unnecessary. Allusion has been made to treaties concluded with certain minor chiefs. These were the rajahs of Bhurtpore, Jodepore, Jeypoor, Machery, and Bhoondee, the rana of Gohud, and Ambajee Inglia. The territories of the whole lay in the region of the Jumna ; all the treaties were concluded by General Lake ; and, in most instances, the friendly desires of the native princes received an impulse from the result of the battle of Laswaree. The first to tender his adherence was the rajah of Bhurtpore, with whom a treaty was, in consequence, concluded, stipulating perpetual friendship and alliance, binding the British government not to interfere in the concerns of the rajah, nor to exact tribute of him, and engaging each party to co-operate in defending the territories of the other. By the treaty with the rajah of Machery, that chief agreed to refer his disputes for settlement to the Company's government, and to defray the charge of aid afforded him for the defence of his dominions at the same rate as other chie& of Hindostan. The rajah of Jeypoor made similar engagements, and further agreed to act, in time of war, " though in reality master of his own army," agreeably to the advice of the British commander employed with his troops. He also engaged not to entertain in his service, or in any manner give admission to any European without the consent of the Company's government. The treaty with the rajah of Jodepore corresponded with that formed with the chief last mentioned. Am- bajee Inglia was a powerful servant of Scindia, who had been appointed to supersede the authority of Perron, and whose appointment led to the precipitate departure of that person from the spot where he had contemplated the formation of an independent state. Part of the territories which Ambajee had been autho- rized to administer formed the ancient posses- sions of the house of Gohud, which had been conquered by Scindia some years before. Am- bajee made overtures to the British govern- 301 AFFAIRS OF CEYLON. [a.d. 1798. ment, offering to detach himself from the Bei-vioe of Scindia and become a tributary to them. It was desirable to aflFord him encou- ragement, and the difficulty of reconciling his claims with those of the rana of Gohud was got over by dividing the country, and assigning the independent possession of part to Ambajee, in consideration of his surrender- ing the right of administering the whole. A negotiation with this view was opened, and, after much evasion, a treaty concluded by which Ambajee agreed to surrender all the territory north of Gwalior, together with the fortress of that name, the British govern- ment guaranteeing to A.mbajee the remainder of the territory which had been under his management. A force was despatched to take possession of the fortress, and Ambajee readily gave an order for its delivery. The commandant, however, refused to obey the instructions of his master, and measures were taken for the reduction of the place by force. When a breach had been effected the garrison offered to surrender in consideration of the sum of fifty thousand rupees. This being refused, they demanded the value of certain stores as the price of submission, which being granted, possession of the fort was obtained by the English. By the treaty with the rana of Gohud, Gwalior was ceded to the Company, by whom the territories restored to her under the arrangement with Ambajee were guaranteed. The rana was to subsidize a British force of three battalions of infantry, and the payment was fixed at seventy-five thousand rupees per month. For the emperor, whose person the success of the campaign had transferred into English keeping, a munificent provision was made, and an adequate degree of state provided. He was not invested with any actual power, and indeed no human agency could have_ restored the Mahometan empire to respectability. It belonged to an age which had passed, and it was better for the peace and happiness of India that no attempt should be made to revive it. The conclusion of peace with Scindia and the rajah of Berar suggests the inquiry how far the objects proposed by the governor- general at the commencement of hostilities had been efiected ? A more convenient opportu- nity will be found for inquiring whether the pursuit of these objects was consistent with wisdom and justice — all that will be attempted here will be a very brief notice of what was proposed as compared with what was performed. We are not left to conjecture what were the objects proposed by the governor-general, nor whether he bad accurately defined them to himself. He placed them on record in a letter of instruction addressed to the commander-in- chief several weeks before a blow was struck. They were, first, the destruction of the French state on the banks of the Jumna, with all its military resources ; secondly, the extension of the Company's frontier to the Jumna, with the possession of Agra, Delhi, and a sufficient chain of forts on its banks ; thirdly, the posses- sion of the nominal authority of the Mogul ; fourthly, the establishment of alliances with petty chiefs southward and westward of the Jumna, from Jyenaghur to Bundlecund ; fifthly, the annexation of Bundlecund to the Company's dominions. Such were the objects, the attainment of which, in the estimation of the governor - general, would constitute " the most prosperous issue of a war vrith Scindia and the rajah of Berar on the north- western frontier of Hindostan" — and they were attained. CHAPTER XIX. CBTLON PLACED UNDER THE DIRECT GOVERNMENT OF THE CROWN. — WAR WITH THE CAN- BIANS. — SDKKENDEE OP AN ENGLISH DETACHMENT, AND MASSACRE OF THE PRISONERS. — SUBSEQUENT EVENTS. — REMARKS BY THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL. The Dutch settlements on the island of Cey- lon had fallen into the hands of the English during the time that Lord Hobart exercised the government of Madras. For a short period they formed an appendage to that pre- sidency ; but as soon as the ministry at home found leisure to reflect on the subject, it was deemed inexpedient that Ceylon should con- tinue under the administration of the East- India Company. It was accordingly placed under the direct administration of the Crown, and a governor appointed, who was to be alto- gether independent of the authority which was paramount over all the British possessions on the Indian continent. It would be idle to waste time in conjecturing the causes of this change. The motives are too obvious to be mistaken. All parties when in opposition declaim against the increase of ministerial patronage — all parties when in office labour to add to its extent, till checked by some strong intimation that they have reached the verge of parliamentary forbearance. It is rare indeed that such check is interposed, as those from whom it should come are often too much interested, either for themselves or their friends, to impose any limit on a privilege from which they hope to benefit. It is worthy of remark, that the chief mover in the proceedings which secured to the minis- try the entire patronage ot Ceylon was Mr. Henry Dundas, one of the most vehement opposers of the India Bill proposed by the famous coalition ministry, the main object A.D. 1803.] OCCUPATION OF CANDY. 305 of which was to transfer the patronage of India to that ministry. Mr. Dundas was then in opposition — when the Ceylon question was to be disposed of he was a cabinet minister. In the interior of the island was the king- dom of Candy — a state of some extent and power. Previously to the acquisition of the Dutch settlements in Ceylon, more than one attempt had been made by the English to establish amicable relations with the sovereign of this state, but without success. An over- ture from the government of Madras, after the conquest, was not more fortunate in its results ; and on the arrival of Mr. North, the first governor appointed by the crown, not only were the relations of Candy to the British government entirely unsettled, but the country itself was in a state of confusion, originating in the death of the king, and the elevation of a usurper in his place, to the exclusion of the rightful claimant of the throne. This had been effected through the intrigues of a man named Pelime Talauve, who held the office of chief adigur, or first minister. The person whom he had placed on the throne was of low extraction, and destitute of talents. These circumstances probably constituted his chief qualifications in the eyes of the ambitious adigur, who intended, in eastern fashion, to exercise the power without assuming the title of sovereign. He succeeded in attaining his object. The second adigur retained his alle- giance to Mootto Savpmy, the lawful inheritor of the throne, and paid the price of his fidelity in the forfeiture of his head. The queen and all the relations of the deceased king were thrown into prison ; but, after a time, several, and among themMootto Sawmy, found means to escape. They claimed protection from the British government, which was granted, but under I'e- strictions which deprived them of all power to disturb the existing government of Candy. Pelime Talauve was apparently not less dis- posed to seek' the aid of the British govern- ment, and he is stated to have made some very atrocious proposals for his own aggrandize- ment, accompanied b^ conditions which he believed would be acceptable to the English. These were rejected with becoming expressions of indignation ; but soon afterwards, from motives which do not very clearly appear. Major-general M'Dowall was dispatched on a mission to the court of Candy. The instruc- tions given to General M'Dowall seem to indi- cate a desire, on the part of the governor, to establish the British authority in Candy, and to connect it with his government by the tie of a subsidiary alliance. But the first inter- view of business put an end to all hope of efiecting any of the objects of the mission, whatever they were. General M'Dowall's first request was moderate ; that which he asked was calculated not less for the benefit of the subjects of the king of Candy than for the con venience of the people under the British go- vernment — it was for permission to construct a road through the king's territories, to connect Colombo with Trincomalee. The answer was an unqualified denial, the king expressing hia decided aversion to any intercourse between his subjects and Europeans. Such was the fruit of this mission, which had been des- patched at vast expense. General M'Dowall being attended to the frontier by a large force, and bearing magnificent presents. Various attempts at negotiation followed, which, as they were marked by no circum- stances of interest and led to no results, may ba passed over. The hostile designs of the court of Candy were, however, placed beyond doubt by the warlike preparations reported to be in pro- gress in the country, and by repeated acts of aggression upon British subjects. One of these called forth a remonstrance from the English governor. A number of bullocks, laden with areka-nuts, belonging to persons who were peaceably pursuing an ordinary branch of traffic, were seized and confiscated. The answer to the representations of the British government pro- mised restitution ; but the fulfilment of the pro- mise was constantly evaded under somefrivoloua pretence, and no redress was obtained. The governor now determined on war, and on the 31st of January, 1803, General M'Dowall marched from Colombo with a force about two thousand strong. A few days later Colonel Barbutt marched with a large force from Trin- comalee, and on the 20 th of February the two divisions met before the city of Candy, the capital of the country. General M'Dowall's division had performed a march of a hundred and three miles ; that of Colonel Barbutt had traversed a hiindred and forty-two ; and though the progress of the invaders was not altogether unopposed, the resistance which they experienced was too inconsiderable to call for notice. On the 21st of February a strong detachment marched into Candy, which they found completely evacuated, and in seve- ral places on fire. The great arsenal had been blown up, but a considerable quantity of ammu- nition, brass cannon, and small arms, was found in various places. Mootto Sawmy, the lawful claimant of the throne of Candy had been placed under the care of Colonel Barbutt. In conse- quence of representations from that officer of the disposition of the inhabitants of those parts of Candy with which he was ac- quainted to receive Mootto Sawmy as their sovereign, it was determined to recognize his title and proclaim him king. On the 4th of March he arrived in the city of Candy, and a convention was concluded, by which the Bri- tish government agreed to deliver over to him that place, and all the possessions belonging to it which were at that time in their occu- pation, with certain exceptions, among which was included a strip of ground across the Can- dian territories, of sufficient breadth to form a road from Colombo to Trincomalee. The prince engaged to cede this and the other ex- cepted portions of territory, and to permit all Malays resident in his kingdom to proceed 306 DISCREDITABLE NEGOTIATIONS. [A.D.1803. with their families to the British settlements, from which he was to receive an auxiliary force in case he should require it to maintain his authority. The deposed king was to have safe conduct to Colombo, and a sufficient provision for hia maintenance ; a general amnesty was to be granted, and the English were to be secured certain privileges with regard to the trade in cinnamon, the cutting of wood in the Candian forests, and the surveying of rivers and water-courses with a view to rendering them navigable for the purposes of trade and the mutual advantage of both countries, which object the king was to promote by his assist- ance. "In this matter," says a narrator of these proceedings, "arrangements were made with the most sincere cordiality between the British government and Mootto Sawmy." But neither the sincerity nor the cordiality withheld the British government from concluding, within a few days afterwards, other arrange- ments utterly at variance with the former, and depriving Mootto Savnny of nearly all that had been professedly secured to him. It is said that this prince, although well received by the inhabitants of the frontier, met with no adherents as he approached the capital, and that he remained in his palace at Candy surrounded only by his own domestics, and supported by no other power but that of the British army. If this be true, it shows the extreme imprudence with which the engage- ment had been formed: but as it does not appear that Mootto Sawmy himself bad misled the British government, as to the extent of his own popularity, it is difficult to see upon what grounds of justice or good faith he could be sacrificed, to repair an error arising out of the credulity and precipitancy of others. Pe- lime Talauve had never ceased to pursue his trade of intrigue : he " had the effrontery," says Mr. Cordiner, " to carry on a deceitful coiTespondence, under the mask of friendship, with the commander of the British forces," and that commander, he might have added, had the weakness to be deceived by him. "No art," says the historian, "was left untried which might either dupe or cajole our govern- ment" — and Pelime Talauve had no reason to complain of want of success. He promised to betray his puppet master to the English, and requested the despatch of two strong detach- ments by different routes to the place where the prince was to be seized. The required detachments marched, and had proceeded only a few miles before both were subjected to a heavy fire from every direction : they continued, however, to move on. Their route lay over roads of the worst possible description, and was pursued under the annoyances of which they had received so early a specimen. They at length arrived at the place where the king was to have been found, but he had not thought fit to await their approach. The inde- fatigable Pelime Talauve wished to draw them forward into fresh snares, but the officer in command. Colonel Baillie, declined to be fur- ther trepanned, and returned without delay to head-quarters. In the meantime jungle fever had made its appearance in the British force, and committed frightful ravages. Pelime Talauve continued to correspond with the government, expressing his surprise that the governor should incur so much trouble and expense, and proposing an arrangement in which himself, as might be expected, was to be the party chiefly benefited. These overtures received a favourable answer, and they were followed by the appearance at Candy of the person holding the office of second adigur, or minister, carrying a firelock and match wrap- ped in white muslin — " as an emblem of peace," says the historian — perhaps also as an emblem of purify. This personage was forthwith ad- mitted to a conference with General M'Dowall, and the rights, which a few days before had been solemnly secured to Mootto Sawmy, were summarily cut down, in conformity with more recent views of convenience. The servants of Mootto Sawmy's rival were not less ready to sacrifice the claims of their master than were the English to surrender those of their ally. By General M'Dowall and the Candian nego- tiator it was agreed that Pelime Talauve's pageant king should be given up to the English, and the adigur himself invested with supreme authority in Candy ; that he should pay an- nually a sum of thirty thousand rupees to Mootto Sawmy, who was to hold the semblance of a court at Jaffnapatam ; that certain cessions should be made to the English, differing little from those stipulated in the agreement with Mootto Sawmy, and that a cessation of arms should immediately take place. Soon after this arrangement General M'Dowall departed for Colombo, leaving in the city of Candy a garrison of seven hundred Malays and three hundred Europeans, besides a great number of sick, whose removal was impracticable. Pelime Talauve now expressed a desire to be admitted to an audience of the British go- vernor, for the purpose of arranging a defini- tive treaty of peace. It was about the same time suggested to the' governor that hia pre- sence in the province of the seven corles, which was to be one of the cessions, might be desir- able ; he proceeded thither, and there, on the 3rd of May, received Pelime Talauve. The terms which had been agreed upon by General M'Dowall were confirmed by the governor, and apparently little remained to be done but for the English to extricate themselves from the difficulties of their previous engagement with Mootto Sawmy. Colonel Barbutt under- took to negotiate with that prince, but was prevented by an attack of fever, which in a few days terminated his life. Pelime Talauve expressed great uneasiness at this, lest it might protract the execution of the articles of the treaty ; to avert which inconvenience he ear- nestly requested that General M'Dowall might be sent to Candy to perform the task which had been designed for Colonel Barbutt. In accordance with the adigur's wishes, General A.D. 1803.] MASSACRE OF BEITISH SOLDIERS. 307 M'Dowall marched from Colombo on the 11th of May, and amved at Candy on the 23rd ; but being aeon seized with fever, he was com- pelled, on the 1st of June, to quit it for a situation more favourable to the restoration of health. The garrison at Candy was left under the command of Major Davie. At this time the intentions of Pelime Talauve became evident even to the British authorities, who had so long given him credit for sincerity. He made another attempt to entrap the British com- mander into the despatch of a force to take the person of the fugitive king, but he was not so weak as to fall into the snare. All around was war, notwithstanding the engagements which had been made for its suspension ; and the Candians succeeded in dispossessing the English of several strong posts. On the 24th of June they attacked the capital before daybreak. They were repulsed, but soon resumed the at- tack, and a fire was kept up from both sides till two o'clock, when the British displayed a white flag, and the firing ceased. Articles of capitulation were with little difficulty agreed upon. By them Candy was to be delivered up, with all the stores and ammunition within it ; the British troops were to march out with their arms, on the road leading to Trincomalee ; Mootto Sawmy was to be permitted to accom- pany them, and the adigur engaged to protect such sick and wounded as should be unavoid- ably left, and provide them with provisions and medicines till they could be removed to Colombo or Trincomalee. At five in the afternoon the British troops, consisting of fourteen European ofiicers, twenty European non-commissioned officers and pri- vates, two httndred and fifty Malays, and a hundred and forty gnn-lascars, marched out of Candy, on the road leading to Trincomalee, accompanied by Mootto Sawmy. After ad- vancing a mile and a half, they were compelled to halt for the night : a river was to be crossed which was not fordable, and the party had neither boats nor rafts. In the morning, while endeavouring to provide the mieans of transit, armed bodies of Candians were observed to gather around them. A party of chiefs, after a time, approached, and informed Major Davie that the king was greatly incensed against the adigur for allowing the garrison to leave Candy ; but that if they would deliver up Mootto Sawmy, they should be supplied with boats to cross the river, and receive every assistance on their march. Major Davie, in the proper spirit of a British officer, refused. The ofier was repeated some hours afterwards by another party, accompanied by assurances of safety and protection for Mootto Sawmy. Major Davie, on this occasion, is represented to have con- sulted bis officers — as if the question of sur- rendering the unhappy prince to his enemies were one of donbt. It is to be presumed that the advice which he received was such as became those to whom the British commander applied for counsel, lor his answer to the Can- dian chiefs was, that he could not part with Mootto Sawmy without orders from Colombo. The Candians departed, but soon returned, declaring that if Mootto Sawmy were not given up, the king would send his whole force to seize him and to prevent the British troops from crossing the river. Major Davie then had re- course to another consultation. How he was advised cannot be known — how he acted is but too certain. He informed Mootto Sawmy that he had no longer power to protect him ; and the unfortunate prince, with his relatives and servants, was delivered up to the agents of the king of Candy, or rather of the man who ruled the king. It is said that Mootto Sawmy, on learning his fate, indignantly exclaimed — " Is it possible that the triumphant arms of Eng- land can be so humbled as to be awed by the menaces of such cowards as the Candians ? " — but this appeal to national feeling was vain. Mootto Sawmy was marched to Candy, and there put to death. Two of his relatives shared his fate. Six weeks after his being surrendered, eight of his servants appeared at Trincomalee, who, after being deprived of their noses and ears, had been suffered to depart. The day of dishonour, on which Mootto Sawmy was abandoned to destruction, passed without the English having been able to efiect the passage of the river and without their re- ceiving any assistance for the purpose. On that which followed, a body of Candians having taken post within a hundred yards of the British party, their leader advanced to Major Davie, and intimated that it was the pleasure of the king that the garrison should return to Candy unarmed, and that instant death was the penalty of refusal. The requisition was com- plied with ; and after proceeding a short dis- tance towards Candy, the whole of the British officers and soldiers were murdered, excepting Major Davie and two other officers, who were spared, and a corporal named George Barnsley, who, after being left for dead, recovered and made his escape. Kative officers and men, who refused to enter the service of the king of Candy, were despatched in various modes, some of them of extreme barbarity. The sick left in Candy, consisting of a hundred and twenty men belonging to the King's 19th regi- ment of foot, were all murdered in cold blood as they lay incapable of resistance in the hospitiU. The details of the earlier part of this melan- choly and discreditable series of transactions are too imperfect to admit of confident remark. Sickness had greatly diminished the strength of the garrison oolnmanded by Major Davie ; some desertions from the native part of it seem to have taken place, and more to have been apprehended ; but still he was not re- duced to extremity. Reinforcements were on their way to his relief. This, indeed, he did not know ; but he was certainly bound to protract the defence as long as possible, in the hope that either some assistance might reach, or some accident befriend him. But If the X 2 308 TERMINATION OF HOSTILITIES. [a.d. 1803. propriety of his abandonment of Candy be open to doubt, that of bis subsequent abandon- ment of the unhappy prince, Mootto Sawray, is liable to none. Mootto Sawmy had been invited from Trincomalee, where he was in safety, to Candy, where the English either wanted the power to place him on the throne, or were induced by the arts of Pelime Talauve to abstain from using it. They then, with an extraordinary degree of levity, degraded Mootto Sawmy from the rank of a king to that of a stipendiary upon the bounty of the man who hated him, and had already violently deprived him of his rights. This was a great stain upon the honour of the British nation, but one far darker followed in the surrender of Mootto Sawmy to certain death. For the safety of that prince the faith of the British government was pledged, and it was the duty of every man in its service to shed his last drop of blood in defending him from harm. Honour was sacrificed to fear, and the reward was worthy of the act. Those who devoted Mootto Sawmy to destruction thought by the dishonourable deed to insure safety to them- selves. But they were disappointed — their weakness and perfidy were rewarded by a miserable death or a more miserable captivity. Painful as are the feelings excited by the nar- rative of the surrender ot Candy and the subsequent events, the story presents a lesson not to be forgotten. The corporal, Barnsley, who had happily escaped the death which had overtaken his comrades under Major Davie, succeeded in m.iking his way to a British post called Fort M'Dowall, which was defended by a small garrison under Captain Madge. That officer, on hearing the corporal's intelligence, deter- mined to evacuate the fort and retreat towards Trincomalee. He departed in the night, and during a march of four days was exposed to a constant fire from large bodies of Candians. He then fell in with a detachment proceeding to the relief of Candy, and the enemy there- upon dispersed. The defence of another English post, named Dumbadenia, demands notice, not from its importance nor the magnitude of the opera- tions earned on before or within it, but from the gallant spirit displayed by a small body of men, not one of whom was in a condition for active service. Dumbadenia was a small re- doubt, slightly constructed of fascines and earth ; its garrison consisted of only fourteen convalescents of the 19th regiment, who were on their way to Colombo for the restoration of their health, and twenty-two invalid Malays. It was commanded by an ensign named Grant, The Candians, headed by the second adigur, mustered before it in several thousands, and kept up an incessant fire for several days, the gaiTison lying sheltered behind a breastwork, and only discharging an occasional shot when the enemy ventured to approach sufficiently near to render it effective. Invitations to surrender were sent daily, accompanied by solemn promises of honourable treatment, which would doubtlessly have been observed as strictly aa at Candy. Ensign Grant was so enfeebled by sickness as to be scarcely capable of ordinary motion ; but his spirit was subdued neither by disease nor the apparently desperate nature of his situation. He strengthened his shelter by bags of rice and such other materials as could be obtained, and resolved to per- severe. A seasonable reinforcement, aftec a time, reduced the fearful disproportion of force against which he had to contend ; and another enabled him to bring away in safety the whole of the brave men by whom he had been supported, after destroying all the stores and provisions in the place. A long series of hostilities on a minute scale followed. The King of Candy, emboldened by the success which had attended him, surrounded the British possessions, and threat- ened even their capital, Colombo. But his army being totally defeated at Hangwell, about eighteen miles from that city, by Cap- tain Pollock, of the King's 51st regiment, the Candian prince made a precipitate retreat, and revenged his disappointment by cutting off the heads of two of his chiefs, who had the indiscretion to follow his majesty's example with so much zeal as to overtake him before his indignation had found opportunity for vent. It would be uninteresting to pursue the history of this war further in detail. The imperfect means of defence possessed by the Ceylon government were increased by assist- ance from Bengal and Madras. The Candians, driven from the British possessions, continued for some time to harass the frontiers. In the spring of 1804 they meditated 'a general in- vasion of the British dominions, but were anticipated by an attack on their own. In the following year the enemy resumed their attempts, but were repulsed. From that time there was a suspension of active hostilities, but the relations of the two states were not deter- mined by any treaty or engagement. This state of things has been characterized as " a tacit suspension of hostilities." The war, in- discreetly begun and imprudently conducted, was thus unsatisfactorily terminated. The victims of the massacre of Candy remained unavenged, and the honour of the British name unvindicated. The first information which the governor- general received of the war was from the Ceylon Oa^tte, containing the proclamation of the governor of the island announcing its com- mencement. A heavy pecuniary demand for the necessary outlay was immediately after- wards made upon Bengal, but it was intimated to the governor of Madras that no troops would be wanted unless a second campaign should be necessary, which was not thought probable. Subsequently troops were requested; but the request being rested principally on the apprehension of a renewal of the war with Fi'ance, and being accompanied by favourable A.D. 1805.] EEMAEKS BY MARQUIS WELLESLEY. 809 representations of the progress of tbe war in Ceylon, and the means at the governor's disposal for carrying it on, there was no reason to believe that the want was urgent ; and the application was moreover made at a season impracticable for the voyage. The announcement of the fatal events in Candy opened the real state of affairs in the island. At this time, all the resources of India were required for the efficient prosecu- tion of the Mahratta war. But Ceylon could not be left to ruin ; and between the 29 th of July, when the danger first became known, and the sucoeding November, the island was reinforced from India by two detachments of the king's troops, amounting respectively to two hundred and eight-two and one hundred and eighty-seven, by five hundred Bengal volunteers, and three hundred Madras sepoys. • The efi^eots of the separation of Ceylon from tbe government of India were thus not left for any long period to be conjectured. Almost as soon as the separation was effected the fruits began to appear. The consequences had been foreseen and foretold by theigovemor-general, but his warnings experienced the fate that usually awaits advice which runs counter to men's prejudices and interests. Prediction had now become fact. " Under the new constitution," said the Marquis Wellesley, '' treaties have been concluded and a war has been undertaken by the government of Ceylon without the previous knowledge of the gover- nor-general ; the expenses of that war have, however, been supplied in the first instance by the government-general, and the calamities which have attended the progress of the war have occasioned demands for troops from the government-general. Whether the war in Cey- lon could have been altogether avoided ; whether its commencement could have been postponed to a more convenient season ; or whether its con- duct could have been improved, and an early and honourable peace established upon per- manent foundations, are questions which it is neither my present duty nor intention to examine ; but it is evident that every arrange- ment connected with these questions might have been formed with greater advantage under the direct authority of the power which must ultimately furnish the supplies for war and provide the securities of peace. Had the government of Ceylon remained sub- ordinate to this government, the war in that island, if deemed necessary, would have been undertaken after a deliberate preparation of sufficient resources, and after a full con- sideration of the most effectual means of sup- plying them. This government could not have been taken by surprise with respect to the actual commencement of the war, or to its result ; and an opportunity would have been afforded of apportioning, at an early period of time, to the service in Ceylon such aid as might have appeared, on a just comparison of objects and means, to be compatible with due attention to -other branches of the service in India, or to be indispensably necessary for the safety of Ceylon. The independence of Ceylon has placed all these considerations beyond the reach of the governor-general in council, who was unapprized of the approach of war in Ceylon until it had actually commenced, and of the probable demand for considerable rein- forcements in Ceylon, until a war on the con- tinent of India had limited the means of furnishing them." CHAPTER XX. PEOCEEDINGS OF HOLKAB — COLONEL MONSON's DISASTEOUS EETREAT — COLONEL BUEN's DEFENCE OF DELHI — BATTLE OF DBBO — SUCCESSES IN THE DEOCAN — SIEGE OF BHTIETPORB — TRBATT WITH THE RAJAH — OONDUOT OF SOINDIA — ATTACK ON THE BRITISH RESIDENCY HOLKAE'S LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL — SIK ARTHUR WELLESLEY RETURNS TO ENGLAND — AMBA-TEE INGLIA — WARLIKE PREPARATIONS SUSPENDED — ARRIVAL OP THE MAE- QUIS CORNWALLIS AS QOVERNOR-GENEBAL— OHARACTEE OF THE MAEQUIS WELLESLEY. The conclusion of peace with Scindia and the rajah of Berar did not relieve the British government from all apprehensions of danger from Mahratta enemies, nor allow of the immediate recall of its armies from the field. Holkar was to have aided those two chiefs against the English, and actually des- patched for the purpose a body of troops under a military adventurer known as Ameer Khan ; but the commander, hearing of the glo- rious battle of Assye, became too much alarmed to proceed, and returned to his employer. Holkar participated in the fright of his ser- vant to an extent sufficient to restrain him from taking any decisive steps against tbe English ; but he endeavoured by correspond- ence to rouse the spirit of the native princes against them. He also plundered the territo- ries of some of the allies and dependents of the British government ; and though this was by no means an unequivocal demonstration of enmity, seeing that it is the Mahratta custom to plunder friends and foes with the greatest im- partiality, it was justly deemed proper to warn him against a repetition of such acts, and to take measures for defending the territories of the Company and their allies from attacks which there was some reason to apprehend. General Lake accordingly took up a position which enabled him to restrain Holkar's pre- SIO PEOCEEDINGS OF HOLKAE. [A.D. 1804. datory operations in the quarter where they were most to be apprehended ; and also, under instructions from the governor-general, ad- dressed a letter to that chief, expressing the disposition of the British government to leave him in the unmolested exercise of his autho- rity, provided he would abstain from acts of aggression against that government and its allies. In proof of his amicable intentions, he was required to withdraw his army from the menacingposition which ithad taken up, to retire within his own territories, and to abstain from exacting tribute from the allies of the Com- pany. Holkar was also invited to send vakeels to the British camp, to make known his wishes and form arrangements for the establishment of relations of friendship. After a consider- able time, during which Holkar occupied him- self in addressing friendly letters to General Lake, and letters to the surrounding princes filled with denunciations of the nation and government which General Lake represented, vakeels were despatched by him to the British camp. They were, as usual with Mahratta negotiators, unfurnished with powers to con- clude any engagement; their function was simply to communicate the demands of their master. These demands were, that he should be permitted to collect chout according to the custom of his ancestors — a custom which Hol- kar regarded as too laudable (to say nothing of its profitableness) to be relinquished ; that certain possessions formerly held by his family, including twelve pergunnahs in the Doab, and a pergunnah in Bundlecund, should be given to him ; that the country of Hurriana should be transferred to him ; the country then in his pos- session guaranteed, and a treaty concluded with him on the same terms as with Scindia. As these terms were not proposed with the ex- pectation of their being accepted, it is unneces- sary to discuss their reasonableness or the pro- priety of putting them forward. They were of course rejected, with a natural expression of astonishment on the part of General Lake that they should have been submitted. With refer- ence to a promise formerly given by Holkar, the vakeels were asked whether their chief would withdraw his troops from their offensive posi- tion. The answer was explicit far beyond the ordinary measure of Mahratta candour ; it was, that Holkar would not consider the promise binding unless the demands which they had made on his behalf should be complied with. After the conclusion of this conference, the vakeels intimated that some relaxation of the terms might be made . The British commander replied by referring to former connections with Holkar ; and requiring, as an indispensa- ble preliminary to negotiation, the immediate return of the chief to his own possessions. It would be useless to follow in detail the pro- gress of a negotiation distinguished in nothing from others in which Mahrattas are parties : the negotiation came to an end, as it was evi- dent that it must, without any arrangement being effected ; and orders were issued to General Lake and General Wellesley to com- mence hostile operations against Holkar both in Hindostan and the Decoan. These orders were dated the 16th of April, 1804. General Wellesley had some time before received a menacing letter from Holkar, demanding the cession of certain provinces in the Decoan as the condition of peace ; and adding that, in the event of war, though Holkar might be unable to oppose the British artillery in the field, "countries of many coss should be overrun, and plundered and burnt ; " that General Lake " should not have leisure to breathe for a moment ; and that calamities would fall on lacs of human beings in continued war, by the attacks of" Holkar's "army, which over- whelm like the waves of the sea." One of those admirable military qualities which pre- eminently distinguished the great commander to whom this letter was addressed, and which has greatly contributed to his brilliant success, was, the habit of leaving nothing to chance, or to a hasty and unpremeditated arrangement, when the opportunity existed of making pre- vious provision to meet coming events. In the exercise of this comprehensive prudence. General Wellesley forthwith proceeded to place the troops under his immediate com- mand in a state of equipment for active ser- vice, and to reinforce the corps in Guzerat. On receiving orders for the commencement of hostile operations. General Wellesley directed Colonel Murray, commanding the force in that province, to march with the greater part of it for the purpose of co-operating with the com- mander-in-chief in such manner as circum- stances might require. He likewise addressed the resident at Scindia's court, calling for the aid of that chieftain's army in support of the common cause of the allies. Scindia promised to comply, and to adopt the measures sug- gested by General Wellesley. Holkar had been at Ajmeer, within the territories of Scindia — ostensibly for purposes of devotion, for Hindoo robbers are remarkably devout. His devotions being completed, he returned through the territories of the rajah of Jyenaghur, where he remained for some time with a considerable body of horse, engaged in a series of predatory occupations, which it may be presumed his recent visit to Ajmeer had sanctified. To protect the city of Jyenaghur, General Lake made a detach- ment of three battalions of native infantry, which were placed under the command of Colonel Monson, of the King's 76th regiment. Their approach disturbed Holkar in the exer- cise of his vocation, and caused him to retire with some precipitancy to the southward. He was followed by General Lake, the detach- ment under Colonel Monson continuing in advance. On the 1 0th of May, a detachment was made from the main body for the purpose of attacking Tonk Eampoora, a Rajpoot town about sixty miles from the capital of Jye- naghur, in the occupation of Holkar. The detachment, consisting of three battalions of A.D. 1804.] SUCCESSES AND EEVERSES. 311 native infantry, a regiment of native cavalry, and a proportion of artillery, was commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Don. The attack was made at two o'clock on the morning of the 15th of May. Colonel Don advanced with his party undiscovered to within two hundred and fifty yards of the gateway ; they were then fired upon by a pioquet on their right, but the party moved on without noticing the inter- ruption. On coming within a hundred yards of the passage they encountered a smart fire from the rampart. This was returned by a fire of musketry, which did considerable execu- tion among the men on the ramparts. The first gate was then successfully blown open ; the fire of musketry being kept up for the purpose of dislodging the people who occupied the works. The second gate, being out of repair, was not shut; the third and fourth were blown open, and the British force entered the town. While some of the assailants scoured the ramparts^ Colonel Don pushed on with the remainder to a small gateway on the south side of the fort, through which the enemy were making their escape. The success of this attempt deprived Holkar of the only footing that he had in Hindostan north of the Chumbul. The country commanded by the fort of Tonk Kampoora necessarily passed under the control of the possessors of the fort. Holkar, however, had fled so rapidly, and to such a distance, that it was deemed inexpedient for the main body of the British army to at- tempt following him ; and General Lake deter- mined to march hia troops back into quarters, leaving to Colonel Monson, with the detach- ment under his command, the duty of guarding against the retuiTi of Holkar, while Colonel Murray, it was expected, was moving against him from Guzerat. This determination of the commander-in-chief seems to be little in accord- ance with his general character ; nor is it easy to understand why the main body of the army could not keep the field as well as Colonel Monson'a detachment. It appears, indeed, that General Lake's army was suffering much in health from the operation of the hot winds, and that the cattle were perishing from want of forage. Colonel Monson's detachment, being composed entirely of infantry, would have fewer wants than a force of which a large pro- portion was cavalry ; but, on the other hand, from the want of cavalry it would possess fewer facilities for supplying its necessities. The retrograde movement of General Lake seems also to have been subject to difficulties and hardships not inferior to those which might have been expected to attend his advance, and the loss of men almost incredible, with reference to the fact that they never met an enemy, ex- cepting a few robbers of lower grade than the freebooters whom the army had advanced to punish. The march was at length completed and the troops dispersed to their allotted stations. Although the celerity of Holkar's retreat had rendered it impracticable for the English army to keep near him, his movements had been accompanied by a body of Hindoatauee cavalry despatched for the purpose. It con- sisted of two parties ; one commanded by Captain Gardiner, an officer in the service of the rajah of Jyenaghur, the other by Lieu- tenant Lucan, of the king's service. On the 29th of May, Colonel Gardiner learned that a native chieftain named Tantia, in the interest of Holkar, was encamped with a considerable force at no great distance from him. With the assistance of Lieutenant Lucan this place was attacked, and the whole of the infantry, amounting to about two thousand, sur- rendered, on condition of being escorted to the camp of Bappoojee Scindia, who com- manded the troops which Dowlut Row Scindia, in ostensible conformity with his engagements, had put in motion against Holkar. There the prisoners were to be released, under promise of never serving against the British govern- ment. In another quarter the British arms met with reverses. Ameer Khan, with a large body of predatory horse, fell suddenly on two companies of British sepoys and about fifty artillerymen, employed in the trenches against a amall fort in Bundlecund, destroyed the whole party, and carried off their guns and tumbrils. According to this marauder's re- port he gained other advantages, but the English accounts vary from his own ; and as he entirely forgets to record his subsequent defeat and the dispersion of his force, though sufficiently notorious, it is evident that hia statement cannot be admitted without a minute inquiry into its truth, which the importance of the facts is not sufficient to warrant. The trifling disasters sustained in Bundle- cund were succeeded by others far more serious. Subsequently to the capture of Tonk Bampoora, Colonel Don, with so many of hia detachment as were not required for the garrison of that place, joined Colonel Monson, who, thus reinforced, moved in the direction of Kotah, and arrived in its vicinity early in June. Here he was joined by a body of troops in the service of the rajah of Kotah. Pur- suing a southerly course, he advanced to the strong pass of Mokundra, where he halted a few days to collect supplies ; after which, re- suming his march, he arrived on the 1st of July in the neighbourhood of the fortress of Hinglaisghur, an old possession of Holkar's family, and held in his name by a garrison of eight hundred foot and three hundred horse. It was assailed on the 2nd, and carried with great rapidity and inconsiderable loss. Colonel Monson subsequently advanced his position about fifty miles beyond the Mokundra pass, to a place where he was informed supplies could be obtained, and &om which also he ex- pected to be able to communicate with Colonel Murray, at that time on his march from Guzerat towardsOujein with a considerable detachment. Colonel Monson's corps had been originally un- accompanied by cavalry, but before this period 312 COLONEL MONSON'S RETEEAT. [A.D. 1804. it had been joined by two bodies of irregular horse, one (already mentioned) under the com- mand of Lieutenant Luoan, the other com- manded by Bappoojee Scindia. Colonel Murray, after advancing a certain distance towards Oujein, became suddenly alarmed ; resolved to retire behind the Mahie river, and actually fell back for the purpose. This retrograde movement gave confidence to Holkar, who, after his retreat, had taken post in Malwa, with the Chumbul river between him and Colonel Monson. This post he now quitted, and reorossed the river with his whole army. It had been the intention of Colonel Monson to attack Holkar, but under the in- fluence, as it is represented, of motives arising from various causes — a deficiency of grain in his camp, the absence of a detachment employed to bring up a supply, and of another part of his force that was on its march to join him from Hinglaisghur, but above all, the retreat of Colonel Murray — he determined to retire to the Mokundra pass — a determination in- duced, it is said, by the treacherous advice of Bappoojee Scindia. Accordingly, at four in the morning, on the 8th of July, he sent off the whole of his baggage and stores to Soonarah, the troops remaining on the ground of encamp- ment, in order of battle, till half-past nine. The infantry then moved off, the cavalry being left on the ground with orders to follow in half an hour, and to send Colonel Monson the earliest intelligence of Holkar's motions. The infantry met with no interruption ; but after marching about twelve miles, a report reached them, that at a considerable distance in their rear Lieutenant Lucan's cavalry had been attacked by the whole of that of Holkar. Colonel Monson immediately formed his troops in order of battle, and was proceeding to the support of the party attacked, when Bappoojee Scindia arrived with the fearful intelligence that they were no longer in a situation to receive support. They had been nearly cut to pieces, and their gallant commander, dread- fully wounded, had fallen into the hands of the enemy. It is said that this catastrophe was occasioned by the cavalry having remained longer on the field than Colonel Monson in- tended. On receiving the news of the destruction of so large a portion of his force, Colonel Monson resumed his march towards the Mokundra pass, which he reached on the following day without molestation. On the morning of the 10th of July a large body of the enemy's cavalry made their appearance, and their numbers continued gradually to increase till noon on the 11th, when Holkar, with a degree of modesty be- coming his character, sent a letter to Colonel Monson, demanding the surrender of the guns and small arms of the British force. On receiving a refusal — for it need scarcely be stated that the insolent demand was refused — Holkar divided his force into three bodies, which at the same point of time attacked the front and flanks of Colonel Monson's corps. The assailants were bravely repulsed ; but, not dismayed by their first failure, they repeatedly returned to the attack, and were as often driven back with severe loss. Finding that he could make no impression on the men whose arms he had coolly demanded, Holkar drew off his troops to the distance of about four miles, where he was joined by his infantiy and guns. The brave resistance offered by the British force on this occasion, is but a brilliant speck in the train of disaster and suffering. Colonel Monson had intended to make a stand at Mo- kundra, but fearful that the enemy might get to his rear and cut off his communication with the pass and with the town of Kotah, which was the only place from whence he could obtain supplies — adverting, moreover, to the circumscribed nature of his position, to the reputed strength of Holkar's force, and the supposed weight and number of that chief- tain's guns, he resolved to continue his retreat to Xotah ; and so great was his anxiety to avoid an engagement, that he left his camp standing to deceive the enemy. His march to Kotah was performed under inclement skies and through an inundated country, and when he arrived, fresh difficulties awaited him. The rajah declined to admit the British troops into the town, and declared that he could furnish no provisions, of which they began to be greatly in want. Colonel Monson was, therefore, compelled to pursue his march amidst nearly all the privation and suffering which can attend the movement of an army. On the 15th July the guns became so firmly embedded in the mud which formed the basis of the road by which they had to be trans- ported, as to defy all the efforts made to extricate them. They were consequently spiked and abandoned. The march was then continued through a country completely under water. The Chnmbulee rivulet was crossed, and on the 29th the whole of the corps was at Tonk Bampoora. On its progress several trifling conflicts took place, in all of which the character of the British troops was main- tained. As soon as the situation of Colonel Monson at Mokundra had become known to the commander-in-chief, a reinforcement of two battalions of sepoys, with four six-pounders and two howitzers, and a body of Hindostanee cavalry, had been despatched from Agra to his relief, as well as a supply of grain. This reinforcement joined Colonel Monson at Tonk Bampoora, where he remained for several days, as if with the intention of making a stand. He, however, finally resumed his retreat, but not until the enemy were close upon him. On the 22nd of August he arrived at the Banas river, which was so swollen as to render it impossible to cross. A halt was thus unavoidable, and opportunity was afforded for the assemblage of the whole force of the enemy in the neighbourhood of the A.D. 1804.] CONTINUED DISASTEES. 313 detachment. On the 24 Ih the river, being fordable, was crossed in the face of the enemy. A sharp action took place, in which a. single battalion of native infantry not only resisted an attack of the enemy, but charged and drove them from several of their guns, which, however, they were unable to retain. So far from carrying off the enemy's guns, the British commander was unable to secure his own baggage, the whole of which was aban- doned to facilitate the retreat of the corps to Kooshailghur, which he reached on the night of the 28th. At Kooshailghur Colonel Monaon found a party consisting of six companies of sepoys, which he had sent forward under Captain Nioholl, with the treasure of the detachment, the day preceding the action at the Banas river. This party, on the night of its arrival, had been attacked by a body of troops belong- ing to Scindia, but succeeded in maintaining their post till the morning, when the whole of the detachment, with a company of native infantry previously stationed at Kooshailghur, entered the fort, having learned that it was the intention of Scindia's commander to levy a contribution on the town, though it belonged to the rajah of Jeypore, an ally of the British government. Here a formal demand was made by the Mahratta leader, of the sun'ender of all the elephants, treasures, and arms of the detachment ; on compliance with which, Captain NichoU was graciously assured he should be permitted to depart without molest- ation, while refusal was to be visited by a cannonade. This was not an empty threat, for a battery of ten guns was opened on the fort ; and a few hours afterwards a body of Scindia's infantry entered the town, from which position they were immediately driven by a party of sepoys, not exceeding, if it amounted to, one-sixth of the number of the enemy, led by Lieutenant Harriott. Captain NichoU intended to follow up this success by storming the battery, but the Scindians pru- dently disappointed him by moving off the guns to their camp. At Kooshailghur Colonel Monson's difficul- ties thickened. He had expected to find there five battalions, and twenty pieces of cannon belonging to the rajah of Jeypore, but they had been withdrawn before his arrival. The whole of Holkar's cavalry were gathering and encamping around him ; and at this moment, when the fidelity and bravery of every single man were of the utmost importance, he dis- covered a correspondence between some native commissioned officers and Holkar, having for its object the transfer of certain battalions to the enemy. The danger being known, mea- sures of precaution were taken ; but the greater part of two companies of infantry deserted, with about four hundred of the irregular horse. Colonel Monson left Koo- shailghur on the day after his arrival ; and having formed his detachment into an oblong square, resumed his march. The enemy fol- lowed ; harassing them by repeated attempts to charge, which were met with exemplary coolness and spirit. At sunset, on the 28th of August, the detachment was at the Biana pass, where it was intended to halt for the night, the march having been continued from one o'clock in the morning, and the troops having been called upon not long before to repel a desperate charge from the enemy's cavalry. The reception given to the enemy deterred them from immediately renewing the attempt, but their guns arrived at the Biana pass simultaneously with the British force, and the halt of the latter was the signal for the commencement of a powerful cannonade. This compelled Colonel Monson to proceed ; and from this period the order and regularity which had previously been maintained appears to have been lost. Separate portions of the detachment made their way, in their own - manner, to Agra, and by the 31st all who escaped the enemy had arrived there. The retreat of Colonel Monson must be placed among the most lamentable transac- tions which the history of British India presents to notice. The sufferings of so many brave men as were involved in the calamity, the loss of so many valuable lives as were unavoidably sacrificed to purchase the safety of the remainder, appeals strongly to those feelings of sympathy which are awakened when, ceasing to regard an army as a whole — ceasing to view it as a vast machine framed to effect great objects— we contemplate its mem- bers as individual men, influenced by good and evil circumstances, like those for whom their swords are drawn, and on whom the history of an eventful campaign acts but as an exciting romance. The fate of those who fell, and of those who sui-vived to undergo renewed trials and privations, was the more bitter, because, with regard to them, the conqueror's triumph secured not the conqueror's reward. In aU their conflicts with the enemy the English were successful ; but the ear of the dying soldier was not solaced by the shout of victory, which told him that the field had been won and would be held by his countrymen and comrades ; nor could he who had escaped the dangers by which he had been surrounded exult in the reflection that the only remaining duty was to pursue those whom he had aided in discomfiting. When the enemy were re- pelled, the only hope afforded by success was that time might be gained for pursuing the movement which was to carry the victoi's farther from the enemy — the only prospect before the soldier was a repetition of similar conflicts, under circumstances of equal or greater discouragement. An inquiry into the sources of the disaster will tend to show that it was not a misfortune resulting from causes which could not have been guarded against ; it will also evince that the blame attached to it extends to more than one person. When General Lake detached Colonel Monson, hia orders were that the 314 EEFLECTIONS. [a.d. 1804. latter should remain at such a distance from the main army as might enable him to receive support from it. Yet General Lalce, not long afterwards, retired with his army to canton- ments, leaving Colonel Monson without the power of obtaining that support which he had previously thought it necessary to pre- serve. Colonel Monson, however, increased the danger by advancing beyond the position which he had been instructed to take. This was in the vicinity of the passes of Bhoondee and Lakery, in the chain of mountains to the south- ward of Tonk Eanipoora. He thought that advantage would arise from advancing to Mo- kundra, which he represented as a place equally defensible. Subsequently he extended his ad- vance even far beyond Mokundra, thus greatly adding to the distance between his detachment ■ and the army which had receded from it. He did not, however, calculate on being attacked — ^the return of Holkar- was a step for which the English commander was quite unprepared. He believed the freebooting chief to be desti- tute of the means of offering any serious annoy- ance, and this belief was shared by General Lake. The last-named officer, addressing the governor-general, says: — "At this period" — the period when, having resolved to leave Colonel Monson's detachment in the field, he withdrew his own army into cantonments— "At this period I was informed from all quar- ters that Holkar's pecuniary resources were reduced to the lowest ebb; that his army was filled with terror and dismay; and that his troops, who before had been mutinous and dis- contented, were now deserting from him in great numbers. These representations were rendered more probable from the consideration that a successful war is necessaiy to retain together an army, and to support the confidence of troops whose chief bond of union is plunder. I therefore gave them considerable credit, al- though I found it impossible to obtain accurate information, and was aware of the exaggera- tion which the natives of this country give to all their relations. The reduced state of the enemy's power and resources, and the great distance to which he had prosecuted his flight, appearing to me in a great measure to have released those states with which we were in alliance from all hazard of future depredations, and to have deprived Jeswunt Eao Holkar of all hopes of success in any future attempt to invade the British territories in Hindostan, I determined without further delay to withdraw the main army to their respective cantonments within the Company's provinces." Such was the source of the errors of both General Lake and Colonel Monson, and instances of similar delusions are not unfrequent. A large portion of the reverses which have been sustained by the British nation in the East are to be traced to an absurd confidence either in the good faith of an enemy, or in his weakness, or in his want of disposition to attack. But while Colonel Monson did not entertain that degree of apprehension with regard to Holkar which the resources of that chief war- ranted, it is but just to remember that he did not anticipate that complete destitution of sup- port which it was his fate to experience. He confided in the advance of Colonel Murray from Guzerat; and to the extraordinary con- duct of that officer in falling back, the ruin which overtook Colonel Monson's corps may be attributed. Sent forward by the com- mander-in-chief to a distance at which no aid could be furnished within a reasonable period — led on to a still greater distance by his own ardent temperament and his reliance on the advance of Colonel Murray — Colonel Monson seems to have felt no alarm till Holkar's sud- den change from retreat to advance roused him to even more than a just sense of his danger. From this moment he appears to have lost all confidence in himself, and to have possessed no settled plan of proceeding. Hia first impres- sion was to engage the enemy; and whatever might have been the event, its effects could scarcely have been worse than those of the tamer course which he preferred, and in which he persevered till he reached Agra. He generally avoided the enemy when practicable^ although when forced into action he was suc- cessful. Adverting to Holkar having been permitted to cross the Chumbul unmolested. General Lake says: — "Perhaps the omission should have been repaired by an attack under the most favourable circumstances that could afterwards be obtained. His numbers were certainly inferior to those of the enemy; but he had on his side discipline, approved valour, and the choice of position. A bold effort was likewise evidently necessary to extricate him from his situation, and to avoid the disgrace and misfortunes inseparable from a rapid re- treat." A bolder man than Colonel Monson never drew a sword ; and yet his retreat before Holkar was characterized by a degree of timidity and vacillation of which the military history of Great Britain presents few examples. He meditated a stand at Mokundra, but sud- den alarm induced him to abandon his camp and quit that place with singular precipitation. At Tonk Kampoora he lingered till the enemy was close on his rear, distracted, as it appears, between the orders of the commander-in-chief forbidding his further retreat, and his own con- viction that retreat was inevitable. The fiital detention at this place led to all the calamities that followed in rapid succession, till discipline gave way before them, and retreat became flight. To erase the scandal brought on the British name by the unfortunate result of Colonel Monson's movement, every resource of the government was immediately employed. Mea- sures were taken for the speedy equipment of several distinct armies, destined to act in dif- ferent quarters, and to act offensively. The governor-general avowed his decided preference for such a plan, as compared with any plans merely defensive; and his judgment on this A.D. 1804.] HOLKAR ATTACKS DELHI. 315 point entirely coincided with that of his dis- tinguished brother. Among the first and most important mea- sures of preparation was the establishment of an army in Hindostan, equipped for light move- ments, and of sufficient strength to encounter, with a prospect of success, the main body of Holkar's force. Tliia army, it was proposed, should be commanded by General Lake, and * joined by a body of irregular horse to be fur- nished by the allies. All reliance on merely defensive operations was to be abandoned. Holkar was to be pressed, if possible, to an action, and if the attempt should fail, to be pursued to the last extremity. The com- mander-in-chief accordingly marched on the 3rd of September from Cawnpore, with the whole of the European cavalry and infantry at that place, and arrived on the 22nd at Agra. There another portion of the intended army of Hindostan had been assembled, and was at this time encamped at Seoundra, about six miles distant from Agra. The assembled force consisted of three regiments of Euro- pean light di'agoons, five regiments of native cavalry and the horse artillery, the king's 76 th regiment of foot, the flank companies of the king's 22nd foot, ten battalions of native infantry, and the usual proportion of artillery. Holkar had taken possession of Mutfcra, the British force there having abandoned it on the 8rd September, leaving behind them a large quantity of grain and baggage, which, together with the town, fell into the hands of the enemy. On the approach of the British army, which marched from Secundra on the 1st of October, Holkar drew off to the north-west, along the bank of the Jumna. Muttra was reoccupied by a force under Colonel Don, and three suc- cessive attempts were made by the commander- in-chief, on the 2nd, 7th, and 10th of October, to bring the enemy's cavalry to action, but in vain. In the mean time his infantry and guns had been moving in the direction of Delhi, and on the 8th of October they arrived before that city. The British resident. Colonel Ochterlony, had anticipated the visit, and provided, as far as lay in his power, for the consequences, by calling in various portions of troops, regular and irregular, and making other preparations for the defence of the city. To place it in a defensible state was, however, no easy task. The city is of great extent ; it was unprotected, except by a wall badly constructed, in many places without a parapet, and so far from being capable of resisting the guns of the enemy, unable to bear the shock of those that might be discharged in its defence. Bedoubts were constructed at two of the gates, and some partial repairs of the old defences performed. But, after all had been effected, the means of resistance were contemptible; while a great part of the troops within the city were of such a description that no reliance could be placed either upon their fidelity or their courage, and the general population was of the worst cha- racter. Holkar'a army amounted to about seventy thousand men. The force which was to defend Delhi against this overwhelming host consisted of two battalions of native infantry and four companies of another ; but a large proportion of these were obliged to be devoted to the pro- tection of the palace and person of the emperor. Besides the regular troops, there were about two corps of irregular horse, and the same number of irregular infantry, and a corps of matchlock-men. But all the irregular horse deserted on the approach of Holkar — some of them to join him — and the matchlock-men broke into mutiny. The mutiny was subdued by severe punishment, but most of the corps subsequently deserted. The British force was at this time encamped under the walls; they were soon afterwards attacked and driven into the town. The enemy then brought up a hundred and thirty guns and commenced a tremendous cannonade. The officer in command of the garrison was Lieutenant-Colonel Burn, who, with his corps, had been called in from Saharunpore; and a soldier better calculated to contend with the difficulties of his situation could not have been found. Amidst all the disheartening circum- stances of that situation was one which yet remains to be noticed. The commander-in- chief, under the belief that it was impossible for so small a force to defend both the city and the person of the emperor, had ordered that the former should be abandoned, and that the exertions of the garrison should be devoted solely to the defence of the citadel. The poli- tical resident' forwarded this order to Colonel Burn, with instructions to act upon it. He subsequently went in person to require com- pliance ; but in the mean time Colonel Burn, in addition to the suggestions of his own excel- lent judgment and noble spirit, had fortified himself with the opinion of some of his officers in whom he placed confidence, and had deter- mined not to abandon the city. He was re- minded of the peril which he incurred ; but he was prepared to eucoimter it. The cannonade commenced by Holkar was continued, without intermission, day and night. It was evident that a practicable breach would soon be effected, and Colonel Burn resolved to interrupt the progress of the besiegers by a sortie. This was made on the evening of the 10th of October, when a party, consisting of two hundred men of the battalion under Colonel Burn, and one hundred and fifty irregulars commanded by Lieutenant Kose, proceeded to storm the enemy's battery. They succeeded with little difficulty in gaining pos- session of it, spiked the guns, and retreated with small loss. On the 13th there appeared indications of an approaching attack of a formidable character ; unusual vigilance was therefore exercised by the garrison, and supporting parties were directed to be in readiness. 'The expectation 316 EEPTJLSE OF HOLKAE. [a.d. 1804. of a serioua attack was not vain. At daybreak on the 14tli the enemy's guns opened in every direction, and, under cover of the cannonade, a large body of infantry, with ladders, made an assault on the Lahore gate. This was the real object of attack, but to divert the attention of the besieged, guns were pointed against the Ajmeer gate, and a British officer was there mortally wounded. The attack on the Lahore gate, which the enemy confidently expected to carry, signally failed. The assail- ants were driven back in confusion, and with considerable loss, leaving behind them the ladders by which they were to have gained entrance. This defeat seems to have com- pletely dispirited the enemy. In the evening a show was made of diawing some guns towards the Cashmere gate, which subjected the garrison to the labour of making some preparations for defence there ; but none were needed. The disappointed foe retired in the night ; and at daybreak all that was visible of the besiegers of Delhi was the rear-guard of their cavalry, at a considerable distance. The successful defence of a place of no strength, with a force numerically insufficient to afford the requisite reliefs, was admirably calculated to revive impressions of respect for the British arms, and to dissipate the unfavourable feel- ings engendered by the unfortunate retreat of Colonel Monson. The noble determination evinced at this critical period by Colonel Bum was invaluable to his country ; and justly did the political resident estimate the effects of the gallant exertions made by that officer and his troops. " The fatigue," said he, "suffered by both officers and men could be exceeded by nothing but the cheerfulness and patience with which it was endured ; and it cannot but reflect the greatest honour on the discipline, courage, and fortitude of British troops, in the eyes of all Eindostan, to observe, that with a small force they sustained a siege of nine days, repelled an assault, and defended a city ten miles in circumference, and which had ever before been given up at the first appearance of an enemy at its gates." This eulogy from one who had recommended a different course requires neither addition nor comment. What might have followed had Colonel Burn acqui- esced in the views of the commander-in-chief and the resident, and had the loss of Delhi been added to previous disasters, it is fearful to imagine. Foiled in his attempt upon Delhi, Holkar crossed the Jumna at the ford of Fanniput, threatening to desolate the British territories in the Doab with fire and sword. General Lake arrived atDelhi on the 18th of October. Hedid not, however, enter on the pursuit of the enemy till the 31st, although his presence at Delhi could answer no purpose. The delay appears to have been partly occasioned by a deficiency of provisions and beasts of draught. The news of Holkar's irruption into the British provinces in the Doab roused him to exertion ; and detaching a force under General Fi-aser, the second in command, in search of Holkar s infantry and guns. General Lake resolved to proceed in pei-son with the whole of the European dragoons, three regiments of native cavalry, the horse artillery, and the reserve of the army, consisting of two companies of European and three battalions of native infantry, in pursuit of the enemy's cavalry in the Doab. The first service which this force was called upon to perform was to relieve the gallant commander of the garrison of Delhi and his battalion. After the departure of the besiegers. Colonel Burn had quitted Delhi to proceed to his station at Saharunpore, from which he had been called by Colonel Ochter- lony, to defend the imperial capital. The enemy's horse fell in with his party near Candlah, and completely surrounded them ; but Colonel Bum, clearing a road with grape- shot, made good his way to Shamlee, where, getting into a small mud fort, he prepared for a desperate defence. The fort was about a hundred yards square. The party, ill supplied with provisions, were unable to obtain any from the adjacent town of Shamlee, the inhabitants of which place manifested a strong feeling of hostility, and joined Holkar's dis- mounted horsemen in firing from the town wall with matchlocks on those who had taken refuge in the fort. About a hundred British sepoys thus lost their lives. In this extremity the Mahometan part of Colonel Burn's force were subsisted by sacrificing the draught bul- locks to the necessity of providing food. The Hindoos, precluded by their prejudices from this mode of sustaining life, had been without food for some time, when the approach of General Lake relieved them from the presence of the enemy. Holkar's troops did not think fit to await the arrival of the British com- mander-in-chief, nor even to take any steps towards ascertaining the extent and nature of his force. No sooner were the clouds of dust which announced the movement of the' English column perceptible than the enemy disappeared. A few days after General Lake had left Delhi, the division under General Fraser marched in pursuit of Holkar's infantry and guns. On the 12th of November he arrived at Goburdun, where from the heights the enemy were visible, encamped between a deep tank and an extensive morass — their right covered by a fortified village, and their left extending to the fort of Deeg. No time was lost in preparing for attacking them. At three o'clock in the morning of the 13tb four battalions of sepoys and two European regi- ments marched for the purpose. A detour of considerable extent was necessary to avoid the morass, but at daybreak the British column airived at the fortified village, situate on a hill which covered the enemy's right j the troops immediately wheeled, the king's 76th regiment and two of the battalions forming a first line, and the remainder a second. 'The 76th led the way, with its wonted alacrity and A.B. 1804.] BATTLE OF DEEG. 317 determination, by taking possession of the village ; which was no sooner accomplished than, running down the hill, they charged and carried the first range of the enemy's guns, under a tremendous shower of round, grape, and chain shot. The second line had now reached the village, and, on discovering the 76th far in advance surrounded by the enemy, rapidly pushed forward to their support — the Company's first European regiment being foremost, and the two sepoy battalions fol- lowing. The two remaining battalions were employed, under Major Hammond, in watch- ing the enemy's brigades and guns near the morass, and keeping them in check. When the first range of guns had been carried, the victors were opposed by a most destructive fire from the second range ; and General Eraser losing a leg by a cannon-shot, the command devolved upon Oolonel Monson. Nothing daunted by the unhappy accident which had befallen their commander, the British troops advanced, captured the second range of guns, and then continued to charge battery after battery for a space of two miles, when, being close under the walls of Deeg, they were fired upon from the fort. While thus pursuing their successes, the first range of guns had been retaken by a body of the enemy's horse, and turned against the English. But the advantage was enjoyed for a very short time. Captain Noriord, with only twenty-eight men, retrieved the guns, the life of the gallant officer being unhappily sacrificed in the exploit. The troops who had been engaged in carry- ing the batteries, having pursued their success as far as was practicable towards Deeg, returned to attack the body which, during their advance, had been kept in check by the battalions under Major Hammond. That ofiBcer, with the aid of three six-pounders, had steadily maintained his position in the face of a heavy fire from artillery far superior to his own. Colonel Monson, having ordered up several more six- pounders, moved round under cover of their fire upon the left flank of the enemy, who forthwith made a precipitate retreat into the morass, where great numbers perished. Two battalions of sepoys had been left with the baggage, and some native cavalry had been employed in watching the enemy's horse. These now came up to assist in securing the guns and removing the wounded ; and the British encamped on the field which they had so gallantly won. The loss of the enemy, on the field and in the morass, has been estimated at nearly two thousand, and eighty-seven pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the English, including some which Colonel Monson had lost on his retreat. The victory was brilliant and com- plete, but it was not purchased without heavy loss. The English return of killed and wounded amounted to upwards of six hundred and forty, and among them was the brave ofiicer who had planned and commanded the attack : the wound of General Eraser proved mortal, and he survived the victory only a few days. Holkar was destined soon to sustain another reverse. Himself and his cavalry had been for several days flying with great rapidity before General Lake, pursued with even greater rapidity by that commander. The distance between them kept gradually diminishing until, on the 17th of November, after a night march, the head of the British column reached the skirts of the freebooter's camp. The horses were at picket, and beside them lay their riders, wrapt in their blankets, sleeping. For many days the English had been subjected to most harassing marches ; and within the twenty-four hours immediately preceding their arrival at Holkar's camp they had marched fifty-eight miles. Their fatigues were, how- ever, forgotten, for the enemy whom they had so perseveringly pursued was now before them ; and on the preceding evening fresh vigour had been given to their hopes by the receipt of the news of the glorious battle of Deeg. The first intimation which the slum- bering camp of Holkar received of the presence of the English was a discharge of grape from their horse-artillery. "It awakened some," says Major Thorn; "but sealed many in an everlasting sleep." Before the surprise caused by this fearful warning could be shaken ofij the British cavalry dashed into the camp at full gallop, and charging in all directions, the place which had so lately been the seat of repose and silence resounded with the clash of swords, the shouts of an excited soldiery, and the groans of the dying. Holkar was slow to believe that the disturb- ance in his camp could be occasioned by General Lake, whom he supposed to be at a considerable distance. When convinced of it, instead of taking any measures for the safety of his army, he mounted his horse, and, with the troops immediately about him, rode off at full speed. The fate of an army thus aban- doned need scarcely be related. Dispersing in every direction, some mounted, others on foot, their horses being too much jaded to carry them, they were followed and cut down in vast numbers so long as the British were able to continue the pursuit, which extended for about ten miles. The loss of the enemy in killed was computed at three thousand, but this formed but a small portion of the amount by which Holkar's army was weakened. By the number of desertions which followed — by the dropping off of masses of fugitives, who never rejoined the ranks of their master, it was believed that his cavalry force had been dimi- nished to the extent of one-half. On the part of the English, only two men were killed and about twenty wounded. Holkar fled across the Jumna, followed by General Lake, who, on the 28th November, arrived at Muttra. Here he found the division under Colonel Monson, which had retired to this place to deposit the wounded at the battle 318 CAPTUEE OF DEEG [A.D. 1804. of Deeg, and to disencumber itself of the vast quantity of ordnance which formed part of the spoil in that memorable action. The guns had been forwarded to Agra, and Colonel Monson, it is stated, intended to fall back beyond Muttra but for the arrival of the commander-in-chief. There, however, after a separation of a month, the two branches of the army met under circumstances which gave just ground for mutual congratulations. The one had routed Holkar's infantry and divested him of most of his ordnance : the other had marched about five hundred miles, not a step of which had been taken in vain — had struck a fatal blow at the force on which Holkar mainly depended, and was now ready to co-operate in any service that might tend to conduct the war to a satisfactory conclusion. The first duty to which they were called was to punish the perfidy of the rajah of Bhurt- pore. That prince, it will be recollected, had been among the earliest of the Mahratta tri- butaries to seek the friendship of the British government after the first brilliant successes of General Lake, and great reliance seems to have been placed upon his fidelity. He had furnished a body of horse to act with the British army, and which was thus employed till the conclusion of the campaign. About the period of Colonel Monson's retreat some circumstances occurred to excite suspicion of the rajah's sincerity; and in consequence of information which reached the commander-in- chief, a person named Nerungin Lall was seized in the town of Muttra, who, on exami- nation, confessed that he had been employed for a considerable time in carrying on commu- nications between Holkar on the one hand, and, on the other, several chiefs and zemindars, including the rajah of Bhurtpore. Colonel Monson also forwarded from Tonk Bampoora some intercepted letters, addressed to Holkar by the rajah of Bhurtpore, his eldest son, his confidential servants, and Nerungin Lall, which fully corroborated the testimony of the last- named person. These discoveries, however, were not deemed sufficient to wan'ant an immediate dissolution of the relations of amity which apparently subsisted between the British government and the rajah of Bhurtpore, and which the former was desirous of preserving. General Lake was instructed to remonstrate, and to call upon the rajah to adhere to his engagements. But of this result being produced by the repre- sentations of the comrnander-in-chief there appeared little hope. It was generally believed that Holkar had been encouraged to advance to the Jumna principally by the promises of the rajah of Bhurtpore : it was supposed that the rajah had assisted 'him with money — it was certain that he had supplied Holkar's army with provisions, had protected his baggage and bazaars, and through the means of an agent despatched to the British camp for the ostensible purpose of conferring with the com- mander-in-chief respecting the junction of the allied forces, had endeavoured to excite disafiection within the British possessions, and to prevail on the zemindars in the Doab to intercept the supplies forwarding to the English army. At the battle of Deeg all reserve was thrown aside ; the rajah's cavalry openly joined that of Holkar, and the English were fired upon fi-om the walls of Deeg, which belonged to the rajah, and was garrisoned by his troops. It could be no longer a question whether the rajah was to be treated as a friend or an enemy, and it was resolved to lay siege to Deeg as soon as a battering-train could be procured from Agra. Deeg was defended by a strong mud wall, with bastions, and a deep ditch passing en- tirely round, excepting at an angle, where stood a high rocky mount, almost a fortress in itself, having an area of about fiftyyards square, and presenting four commanding bastions at the four cardinal points. About a mile from this place, and nearly in the centre of the town, was the citadel, strongly built, in good preser- vation, and well stored with guns. The ram- parts were high and thick, furnished with bastions, and surrounded by a deep ditch iaced with masonry. Massive gateways and towers of considerable height defended the near and distant approaches. On the 13th of December, the battering train having arrived. General Lake took up the position before Deeg which he meant to occupy during the siege. It being previously occupied by the enemy, it was necessary to dis- lodge them : but this service was performed without difficulty, and without the occur- rence of any event calling for notice. At night the pioneers broke ground, and on the evening of the 16th of December a breaching- battery was completed within seven hundred and fifty yards of a high outwork at the angle of the town intended to be attacked. On the next morning its fire opened from six eighteen-pounders, four twelve-pounders, and four mortars ; but the effect being very small, a battery of three eighteen-pounders was erected during the night of the 20th to the left of the besieging army, and nearer to the enemy's works than that previously erected. By these means a practicable breach was effected by the 23rd, and the commander-in- chief determined to storm on that night. The force to whom this service was assigned was divided into thi-ee columns. The centre column, led by Colonel Macrae, who had the command of the whole, composed the storm- ing party. The other columns, commanded respectively by Captain Kelly and Major Batcliffe, were to make two separate attacks to the right and left of the principal point. The different parties moved so as to reach the places selected for attack soon after twelve, and all succeeded. The storming party passed through a galling fire of cannon and musketry to the breach, and soon gained possession of the works. 'The two remaining columns, diverging outwards, attacked the A.r. 1804.] OPERATIONS IN THE DECCAN. 319 enemy under the walls, where they had erected some batteries which those o{ the English had been unable to touch : these were carried at the point of the bayonet. The British were now in possession of the town and of the batteries without it. Preparations were made for assailing the inner fort, but on the night of the 24th it was evacuated. A hundred guns were captured at Deeg, with a considerable quantity of ammunition and military stores. The year 1804 thus closed in Hindostan with a signal triumph to the British cause. Before pursuing further its history in that quarter, it will be proper to advert to the operations carried on against Holkar in the south. In June, General Wellesley, being about to proceed to Bengal on public service, resigned the political and military powers which he exercised in the Deccan ; but before withdrawing from the scene where he had won so much renown, he suggested to the residents at Poona and Hyderabad a plan of operations to be earned on against Chandore, and the other provinces of Holkar and his partisans in the Deccan, at the proper season. The troops for this service were to consist of detachments from the subsidiary forces serving with the peishwa and the nizam, with the contingents to be furnished respectively by those two powers. A battering-train had been prepared at Foona, which, as soon as the weather should permit, was to be sent to Aurungabad, whither Lieutenant-Colonel Hali- burton, who commanded the portion of the Hyderabad subsidiary force destined for this service, was to proceed with his troops as soon as he was advised of the movement of the tr.iin. On its becoming known at Poona that Colonel Haliburton had commenced his march. Colonel Wallace was to move with the detachment from the peishwa's subsidiary force, and the whole were to join in the neigh- bourhood of Aurungabad. In conformity with his usual prudential habits. General Wellesley made admirable arrangements for securing supplies of money and provisions for the use of the detachments. The exhausted state of the country through which Colonel Haliburton had to march, rendered it necessary that large convoys of grain should be advanced to him from Hyderabad ; and it being understood that on their receipt that officer would imme- didately commence his march. Colonel Wallace moved from Poona, crossed the Godavery about the middle of September, and at the end of that month was joined by Colonel Haliburton ; the advance of both having been greatly impeded by the weather. Early in October the peishwa's contingent arrived. On the 8th of that month. Colonel Wallace detached a party to take possession "of a small fort belonging to Holkar, called Lasselgong, situated about twelve miles from Chandore. They succeeded in occupying the pettah, but the attempt to storm the fort failed. The strength of the detachment was increased, and, on ,a second attempt, the fort was carried, though not without a loss which, with reference to the object, must be considered severe. The town of Chandore was occupied by Colonel Wallace without opposition. Pre- parations were made for attacking the fort, and a battery was nearly ready to open, when an offer was made to surrender on terms which Colonel Wallace accepted. The conditions were, the safety of private property and per- mission to the garrison to depart wherever they pleased. A number of small forts yielded within a few days after the surrender of Chan- dore, and Colonel Wallace, marching from that place on the 17th of October, arrived before Galna on the 21st, and immediately took pos- session of the pettah. Batteries were formed for the reduction of the fort, and after their fire had ejSected two practicable breaches, the garrison surrendered on the same conditions which had been granted at Chandore. The command of these forts deprived Holkar of all his possessions to the southward of the Taptee ; and, after making the necessary arrangements for their defence and administration. Colonel Wallace proceeded to take up a position at Borenaire, from which be might be able to move in any direction where the assistance of his detachment might be required. The advance of Colonel Murray, with the force under his command, towards Oujein — his subsequent retreat and resumed advance — have already been noticed in narrating the retreat of Colonel Monaon. Colonel Murray arrived at Oujein without" encountering any opposition, and took possession of the whole of Holkar's territories in that quarter, including the chief- tain's capital, Indore. On the 18th of October he advanced from Oujein, and on the 11th of November arrived at Mundasere, having occu- pied the pergunnahs of Burrowda and Jowra, through which he had directed his march ; afterwards advancing from Mundasere, he took possession of various forts of greater or less importance, and by these operations completed the conquest of the whole of Holkar's possesr sions west of the Chumbul. Continuing to advance, he anived at the Mokundra pass on the 30th of November, and at Shahabad, about forty miles west of Narwar, on the 25th of December, where he resigned his command to Major-General Jones, who had arrived from Bombay to assame it. In Cuttack some annoyances, created by the rajah of Khoordah and the zemindar of Eunka, were suppressed by a force under Colonel Har- court. After some minor successes, the pettah and fort of Khoordah were carried with great gallantry, by a detachment under , Major Fletcher, of the Madras European regiment. The Kunka chief, alarmed by the rapid anni- hilation of the power of the rajah of Ehoordah, read in his fate the necessity of prompt sub- mission to the British authority. The proceedings of General Lake subse- quently to the jail of Deeg now call for notice. A few days after that event he broke up his camp, with the highest anticipations of future 820 SIEGE OF BHURTPOEE. [a.d. 1805. success, and marched to Mnttra, where he was joined by Major-General Dowdswell, with the 75th regiment and a supply of stores. On the 1st of January, 1805, the army thus reinforced moved towards the capital of the rajah of Bhurtpore, which was to be the next object of attack ; on the 2nd it took up its position before the place, and on the 3rd preparations for the siege were commenced. A grove, or garden, considerably in advance of the camp was occupied. On the 5th a breaching-battery for six eighteen-pounders was commenced ; on the 7th it opened its fire. Another battery, of four eight-inch and four five-and-a-halfinch mortars, being completed by noon on that day, commenced throwing shellB into the town. Cannonading on both sides continued with little interruption till the afternoon of the 9th, when the breach in the wall being reported practicable, it was resolved on that evening to attempt to storm. About seven o'clock the party destined for the duty moved in three columns. Lieutenant- Colonel Eyan, with one hundred and fifty of the Company's Europeans and a battalion of sepoys, was ordered to attempt a gateway to the left of the principal battery. Major Eawkes, with two companies of the 75th regiment and another battalion of sepoys, was to carry the advanced guns of the enemy on the right of the battery. Both columns were to endeavour to make their way into the town with the fugitives ; but if that were impracti- cable, they were to turn and support the centre column in endeavouring to get in at the breach. That column, commanded by Lieutenant-Colo- nel Maitland, consisted of the flank companies of the king's 22nd, 75th, and 76th regiments, and those of the Company's European regi- ment, amounting in the whole to about five hundred men, with a battalion of sepoys. Colonel Maitland's orders were to take the enemy by surprise ; but in this he altogether failed. The ground being broken by swamps and pools, the orderly advance of the party was greatly checked ; many lost their way, and men belonging to one column followed another. It is represented that, to avoid the fire from the ramparts. Colonel Maitland led his men so . much to" the left as to encroach upon Colonel Ryan's line of march, and that some altercation took place between these two officers as to the relative situation of the breach and trenches ; that Colonel Maitland, then marching to the right, found himself at the entrance of the trenches, when he resolved to direct the head of his column once more to the left, and in that manner to proceed across the plain towards the breach. Long before this period all was confusion. The enemy received the storming-party with a heavy fire of mus- ketry and of grape from three' guns in the flank of a circular bastion next to the breach : never- theless, some of the men, headed by their ofiicers, succeeded in getting across the ditch, the water in which was breast-high, and a few ascended the breach to within a short distance of the top ; but their number was too small to admit of their attempting to storm the enemy's guns. In the mean time Major Hawkes, with the right column, had succeeded in driving the enemy from their advanced guns, and, after spiking them, was on his return to support the centre ; while Colonel Ryan, with the left, had compelled the enemy to quit their post in that direction, but was prevented by the inter- vention of a deep drain from pursuing his success. Colonel Maitland, whatever might have been his errors or misfortunes, nobly sup- ported the character of the British soldier, and never relaxed in his exertions to bring his men forward till he fell mortally wounded. The greater part of the troops either stopped or went back to the battery as soon as they got to the water. The few devoted men who had ascended the breach, being unsupported, were compelled to retire ; and this ill-judged and unfortunate attempt against Bhurtpore ended in exposing the British arms to the contempt of the enemy. The loss of the English was heavy, and among the killed and wounded was an unusual proportion of officers. On the day succeeding this disastrous failure the enemy began to repair the breach through which the English had hoped to pass to con- quest. The next effort against the place it was resolved should be directed towards a part of the wall a little to the right of the former point of attack. Batteries were accordingly erected, and two twenty-four-pounders, ten eighteen-pounders, seven twelve-pounders, and eight mortars, opened a destructive fire on the 16th of January. Part of the rampart of the curtain .was beaten down, but the next morn- ing the breach was found stockaded ; the firing being continued, the piles gave way, and a hole was made completely through the work ; but on the 18th the breach was again stockaded. On that day the British army was reinforced by the arrival of Major-General Smith with three battalions of sepoys and some convalescent Europeans, with a few field-pieces. The bat- teries continued their fire until the 21st, when a breach, reported practicable, had been made ; and the enemy, fearful that their guns should be dismounted, withdrew them behind the parapets, thus keeping them in reserve to be employed against those who might be engaged in a future attempt to storm. On the preced- ing night the English had been compelled to remove from the batteries the two twenty-four- pounders, in consequence of the whole of the shot being expended, and to supply the defi- ciency by two four-and-a-half-inch howitzers. To add to the difficulties of the besiegers, Ameer K.han had been invited by the rajah of Bhurtpore to march to his assistance, and the invitation, being accompanied by several lacs of rupees, had been accepted. Before making a second attempt to cross the ditch, it was deemed advisable to gain some knowledge of its breadth and depth at the place where a passage was to be sought. The duty of making the requisite observation was A.D. 1805.] UNSUCCESSFUL ASSAULT. 321 committed to a havildar and two privates of the native cavalry, who reported that the ditch was not very broad, nor did it appear very deep, and that the breach was easy of ascent. Upon this vague statement, the result of an inspection made under circumstances which almost precluded the possibility of any approach to accuracy, it was resolved once more to risk an attempt to storm. Noon, on the 21st of January, was the time fixed on for the assault. The troops by whom it was to be made were brought into the trenches before daylight, and the interval was to be employed in destroying the impediments with which the enemy, in the course of the night, might have encumbered the breach. This, however, occu- pied a period somewhat longer than had been anticipated. At break of day the breach was perceived to be again stockaded, and it was not until three o'clock in the afternoon that it was cleared. The troops then moved out of the trenches, and advanced towards the ditch. Here it was for the first time discovered that, by damming up the water at certain points, a sheet of great depth and breadth had been accumulated in front of the breach. A portable bridge had been constructed for the purpose of crossing the ditch, but it was too short to be of any use ; a scaling-ladder was brought to lengthen it, but this got entangled with the bridge, and, instead of connecting it with the escarp, fell over on one side, carrying with it the bridge, from which it could not be dis- engaged. No systematic attempt was there- fore made to pass the storming party over the ditch ; but Lieutenant Morris, of the Com- pany's European regiment, and several men, gallantly swam across and ascended the breach. Lieutenant Morris got on the rampart, and there received a severe wound in the leg ; in swimming back, when the attempt to storm had been abandoned, he was again wounded in the neck. The retreat commenced in great confusion ; but another column of the British force making its appearance from a jungle, round which it had been moving with a view to an attack upon a different point, the retiring party thereupon rallied. The medi- tated attack of the advancing column, how- ever, being found impracticable, the whole fell back, leaving to the enemy the bridge and scaling-ladders, and, which was far worse, a large number of wounded. Throughout the advance of the British force, during the delay at the bridge (which occupied at least half an hour), and on the retreat, the enemy kept up a destructive fire of grape, round-shot, and musketry. The effect was attested by a melan- choly return of eighteen officers and five hun- dred men killed and wounded. During the attack the British cavalry were engaged in keeping off Holkar and Ameer E^an, a task readily effected by the galloper guns. About fifty of the enemy were killed. On the day after these unfortunate attempts a detachment under Captain Welsh was de- spatched to bring in a convoy of provisions on its way fi:om Muttra. On returning with its charge, it was attacked by Ameer Khan with a vast body of his predatory horse. Captain Welsh took possession of a village on a lofty site, and succeeded in keeping off the assailants till the arrival of a party of cavaliy under Colonel Need, who had been despatched on the sound of the firing being heard at the British camp. The British sepoys, on per- ceiving the advance of the reinforcement, raised a loud shout of exultation, and, rushing on the enemy's guns, carried them at the point of the bayonet just at the moment when the cavalry arrived : the latter dashing in, com- pleted the victory. The commander-in-chief, with the remainder of his mounted force, fol- lowed Captain Need, but found that nothing was left for them to perform. Four guns, and nearly forty stand of colours, with Ameer Khan's palanquin, fell into the hands of the victors ; but, on the other hand, they lost a great portion of the convoy which they were escorting, and of which the army was greatly in want. Their necessity was supplied by despatching Colonel Don with a detachment to bring an immense convoy from Agra, an object which was successfully effected, the at- tempts of the enemy to intercept this supply being rendered vain by the judicious arrange- ' ments made for its safety. Soon after this. Ameer Khan, becoming dissatisfied with his associates, Holkar and the rajah of Bhurt- pore, departed into Kohilcund, followed by a British detachment under General Smith, which, after pursuing him for several hundred miles, and compelling him to repass the Ganges, returned to the British camp before Bhurt- pore. During their absence the position of the camp had been shifted, a measure abso- lutely necessary to the health of its occupants, and which moreover was called for by a change of purpose as to the future point of attack. The army had also been strengthened by the arrival of the division under General Jones, originally commanded by Colonel Murray, and further attempts had been made for the reduction of Bhurtpore. Batteries had been erected and brought into operation on a new point, and the state of the breach was deemed to war- rant a third attempt to storm. The 20th February was appointed for the purpose, and the storming party was ordered to the trenches at an early hour, to be in readiness for attack as soon as the batteries should have beaten down the defences and stockades which might have been raised in the night. At break of day the enemy made a sally on the British trenches, and for a time appear to have retained a decided advantage. They were at length driven back ; but the conflict seems to have lasted for several hours, and the Eng- lish troops, fatigued by their exertions, and dispirited by the long resistance opposed to them, cannot be believed to have been in the best condition for the duty of assaulting a strong fortress from which they had been twice repulsed. 322 DISASTROUS ASSAULTS. [A.D. 1805. A column under Colonel Don, composed partly of Europeans and partly of sepoys, was to advance to storm ; a second column, simi- larly composed, under Captain Grant, was to carry the enemy's trenches and guns outside the town ; and a third, composed in like man- ner of European and native troops, under Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor, was to attack a gate called Beem Nurram gate, which was reported to be easily accessible. Captain Grant, with the second column, carried the intrenchments and batteries against which his efforts were directed, and pursuing the fugitives to the walls of the town, nearly succeeded in obtaining entrance, the enemy not being able to close the gate till the head of the column was close upon it. Eleven guns were taken, all of which were safely brought into camp. The third column was less fortunate. Having lost its scaling-ladders, and one of its guns being dismounted by a shot from the town, the attempt on the gate was deemed imprac- ticable, and the column retired. The movement of Captain Grant's column was to be the signalfor the advance of that of Colonel Don to storm. The Europeans forming the head of the column were accordingly ordered to advance, and the native infantry to follow. Eifty men candying fascines were to precede the former, who, after throwing the fascines into the ditch, were to wheel outwards and keep up afire of musketry on the breach while the rest of the party advanced to the assault. But a hesitation occurred : the assailants were exposed to an enfilading fire — an apprehension prevailed that the enemy during their occupa- tion of the extremity of the trench had esta- blished a mine — the effect of these discouraging circumstances was aided by the sight of the wounded in the conflict of the morning lying around, and the groans drawn forth by their sufferings ; and Colonel Don strove in vain to counteract the impressions thus created. The Europeans in front would not move. A better spirit was manifested by the remains of the flankers of the king's 22nd regiment and by the 12th native infantry. These followed their gallant commander, and two six-pounders were run out upon the plain to keep up a fire on the walls and batteries while the troops at- tempted an assault. The ditch was impassable at the breach from the depth of the water. The storming party, therefore, proceeded to another part, where the water was shallow, and where a ragged bastion seemed to offer the means of climbing. Having passed the ditch, several succeeded in scrambling up, and the colours of the 12th regiment of native in- fantry were planted on the top of the bastion ; but the ascent was so difficult, that sufficient numbers could not be got up to support each other and render effectual the advantage that had been gained. Those who reached the summit, small as was their number, were ready to persist in the endeavour to maintain it at any hazard ; but Colonel Don, aware of the hopelessness of their exertions, recalled the whole party. Soon after the assault the enemy sprang several mines in the breach and coun- terscarp, but there being no assailants near these points, the explosions were harmless, except to those by whom they were caused, in adding to the damage which the English batteries had inflicted on the works. The loss of the British army on this disastrous day amounted to eight hundred and ninety-four killed and wounded. On the morrow the commander-in-chief ap- peared on parade, and addressed in appropriate terms the troops whose unhappy defection on the preceding day had brought dishonour on the service to which they belonged. The effect was, that on those who chose to volun- teer •for another assault being required to step out, the whole answered to the call. The assault, it was determined, should take place on that day, and about four o'clock the troops moved to the attack. The party was com- manded by Colonel Monson. It advanced with perfect regularity to the bastion on which the colours of the 12th native infantiy had on the previous day been planted. A vast gap had been made in the lower part of it, which afforded shelter to those who could avail them- selves of its protection, but, as before, there were no means of getting the men from this point to the summit in sufficient numbers. All that could be done, however, was resorted to, and enough was achieved to redeem the honour of those who, on the previous day, had shrunk from the dangers which are but the ordinary incidents of a soldier's life. Several of the soldiers drove their bayonets into the wall, so as to form a series of steps, by which they hoped to reach the top ; but in the attempt to ascend they were knocked down by logs of wood, shot, and various mis- siles from above. Others attempted to effect their object by means of the shot-holes caused bjf the English fire, but they generally failed, and the fall of one man brought down those beneath him. All this time, the enemy fi:om the next bastion kept up a sweeping and de- structive fire ; but amongst all these dangers and difficulties, Lieutenant Templeton, a gal- lant young officer who had volunteered to lead the forlorn hope, succeeded in again planting the British colom's near the summit of the bastion. As soon as he had performed this act he fell dead. Major Menzies, a volunteer,- and aide-de-camp to the commander-in-chief, whose animating language and heroic bearing are represented to have inspired with renewed energy all who were enabled to hear the one and observe the other, met the same fate, after having actually gained the summit. At every point where an opening seemed to present itself, an attempt to render it available was made. On the part of the enemy, an in- cessant fire of grape was kept up, and from the walls were poured showers of destructive missiles— ponderous pieces of timber, flam- ing packs of cotton steeped in oil, followed by pots filled with gunpowder and other com- A.D. 1805.] NEGOTIATIONS FOE PEACE. 823 bustiblea, which exploded with fearful effect. Thus raged the conflict for & space of two hours, when Colonel Monson, finding it hope- less, ordered a return to the trenches. Such was the result of the fourth attempt to carry Bhurtpore by assault. It was attended with a loss of nearly a thousand in killed and wounded. In the various attempts against Bhurtpore the English had lost about three thousand men ; and they were not now in a condition to renew hostile operations. On the night of the 22nd of February the ordnance was with- drawn from the batteries and the troops from the trenches. The battering train with the army was declared unfit for service ; not one eighteen-pounder shot remained for use ; very little powder was left, and few other stores. Provisions also were scarce. On the 23rd the enemy burned the British batteries, and on the 24th the British army changed ground — an operation in which they were considerably harassed by Holkar's cavalry. Its new position was about six miles north-east of Bhurtpore, and covered the road leading to the dep6ts at Agra, Muttra, and Deeg. Much argument has been expended on the causes of the failure of the British arms before Bhurtpore ; but the inquiry does not appear very difficult or perplexing. Many errors might be committed in the conduct of the siege, but the failure was undoubtedly attri- butable to the want of sufficient strength. General Lake, confident in the bravery of his troops, appears to have considered that it was sufficient to effect anything. The strength of his artillei-y, considered with reference to the duty which it had to perform, was contempt- ible, and the insufficient number of men may be inferred from the incessant and harassing labours which they were called on to sustain, as recorded in the following extract from a journal of the siege : — "The cavalry brigades and horse artillery troop, detached every third day on foraging parties, were often out of camp from daybreak till dark, and always called for on occasions of convoy and escort duty. They endured great fatigue in the long pursuit of Ameer Khan and in the several attacks upon Holkar, besides doing much duty in protecting the camp. The in- fantry had to carry on the principal duties of the camp and trenches. With scarcely a relief from some daily duty, they had a share in all foraging parties and convoy escorts, and exclusively bore the brunt of the several assaults. The artillery and pioneers remained, day after day and night after night, constantly on duty. While the other branches of the army had some occasional relief, and the in- fantry in the trenches were relieved daily, the artillery and pioneers, from the extreme low- ness of their number both in officers and men, were harassed far beyond their strength, and had a prodigious sh.ire of exposure and fatigue. The details of the Bhurtpore siege," the writer adds, " will, it is hoped, evince that deficiency of siege materials is as contrary to economy as it is fatal to humanity, and serve to incul- cate Colonel Jones's maxim, that 'no policy at a siege can be worse than beginning opera- tions with a small quantity of materials, and making the attack keep pace with the supply.' In India, where success js the criterion of superiority, and where the tranquillity of our empire depends solely upon the high opinion of our military prowess entertained by the natives, our safety may be considered inti- mately connected with the result of every siege. No means, therefore, should be ne- glected, no efforts spared, to insure success in such operations." Both parties had now become weary of the war. The ill-success of the British com- mander against Bhurtpore had diminished the confidence with which he had undertaken the siege, while it bad for a time annihilated his means of pursuing it ; and though the rajah had reason to rejoice in the good fortune which had attended his efforts for the defence of his capital, he was not without some appre- hension for the future ; more particularly as it became evident that Holkar could not hope to maintain war successfully against the English, and, single-handed, the rajah of Bhurtpore could not but feel his own cause to be des- perate. The rajah had been led to join Holkar by the reverses which befell the English ; the dark prospects of Holkar now separated the rajah from that chief. Pursuing the policy of adhering to the side which success seemed most disposed to favour, the ^ajah conde- scended to make the first overture to the English for peace. On the 10th of March vakeels from him were received into the Eng- lish camp, and negotiations immediately com- menced. While these were in progress, the British cavalry marched out to beat up the quarters of Holkar. But Holkar had received information of their approach, and, not liking the visitation, was prepared for flight — an operation which he performed with his usual celerity and success. He retired to a consi- derable distance south-west of Bhurtpore, where he thought himself secure, but where, notwithstanding, he was surprised by the British cavalry at daybreak on the 3rd of April. About a thousand of his followers fell on this occasion ; but the victory failed of completeness from the same cause which had so often produced similar results. The chief and his troops contended for priority in flight, and all that was left to the English was to pursue as fast and as far as the speed and strength of their horses would allow. Bappoojee Scindia, whose name will be recollected in connection with the unhappy retreat of Colonel Monson, had now openly joined the enemy, and his cavahy were sta- tioned near Dolepore to support the remains of Holkar's infantry, commanded by Hernaut Singh. To dislodge this force, a detachment, composed of sixteen companies of newly-raised sepoys, a battalion of regular infantry, and a T 2 324 CONCLUSION OF PEACE. [A.D. 1805. party of irregular horse, was despatched from Agra under the command of Captain Koyle. He marched from Agra on the 26th of March ; on the 31st he fell in with the cavalry of Bappoojee Scindia, and totally routed it. On the 8th of April he attacked the powerful force under Hernaut Singh, consisting of between three and four thousand men, infentry and cavalry, and occupying a strong position under the fortified town of Adowlutnaghur, having the town in its rear, and its front and flanks covered by deep ravines filled with troops. Captaiii Koyle made his dispositions for attack with equal spirit and judgment. The enemy's infantry kept up a heavy and well-directed fire, aided by three guns ; but Captain Royle's party, rushing in with charged bayonets, took possession of the guns and put the whole body to flight. Captain Pohlman, with the irregular horse, pursued and killed great numbers of the fugitives. Besides the three guns, all the enemy's baggage was taken, more than twenty stand of colours, and, in addition to a quantity of matchlocks and pikes, a great number of muskets of European manu- facture. On the day distinguished by this brilliant stroke the army before Bhurtpore again changed its ground, taking up nearly the same position which it had previously occupied. This move- ment appears to have given some uneasiness to the rajah, and probably accelerated the con- clusion of the treaty. On the 10th of April preliminaries were agreed upon : on the follow- ing day the third son of the rajah arrived in the British camp as a hostage; and on the 17th a definitive treaty was signed, under which the fortress of Deeg was to be restored by the British government, when assured of the fidelity of the rajah, who pledged himself to aid that government against its enemies, and never to hold any correspondence or have any connection with them, nor to entertain, without the sanction of the English, any Euro- pean in his service. He further agreed to pay twenty lacs of rupees in compensation of the expenses of the war, three of which were to be advanced immediately; but the payment of the last instalment of five lacs to be remitted on proof of the rajah's continued attachment ; and as a security for the due execution of this part of the treaty, one of the rajah's sons was to reside constantly with the commanding officer of the British forces in the eoubahs of Delhi or Agra. These terms were not dishonourable to the British ; yet the precedent of submitting in patience to repulse, and suflering negotiation to wait upon defeat, was a bad one. The British commander-in-chief, however, was not sorry to be relieved on any terms from the necessity of making further attempts against Bhurtpore., Not only was he discouraged by his reiterated failures, but he was apprehensive, and justly so, of the effect which they might have upon the hollow allies of the British govenmient ; and more especially upon Scindia, whose conduct since the conclusion of peace with him had never ceased to be suspicious. During the negotiations for the treaty under which Scindia had agreed to receive a British force for his protection, a vakeel from Holkar had arrived in the camp of his brother chief ; and he continued to reside there, not only after the conclusion of the treaty, but after Holkar had placed himself in aposition of unequivocal hostility with regard to the English govern- ment. On being apprised of the intention of that government to reduce the power of Holkar, Scindia expressed himself ready to assist, and he actually despatched a force under Bappoojee Scindia (already mentioned), professedly to co- operate with the British commander-in-chief; but he did not dismiss Holkar's vakeel. His dismissal was at length formally demanded by the British resident ; who, at the same time, submitted a plan formed by General Wellesley, which contained various suggestions for the effective co-operation of Scindia in the hostile proceedings which were about to take place. By this plan it was proposed that Scindia should send an officer to join the army under Colonel Murray, for the purpose of securing the application of the resources of that chief- tain's territories to the exigencies of the British force, and of taking charge of such portions of Holkar's possessions in Malwa as Colonel Murray might subdue and think proper to intrust to that officer's ' care ; that Scindia should provide at Oujein battering guns for the use of Colonel Murray, and that he should employ his horse without delay in reducing the principal possessions of Holkar. Scindia, in reply, promised to send an officer to the camp of Colonel Murray as desired ; but he took various objections to other parts of the proposed plan. He alleged that, from acting upon it, danger would arise to his own posses- sions, and that he had no ordnance of the de- scription required to be provided at Oujein ; but it was added, that if the guns taken from him in the late war by the British army were restored, they should be applied in aid of the operations of Colonel Murray's force. Hol- kar's vakeel, it was represented, was on bad terms with his master, and transacted no business for him ; his continued residence in Scindia's camp was therefore justified, on the ground that his knowledge of Holkar's affairs might be made useful. These representations were followed by the expression of an expecta- tion that, as the governor-general had declared an intention of assigning to Scindia a portion of the territory which might be taken from Holkar, he would restore to Scindia the forts of Gohud and Gwalior, and ftirther make com- pensation to him for the loss sustained by the temporary alienation of that portion of his The renewal of Scindia's claim to the resti- tution of Gohud and Gwalior, together with the objections made to the course pointed out by the British authorities for the conduct of the war, gave rise to considerable discussion A.D. 1805.] SHIRZEE KAO GHATGAY. 825- between Scindia's miDisters and the British resident. At length, however, all points of dispute appeared to be amicably adjusted. Scindia engaged to lend all the aid in his power towards prosecuting with vigour the war against Holkar, to dismiss that chieftan's yakeel, to renounce all pretensions to Gohud and Gwalior, and to confirm the treaties re- ferred to in the ninth article of that between the British government and himself. But he made heavy complaints of pecuniary distress, and represented an advance from his British ally as necessary to enable him to carry his good intentions into effect. While Dowlut Eao Scindia was thus professing friendship for the English, and soliciting pecuniary assistance from them, Bappoojee Scindia had employed himself in desolating the territories of Bhooudi, from which Colonel Monson drew part of his supplies, had seized eighty camels belonging to that officer's army, and had stopped the transit of the British post. Notwithstandingthesesnspioiousindications, and others of a similar character in Malwa, of which Colonel Murray complained, the resi- dent at Scindia's camp was authorized to afford him pecuniary assistance, provided some rea- sonable security could be obtained that the object for which the advance was made would be effected. With this view, it was suggested that the chief should himself assume the com- mand of the army under Bappoojee Scindia, and that he should proceed from Borhampore, where his camp then was, to his capital, Oujein. These suggestions drewfrom Scindia's ministers a declaration, that to their adoption two con- ditions were indispensable: the first might readily have been expected — it was, that the resident should supply funds to defray the ex- pense of Scindia's march to his capital. The second could scarcely have been anticipated, even by those best acquainted with Mahratta modesty, and best qualified to judge of its ex- tent — it was, that in the event of a junction of Scindia's army with a British force, the Mah- ratta leader should exercise command over both. The resident replied, that whenever Scindia might be desirous of having the dis- posal of a British force he might apply for the subsidiary force, in conformity with the pro- visions of the treaty of defensive alliance ; but that the proposal to subject a British army to his command, or to that of his officers, was utterly inadmissible. Th e application for funds to undertake the march to the capital was answered by intimating that the British govern- ment had previously manifested a disposition to relieve Scindia's immediate exigencies, though it could not undertake to provide for the permanent disbursements of the state. The amount of the pecuniary assistance to be afforded, the conditions on which it was to be given, and the period to be appointed for re- payment, continued for a lengthened period to furnish grounds for discussion, which was con- ducted by Scindia's servants in a manner which did not discredit the established character of Mahratta diplomacy. In addition to these topics, the mode in wliich Scindia was to co- operate with the English was debated; and among other plans submitted for the considera- tion of the British resident was one, by which Scindia was to take the field in person, with a large body of horse and a proportion of infantry and artillery, at a monthly expense of about a quarter of a million sterling. Together with this plan, three others less costly were sug- gested ; but on the resident inquiring by what means the expense of any of them was to be provided for, he was given to understand that Scindia relied in this respect on the British government. This renewed the interminable discussion which had already consumed so much time, and which continued to occupy the resi- dent and the Mahratta ministers till the arrival in camp of a personage whose presence augured ill for the British cause. This was Scindia's father-in-law, Shirzee Eao Ghatgay by name, a man profligate, intriguing, rapacious, and cruel, beyond even the ordinary measure of Mahratta profligacy, intrigue, rapacity, and cruelty, and not more distinguished by his pre- eminence in all the evil propensities which de- form the Mahratta character than by his inveterate hatred of the English. He had been appointed, under extraordinary circumstances, Scindia's dewan. The appointment originated in the following manner. Before the marriage of Scindia with the daughter of Shirzee Rao, a compact had been made between the latter personage and the peishwa, by virtue of which, in consideration of equivalent services, the peishwa authorized Shirzee Roa to make a pro- mise on his part to Scindia of two orores of rupees ; he also engaged to procure Shirzee Rao to be appointed Scindia's dewan. The expenses of Scindia's marriage exhausted his treasury, and he was left without the means of providing for the charges of his military estab- lishment. In this emergency he pressed the peishwa for payment of the two crores of rupees which had been promised. The prince de- clared himself unable to raise them ; but sug- gested that Shirzee Rao should be nominated Scindia's dewan, and in this character levy for the amount upon the rich inhabitants of Poona. The plan was adopted, and Scindia's treasury replenished by the perpetration of a series of atrocities rarely equalled even in countries where such modes of obtaining money are in ordinary practice. All who possessed wealth, or were supposed to possess it, were subjected to the most frightful tortures, under the infliction of which some died. Captain Duff, after detailing the circumstances of the appointment, says, " Such were the secret means by which Shirzee Rao Ghatgay became minister to his son-in-law, and by which Bajee Rao Rugonath let loose upon his subjects the vio- lence and extortion of a monster whose name will be remembered, while Poona exists, with horror and execration." The course of the dewan was worthy of its commencement; but at length he fell under the displeasure of 326 SUSPICIOUS CONDUCT OF SCINDIA. [A.D.1805. Scindia, and wae not only dismissed from his employment, but arrested, and for a time sub- jected to imprisonment. When set at liberty, he commenced a new career of intrigue and crime. In releasing Shirzee Kao, Scindia had been influenced by the advice of a minister named Balloba Tattyha; and the first use which Shirzee Eao made of his freedom was to compass the destruction of his benefactor, together with his adherents. Balloba was at his instigation thrown into prison, where a natural death released him from farther perse- cution ; but his relatiTes and associates felt the full force of Shirzee's vengeance. For one of them Shirzee invented a new mode of execu- tion: a number of rockets were fastened on him, which being fired, carried the wretched man onward, mangling his body in a horrible manner, to the amusement of the brutal con- triver of this new mode of frightfal punish- ment. When Scindia departed to the north- ward, Shirzee Eao remained in the Deccan to manage the chieftain's affairs in that quarter. Left there ostensibly to suppress the troubles and disorders which prevailed, his presence tended but to increase them. After pursuing his vocation of plunder to the southward, he repaired with a small party to Poona, where he became importunate in his demands for money, and sat in dkuma at the door of the peish- wa's favourite minister. This experiment bad nearly cost him his liberty, if not his life. The minister, under pretence of giving him bills on certain bankers, invited him into the house, received him there with extraordinary courtesy, and, after a due interchange of civili- ties, rose apparently to fetch the promised bills. But the favour which he intended to bestow was of a different kind. His departure was to be the signal for seizing and perhaps murdering his unwelcome visitor. Shirzee Eao, either apprised of the intention or, which is more probable, suspecting it from some indication on the part of his host, drew his sword, sprang at the throat of the minister, and in this manner dragged him into the street, where, vaulting upon his horse, he with his party made the best of their way to the army which he commanded ; the whole of which he forthwith brought to Poona, resolving to plun- der and bum the city. The interference of the British resident became necessary to pre- vent mischief; and it was only Scindia's want of the services of this turbulent and audacious man in another place which relieved the peishwa from the fear and danger resulting from his proximity. This was the man who now ap- peared at Scindia's durbar to inflame the ill- feeling already prevailing therein against the English. His influence over Scindia appeared to be as great as it had ever been, and he was admitted to frequent secret conferences. His character and feelings were too well known to leave any doubt of the use made of these oppor- tunities. Had his views required illustration, it would have been found in the fact that he was visited by Holkar's vakeel, whom he re- ceived with marks of distinction. The arrival of Shirzee Eao, the attention which he secured, and the continued presence of Holkar's vakeel, called forth fresh remonstrances from the British resident, which were met by fresh assurances of good faith and good disposition towards the English. In the mean time Bap- poojee Scindia, with his army, had fallen off to the enemy. This defection being brought to the notice of Scindia's minister, he, with that impudent reliance upon European cre- dulity which Mafaratta negotiators so often manifest, and for the indulgence of which, it must be admitted, European diplomatists have not unfrequently afforded ample encourage- ment, stated the substance of some letters, or pretended letters, from Bappoojee Scindia, re- presenting his submission to Holkar as a mea- sure of necessity, but expressing his resolution to return immediately to his duty. This was somewhat more than the resident was prepared to credit ; and after expressing some surprise at his want of faith, Scindia's ministers pro- mised inquiry and explanation. Not long afterwards, Bappoo Wittul, the minister who was believed the best affected to a British alliance, was attacked by disease, which termi- nated in his death. His illness transferred Scin- dia entirely into the hands of Shirzee Eao, whose intriguing spirit found fit occupation in mould- ing the mind of his weak, vacillating son-in- law to his will. Scindia now marched from Borhampore. He was attended, not only by his ministers and servants, but also by Holkar's vakeel. This was one indication of his feeling towards his British ally. He did not march direct to Oujein, as suggested by the British resident, and as the state of affairs imperiously required — and this was another. It was offi- cially intimated to the resident that Scindia would proceed in the first instance to Jellode, a place within his own dominions, and there settle the future direction of his march. On the morning of the day, however, fixed on for the commencement of the march, and after both Scindia and the resident were actually in motion, the former, without any announcement of his intention, suddenly changed his course, and proceeded in the direction of Bhopal. Bhopal was at this time an object of some interest. The fort and territory of Hosheing- abad, belonging to the nabob of Bhopal, had long been coveted by the rajah of Berar, who ultimately attained his object by corrupting the persons in charge of the fort. When the rajah of Berar was engaged in hostilities with the British government, the nabob of Bhopal took advantage of the circumstance to endea- vour to regain Hosheingabad, and succeeded. It had been rumoured that Scindia, in con- sideration of a sum of money to be paid by the rajah of Berar, was to assist that chief with a military force, to be employed in re- ducing Hosheingabad once more under his authority ; and in consequence, the nabob of Bhopal had made application to the British resident with Scindia to be placed under the A.D. 1805.] MOVEMENTS OF SCINDIA. 327 protection of the British government. He had some claim, on the ground of former ser- vices, to the protection which he sought, his predecessor in the government having some years before rendered valuable service to a British force under General Goddard, vphen that commander was surrounded by hostility and perfidy. The overture, however, was met by general expressions of courtesy, accom- panied by a statement that the policy of the British government precluded its interposition to influence the results of any contest between states with which it was at amity. Serious illness had prevented the British resident from keeping up with the march of Scindia, and he did not overtake him until he had arrived within the territories of Bhopal, where his troops were employed under Shirzee Hao in attacking a small fortified village named Cheonee. Immediately on reaching the camp, the British representative despatched Mr. Jenkins, the secretary to the residency, to re- monstrate. That gentleman accordingly re- paired to the durbar, and after adverting to the existing state of facts, proceeded to point cut the inconsistency of Scindia's conduct with the obligations of the defensive alliance. He represented that, although Scindia, in reply to the British resident's repeated applications, had declared that he was unable to march unless pecuniary aid were afforded by the British government, he had marched, notwith- standing he had received no such aid, and to a distance which, in the direction recommended by the resident, would have enabled him to form a junction with the British force under Colonel Murray ; that the late movement of Scindia's army was unconnected with any single object of the contest with Holkar ; that it was directed to the injury of a state which maintained relations of peace both with Scindia and the British Government, and was thus a violation of the principles of the de- fensive alliance, which were opposed to 'aggres- sive war and the spirit of conquest ; and that the attack upon Bhopal was at variance with the provisions of the subsidiary treaty, which treaty, on the other hand, was again violated by the withdrawal of Scindia's forces from the war with Holkar, and the employment of them on objects in which the allied powers had no just interest, and in a manner calculated to increase the number of their enemies. After many attempts to evade discussion altogether, Scindia made an effort to justify his conduct. He still Maintained that he was destitute of the means of co-operating effi- ciently with the British force ; arguing, that as Holkar's force consisted principally of cavalry, thirty thousand horse would be neces- sary to oppose him, and that Colonel Murray had no horse. His march to Bhopal, Scindia justified by alleging that th^ nabob was his tributary ; that the step which he had taken encouraged officers to join him who would otherwise have been deterred by the want of pecuniary resources ; and that so far from his march being, as the British functionary alleged, unconnected with the objects of the war, it was undertaken with especial reference to them ; Scindia's design being, as he stated, to levy contributions on the nabob of Bhopal, for the purpose of placing his army in a con- dition to act against the enemy. On part of this explanation the British resident, Mr, Webbe, in a communication to his govern- ment, remarked — " The nabob of Bhopal is not a tributary to Scindia, so considered, although it is true that he has been subjected to such exactions as the superior force of Scindia has occasionally rendered it convenient for him to enforce ; but the true object of Scindia's march to this place was founded on a plan concerted between him and the rajah of Nagpore, for the purpose of assisting Ruggojeo Bhonsla in wresting the fort and territory of Hosheingabad from the nabob of Bhopal." The designs of the rajah of Berar with respect to Hosheingabad have been already mentioned. It was believed that his views extended further than the recovery of the fort and territory known by that name. There was some reason to apprehend that he meditated the resump- tion, by force of arms, of the territory which had been surrendered by the treaty so lately concluded by him with the British govern- ment. The existence of such views was at- tested by a series of correspondence which fell into the hands of the British resident at Kag- pore ; and was further corroborated by the efforts made by the rajah to raise funds, and by the extraordinary activity which appeared to pervade the various departments of his go- vernment. For some time previously to these discoveries, it had been observed that no cordial feelings of friendship existed on the part of the rajah towards the British government. That government felt bound to adhere to certain engagements made with parties pre- viously dependents upon the rajah of Berar, and to continue to extend to them its pro- tection, although in some instances the date of the treaties was subsequent to that of the peace with their former chief. Keparation was offered to the rajah ; but though he sullenly accepted the list tendered to him of his alienated dependents, he refused to accept of the reparation, or to enter into any ad- ditional engagements, though attended with advantage to himself. The rajah, indeed, eventually expressed himself satisfied that the British government had acted correctly ; but it was evident that he had experienced a degree of disappointment which must long preclude any implicit reliance on his friendship. At length a military force was put in motion, which marched nearly five miles fi:om Nag- pore, in the direction of Hosheingabad ; while military preparations were in progress in Euttenpore, for the alleged purpose of re- ducing some refractory zemindars, but the extent of which seem disproportioned to the object. In other quarters similar preparations were made under similar pretences. In the 828 EEMONSTEANCES OP ME. JENKINS. [A.D. 1805. mean time a very suspicious correspondence was carried on between tlie rajah of Berar and Ameer Khan. According to the rajah's ministers, the objects of the latter were to deter the rajah from proceeding against the nabob of Bhopal, and to obtain a sum of money. The British resident was of opinion that his purpose was to prevail on the rajah to join in a combination against the English. The intercourse of native princes is sur- rounded with so much mystery, that it is almost always difficult to ascertain its precise object. There was undoubtedly sufficient cause for the distrust felt by the British authorities in this case, but the course of cir- cumstances seemed to countenance the state- ment of the rajah, as Ameer Khan actually invaded his territories and committed various While the intentions of the rajah of Berar were thus doubtful, the state of affairs at Scindia's camp continued to indicate the hos- tile feelings of that chieftain. The British resident, Mr. Webbe, died soon after the advance from Borhampore. Colonel Close was instructed to proceed from Poona, to assume the charge vacated by the death of Mr. Webbe, the duties of which were in the interval per- formed by Mr. Jenkins. Scindia, leaving Hosheingabad in his rear, had now advanced into the territories of the rajah of Berar, and Mr. Jenkins felt bound to demand an expla- nation of this movement, as well as of the intercourse known to have taken place be- tween Scindia and the rajah. After various expedients for procrastination, Scindia ap- pointed a day to receive the acting resident, when, in answer to the latter point of inquiry, he declared that the rajah of Berar had applied to him to assist him in recovering Hosheingabad and another fortress from the nabob of Bhopal, but that he had not answered the application, and did not intend to interfere in the prosecution of an object in which he had no interest. To the former inquiry, and to others, as to the fact of his having ordered his troops in Malwa to quit that possession and join the army under his personal com- mand, as to his having required his Pindarries also to join him, and as to the destination of his march, he answered that he had chosen the route which he was pursuing because of the scarcity of grain in the direct route to Oujein ; that he was marching through the territories of the rajah of Berar for the pur- pose of crossing the Nerbudda at a ford which would enable him to proceed to Saugur, and ' that he had withdrawn his troops from Malwa for the piirpose of assembling his army in a plentiful country. Having given this expla- nation of his conduct, Scindia concluded, as usual with Mahratta princes under such cir- cumstances, by assurances of his faithful ad- herence to the obligation of his engagements with the British government. About the time when these explanations and these assurances were afforded, the British agent in Bundlecund intercepted a letter ad- dressed by Ambajee Inglia, to a petty rajah dependent on the peishwa, stating that Scindia and the rajah of Berar had combined against the British power ; that the former with his army was on his march to join Ameer Khan ; that when the junction should be effected, Scindia was to direct his course towards Calpee, on the Jumna, while the rajah of Berar should invade Bengal ; and that Am- bajee had despatched a force into the territory of the rana of Gohud for the purpose of recovering possession of it. The immediate object of the letter was to induce the person to whom it was addressed to unite his force with the troops sent by Ambajee into Gohud. It was soon ascertained that one portion at least of the intelligence transmitted by Am- bajee was true. A considerable body of troops belonging to that personage had actually in- vaded Gohud, and laid siege to a fort at a short distance from Gwalior. This was fol- lowed by the attack and defeat of a body of the rana of Gohud's troops. Thus was fur- nished new ground of remonstrance with Scindia, and the acting resident at his camp received instructions adapted to the occasion. Before their arrival, Scindia, who had been pursuing his march along the north bank of the Nerbudda, intimated that he held from the peishwa an unliquidated assignment upon Saugur, and expressed an intention of realiz- ing the amount. Mr. Jenkins strenuously opposed the execution of this project, which he declared would be regarded as an act of hostility against the peishwa. He demanded that the design should be abandoned, and that Scindia's profligate minister, Shirzee Eao, should be dismissed ; and, on failure of com- pliance with these demands, intimated that his departure from Scindia's camp would become necessary. Scindia affected to comply in both instances ; but Shirzee Eao was not dismissed, and his master continued to march towards the town of Saugur. The depredations com- mitted by Scindia's troops in the country bearing that name again called- forth remon- strance from Mr. Jenkins, and a renewal of his demand for permission to depart. In con- sequence he received a visit from a servant of Scindia, who alleged, in extenuation of the offensive conduct of his chief, that disappoint- ment at not receiving the pecuniary aid expected from the English bad led him to Saugur. Mr. Jenkins, in reply, insisted on the point previously urged, that the plunder of the country by Scindia's Pindarries con- stituted an act of direct hostility against an ally of the British government ; and recapitu- lated the grounds of his repeated remonstrances, showing that, instead of going to Oujein, as was necessary for the benefit of the cause of the allies, Scindia had sacrificed the interests of that cause by proceeding in an opposite direc- tion ; and that, although the want of funds for the pay of his troops was the constant sub- ject of complaint, the numbers of his troops A.D. 1805.] SCINDIA'S PKOCRASTINATION. 329 continued to be augmented. The acting resi- dent concluded his representation by promising that, if Scindia would immediately proceed in the direction of Oujein, and would in other respects regulate his conduct according to his professions, he would continue to attend his court. The meeting at which the above com- munication was made, took place on the 1st of January, 1805. On the 6th Scindia advanced to Saugur, where he was joined by nine battali- ons of his infantry and sixty-five guns. From the 7th to the 9th the array of Scindia was employed in investing the fort of Saugur, for the purpose of realizing the amount of his pretended claim ; and in consequence he was informed that the British representative would march on the following morning, and required passports. To this intimation and demand it was answered that an agent from Scindia should wait upon the resident, and that all points should be satisfactorily arranged. But the resident having repeated his application, the conciliatory tone was exchanged for that of arrogance and defiance. It was signified that Ambajee Inglia was expected to arrive in the space of eight days, and that on his arrival it would be determined whether Scindia should go to Oujein or the British representa- tive receive his dismission. This message re- sembled a former communication from Scindia to a British agent, that the result of an approaching interview would decide whether it should be peace or war ; and evinced that the lesson which Scindia had received had not sufficed to eradicate the arrogance which had then led him to defy the power of the Eng- lish government. On receiving it, Mr. Jen- kins immediately struck his tents and prepared for departure. Scindia then thought that he had gone too far, and representations were made to the resident which induced him to postpone his march. He was solemnly as- sured that on the 16th Scindia would march for Oujein, and would thenceforward act in every respect in accordance with the advice of the British functionaries. The delay of six days was required in consequence of the death of a member of the chieftain's family ; and the consent of the acting resident was secured by information conveyed to him, to the effect that the arrival of Ambajee would probably lead to the expulsion of Shirzee Eao. Mr. Jenkins was not then aware of the invasion of Gohud by Ambajee ; and according to general opinion, that personage was adverse to the renewal of hostilities with the British government. On the evening preceding the day on which the march, in conformity with the last arrange- ment, was to commence, Scindia applied for a further delay of two days, accompanying the application with a solemn promise of then prosecuting the march to Oujein without a bait. With some reluctance the resident assented ; and on the 18th of January the chief actually commenced his march. It was observable, however, that only a small part of his army accompanied him ; the larger portion, with the guns, continued to occupy their position in the vicinity of Saugur. Not less observable was the care which his highness manifested for those of his troops who were put in motion. Their spirits were not broken nor their efficiency impaired by a march of harassing length. They received orders to pitch their tents at the end of three miles ; and the resident was informed that it was the intention of the single-minded Mahratta chief to halt on the spot for four days. The British officer had recourse to a duty which repetition must have rendered familiar. He remon- strated ; and was answered that, in conformity w'ith the pledge that had been given, Scindia had marched at the time specified ; but that, within thirteen days after the death of a mem- ber of his family, it was inconsistent with established custom to quit the spot where the calamity had taken place. He declared, how- ever, that at the end of the four days which remained to complete the required period of mourning he would positively proceed to Oujein. What degree of credit the British resident gave to this promise may readily be conceived ; but not being desirous to precipi- tate war, he acquiesced in the proposed arrangement. Before the expiration of the period of halting, Mr. Jenkins became officially acquainted with the incursion of Ambajee Inglia into Gohud. He thereupon, in conformity with instructions from the governor-general, addressed a memo- rial to Scindia, setting forth the fact of the hostile incursion, with a copy of Ambajee'a letter to the peishwa's tributary ; calling for proof that Ambajee's assertion that Scindia, the rajah of Berar, Ameer Khan, and himself were combined against the British government was unfounded, and that Scindia had no con- cern in the proceedings of Ambajee ; and demanding the immediate issue of an order directing that person to withdraw his troops from Gohud, together with a formal declara- tion of Scindia's entire concurrence in the measures that might be necessary for his punishment. The memorial, which was accom- panied by a verbal message suggesting the im- mediate transmission of proper communica- tions to the governor-general and to Ambajee, not producing any satisfactory result, strong remonstrance followed, accompanied by an intimation that, in the event of Scindia marching on the following morning in the direction of Oujein, the resident might be induced to remain in the camp, according to the orders of the governor-general ; but the intimation of this act of forbearance was accom- panied by very significant warnings as to the consequences to be apprehended from the hos- tile and treacherous courses pursued by the chief and his dependents. Fresh attempts to lull the suspicions of the resident, and to in- duce him to consent to further delay, followed ; but no satisfeotory steps being taken, the resi- dent again demanded passports. His demand received an insolent answer ; and on the 830 THE RESIDENT'S CAMP PLUNDEEED. [A.D. 1805. 23rd January ho departed without them, and inarched fourteen miles. This was a proceed- ing for which Scindia was not prepared, and it excited some dismay. Two persons were im- mediately despatched to overtake the British officer, and, if possible, prevail upon him to forego his intention. Mr. Jenkins refused to listen to their entreaties until assured by them that they were authorized to pledge Scindia's name for the performance of any conditions which might be necessary to procure the resident's return. He then proposed the fol- lowing ; that on the day after his return to the camp, Scindia should seriously enter upon his long-promised and long-deferred march to Oujein, and proceed thither without any farther halts, except at the necessary and usual intervals ; that he should without delay act in conformity with the resident's advice in regard to Ambajee, and also disavow in a letter to the governor-general the acts of that person, and of another who had appeared in the character of Scindia's agent at Hyderabad, where, by exaggerating the successes of Holkar, and announcing an extended alliance against the British government, to which Scindia and the rajah of Berar were to be parties, he had endeavoured to promote the objects which such an alliance would be intended to advance. The recall of this person was required to be effected through a letter from Scindia to be delivered to Mr. Jenkins, and by him for- warded to the British resident at Hyderabad. The messengers agreed in the most formal manner to the prescribed conditions, and Mr. Jenkins returned to Scindia's camp on the morning of the day after he had quitted it. The experience of a few hours sufficed to test Scindia's sincerity. On the evening of Mr. Jenkins's return, he learned that Scindia intended to halt on the following day. This being a direct violation of one of the con- ditions of the resident's return, he had only to choose between again quitting the camp or remaining a monument of the degradation of the government which he represented. He did not hesitate in taking the former course, but had proceeded only a short distance, when he was again called back by a message from Scindia, expressing a desire to receive a visit from him. He accordingly directed his bag- gage to remain at a grove in the vicinity of Scindia's regular brigade, and proceeded with Lieutenant Stuart, the officer commanding his escort, to the tent of the vacillating and treacherous chief. Some idle attempts were made by Scindia to excuse his conduct, and these being disposed of, he expressed himself ready to comply immediately with the resi- dent's request as to Ambajee, and to recom- mence his march on the following morning. Mr. Jenkins was requested to retire to another tent with some Mahratta officers, to prepare the letters ; and some progress had been made, when it was announced that Scindia's devo- tions had been inten'upted by the arrival of the British resident — that he was now anxious to resume them — that the letters, when com' pleted, should be sent for the resident's inspec- tion, and that if their terms should not entirely accord with his wishes, he could return to the chieftain's tent in the evening and suggest the required alterations. On the faith of this arrangement Mr. Jenkins despatched orders recalling his baggage. The baggage, h owe ver, before the arrival of the orders, had passed out of the hands of those left in charge of it. The British camp had been attacked by the. entire body of Pindarries retained by Scindia, and plundered of every article of value. The escort, in defending it, had suffered severely, and among the wounded were the lieutenant in command and the surgeon attached to the residency. An attempt to plunder the British camp had been made some weeks before, with partial success. In this second instance the success was complete. The loss of property, though productive of the most serious incon- venience to the resident and his attendants, was not the worst result of the outrage which had been perpetrated. The circumstances of the residency deprived it of all outward claims to respect, and the spirit prevailing in Scindia's camp was not such as to supply the want of them. Mr. Jenkins was naturally and justly anxious to withdraw from a situation where his office could no longer command even decent regard, and he requested permission to retire to some place of safety, where he might avail himself of the first opportunity that should offer of proceeding to a British camp. Scindia in reply expressed great concern at what had happened, but declined to comply with the wish of the resident to quit the camp. He accordingly remained, and the consequent position of the British residency is thus de- scribed by himself : — "Under the operation of the late events, the British residency is become a degraded spectacle to a camp by which it was formerly held in the utmost veneration and respect. Our equipage is reduced to a single tent, which occupies a small comer of Scindia's encampment ; and in this situation we are exposed to the derision of the plun- derers, who triumph in the protection of a nefarious government, under the countenance of which they presume to insult us with the proffer for sale of our plundered effects. Ex- posed to these insults and to the entire neglect of the government, which does not think it necessary even to profess regret for what has passed, the escort of the residency, deprived of its arms and accoutrements, and disabled by the loss of about iifty men killed and wounded, while so far &om being protected we have been openly attacked by Scindia's army, you will in some measure conceive the irksomeness of our situation." In this miserable condition did the British residency accompany the march of Scindia, who left the vicinity of Saugur on the 24th of February, leaving there, however, some battalions under an officer named Baptiste, .of French origin but native birth, to realize the A.D. 1805.] SCINDIA'S LETTER. 331 contribution which it had been the pleasure of the Mahratta chief to exact. Mr. Jenkins, feeling that under its present circumstances the British residency could command no respect, and desirous of receiving the instruc- tions of the governor-general for the guidance of his future conduct, wished to decline any political intercourse with Soindia or his servants ; but the earnest request of the chief induced the resident to consent to receive a visit from him. On that occasion Scindia displayed a combination of hypocrisy and audacity worthy of the race to which he belonged. He endeavoured to justify the general conduct of his government in regard to his engagements with the English, and to remove from the resident's mind the impres- sion, which he most justly concluded must find place there, that the outrage perpetrated on the British camp had not been committed without his approbation or cognizance. It was, he alleged, to be attributed entirely to the Findarries, over whom he had no control. He expressed, too, a hope that the misfortune would not interrupt the friendship subsisting between the two states. The resident made little answer, conceiving this course the most accordant with the due maintenance of the dignity of his office and government. Of the motives which actuate a Mahratta it is at all times difficult to judge ; but as Soindia had before this period held language widely dif- ferent in its character, and had addressed to the governor-general a letter framed in a tone far fi:om conciliatory, the expression of a desire for the preservation of amity with a state whose representative had so recently been exposed to insult and violence, must be regarded as the effect of some temporary cause, probably of a belief in the eventual success of the British arms. The weakness of Scindia's character, combined with his intense hatred of the English and his participation in the duplicity which is always an element in the moral constitution of a Mahratta, produced great fluctuations in his feelings and deport- ment. The history of the letter to the go- vernor-general above noticed is remarkable. The letter bore the date of the 18th of October. It was forwarded by two messengers on foot to a person residing at Benares, who for many years had held the nominal appointment of vakeel, first to the predecessor of Dowlut Rao Scindia, and subsequently to himself. The vakeel was to proceed with the letter to Cal- cutta, in order to deliver it in person ; but he did not report his arrival in that city till the 18th of February, exactly four months after the date of the letter. It has been questioned whether Scindia knew anything of this letter, and whether its preparation and transmission were not altogether the acts of his ministers. But this is a point of little importance — by whomsoever it might be framed, by whom- soever forwarded, it is extraordinary that it should have been four months on its journey to. Calcutta. The only possible solution of the difficulty is to be found in the supposition that the letter was written under the influence of the feelings excited by the successes of Holkar and the disasters of Colonel Monson ; that subsequent events gave rise to different feelings and expectations, which suggested the prudence of keeping it back ; and that the ultimate determination to revert to the original intention of the writer, by causing it to be delivered at its destination, was prompted by the reverses of the English before Bhurt- pore. Another extraordinary fact connected with this proceeding is, that it was transmitted without the knowledge of the British resident with Soindia, whose duty it was to forward to his government any representation which he might receive from that to which he was deputed, and who, it could not be doubted, was ready faithfully to discharge this trust. The letter, after an ordinaiy compliment, adverted to the relations subsisting between Scindia and the Company's government, and thence proceeded to complain of the neglect of the latter to afford to the chief pecuniary assistance. The next subject was one which would perhaps have been avoided by nego- tiators of any other race than that of the Mahrattas. It arose out of the former, and presented a curious version of the circum- stances under which Bappoojee Scindia passed over to the enemy ; a result which was attri- buted to the want of funds. It was alleged that on an application being made by Bap- poojee to Colonel Monson for money to pay his troops, the British commander answered that he could advance none, and referred the applicant to General Lake. This was some- thing more than mere misrepresentation^t was a positive falsehood ; for Colonel Monson had advanced to Bappoojee a considerable sum. Bappoojee, however, it was represented, being, for want of the required assistance, unable to sustain his troops, was obliged to despatch an officer named Suddasheo Kao, with a body of horse and foot, in search of provisions ; himself, with three thousand men, remaining with Colonel Monson ; in which situation, according to Scindia's statement, they exerted themselves most meritoriously. The succeeding part of the narrative was a tissue of untruths and misrepresentations, ending with a statement of the reasons which led Bappoojee to join Holkar, differing but little from that which was given to the British resident. After the enumeration of his pecu- niary grievances, Scindia proceeded to the statement of other grounds of complaint. The first related to a question which had been settled professedly to the satisfaction, and certainly with the acquiescence, of Scindia's ministers — the transfer of Gohud and Gwalior. There were seven more. The name of the rajah of Jodepore, it was said, had been improperly inserted in the list of chieftains to whom the provisions of the ninth article of the treaty applied ; the payment of certain pensions as stipulated was represented 332 SCINDIA ON FRIENDSHIP. iA.D. 1805;- to be irregular ; delay in delivering to Soindia some districts to which he waa entitled was complained of ; a similar complaint was pre- ferred as to collections from other districts ; the maharajah had been prevented, as he alleged, from placing in specified oonntries a sufficient number of troops for their protection, in consequence of which they had become a scene of devastation ; the jaghires in Hin- dostan, covenanted to be returned to Scindia, were, he urged, still retained ; and, lastly, the obligation incurred by the Company under the second treaty, to protect Scindia's territories in the same manner as their own, was stated to be disregarded. These complaints were interspersed with abundant abuse of the British resident, Mr. Webbe. The conclusion was peculiarly edifying, from the high moral tone which characterizes it, and the beautifiil exposition of the obligations of friendship which it affords. On such a subject a Mah- ratta may well be expected to be eloquent, and Scindia did not discredit either his theme or his country. " Where," said he, " friend- ship has been established by treaties and engagements between princes and chiefs of high rank and power, it is incumbent on both parties to observe it on all occasions, and they consider the injuries and losses of friends and allies to be their own ; and, in the same manner, the strength and power of friends and allies to be their own strength and power. My continuance during so long a period of time in the vicinity of Borhampore has been owing entirely to my expectation, founded on the union of the two states, of aid in all my aSkiTB on the part of your excellency. As Mr. "Webbe, who resides with me on the part of your excellency, practises delay and evasion in every point, and avoids the advance of money in the form of pecuniary aid, of a loan, or on account of that which is clearly and justly due by the conditions of treaty, I have deemed it necessary to communicate all circumstances to your excellency. My army having reached the banks of the Nerbudda by successive marches, is beginning to cross. I shall now remain in expectation of an answer. Your excellency is endowed with great wisdom and foresight, and is unequalled in the virtues of fulfilling the obligations of engagements and of friendship. I therefore request your excellency to take into your deliberate con- sideration all that I have written, and adopt such measures as may most speedily both terminate the contest with Jeswunt Hao Eol- kar, and fulfil the obligations of the treaties subsisting between us, and strengthen in the most perfect degree and perpetuate the foun- dations of union and alliance between the two states. Let your excellency further be pleased to consider where is the advantage of suffering that which has been taken from friends to fall into the hands of enemies : undoubtedly your excellency's provident wisdom and correct understanding will never approve such a thing, since the power and strength of one friend must be considered to be the power and strength of another, and the weakness and defective resources of the one also those of the other. If I acquire strength by territory and money, that strength (as the consequence of our union) becomes in truth the strength of the Company also. Having maturely weighed and considered all these points, let your excel- lency be pleased to favour me with a speedy and favourable answer. If by the time of my arrival at Malwa a full and detailed answer to all that I have written arrives, it will be extremely proper and advisable." Complaints similar to those contained in Scindia's letter had been addressed by some agents of that chief to Colonel Close at Nag- pore, to which place he had proceeded on his way to undertake the duties of resident at Scindia's camp, but on learning the events which had occurred, had thought it expedient to wait for further instructions from his govern- ment. These, when received, directed him to proceed to assume the duties to the discharge of which he stood appointed, and to demand reparation for the outrage which had been committed on the British residency. A copy of these instructions being furnished to Mr, Jenkins, tbat gentleman immediately, in ac- cordance with their spirit, reassumed the functions which had since the attack on his camp been permitted to remain dormant. The complaints embodied in the letter of Scindia, together with the communications to Colonel Close, received from the governor- general an elaborate reply. After adverting to the date of Scindia's letter, to the extraor- dinary delay which had taken place in deliver- ing it, and to the aspersions cast by Scindia on the character of Mr. Webbe, the governor- general proceeded to expose the trickery and iq'nstice of reviving the claim to Gohud and Gwalior, after repeated recognitions of the acts of the British government with respect to those possessions, Scindia was reminded of the various acts by which he was pledged not to disturb the arrangement which had been made, and was called' upon once more, by a formal declaration in writing, to renounce his claim. This would have added something to the evidence previously existing on the sub- ject, but it cannot be supposed that it would have operated in the slightest degree to prevent the revival of the claim whenever it might suit the purpose or the caprice of this unstable chief to assert it. The case of the rajah of Jode- pore was divested of all difBculty. He had refused to abide by the engagement which had been made ; his name in consequence was directed to be erased from the list presented to Scindia ; but by some error or accident this had been omitted. The payment of the pen- sions, it was shown, had not only been strictly regular, but that the prescribed period had been anticipated. In answer to Scindia's com- plaints of the non-surrender of the pergunnas to which he had a claim, it was stated, that no person duly authorized had ever been sent to A.D. 1805.] •GOVERNOR-GENERAL'S REPLY. 833 take charge of them. It waa very properly added that, with reference to the operations of the war with Holkar, it had become inexpedi- ent at that period to give them up ; but that they would be surrendered at the termination of hostilities with the last-named chief, or rented by the English, as Soindia might choose. Payment of the collections from those pergun- nas, Scindia was informed, would be regularly made to his officers until the delivery of the districts. With regard to other collections which Scindia claimed, the governor-general professed never before to have heard of the claim ; but intimated that an investigation should take place, and that when the accounts were adjusted, payment should be made of whatever might be found due. To the charge of the British having abandoned to devastation part of Scindia's territories, the governor- general replied, that the British were not bound to suppress internal disturbances, or to protect the country against robbers ; but that, notwithstanding, directions should be given for the preservation of order. The relinquish- ment of the jaghires in Hindostan, it was stated, would take place forthwith, on a proper application to the commander-in-chief ; and the jaghiredars would receive from the British government whatever that government had received on account of the jaghire lands since the treaty of peace. In reply to the last head of charge, that the British had not protected Scindia's territory from invasion, but had per- mitted Holkar and Ameer Khan to ravage and plunder within it, it was observed, that the . obligation of a defensive alliance was mutual, and that the British might with equal justice complain of Scindia for not preventing the incursions of the enemy into the Company's territories. "An appeal to the evidence of facts, however," continued the governor- general, " will manifest the degree in which either state has fulfilled the obligations of the defensive alliance. By the valour, activity, and skill of the British armies, Jeswunt Rao Holkar has been deprived of nearly all his territorial possessions ; a part of which, includ- ing the capital city of Indore, was delivered over to your highness's officers. The whole of his force has been repeatedly defeated and nearly destroyed, with the loss of all his artillery ; and he has been deprived of every resource but that which he derives from the feeble and precarious aid of the rajah of Bhurtpore. Has your highness," it was then properly asked, " according to the provisions of the treaty, contributed in any degree to these victories ? On the contrary, has not the conduct of your highness and of your officers aided the cause of the enemy against the power by which those victories have been achieved, and with which your highness was pledged to co-operate ? " After some remarks on various parts of the conduct of Scindia during the war, his more recent proceedings were thus noticed. " On every occasion when the resident urged purpose of restoring the vigour of your govern- ment, of reviving the efficiency of your declin- ing resources, and of co-operating with the British troops in the prosecution of the war, your highness uniformly asserted your inability to proceed, for want of funds to pay your troops ; and in your highness's letter you have ascribed your detention at Borhampore to the same cause. Your highness, however, stated in the same letter, that you had been enabled by loans to provide necessaries for your march, and for collecting your troops ; that you had accordingly marched from Borhampore ; that you had written to all the officers of your troops to join you from every quarter ; and that it was your intention to raise new troops." On the foundation of the facts referred to in this passage, the governor-general raises the following conclusion, and addresses the ex- hortation which succeeds: — "It is evident, therefore, that your highness never intended to comply with the suggestion of the resident on the subject of your return to Oujein ; for your highness assigned the deficiency of your funds as the only cause which prevented your return to Oujein in conformity with the resi- dent's advice ; and when your highness, accord- ing to your own declaration, had obtained funds, you marched in a difierent direction, and affi)rded to the resident no explanation of the nature of your designs. TJnder these cir- cumstances, it is evident that yom' highness never entertained the design of proceeding to Oujein, or of co-operating with the British troops in the prosecution of the war. With what degree of justice, therefore, can your highness complain of the conduct of the British government in withholding the pecuniary aid which you solicited, until adequate security had been obtained for the due application of those funds to the common cause of the allies, instead of perverting the aid furnished by the allies to the cause of the enemy ? Your high- ness," the governor-general continues, "has stated in your letter, that it was your deter- mined resolution, after having collected a numerous army, consisting both of old troops and new levies, to proceed to chastise the enemy ; and your highness adds, ' How can I be content to see a territory which for a long time has been in my possession, and in the conquest of which crores of rupees have been expended, and great battles have been fought, in the possession of another!' — and that 'it is no difficult matter to wrest the territory from the hands of the enemy.' I am unable to comprehend your highness's meaning in the passage above quoted. The enemy has not at any stage of the war been able to effect the conquest of a single district, and wherever the British troops have approached, the enemy has sought his safety in a precipitate flight ; and although, subsequently to the date of your highness's letter, you have received constant reports of the repeated defeats of the enemy by the British troops, your highness has con- your highness to proceed to Oujein for the tinued to augment your forces and to advance 831 CHARGES AGAINST SCINMA. [a.d. 1805. into Hindostan. These measures, therefore, must be ascribed to objects entirely different from those which your highness has declared." This intimation that Scindia'sTiews were per- ceived was succeeded by a summing up of that chieftain's offences against the British govern- ment, under thirteen heads. The enumeration exhibits the leading points of the case so com- pletely, and, withal, so briefly, that it will be advisable to quote it at length rather than to give an abridgment. " First : After your highness's repeated and solemn assurances to the resident of your intention to return to your capital, for the purpose of co-operating with the British government in the prosecution of the war, your highness, without affording an explanation to the resident, directed your march towards the territory of Bhopal, in positive Violation of your personal promise, repeatedly made to the resident. Secondly : Notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances of the resident on the impropriety of permit- ting the continuance of the enemy's vakeel in your highness's camp, that vakeel was per- mitted to remain and to accompany your march ; and, with your highness's knowledge, the person to whose charge you committed the executive administration of your affairs main- tained a constant and clandestine intercourse with that vakeel of the enemy. Thirdly : The officers of your highness's government at Oujein, instead of joining Colonel Murray with any part of the troops stationed at that capital, or affording to Colonel Murray any aid what- ever in his preparations for the field, counter- acted the measures of that officer, and opposed every degree of difficulty to his exertions in completing the equipment of the army under his command. Fourthly : Two of your high- ness's military commanders, with the troops under their command, who were appointed to co-operate with the British force in Hindostan, deserted to the enemy, and have acted with the enemy during the whole war. Fifthly : Your highness has openly justified the conduct of those officers in deserting to the enemy, on the plea that the British commander refused to advance money for the pay of the troops, which your highness was bound by treaty to furnish at your own charge ; thereby main- taining a principle inconsistent with the spirit of the treaties of peace, and of defensive alliance. Sixthly : Your highness has with- drawn your troops from those districts which had been conquered from the enemy by the British forces, and surrendered to your high- ness's officers ; thereby restoring to the enemy a part of his resources of which he had been deprived by the exertions of the British troops, and of which the benefit had been exclusively transferred to your highness. Seventhly : Your highness has conducted a secret negotia- tion with the rajah of Berar, without affording to the British resident any explanation of the nature and object of it ; thereby violating an express stipulation of the treaty of defensive alliance. Eighthly : Your highness has violated the territory of his highness the peishwa, the ally of the British government, by invading and plundering the district of Sangur, by de- stroying the city and besieging the fort, and by exacting a contribution from that place by force of arms. Ninthly : Notwithstanding your highness's repeated and most solemn assurances to the British representative, of your intention to proceed to the capital of your dominions, your highness has marched with a large army to Narwa, on the frontier of the territory of an ally of the British go- vernment. Tenthly : Your highness has con- tinued to augment your army by collecting your troops from all quarters, by new levies, and by the accession of a numerons train of artillery, although your highness professed an utter inability. to supply funds for the payment of your ai'my previously to its augmentation, and although the declared object of those measures had ceased to exist ; thei-eby justify- ing a suspicion that your highness's views were directed rather against the British government or its allies than against the common enemy. Eleventhly : Your highness has suffered the late flagrant outrage against the person and property of the British representative and his suite, committed by persons in your highness's service, and within the limits of your high- ness's camp, to pass unnoticed and unatoned, without any endeavours to discover and punish the offenders, and without any effectual mea- sures for recovering the plundered property, or any declared intention of repaying the amount ; without offering a public apology, or addressing to me any excuse to palliate an outrage so atrocious against the sacred charac- ter of the representative of the British govern- ment residing at your highness's court ; and without any endeavour to alleviate the personal distress of the British representative, either by contributing to his accommodation or by any acts of kindness or hospitality. Twelfthly : Your highness has revived your claim to the districts of Gohud and Gwalior, alienated from your highness's dominion by the operation of an article of the treaty of peace — after a minute and deliberate discussion upon that subject with your highness's government ; and after the most solemn and public renunciation of that claim on the part of your highness, in presence of the British resident at your high- ness's court; and after having publicly ac- cepted and confirmed the list of treaties, by one of which this alienation was declared. Thirteenthly : The general conduct of your highness's government, and especially the augmentation of your highness's force and your march to Narwa, have encouraged the enemy to expect your highness's support, of which expectation the enemy has made a public boast ; and a general opinion exists in Hindostan and the Decoan, that your highness has resolved to unite your forces with the remnant of the enemy's power in a contest against the British government, your friend and ally." This was a heavy array of offences ; A.D. 1805.] SCINDIA'S CONTINUED DUPLICITy. 335 but it was not, as the culprit might reasonably have apprehended, the prelude to a declaration that the day of repentance was past, and that the perfidy of the transgressor was about to be visited with condign punishment. Not- withstanding all that had occurred, Scindia was assured that the British government were solicitous to maintain with him the relations of amity, and to respect the provisions of the treaties of peace and defensive alliance, pro- vided he should adopt a course of proceeding accordant with those engagements. ■ So strong indeed was the desire entertained by the British government for the preservation of peace, and so earnest the wish that Scindia should be satisfied on this point, that, in con- templation of the possibility of the British re- presentative being compelled to withdraw by the refusal of Scindia to afford any satisfaction for the attack on the British camp, he was instructed to state that his departure, though rendered necessary by the conduct of Scindia, had no connection with any hostile designs towards that chief on the part of the British government, which would continue disposed to peace so long as Scindia should abstain from any act of direct aggression against the Com- pany or their allies. But Scindia was actuated by very different leelings. His court had for some time appeared to be occupied by some matter of importance. At length the ladies of his family and his heavy baggage were sent out of camp, to be conveyed to some place of safety ; and it was obvious that some extraordinary movement was about to take place. In an interview afforded by the acting British resident to one of Scindia's ministers, on the 23rd of March, the secret was revealed. Scindia's agent stated that his master had viewed with sorrow and regret the continued length of the war between Eolkar and the English, and (being a person of singular sensibility) the consequent effusion of blood. His humanity was of too active a nature to be contented with merely lamenting these calamities ; he had a plan for putting an end to them — ^this was by marching directly to Bhurtpore, for the purpose of offering his mediation to restore the blessings of peace. The purport of the minister's visit, it was ex- plained, was, therefore, to request that the British resident would write to the different officers in command of British detachments in the neighbourhood of Gwalior, and other places in the direction of Scindia's proposed march, to inform them of that chieftain's pacific intentions, and to prevent his being molested by the troops stationed at the ghauts on his route. Mr. Jenkins, replied, that he was entirely unacquainted with the arrange- ments made by the governor-general and the commander-in-chief for the protection of the countries to which allusion had been made, and that it was impossible for him to comply with the request made on behalf of Scindia, as the officers in command of the British troops re- ceived their orders from the commander-in-chief, and were in no respect under the resident's authority. He added, with becoming spirit, with reference to the proposed mediation, that so long as Scindia continued in alliance with the British power, the utmost attention would be paid to his interests as well as to those of all other allies, but that the British govern- ment neither required nor admitted the arbi- tration of any state whatever. Scindia, it will be recollected, had professed to regard Holkar as an enemy — had denied that the vakeel of that chief remained with his consent or know- ledge within his camp — ^had complained of the British government for not adequately protect- ing his dominions against Holkar, and of their withholding the pecuniary assistance which was required to enable him to take the field effectually against the common enemy. Th6 answer of Scindia's minister to Mr. Jenkins's denial of the maharajah's right to arbitrate between the British government and Holkar was, that his master had received repeated solicitations to undertake the office both from Holkar and the rajah of Bhurtpore ; thus, with genuine Mahratta audacity, avowing a corres- pondence which had been repeatedly disclaimed. On the following day Mr. Jenkins received another visit from Scindia's agent, when further illustrations of the duplicity of Scindia's court were afforded. The minister denied that the family of Scindia had departed, or that the heavy baggage had been sent away with any view to rapidity of march, but he admitted (why, is not very apparent) that Scindia's minister had till a very recent period been inimical to the British government, though now it was asserted he had become sensible of his folly. There was, indeed, no doubt that the first part of this statement was true — that Scindia's minister, Shirzee Eao, had entertained the most inveterate feelings of hatred towards the British government, and had anxiously watched the arrival of a fitting opportunity for gratifying those feelings ; but of widely differ- ent character were the professions made by Scindia and his servants to the British autho- rities. These avowed friendship, while the actions of those who made them spoke only hostility. The change which it was alleged had passed over Shirzee Eao was as sudden as it was marvellous, and a most extraordinary manifestation of its effect was the projected march to Bhurtpore. Four days before the communication of Scindia's intention to Mr. Jenkins, one of Scindia's servants had been admitted to an interview with Colonel Close at Nagpore. He had nothing to show that he was accredited by the Mahratta chief, but he was a person of high rank and claimed to be accredited. This person did not affect to conceal the alienation of Scindia's feelings from the English, nor the views under which he had moved in opposition to the recommendation of the British resident. He asked whether it was not perceived that Scindia was offended when he marched to the northward ; and on Colonel Close answering •336 PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. j;a.d. 1805. to the effect that it could not be supposed that Scindia would act in opposition to justice and good faith, an attendant upon Soindia's alleged agent asked if it ,were not supposed that Scindia moved to the northward in consequence of being offended, to what motive was that step ascribed ? These avowals that Soindia's movements were influenced by designs which he concealed from the British resident, contrast strikingly with his often-repeated expressions of a desire to comply with the advice of that functionary, his declarations of continued attachment to the British cause, and bis pro- fessions of anxiety to fulfil his engagements and maintain unimpaired his alliance with the British government. The governor-general was no sooner apprised of the communications made to Mr. Jenkins and Colonel Close, than, with his characteristic energy, he took measures for frustrating the meditated designs of Scindia. Instructions were forwarded to the commander-in-chief, directing him to reject peremptorily all demands on the part of Scindia which might be at variance with the treaty of peace; to repel any act of hostility from Scindia with promptitude and effect ; and to provide, in the event of war, for the safety of Mr. Jenkins and the British residency. Other parts of the instructions referred to the contingency of war being followed by negotiation ; and it was distinctly laid down, that Scindia was not to be permitted to treat for Holkar, nor Holkar for Scindia. These orders were explained and enforced by others forwarded a few days after- wards. While provision was thus made for frustrating the hostile designs of Scindia in the north, the south was not neglected. Im- pressed with a sense of the advantages result- ing firom the system adopted in the previous war with the confederated Mahratta chieftains, of intrusting very general and extensive powers, both political and military, to the hands of a single local authority, the governor- general resolved to invest Colonel Close with the same powers which had formerly been exercised by General Wellesley in the Deccan, with the exception of the control of the military commander in Guzerat. On the return of General Wellesley from Calcutta to Madras, it appears to have been for some time doubtful whether he would resume his station in the Deocan or not. It was ultimately deter- mined in the negative ; General, now, by the well-merited grace of his sovereign. Sir Arthur Wellesley, being of opinion that his services were no longer necessary ; being anxious, with regard to the state of his health, as well as to his professional prospects, to proceed to Europe ; thinking also that his presence there might enable him to dispel some misapprehensions with regard to the policy lately pursued in India, and being moreover dissatisfied with the authorities at home. It is satisfactory to relate that the greatest commander of modem times was not permitted to quit the scene of his early glories without testimonies, warm and abundant, to his eminent services. Soldiers and civilians, Europeans and natives, vied in rendering him honour. Colonel Close, under the powers assigned to him, was to take the command of the main army in the Deccan. In furtherance of the views of the governor-general. Colonel Wallace, commanding the subsidiary force at Poena, and Colonel Haliburton, commanding that at Hyderabad, were ordered to occupy with their troops the positions most favourable for the seizure, if necessary, of Scindia *8 posses- sions south of the Nerbudda ; but these officers were not to commence operations against Scindia without express orders, except in the event of intelligence reaching them of the actual commencement of hostilities in Hin- dostan. In Guzerat it was necessary to provide considerable reinforcements, the number of troops in that province having been greatly reduced by the detachment of the force which originally marched under Colonel Murray to Oujein, and subsequently, under General Jones, joined the army of Hindostan. To supply the deficiency thus occasioned, the government of Bombay were instructed to despatch to Guzerat as soon as practicable, and by the safest and most expeditious route, a corps consisting of at least four companies of European infantry, a company of European artillery, and one battalion of sepoys, with a due proportion of camp equipage, artillery, pioneers, lascars, and every necessary equip- ment to enable the corps to be employed on field service the moment it should reach Gu- zerat. Colonel Woodington, the officer conj- manding in the province, was to be instructed to place the corps under him in an eSacient state of equipment, and to lay up, at convenient places on the frontier, supplies of grain and stores. Thus reinforced, it was expected that Colonel Woodington would be able, not only to defend Guzerat from invasion, but to attack with success the forts and possessions of Scin- dia in that province, should war ensue. Soon after the issue of these several instruc- tions, a letter was received from the acting resident at Soindia's camp, which seemed to indicate more pacific feelings on the part of Scindia than had been contemplated. The resident had held communications with the chief and his ministers, which had produced a satisfactory letter to the governor-general in reply to the demand for reparation on account of the outrage upon the residency, a multipli- city of assurances of friendly intentions, and a promise that Scindia should halt upon the Chumbul until the arrival of Colonel Close. The promise was kept with Mahratta strict- ness. Scindia retired to Subdulghur ; but on the 7th of April Ameer Kian left Bhurtpore with the avowed intention of joining Scindia • and on the same day Shirzee Eao, with a large body of Findarries and a considerable part of Soindia's cavalry, marched towards Bhurtpore. Previously to his departure one of Soindia's ministers waited on Mr. Jenkins to announce A.D. 1805.] COLONEL MARTINDELL'S MOVEMENTS. 837 the intended movement, and to explain that it had reference to the proposed mediation. The resident demanded an audience of Scindia him- self, which was granted, and the chief gave the same explanation which had been offered by his minister. The statement was accompanied by strong professions of fidelity and friendship, and by a repetition of a request formerly made, that Mr. Jenkins would write to the com- mander-in-chief to desire that hostilities with Holkar might be suspended. The object of despatching Shirzee Kao to Bhurtpore was undoubtedly to prevent the rajah from entering into a pacific arrangement with the British government ; but the design was defeated. On the 11th the conditions of a treaty were finally determined upon ; and on the 17th, as has been already related, the treaty was signed. On arriving at Weir, a place about fifteen miles from Bhurtpore, Shirzee Kao addressed a letter to the commander-in-chief, intimating that, at the request of the British resident, Scindia had consented to wait at Subdulghur in expectation of Colonel Close's arrival. This was true; but it would be inconsistent with Mahratta custom to offer truth unmixed with some alloy of falsehood ; and the announcement of Sciudia's position, and the cause of his oc- cupying it, was associated with a representa- tion that the British resident had expressed a desire that Scindia should interpose hi^ media- tion for obtaining peace; in consequence of which desire his highness had despatched Shir- zee Eao to Bhurtpore to negotiate. The com- mander-in-chief, in reply, stated that peace having been established between the British government and the rajah of Bhurtpore, the presence of Shirzee Rao at Bhurtpore was un- necessary ; that he must not think of advancing, as such a proceeding might subvert the union subsisting between the Company and Scindia. On the following day, however, Shirzee Rao did, with a small party of horse, advance with- in a short distance of Bhurtpore, and trans- mitted to the rajah a message soliciting a personal conference. The rajah declined grant- ing the application, and Shirzee Rao returned to Weir without gaining any thing by his move- ment. At Weir he was joined by Holkar, with three or four thousand horse, and both pro- ceeded towards the camp. of Scindia at Subdul- ghur. Scindia had for some time maintained, through an agent of his own, a correspondence with the court of Holkar. Some of the letters of this agent to his employer, which fell into the hands of the English, fully confirmed all that was suspected of the views of Scindia, and of the degree of credit to be given to his ex- pressions of fidelity and attachment. It is wearisome to find occasion for recurring so frequently to the task of exhibiting Mahratta chicanery and dissimulation, but it is necessary to the just understanding of the relative cir- cumstances and position of the British govern- ment and the Mahratta chiefs. While Scindia was intriguing with Holkar, who was in a state of avowed war with the Company's govern- ment, while the former chief was advancing towards Bhurtpore in the hopes of striking a blow at the interests of his English ally, he was profuse in declarations of sincerity and good faith. Never were his professions more strong than at this period ; and it may be added that never were they either more or less honest. In consequence of the movement of Scindia to the northward, Colonel Martindell, who had been stationed in a position to enable him to secure the tranquillity of Bundlecund and to protect Gohud from invasion, advanced in the same direction, under orders from the com- mander-in-chief, carefully avoiding any viola- tion of the possessions of either Scindia or his dependents ; and on the 8th of April he reached Hingorah, a position on the southern bank of the Chumbul, at a short distance from Dhole- pore. His proximity was distasteful to Scindia ; and on the 11th that chief requested that the British resident would prevent the approach of Colonel Martindell within twenty eoss of his camp. Mr. Jenkins answered by express- ing surprise that Scindia should feel any un- easiness in the presence of the British troops, under the continued assurances given that he considered himself standing in the closest rela- tions of alliance with the British government. He remarked, that under the terms of the treaty the British troops were to act in concert with those of the maharajah ; and he reminded the chieftain that when Colonel Murray was stationed at Oujein no apprehension was ex- pressed, but, on the contrary, Scindia was con- tinually urgent for the assistance of the British troops for the protection of his country. If Scindia had no other view than that of main- taining his relation with the British govern- ment, what, the resident asked, was there to apprehend from the neighbourhood of the troops of his ally ? He added, that Colonel Martin- dell was within the Company's territories, and that his advance had been rendered necessary by circumstances, more especially by the move- ment of the notorious Bappoojee Scindia in the direction of Scindia's camp, and the vicinity of considerable bodies of the troops of Holkar and Ameer Khan, in charge of the baggage of those chiefs. The pointed question put by the resident it was not easy for Mahratta ingenuity to answer ; but Scindia urged, that if the Pin- dames of his camp should happen to commit any excesses, or should enter into disputes with any of the inferior people of the British camp, the blame of such conduct might attach to the government. Mr. Jenkins answered that the known and exemplary discipline of the British troops should preclude any uneasiness respect- ing their conduct, and that Scindia's disti-ust of the inferior part of his own army only af- forded a further proof of the necessity of Colonel Martindell's advance to the frontier; though nothing short of actual aggression would pro- duce any hostile proceedings on the part of that officer. Scindia renewing his request that an application should be made to Colonel Mar- tindell to keep at a, distance of twenty coss z 338 HOLKAE JOINS SCINDIA. [a.d, 1805. fromtheMahratta'scamp, the resident shrewdly SUggeBted, that if the maharajah desired to maintain this distance between the two camps, it would be better that his highness should himself make a movement for the purpose. To this Scindia expressed himself averse, and (according to his own declaration) his aversion bad a most creditable origin, being founded on his promise to Mr. Jenkins to wait in the position which he now occupied for the arrival of Colonel Close — so sacred did Scindia deem a promise, even though the person to whom it was made was willing to relieve him from the obligation to an extent which would enable him to effect a purpose which he professed to think important. Scindia at length expressed himself satisfied, and adverting to the presence of Bappoojee Scindia in the neighbourhood, intimated an intention of visiting him. The resident was silent till bis opinion of the medi- tated visit was asked. He then referred to the maharajah's sense of propriety, to deter- mine whether or not it was advisable to visit a man whose traitorous conduct had placed him in the position of an enemy to the British government. Scindia manifested his respect for that government, and his regard for the opinion of its representative, by paying his promised visit to Bappoojee Scindia on the same evening. On the 14th of April the arrival of Ameer Khan was announced to the British represen- tative, as a preparative to the public reception of the respectable freebooter and temporary associate of Holkar ; and as it was necessary to devise a plausible pretext for receiving him, it was stated that Scindia supposed that Ameer Khan had been dispatched by Holkar with views corresponding with those which bad led to the mission of Shirzee Kao from the camp of Scindia to Bhurtpore. Two days afterwards Scindia sent to congratulate the resident on the conclusion of peace between the British government and Bhurtpore. The person who was on this occasion the organ of Scindia's politeness took occasion to intimate that Hol- kar bad resolved to renew his attack on the Company's territories, but had abandoned his intention at the persuasion of Shirzee Bao; that Holkar bad consented to accept the media- tion of Scindia, and, in company with Shirzee Bao, was on bis way to Scindia's camp. On the following day he arrived with all his re- maining force, and was immediately visited by Scindia and his principal officers. This cere- mony was preceded by a very characteristic specimen of Mahratta dnplicity and insolence. Scindia dispatched a message to Mr. Jenkins, intimating that he was suprised by the sudden arrival of Holkar; that he had desired that chief not to cross the Chumbul, but that the request having been disregarded, Scindia was compelled to visit him; and that it was his particular wish that the British representative should be present at the meeting. The resi- dent answered by pointing out the extreme impropriety of the request, and observing that Scindia's intended visit was utterly inconsistent with the relations subsisting between him and the British government. The resident, in regard to the duty which he owed to the government represented by him, did not, therefore, attend the auspicious interview between the two Mahratta chiefs, whose hereditary and personal quarrels were now suspended to enable them to combine against a common object of hatred. But he was soon summoned to an interview, at which various attempts were made to prevail on him to believe that all that had occuned was occa- sioned by a sincere regard to promote the peace of India. The servants of Scindia descanted on this theme with their habitual fluency, till disconcerted by a remark thrown out by Mr. Jei&ins, that since the approach of the troops of an ally within twenty coss had lately created so much uneasiness in the mind of Scindia, it could not fail to excite surprise to find the army of his highness encamped in union with that of the common enemy. Holkar had not long occupied his proximate position to Scindia before he manifested his power by seizing the person of Ambajee Inglia. This act was intended to extort a contribution, and it appears to have succeeded to the extent of obtaining a promise from Ambajee of the payment of fifty lacs. Ambajee was at this time in the service of Scindia, and apparently in his confidence ; yet the chief did not inter- fere to protect his servant from plunder. His condtict in this respect seems to have decided, in the mind of the commander-in-chief, the question in what relation Scindia stood towards the British government; and he suggested that the British resident should take the earliest practicable opportunity of quitting Scindia's camp. On the 21st of April, the commander- in-chief, being now relieved from anxiety with regard to Bhurtpore, quitted that place with the whole of the army under his personal com- mand, and marched in the direction where it was evident his services were about to be required. His previous success had been rewarded by a peerage, and he now bore the title of Lord Lake. On bis march Lord Lake received a letter from Scindia, referring to the treaty of peace concluded with him, and stating that ever since its conclusion the friendship between the two states had been progressively increasing. "The object of the treaty," said Scindia, "was to give peace to the country and quiet to its in- habitants; and vrith a view to this object, friendship was established between all the dif- ferent chiefs and the British government. Jeswunt Bao Holkar alone remains to be set- tled with; and for the purpose of settling dis- putes between Holkar and the British govei-n- ment, and concluding a peace between them, I have marched from the city of Borhampore, and have arrived at Subdulghur;" he having formerly professed to be actuated by very dif- ferent views. The letter then adverted to the war between the Company's government and A.D. 1805.] WAELIKE PREPARATIONS SUSPENDED. 339 tbe rajah of Bhurtpore, and to the steps taken by him in re§;ard .to it — omitting, however, all notice of Sclndia's endeavours to induce the rajah to re-engage in war. But the alleged services of Scindia in restraining Holkar from ravaging the Company's territories were not forgotten ; and the remainder of the letter was employed in commending its bearer to the British commander, as "a man of sense," and one enjoying Soindia's "confidence;" with re- commendations to negotiate with Holkar, and to abstain from molesting him. The answer of Lord Lake yr&a such as became a British officer. It exposed the flimsy pretences under which Scindia sought to veil his enmity; apprized him that Mr. Jenkins hid been instructed to withdraw from his camp; and intimated that the British government would consider Scindia responsible in his own person, in his family, his ministers, and his servants, for the safe and unmolested journey of its re- presentative, with his attendants and property, to the nearest British camp. Between the dispatch of Scindia's letter and the receipt of Lord Lake's answer Mr. Jenkins had, in compliance with previous instructions from the commander-in-chief, requested an audience of Scindia, for the purpose of formally demanding the retirement of the chieftain from the position which he occupied, and his sepa- ration from Holkar. Scindia appointed a time for receiving tbe British resident ; and the lat- ter, with a view to placing Scindia in a situa- tion to afford a satisfactory answer, transmitted a memorial, embodying the principal facts which he intended to urge at the approaching audience. At the time appointed, however, Scindia neither afforded the promised interview, nor answered the memorial. Great confusion and no inconsiderable portion of alarm was now felt in Scindia's camp, from a report which prevailed that the British troops were in the vicinity ; and on the morning of the 28th April the armies both of Scindia and Holkar re- treated with the utmost precipitation in the direction of Sheopore, a town situate a short distance south of the Chumbul, on the road to Kotah, and about fifty miles north-east of that place. They marched on that day twenty miles, on the following day fourteen, and on the third day arrived at Sheopore. Their route lay along the banks of the Chumbul, over deep ravines ; the difficulties and fatigue of the march were aggravated by excessive heat and the want of water, and considerable numbers of the troops of both chiefs perished. It will be recollected that, on the approach of Scindia towards Bhurtpore, vigorous mea- sures had been adopted for placing the British forces throughout India in a condition for carrying on the operations of war with effect. Under the orders issued for this purpose, Colonel Close had directed Colonel Haliburton, commanding the Hyderabad subsidiary force, to advance to Moolapore, there to be joined by the Poona subsidiary force under Colonel Wallace. At Fort St. George it was deemed advisable to assemble a considerable force in the ceded districts. A call was made upon the dewan of Mysore to take the field with a body of the rajah's troops, to which call he promptly responded ; and a body of Silladar horse in the Service of the rajah was to join the British troOps to be assembled at Bellary, in the ceded districts. At Bombay equal activity was displayed in complying with the orders of the governor-general for reinforcing Colonel Woodington in Guzerat. But the re- treat of Scindia and his Mahratta colleague from Subdulghur was assigned as a reason for modifying the instructions under which these arrangements had been made. The govern- ment of Port St. George was directed to sus- pend its preparations, to distribute the army of the presidency in its usual stations, and to proceed immediately to withdraw from the Deccan all corps and establishments which might be extra to the field establishment of the subsidiary forces serving with the peishwa and the nizam. The extra battalions on the establishment of the presidency were also to be reduced, and every practicable diminution of expense effected. Colonel Close had com- menced his return to Moolapore, to take the command of the army to be assembled there. On his way he received a copy of the instruc- tions forwarded to Fort St. George, with orders to carry into effect such parts of them as might depend upon the exercise of his authority. The extraordinary military and political powers vested in him were at the same time with- drawn ; and he was directed to return to Poona, to resume his duties as resident at the court of the peishwa. Instructions similar in character were forwarded to Bombaiy, and on the autho- rities of this presidency the necessity of eco- nomy was urgently enforced. The troops in Guzerat were to be cantoned, in order to avoid the expense of field allowances; and no field expenses were to be incurred without the special sanction of the government of Bengal, except under circumstances of urgent and un- controllable necessity. The pacific and economical policy now adopted was extended to the army of Lord Lake. Scindia and Holkar were to fly with- out disturbance and without alarm. The com- mander-in-chief was instructed not to pursue the retreating forces of the chiefs confederated against the British government, and who held in durance a considerable number of its sub- jects, but to direct his attention to the neces- sary arrangements for cantoning his troops. The Bombay army, under General Jones, was to proceed to Eampoorah, on its return to Guzerat; and all the irregular corps in the British service were to be reduced. At the time, however, when these orders were issued permanent tranquillity was not expected ; for the probability of a renewal of hostilities at no distant period was distinctly noticed, and, as far as the prescribed reductions would admit, provided for. Scindia had fled with his companion Holkar. z 2 S40 MAHEATTA CAPEICIOUSNESS. [A.D. 1805. The British territories were not menaced; and though chastisement was deferred, it did not necessarily follow that it was altogether ahan- doned. But the flying confederates had car- ried with them the British residency deputed to one of them ; and the safety of the resident and his attendants was an object of interest. On transmitting to Soindia Lord Lake's reply to the chieftain's letter, Mr. Jenkins adverted to the instructions which he had received to withdraw, and requested to be informed of the arrangements which the maharajah might be pleased to make for the purpose of facilitating his departure. Scindia replied that, as his minister, Shirzee Rao, was absent, he could not return a decided answer, but that in the course of two or three days a reply to Lord Lake's letter would be prepared. The resident shortly afterwards renewed the application, expressinghis dissatisfaction at being prevented from complying with the orders of the com- mander-in-chief, and intimating that the cause assigned for delay was inapplicable to the case, inasmuch as Lord Lake did not expect any answer to his letter, but would be justly sur- prised if the British representative at Scindia's court were not permitted to obey the orders of his own government. Mr. Jenkins further pointed out the propriety of his departure taking place with the sanction and under the protection of Soindia ; that established usage, as well as the principles of justice and public faith, required that a person in his situation should he entirely free irom restraint ; and that a communication of Scindia's intentions was necessary to enable the resident to exculpate himself from the charge of a voluntary devia- tion from orders which he was bound to obey. Nothing satisfactory followed this representa- tion, but Mr. Jenkins was informed tjiat a copy of the commander-in-chiefs letter, together with the substance of Mr. Jenkins's messages on the subject of his departure, had been com- municated to the minister, Shirzee Eao. To abate the resident's solicitude to withdraw, the Mahratta officers expatiated with much power on the dangers to which he would be exposed from the state of the country between Scindia's camp and the head-quarters of the British army. To these representations Mr. Jenkins had a ready answer — that whenever a day should be fixed for his departure, the com- mander-in-chief would dispatch a force to meet him, and that he should require a convoy of Scindia's cavalry merely to show that he had the maharajah's protection, and not to repel any danger. This produced a representation that the advance of a British force was unne- cessary, for that whenever the departure should take place, exclusively of about a thousand horse to be furnished in equal proportions by Soindia and Holkar, the British resident should receive the protection of any force of infantry and guns that he might desire, and that for his safe conduct to the head-quarters of the British army the maharajah would be fully responsible. On the loth of May the confederates recom- menced their march in the direction of Kotah, without dismissing the British residency. Mr. Jenkins had previously suggested, with refer- ence to the systematic evasion and delay which characterize the proceedings of a Mahratta court, that the commander-in-chief should ad- dress a separate letter to Scindia, the object of which should be limited to the demand of safe conduct for the resident and the gentlemen of the residency to the British camp. Lord Lake acted on the suggestion — ^the letter was trans- mitted, and the application met with the same success which had attended former demands of the same description. The confederated chiefs continued to move in a westerly direction towards Ajmeer. Their progress was marked by some extraordinary events: the first to be noticed demonstrates the power of Holkar in a manner not less de- cided than the seizure by that chief of Ambajee Inglia. Baptiste, already mentioned as in the service of Scindia, had made himself obnoxious to the wrath of Holkar, and, it was said, medi- tated the seizure of that chieftain's person. The spirit of vengeance thus roused in Hol- kar's breast found gratification in the appre- hension of his enemy, who was immediately subjected to one of those barbarous inflictions of which native annals afford so many instances. The unhappy prisoner was deprived of sight. He did not long endure the misery of the pri- vation, the outrage leading to his death. Thus did Holkar, the enemy of the British state, act towards a servant of Scindia, its pretended ally; and Scindia submitted. A still more remarkable event followed, if any thing can be regarded as remarkable in a Mahratta court. Ambajee Inglia having been subjected to the process of plunder, and the plunder having been secured, was released from the restraint imposed upon him for the purpose of drawing forth a contribution. This was not very remarkable. The object being attained, the means by which it was to be procured were discontinued as no longer necessary. But the liberation of Ambajee Inglia was followed by extraordinary honour. He was received by Scindia with the highest degree of respect and attention, and the ceremony of his reception was regarded as an indication of bis intended appointment to the charge of the executive authority in place of Shirzee Eao. Such in- stances of capricious change are, indeed, but ordinary events among the Mahrattas. In the mean time the British residency re- mained virtually, though not apparently, in a state of imprisonment. The commander-in- chief again demanded their release ; and ulti- mately the governor-general addressed a letter to Scindia, requiring their dismission within fourteen days from the receipt of the letter. It was dated the 25th July. On the 30th the Marquis Wellesley signed his last despatch to the Secret Committee of the Court of Directoi-s ; and at six o'clock on the evening of that day a salute from the battery announced that he was A.D. 1805.] CHAKACTER OF MAEQUIS WELLESLEY. 341 superseded in his high functions by the arrival of the Marquis Cornwallis. The unrivalled brilliancy of the Marquis Wellealey's administration has perhaps tended to obscure the rare qualities which led to its success. The first of those qualities was his extraordinary sagacity. He saw the true position of the British government in India — a vision withheld not only from his predeces- sors, but from his contemporaries. It is com- mon to say of the great minds whose genius stands out in bold relief amid universal tame- ness, that they are beyond their age ; and if ever this were true of living man, it is of the Marquis Wellesley. His mind was not led captive by words — it was not to be trammelled by conventional opinions. He neither gave credence to the prevailing cant of his time on the subject of India, nor affected to give credence to it ; and this leads to the notice of another striking point of his character — the manly boldness with which he avowed and maintained opinions not lightly formed, and which he therefore felt were not lightly to be abandoned. The vigour with which he carried into action the great plans which his genius suggested is scarcely less remarkable than his sagacity. When resolved to strike a blow at Mysore, he was met by difficulties which ordinary minds would have deemed insuperable. He determined that they should be overcome, and they were overcome. The same determination of purpose — the same unshrinking energy, are manifested in his transactions with Arcot, with Oude, with the peishwa, and indeed in all the principal acts of his government. Like all truly great men, he was not the slave of circumstances — he made circumstances pro- mote his |!urposes. Eminent talents are a blessing or a curse alike to their possessor and to the world, according to the use made of them. Those Of the Marquis Wellesley were invariably directed to the highest and best ends — the promotion of peace, of the interests of the two countries with which he was connected, with one by birth, and with both by office — and to the happiness of mankind. He laid in India the foundations of peace and increasing prosperity, and if the superstructure was not completed in accordance with the original design, the crime rests on the heads of others. It is not less remarkable than laudable that a mind so vigorous and determined should, in the exercise of almost boundless power, have been kept in constant subjection to the dic- tates of justice. That he thus withstood the temptations of his position is a proof of the possession of moral strength proportioned to bis intellectual ability. To his disinterestedness it is perhaps less necessary to advert, as the sordid vices are rarely associated with genius ; but the un- happy example of some of his predecessors justifies some notice of his purity in this respect. They grasped at wealthy with little regard to the means by which it was to be acquired, or to the imputations which they might incur. He on one extraordinary occa- sion recoiled from the acceptance of a large sum tendered to him under circumstances which would, to most minds, have appeared to justify its receipt, but which were not such as could satisfy the sensitive honour which ever governed him. The king, in the exercise of his prerogative of disposing of prize, had determined to allot to the governor-general a hundred thousand pounds from the fruits of the capture of Seringapatam ; but the royal favour was declined, because he for whose benefit it was intended would not enrich him- self at the expense of the brave men whose swords had won for his and their country so noble a conquest. The same delicacy which led him to decline his sovereign's bounty wag manifested, after hia return to England, in his steady refusal to accept office, though repeatedly pressed upnn him, so long as the malignant charges made against him were suspended over his head. He held that a man against whom such impu- tations were afloat ought not to have place in his majesty's councils. When they fell to the ground, he readily returned to the service of his country. In describing the characters of great men, the speck of human infirmity, which is to be found in all, should not be passed over. The Marquis Wellesley was ambitious ; but his ambition sought gratification not in mere per- sonal aggrandizement, but in connecting his own fame with that of the land to which he belonged, and of the government which he administered — in the diffusion of sound and liberal knowledge, and the extension of the means of happiness among millions of men who knew not his person, and some of them scarcely his name. That name is, however, stamped for ever on their history. The British government in India may pass away : its duration, as far as human means are con- cerned, will depend on the degree in which the policy of the Marquis Wellesley is main- tained or abandoned — but whatever its fate, or the length of its existence, the name and memory of the greatest statesman by whom it was ever administered are imperishable. 342 MAEQUIS CORNWALLIS GOVEENOR-GENEEAL. [a.d. 1805. CHAPTER XXI. POLICY OP THE MAKQTJIS OOBNWALIIS— PBOPOSBD KESTOEATION OF CONQUERED TEEBITOEIES — ^DEATH AND OHABAOTER OP THE MAKQtllS OOBNWAILIS — SIB GBOBGB BAELOW PROVISIONAL GOVDRNOB-OENEBAL — HIS NON-INTERPEBENOB POLICY — LORD LAKE'S EEMONSTEANCES — TREATIES WITH SOINDIA AND HOLKAR — MUTINY AT VBLLOEB : ITS CAUSES AND CONSE- QUENCES — REMOVAL OE LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK AND SIR JOHN ORADOCK. The Marquia Comwallis arrived in India, prer pared to abandon, as far as might be practi- cable, aU the advantages gained for the British government by the wisdom, energy, and per- severance of his predecessor; to relax the bands by which the Marquis Wellesley had connected the greater portion of the states of India with the British government; and to reduce that government from the position of arbiter of the destinies of India, to the rank of one among many equals. His great age seems to have had little effect in diminishing his zeal, and be entered upon the task before him with an alacrity and energy worthy of a better ob- ject. On the 1st of August, 1805, he announced to the Court of Directors his arrival and as- sumption of the functions of governor-general. On the same day (two days only after his land- ing) he addressed the Secret Committee, ex- pressing great concern at finding that the government of which he was the head was " stUl at war with Holkar," and could " hardly be said to be at peace with Scindia." With reference to this state of things, the governor- general intimated that he had determined to proceed immediately to. the upper provinces, in order to avail himself of the cessation of military operations caused by the rainy season, " to endeavour to terminate by negotiation a contest in which," the Marquis Cornwallis was pleased to observe, " the most brilliant success can afford us no solid benefit." It is not ne- cessary to pause in order to inquire what was the precise meaning attached by the writer to the words last quoted, or whether in any sense they were true with regard to the existing position of the British interests. The passage marks sufficiently the spirit in which the letter fi'om which it is extracted was written; and not less strongly indicates the nature of the policy which, under instructions from home, the governor-general proposed to pursue. It is true that the expression of his desire to ter- minate the contest by negotiation was qualified by the conditional words, "if it can be done without a sacrifice of our honour;" but little importance could be attached to this saving clause, when placed in juxtaposition with the concluding words of the governor-general's letter, in which he declares that the continu- ance of "the contest" must involve the state "in pecuniary difficulties which" it would "hardly be able to surmount." The war had undoubtedly, as in all similar cases, been at- tended with considerable temporary addition to the current expenses, and some financial difficulties had been the result ; but to regard the necessary vindication of the national honour and the defence of the national interests as likely to lead to such a degree of embarrass- ment as should be nearly, if not altogether, insurmountable, was a view of the subject which the judgment and experience of the governor-general ought to have led him to repudiate with contempt. A month after the date of the Marquis Cornwallia's first letter to the Secret Commit- tee, he addressed to them a second, dated on the river near Raj Mahal, in which he avowed his dissatisfaction with the existing state of affairs at the courts of the peishwa and the nizam. His views were stated more at large in communications addressed by his order to the residents at those courts. Colonel Close, the resident at Foona, had been compelled to animadvert on some of the gross abuses suf- fered to prevail under the peishwa's govern- ment, as in those of all other Oriental po- tentates; and he had reported to his own government the representations which he had made, and the results. It is unnecessary to advert to the precise points of discussion, or to offer an opinion on them. The affair is re- ferred to only for the purpose of showing the deliberately expressed judgment of the Mar- quis Cornwallis on an important part of the policy of his predecessor. That opinion was condemnatory. The Marquis Comwallis had arrived at an age which entitled him to respect. A large part of his long life had been passed in the discharge of important military and poli- tical functions, and a portion of his experience had been gained in India. Yet he could refer to the alliance with the peishwa in the follow- ing terms: — "It must he in your recollection that during Marquis ComwaJlis's former ad- ministration, his lordship, foreseeing the evils of mixing in the labyrinth of Mahratta politics and Mahratta contentions, sedulously avoided that sort of connection with the peishwa's government which was calculated to involve the Company in the difficulties and embarrass- ments of our actual situation; and that his lordship decidedly rejected distinct proposals conveyed through the channel of Hurry Punt Fhurkiah for a more intimate alliance than that which was concluded by the convention of 1792. The evils, however, which his lord- A.D. 1805.] HIS INGLORIOUS POLICT. •343 ship then anticipated from euoh an alliance appear to his lordship to have been exceeded by those which have actually occurred under the operation of the treaty of Bassein, com- bined with the distracted condition of the peishwa's dominions, and with the weakness and inefficiency of his highness's administra- tion.", These remarks vividly illustrate the spirit in which the Marquis Oornwallis's second Indian administration was to be conducted. The manner in which the Marquis Corn- wallis proposed to bring the war to an end, "without sacrifice of honour," was expounded by himself in a letter to Lord Lake. The principal obstacles, he observed, with regard to Scindia, were the detention of the British resident by that chief, and the refusal of the British government to deliver up Gwalior and Gohud. The governor-general had a ready mode of getting rid of these difficulties. It was to surrender both points to Scindia — to gj,ve him everything in dispute, to restore to him territory which the British government had solemnly guaranteed to another, and to allow his right to exercise the discretion of choosing his own time for the release of the British residency — to dismiss his prisoners when he pleased, and not a moment sooner. "I am aware," said the governor-general, "of the disadvantages of immediately relinquish- ing or even of compromising the demand which has been so repeatedly and so urgently made for the release of the British residency" — strange would it have been had he not been aware of them, and strange it was that an BngUsh nobleman, and an English soldier, should have perceived only the "disadvan- tages" of such a course, and have been blind to the disgrace which it involved. The gover- nor-general continues, " but I deem it proper to apprise your lordship that, as a mere point of honour" — although the "sacrifice" of "honour" was to be avoided — "I am disposed to compromise, or even to abandon, that de- mand, if it should ultimately prove to be the only obstacle to a satisfactory adjustment of affairs with Dowlut Kao Scindia; and that I have hitherto been induced to support it (the demand), by the apprehension that the motives of such a concession might be misinterpreted, and that it might lead to demands on the part of Scindia with which we could not comply without a sacrifice of dignity and interest incompatible with our security, and thereby render still more difficult of attainment the desirable object of a general pacification." In this extraordinary passage "a mere point" of honour" is disposed of as summarily as though it were a claim to a fraction of a rupee, and the promise that no sacrifice in this respect should take place might be supposed to be for- gotten. For the surrender of Gwalior and Gohud the governor-general had a better apology. "With regard," says he, "to the cession, of Gwalior and Gohud, in my decided opinion, it is desirable to abandon our possession of the former and our connection with the latter, in- dependently of any reference to a settlement of differences with Ddwlut Kao Scindia." In declaring such a course "desirable," the gover- nor-general must have meant desirable for the government which he administered. Upon this assumption he thus proceeds: "I have therefore no hesitation in resolving to transfer to Dowlut Kao Scindia the possession of that fortress and territory ; securing, however, suit- able provision for the rana — an arrangement which, under actual circumstances, I am satis- fied is entirely consistent with our public faith." The word "therefore" is important- it displays fully and nakedly the morality of the proposed transaction. The governor-gene- ral first asserts that it is desirable — desirable to himself and his government — to dissolve the connection subsisting between that govern- ment and a native prince — "therefore" he "has no hesitation" — such are his words — in resolving to give away to an enemy the terri- tory of that prince, territory which he enjoys under the protection of the British govern- ment, and which is secured to him (as far as a, written instrument can be a security) by a solemn treaty. " Under actual circumstances" — that is, with reference to the supposed con- venience of the arrangement, the governor- general is satisfied that such a transfer is entirely consistent with public faith ! Equally impolitic and dishonourable was the course vrtiich the Marquis Cornwallis proposed to adopt towards the native princes beyond the Jumna with whom the British govern- ment had recently formed engagements. Those engagements he intended summarily to annul. There was a portion of territory lying to the southward and westward of Delhi, which the governor-general calculated would afford him the means of carrying his views into effect with some semblance of regard to the claims of those who were to be deprived of the protection of the British government. A portion was to be assigned in jaghires to the inferior chiefs who had joined the British cause ; the remainder to be divided in unequal proportions between the rajahs of Machery and Bhurtpore, on those chieftains relinquishing their alliance with the British government — a connection which, it is clear, they could not maintain, if the party contracting with them chose to withdraw from it. It is to be lamented that nearly the last official act of the Marquis Oornwallis's life should have been the affixing his signature to a letter so injurious to his character as a statesman, and so imbued with false principles of political morality. He was at an advanced age ; his health, which was not good when he left England, had gradually become worse under the influence of an enervating climate and of the bodily and mental fatigue imposed by the duties of his office, and on the 6th of October he drew his last breath at Ghazeepore, near Benares. Little remark will be necessary on the S4I LORD LAKE'S REMONSTEANCES. [a.d. 1805. character of the departed governor-general. He had- many excellent qualities, but his mind was destitute of the originality and power essential to the character of a great statesman. Great minds impress their own character upon their age — inferior ones derive theirs from it. Of this latter class was the Marquis Cornwallis. He was emphatically the man of his age — the representative of its spirit, its opinions, and its prejudices. To these he clung with all the pertinacity of sincere conviction ; and, indeed, so far as conviction can be entertained without examination, it may be said that he felt it. He never doubted but that what he had so often heard asserted must be true ; and expe- rience itself could not undeceive him. He left India at the conclusion of his first admin- istration with views unaltered by the startling shock which his prejudices had encountered ; he returned to it with those prejudices aggra- vated rather than softened. His mind was of a character not uncommon. It was entirely passive ; the impressions it received from without remained undisturbed by any process from within. At the same time, it possessed great tenacity with regard to that which had once been admitted. The truth or the error that happened to he in fashion was embraced, and neither reasoning, change of circumstances, nor, after a certain time, even change in the popular cuiTent of opinion, could dislodge it. The mental constitution of the Marquis Corn- wallis might be described in few words as being of the highest order of the common- place. His lot was that which often falls to men of like character. He enjoyed an extra- ordinary degree of reputation during his life, and for a few years after his death ; but the artificial brilliancy has passed away. In this respect his fate is strikingly contrasted with that of his illustrious predecessor. Thwarted and reviled, his policy denounced by authority and by the popular voice, and impeachment threatened as the reward of his services, the Marquis Wellesley lived to see his enemies silenced, his policy vindicated, his person honoured by marks of public respect and gratitude, and his fame, like a mighty river, continually increasing in volume and strength as the distance from its source was extended. On the death of the Marquis Cornwallis, the office of governor-general devolved provi- sionally on the first member of council. Sir George Barlow. The rapidly sinking state of the Marquis Cornwallis had for several days previously to his death indicated that the fatal event could not be far distant, and a communication to that effect reaching Calcutta, Sir George Barlow had determined to proceed to Benares, either to assist the Marquis Corn- wallis in the conduct of the negotiations, if he should still survive, or undertake their entire charge in the event of his death. He was consequently on the spot where his services were required within a few days after power and life had departed from the late governor-general. Before the letter of the Marquis Cornwallis transmitting that to be forwarded to Scindiawas received by the commander-in-chief, the aspect of affairs in the camp of Scindia had undergone some change. The ascendency of Shirzee Rao was apparently at an end ; and Ambajee Inglia, after being plundered by Holkar with the connivance of Scindia, had attained that degree of elevation in the semoe of the latter chief which had been anticipated from the honourable reception which awaited him after the purpose of his imprisonment had been answered. Scindia, from various causes, had become less indisposed to peace, and a nego- tiation had been opened, which was conducted on the one part by Colonel Malcolm, then present in the camp of the commander-in-chief as the governor-general's agent, and on the other by an old servant of Soindia's, bearing the name and title of Moonshee Kavel Nyne. This person had fled to Delhi when the authority of Shirzee Eao became paramount. Colonel Malcolm, under the authority of Lord Lake, having sent for him to the British camp, induced him to despatch a relative to Scindia, on whose suggestion that chief sent proposals to be laid hefore the commander-in-chief by Moonshee Kavel Nyne. Lord Lake's answer to the overture was, that he could not notice any proposal till the British residency was released. It was thereupon allowed to depart. Under these circumstances, Lord Lake thought it not incumbent upon him to forward to Scindia the letter of the governor-general, and for this exercise of discretion his country ought ever to feel grateful. This was not the only instance in which he sought to maintain its honour against the desperate determination prevailing at the seat of government to sur- render it. He remonstrated vigorously against the fatal design of severing the British connec- tion with the princes in the vicinity of the Jumna, and gave good reasons against such a measure, which none could have resisted but those determined to be unmoved by any argu- ments which were opposed to their precon- ceived opinions. After adverting to former representations on the benefits likely to result from expelling the Mahrattas from Hindostan, Lord Lake said, " I can only add to what I have before said on this subject my firm con- viction that the maintenance of the strong boundary we now possess will soon cause the Mahratta nation to abandon every idea of attacking our provinces in this quarter, which I am fully persuaded they never will do if they are permitted either to possess territory in Hindostan, or to employ their armies against the petty chiefs and jaghiredars, who are declared independent (but have not the advantage of the British protection), on the west side of the Jumna." The danger of the intended course Lord Lake illustrated by referring to the feuds subsisting between the different chiefs — feuds which had been fostered and encouraged by the Mahrattas for their own purposes. Lord Lake proceeded to show the A.D. 1805.] SIR GEORGE BARLOW'S REPLY. 345 importance of maintaining the British authority ■with a view to the suppression of the evils which the Mahrattas had aggravated, and the probability that in the course of time both princes and subjects would become sensible of the advantages of the peaceful habits imposed upon them. "The very contests," said he, " that would immediately take place among the rajahs and chiefs when they were declared free of all control of the British government, and at liberty to pursue the dictates of their own interests or ambition, would, I conceive, be attended with the worst consequences to the British government. These petty states would first quarrel with each other, and then call in the different native powers in their vicinity to their respective aid ; and large armies of irregulars would be contending upon the frontier of our most fertile provinces, against whose eventual excesses there would be no well-grounded security but a military force in a state of constant preparation." In the minds of the inferior rajahs. Lord Lake declared that the mere proposal of withdraw- ing the British protection would produce the utmost alarm. They would regard it, he said, as a prelude to their being sacrificed to the object of obtaining peace with the Mah- rattas. On one point Lord Lake appears to have concurred with the governor-general : he thought that the weakness of the rana of Gohud warranted the abrogation of the treaty with him. It is remarkable that one who thought and felt so justly on other points of a similar description, should on this have failed to reach a conclusion consistent with that at which he arrived in other cases. He was satisfied, he affirmed, that nothing less than " the direct operation of British authority" would ever place Gohud in a situation "to meet those expectations which were formed at the conclusion of the treaty with its pre- sent ruler." This language is so vague, that it is impossible to determine whether the commander-in-chief was prepared in this instance to defend a violation of faith or not. The treaty itself was the standard of the rana's obligations, not any expectations that might have been formed at the time of its conclusion. If the direct operation of British authority were necessary to compel the rana to fulfil his obligations, only one reason can be suggested tor its refusal — that irreconcilable prejudice which dictated that nothing within India should be done by British authority which it were possible to avoid. Independently of this single error relating to the rana of Gohud, the letter of Lord Lake is alike sound in its political views and admirable for the high and honourable feeling by which it is pervaded. Putting out of view the brilliant military services oi Lord Lake, and calling to mind only his endeavours to save the British character in India from the shame which was about to fall upon it, his name should ever be held by his countrymen in gratefiil and honour- able remembrance. The letter of the commander-in-chief bore date the 6th of October, the day following that on which the Marquis Cornwallis died. The task of deciding on its arguments and suggestions consequently devolved on Sir George Barlow, whose answer to the repre- sentations of Lord Lake is dated the 20th of the same month. It avowed his resolution "to maintain the general principles of policy by which the late governor-general deemed it proper to accomplish a general plan of arrange- ment with respect to the chieftains and the territories on the west of the Jumna." It might have been doubted whether the course of the new governor-general were not the result oi regard for the views of his predecessor, or for the judgment of some higher authority ; but he was carefal to divest his motives of all ambiguity, and to vindicate his claim to a portion of the glory which was to result from a persevering disregard to the obligations of treaties. ' ' This resolution, "said he — the reso- lution just quoted — " is founded, not only upon my knowledge of the entire conformity of those general principles to the provisions of the legislature and to the orders of the honour- able Court of Directors, but also upon my conviction of their expediency with a view to the permanent establishment of the British interests in India." From the enunciation of his own views. Sir George Barlow pro- ceeded, through some intermediate discussion, to impugn those of Lord Lake, which ap- peared to him "to involve the necessity of maintaining the principal part of our terri- torial possessions on the west of the Jumna, and of establishing our control over the several states of Hindostan, with a view to preclude the occurrence of those disorders and conten- tions which" the commander-in-chief "con- sidered to be calculated to endanger the tran- quillity and security of" the British territory "in the Doab. Such a system of control," argued Sir George Barlow, " must in its nature be progressive, and must ultimately tend to a system of universal dominion. I am of opinion," he continued, "that we must de- rive our security either from the establish- ment of a controlling power and influence over all the states of India, or from the certain operation of contending and irreconcilable in- terests among the states whose independence will admit of the prosecution of their indi- vidual views of rapine, encroachment, and am- bition, combined with a systematic plan of internal defence, such as has been uniformly contemplated by this government." This sys- tematic plan for securing the British frontier. Sir George afterwards explains to be the estab- lishment of a connected chain of forts along the Jumna. He then returns to the favourite feature of his system, and expresses a hope that Lord Lake will probably concur with him in thinking that, with such a barrier, "the British possessions in the Doab will derive additional security from the contests of the neighbouring states." 3i6 PEACE AT ANY PRICE. [A.D. 1805. Having thus laid down the general princi- ples of his policy, Sir George Barlow enters upon a discussion of the claims of the parties to the west of the Jumna, whom it was intended to abandon. " With regard to the engagements which your lordship has stated as subsisting between the British government and the several descriptions of persons enume- rated in your lordship's despatch of the 6th of October, it appears to me that the obligation of a considerable proportion of those engagements necessarily depends upon the supposition that it was the intention of the British government to maintain its authority and control over the bulk of the territories on the west of the Jumna, ceded by Dowlut Rao Scindia. If the British government is at liberty to surrender its possessions to the west of the Jumna, the obligation to protect the zemindars and jaghire- dars established within those possessions, or immediately dependent upon them, can bo con- sidered to exist no longer than while the British government deems it expedient to main- tain its authority over those territories. As far, therefore, as regards that description of persona, the true question appears to be, whether we are compelled by the nature of our engagements to maintain possession of the territories in question." Such is the casuistry by which Sir George Barlow arrived at the conclusion which it was his object to reach. He admitted, however, that he did not intend it to apply to chiefs to whom the British government was pledged to make pecu- niary or territorial assignments ; and these persons he proposed to provide for by jaghires in a portion of the territory on the west of the Jumna which was to be retained. But the true question was not, as Sir George Barlow represented, whether the British government was compelled to maintain possession of the territories in question ; but whether, by abandoning possession, it conld at the same time formally abandon to ruin those who, under a reliance on its power and character, had committed themselves to its protection. It is no agreeable task to pursue the sophistry of expediency through its entangled course — it is not more grateM to record the acts which presumed convenience dictated at the expense of justice and honour. ' The British govern- ment being prepared to indulge Scindia to the utmost extent of his demands, no impediment could exist to the establishment of what' was to be called peace. Colonel Malcolm was in- trusted with the duty of negotiating a treaty with Scindia, and on the 23rd of November his labours were successfully brought to a close. The defetisive alliance was not renewed — the Marquis Cornwallis, in conformity with the general tenor of his policy, had expressed his determination to be rid of it — ^but every part of the former treaty of peace, with the exception of such parts as might be altered by the new treaty, was to remain in force. Gwalior and Gohud were transferred to Scindia out of " considerations of friendship." Scindia, on his part, relinquished all claims to the pen- sions previously granted to different officers of his court, from the Slst of December, up to which period the Company undertook to pay them, subject to deduction on various grounds, and among them the plunder of the British residency. The Company also agreed to pay to Scindia a personal aUowance of four lacs annually, and to assign, within their territo- ries in Hindostan, a jaghire of two lacs per annum to the chieftain's wife, and another of one lac to his daughter. The Chumbul was to be the general boundary between the territo- ries of the contracting parties ; and the Com- pany engaged to form no treaties with the rajahs of Oudepore and Joudpore, and other chiefs tributary to Scindia in Malwa, Mewar, or Merwar, and in no instance to interfere with the settlement which Scindia might make with those chiefs. The Company were not to return to Holkar any of his family possessions in the province of Malwa which might have been taken by Scindia. The two chiefe were to arrange as they pleased the claims of Holkar to tribute or territory north of the Taptee and south of the Chumbul, and the British govern- ment was not to interfere. The most extra- ordinary article of the treaty was one by which Scindia agreed never to admit Shirzee Rao to his councils, or to any public employment under his government. The British constitu- tion regards the sovereign as irresponsible, and visits all delinquency in the conduct of public affairs upon the minister ; but the application of such a principle between states was proba- bly made for the first time in this instance. By a formal article in a treaty, to proscribe the employment of any particular individual might be thought unworthy of any govern- ment — it was especially unworthy such a government as that of Great Britain in India. At this time, however, all the acts of that government were characterized by pettiness. With all its concessions, the treaty did not go quite far enough to please Sir George Bar- low, and, in transmitting its ratification, he annexed certain declaratory articles, intended to carry out his favourite object of releasing the British government from the obligation of keeping faith with its weak allies, some of whom might have been saved by the operation of the boundary article without explanation. Lord Lake deferred the transmission of the declaratory articles to Scindia, and remon- strated, but in vain. The governor-general replied, that great attention was due to the long experience of Lord Lake, and evinced his respect for it by immediately forwarding to Scindia the articles against which Lord Lake had appealed. While the negotiation with Scindia was in progress. Lord Lake had been engaged in fol- lowing the flight of Ilolkar into the Punjab ; where, disappointed in the hope of obtaining assistance from the Sikhs, and reduced to the last extremity, the eager desire of the British government for peace worked most opportunely A.D.1805.] DISGEACEFTJL CONCESSIONS. 347 to his rescue from entire destruction. A treaty was concluded, by wliioli Holkar renounced all riglit to the districts of Tonic Eampoora, Bhoondee, and places nortli of the Chumbul. The Company agreed not to interfere south of that river, and to restore at the end of a speci- fied term certain forts and districts belonging to Holkar in the Deccan. Holkar was not to entertain any Europeans in his service, and he was further restricted from employing Shirzee Eao, whose name seems to have been a con- stant source of terror to the British govern- ment of that period. Here, again, the policy of Sir George Barlow received additional illus- tration. He had been desirous of transferring the districts of Tonk Itampoora to Scindia, in place of the pension of four lacs secured to that chieftain by the late treaty. One motive to the intended cession originated in the cir- cumstance of the district having belonged to Holkar, and the consequent expectation of the governor-general that an additional cause of dispute between the two chieftains would thus be furnished, tending to promote his favourite object of keeping native states at war for the benefit of the English government. But the hope of obtaining Scindia's consent failed, and the governor-general was in a state of pitiable anxiety as to the disposal of the troublesome acquisitions. No state or chief, he appre- hended, would take them as a free gift without a guarantee from the British government, and there appeared no choice but to give such a guarantee or to keep them. Neither of these courses suited the policy of Sir George Barlow ; and not knowing what to do with the surren- dered districts, he determined to give them back to Holkar without any kind of considera- tion in return. This was effected by a decla- ratory article, reciting — not that Sir George Barlow had in vain sought to transfer the dis- tricts to Scindia, and that no one else would take them without a guarantee, but that it was understood that the maharajah attached great value to them, and that the relations of amity being happily restored, the British go- vernment was desirous of gratifying the wishes of the maharajah to the greatest practicable extent consistent with equity — a word most infelicitoualy chosen with reference to the policy then pursued. Lord Lake again re- monstrated, and with the same success that had attended his foi-mer representations. Among the persons sacrificed by the "equity" of Sir George Barlow were the rajahs of Bhoondee and Jeypore. The conduct of the former, from the commencement of his con- nection with the British goyernment, had been undeviatingly friendly and faithful. His fidelity had been tested during the retreat of Colonel Monson, and he had on that unfor- tunate occasion rendered aid that was both timely and valuable. By this conduct he had incurred the implacable hatred of Holkar. Lord Lake justly considered that the services and the dangers of this faithful ally merited more consideration than Sir George Barlow was disposed to give them, and he repeatedly and pressinglj urged the claims of the rajah to protection. But the governor-general, who, it is clear, thought that political affairs are excepted from the obligations of ordinary morality, was not to be moved by so visionary a feeling as regard to past services, and the rajah of Bhoondee received sentence accord- ingly. The case of the rajah of Jeypore was not precisely similar. Under the influence of terror, produced by the approach of Holkar, he had swerved from fidelity ; but he had returned to his duty, had rendered good ser- vice to the army of General Jones, and had received the most solemn assurances that his failure would be forgotten, and the protection of the British government continued. In favour of this prince Lord Lake laboured with the zeal which he invariably displayed in endeavouring to save the British govern- ment from the disgrace which a timid and unprincipled policy was bringing upon it. But Sir George Barlow resolved, not only that the alliance with the rajah of Jeypore should be dissolved, but that the dissolution should be immediate ; and for this characteristic reason — the territories of the rajah of Jeypore lay on Holkar's returning route ; the governor- general thought, with much reason, that the freebooter might be tempted to commit some excess in passing them. If the alliance con- tinued, the British government would be obliged to take notice of any outrage ; if it were previously dissolved, the obligation was at an end. Well might an agent of the rajah, in a conference with Lord Lake, indignantly exclaim, that the English government, in this instance, made its faith subservient to its con- venience. Sir George Barlow had now effected nearly all that had been contemplated by his pre- decessor and himself, in the way of diminish- ing the power and influence of the British government in India. The defensive alliances with Bhurtpore and Machery remained to be dealt with, and Lord Lake was instructed to open a negotiation for the purpose of detaching them from their British ally. In conformity with the plan of the Marquis Cornwallis, these princes were to be tempted to renounce their British connection by the offer of a consider- able accession of territory. Lord Lake, not dispirited by former repulses, once more re- sorted to expostulations, and for the first time his remonstrances produced some effect. The governor-general, in his conversion from the creed of the Marquis Wellesley to that of the Marquis Cornwallis, had displayed great apti- tude for transition; but in adhering to the views which he professed at any particular moment, he invariably manifested a degree of doggedness not less remarkable. In this spirit he did not admit that the representa- tions of the commander-in-chief had changed his opinion,, but he consented to postpone acting upon it till m future period. The motives to this step are not easily discover- 348 THE NATIVE AEMY. [A.D. 1805. able; nor, indeed, can any valid reason be assigned for the great delicacy shown to the claims of the rajahs of Bhurtpore and Maohery in comparison with those of the rajahs of Bhoondee and Jeypore. Why were the en- gagements of the British with the latter two ■ princes dissolved without ceremony, while the abrogation of similar engagements with the former two were to be the subject of nego- tiation ? Only one solution presents itself ; the rajahs of Bhoondee and Jeypore were weak ; those of Bhurtpore and Maohery com- paratively strong. Thus did Sir George Barlow tranquillize India. Lord Lake spent the year 1805 in completing the negotiations with which he had been intrusted, and in making various necessary military arrangements. Early in the following year he quitted India, leaving behind him a reputation for adventurous valour and high feeling which will not be forgotten. It would not be proper to antici- pate results by any observations in this place on the effects of the policy which that gallant officer so strenuously, though, for the most part, so unsuccessfully opposed : this will be displayed hereafter. The aspect of the period under review is sufficiently dark to need no aggravation from a premature view of the future. Under the Madras presidency events occurred soon after Sir George Barlow's paci- fication, which, though unimportant if re- garded with reference merely to their extent, derived consequence from the alarm which they were calculated to create in relation to the instrument by which Great Britain had subjected a great part of India to its sway, and by which its conquests were to be main- tained. The extraordinary fact, that England main- tains her empire in the East principally by means of a native army, renders the connec- tion between the ruling powers and the mili- tary one of extreme delicacy. One great point of reliance, which is affi^rded by almost every other army, is wanting in that of India. The pride of country offers one of the best securities for the fidelity of the soldier, and all judicious commanders are well aware of the importance of preserving it unimpaired. In India the case is different. The national feeling of the troops can affi)rd no ground of confidence ; whatever portion of this quality they may happen to possess, must operate to the prejudice of their rulers. The men who govern India are not natives of India, strangers to the soil command the obedience of its sons; and if national pride entered largely into the character of the natives, that obedience, if yielded at all, would be yielded reluctantly. Generally, in India, this feeling is anything but strong ; and its place is sup- plied by a sense of the benefits derived by the individual from the maintenance of the Euro- pean supremacy, and by a powerful instinct of obedience, combined with a somewhat in- definite, aud perhaps almost superstitious feeling of respect for the people who, within the compass of a very brief period, have, as if by enchantment, become masters of an empire splendid beyond comparison with any other ever held in a condition of dependency by a foreign state. Yet, with all the allowances that must be made on the grounds of selfish- ness, habit, admiration, and fear, it must not be supposed that natives always look on the existing state of things with entire satisfaction. It is not easy for the Mahometan to forget that, very recently, men of his own race and creed wielded the sceptre which is now trans- ferred to Christian hands ; and though the passive character of the Hindoo, and the estrangement from political power consequent upon the previous subjugation of his country, may generally be sufficient to preclude him from meditating schemes of conquest and reprisal, he is under the influence of other feelings little calculated to promote military subordination or to secure military fidelity. The pride of caste, and the bigoted attach- ment with which the Hindoo clings to an unsocial superstition which interferes with almost every action of daily life, have a direct tendency to foster habits which in Europe must be regarded as altogether inconsistent with the character of a soldier. Between an army composed of Hindoos and Mahometans, and the Europeans who command them, there can be but little community of feeling. Dif-, fering as they do in country, in religious belief, in habits of life, in form and com- plexion, they have not even the bond of a common tongue ; the European offiicers gene- rally possessing but a slender knowledge of the languages of the men under their com- mand, and the men no knowledge at all of the language of their officers. The elements of discontent are, therefore, sufficiently powerful, while the means of allaying it are small ; and it is obvious that, in an army so constituted, vigilance must never for a moment be per- mitted to slumber. This important truth can never be lost sight of without endangering the safety of the British dominion in India, and, by consequence, the well-being of the people committed to its care. These reflections are suggested by the facts which it is now necessary to relate, facts which at the time excited no inconsiderable alarm both in India and at home, and which, are recorded in characters of blood. In the spring of 1806, symptoms of insub- ordination were manifested by a part of the troops under the presidency. ITiey seem scarcely to have excited the degree of atten- tion which they called for ; and at the very moment when the authorities were congratu- lating themselves upon their entire suppress- ion, the fortress of Yellore became a scene of open mutiny and ferocious massacre. The ostensible cause of the disturbance was a partial change in the dress of the troops. The old turban had been thought inconvenient, and it was proposed to replace it by one A.D. 1806.] MUTINY OF yELLOEE. S49 lighter, and better adapted to. the military character. The alteration was recommended by two officers of long experience in the Company's service, was sanctioned by the commander-in-chief, Sir John Cradock, and finally was submitted to the governor. Lord William Bentinck — that nobleman having suc- ceeded Lord Olive, who had retired under feelings of disgust. The governor not only approved, but ordered the new turban to be adopted by a corps of fencibles under his own especial command. The use of this turban, however, either actually violated the prejudices of the men, or was seized upon by designing agitators as affording the means of exciting disaffection to the European authorities. Acts of insubordination occurred, connected with an alleged reluctance to the adoption of the new turban. Neglected for a time, it at length became impossible to avoid noticing them. They were confined principally to two battalions of different regiments — one of them stationed at Vellore, the other at Wallajahbad. The irregularities were more general, as well as more marked, in the battalion stationed in the former place j and when they attracted attention, it was deemed inexpedient to suffer the battalion to remain there. It was ac- cordingly ordered to proceed to the presidency, where a court-martial was assembled for the trial of two men, whose conduct had been especially reprehensible. They were con- victed, and sentenced to corporal punishment. At Wallajahbad, a native soubahdar, who had been guilty of apparent connivance at the dis- orderly proceedings which had taken place, was summarily dismissed from the service, and, on the recommendation of the Commander at that station, three companies of European troops were marched thither from Poona- mallee. The intimations of disorder now appeared to subside at both places. The com- manding officer of the battalion stationed at Yellore reported it to be in as perfect a state of discipline as any other native corps on the establishment. At Wallajahbad subordination appeared to be entirely restored. A general order had been prepared, for the purpose of removing any apprehensions which the native troops might entertain as to future interference with their religious prejudices ; but the ap- parent calm lulled the authorities into a per- suasion of security, and it was deemed judicious to suspend the publication of the order. The seeming tranquillity was deceitful. The assurance of the re-establisment of discipline at Vellore, conveyed from that station to the commander-in-chief, and by him forwarded to the government, reached the presidency on the 10th of July, and, on the same day, the smouldering embers of sedition and mutiny burst into a flame. Early in the morning of that day, the native troops rose against the European part of the garrison, consisting of two companies of his Majesty's 69th regiment, whom, with every other European within their reach, they doomed to indiscriminate slaughter. The attack was totally unexpected, and consequently no preparations had been made for resisting it. The hour chosen by the conspirators, two o'clock in the morning, was well adapted to their murderous intentions, the execution of them being aided by darkness, and by the fact of a considerable portion of their destined victims being asleep. But, notwithstanding all these unfavourable cir- cumstances, the British troops did not dis- honour their country. For a considerable time they maintained possession of the bar- racks, exposed to a heavy fire from their assailants. When this position became no longer tenable, a part of the garrison effected their escape to the ramparts of the fortress, where they established themselves, and of which they retained possession for several hours after all the ofilcers of the corps had been killed or disabled, and after their ammu- nition had teen entirely exhausted. About four hours after the commencement of the attack, intelligence of it was received by Colonel Gillespie, at the cantonment of Arcot, a distance of about sixteen miles, and that officer immediately put in motion the greater part of the troops at his disposal, con- sisting of the 19th regiment of dragoons and some native cavalry, of the strength of about four hundred and fifty men. Putting himself at the head of one squadron of dragoons and a troop of native cavalry, he proceeded with the greatest celerity to Vellore, leaving the re- mainder of the troops to follow with the guns under Lieutenant-Colonel Kennedy. On his arrival. Colonel Gillespie effected a junction with the gallant residue of the 69th ; but it was found impracticable to obtain any decisive advantage over the insurgents until the arrival of the remainder of the detachment, which reached Yellore about ten o'clock. The main object then was to reduce the fort. The mutineers directed their powerful force to the defence of the interior gate, and, on the arrival of the guns, it was resolved that they should be directed to blowing it open, preparatory to a charge of the cavalry, to be aided by a charge of the remnant of the 69th, under the personal command of Colonel Gillespie. These measures were executed with great precision and braveiy. The gate was forced open by the fire of the guns ; a combined attack by the European troops and the native cavalry followed, which, though made in the face of a severe fire, ende,d in the complete dispersion of the insurgents, and the restoration of the fort to the legitimate autho- rities. About three hundred and fifty of the mutineers tell in the attack, and about five hundred were made prisoners in Vellore and in various other places to which they had fled. The number of Europeans massacred by the insurgents amounted to one hundred and thirteen. Among them were Colonel Fancourt and thirteen other officers. Vellore was the only station disgraced by open revolt and mas- sacre ; the symptoms of disaffection manifested at WiUlajahbad, Hyderabad, and other places, 350 MUSTAPHA BEG'S WARNING. [a.d. 1806. were by seasonable and salutary precautions suppressed. In some instances the murderous proceedings at Vellore impressed the com- manding officers at other stations with such an undne degree of apprehension, as to lead them to disarm their native troops without sufficient cause — an unreasonable suspicion thus succeeding to an unreasonable coniidence. Indeed, the European officers seem generally to have taken but small pains to inform them- selves of the feelings and dispositions of the native troops. Looking at the events which preceded the unhappy affair at Vellore, it seems impossible to avoid feeling surprise at the unconsciousness and security displayed by the European authorities up to the moment of the frightful explosion. No apprehension ap- pears to have been entertained, although the massacre was preceded by circumstances abun- dantly sufficient to justify the feeling, and though the approaching danger was not left to be inferred from circumstances. Positive testimony as to the treacherous intentions of the native troops was tendered, but, unfortu- nately, treated with disregard and contempt. Amidst the disgusting exhibition of almost universal treachery, a solitary instance of fidelity to the ruling powers occurred, and the name of MustaphaBeg deserves on this account to be recorded. This man, who had become acquainted with a part, if not the whole, of the designs of the conspirators, proceeded on the night of the 16th of June to the house of one of the officers of the garrison, and there stated that the Mussulmans of the batta.lion had united to attack the barracks, and kill all the Europeans, on account of the turban. The course taken upon this occasion by the officer to whom the communication was made, was certainly, under the circumstances, an ex- traordinary one : he referred the matter to the native officers, and they reported that no objection existed to the use of the turban. One of the parties implicated admitted having used certain expressions attributed to him, but gave them an interpretation which rendered thera harmless ; and the evidence of the in- formant was alleged to be unworthy of credit — first, on the ground of general bad character ; and secondly, because be laboured under the infirmity of madness. The charge of habitual drunkenness, which was brought against Mus- tapha Beg, was certainly not sufficient to war- rant the rejection of his evidence without further inquiry ; and the imputation of mad- ness appears never to have been thought of before, but to have been fabricated at the moment for the especial purpose of destroying the force of his testimony. That it should have obtained the implicit belief and acqui- escence of the European officer in command is inexplicable upon any reasonable grounds. The men who made the charge had a direct interest in establishing it — something more, therefore, than mere assertion was requisite before it could reasonably be credited ; yet no evidence that Mustapha Beg had ever previ- ously displayed symptoms of insanity seems to have been afforded, or even required. His story was at once rejected as the effusion of a distempered mind, and thus success was in- sured to the atrocious design, which a reason- able caution might have frustrated. The degree of information possessed by Mustapha Beg has been the subject of question. It has been said that he knew much more than he avowed ; that he was, in fact, acquainted with the entire plans and objects of the conspirators, and studiously concealed a part of them. This may be true, inasmuch as, in most cases, it is nearly impossible for any degree of labour or ingenuity to diaw from a native witness "the whole truth ;" but it must be remembered that this charge rests upon testimony in no way preferable to that of Mustapha Beg him- self; and, if well founded, the fact of the informer concealing a part of what he knew, cannot justify the unaccountable inattention displayed towards that which he revealed. The communication made by Mustapha Beg was disregarded, and the massacre of Vellore followed. This event, in connection with the insubordination displayed at other stations, demanded careful and minute inquiry as to the cause. The greatest confidence had been reposed in the native troops ; that confidence had been continued even after much had occurred which ought to have shaken it ; but the disaffection of a part of the troops was no longer matter of mere report or mere suspicion — it had been manifested too plainly and too terribly to admit of denial or of doubt. The government, therefore, now commenced the business of inquiry in earnest. From the national characteristics of the native troops, it must be always a work of some difficulty to trace their actions and im- pressions to their genuine origin. The ob- noxious turban was put forward as the main ground of dissatisfaction, combined with some orders which had been recently issued, by which the men, when on duty, were forbidden to wear on their faces certain marks of caste, and were required to trim their beards in a uniform manner. It appears that the latter regulations were not altogether new : they had been enforced in certain regiments and ne- glected in others, and the orders only required a general conformity to practices which had for some time been partially adopted. The objection to the new turban (as far as any sin- cere objection was felt at all) lay principally with the Mahometans, who thought themselves degraded by being required to wear anything approaching in appearance to a European hat. The restrictions in regard to marks of caste were applicable to the Hindoos ; but the regulations relating to the beard seem to have been obnoxious to both classes. As the two officers by whose recommendation the regu- lations were adopted had been long in the Company's service, it may seem that they ought to have been better acquainted with the feelings and prejudices of the native troops A.D. 1806.] INTRIGUES OF TIPPOO'S SONS. 351 than to have risked tlie affectiona of the army, and the consequent safety of the British dominioD, upon a point so perfectly trifling as a change of dress. As far, however, as the turban is concerned, it is but justice to those officers to state, that they appear to have had little reason to apprehend any opposition to its introduction, and still less to anticipate the criminal excesses for which it afforded a pretext. The proposed change was long a matter of publicity. In the first instance, three turbans were made, and three men — one of them a Mahometan — wore them at the presidency for inspection. These men declared that they preferred them to the old ones. The pattern turbans were afterwards publicly exhibited at the adjutant-general's office, where they were seen by officers and men of all ranks and classes. The new turban bore a near resem- blance to that which had been long worn by one of the battalions of native infantiy ; in another regiment, one of the battalions wore a turban little differing from a Scottish bonnet, and turbans not very dissimilar were in use in various regiments. With such precedents, it might have been presumed that no resistance would have been offered to an innovation cal- culated materially to promote the comfort of the men. On the other points, it is not per- haps easy to acquit the framers of the regu- lation of having somewhat rashly impaired the real efficiency of the army, from an over- anxious desire to improve its appearance. The Hindoos are, of all people upon the earth, the most alive to any interference with their superstitious observances. This fact must have been familiar to officers of so much experience as those who proposed the offensive orders ; and to outrage the feelings of the troops for no better purpose than to render their appear- ance more agreeable to the eye of military taste, was ill-advised and imprudent. Yet, though this gave considerable offence — and, if the prejudices of the Hindoos are to be re- spected, the feeling of offence was not unwar- ranted — it was not the main cause of the mutiny ; for it appears that few of the Hindoos joined in it except by the instigation of the Mahometans. The k,tter class were every- where the promoters of the disturbances, 'and it remains to be seen by what motives they were actuated. The Mahometans objected to the new turban, and this led the Hindoos to dwell upon their own grievances ; but the turban itself was but a pretext, artfully used by the emissaries of those hostile to the British sway, to excite dis- content and rebellion. The native officers, both before and after the occurrences at Vellore, declared that there was nothing in the new turban inconsistent with the laws and usages of their religion, or in any way degrading to those who were required to wear it; and the chief conspirator at Vellore, a few days previ- ously to the insurrection, being questioned by his commanding officer as to the existence of dissatisfaction, offered, in the presence of the other native officers, to place the Koran on his head and swear that there was none, and that the whole corps were prepared to wear the Durban. The feeling against it was certainly far from universal; for, in many instances, much alacrity was shown in adopting it ; and, after the mutiny, some corps requested per- mission to wear it as a testimony of their un- shaken fidelity. Something, indeed, must be allowed for the habitual dissimulation which is one of the national characteristics ; but all the evidence tends to show that, had no political causes intervened, the change would have been effected as quietly as others had been which in themselves were more likely to give offence. But Vellore was, at that time, the seat of deep and dark intrigues, directed to the destruction of the British government and the elevation of a Mahometan sovereignty upon its ruins. The fortress of Vellore was the residence of the sons of Tippoo Sultan, and the whole neighbourhood swarmed with the creatures of the deposed family. The choice of this place for their abode was an injudicious one, and the circumstances under which they were permit- ted to reside there enhanced the dangers aris- ing from their situation. An extravagant revenue had been placed at their disposal, which enabled them to purchase the services of a host of retainers — an advantage which they did not neglect. Many were to be found who, from old associations, possessed a feeling of attachment to the family of Tippoo ; many more who, from religious bigotry, were willing to engage in any scheme having for its object the destruction of a European and Christian power; and a still greater number ready to sell themselves to the best bidder, and to lend their assistance to any cause in the prosperity of which they hoped to participate. The Ma- hometan power had declined with extraordi- nary rapidity, and the number of those whose fortunes had declined with it was considerable. Many of these persons had entered the army of the conquerors; and our own ranks thus comprehended a body of men whose feelings and whose interests were arrayed against us.' Over every class of those who cherished senti- ments of discontent, or hopes of advantage from change, the sons of Tippoo were impru- dently allowed the means of establishing and retaining unbounded influence. The place chosen for their residence was in the immediate neighbourhood of their former grandeur — the restraint under which they were placed of the mildest character — the accommodation pro- vided for them of the most splendid description — their allowances on a scale of oriental mag- nificence. The imprudent bounty of the Bri- tish government thus furnished them with an almost unlimited command of the means oi corruption, and enabled them to add to the stimulus of hope the more powerful temptation of immediate benefit. These opportunities and advantages they abundantly improved, and the consequence was, that,, in the town and garri- son of Vellore, their numerical strength was 352 ABSURD EUMOTJES. [a.d. 1806. greater than that of the government which held them in captivity. It appears that no fewer than three thou- sand Mysoreans settled in Vellore and its vicinity subsequently to its becoming the abode of the princes ; that the number of their ser- vants and adherents in the pettah amounted to about one thousand eight hundred; that the general population of the place had astonish- ingly increased, and that some hundreds of persons were destitute of any visible means of subsistence. These were circumstances which ought to have excited suspicion — which ought to have called forth vigour : unfortunately they were regarded with apathy. Instead of the strict and vigilant superintendence which ought to have been exercised over such a po- pulation, in such a place, there is the strongest ground for concluding that the utmost laxity prevailed. It is clear that, for the purposes of security, the military power ought to have teen paramount ; but authority was at Vellore so much divided as to destroy all unity of pur- pose, all energy, and nearly all responsibility. The commanding officer, of course, controlled the troops ; the collector was charged with the care of the police ; and the paymaster of sti- pends with the custody of the princes. This was a departure from the original plan, by which the whole of those duties had been in- trusted to the military commander; and the change was far from judicious. With so many chances in their favour, the sons of Tippoo were not likely to be very scru- pulous in availing themselves of the opportu- nities which fortune had thrown in their way; and that, at least, two of them were implicated in the atrocities of Vellore, is beyond question. The connection of those events with simulta- neous disturbances at Hyderabad and other places was not distinctly traced; but there'can be little doubt of their having originated in the same cause, and little danger of error in treat- ing them all as ramifications of the same con- spiracy. The means resorted to of exciting disaffection were invariably the same. The changes of dress, which, but for the sinister arts employed to pervert them, would have attracted no more attention than matters so trivial demanded, were declared to be part of an organized plan for forcing Christianity on the troops and the people. The turban was held up to their hatred as a Christian hat, as the turnscrew attached to the fore part of the uniform was converted into a cross, the symbol of the Christian faith. Even the practice of vaccination, which had been for some time in- troduced, was represented as intended to ad- vance the cause of Christianity. The reports circulated for the purpose of inflaming the minds of the people, differed only in the greater or less extent of their demands upon popular credulity. At Hyderabad the most outrageous rumours were propagated and be- lieved. Among other extravagances, it was currently reported that the Europeans were about to make a human sacrifice, in the person of a native; that a lundred bodies without heads were lying along the banks of the Moose river ; that the Europeans had built a church, which it required a sacrifice of human heads to sanctify; and that they designed to mas- sacre all the natives except those who should erect the sign of the cross on the doors of their dwellings. Superstitious feeling was assailed in every practicable way. Fanatical mendi- cants prowled about, scattering the seeds of sedition and revolt, and astrology was called in to predict the downfall of the Christian and the ascendency of Mussulman power. Such means could not fail to operate power- fully upon the minds of an ignorant and bigoted people, accessible to the belief of any reports, however improbable or absurd, if addressed to their religious prejudices ; and the effects of the poison attested the skill with which it had been prepared. To a European, the very imputation of an intention on the part of the government to interfere witk the religion of the people of India, excluding all consideration of the means by which it was to be effected, can appear only ridiculous. No government has ever exercised such perfect toleration, or displayed so much tenderness towards religions differing from those of the governors, as that of the British in India. Indulgence has been pushed even to excess — the most horrible atro- cities were long allowed to be perpetrated with impunity, from a fear of giving offence to the votaries of the gloomy creed in which they originated. Impartial observers have some- times complained of the indifference of the ruling powers to the cause of Christianity ; but never has there been a shadow of reason for ascribing to them an indiscreet zeal to accele- rate its progress. Towards the native troops, especially, the greatest forbearance has been uniformly manifested, and the strictness of military discipline has been in various paints relaxed, in order to avoid offence to the pre- vailing superstitions. The European servants of the Company have rigidly pursued the course prescribed by the supreme authority. Their own religious observances, when attended to, have been unmarked by ostentation, and un- mixed with any spirit of proselytism. At the time of the unfortunate disturbances, no mis- sionary of the English nation had exercised his office in that part of India where they occurred. In the interior there was no provision what- ever for Christian worship ; and the com- mander-in-chief stated it to be a melancholy truth, that so unfrequent were the religious observances of the officers doing duty with battalions, that the sepoys had but recently discovered the nature of the religion professed by the English. These circumstances did not, however, secure the government from a sus- picion of intending to force the profession of Christianity upon the natives ; for, though the originators and leaders of the conspiracy well knew the falsehood of the imputation, it was, no doubt, believed by many who were induced to unite with them. The undeviating policy A.D. 1806.] TKEATMENT OF THE MUTINEERS. 853 of the government ought to have exempted it from auch suspicion — the absurdity of the means by which it was alleged to be intended to effect the object was sufficient to discredit the charge, had it been sanctioned by proba- bility ; but fanaticism does not reason : any re- port that falls in with its prejudices is eagerly received and implicitly credited. The mutineers were quickly overcome, and order was re-established in the fortress. But the difficulties of government did not end with the suppression of the external indications of dissatisfaction. The regulations which had furnished a pretext for the perpetration of so much crime and mischief were still in force, and it was a matter of some delicacy to deter- mine how to deal with them. Every course that could be suggested was open to serious objections, and great calmness and great saga- city were required in making a selection. To discuss at length the wisdom of the chosen line of policy would occupy too much space. It may suffice to say, that conciliation being thought expedient, the regulations were aban- doned : and though it may be urged that this was almost a matter of necessity, under the circumstances which existed, still it was not unattended with danger, from the evil pre- cedent which it afforded of a concession ex- torted by mutiny and massacre. Mutiny is a crime which, by the severity of military law, is deemed deserving of death ; but the insur- rection of Vellore was not an ordinary case of mutiny, grave as is that offence in itself. The baseness, treachery, and murderous cruelty with which it was marked, gives it a frightful pre-eminence over the generality of military revolts, and it is painful to think that so de- testable a project should have been so far attended with success as to procure the aboli- tion of the orders which had been made the pretext for it. The fatal regulations being dis- posed of, another question arose as to the man- ner of disposing of the culprits — and concilia- tion again triumphed. On this subject great difference of opinion existed, and much discussion took place. The governor, Lord William Bentinck, advised a very mild course ; Sir John Oradook, the commander-in-chief, recommended one some- what more severe. The other members of council coincided in opinion with the governor; while the governor-general in council, who interfered on the occasion, adopted the views of Sir John Cradock. Ultimately, the greater part of the disaffected troops escaped with very slight punishment, and some may almost be said to have been rewarded for their crimes. A few only of the most culpable suffered the punishment of death ; the remainder were merely dismissed the service, and declared incapable of being readmitted to it ; and some of the officers, whose guilt was thought to be attended by circumstances of extenuation, received small pensions. The propriety of this last favour ia something more than ques- tionable, To the army, the example was anything but salutary. By the people at large, whom this act of liberality was doubtless meant to conciliate, it was in danger of being misunderstood, and was quite as likely to be attributed to the operation of fear as to the spirit of magnanimous forgiveness. It was a proceeding which can on no ground be justi- fied, and which, it is to be hoped, will never furnish a rule for the guidance of any future government. On another point a collision of opinion took place. Sir John Cradock advised that the regiments which were implicated in the mutiny should be expunged from the list of the army; Lord William Bentinck took a different view : but on this question the other members in council agreed with the commander-in-chief. The former, however, attached so much impor- tance to his own view of the question, as to determine to act on bis own judgment and responsibility, in opposition to the opinion of the majority in council. It would appear incredible that a question regarding no higher or more momentous matter than the retention of the names of two regiments upon the army list, or their expulsion from it, could have been regarded as justifying the exercise of that extraordinary power vested in the governor for extraordinary occasions, and for extraordinary occasions only, were not the fact authenticated beyond the possibility of doubt. On his own responsibility Lord William Bentinck set aside the decision of the majority of the council, and determined that the regiments in which the mutiny had occurred should remain on the list. In turn, the act by which the governor of Fort St. George had set aside the opinion of his council was as unceremoniously annulled by the supreme government, who directed that the names of the guilty regiments should be struck out. The conduct of the governor, in thus indiscreetly exercising the extraordinary power vested in him, was also disapproved at home. On some former occasion his policy had not commanded the entire approbation of the Court of Directors, and this act was followed by his lordship's recall. It was at the same time deemed no longer advisable that Sir John Cradock should retain the com- mand of the army, and he was accordingly removed from it. A calm inquiry into the course pursued by Sir John Cradock will perhaps lead to the conclusion that he did not merit very severe reprehension. He seems, in the commencement of the disturbances, to have been guided by the opinions of others whom he thought better informed than him- self. On finding that the )ine of conduct which he had been advised to pursue was fomenting discontent among the troops, he stated the fact to the governor, by whose encouragement he was led to persevere. The disastrous results, however, which followed, showed but too plainly the impolicy of doing so ; and the commander-in-chief must, un- doubtedly, be held responsible for the conduct 2 A 354 THE NATIVE OEFICEES. [a.d. 1806. of the army ; but the errors into which Sir John Cradook was led admit ot the extenu ation arising from the fact of his being nearly a stranger at the presidency. It was thought, however, and perhaps justly, that, after what had occurred, there was little hope of his being able to exercise hia authority benefioially to the army or the British government. Still, the case of Sir John Cradook appears to have been attended with some hardship ; and it is to be lamented that a course could not have been devised which might have spared the feelings of the gallant officer, without oompro- mising the interests of his country, or the Spirit and efficiency of the army of Madras. The adjutant-general and deputy adjutant- general were ordered to return to Europe, bat the former officer was subsequently restored. These two officers were better acquainted with India than the commander- in-chief, but there was much to extenuate their error ; and few men, perhaps, in their circumstances would have acted with more discretion. One change, consequent upon the mutiny of Vellore, was a very proper and necessary one : the family of Tippoo Sultan was removed to Bengal, and thus separated fiom the spot where they could most effectually intrigue against British power and influence. The extravagant allowances, also, which they had previously enjoyed, were subjected to judicious retrenchment. 1 One of the most remarkable and lamentable circumstances brought to light by the transac- tions which have been narrated was, the want of cordiality and confidence between the British and native officers. A spirit of estrangement seems to have existepl between them, altogether inconsistent with the inter- ests of the service to which both belonged. Whether anything in the conduct or deport- ment of one class was calculated to give I'easonable cause of offence to the other, it might not be easy now to determine ; but certain it is, that the interests of the govern- ment imperatively require that courtesy and urbanity should invariably mark the habits and demeanour of the British towards the native officers and troops. These virtues must not, indeed, be carried to such an excess as to lead to the sacrifice of any moral prin- ciple, or to the surrender of one tittle of the great duty of military obedience ; but, short of these, it is impossible they can be canied too far, and a systematic neglect of them by any British officer is in fact a breach of his duty to his country. The clamour raised against the new turban was instigated in a great degree by political emissaries, assuming the guise of religious devotees, and who thus were enabled to exercise a powerful influence over a bigoted and superstitious people. But the mischievous labours of these persons were by no means distasteful to the native officers, though a majority of them were, convinced that there was nothing in the turban inconsistent with the dictates of their religious belief, and that the reports of the designs of the British to make a forcible change in the religion of the people were ridiculous and unfounded. The conduct of the native officers at Tellore needs neither illustration nor remark. At other places they were found not exempt from the taint of sedition which had afiected the privates. At Nundedroog an inquiry was instituted, and it was proved that very offen- sive expressions had been uttered, and various attempts had been made to excite insubordi- nation. Seventeen persons were dismissed the service, and among them several officers. No doubt was entertained as to the existence of a similar spirit at Bangalore, but the fact could not be established by legal evidence. At Palmacotta, where a body of Mussulman troops had been disarmed somewhat abruptly by the commanding officer, it was deemed expe- dient, on re-arming them, to except some of the native commissioned officers, and after an inquiry, several were dismissed. There, as at Nundedroog, language had been used sufficiently significant and highly reprehen- sible. Criminality of a similar character was established against several persons at Walla- jabad, and some dismissals took place there. At Bellary, a soubahdar was convicted on the clearest evidence of having, in company with two sepoys, aided two religious mendicants in propagating doctrines of the most atrocious description, and he was in consequence dis- missed. So striking and conspicuous was this unworthy conduct in the native officers, and so alarming their abuse of the influence which they naturally possessed over the minds of the men, that it was deemed necessary to publish a general order especially addressed to them, calling to their recollection the principles upon which they had been employed in the Company's service, and warning them of the consequences which would attend a departure from their duty. The storm happily passed over, but it affords abundant materials for speculation as to futurity. The safety of the empire de- mands that the bond of connection between the native army and their British officers should be confirmed and strengthened. For this purpose, the more the means of inter- course between the several classes are facili- tated the better. A common language is a great instrument for avoiding misunder- standing and promoting good- will; and it is to be feared that the native tongues have not always received that degree of attention from British officers to which they are entitled. Some additional encouragements to their study seem requisite, as the mastering of them so materially tends to promote that harmony and mutual good understanding which it is so important to establish. A mere smattering of a language may be sufficient for conveying and understanding the dry details of regi- mental duty, but is not sufficient for establish- A.D. 1806.] MINISTERIAL DIFFICULTIES. 355 ing and maintaining that degree of influence over the natives which every well-wisher to the permanence of the British dominion must be desirous should exist. Another point of vital importance will be to raise the chai'acter of the native troops, and especially of the native officers, as far as may be, to a British standard ; to imbue them with a portion of those noble principles which the European world derives from the age of chivalry, and to give them the habits and the feeling of gentlemen. The principle of honour, which feels " a stain like a wound," should be sedulously inculcated and encouraged. By advancing the character of the native soldiery in the scale of moral dignity, we are adding to the security of our own dominion in the East ; by degrading it, or suffering it to sink — nay, by permitting it to remain stWionary, we are co-operating with the designs of our enemies, and undermining the safety of our govern- ment. Where the soldier is actuated exclu- sively by the lower and more selfish motives, his services will always be at the command of him who can hold out the strongest tempta- tions to his ambition or cupidity. The many affecting instances of fidelity which the native troops have shown, prove that they are open to the influence of higher and better feelings, and no pains should be spared to cherish and encourage them. CHAPTER XXIL DISPUTES BETWEEN MINISTEKS ANB THE OOCKT OP DIEECTOES — LOKD MINTO APPOINTED GOVERN OB-GENEKAL — AFFAIRS OP TBAVANOORE — MILITARY PROCEEDINGS — EXPEDITION AGAINST MAOAO — TREATY WITH RUNJEET SINGH — MUTINOUS PROCEEDINGS OP THE MADRAS OPFIOEBS — OCCUPATION OF BOUBEON — CAPTURE OF BRITISH SHIPPING — CAPITULATION OP THE ISLAND OF MAURITIUS — SURRENDER OP AMBOYNA — EXPEDITION AGAINST BATAVIA — CONQUEST OF JAVA — ^TREATIES WITH SOmDE, OAUBUL, AND PERSIA — LORD MINTO RESIGNS. In the course of more than half a century, during which India has been governed through the instrumentality of two independent bodies, collision has very rarely taken place ; it has been generally averted by discretion and mu- tual forbearance. Still, it has sometimes arisen, and the vacancy caused by the death of the Marquis Cornwallis gave occasion for an instance. The ministry who had signified the approbation of the Crown to the appoint- ment of that nobleman was no longer in being. It had been dispersed by the death of its chief, Mr. Pitt. The Whigs, having formed a coalition with the party of which Lord Grenville was the head, had returned to office after a long exclusion from it — an exclusion originating in the plan which they had pro- posed and endeavoured to carry through par- liament, for the administration of the affairs of India, in 1784. Intelligence of the death of the Marquis Cornwallis arrived in England almost simultaneously with the accession of the new ministers to office. It was deemed expedient to make immediate provision for the exercise of the full powers of the governor- general, and Sir George Barlow, at that time possessing the entire confidence of the Court of Directors, was appointed, with the appro- bation of the new President of the Board of Commissioners Lord Minto. That function- ary, indeed, stated that the appointment must be regarded as temporary ; but he added, that no immediate change was in contem- plation. After such an announcement, it must have been concluded that the new governor-general would be permitted to enjoy his appointment for a period of some moderate duration ; and few speculators upon political probabilities would have assigned to Sir George Barlow's tenure of office a shorter existence than that of a few months. No one, at least, could have expected that the acquiescence of his Majesty's ministers was to expire in ten days, and that, at the end of that period, a communication would be made of their desire that the ap- pointment which they had so recently sanc- tioned should be superseded, and another governor-general named — ^yet such was the fact. The person selected for this high office by the servants of the Crown was the Earl of Lauderdale ; but it being fouad that the claims of this nobleman were very unfavourably . re- garded by the Court, the proposal was with- drawn ; not,^ however, without an intimation that it would be revived at a future period. The first correspondence on the subject took place in March. In May the subject was again brought forward by ministers, but with- out success. The Court of Directors refused to revoke the appointment of Sir George Barlow, and, of course, unless their resolution could be changed or their authority overcome, the case of the nominee of ministers was hopeless. But the cabinet was not prepared to yield.' The death of Mr. Pitt had shattered the administration of which he was the head into fragments which no one appeared to have either the capacity or the confidence to re- unite. The coadjutors of the deceased states- man had, in the language of Mr. Tieruey, " stultified themselves " by the tender of their resignations on the death of their leader. The new ministers, in consequence, felt strong in the weakness of their opponents. It was at that period almost universally held to be impossible to form any other ad- 2 A 2 356 LORD MELVILLE'S MOTION. [A.D. 1806. mioiatration than that which, under Lord Grenville, swayed the councils of the state ; and though a very few months dissipated this illusion, the ministry of 1806 claimed pos- session of "all the talents" of the country, and on this ground placed opposition at de- fiance. Flushed with confidence in their own strength, the ministers were not inclined to be very delicate as to the means by which they accomplished their object ; and, finding their recommendation without weight, they resolved to call into exercise an extraordinary power vested in the Crown by the act of 1784, but which had never been exerted. That act enabled the sovereign, by an instrument under his sign manual, to vacate any appointment in British India without the consent of the Court of Directors. The right was unques- tionable ; so is the right to vrithhold the assent of the Crown from bills which have passed both Houses of Parliament — and the exercise of the latter prerogative was almost as much to be expected as that of the former, after it had been allowed for so many years to sleep. But, unprecedented as was its exercise, ministers did not shrink from advising it ; and the commission by which Sir George Barlow bad been appointed governor-general was vacated by the royal authority. So remarkable an exercise of prerogative did not, of course, pass without notice. On the 8th of July, the subject was brought before the upper house of Parliament by Lord Melville, formerly Mr. Henry Dun das, and during many years President of the Board of Commissioners. After adverting to the principal facts connected with the transac- tion, his lordship called the attention of the House to the act of 1784, by which the power of recall was given to the Crown ; and con- tended that the clause in question, if construed so as to warrant the proceedings of his Ma- jesty's ministers with regard to Sir George Barlow, would be altogether at variance with the spirit and intent of the act of which it formed part. Referring to the period when the act was passed, he said that the whole country was then convulsed with conflicting opinions on the best mode of governing India, and that the two principal plans were em- bodied in two bills, which were known by the names of the leaders of the two parties by whom they were respectively introduced ; one being called Mr. Fox's bill — the other, Mr. Pitt's. He reminded the house that these two bills were universally understood to be framed in accordance with the different views of the two parties in the great struggle upon the question, whether the patronage of India should be vested in the hands of the Crown or of the Company. The bill of Mr. Pitt, which passed into a law, disclaimed the patronage on the part of the Crown, and was based on the assumption that it might be more bene- ficially exercised by the Company ; it could not be supposed, therefore, that the legislature intended that the bill should convey a power inconsistent with the spirit in which it was framed and passed : it could not be supposed that it intended to enable his Majesty's minis- ters, at any future time, by exercising at pleasure the power of recall, to appropriate to themselves the patronage of India. The design of the clause was obvious. It was in- tended as a check upon the Court of Directors, in the event of their being led by partiality to make an improper appointment : it also enabled government to interfere in difierenoes between the Court of Directors and the Court of Proprietors — a case, not merely hypothe- tical, a remarkable instance having occurred not long before the passing of the act, where the Court of Proprietors refused to acquiesce in the recall of Mr. Hastings, when proposed by the Court of Directors. He urged that the power thus intrusted to the Crown would be grossly abused if applied to any other purposes than those contemplated by the law — if exer- cised merely with a view to enforce the appointment of a particular Individual whom his Majesty's ministers wished to see governor- general. This was the first instance in which the power had been exercised, and those who advised its exercise were bound to show good cause for it. Lord Melville pronounced a high panegyric upon the character and public services of Sir George Barlow, and animad- verted with great severity upon the conduct of the ministers, which, he said, if the result of mere caprice, was highly blamable, but if originating in an intention to seize the patron- age of India, was a direct violation of the spirit and the meaning of an act of parliament. After dwelling upon the inconveniences likely to arise to the public service from the extra- ordinary course pursued by ministers. Lord Melville concluded by moving for certain papers connected with the removal of Sir George Barlow, and for others relating to the financial affairs of the Company. The exercise of the royal prerogative was defended by the premier. Lord Grenville, who contended that the law must be taken in its plain meaning, not according to any fanciful interpretation, and that the act of 1 784 clearly gave a power of recall. That power had been objected to, at the time of passing the act, on one of the grounds now taken by Lord Mel- ville, namely, that it might virtually give to ministers the patronage of India ; but it was answered then, as it might be answered now, that because the Crown had the power of negativing an act of parliament, it could not be said that it had the power of directing the legislature ; and, by parity of argument, it could not reasonably be contended that, be- cause a particular appointment in India was reversed, the whole of the appointments must fall under the control of his Majesty's minis- ters. He admitted, however, that if it could be shown that the power had been exercised merely for the purpose of procuring the ap- pointment of a particular person, it would be a violation of the law ; but he called upon A.D. 1806.] DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT. 367 Lord Melville to recollect, that, from the pas- sing of the act in 1784 to 1801, there had not been a sibgle governor appointed who had not been recommended by that nobleman himself ; and as the same system had prevailed from 1801 downward, there did not appear much to justify the surprise expressed on this occasion. His lordship then reminded the house, that Sir George Barlow had been appointed to succeed the Marquis "Wellesley, and had almost immediately been superseded in favour of the Marquis Cornwallis. In connection vrith the latter appointment, Lord Granville passed a censure upon the late administration for a neglect which had placed their successors in some diflBculty. Possessed, he admitted, of every other qualification for the high office to which he was called, the Marquis Corn- wallis wanted youth and health. It was generally supposed in London that he would be unable to bear the voyage, and that if he arrived in India he would survive only a short time ; yet his Majesty's late advisers made no provision for an event which must have been expected, and from their criminal neglect, his Majesty's present ministers were called upon, within twenty-four hours of their ac- ceptance of office, to provide for the govern- ment of India, in consequence of the com- munication of the death of the Marquis Cornwallis. In this emergency, they approved of the appointment of Sir George Barlow ; but they never regarded this appointment as being anything more than temporary. For these reasons, and on the grounds of the in- convenience that would result from acceding to the motion, he opposed the production of the correspondence. Several other peers took part in the dis- cussion ; among them Lord Hawkesbury, who, as a member of the late government, denied that it was necessary to take more than ordi- nary precaution against the decease of the Marquis Cornwallis. Considering the advanced age of the marquis, he had never known a man more likely to live ; and such was the opinion of his friends who had last seen him at Portsmouth. The arguments used by the other speakers were little more than repeti- tions of those brought forward by Lords Mel- ville and Grenville, and, on the question being put, both motions were lost without a division. Two days afterwards, the subject under- went some discussion in the House of Com- mons. In a committee of the whole house on the India budget, Mr. Johnstone, after taking a review of the conduct of Sir George Barlow, and passing on it a high eulogy, condemned the conduct of ministers in nullifying their original appointment. He said he had heard that Sir George Barlow was recalled because he did not possess the confidence oi ministers ; but he believed that two noble lords, under whose administrations the British interests in India had flourished in an extraordinary degree — he meant Lord Macartney and Lord Cornwallis (the latter as governor-general and the former as the head of one of the other presidencies) — he believed that those noble persons possessed little of the confidence of those who, during the period of their re- spective administrations, held the reins of government in England. Lord Castlereagh joined in reprehending the conduct of minis- ters ; the chancellor of the exchequer, Lord Heniy Petty, defended it : and Mr. Francis, who disclaimed offering an opinion of his own, alleged that, on former occasions, Sir George Barlow had incurred the displeasure of the Court of Directors, who now supported him. On the 1 6th of July, when the committee sat again, Mr. Grant, an influential director of the East-India Company, and the chairman of the preceding year, defended the conduct of Sir George Barlow throughout the negotia- tions for peace. Mr. Paul justified the re- moval of Sir George Barlow ; he maintained that, to secure the respect of the native courts, the governor-general should be a man of high rank ; and that, though Sir George Barlow was an excellent revenue officer, be had none of the qualities necessary for a governor-general. The ministerial speakers in the House of Commons seem rather to have evaded dis- cussion, either because no specific motion was made on the subject, or from a conviction that the course which they had advised was an un- popular one. The ministry had, however, one advantage, which, probably, most cabinets value more than any powers of reason or eloquence, — they had majorities in parlia- ment, and these enabled them to submit with philosophic calmness to charges which it might have been troublesome to answer. The knowledge that the ministry had the means of triumphing in the division, though they might be vanquished in the argument, probably withheld mostoi the members of the House of Commons who especially represented East-Indian interests, from the steps which might have been expected from them. The novelty of their situation might also have some effect in diminishing the vigour of their efforts. The Company had enjoyed the countenance and protection of the late minis- ters (to whom they regarded themselves as mainly indebted for the preservation of their chartered rights) during a period of twenty- two years, with the exception of the short administration of Lord Sidmouth ; and the policy of his administration diftered, indeed, little from that of Mr. Pitt, whom he had suc- ceeded, and by whom he was supplanted. Accustomed for so long a time to act in con- cert with the ministers of the Crown, those directors who had seats in parliament seem to have felt as though there would be something indecorous in any very decided public oppo- sition, even when the former enemies of the privileges of the Company had obtained the reins of power. This feeling, combined with a conviction of the hopelessness ot struggling in a contest where the victory was already adjudged, may account for the feebleness of •358 AFFAIRS OF TEAVANCOEE. [a.13. 1807. the efforts made witMn the walls of parliament to justify the conduct of the Court of Direct- ors In opposition to that of the ministers of the Crown. But, though apparently declining any public appeal against the dictation to which it was sought to subject them, they steadily persevered in resisting it ; and It being ultimately found impossible to overcome the objections of the Court of Directors to the Earl of Lauderdale, that nobleman withdrew his claim to the office of governor-general ; the court consented to nominate the President of the Board of Control, Lord Mlnto, and thus the differences between the Court of Directors and his Majesty's government were terminated. Lord Minto arrived at Calcutta and took his seat in Council on theSlst of July, 1807. He found the country in that state of torpor which Sir George Barlow and his friends re- garded as tranquillity, and during several months of the earlier period of the new go- vernor-general's administration little occurred of sufficient importance to demand an historical record. The close of the year 1808 opened a scene in Travanoore which fearfully disturbed the preceding calm, and the circumstances of this extraordinary outbreak will now require detail. The connection between Travancore and the East-India Company has been of considerable duration, and the government of the latter bad, on various occasions, rendered good ser- vice to the former. It will be recollected that. In 1790, Tippoo Saib attacked Travan- core, and penetrated to Virapelly ; and that Lord Cornwallis promptly interposed to rescue the country from an invader who threatened in a very brief period to overrun it. In 1795, a subsidiary treaty was concluded between the British Government and the rajah of Travan- core ; and ten years after, in 1805, a second treaty. By the former treaty, the rajah engaged to assist the East-India Company in time of war with troops to the extent of his ability. By a clause in the latter, this aid was commuted for an annual tribute. Travanoore was among the most scandalously misgoverned of Indian states. Retrenchment and reform were indispensably necessary, and the treaty provided for their being commenced and conducted tinder the auspices of the British government. To afford time for effecting the necessary changes, the payment of half the additional subsidy stipulated for by the second treaty was remitted for two years, but the end of that period found the rajah no better dis- posed to pay the entire amount of subsidy than the beginning. One heavy source of his expense was a militaiy body, called the Car- natic Brigade, which, though unnecessary as well as burthensome, the rajah insisted upon retaining, in spite of the remonstrances of the British representative at his court. This gave rise to much angry feeling. The resident, Colonel Macanlay, pressed for the required payment of subsidy, and after a while a part of the amount was liquidated, but a very large portion still remained undischarged. The resident having to perform a most un- gracious duty in urging the denlands of his government, became an object of aversion to the dewan, into whose hands the rajah had suffered the whole power of the state to fall. That officer, while ruling his master, was himself under influence unfavourable to the interests of the British government. His conduct had long been evasive and unsatis- factory, and towards the close of the year 1808, it became suspected that he entertained views of direct hostility. It had been ascer- tained that communications had taken place between the dewan and some Americans, who had recently arrived from Persia. The nature of these communications was kept secret, but they were followed by overtures from an agent of the dewan to the rajah of Cochin, for enter- ing into joint measures in opposition to the British power. It was reported that a French force would land on the coast of Malabar in the course of January, and in anticipation of this event, the dewan urged the rajah of Cochin to prepare to unite himself with the Travancorians and French, for the purpose of expelling the English from the country. The dewan was not one of those who con- tent themselves with merely giving advice — he enforced his recommendation by example. Extensive military preparations were entered into ; the people were trained to warlike ex- ercises, and large supplies of arms were ob- tained. The object of these proceedings was all but avowed, and It was currently reported that emissaries had been sent to the Isle of France to solicit a reinforcement of artillery. These circumstances attracted the attention of the government of Fort St. George, then administered under the presidency of Sir George Barlow, he having been thus consoled for his disappointment in regard to the office of governor-general. By that government immediate and active measures were deemed necessary. Troops were ordered to march from Trichinopoly,'and others were embarked from Malabar for Quilon ; but these movements were suddenly countermanded, and a deter- mination taken to try ftirther the effects of a conciliatory policy. The experiment met with that species of success which usually attends attempts at conciliation under such circumstances. The dewan professed great alarm at the military preparations which had been made by the British government, and intreated permission to throw himself upon the generosity of the power which he had provoked. A succession of messages followed, and this portion of the drama ended in the dewan, on the ground that his person was not safe in Travanoore, expressing a desire to resign his office and retire within the territories of the Company. The resident agreed to Indulge him, and on the 28th of December, everything was pre- pared for his journey from Aleppi to Calicut j A.D. 180S.] ATTACK ON THE EESIDENCY. 859 a sum of money was advanced for his expenses, and as the alleged fears of the dewan led him to demand a large escort of troops, the force attached to the residency was weakened for the purpose of affording it. A little after midnight the sleep of the re- sident was broken by a loud noise in the vicinity of bis house. He arose and pro- ceeded to the window, whence he perceived that the building was apparently surrounded by armed men. Hearing his own name men- tioned, he opened the lattice and demanded who was there ; upon which several voices exclaimed at once that it was the colonel, and several pieces were simultaneously discharged at the window, but happily without producing the intended effect. The object of the assail- ants being now manifest, the resident seized his sword, and was rushing down stairs to oppose the entrance of the assassins, when he was interrupted by a clerk in his service, who, pointing out the hopelessness of contending with a numerous body of armed men, sug- gested that his master and himself should conceal themselves in a recess in a lower apartment, the door of which was scarcely discernible from the wainscot in which it was inserted. This retreat Colonel Macaulay was reluctantly induced to enter just at the moment when the assailants, having disarmed the guard, were forcing their way into the house. Having succeeded, every part of it, except the con- cealed recess, was carefully searched for the intended victim. Disappointed of finding him, they spent the night in plundering the house. At daybreak a vessel, with British troops traversing the deck, appeared in sight, and the ruffians becoming alarmed, made a pre- cipitate retreat. This afforded the resident the opportunity of escape ; a boat was pro- cured, and he was shortly on board a British ship. The vessel that had appeared in sight so opportunely for the resident was one of several which were conveying reinforcements to the British strength in Travancore. All of these arrived in safety except one, having on board a surgeon and thirty-three privates of his Majesty's 12th regiment. This vessel, being detained by some accidents, put into Aleppi for £1 supply of water and for other neces- saries. Two or three of the soldiers, landing immediately on the vessel arriving at her anchorage, were told by some servants of the rajah, that a large body of British troops were in the neighbourhood, and that if they were disposed to join them every requisite aid would be afforded for the purpose. The whole party were thus induced to disembark, when they were surrounded and overpowered, tied in couples back to back, and in that state, with a heavy stone fastened to their necks, thrown into the back-water of the port. The ferocity of this deed would almost seem to justify the opinion avowed by some Europeans who have enjoyed the best means of judging of the state of Travancore, that in turpitude and moral degradation its people transcend eveiy nation upon the face of the earth. Two days after the outrage on the resident's house, the officer commanding the subsidiary force at Quilon received intelligence, that a large body of armed men had assembled in the inclosure round the dewau's abode. Thia being an unusual occurrence, Colonel Chalmers ordered- his men to rest that night on their arms. Immediately afterwards he was informed that a body of armed nairs had been collected at Paroor, a few miles to the southward of the cantonment, for the purpose of advancing upon his force. To avert an attack of two bodies of troops at the same time, a party, under Captain Clapham, was despatched with a gun, fo take post on a height commanding the dewan's house, so as to keep the troops collected there in check. The detachment had scarcely arrived at the point assigned for it, when it was discovered that a small hill, immediately on the flank of the post, was occupied by the Travancore troops, whose numbers appeared to be rapidly augmenting. The eminence on which Captain Clapham's party was posted was evidently a military object to the enemy, and it became necessary to prepare to defend it. A column of nairs was soon seen advancing, which was challenged and requested to halt. The challenge, and request were disregarded, and the column continued to advance, obviously for the purpose of charging the British detach- ment. When within ten paces. Captain Clapham gave orders to fire. The fire was returned, but it was followed up, on the part of the British force, with so much quickness and precision, that after several ineffectual attempts to gain the height, the enemy was obliged to retire. On the following morning, Major Hamilton proceeded, at the head of a body of British troops; to take possession of the battery at the dewan's house, a service which was effected without loss, and the guns conveyed within the British lines. These guns had been ordi- narily used for firing salutes, but on examina- tion, after they came into the hands of Colonel Chalmers, they were all found loaded and double-shotted ; and it is also worthy of remark, that they were taken, not in the situation where they were usually placed, but on a spot having the command of the only road leading to the dewan's house. Before Major Hamilton could return to his position he was required to push on with his party to Anjuvioha, to intercept the enemy, who in great numbers were crossing the river in that direction. He arrived just as a nume- rous body were crossing in boats, while another party was drawn up on shore to cover their landing. The British commander immediately attacked the party on shore, who were dis- persed forthwith, pursued to the bar, and driven into the water. A battalion, on the opposite side, witnessed the defeat and destruc- tion of their countrymen, without attempting to assist them Airtber than by a few discharges VARIOUS MILITARY PROCEEDINGS. [A.D. 1809. of small arms at a distance from which they could do no execution. On the dispersion of the enemy on the nearer side of the river, Major Hamilton directed his artilleiy to open on the battalion on the opposite shore, and almost the first shot put them to flight. They subsequently returned with reinforcements, and an attempt was made to surround Major Hamilton's force, but prevented by his retiring within the lines of the cantonment. Almost simultaneously with the arrival of the news of these events at Fort St. George, the government of that presidency received from the collector in Malabar the translation of a letter, addressed by the dewan of Travan- core to the zamorin rajah in Malabar, and which had been confidentially communicated by the zamorin's minister. It was an extra- ordinary composition, appealing to the attach- ment felt by the natives to their ancient superstitions, and expressing violent appre- hension of the extension of the Christian faith. To resist this, the zamorin was exhorted to rise against the British, who were to be forth- with expelled, and no amity thenceforward maintained with them. The zamorin was informed that hostilities had begun, and that within eight days the Company's battalions should be compelled to evacuate Quilon. Some further communication with the zamorin's minister t09k place, through a con- fidential agent, whom the dewan deputed to hold a conference with him, and it was not undeserving of notice. On the zamorin's miniver suggesting the imprudence of a small state rising in hostility against so vast a power as the British, the dewan's agent, after advert- ing to the application made to the Isle of France for assistance, said that it was well known that the greater portion of the Com- pany's forces would soon be engaged in a Mahratta war, and in the defence of their northern frontier against an invasion of the French. Thus did the accessibility to invasion of our northern frontier give confidence to those hostile to our power, and thus early were our enemies aware of the existence of that Mahratta combination, which it took several years to mature for action. Yet then, as, under similar circumstances, before and since, there were many who saw nothing but uninterrupted peace and unassailable security. Further projects of conciliation had been meditated, even after the attempt upon the life of the British resident ; and, to gratify the parties by whom that atrocity was contrived and executed, the temporary suspension of Colonel Macaulay was determined on. The news of the attack upon the troops at Quilon, however, put an end to these conciliatory movements, and negotiation was abandoned for arms. It was now thought important to secure the continued services of Colonel Mac- aulay, and that officer was requested, in language almost apologetic, to resume the duties of resident, until the contemplated proceedings connected with the station should have been carried into complete efiect, A letter was addressed to the rajah of Travan- core, explaining the circumstances under which the advance of troops into his country had be- come necessary ; and a proclamation addressed to the inhabitants, assuringthem that the peace- able and well-affected had no cause for appre- hension, was issued with similar views. The troops destined for service in Travan- oore were to advance in various directions. Lieutenant-colonel Arthur St. Leger, of the Madras cavalry, was appointed to conduct the operations on the eastern side ; Lieutenant- colonel Cuppage, with another body of troops, was to enter by the northern frontier ; while Colonel Wilkinson commanded a detachment, assembled in the south country, for the pre- servation of tranquillity in that quarter, and for the purpose of reinforcing the army in Travancore, if found necessary. The troops assembled at Quilon remained under the com- mand of Lieutenant-colonel Chalmers. The last-named officer was soon required to employ the force at his disposal. At six o'clock on the morning of the 15th January, he was informed that the dewan's troops were advancing in difierent directions. On recon- noitring, in front of the British lines to the left, a large body of infantry drawn up with guns was perceived, on which Colonel Chalmers, without delay, ordered his line to advance in two columns to receive the enemy. The action that ensued lasted five hours, and ended in the flight of the dewan's troops and the capture of several of their guns by the British force. The loss of the enemy in killed and wounded was great, that of the British very trifling. Ten days afterwards, an attack made by three columns of the enemy on three difierent points of a detachment in Cochin, commanded by Major Hewitt, was repulsed with the most decisive success, although the British force was greatly inferior, in point of numbers, to its assailants, and was unpro- tected by either walls or batteries. The share in the operations intrusted to Lieutenant-colonel St. Leger was conducted with remarkable spirit and brilliancy. The corps forming his detachment reached Palam- cottah, after a very rapid march from Trichi- nopoly, and proceeded from thence to the lines of Arumbooly, which they reached on the 3rd of February. These lines were of great natural and artificial strength, but, after some short time spent in reconnoitring, it was determined to attack them by storm. The storming party, under Major Welsh, left the British encampment on the evening of the 9th, and, after encountering all the difficulties presented by thick jungles, abrupt ascents, rooky fissures, and deep ravines, arrived at the foot of the walls on the top of the hill, which theyimmediately surprised and carried, driving the enemy down the hill before them. The batteries in their possession were now opened and directed against the main line of the enemy's defences. A reinforcement arriving. ..D. 1809.] SUICIDE OF THE DEWAN. 361 at break of day Major WelBh proceeded to storm the main lines, and these also were carried in spite of a more severe resistance than had previously been offered. The enemy, appalled by the approach of the main body of the troops, to maintain the advantages which had thus been gained, precipitately fled ; and, at an early hour of the day. Colonel St. Leger had the happiness of reporting to his govern- ment that the Eritisb flag was flying on every part of the Arumbooly lines, as well as on the commanding redoubts to the north and south. Having established a secure post within the lines. Colonel St. Leger pursued his success. A large body of the enemy had taken post in the villages of Colar and Nagrecoil, and the task of dislodging them was intrusted to a detachment under Lieutenant-colonel Macleod, of the king's service. The country through which the detachment had to march was unfa- vourable, and the position which the enemy had chosen strong and advantageous. Pro- tected in front by a battery commanding the only point by which an assailant could approach, this defence was aided by a river, while in the rear were thick, impassable woods. These advantages, however, were unavailing. The lines were attacked and carried after a sharp action, and the enemy forced to retreat in great confusion. At this place the enemy had intended to make a determined stand. The dewan himself had taken refuge there, and only fled on the approach of the British troops, whose proximity he naturally regarded with dislike, and whose extraordinary success had impressed with ter- ror all opposed to them. The forts of Wooda- gherry and Papanaveram (the latter one of the strongest places in Travancore) surrendered without the flring of a shot. The fatal blow thus struck at the power of the dewan was aided by the western division of the British troops. On the 20th of Feb- ruary a detachment from this force assailed and most gallantly carried some batteries erected by the enemy at Killianore, captured seven guns, and defeated a body of troops, con- sisting of about five thousand men. In the beginning of March Colonel Chalmers ad- vanced with the western division, to effect a junction with Colonel St. Leger, and encamped about twelve miles north of the rajah's capital. About the same period the force on the northern frontier, under Colonel Cuppage, entered without opposition, and took up the strong position of Paroor, while the troops from the southern division of the array, under the command of Colonel Wilkinson, took pos- session of the defile of Armagawal, and pro- ceeded to occupy the passes of Shincottee and Aohincoil. The dewan now fled towards the mountains on the northern frontier, and being abandoned by his master, whom he had misled, parties were despatched in all directions to en- deavour to apprehend him. Negotiations com- menced for the restoration of relations of amity between Travancore and the Company, and in a very short period affairs returned to their former state. The dewan wandered in the mountains, till compelled to retire by the difficulty of procuring food among rocks and jungles — a difficulty increased by the seizure of some of his followers, by whom he had been previously supplied. In this situation he came to the resolution of repairing to a pagoda, named Bhagwady, where he put an end to his life, by stabbing himself in various places. His bro- ther was apprehended, and as he had pai'tici- pated in the atrocious murder of the thirty- four unhappy persons belonging to his Majesty's 12th regiment, he was, by the orders of the rajah, most justly executed in sight of that regiment. The occurrences which have been related illustrate a state of things common in India — a sovereign abandoning himself and his terri- tories to the guidance of a favourite minister, who soon becomes more powerful than the sovereign himself. In former times the mayor of the palace in certain European states reduced the king to a cipher, and while ruling without check or control, suffered the odium of his bad government to attach to the unfortu- nate person who bore the royal dignity. In India that system is still in active opera- tion ; the indolence and the vices of native princes, aided sometimes by their peculiar cir- cumstances, throw them into the custody of the bold or the designing ; and from the thraldom which thus involves them they rarely escape, but by the death of their keeper. Their people, in the meantime, are generally exposed to the most dreadful oppression, and king and country have alike cause to rue the lamentable weakness which has invested a subject with the power of sovereignty divested of the name. The event which next calls for notice is the return of an expedition fitted out against the Portuguese settlement of Macao. The despatch of the expedition was suggested by the state of affairs in Europe, where the French em- peror meditated and was endeavouring to effect the subjection of Portugal as well as Spain to his power. The object proposed by the Indian government was attained : Macao was occu- pied without difficulty, but the Chinese authori- ties immediately stopped the British trade. The force despatched against Macao thereupon abandoned their acquisition, and returned to India, having twice traversed the distance between Bengal and Macao, with no other result than that of affording, at considerable expense, fresh occasion for the manifestation of the jealousy of the Chinese. The measure which was suggested by the committee of supercargoes at Canton gave great displeasure at home. The Court of Directors passed a resolution condemning in severe terms the conduct of the committee in proceeding, "upon unaccredited rumours, without any permission of the government of China or previous com- munication with it," to encourage "the Ben- gal government to send a military force to take possession of Macao," and concluding 362 MISCONDUCT OF MADEAS OFFICERS. [a.d. 1809. with a declaration that a change in the leading members of the committee had thereby become necessary — which change was immediately com- menced by the appointment of a new president. In this year the British gOTernment first became connected by treaty with the sovereign of Lahore, Euojeet Singh. This extraordinary person had afforded some ground for appre- hension ; but a negotiation, conducted by Mr., afterwardsLord Metcalfe, assisted by a military force, ended in the conclbsion of a treaty, by which the British government engaged not to interfere with the territories or subjects of the Seik chief north of the Sutlej, he on his part binding himself not to maintain within his territories on the left bank of that river more troops than might be necessary for carry- ing on the ordinary functions of government, and to abstain from encroaching on the rights of the chiefs in the vicinity. The untoward result of the expedition to Macao was not the only misfortune of the period immediately under notice. Circum- stances occurred in the army of M'adras calcu- lated to excite far more regret and far greater apprehension for the interests of Great Britain in the East. From a variety of causes, the army of India was slow in attaining that perfect system of subordination which is alike required by mili- tary duty and essential to military efficiency. The fact of its officers living, in so many instances, apart from all society laut their own, while it tended to cherish habits of exclusive- ness and assumption, afforded opportunity also for the excitement and encouragement of dis- content. Where men have no employment for their leisure but the discussion of their griev- ances, real grievances will not fail to be mag- nified and imaginary ones to be invented. The anxiety felt by most officers to obtain the means of returning home, tended to make them peculiarly sensitive in regard to pecuniary affairs ; and the inequalities existing at the different presidencies with respect to allow- ances, afforded to portions of the army specious reasons for dissatisfaction. Insubordination had also been cherished by the undue in- dulgence shown by the authorities at home to persons whose offences called for severe punishment, more especially in the case of Sir Kobert Fletcher, who, after having, as com- mander of a brigade, fomented and abetted mutiny in the army of Bengal, was appointed commander-in-chief of the army at Madras. From these and other causes the Indian army remained long in a state of unhealthy irrita- bility, capable of being thrown into confusion by the occurrence of the slightest circumstance calculated to afford ground for discontent. Such exciting cause could never be long want- ing, and the effect of any that might occur could not fail to derive additional strength fi:om the appearance — perhaps in some cases more than the mere appearance — of imdue favour towards the king's officers in com- parison with those of the Company. In the Madras army discontent had for some time been gradually increasing in extent and gaining in intensity. Those who should have checked it — officers of high standing and long experience — unfortunately lent their aid to in- crease the feeling. Among' them Colonel Arthur St. Leger, a brave officer, bat an intemperate man, stood conspicuous. So early as March, 1807, the government of Madras, in addressing the Court of Directors, felt called upon thus to advert to his conduct, and to the feeling prevailing in the army : — ' ' We have already stated that a very dangerous spirit of cabal has shown itself among several officers in your army. The feeling has been greatly influenced by the impunity with which the Honourable Lieutenant-colonel St. Leger has been hitherto enabled to brave and insult the authority of this government ; for it is with concern that we observe, in addition to the explanations which we have already given re- garding the conduct of that officer, that every means of the most public nature have been taken at most of the principal military stations to hold up Lieutenant-colonel St. Leger as the champion of the rights of the Company's army, and as one whose example calls for imi- tation. Colonel St. Leger was far from being the only officer of high rank who engaged in this unworthy course. On the removal of Sir John Cradock, General McDowall, of his Majesty's service, had been appointed to the office of commander-in-chief. That officer had a grievance of his own which he threw into the common stock, and forthwith applied him- self vigorously to aggravate and extend the Ill- feeling which he found existing. The Court of Directors had departed from established precedent by not appointing the new com- mander-in-chief to a seat in council. This was not intended as a personal slight to General McDowall, the Court having adopted on gene- ral grounds the principle of excluding pro- vincial commanders - in - chief from council. While, however, it is impossible to excuse the conduct of General McDowall in perverting the influence of his authority to uses most dis- graceful to himself and most dangerous to the interests which it was his duty to uphold, it is equally impossible to discern the wisdom or propriety of the course taken by the Court. It is not easy to discover even a plausible reason for excluding the commander-in-chief from council, while the convenience and advan- tage of admitting him to a place there are obvious. Unhappily the person on whom, in this instance, the penalty of exclusion fell was a man reck] ess of his ownhonour andof that of his country in pursuit of revenge. He assumed the command a short time before the arrival of Sir George Barlow, who thus found the army arrayed in opposition to the government by the man whose duty it was to hold it in subordina- tion. Sir George Barlow had other difficulties. Mr. Petrie, a member of council, had held the government provisionally from the super- A.D. 1809.] CONTINTJED INSUBORDINATION. 363 session of Lord William Bentinci, and judg- ing from his subsequent conduct, he appears to have been dissatisfied with the brief tenure of his authority. From the time of Sir George Barlow's arrival he was found in unceasing opposition to the governor, even to the extent of the abandonment of his own recorded opinions. The new and the old governor thus became engaged in disputes, in the course of which it must in candour be admitted that there were times when neither of them ap- peared to much advantage. While Lord William Bentinck had exercised the functions of government, and Sir John Cradock retained the command of the army, it had been determined to abolish a system of tent contract of no long standing, the con- tinuance of which was believed to be injurious to the public interests. On Sir George Bar- low devolved the duty of giving effect to the determination, and as the measure was offen- sive to the commanding officers of corps, fresh ground for dissatisfaction with the government generally, and with Sir George Barlow espe- cially, was afforded. The officers of the Madras army were pre- paring an address to the governor-general on their grievances. The commander-in-chief, in accordance with his duty, issued a circular letter discountenancing the measure ; but he destroyed its effect by encouraging, in his personal and private intercourse with his ofEcers, the proceedings which he officially denounced. He did not, indeed, confine his attempts to excite discontent within the limits of private communication. Some of them were made publicly ; and one remark- able instance was furnished in an address made by the commander-in-chief on review- ing an European regiment in the northern circars. Having scattered widely and abundantly the seeds of disaffection, General McDowall determined to leave it to time and circum- stance to bring them to maturity. He resolved to quit the country, an intention indeed which he appears to have entertained long before, but which he probably postponed in the hope, too well grounded, of preparing the elements of extensive mischief. His conduct now became more violent and more open . He placed under arrest the quarter-master-general. Colonel Munro, upon a charge of casting imputations on the character of the army in an official report drawn up many months previously. The judge-advocate-general had given his opinion that no legal matter of charge existed against Colonel Munro, and thereupon the government released him. General McDowall now embarked for Europe, leaving behind him an offensive and inflammatory general order, which was published after his departure by the deputy adjutant-general. Upon its ap- pearance the government formally removed General McDowall from the office of com- mander-in-chief, and gave further evidence of displeasure by suspending both the officer by whom the offensive order had been published and his principal. These expressions of the opinion of govern- ment seem to have produced little effect upon the officers of the army, a portion of whom manifested their sympathy with the parties thus visited with punishment, by preparing and circulating for signatures a memorial to the governor-general, and an address to the displaced deputy adjutant-general. These pro- ceedings being regarded as inconsistent with military subordination, an order of government appeared on the 1st of May, severely animad- verting on the conduct of the officers most active in the circulation of the offensive papers, suspending several officers, including Colonel St. Leger, from the service, and removing others &om particular commands. The more marked indications of ill-feeling towards the government had hitherto been ex- hibited by that portion of the army serving in Travancore. The publication of the order of the 1st of May led to acts of insubordination, not only more violent than any which had previously taken place, but more general. At Hyderabad, Masulipatam, i Seringapatam, and other places, discontent, previously ill suppres- sed, burst into open mutiny ; in one lament- able instance blood was shed, in consequence of the resistance offered to the passage of a revolted battalion from Ohittledroog to join the disaffected in Seringapatam. Widely, however, as the seeds of discontent were spread, and rapidly as they had sprang into life, there was no principle of permanence in the resistance to authority thus suddenly called forth. That which had been done under the influence of excited feeling was not of a nature to bear the calm reflection which time could not fail to suggest. The dissatisfied could not but perceive that, while they were placing the interests of their country in peril, they were in all human probability involving themselves in ruin, while the inconsistency and dishonour of the course into which they had been seduced were not less evident than its folly. The first manifestation of a returning sense of duty was at Hyderabad ; the example was speedily followed at other places : and thus ended a movement which in its com- mencement and progress seemed to threaten the very existence of the British government in the part of India in which it occurred. Lord Minto, on learning the nature and extent of the disaffection, had proceeded without delay to Madras ; but the crisis had passed before he arrived. Few remarks are requisite on such a subject as the conduct of the Madras army. It cannot be necessary to inquire whether mutiny be in any case justifiable or not ; but the judgments of popular opinion, not less than those of law, should be framed with due regard to circum- stances. Many of those concerned in the un- happy proceedings under notice were young men, led to take part in them by the criminal advice and criminal example of those to whom, 364 EXPEDITION AGAINST BOTJEBON. [a.d. 1809. as their senior and superior officers, they looked with respect and deference. This extenuating circumstance was permitted to have its just effect ; and though the number of those who had participated, in a greater or less degree, in the outbreak was large, the punishments were few. The great criminal — he for whom no punishment that it becomes a civilized government to inflict could be regarded as too severe — lived not to receive retribution. The ship in which General McDowall took his pas- sage to Europe was lost, and in the waste of waters he found that impunity which he could scarcely have expected had he survived. The conduct of Sir George Barlow was violently attacked at home, but a majority in the Court of Directors approved it. His coadiutor, Mr. Petrie, who had differed from the governor on almost every point on which difference was possible, was less fortunate. He was removed from council, and the Court repaired their former error by appointing the new commander-in-chief. Sir Samuel Auch- muty, to the vacant seat. The administration of Lord Minto was marked by brighter incidents than the mis- conduct of the army of Madras : to some of these it is satisfactory to turn. During the wars which followed the French Eevolution, the injuries sustained by our com- merce, from the enemy's settlements in the Indian seas, were severely felt. The principal seats of annoyance were the Mascarenha Isles, comprising the Isle of Bourbon, or Mascarenha, properly so called ; Mauritius, or the Isle of France ; the small Island of Rodriguez ; and others of inferior note. Such a group, lying on the very highway of the commerce between India and England, could not be left in the hands of an active and insidious foe with im- punity, and the actual results fully realized all that might have been anticipated. From the Mauritius especially, French cruizers issued in vast numbers to prowl over the Indian seas, and the consequent loss was immense. It has been said that, previously to the fall of this island, the insurance offices of Bengal alone were losers to the amount of three millions sterling from captures. The amount may be ex.aggerated, but there can be no doubt of its having been very great. That such a course of things should have been allowed to proceed so long unchecked, argues ' little either for the wisdom or the activity of the British government ; but its toleration was in perfect harmony with the in- difference usually manifested on such occasions. A persuasion had indeed long prevailed, that the Mauritius could not be successfully assailed by a hostile force, and this persuasion the French naturally used their best endeavours to encourage. A plausible error, once estab- lished, is hard to be shaken, and the currency of a belief that the island was impregnable, combined with the imperturbable apathy with which British statesmen have generally re- garded the interests of our Indian possessions, must account for the supineness which so long left a valuable branch of commerce at the mercy of the enemy. The Marquis Wellesley had been well aware of the evil, and meditated measures for the reduction of the settlements which gave the enemy the power of inflicting it ; but circumstances prevented his carrying bis views into effect. The enormous extent of loss at length roused the British cabinet to some exertions. Admiral Bertie, who commanded on the Cape of Good Hope station, was ordered to enforce a rigorous blockade. The service was intrusted to Cap- tain Eowley ; and, to assist the contemplated operations, Lieutenant-colonel H. S. Keating, of his Majesty's 56th foot, was, in 1809, des- patched from India, with a small force, to occupy the Island of Eodriguez, about one hundred miles distant from the Mauritius. On his arrival he found only two families on the island, and of course took possession of it without difficulty. After some time spent in acquiring a perfect knowledge of the coast. Commodore Eowley resolved to make an attack upon the town of St. Paul's, the chief port of the Isle of Bourbon, and for this purpose re- quested the co-operation of Colonel Keating. A detachment was forthwith embarked from Eodriguez to join Commodore Eowley off Port Louis, the capital of the Mauritius. On the evening of the 19th of September, the force destined for the attack stood for the Isle of Bourbon, and, on the following morn- ing, disembarked to the southward of Point de Gallotte, seven miles from St. Paul's, The landing was effected with great dexterity, and the troops immediately commenced a forced march, in order, if possible, to cross the cause- ways extending over the lake or pond of St. Paul's before the enemy discovered their de- barkation. In this they succeeded ; and they had the further good fortune of passing the strongest position of the enemy before the French had time to form in sufficient force. By seven o'clock, the assailants were in pos- session of the first two batteries, Lambousi^re and La Centifere, and the guns were forthwith turned against the enemy's shipping, whose well-directed fire of gi'ape, from within pistol- shot of the shore, had greatly annoyed the British force. A detachment, consisting of the second column, under Captain Imlack, of the Bombay infantry, was now despatched to take posses- sion of the third battery, La Neuve, which the enemy had abandoned ; but, on its way, it fell in with the main force of the enemy, strongly posted within stone walls, with eight six-pounders on its flanks. They were charged in gallant style, but without driving them from their position. Captain Harvey, with the third column, then moved to support Captain Imlack, and succeeded in taking two of the enemy's guns. The action now became warm and general. The French were reinforced from the hills and from the ships in the harbour — the British by the advance of the reserve, A.D. 1810.] CAPTAIN WILLOUGHBY'S EXPLOIT. 365 which had previously covered the batteries. The guns of the first and second batteries were spiked, and the third was occupied by seamen under the command of Captain Willoughby, who soon opened its fire upon the shipping. The enemy now gave way, the fourth and fifth batteries were won without resistance, and at half-past eight the town of St. Paul's was in the possession of the British. Till this period the naval force had been compelled to remain inactive, as they could not venture to attack the enemy's ships, lest they should annoy the British troops, who were within range. They now stood in. Captain Pym taking the lead, and* opened their fire upon the enemy's ships, all of which cut their cables and drifted on shore. The seamen, however, succeeded in heaving them off with- out any material injury. The force by which this brilliant exploit was achieved was inconsiderable. The detachment embarked from Eodrignez consisted of only three hundred and sixty-eight officers and men. It was strengthened by one hundred seamen and one hundred and thirty-six marines from the blockading squadron ; thus making a total of six hundred and four. The victory was gained with the comparatively trifling loss of fifteen killed, fifty-eight wounded, and three missing. The success which attended the attempt seems to have paralyzed the enemy. General r)es Brusles, the commander of the island, marched from the capital, St. Denis, to repel the invaders, and on the evening of the 22nd of September appeared with considerable force on the bills above St. Paul's ; but, either from overrating the numbers of the British, or from some other cause, at which it were vain to guess, he retreated, and terminated his career by shooting himself. He left behind him a paper, which sufficiently illustrates the state of his feelings, though it but imperfectly accounts for his despair of success. It was to this effect :-^" I will not be a traitor to my country. I will not, in consequence of what I foresee from the hatred and ambition of some individuals, who are attached to a revolution- ary sect, sacrifice the inhabitants in the useless defence of an open colony. Death awaits me on the scaffold. I prefer giving it myself: and I recommend my wife and children to Providence, and to those who can feel for them." Judging from the temper with which Buona- parte was accustomed to regard unsuccessful commanders, the apprehensions of General Des Brusles cannot be considered unreason- able. It is gratifying to know that his wishes with regard to his family were not disap- pointed; they found in the British com- mander those humane and generous feelings which their deceased protector had invoked on their behalf. The widow of the general having expressed a wish to go to her own family at the Mauritius, Commodore Bowley immediately appointed a vessel, with a cartel flag, to convey her thither, with her children, servants, and effects. The career of the small British force had been highly brilliant, and, in addition to its actual achievements, it bad obviously inspired a degree of terror altogether disproportioned to its extent; but it was quite unequal to undertake the conquest of the island ; and this result formed no part of the plan of those who projected the attack. In the destruction of the batteries and the capture of the ship- ping in the harbour, a part of which were prizes which had been recently taken by the enemy, all that was sought for was attained. As much public property as could be carried away was embarked, the remainder was des- troyed, and the island for a while abandoned ; the squadron resuming its usual occupation, and Colonel Keating, with his troops, return- ing to Bodriguez. In the following year, preparations were made for a serious attempt to annihilate the French power in the Indian seas ; an attempt encouraged by the success of a desultory but brilliant exploit achieved by Captain Wil- loughby, who, at the head of about a hundred of the crew of the Nereide, which he com- manded, landed at Jacolet in the Mauritius. The landing was effected under the fire of two batteries, and, as the assailants formed on the beach, they became exposed to a heavy dis- charge of musketry ; but in ten minutes the first battery was in their possession, and having spiked the guns, they marched to the guard-house, which was protected by ten field- pieces, some regular troops, and a strong de- tachment of artillery. They were charged by Captain Willoughby and his little band, and immediately gave way, abandoning their guns and their commanding officer, who was made prisoner in the act of spiking them. The British then pushed on to the second and stronger battery, to gain which they had to pass the river Le Goulet, swollen and greatly increased in rapidity by heavy rains. The difficulty of crossing the river having been conquered, the battery was immediately car- ried, and the commander taken. Here, as before, the guns were spiked, and the party were about to return to their first ship, when the troops which had fled from the battery again appeared, strongly reinforced by militia and irregulars. Captain Willoughby advanced to wardsthem, and on his comiug within musket- shot they opened their fire. Suspecting that they would again have recourse to flight, the British commander made an oblique move- ment, with the intention of getting into their rear ; but the moment this was discovered by the militia they fled, followed by the regulars, with a celerity that defied pursuit. Finally, Captain Willoughby burnt the signal-house and flag-staff, and, carrying with him some field-pieces and stores, re-embarked vrith all his men except one, who was killed. The organized system of operations against the French islands was not acted upon until 366 OPERATIONS AGAINST BOURBON. [A.D. 1810. later in the year. The first step was to renew the attempt against the Isle of Bourbon, with sufScient strength to take and retain possession of that colony. For this purpose, the force at Rodriguez, under command of Colonel Keating, was augmented from the three presi- dencies to the number of three thousand six hundred and fifty rank and file, of whom about one-half were Europeans. Colonel Keating had been long occupied in training his troops, at Rodriguez, to the service to -which they were destined, Mcustoming them to a country intersected with ravines and precipices, like that in which they were about to act. The transports, which conveyed the reinforcements, arrived off Rodriguez on the 20th of June ; but the unfavourable state of the weather detained the expedition from pro- ceeding until the 3rd of July. Before it sailed. Colonel Keating communicated to the commanders of brigades the information he had acquired as to the enemy's strength and position, and his own determination as to the mode of operations. This, in his own words, was " to strike the first blow at the heart of the enemy," to gain possession of the capital, and let further proceedings be guided by cir- cumstances. Every thing during the night, or before daylight, was to be carried by the bayonet. Colonel Keating judiciously con- cluding that the French island force, trained in a system of firing from behind walls and houses, and from the opposite side of im- passable ravines, would never be brought to stand against English bayonets. On the 6th of July, the whole of the ex- pedition came to a rendezvous about fifty miles to the windward of the Isle of Bourbon, when part of the troops were removed from the transports on board his Majesty's squad- ron, consisting of the Boadicea, the Sirius, the Iphigeniaf the Magidetme, and the JVereide^ Tinder the command of Commodore Rowley, which immediately stood for the difierent points of debarkation. On the afternoon of the 7th, most of the ships had arrived at their destined stations off the island, and prepara- tions were made for landing the troops. This was effected to some extent. Captain Pym landed the whole of the troops on board his frigate, the Sirius, at Grande Chaloupe, a parti of the beach about six miles to the west- ward of St. Denis, the capital of the island ; and Lieutenant Watling, of that frigate, with his men, took possession of a neighbouring height, thereby preventing reinforcements being sent to St. Denis fi'om the neighbour- ing town of St. Paul's. The other point of descent was the Riviere de Pluies, about three miles to the eastward of St. Denis. The beach on that side of the island is composed of large shingle, steep and difficult of access, and the wind, which is very uncertain in these latitudes, suddenly and violently increasing, the surf rose to an unex- pected height. Captain Willoughby, ever the first at the post of danger, pushed off, with a party of seamen and a detachment of troops, in the Eatafette, prize schooner. A few boats followed, and the men were landed with the loss of only four ; but the schooner and several of the boats were dashed to pieces in the surf. Another small body of troops effected a landing somewhat more to the right, under Lieutenant-colonel William Macleod, of his Majesty's 69th Foot. A small transport was placed upon the beach to act as a break- water, in the hope that the men might be enabled to land over her stern or under her lee : this was ably performed by Lieutenant Lloyd, of the Boadicea; but the violence of the weather, and the natural difficulties of the situation, frustrated the success of the attempt, and it was found impossible to land any more troops that evening. Those who had succeeded in landing had lost a con- siderable part of their arms, and all their ammunition was damaged. • It now became an object of importance to communicate with the detachment on shore, but all hope of doing so seemed cut off by the circumstances which suspended the landing of the troops. In this emergency the. desired means of communication were furnished by that unconquerable spirit which our country- men have so often displayed under circum- stances which almost justify despair. Lieu- tenant Foulstone, of the 69th regiment, volun- teered to swim to shore : bis offer was ac- cepted ; he made the attempt, and succeeded, by diving under the surf, from whence he was dragged by a boat-hook. By the gallantry of this high-spirited officer, orders were conveyed to Colonel Macleod, the senior officer of the detachment on shore, to take ' possession of St. Marie for the night. That officer im- mediately marched with his slender force, and carried the fort at the point of the bayonet. The impracticability of disembarking any more troops to the windward, during the existing state of the weather, being apparent, it was resolved to despatch the remainder to Grande Chaloupe, where the landing was suc- cessfully effected. In the meantime, the brigade under Lieute- nant-colonel Hastings Eraser, 86th Foot, which had previously landed at Grande Chaloupe, had pushed forward a party, the commanding officer leading the way, to dislodge a body of riflemen who occupied the heights and kept up a harassing fire. This was soon accom- plished, and the brigade moved rapidly over the mountains towards St. Denis. They halted there during the night, then began to descend at four o'clock on the following morning, having in the interval been joined by sepoys, pioneers, and artillery. They found the enemy drawn up on the plain in two columns, each with a field-piece at its head, supported by some heavy cannon on the redoubt. A severe fire of ordnance and musketry was opened upon the British force, who, however, advanced in admira,ble order. On reaching the plain, ordei'S were given to A.D. 1810.] SUEEENDEE OF THE ISLAND. 367 charge. The French remained steadily at their guns until the British grenadiers carae in contact with them, when finding that the thunder of their ordnance was to be met with the silent but deadly thrust of the bayonet, they retired and attempted to form behind the parapet of the redoubt. From this they were speedily driven by the weapon they so much dreaded ; the British colours were hoisted on the top of the redoubt, two guns which had been spiked were rendered service- able and turned against the enemy, and the batteries to the west of the river St. Denis were stormed and demolished. Thus the main force of the island was totally defeated by a body of troops not amounting to six hundred' men. The commandant, Colonel St. Susanne, escaped with difficulty, and the officer second in command was wounded and made pri- soner. About two o'clock in the afternoon, a brigade under Lieutenant-colonel Edward Drummond, of the king's 86th, which had been landed that morning at Grande Cha- loupe, arrived in sight of St. Denis, after a severe march over the mountains, harassed by the enemy's chasseurs, who hung upon their flanks. As they approached, they were exposed to a heavy fire of cannon, grape, shells, and musketry from the town, without a possibility of either returning or avoiding it. Colonel Eraser, however, kept up a brisk fire upon the town from the redoubt. About fqur o'clock, he was joined by Colonel Drummond's brigade ; and Colonel Keating, who had landed at noon with the rest of the troops, appeared on the heights. Preparations were now made for a simultaneous attack upon the place, when, at the very moment of advance, a flag of truce arrived to treat for the surrender of the island, Colonel Eraser having refused to negotiate on any other terms. The articles of capitulation stipulated for the immediate evacuation of all the military posts and the surrender of all public stores ; the troops of the line and Garde Nationale to march out with the honours of war ; the former to surrender as prisoners, the officers being allowed to retain their swords and military decorations, and embarked, as well as the troops, either for England or the Cape, with the exception of the commandant, St. Susanne, who was to be allowed to depart either to France or the Mauritius on his parole of honour. To these a provision was added, that funeral honours should be paid to the French officers who had fallen, accord- ing to their respective rank. The laws, customs, and religion of the inhabitants, as well as their private property, were to be respected. "The ordnance found at St. Paul's and St. Denis amounted to one hundred and forty- five pieces of heavy artillery. The loss sustained in making the conquest was slight ; eighteen killed, seventy-nine wounded, and four drowned in landing. That of the enemy was never precisely ascertained, but it was very considerable. The capture of the Island of Bourbon was principally desired as a preliminary to that of the still more important settlement of the Mauritius; and in anticipation of our attempts upon that island, Mr. Farquhar, the English governor of the Isle of Bourbon, published an address to the inhabitants of the Mauritius, the distribution of which he found means of effecting from the He du Passe, which had been taken possession of by a party from his Majesty's cruizers. This acquisition was made in a very brilliant manner. Five boats from the Sirms and the IpMgenia proceeded on the night of the 13th of August to the landing- place on the north-west side of the island, which was defended by a chevaux-de-frise and two howitzers. To gain this spot, it was necessary to pass a battery of several guns, and fortunately the attempt was favoured by a heavy cloud suddenly obscuring the moon, which had previously been shining with great brightness. Before, however, the boats reached the landing-place, the enemy discovered and commenced firing upon them : two men were killed and several wounded, but, nothing daunted, the assailants advanced and landed. Lieutenant Norman, in attempting to scale the works, was shot through the heart by a sentinel above : he was immediately shot by one of the seamen, who, headed by Lieutenant Watling, speedily ascended the walls. A brief but warm encounter followed, in which the British had seven men killed and eighteen wounded ; but they succeeded in obtaining possession of the walls. Lieutenant Watling then proceeded to attack the batteries on the south-east side, where he was met by Lieu- tenant Chads, who had landed at another point and stormed and carried the works there without the loss of a man. The two parties being united, the French commandant offered no further resistance, but surrendered at discretion. The island was intrusted to the charge of Captain Willoughby, who availed himself of its proximity to the Mauritius to pay visits to the coasts of the latter. His first attack was upon Point du Diable, which was stormed and carried ; the French commander and three of his men killed, and three gunners made prisoners. The guns were spiked, the car- riages burnt, and the magazine blown up ; after which Captain Willoughby moved on to Grand Port, a distance of twelve miles. He remained on the island until sunset, and a strong party of the enemy, which attacked him, were put to the rout with the loss of six men. On another occasion he destroyed the signal-house and staff at Grand Riviere, blew up the remaining works at Point da Diable, and retired without molestation. The British arms had hitherto been emi- nently successfiil, but the flattering hopes which their success had called forth now sustained a severe check by a series of dis- 368 NAVAL DISASTERS. [A.D.1830. asters, which for a time gave the enemy the dominion of the Indian seas. Among other prizes they succeeded in capturing the Wind- ham and Ceylon, East-Indiamen. These ships, ■with another Company's ship, the Aatell, were sailing' for Madras, when they were attacked by a French squadron under Commodore Duperre. The Indiamen maintained a very gallant and hard-fought contest with a very superior force for several hours ; when the Windham and the Ceylon, having sustained serious loss in killed and wounded, and much injury in their hulls, masts, and rigging, were compelled to strike. The Astell, after taking its share in the unequal struggle, effected its escape under cover of the darkness of the night. The Trench account of this transac- tion was marked with that bad faith which has too often characterized the official state- ments of our neighbours, and which was almost universal during the reign of Buona- parte : it asserted that the Astell had struck her colours previously to her escape — an accusation which the captain and his officers publicly refuted. The success of the enemy was not restricted to encounters with merchant ships. The French squadron, with the two Indiamen, their prizes, ran for Port Sud-Est, in the Mauritius, at the entrance of which lay the lie du Fasse, which the English had occupied and garrisoned. Four British frigates were alsocruizing off the station, and in the attempt to make the port, the Windham East-India- man was turned and recaptured by the Sirims, Captain Pym. Having despatched his prize to Bourbon, that officer formed the design of attacking the French squadron in the harbour ; but, not being sufficiently aware of the diffi- culties of the navigation, the attempt termi- nated in defeat and serious loss. Three of the ships took the ground, and the fourth was prevented from closing with the enemy. These unfortunate occurrences enabled the foe to open all their guns upon a single vessel, the Nereide, commanded by Captain Willoughby. The fortitude and courage displayed by this officer and his crew were beyond all praise, and probably have never been surpassed. Deprived of all efficient assistance from the other frigates, the Nereide singly maintained the contest for the almost incredible space of ten hours. Captain Willoughby lost an eye, and was otherwise dreadfully injured in the head. A boat was sent from the Sirius to bring him off, but he declared he would neither abandon his men, nor strike the British flag while there was a man on board able to support it. He kept his word — ^he fought the ship till every man of her whole crew, consisting of two hundred and eighty, was either killed or wounded ; and when the enemy took possession of their dearly-pur- chased prize, they found only a miserable wreck, peopled with the maimed, the dying, and the dead. Of the remaining vessels, two, the Sirms and Magidemm, were so situated that their abandonment became necessary, and after set- ting fire to them, their respective crews were landed on the lie du Passe ; the fourth, the Iphigenia, was, with some difficulty, warped up to that anchorage, the enemy making no attempt to prevent her. In this situation she lay, without the power of removing from it, while the state of the little garrison at the isle became every day more forlorn ; their stock, both of provisions and water, was low, and they had no prospect of receiving succour. To complete their distress, they were block- aded by a French force ; and as their means of subsistence were almost at an end, and escape was impossible, they were compelled to sur- render. No one object of this unfortunate attempt was achieved; its disastrous issue was com- plete : all the vessels engaged in it were either destroyed, or fell into the hands of the enemy. But though, as it subsequently appeared, the undertaking was ill-judged, the conduct of those engaged in it was such as to enable their countrymen to call up the recollection, even of discomfiture, without a blush. Heroism like that displayed by Captain Willoughby and his intrepid comrades sheds over defeat the lustre of victory. Amid scenes of blood and suffer- ing far surpassing the ordinary horrors of war- fare, these gallant spirits were insensible to everything but their own duty and their coun- try's honour. Never was duty more devotedly performed, never was honour more com- pletely sustained. The record of disaster, though drawing to a close, is not yet entirely complete. The Africaine frigate was taken by the enemy, after a severe action, in which her commander fell ; and another frigate, the Ceylon, shared the same fate. This vessel, having on board General Aberorombie, appointed by the go- vernor-general to take the command of the troops destined for the reduction of the Mauritius, fell in with some French cruizers off the Island of Bourbon. An action ensued, which was gallantly maintained for five hours, when the Ceylon, being dismasted and rendered ungovernable by this and other causes, was compelled to yield to adverse fortune and overwhelming force. It is said that the French commander observed, that he should have the honour ot introducing General Abercrombie to the governor of the Isle of France sooner than he had expected. But this honour he was not destined to enjoy. In a few hours the Ceylon was retaken by the English, when the general, thanking M. Hamelen for his kind intention, said he felt extremely happy in being able to return the compliment, by intro- ducing him to Commodore Rowley. The necessity of wresting the Mauritius from the enemy now became more than ever appa- rent, and preparations for the attempt were carried on with renewed vigour. On the 14th of .October, Commodore Rowley sailed with a gallant squadron from the harbour of St. A.D. 1810.] EXPEDITION AGAINST THE MAURITIUS. 869 Paul's, to resume the blockade of tlie Mauri- tius, taking witli him Major-general Aber- crombie, to reconnoitre the situation of the French colony, and concert the necessary mea- sures for its reduction. He arrived off Port Louis on the 19th, where he found the whole of the enemy's naval force at anchor in the port, two only of the ships being in a state of apparent readiness for sea. Having left a sufficient force to watch the enemy's movements and blockade the port, he proceeded to Rodriguez, where the different divisions destined for the attack on the Mau- ritius were appointed to assemble. He found that the troops from Bombay had already reached their destination. They were soon followed by those from Madras ; but the non- arrival of the divisions from Bengal and the Cape at the expected time, was a source of great disappointment and anxiety, as the stormy season was approaching, and in the event of unfavourable weather the danger to the fleet would be extreme. He therefore suggested to the general the propriety of standing out to sea with the troops already assembled, and cruizing to the windward of the French island, to await the junction of one or both of the divisions so anxiously looked for. To this suggestion the general assented, and the 22nd November was fixed for the depar- ture of the fleet from RodriguSz. Everything was in readiness on the previous evening, when the welcome intelligence was received that the Bengal division was seen in the offing. That not a moment might be lost, it was resolved that the convoys just arrived should be supplied with the requisite provisions from the beach and shipping, and, without drop- ping anchor, be ordered to accompany the fleet then getting under weigh ; and soon after, the fleet, consisting of nearly seventy sail, stood from the anchorage of Rodriguez to the selected point of debarkation. The coasts ot the Mauritius are beset by dangerous reefs, and the island has only two good harbours. That called Port Sud-est, which was principally used by the Dutch, is the more capacious, and being on the wind- ward side of the island, it is the easier of entrance, as well as the more healthy ; but the wind almost perpetually blowing in, the difficulty of getting ships out counterbalances the advantage offered by the iacility with which they can enter. For this reason. Port Nord-ouest was preferred by the French when the Mauritius came into their possession, and there, during the administration of Mah^ de la Bourdonnais, who was governor from 1734 to 1766, the only town in the island was erected, in a narrow valley at the head of the harbour. This henceforward was the seat of government, and the port and town were denominated Port Louis. The Portuguese, by whom the island was discovered, do not appear ever to have taken possession of it. It was first occupied by the Dutch, in the seventeenth century, who gave it the name of Mauritius, in honour of Prince Maurice of Nassau. These indefatigable traders are said to have been driven out of the island by the swarms of rats with which it was infested, and it is certain that they abandoned it about the year 1710. Whether the French had less dread of the disagreeable quadrupeds which had conquered their prede- cessors, or possessed better means of contend- ing with them, is not recorded ; but they took possession of the island after it was forsaken by the Dutch, and aways attached great im- portance to it. Raynal dwells enthusiastically upon its political and commercial advantages, and especially on its value as the means of upholding French dominion in the East. The statesmen of France had participated in, this feeling, and much labour had been employed to place Port Louis in a posture of defence. They seem, however, to have relied too im- plicitly upon the reef which surrounds the island, and to have concluded too hastily, that the town would only be attacked by sea. To guard against such an attack, works of con- siderable strength were constructed. As the approach of the English was not unexpected, additional means of defence were resorted to, and the fortifications on the sea side placed in such a state as to render an attack an act of extreme temerity ; but the means of defence on the land side seem to have been, in a great degree, neglected. i'he advantages of superior knowledge of the coast were now manifest. The French had supposed that the reefs which surround the island rendered it impregnable, and that the depth of water without the reef rendered it impossible for a fleet of transports to find anchorage. These impressions were not un- known to the British commanders; but, in- stead of supinely acquiescing in the popular belief, they took measures for ascertaining its accuracy. Every part of the leeward side was examined, and sounded with the most minute and scrupulous attention. This service was performed by Captain Paterson, of his Majesty's ship Hesper, and Lieutenant Street, command- ing the government armed ship Emma. The soundings were taken in the night, to avoid observation, and it was by these means dis- covered that a fleet might safely anchor in a narrow strait between an islet called the Gunner's Coin and the main land, and that there were also openings in the reef there, thi'ough which several boats might enter abreast. The only objection to this place of debarkation was its distance from Port Louis ; but this was not to be placed in competition with its manifold advantages. On the morning of the 29th, the English fleet came to anchor in the strait. Two brigs, which drew but little water, anchored on the reef, within a hundred yards of the beach, to cover the landing ; the conduct of which was intrusted to Captain Philip Beaver, of the Niam frigate. Soon after one o'clock the de- barkation commence^ and in three hours, ten 2 B 370 SDERENDER OF THE MATJEITIUS. [a.d. 1810. thousand men, with their guns, stores, ammu- nition, and three days' provisions, were landed, without the slightest loss, or even a single accident. The enemy appear to have been astonished by the boldness and novelty of the attempt. On the first appearance of the British fleet they abandoned a fort called Malastrie, the only fortified place in the vicinity. The landing having been thus hap- pily effected, no time was lost in following up the success which had attended it. The troops were instantly put in motion, to prevent the enemy from gaining possession of a thick wood which lay on the road, and using the means which it afforded of harassing the flanks of the invading army. On reaching it, the advanced guard fell in with a pioquet of the retreating corps, which, after a feeble attempt to dispute the passage, was driven from its position. This was the only oppo- sition encountered till the columns reached the more open country. About midnight they halted, and before daybreak resumed their march. It was the intention of General Abercrombie not to halt again till he was before Port Louis, but the march of the pre- ceding day, though short, had been so ex- tremely harassing, that his intention could not be persevered in. The men were greatly exhausted by their previous exertions, their way having lain for four miles among thick brushwood, through which the artillery and stores had to be dragged, with a degree of labour almost intolerable. The inconvenience arising from the heat of the weather was increased by a deficiency of water. Several men and two officers had sunk under their exertions, and were left dead on the march. It was fortunate that these harassing circumstances were not aggravated by any operations of the enemy ; but the con- dition of the troops rendered it obviously imprudent to attempt to reach Port Louis without rest. About noon, therefore, a posi- tion was taken up at Moulin-k-Poudre, on a gentle elevation, a wood stretching along its front and extending with some intei-vals to Port Louis, five miles distant. In the after- noon, the French general, de Caen, with a party of cavalry and riflemen, approached the British lines to reconnoitre, and surprised a small picquet. They were driven back and pursued by some light companies. A few men were killed, and the general himself received a contusion from a ball. Before daylight on the following day, a brigade, under the command of Lieutenant- colonel William Macleod, was detached to attack some batteries, the possession of which was necessary to enable the troops to draw their supplies from the fleet. Some of the batteries had already yielded to our seamen ; the remainder were evacuated as the troops approached. At five o'clock, the main body of the troops was put in motion. It shortly afterwards encountered a corps of the enemy, who, with several field-pieces, had taken up a strong position, very favourable for making an attack on the head of the column. The march of the British troops lay along a narrow road with a thick wood on each flank. On meeting the enemy, the European flank battalion, which composed the advance guard, formed with as much regularity as the had and broken ground would admit, and charged the enemy with such spirit as compelled them to retire with the loss of their guns, and many killed and wounded ; but this advantage was obtained by the fall of Colonel John Campbell, of the king's 33rd, and Major O'Keefe, of the royals, two ofiicers of distinguished ability. There was a signal-post on a hill, called the Vivebot, from whence every movement of the enemy could be discerned. The French being driven from their position, a corps ascended this eminence, removed the enemy's flag, and hoisted the British ensign in its place ; which was then, for the first time, planted in the Mauritius. The weather still continued oppressive, and the troops were greatly exhausted. These circumstances, combined with the lateness of the day, rendered desirable a suspension of active operations until the morning, when a general attack was determined upon. During the night a mistake occurred which was pro- ductive of unfortunate results. A party of marines arrived to join the British force ; they were dressed, as customary in India, in white and blue, and in the darkness were unhappily mistaken for French soldiers. An alarm was given, several corps stood to their arms, some gave fire, and the consequence was, that many were wounded, and a few killed. But misap- prehension was not confined to the British : the enemy were likewise disturbed by a false alarm, during which, it has been said, the National Guards betrayed such a degree of irresolution as had considerable effect in deter- mining the events of the following day. On the approach of morning, preparations were made for the intended attack ; but they were interrupted by the arrival of a flag of truce from General de Caen, offering to capitu- late upon conditions. Three of the conditions were, that the troops and seamen should be sent to France ; that the four frigates and two corvettes in the harbour should be retained by the French ; and that inventories should be taken of all the articles belonging to the French emperor, and such articles restored to him at the conclusion of peace. The articles which stipulated for the restora- tion of the shipping and the property of the French emperor were rejected ; that which claimed for the enemy's troops and seamen immunity from the ordinary fate of the vanquished, was assented to — a fact which could not fail to create surprise in all acquainted with the relative situations of the invading and defending forces ; while it was equally calculated to excite regret, not unmixed with indignation, in all who valued the honour of the British arms. A.D. 1810.] ATTACK ON PERSIAN PIRATES. 371 The prize waa gained at a comparatively small cost. Our loss amonnted to only twenty-nine killed, ninety-nine wounded, and forty-five missing. The conquest placed in our possession a large quantity of ordnance and shipping — some of the latter of great value, the island having long been the dep6t for the prizes made by the French privateers in the Indian seas. At home, the island waa justly regarded as a most valuable acquisition, but the terms upon which it was obtained excited general disgust, and became the subject both of private and public reprobation. The Mauritius is still ours, but the island of Bourbon was, at the peace of 1814, restored to the French, This has been the usual course of events — what we have gained by our arms, we have lost by our diplomacy ; our soldiers and seamen having poured out their blood in the purchase of conquests to be calmly yielded up by the liberality or the incompetence of our statesmen. The island of Bourbon is, from its position, of less importance than the Mauritius, but the possession of both is necessary to the security of our eastern possessions and commerce ; and, by surrendering one, we have compromised our power of retaining the other. In the event of a war, it will be a question whether the French shall recover the Mauritius, or the English the isle of Bourbon. The dominion of the Indian seas we ought never to have surrendered ; it is an essential appendage to our commercial greatness and to the safety of our Asiatic empire. Never was a more mis- taken policy, than to settle a probable enemy upon the road to our most valuable posses- sions, and in the immediate neighbourhood of the colony which is the key, as itwere, to them. It is creditable to Lord Minto that, while he held the office of governor-general, his attention was directed, with laudable perse- verance, to the reduction of the power of the enemy in the east. He understood the value of our Indian possessions, and he felt the necessity of securing them. But before re- cording other instances of his wise and vigor- ous policy with regard to the territorial pos- sessions of the European enemies of Great Britain, it will be necessary to make brief reference to some minor incidents of his ad- ministration. The pirates in the Persian Gulf had, from time immemorial, pursued their avocations greatly to the injury of the country trade. An outrage committed on the crew and pas- sengers of an English ship, named the Mmerva, at length roused the attention of the British government to the evil, and called forth measures for its suppression. In the case of the Minerva, the piratical captors, not content with plundering the ship and crew, had com- pelled their male prisoners to submit to be initiated into the Mahometan religion, while some females who were on board were sub- jected to the last extremity of brutal outrage. To chastise the ruffianly perpetrators of these enormities a small expedition was despatched from Bombay. The first object of attack waa the fort of Mallia, situate within the tribu- tary dependencies of the Guicowar, an ally of the British government, but who was unable to restrain the predatory propensities of those who found refuge and protection wi#iin its walls. Mallia, in common with a multiplicity of forts in India, enjoyed the reputation of being impregnable. Here, as in numerous other instances, the charm was broken by the success of a small English force, who, after carrying the outer fort by storm, were ad- mitted to possession of the inner fort by the flight of the enemy. Subsequently, Rus-ul- kima, the port and arsenal of the pirates, was attacked, the enemy driven from the town, and kept out of possession for a sufficient period to allow the assailants to epike the guns, blow up the magazines, and set fire to the vessels in the harbour, great and small, amounting to about seventy in number. After visiting some of the inferior stations of the pirates, the British, in conjunction with a force despatched by the Imaum of Muscat, attacked the fort of Scheenaas, and, after overcoming a desperate resistance, carried it by storm. The labours of the expe- dition were now at an end, for at the remaining stations the pirates saved their chastisers all trouble by burning their craft and taking flight. In the interior of India some alarm waa ex- cited by the movements of Ameer Khan. After the conclusion of peace, Holkar had no further occasion for the services of this adven- turer ; but the desire for separation was not reciprocal. Ameer Khan, whether employed or not, required the means of subsisting his troops, and, to relieve himself from the bur- then, Holkar permitted the Patau chief ts levy contributions in his name upon such states as were too weak to resist the demand. Holkar became insane, and this increased the power and audacity of Ameer Khan, who advanced to the frontier of the rajah of Berar, under pretence of an old claim to jewels, alleged to have been taken by the rajah ttam Holkar. The British government deemed it necessary to despatch troops, under Colonel Close and Colonel Martindell, to repel probable danger, and Ameer Khan retreated. The movements of the British forces were marked by much military judgment, but no striking incident ; and the retreat of the enemy against whom they bad marched deprived them of the opportunity of action. Notwithstanding the course which events had taken, it was, how- ever deemed advisable to station a force per- manently on the Nerbudda. We now turn to affairs of greater dignity than the suppression of pirates or the holding fi:eebooters in check. The subjection of the republic of the United Provinces to the do- minion of France had placed the colonial pos- sessions of the Dutch in the hands of England's most inveterate foe. Among the more impor- 2 B 2 372 SURRENDER OF THE MOLUCCAS. [a.d. 1810. tant of these were the Molucca Islands and the settlements in Java. The British cabinet suggested the blockading of those places ; the more vigorous policy of Lord Miuto planned and directed their conquest. They were in succession attacked with the same spirit that was displayed in the movements against the French islands, and with similar results. The first attack was on the island of Am- boyna, a place which has attained an infamous celebrity, from the atrocities of which it was once the scene. The island had been taken by the British during the first war with revo- lutionary France, but was restored at the peace of Amiens: jince that period, it was under- stood that the means of defence had been greatly augmented, and that several additional works had been raised at considerable labour and cost. The principal fortress had, how- ever, the radical defect of being overlooked and commanded by eminences of superior height. The naval part of the expedition de- signed for the reduction of Amboy na consisted of the Dover, Captain Tucker, the Coi-nwallis, Captain Montague, and a sloop commanded by Captain Spencer; the chief command was en- trusted to the first-named officer. The mili- tary force, composed of a part of the Company's Madras European regiment and a small body of artillery, was placed under the command of Captain Court. On the morning of the 16th February, 1810, the plan of attack was arranged by the com- manders, and on the afternoon of that day the expedition was in motion. By a series of very skilful and well-executed manoeuvres the at- tack was kept concealed from the enemy till it was too late to offer any successful resistance to the landing of the British force. When the vessels got under weigh, they stood across the bay, as if intending to work out to sea ; but, by a dexterous management of the sails, they were kept drifting towards the landing-place : the boats in the mean time were all out, with the men in them, but were kept on that side of the ships which was out of the enemy's sight. On approaching within a short distance of the shore, the ships, according to signal, bore up together; and when within about a cable's length of the landing-place, the boats were all slipped at the same moment: the ships immediately opened their fire upon the batteries, and the party in the boats proceeded to land without opposition. The entire force of the British did not much exceed four hun- dred men. It was immediately on its landing formed into two divisions; the first, under Captain Phillips, proceeded to attack one of the batteries, which, though defended with obstinate bravery, was finally canned, and three of the guns brought to bear upon the enemy in his retreat. With the other division of the British force. Captain Court had advanced to dislodge the enemy from the principal fort. It being inex- pedient to make the attack in front, it was necessary to take a circuitous and most fatigu- ing line of march. Vast steeps had to be ascended and descended successively, for five hours, and it was frequently necessary for the men to use their hands to assist their progress, and to trust for safety to the hold which they were able to gain upon the slight and thinly scattered shrubs. These difficulties being sur- mounted, the British reached an eminence which commanded the enemy's position. The persevei'ance which had been displayed seems to have struck the garrison with panic, for they immediately spiked their guns and re- treated. On the following day the island was surrendered to the British force, the number of which has already been mentioned. That of the enemy amounted to about thirteen hun- dred men, and was supported by two hundred and thirty pieces of ordance. The surrender of Amboyna was followed by that of the sub- ordinate islands, five in number. Another brilliant exploit was the capture of Banda Neira, the principal of the spice islands : this took place in August of the same year. The service was performed by Captain Cole, who had been despatched from India with the Caroline, Piedmontaise, and Baracouta, to the support of the division off Amboyna. Captain Cole had requested from Admiral Drury per- mission to attack some of the enemy's settle- ments which lay in his way, and it was granted ; but not without a cautionary intimation of the disproportionate strength of Banda Neira to the means at his disposal. Not dismayed by this warning, 0:lptain Cole departed on his course, and, having obtained from the govern- ment of Penang twenty artillery-men, two field-pieces, and some scaling-ladders, he pro- ceeded into the Java sea, against the south- east monsoon. During the passage, which oc- cupied six weeks, the ship's company were daily exercised in the use of the pike, sword, and small arms, and in mounting the scaling- ladders placed against the masts, as a prepara- tory exercise for any attempt at escalade. On the evening of the 8th of xVuguet the Banda Islands became visible, and preparations were made for an attack. It was intended to run the ships into the harbour before daylight in the morning, but, about ten o'clock, they were suddenly fired upon from the island of Rosi- gen; an occurrence perfectly xmexpected, as the British commander was not aware that the island was fortified. The attempt to take Banda Neira by surprise was thus for the time firustrated ; but, on the following night, it was renewed with signal courage and good fortune. The party destined for the service was about three hundred and ninety strong, but those actually engaged did not exceed two hundred. While the ships were standing towards the land, the men rested with their arms by their sides. At eleven o'clock they were ordered into their boats, and directed to rendezvous close under the lee of the point of Great Banda. The night, however, was dark and stormy, and at three o'clock only a few boats had reached the place appointed, the rest having been A.D. 1811.] CAPTURE OF BANDA NEIKA. 373 driven to leeward. As the success of the at- tack depended upon its taking place under cover of darkness, Captain Cole determined not to wait for the arrival of the remainder of the boats, but to make the attempt without delay. They accordingly pulled for the shore, but within a short distance of it the boats grounded on a coral reef ; and, after labouring through a boisterous night, the men had to wade up to their waists in water. The landing was effected close to a battery of ten guns. This was immediately attacked and carried by the pikemen, the officer and his guard being made prisoners, without the firing of a single shot, although the enemy were at their guns with matches lighted. Though success had crowned their daring, the situation of the British force was now most critical. Daylight was approaching, and the bugles of the enemy were spreading alarm throughout the island. A rapid movement was made towards Fort Belgica, and in twenty minutes the scaling-ladders were placed against the walls. So silent was the march of the British, that the garrison were not aware of their approach till they were within a hundred yards of them. The outworks were speedily carried, and the ladders hauled up, under a sharp fire from the garrison ; but they were found too short for the escalade of the inner walls. A rush was then made for the gate- way, which, at that instant, was opened to ad- mit the colonel-commandant and three other officers, who lived in houses at the foot of the hill. The enemy fired a few guna and kept up a discharge of musketry for about ten or fifteen minutes; they then fled in all direc- tions. A few were killed, and among them the colonel-commandant, who refused to re- ceive quarter, and fell in the gateway, sword in hand: some threw themselves from the walls, but the greater part escaped. A flag of truce was forthwith despatched to Fort Nassau, demanding its surrender. It was answered by the verbal submission of the governor; but the Dutch colours continuing hoisted. Captain Cole despatched a second flag, announcing his determination to lay the place in ashes if they were not immediately struck. This threat, aided by a well-placed shot from Fort Belgica, produced the desired effect, and the handful of Englishmen who had been en- gaged in this gallant enterprise were then un- disputed masters of the island, with its two forts and various batteries, mounting nearly one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, and which had been defended by seven hundred disciplined troops, besides the militia. The only possessions now remaining to the enemy, in the east, were the Island of Java and its dependencies. An extraordinary value had been placed upon these settlements by the Dutch, who used to call Java the most precious jewel in the diadem of the Company, and its capital, Batavia, the queen of the east. Un- fortunately, like most other eastern poten- tates, Batavia was regardless of the lives of her people; for though, soon after its founda- tion, this settlement had been pronounced as healthy as any part of the Indies, experience has shown that it is, beyond all places in the world, destructive to the lives of Europeans. This circumstance was regarded by the Dutch as an advantage, the terror of the climate af- ' fording, as they supposed, a sufficient defence against any hostile attempt. But such a de- fence was no longer relied on when its sove- reignty was transferred from the Dutch to the French. The skill which the latter people so eminently possessed in the art of war was called into operation at Batavia ; and a con- siderable body of French troops, officers, and engineers, was sent out for its defence. The reduction of the Dutch settlements was first suggested to Lord Minto by Mr. Raffles, and his lordship was induced, by the informa- tion brought to his notice, to determine on the attempt upon his own responsibility. This was previous to ihe capture of the French islands. In the m^an time the governor- general received from home a qualified approval of his meditated operations against Batavia. The views of the home authorities, however, extended no further than to the expulsion of the Dutch, the destruction of their fortifica- tions, and the distribution of their arms and stores ; after which it was proposed that we should evacuate the island, resigning posses- sion to the natives. Such a termination of the expedition would have been singularly ill- judged and mischievous. There is not, per- haps, a more dissolute place in the world than Batavia, nor one which contains a larger pro- portion of the elements of crime and disorder. The Malays are sufficiently notorious for per- fidy and cruelty. The Chinese, forming an- other large proportion of the population, less ferocious and blood-thirsty, are generally dis- tinguished by dishonesty and want of prin- ciple, and could scarcely be expected to have forgotten the atrocious murder of their country- men by the Dutch, in 1740. The number of slaves, too, was enormous; many of them having been reduced to captivity by violence and fraud, and almost all treated with great cruelty. These, maddened by their wrongs and sufferings, would eagerly have embraced any opportunity that might have offered for revenge. To withdraw from such a popula- tion the European control by which they had been so long coerced, without substituting in its place any other, would have been to aban- don the colony to all the horrors of insurrec- tion and massacre ; to invite, in another quarter of the world, a repetition of the scenes which had been acted at St. Domingo, or, if possible, something still more frightful and appalling. Lord Minto, therefore, declined acting upon these instructions, and determined, in the event of success, upon establishing such a go- vernment as should be sufficient for the pre- servation of public order. The preparations for the reduction of this last relic of the colonial dominion of the Hoi- 374 EXPEDITION AGAINST JAVA. [A.D. 1811. landers were upon a scale commensurate with the object to be attained. The armament sailed from Malacca, and the governor-general himself accompanied it. It had been objected, that so much time had been consumed in pre- paration, that the favourable season for its departure had been suffered to pass, and that it would have to contend against the adverse monsoon. This danger was obviated by the route chosen for the expedition. On leaving the straits of Singapore it stood across to the western coast of Borneo ; then, under the shelter of the land, and with the assistance of the land wind, made good its course to Pulo- amber, and from thence striking across to Java, made the coast of Point Indermago. The merit of ascertaining the practicability of this passage is attributable to Captain Greig. On the 4th of August, 1811, the expe- dition arrived in the Batavia roads. The army, which was under the command of Sir Samuel Auchmuty, was divided into four brigades, one forming the advance, two the line, and one the reserve. Nominally, the force employed on this expedition amounted to twelve thousand, of which number nearly one half were Europeans ; but so many of the troops were disabled by sickness, that the num- ber capable of service was reduced in a very unusual proportion to the apparent strength. The place of landing was a spot similar, in some respects, to that selected for the purpose at Mauritius ; the natural obstacles which it presented having been considered sufficient to deter an invading army. In consequence of this belief it was left unguarded, and the de- barkation of the troops took place without resistance. The different corps had ground allotted to them, as they landed, on which to form, and as soon as the principal part of each battalion was on shore it proceeded to the position which it was to occupy. The advanced posts were pushed on, and the troops were formed in two lines, one fronting Batavia, and the other Meester Corselis. In the course of the night, a patrol of the enemy's cavalry, accompanied by an aide-de-camp of General Janssens, the governor, galloped into the ad- vanced posts on the Batavia road, where they received the fire of two six-pounders, and that of a picquet of infantry, and retired with the loss of an officer and two or three men. On the following day, the 5th August, the horse-artillery and cavalry were landed, and the position of the army was advanced towards Batavia. On the 6th, the roads to the city, and the country all along the coast, were recon- noitered. From some symptoms manifested in Batavia, the general judged it to be the inten- tion of the enemy to evacuate the city. On the 7th the infantry attached to the advance pushed forward, the only serious, impediment to their progress arising from the destruction of the bridge over the river Anjol. A bridge of boats was constructed, by which a passage was effected late at night ; but, as the troops could only pass over in single file, considerable delay took place. On the following day the burghers of Batavia surrendered the city with- out opposition, the garrison having retreated to Weltevreden. Though the enemy had de- clined an engagement, he had made ample preparations for what may be called passive resistance. The houses were deserted, the bridges broken down, and the conduits which supplied the city with water destroyed. The public storehouses had been burned, and considerable efforts had been made to destroy every species of public property. Happily, some public granaries were preserved, and provisions were abundant. Only a small part of the British force entered the town in the first instance. Their arrival afforded a timely check to the system of depre- dation and destruction which the Malays had commenced, and they succeeded in rescuing several large stores of colonial goods from plunder. Many circumstances combined to excite in the mind of the British authorites a suspicion that the enemy meditated an attack, and this was confirmed by the report of Captain W. Robinson, of the 24th foot, aide-de-camp to Lord Minto, who had been despatched with a summons to General Janssens to surrender the island. He was conducted blindfolded through the lines, but, as he passed along, he heard a considerable movement of men, horses, and artillery-carriages. The answer which he brought back was in the style of gasconade which characterized the military school of revo- lutionary France. It was to the effect, that the governor was a French general, and would defend his charge to the last extremity. Soon after the receipt of the French governor's answer the troops were silently called out, and ordered to lie on their arms in the great square in front of the town-house. They had scarcely reached it when the head of the enemy's column appeared and opened a fire of musketry. Colonel Gillespie sallied out at the head of a party, from a gateway on the west side of the city, with the intention of charging the assail- ants in flank. The firing immediately ceased, and no more was seen or heard of the enemy during the night. It appears that they had calculated upon the British force in the city being less numerous than it really was, and they had also relied on the expectation of disabling our men by means not recognized among the ordinary instruments of warfare. A large quantity of deleterious spirit was stared up in the town, and this the Chinese, in compliance, it was understood, with instruc- tions from the enemy, pressed upon our soldiers instead of water, which was extremely scarce — a proclamation having been issued by the French general, forbidding any family to pos- sess more than one jar of water for their own use. By the judicious and decisive measures of Colonel Gillespie their designs were frus- trated, and the British force was preserved from surprise and destruction. Early on the morning of the 10th of August, A.D. 1811.] REDUCTION OF FORT CORSELIS. 375 the troops, together with the inhabitants, had a narrow escape. A Malay was discovered with a firebrand in his hand, in tlie act of setting light to some wooden magazines containing a considerable quantity of gunpowder. He was taken, and, on the following day, in a spirit of summary justice, hanged. These were not the only acts of similar charaajter which occurred. The commanding officer's quarters were kept by a Frenchman ; and, as an honourable way of serving his country, this man poisoned the coffee prepared for the breakfast of Colonel Gillespie and his staff: the atrocious attempt was nnsuooessful, the effects of the poison having manifested themselves before sufficient of the adulterated beverage had been taken to produce the intended effect. In the hurry of the moment, it is to be lamented that the author of this abominable act escaped. On the loth, Colonel Gillespie advanced with his corps towards the enemy's cantonment at Weltevreden, supported by two flank bat- talions of infantry. They found the canton- ment abandoned, but the enemy was in force at a short distance beyond. Their position was strongly defended by an aiatis, occupied by three thousand of their best troops and four guns, horse artillery. It was promptly attacked by Colonel Gillespie, and, after an obstinate resistance, carried at the point of the bayonet, the enemy's force driven to the shelter of their batteries, and their guns taken. But, though vanquished, the enemy were not entirely subdued. They were greatly superior in numbers to the invading force, and they entrenched themselves in a strong posi- tion between a large river and a broad and deep canal, neither of which was fordable. Their position was further defended by a deep trench strongly palisadoed, seven redoubts, and many batteries. The fort of Meester Corselis was in the centre, and the whole of the works were defended by a numerous and well-organized artillery. The season was far advanced and the heat violent ; and these reasons, combined with the insufficient number of the British troops, determined the general to decline attempting the reduction of the position by regular approaches, and to en- deavour to carry the works by assault. Some batteries were erected, with a view of disabling the principal redoubts : from these a heavy fire ■was kept up for two days with great effect ; and, though answered by a far more numerous artillery, it succeeded in silencing the nearer batteries of the enemy, and considerably dis- turbing their entire position. At dawn of day, on the 26th, the assault was made. It was proposed to surprise one of the redoubts constructed by the enemy beyond the canal, to endeavour to cross the bridge over that water with the fugitives, and then to assault the redoubts within the lines. The enemy was under arms, and prepared for the combat, and General Janssens was in the advanced redoubt when the attack commenced. Colonel Gillespie, after a long ci^tow through a close and intricate country, came on their advance, which he routed almost instantly, and with extraordinary rapidity proceeded, under a heavy fire of grape and musketry, to the advanced redoubt, of which he was soon in possession, He then, in accordance with the proposed plan, passed the bridge, and, after an obstinate resistance, carried with the bayonet a second redoubt. The operations of other columns were directed with equal success against different parts of the works ; but the explosion, either by accident or design, of the magazine of one of the redoubts, de- stroyed a number of brave officers and men, who were crowded on its ramparts, which the enemy had just abandoned. The park of artillery was attacked and carried in a masterly manner, and » body of cavalry, which had formed to defend it, speedily put to flight. A strong body of the enemy, which had taken their position in the lines in front of Fort Cor- selis, were attacked and driven from them, and the fort taken. The enemy was now com- pletely put to flight ; a vigorous pursuit fol- lowed, and the whole of the flying army was either killed, taken, or dispersed. So close was the combat, that in the course of the day almost every officer was engaged hand to hand. Colonel Gillespie, in person, took prisoners two generals and a colonel, and another colonel fell by his hand. General Janssens succeeded with some difficulty in reaching Buitenzorg, a dis- tance of thirty miles, with a few cavalry, the sole remains of an army of ten thousand men. The loss on the part of the British was severe ; that of the enemy still more so. About a thousand bodies were buried in the works, many perished in the river, and many in the flight. Nearly five thousand were mads prisoners, among whom were three general officers, thirty-four field officers, seventy cap- tains, and one hundred and fifty subalterns. In the British army, about one hundred and fifty men, European and native, were killed or missing, and upwards of seven hundred wounded. The conquest of the island might now be considered as achieved : but as General Jans- sens showed no intention of giving up the contest, Sir Samuel Auchmuty prepared to push his success with vigour. Captain Beaver, of the Nims fi:igate, was despatched with a detachment to Cheribon, and, on arriving there, proceeded in the exercise of his duty with great spirit, by summoning the French commander to surrender, allowing him five minutes for decision. The terms he proposed were, that the garrison should be prisoners of war, all public property surrendered, but all private property respected. Immediately after the flag of truce had been despatched, Captain Beaver stood in with the frigate towards the fort. The result was, that the terms were submitted to, the French colours hauled down, the British marines landed, and placed in possession of the iort. 376 CAPTUEE OF JAVA AND MADURA. [A.D. 1811. At this moment the French general, Jomelle, and two other officers, ojie of them an aide-de-camp of the commander-in-chief, arrived with tidings that detachments to suc- cour Cheribon were on their way, and that three hundred infantry and two hundred and fifty cavalry might be hourly expected. But it was too late — the officers were made prisoners, and Captain Beaver, who had not ■waited for the ship which had the troops on board, landed one hundred and fifty seamen to garrison the fort, leaving the marines to act offensively in the field if requisite. The prisoners being all natives except one or two officers, were dismissed to their homes, with an intimation that if afterwards found acting against the British, they would be hanged. It ■was said that this caution did not appear at all to diminish their gratitude for their de- liverance. The marines were then marched to Carong Sambar, thirty-five miles inland, where nine vpaggon-loads of silver and copper money, with stores to a great amount, were deposited. Seven hundred prisoners, including a very large proportion of officers, were taken, with- out the loss of a single man, killed or wounded, during these operations. Sir Samuel Auchmuty having proceeded to Samarang, and being joined there by Admiral Stopford and a few of the troop ships, called upon General Janssens to surrender the island on terms of capitulation. This was refused, and the French general succeeded in making such a show of strength as led Sir Samuel Auchmuty to conclude that it was not ad- visable to assault the fort until further rein- forced. Some fishermen, however, having reported that Janssens was withdrawing his troops into the interior, and had fortified a position a few miles on the road towards Karta Soora, Sir Samuel Auchmuty prepared to attack the town, when it was immediately surrendered. Janssens had retired to the position which he had chosen at Serondel, three miles from Samarang, where he was completing batteries and entrenchments, and where he had suc- ceeded, with the assistance of the native princes, in drawing together a large force. The British commander, having waited in vain for reinforcements, determined upon hazarding an attack, which he entrusted to Colonel Gibbs. In the course of the night one ship arrived, which enabled the European garrison from the fort to join the field force, which was further strengthened by a company of sepoys. But with these additions it only amounted to about eleven hundred infantry, was totally deficient in cavalry, and almost without artillery. At two in the morning, on the 16th of Sep- tember, the troops marched from Samarang ; and, after advancing about six miles, dis- covered the enemy's force. They were at- tacked without delay, their Sank soon turned, and they took to flight in the utmost disorder, pursued by the British force to Onorang, a distance of seven or eight miles. Here it was found that the enemy had halted, and collected in irregular masses. Some cannon from the fort and village opened on the British line as it advanced ; but on the advance of Colonel Gibbs to assault the fort, it was evacuated, and the enemy again fled in confusion. General Janssens retired to Saltiaga, twelve miles south of Onorang, where, abandoned by his native allies, no course was left for him but sub- mission. The negotiation was conducted on the part of Sir Samuel Auchmuty with much firmness, and ended in the surrender of the island, as well as that of the French general, with all that remained of his army, as pri- soners of war. The naval operations were conducted with equal success. Captains George Harris and Fleetwood Pellew, in the &V Francis Drake and Phaeton frigates, succeeded in reducing the French fortress in the island of Madura, and detaching the sultan from the interests of the enemy. This service was performed with extraordinary brilliancy. Leaving their ships at anchor under the isle of Pondok, these officers landed about two miles from Fort Sumanap, and forming their men into columns of sixty bayonets and thirty pikemen each, flanked by two or three pieces of artillery, and with a body of marines for their reserve, they marched with such perfect silence towards the fort, that, though the boats had been seen standing in for shore, the men were not dis- covered till they were through the outer gate. In ten minutes the fort was carried by storm, and several hundred Madura pikemen were made prisoners. At daybreak the natives began to assemble in great numbers, when Captain Harris called on the governor to surrender in ten minutes. In reply, he was required to evacuate the fort within three hours, on peril of having it stormed. The governor commanded three thousand muskets, sixty artillerymen, and about fifteen hundred armed with pike and pistol, and he had four field-pieces planted on a bridge, com- manding a straight road of a quarter of a mile in length, along which the British must pass before they could reach the bridge. Captain Harris, however, determined to attack them. Leaving about fifty men in the fort, he led a body of ninety to turn the Left flank of the enemy, and to make a diversion in favour of Captain Pellew's party, which was to advance as soon as this column should fire the first gun. This bold attempt was entirely successful. Some sharp firing took place while the British columns were advancing, but as soon as they were near enough to charge, the contest was at an end. The governor was made prisoner, and the colours and guns taken. Friendship always follows success ; ,the Sultan of Madura forthwith joined the conquerors, and ofiered four thousand men to assist in attacking Soura- baya ; but this aid was not needed, in con- sequence of the surrender of the whole island. A.D. 1812.] PROCEEDINGS AT PALIMBANG. 377 The appointment of lieutenant-governor was conferred by Lord Minto upon Mr. Eaffles, vpho had preceded the expedition for the pur- pose of collecting information, and to whose judicious advice its success may in a great degree be attributed. The fall of Batavia was followed by an event so remarkable as to deserve notice. The sultan of Palimbang, a chief in the south-eastern part of Sumatra, no sooner re- ceived intelligence of the success of the British arms, than he formed the atrocious resolution of destroying the Dutch resident, and every male person belonging to the factory at Palim- bang, not excepting even children, and of razing the fort to the ground. This horrible scheme he executed, in spite of the remon- strances of some Malay agents of the British overnment, who represented that the destruc- -S8n«>of the fort would be an act of hostility agSir'st those to whom the Dutch establish- ments liad been transferred by right of con- quest. 1L-' number of persons thus wantonly massacred was nearly a hundred, thirty of whom were European-born. The motives which led to this barbarous policy were probably twofold. The Dutch are regarded throughout the Malay states with inveterate hatred, and the feeling is not alto- gether without cause. The sultan perhaps rejoiced in an opportunity of taking signal revenge upon a people towards whom the feeling of hostility was universal and long cherished. He might further think that the circumstances which had occurred presented a favourable opportunity for dissolving all con- nections with European powers. The entire proceeding appears to have been marked by that sinister policy unfortunately so common among the chieftains of the East. The Malay agents alleged that, in the first instance, the sultan compelled them to sign a false report of the transactions, and afterwards, with a view of preventing a disclosure of the real facts, endeavoured to add them to the number of his victims. Previously to these facts becoming known to the government of Java, a mission had been despatched for the purpose of taking charge of the factory at Palimbang, and of making arrangements for the preservation to the British of a monopoly of tin produced in the island of Banca, but on terms far more ad- vantageous to the sultan than those existing under the Dutch government. The mission was received in the most contemptuous man- ner ; the claims of the English to succeed to the rights and privileges of the Dutch were denied, and the sultan even ventured to assert that he had completed his hostile proceedings against the Dutch before the conquest of Java had been achieved. The real character of those proceedings he did not avow ; but re- presented them to be confined to the destruc- tion of the fort and the expulsion of the garrison. This mission, therefore, returned without accomplishing its object. Its arrival was soon followed by that of ambassadors from the sulta.n, who repeated the statements of their master ; but by this time the truth was known, and vigorous measures were deter- mined on, to assert the rights of the British government and punish the faithlessness and cruelties of the sultan. For this purpose, a forSe, consisting of nearly a thousand men, was put in motion, under the command of Colonel Gillespie : it sailed from Batavia on the 20th March, 1812, but its progress was considerably retarded by cou- trai-y winds and currents. On the 3rd of April the fleet reached Hawk's Island, and continued a week at anchor. Tents were pitched on shore, and a number of artificers employed in the completion of the boats in- tended for the passage of the Palimbang river, in constructing platforms for the field-pieces, and in providing shelter for the troops from the oppressive heat of the day and the noxious air of the night. On the 10th of April the fleet got under weigh, and came to anchor on the 15th, opposite the west channel of the Palimbang river. On the arrival of the British force the sultan attempted to negotiate, trans- mitting messages to the commander, filled with expressions of the most profound respect and the warmest attachment to the English nation ; but his treacherous character was too well known to allow of any one being deceived by such professions. Colonel Gillespie refused to treat except with the sultan in person at Palimbang. The expedition accordingly ad- vanced and took possession of the works at Borang ; on learning which the sultan fled, leaving the fort, palace, and city in a state of inconceivable disorder. He had previously re- moved his treasures and his women into the interior. After the occupation of the works at Borang, the troops had been re-embarked ; but, on learning the state of the capital. Colonel Gillespie determined to push on with the light boats, and endeavour to stop the scenes of confusion and carnage which were taking place there. The city, which stretched along the banks of the river for upwards of seven miles, presented to the view of the British an awful scene of murder and pillage. The most dreadful shrieks and yells were heard in all directions, and conflagrations appeared in various places. An eye-witness declares, that "romance never described anything half so hideous, nor has the invention of the imagi- nation ever given representations equally ap- palling." Amid these horrors. Colonel Gilles- pie stepped on shore, accompanied by only seven grenadiers, and proceeded into the city, surrounded by the glittering weapons of ferocious Arabs and treacherous Malaya. One of the latter nation pressed through the crowd, approached the colonel, and was walk- ing by his side, when a large double-edged knife was silently put into his hands by one of his countrymen. He received the instru- ment, and was in the act of concealing it ia 378 PROCEEDINGS AT DJOEJOCAETA. [a.d. 1812. his long loose sleeve, when a sudden flash of lightning discovered it. The man was in- stantly disai'med, and bis murderous design thus frustrated ; but, amid the confusion that prevailed at the moment, he found means to mix in the crowd and escape. On approaching the palace, the horrors of the spectacle were aggravated. The apart- ments had been ransaclced ; the pavements and floors were flowing with blood ; the flames were rapidly consuming all that plunder had spared, and while they were pursuing their devastating career, the crackling of the bamboos is said to have resembled the dis- charge of muslcetry. At intervals, the roofs of the various buildings fell with tremendous crash, and notwithstanding the descent of torrents of rain, the fire continued to spread, and threatened even that part of the palace where the British forces were compelled to take up their temporary abode. This force consisted only of a few grenadiers and seamen, and they were surrounded on all sides by hordes of assassins. The best means of defence were adopted by the little band. At midnight they were joined by a small rein- forcement, under Major French, of the king's 89th foot, and in the morning by another, under Colonel Alexander M'Leod, of the king's 59th. Kesistance was now no longer thought of, and the resolution of Colonel Gillespie had thus, without the loss of a man, placed in the possession of the British the city, fort, and batteries, defended by two hundred and forty-two pieces of cannon. Notwithstanding the subjugation of the Dutch and French power, parts of Java remained in a disturbed state. The sultan of Djoejocarta, one of the most turbulent and intriguing of the native princes, manifested a hostile disposition to the British government ; in consequence of which, Mr. Eafiles, the lieutenant-governor, had proceeded in person to his court, soon after the conquest of the island, with the hope of definitively fixing by treaty the relations between the two govern- ments. The sultan received Mr. Baffles surrounded by several thousands of his armed followers, whose deportment was marked by extraordinary violence. Creeses were un- sheathed, and it was plain that those who brandished them only waited for the command to use them against their English visitors. The command did not issue, and the lieu- tenant-governor and his retinue retired in safety. A treaty was concluded, by which the sovereignty of the British over the island of Java was acknowledged by the sultan, and the Enghsh East-India Company were con- firmed in all the privileges, advantages, and prerogatives which had been possessed by the Dutch and French governments. To the Company also were transfeiTed the sole regu- lation of the duties and the collection of tribute within the dominions of the sultan, as well as the general administration of justice in all cases where the British interests were concerned. This treaty was concluded before the expe- dition against Palimbang. The occupation of the troops which had been despatched thither seemed to aflbrd the sultan of Djoejocarta a favourable opportunity of evading the engage- ments into which he had recently entered, and this, in the true spirit of native policy, he eagerly embraced. By his agency, a confe- deracy was formed of all the native courts, the object of which was to expel all European settlers, of every country, and to sweep from the island every vestige of European power. As soon as the design became apparent, preparations were made for resisting it by such means as were at the disposal of govern- ment ; and in the emergency Colonel Gil- lespie opportunely arrived from Palimbang. The lieutenant-governor and the commander of the forces immediately proceeded to Djoe- jocarta with such military force as could be collected, and hostilities were precipitated by Colonel Gillespie, arriving with a reconnoi- tring party, unexpectedly falling in with a large body of the sultan's horse. As offensive measures had not been deter- mined on. Colonel Gillespie refrained from attacking them, and endeavoured, through Mr. Crawturd, the resident, to prevail upon them to return to the palace. They for a while refused, and some stones were thrown at the English party. This outrage was not repelled, and at length the sultan's troops consented to retire ; but, taking advantage of the growing darkness, they again threw stones at our men, and a sergeant and four dragoons were wounded. This attack was followed by several others, and the British dragoons were ultimately oliliged to cut their way out sword in hand. On the following day an attempt was made to negotiate, but without success, and it was clear that nothing was left but an appeal to force. The residence of the sultan was about three miles in circumference, surrounded by a broad ditch with drawbridges, possessing a strong high rampart with bastions, and defended by nearly one hundred pieces of cannon. In the interior were numerous squares and courtyards, inclosed with high walls, and all defensible. The principal entrance or square, in front, had a double row of cannon facing the gate, and was flanked with newly-erected batteries, right and left. Seventeen thousand regular troops manned the works, and an armed population of more than a hundred thousand surrounded the palace for miles, and occupied the walls and fastnesses along the sides of the various roads. The Dutch had erected a fort close to the palace, and this was now occupied by the British. Their force was small, not exceeding a thousand firelocks ; but what was wanting in number was made up by intrepidity. They forthwith commenced cannonading the palace ; the fire was immediately returned, and in the A.D. 1813.] VARIOUS TREATIES. 379 evening the sultan sent a message demanding an unconditional surrender. In the course of the night, Major Dalton, who, with a party oi the Bengal light infantry, occupied part of the Dutch town, between the fort and the palace, was attacked four times in succession, but on every occasion repulsed the enemy with great steadiness. Various skirmishing took place between parties of the enemy and others of our dragoons, in which the latter displayed remarkable gallantry. The day after, a detachment under Colonel Alexander M'Leod, whose arrival had been anxiously expected, reached head-quarters, but their long march and exposure to a burning sun rendered some repose necessary. In the evening, Colonel Gillespie ordered all the troops, both cavalry and infantry, into the fort, and this measure fully persuaded the Bultan that he had struck the British com- mander with terror. He was mistaken. No symptom of con- cession having been evinced by the enemy. Colonel Gillespie had determined on an assault. Two hours before day the leaders of columns received their orders, and instantly proceeded to execute them. The assault was made by escalade, and was completely successful. The British force quickly occupied the ramparts, and turned the guns of the enemy upon them- selves. The sultan was taken in his strong- hold. He was subsequently deposed, and the hereditary prince raised to the throne. The other confederated princes readily acceded to the terms proposed to them. The conquest of Java was thus complete, and the British power was paramount throughout the island. The establishment of the British power in the East without a European rival, was the crowning act of Lord Minto's administration, and it was one of which he had reason to be proud. To the incidents which have been already related little need be added, beyond a very brief notice of some of the various diplo- matic affairs in which Lord Minto engaged. His attention, as far as his situation would admit, was zealously directed towards the wise policy of keeping all enemies at a dis- tance. He effected the conclusion of a treaty with the ameers of Soinde, by which those chiefs bound themselves not to "allow the establishment of the tribe of the French in" their country. He opened a communication with Caubul; and Mr. Elphinstone, on the part of the government of India, concluded a treaty with the reigning sovereign, by which the latter undertook to resist any attempt of the French and Persians to pass through his dominions into those of the British govern- ment, which government engaged, in return, to provide, to the extent of its ability, for the expense of such resistance. The king of Cau- bul was also restrained from permitting any Frenchman to enter his territories. With the same object which suggested the mission to Caubul, Lord Minto despatched Sir John Malcolm to Persia, where the French were endeavouring to establish their influence with great probability of success. Almost simul- taneously with the arrival of the governor- general's envoy. Sir Harford Jones reached Persia, in the character of a plenipotentiary of the British' crown. By him a treaty was concluded binding the sovereign of Persia to resist the passage of any European force through his country towards India, and his Britannic majesty to furnish aid in case Persia should be invaded from Europe. In conse- quence of this arrangement, the emissaries of the French in Persia were dismissed. With some minor states engagements were con- cluded by Lord Minto, greatly at variance with the then fashionable doctrine of non- interference, but the expediency of which was forced on the mind of the governor-general by the results of his personal experience. Having concluded the usual period of resi- dence, Lord Minto resigned his office, and late in the year 1813 proceeded to England. But he was not destined to a long enjoyment of that repose to which men look as the termina- tion and reward of public services, his death having taken place within a few weeks after his arrival in this country. Before his depar- ture from India, his services had been honour- ably acknowledged by his elevation to an earl- dom. The administration of the earl of Minto was distinguished by great moderation, but it was marked also by very considerable ability and energy. The line of policy incessantly pressed upon him from home was that of peace, and he laboured assiduously to preserve it. But he was not Insensible to the peculiarities of our situation in India, surrounded by those who regarded us as hostile intruders : he per- ceived that adherence to neutrality might be carried too far for national interest, no lesB than for national honour; and his views on subjects which, soon after his retirement, be- came of vital importance, were apparently not very dissimilar from those of his successor. In England he had been deeply impressed with the views and principles of those who trembled lest their country should be too powerful in the East, and its beneficial influence be too widely extended there. The solid good sense, of which he possessed so large a portion, en- abled him subsequently to perceive the im- practicability of maintaining these views and at the same time maintaining the integrity of the British empire. He became fully con- scious of the inapplicability to our situation in India of that timid and indecisive policy which was prevalent in England ; he had the candour to avow his convictions, and the expression of his opinion was not without effect in the most influential quarters. His mistakes and failures may fairly be attributed less to himself than to public opinion in England, which overawed and controlled him. The outrages of the Pin- darries, the encroachments of the Ghoorkas, and the insolence of the Burmese, attracted his attention; but he waited for encourage- 380 THE COMPANY'S PRIVILEGES. [a.d. 1813. ment from home to determine him to grapple ■with them. This, the most exceptionable part of his policy, must be attributed to con- stitutional caution. The most brilliant, as well as valuable, acts of his government were the well-planned and successful expeditions against the enemy's possessions in the East. He here showed that he understood his country's interests, and he acted upon his con- victions with vigour and decision. Upon the whole, though one or two of those who have occupied the same high station with himself have left behind them a reputation more bril- liant and dazzling, that of the earl of Minto rests on a basis of substantial service, and he well deserves to be held in remembrance as one of the eminent statesmen of India. CHAPTEK XXIII. ACTS KELATINO TO THE BAST-INDIA COMPANY —MINISTERS DETERMINE TO THROW OPEN THE INDIA TRADE — COMMITTEE OF HOUSE OT COMMONS ON THE ATEAIRS OP THE COMPANY EVIDENCE CALLED^DISODSSION IN HOUSE OF LORDS — DEBATES IN THE COMMONS' — RESO- LUTIONS MOVED BY LORD CA8TLEREAGH — BILL EVENTUALLY PASSED. It has been seen that, from a feeble and ob- scure association of traders, the East-India Company had, in the eighteenth century, be- come the lords of a vast territory, and the dominant power in the field of Indian politics. They had attained this high position under the license of the British Crown ; but beyond this their obligations to the government of their country were few. It was to the talents and intrepidity of their own servants that they were indebted for the commanding situation which they held; and the extraordinary ability displayed by men educated upon ordinary prin- ciples and taken from the ordinary walks of life may be received as evidence, that the native vigour of the English character will manifest itself under any circumstances which afford room for its display. The struggles of the Company in Parliament and by private negotiation, to preserve a por- tion of the power and 'influence which they had achieved, and to counteract the growing appe- tite of the ministers of the Crown to appro- priate them, have been detailed with some degree of minuteness to the year 1784, when that peculiar form of carrying on the govern- ment of India, which has ever since prevailed, was first established. In 1793 the approach- ing expiration of the term fixed for the dura- tion of the Company's government and exclusive trade rendered necessary some legislative pro- vision to meet the event; and an act was accordingly passed, continuing both the go- vernment and trade to the Company for a fur- ther term of twenty years, commencing from the 1st of March, 1794. 'The plan of govern- ment adopted in 1784 was substantially re- enacted; but the ministry, which nine years before had ostentatiously professed to renounce patronage in connection with the government of India, now evinced an inclination to abate somewhat of the sternness of their resolve, The members of the Board of Commissioners had previously been unsalaried. A portion of them, on whom it may be presumed the main weight of business was to devolve, were no longer to remain in so unsatisfactory a posi- tion. Some additional restraint was laid on the power of the Court of Directors to make pecuniary grants, and the Company were re- quired to reserve a specified amount of ton- nage, at regulated rates of freight, for the use of private merchants, to whom the right of trading with India was now for the first time conceded ; the amount to be increased, if ne- cessary, under the orders of the Board of Com- missioners. The trade with China was con- tinued to the Company without invasion. This state of things continued undisturbed till the session of 1813, when the battle for the retention of the government of India and of exclusive privileges of trade had again to be fought. On every occasion when the East-India Company had sought a renewal of their privi- leges, their claims had been resisted ; but the grounds of resistance were not always the same with those taken in 1813. Men will always be anxious to participate in a trade which they believe to be profitable, and they will never be unable to suggest plausible reasons for ac- ceding to their wishes. But the principles of which Adam Smith, though not the author, was the great disseminator, furnished new weapons for combating all exclusive privileges of trade, and afforded the means of concealing the interested motives of the opponents under the guise of science. The terms upon which the government and trade of India were to be continued in the Company gave rise to inquiry and discussion for several years before the expiration of the old act. In 1808 some correspondence took place on the subject between the Board of Control and the Court of Directors ; and very early in the following year it was intimated that his Majesty's ministers were not prepared to concur in an application to Parliament for a renewal of those restrictions by which the trade with India had been hitherto limited. This intimation was, of course, little agreeable to the Company. A variety of arguments were adduced in opposition to the proposed innovation; and it was alleged, that "the loss A.D. 1813.] FEEE-TEADB PRINCIPLES. 381 of the Indian monopoly, such as it was left by the act of 1793, would lead, by no slow pro- cess, to the entire subversion of the Company both in their commercial and political capacity, and of that system which the legislature had appointed for the government of India: of which system the Company formed an integral and essential part." During these discussions, a parliamentary committee was engaged in an elaborate investi- gation of all the great branchesof the Company's affairs ; and upon the ground that it was desirable that the reports of the committee should be submitted to Parliament before the question of renewal was brought forward, the correspondence on the subject was suspended for a considerable period. At the close of the year 1811 it was resumed. The opening of the trade with India, generally, to British merchants and British ships, was again laid down by ministers, as the only ground upon which the negotiation for continuing to the Company any portion of its powers could be conducted. The clamour from without ex- cused, in the judgment of trading politicians, the pertinacity of ministers ; a large propor- tion of the mercantile and manufacturing world appeared to look upon the East in the light in which it had been represented by the writers of fable, and to regard an introduction to it as a passport to the possession of un- measured wealth. Though the sober habits of men of business would lead us to a diiferent belief, experience shows that no class of men are more open to the influence of such delu- sions. The denunciation of monopoly formed the principal ground of attack upon the commer- cial privileges of the Company ^ and on this point no defence was offered. Monopolies generally were given up ; but some attempts were made to show that they might be tole- rated under certain circumstances, and for de- finite periods of time ; and further, that, as the trade with India was then carried on, the monopoly of the Company was not a very close-one. On the part of the assailants, the principle that all monopolies are injurious was fortified by allegations of particular evils, sup- posed to result from that of the East-India Company. Manufacturers of various articles declared themselves, as well as the country wronged, by being restrained from pouring an unlimited supply of their various commo- dities into India ; and such restraint being pronounced "humiliating to individuals, and degrading to the national character," there could be nn difficulty in arriving at the conclusion, that it was "a national griev- ance." But one of the most remarkable, not to say one of the most amusing, charges against the monopoly was, that " it cooled the ardour of generous and liberal competition." The gene rosity and liberality of commercial competition gave rise to those sanguinary scenes in the Bast in which the Portuguese and Dutch were such distingnished actors. The generosity and liberality of commercial competition, as manifested in the slave-trade, deluged Africa with blood and covered Europe with guilt. And the generosity and liberality of commer- cial competition are now strikingly set forth in the factory system of England, under which the happiness of myriads of human beings, through time and eternity, is sacrificed to the Moloch of manufactures ; the wages doled out to the wretched victims, during their brief career of life, being, in fact, not the reward of labour, but the price of blood. Such are a few of the triumphs of a generous and liberal com- mercial competition. The Company replied by affirming, that the paramount object of any new arrangement for India ought not to be commercial, but political ; and that the commercial monopoly was to be regarded as an instrument in the hands of the Company for the government of India ; that the Company's territorial rights could only be enjoyed through the medium of commercial privileges ; and that no provision made for securing them could be compatible with the entire opening of the Eastern trade. These assertions were clearly erroneous : the territorial claims of the Company were quite distinct from their commercial privileges ; and there could be nothing to prevent the reten- tion of the one after the other had been relinquished. Experience, too, has shown, that the commercial privileges of the Company are not indispensable to the maintenance of its authority in India. The earnestness with which the Company pressed the necessity of retaining their trade as an instrument for exercising their functions of government, was the result of a conviction long cherished, though proved by the test of experiment to be unwarranted. The trade of the Company was regarded by them as indis- pensable to the support of the financial ope- rations required by the relative circumstances of Great I5ritain and India. They viewed it not only as the best, but the only practicable channel of remittance, and without it they apprehended that the means of conveying from India the funds required to be provided in this country would fail. They were more fortunate in referring to their own exertions to effect the introduction and consumption of European commodities — exertions made through a long series of years, with great perseverance and extraordinary zeal ; to their labours in upholding the in- terests of Great Britain in India, against European rivalship and native jealousy ; to the magnificent empire which they had added to the British dominions ; and to the great wealth which flowed into this country, in con- sequence of their spirited and judicious policy. After enumerating some of these advantages in one of their official papers, they emphatically and justly added, with reference to the charges of their opponents — " Such are the injuries, the grievances, the evils — such the degrada,- 882 ARGUMENTS AGAINST MONOPOLY. [a.d. 1813. tion, which the East- India Company have brought on the country." The debts and embarrassments of the Com- pany afforded a ground of accusation peculiarly calculated to render them unpopular, and of course they were not forgotten. The answer of the Company was to the effect, that they had never had occasion to apply to Parliament for aid to support their own establishments ; but that their applications had been in con- sequence of levies made by government, on the score of a right to participate in the terri- torial revenues ; or for the purpose of obtaining reimbursement of immense sums disbursed for the state in military expeditions — sums very tardily acknowledged, and not then fully paid ; or to enable the Company to meet the trans- fer to this country of Indian territorial debt, the increase of which was not to be attributed to the Company, but to his Majesty's govern- ment and to Parliament. There was much in these statements that deserved consideration ; but there is no novelty in the truth, that when either individuals or societies expend their funds for the public benefit, they rarely meet with much gratitude In return. Political economy did not furnish the whole of the arguments by which the privileges of the Company were assailed : the higher science of natural law was invoked to the same end. A full and free right to trade with all coun- tries and people in amity with the British crown was asserted to be " the natural birth- right and inheritance of the people of this empire, of every subject of it, and of every port in it." What may be "the natural birthright and inheritance " of a " port," it would not be very easy to determine ; and if the assertion be taken in the sense in which it was probably meant, it may reasonably be doubted whether a position so wild merited any answer at all. If it did, the Company gave it a very proper one by observing, that men living in society must submit to the laws of society, and to restraints upon what is called their natural liberty, when, in the opinion of the legislature, the public interest demands it ; that the Indian monopoly was established because it was thought beneficial ; that it had been continued on the same principle, and that its abolition, or further retention, must be a question purely prudential. In urging their plea of natural right, some of the opponents of the Company endeavoured to make a special case. Their principle, it was alleged, became strengthened by its application to countries acquired and maintained by the efforts and valour of the forces of his Majesty. The countries, however, with vphich they wished to trade, had been, for the most part, acquired and maintained by the efforts of the Company and the valour of their servants, and altogether under the exclusive powers and privileges which it was now desired to abrogate. A plausible, and not altogether an unreason- able, objection to the continuance of the Company's privileges was founded on the fact, that the existing system gave advantages to foreigners which were denied to British mer- chants, and that the Americans especially had availed themselves of these advantages^ to secure the markets of Europe, South America, and the West Indies. From this latter cir- cumstance, also, an inference was drawn in favour of general freedom of trade. The Com- pany answered, that the connection of the Americans with the Indian seas was formed under peculiar circumstances, and that their success in the market of Europe was to be ascribed to the political state of that part of the world. The necessity for the claimants finding new channels of enterprise ; the misery of the manufacturers, occasioned by their exclusion from the continent of Europe ; the certainty ot finding a remedy in the unbounded field which the trade to the East would open to manufacturing and mercantile industry — these, and similar topics, furnished another class of arguments, which were pressed with extra- ordinary pertinacity by those who conceived they had interests hostile to those of the Com- pany. It was answered, with much calmness and moderation, that any great extension of the trade with India must take place very gradually ; that, consequently, the benefits to be derived from it must be very distant ; and that, though it might be very easy to send out to India large quantities of goods, it might not be equally easy to obtain returns. Experience has shown that these opinions were, in a great measure, correct. The trade which succeeded the act of 1813 has been little beneficial to England, while to India it has, to a certain extent, been positively injurious. The petitioners for an open trade had, how- ever, made up their minds to its advantages, and, further, that they were destined to enjoy them ; for it was urged, as a reason for ex- tending the trade to the outports, that at Bristol and Liverpool the docks had been en- larged in anticipation of the concession. This specimen of commercial confidence is per- haps without parallel. Such were the principal arguments by which the advocates of free and of regulated trade, respectively, supported their opinions. But the question was virtually decided before the discussion commenced. The principles of free trade had made too great progress for minis- ters to venture to resist them without exer- cising a degree of magnanimity seldom ac- quired or retained amid the haunts of oflBce. On the 22nd of March, 1813, the House of Commons resolved itself into a committee of the whole house, to consider of the affairs of the East-India Company; and the various petitions which had been presented having been ordered to be referred to the committee. Lord Castlereagh proceeded to expound the plan which he had to propose on the part of the ministers of the Crown. The term for which the charter was to be renewed was twenty years. The Company were to retain A.D. 1813.] EVIDENCE OF WARREN HASTINGS. for that term the exclusive trade to China, but the trade with India waa to be thrown open on certain conditions. It was to be confined to ships of a certain amount of tonnage ; the trade outward was to be open to all the ports of the empire, but the homeward-bound trade to be restricted to certain ports, to be hereafter named. The Company were to be left in full possession of the power of deportation, to enable them to remove from India individuals whose conduct or intentions they might find or suspect to be dangerous ; and this power his lordship held to be sufficient to oahn any apprehension that might be excited by the facility of commercial intercourse about to be established. It was also proposed to continue to them the command of the native army, as, after mature consideration, ministers were of opinion, that to separate the command of the army from the civil administration of India would be to sap the foundations of the government. The question, it might have been thought, could scarcely require mature consideration, or, indeed, any consideration at all. At every successive arrangement, the Com- pany had been called upon to sacrifice some portion of their authority to the ministers of the Crown, and of course the present could not be suffered to form an exception. The Crown previously possessed the power of recall ; but, under the pretence that this was an invidious exercise of prerogative, it was proposed to render the sign manual of the Crown necessary to the validity of certain appointments. One of the most important and most beneficial of the contemplated changes applied to the defects of the ecclesiastical establishment. The members of the Church of England in India had hitherto been deprived of those rites of the church, the administration of which appertains exclusively to the episcopal function, and the clergy had been left without superintendence or control. To remedy these evils, it was proposed to appoint a bishop for India, and three archdeacons to superintend the chaplains of the different settlements. Xord Castlereagh embodied the principal points of his speech in a series of resolutions, and concluded by moving them. The ministry, in accordance with the prac- tice of all ministries who feel or think them- selves strong, was disposed to carry the ques- tion with a high hand. Some members sug- gested that, in so important a matter, it might be desirable to hear the evidence of persons whose opinions, on the grounds of acknow- ledged ability and intimate acquaintance with India, were entitled to attention. Lord Cas- tlereagh objected, and Mr. Canning, whose zeal for the success of the ministerial measure waa quickened by the fact of his holding a brief for the great commercial town of Liver- pool, which he represented, was surprised that any one should think it necessary to hear evi- dence, when the question was one of free trade. The sense of the House, however, was strongly in favour of hearing evidence, and the ministers acquiesced, fearing that they were unable successfully to oppose. On the 30th of March, the committee waa resumed and evidence called. The first wit- ness was a man rendered eminent by his career in India, and no less so by the long and harassing judicial proceedings which awaited him at home. It was Warren Hastings, then in the eightieth year of his age. His examina- tion was of some length, and related to various subjects — the settlement of Europeans, the demand for British commodities, and the pro- pagation of the Christian religion. To the first he expressed himself strong^ opposed : he apprehended great injury and oppression to the natives, and regarded the indiscrimi- nate admission of Europeans as fraught with danger to the peace of the country and the safety of the Company. This opinion, he averred, he had long maintained, and he ex- pressed himself anxious to vindicate himself from the suspicion of being biassed by his obligations to the Company. With this view, he stated that, twenty years before, when the privileges of the East-India Company were under discussion, he spontaneously addressed a letter to the chairman of the Court of Direc- tors, in which he strongly urged the necessity of providing against the irruption of British adventurers into India, A clause having been inserted in the act, permitting strangers to reside by license, he addressed a second letter to the chairs, remonstrating against it, as likely to produce greater mischiefs than even the pei-mission of indiscriminate residence ; because the favoured parties would appear to have the sanction of the Company, and would thereby possess an influence which no man would dare to resist ; while a body of adven- turers without privilege would be Under the jealous eye of government, and naturally ex- cite its attention. In a still more recent letter, he had repeated these opinions. On the question as to the probable demand for British coiumodities, Mr. Hastings was less decided, but he thought it would be incon- siderable. It was his opinion, that the trade between India and England, as then regulated, was far more beneficial to both countries than if perfectly free. Being reminded that, in a review of the state of Bengal, which he had written some years before, he had said, "that although we had been so long in possession of the sovereignty of Bengal, yet we had not been able so far to change our ideas with our situation as to quit the contracted views of monopolists," and that in the same work he had insisted upon it, as a fixed and incontro- vertible principle, that commerce could only flourish when free and equal, he professed not to recollect the words alluded to, but to have no doubt of their being correctly quoted ; and added, that he did not come there to defend his own inconsistencies — that if he had ever expressed such opinions he then abjured them — that his present sentiments were widely dif- 384 PROCEEDINGS IN THE UPPER HOUSE. [A.D. 1813. ferent — and that he could not say when he changed them. On the subject of the propagation of Christi- anity in India, the opinions delivered by Mr. Hastings were singularly vague and undecided. On the proposed episcopal establishment he expressed himself with an equal degree of oracular darkness ; and, for the son and grand- son of a clergyman, he certainly evinced a most philosophic indifference, both to the gene- ral interests of Christianity and the welfare of the Protestant episcopal church. On the whole, he did little for the elucidation of the various questions before the House, and his answers were distinguished by nothing so much as the pompous and inflated language in which they were conveyed. Age had probably clouded his facilities, and the failings of a man of fourscore years claim indulgence. But in the vigour of his mental strength, Warren Hastings was a man of expedients, not of principles. His last public exhibition, though feeble, was not uncharacteristic. To himself, at least, the occasion must have been gratifying, from its having called forth a spontaceous and almost unanimous indication of respect from the House. Lord Teignmouth, Sir Thomas Monro, Sir John Malcolm, and other witnesses of dis- tinguished character, were examined ; and their evidence, on the whole, tended rather to support the views of the Company than those of the ministers. After being per- severed in for some days, the mode of in- vestigation originally adopted was suddenly abandoned. Ministers either found, as they alleged, that the time of the House was too much occupied, or the affair was taking a tendency opposed to that which they desired. On the 13th of April, Lord Castlereagh, after complaining of delay and inconvenience, and referring to a precedent to authorize the course he was about to recommend, moved for the appointment of a select committee to examine witnesses, and report the minutes to the House. Mr. Robert Thornton opposed the motion, on behalf of the Company, as did also Mr. Grant and Mr. Astell, the last-named gentleman de- nouncing the proposal as an attempt to smother the remainder of the Company's case. Mr. Canning, the representative of one of the towns most interested in destroying the Com- pany's privileges, supported the motion. It was resisted by Mr. Tierney and Mr. Pon sonby, leading members of the opposition ; the former of whom insinuated a charge of unfairness against the ministry. On a division, the motion was carried, and the select com- mittee met on the 15th, and continued to sit, notwithstanding the House adjourned for the Easter holidays. In the mean time, the question of an arrange- ment with the Company had been introduced into the Upper House. On the 30th of March, the earl of Buckinghamshire, president of the Board of Commissioners, announced, that though a different course had formerly been adopted, it had been deemed advisable, in the present instance, that the resolutions which had been laid before the Commons should also be presented to their lordships, and that a com- mittee of the whole House should, with all the documents before it, proceed to the hearing of any evidence which might be offered. Lord Grenville having suggested a select committee as more advisable, Lord Liverpool, the premier, immediately assented, and a motion for the appointment of such committee having been made, it was carried without a division. On the 6th, the select committee of the Lords met, and proceeded to hear evi- dence. As in the Commons, the first witness called was Warren Hastings. His answers to the questions put to him were of extraordi- nary length, but added little or nothing in substance to the evidence which he had given before the Lower House. Some further evi- dence was heard, and on the 9 th, an animated debate took place, on a motion made by the Marquis Weilesley for the production of certain papers connected with the inquiry in which the House was engaged. The noble marquis introduced the motion by a very long and elaborate speech, decidedly in favour of re-establishing the power of the Company, not only with regard to the government of India, but to the exclusive privileges of trade which they enjoyed. He supported his opinion by appealing to what the Company had done ■ — to their banishment of foreign influence and intrigue — to the consolidation of institutions and authorities — to the amelioration of the condition of the natives, and especially to the state of tranquillity in which those countries had been placed — the Deccan, for instance, and the provinces north of Mysore — which, in all previous times, had been constantly exposed to war and devastation. This testi- mony was important, because it could not be but the result of cool and deliberate convic- tion. Personally, the marquis of Weilesley had at that time little cause for bestowing panegyric on the Company. After Lord Buckinghamshire bad spoken in defence of the conduct of ministers. Lord Grenville delivered his opinions at great length. He considered all former arrange- ments relating to the government and com- merce of India only as experiments, and not always successful ones ; at best only calculated for a limited duration, never permanent, nor even meant for permanence. He wished not to perpetuate these anomalous and imperfect arrangements, but he believed the time had not arrived when any final regulation could be safely established. Whatever was now done should be temporary, and he objected to the part of the ministerial plan which pro- posed that the arrangements now entered into should be for so long a period as twenty years. He regarded the claims of the East-India Company as nothing, and argued that the first duty of the British parliament was to consult the welfare of the country for which it was A.D. 1813.] LOED GRENVILLE'S SPEECH. 385 called upon to legislate. Next to this object in importance was the interest of our own country, which was deeply implicated in the discussion. Taking his stand upon these prin- ciples, he considered both the plan of the Marquis Wellesley for reinvesting the Com- pany with all their privileges, and that of ministers for divesting them of a portion, as highly questionable. He was friendly to a free trade, but he could not hope that a com- petition, in which the whole influence of the government, territory, and revenue of India would be arrayed against the unprotected enterprise of individual adventurers, could either deserve the name of free trade or insure its advantages. His lordship reprobated the union of the characters of merchant and sovereign, which he alleged to be opposed to all authority and condemned by all experience. He would not admit that the improved condition of India was to be attributed to the Company, but claimed the praise for the wisdom and justice of the public councils of the state. For twenty years after the Company acquired the dewannee, India, he said, was so constantly ill-governed as to compel the forcible inter- position of Parliament ; and good government commenced only in the year 1784, when the power of controlling the Company was vested •dr. lorojnjfsiouers appointed by the Crown. It is observable, that this was the precise period at which Lord Grenville and the party with which he then acted commenced a long official career. His lordship proceeded to say, that he was for transferring the government to the Crown altogether. He thought that arrangements might easily be made with regard to the patronage, by which all danger of unduly in- creasing the influence of ministers might be avoided ; but he did not state that he had not thought so in 1784, when he opposed and, with his colleagues, succeeded in throwing out the far-famed India Bill of the Coalition ministry, because it deprived the Company of its patronage. The plan of which his loi-dahip was the advocate went to put up the civil appointments for competition among certain public schools, and to appropriate the military appointments to the sons of deceased officers. Lord Grenville, adverting to the China trade, condemned the intention of ministers to con- tinue the monopoly to the Company. He apprehended that when the India trade was thrown open it would be, in fact, impracticable to preserve the Chinese monopoly, as the pro- ductions of China would be brought down in country vessels to any of the ports of the Eastern Archipelago that our merchants might choose. Lord Grenville made some observations on minor topics connected with the renewal of the charter, and the debate was closed by Lord Liverpool, who briefly defended the line taken by ministers. The motion for papers not being resisted was, of course, carried without a division ; and it seems, indeed, only to have been made for the purpose of enabling the Peers to deliver their opinions on the principal question. The speech of Lord Grenville was, undoubt- edly, the most remarkable that was made. The sweeping doctrines which he avowed were, perhaps, at that time, little to be ex- pected from any member of the House of Peers ; but, of all men, they were least to be expected from the noble baron who gave them the weight of his authority. Lord Grenville bad been long on the political stage, and his conduct on this occasion must alike have as- tonished his friends and his foes. His political course had hitherto been guided by expediency, not by abstract principle. No one had ever suspected him of being a theorist, and the robe of the philosopher was assumed too late in life to be worn with either ease or grace. It vvas an incongruous covering for a man who had become grey in habits of official intrigue, and whose political life and liberal doctrines were bitter satires on each other. Independ ently of his general character, there were some particular incidents in Lord Gren- ville's career which certainly did not lend any weight to his advocacy of the destruction of the East-India Company. He had, as has already been mentioned, been one of the most active and zealous of that party which, with Mr. Pitt at theirhead, had succeeded, in 1784, in displacing the Coalition ministry, solely on the ground of their contemplated violation of the chartered rights of the East-India Com- pany. Some years afterwards he had, as a cabinet minister, given his consent to an act which continued to the Company that mono- poly and that power which he now professed to regard as so dangerous. It was unfortunate that political philosophy should have deferred her visit to this statesman until a period when both his mind and body were enfeebled by age, and his moral vision clouded by those feelings which must attend a man who, after passing a long life in office, finds himself doomed to linger out his declining years in the cold atmosphere of the opposition benches. In the House of Commons, the select com- mittee continued the examination of witnesses which had been commenced in the committee of the whole house. This labour lasted much longer than had been expected j but, having been at length concluded, the Commons, on the 31st of May, once more resolved them- selves into a committee of the whole house, in which Lord Castlereagh proceeded to submit an amended series of resolutions. The first, declaring that the privileges of the East-India Company should continue for a limited period, with the exception of Buoh as might be subse- quently modified or repealed, having been moved, Mr. Bruce, historiographer of the Company, entei'ed into a long and laboured review of its progress from its incorporation by Elizabeth, and condemned any deviation froin the existing system as replete with danger 2 ME. CHARLES GRANT. [A.D. 3813. He was followed, on the same Bide, by a far more brilliant speaker — Mr. Charles Grant, junior, afterwards created Lord Glenelg. That gentleman glanced at the speech of Lord Grenville in the "Upper House, and argued that the improvement, which was admitted on all hands to have taken place in India, was attributable to the Company. He denied that the year 1784 constituted the epoch of the commencement of a new order of things. The foundations of improvement were laid earlier ; and it was not until much had been done that the legislature interfered. The king's govern- ment had, indeed, subsequently co-operated with the Company ; but it did not follow, that, because certain results were produced by the operation of a complex system, the same results would follow if one part of the system were removed. Mr. Grant's opinion of Lord Gren- ville's plan for the distribution of the patronage of India was delivered with much freedom. He viewed it as altogether inefficient ; and contended that, if adopted, it would ultimately be the means of effecting that which it pro- fessed to guard against, by placing the patron- age at the disposal of the minister of the Crown. He maintained, that the efficiency of the existing system for the government of India consisted, in a great degree, in its pub- licity — every man engaged in it acted on a conspicuous theatre. He could hardly hope that the rules of the service would survive the existence of the Company ; and if they did, their vigour and efficiency might be entirely superseded. He objected, further, to the suggested plan of patronage, on the ground of its exclusiveness ; and thought it remarkable that a plan professing to proceed upon hostility to all exclusion, should in itself involve a system of exclusion the most cruel and unjust. To confine the civil services of India to the highest classes of the public schools, and the military service to the sons of officers who had fallen in battle, was cutting off the larger portion of the British community from a wide and honourable field of exertion. Proceeding to the question of the union of the pohtical and commercial functions, Mr. Grant said, the objection to the union rested upon the authority of a great master of poli- tical economy, Adam Smith. But it was curi- ous to observe how the charge had shifted its ground since it was first made. Dr. Smith objected to the union, because he thought the interests of the Company, as merchants, would interfere with their duty as sovereigns; his disciples took precisely the opposite ground. The merits of the Company, as rulers, were admitted ; but it was alleged that they sacri- ficed their interests, as merchants, to their duties, as sovereigns. After all, the charge rested upon assumption. It pronounced the junction of the sovereign and mercantile capa- cities to be ruinous; but the only instance upon record of such a junction was that of the East-India Company, and it seemed like beg- ging the question to begin with laying down a theory, and then to reason from this theory, and pronounce d prion upon the only fact in history to which it could be applied. To argue that such a mixture of functions must upon theory be bad — that the system of the East- India Company is an example of such a mix- ture, and therefore is a pernicious system — such a mode of arguing was assuming the very point to be ascertained. "Political science," said Mr. Grant, "depends upon an induction of facts. In no case, therefore, can it be al- lowed to close the series of experiments, and to declare definitively that for the future no practical results whatever shall shake an esta- blished doctrine. Least of all is this allow- able when the doctrine can by possibility refer only to a single fact, and when that single fact is at war with the doctrine." The expectation of a great increase of com- merce, flowing from an unrestrained inter- course with India, Mr. Grant considered a delusion — a delusion, however, which the evi- dence that had been heard ought to be suffi- cient to dissipate. The manufacturers had been duped by misrepresentations which had been industriously circulated among them, in some degree, he believed, from ignorance, but in some degree also, he feared, from motives less excusable. To the happiness of the people of India Mr. Grant apprehended great danger from the influx of Europeans. Witk the soli- tary exception of Asia, British adventure had not been favourable to the happiness of the countries visited. He appealed to our inter- course with the native tribes of North America, and especially to the effects of free trade in Africa. In speaking to this part of the sub- ject, Mr. Grant expressed himself with great severity respecting those who, having partici- pated largely in the slave trade as long as it existed, were now the advocates of free trade in India. These remarks were especially di- rected against Liverpool. The peroration of Mr. Grant's speech was remarkably bold and striking. Having an- nounced himself the advocate of the natives of India, he thus continued ; — " On their behalf, in their name, I venture to intrude myself upon the House. Through me they give utter- ance to their prayers. It is not my voice which you hear, it is the voice of sixty millions of your fellow-creatures, abandoned to your disposal and imploring your commiseration. They conjure you by every sacred considera- tion to compassionate their condition; to pay due regard to their situation and your own ; to remember what contingencies are suspended on the issue of your vote. They conjure you not to make them the objects of perilous spe- culation, nor to barter away their happiness for the sake of some insignificant local interests. It is a noble position in which this House is now placed. There is something irresistibly imposing in the idea, that, at so vast a distance, and across a waste of ocean, we are assembled to decide upon the fate of so many millions of human beings ; that we are to them as another A.D. 1813.] DEBATE IN THE COMMONS. 387 Providence ; that our sentence ig to stamp the colour of their future years, and spread over the face of ages to come either misery or hap- piness. This is, indeed, a glorious destiny for this country; but it is one of overwhelming responsibility. I trust that the question will be decided, not upon party principles, not upon trust, not upon vague theories, but upon sound practical policy, and with a view to the pros- perity and preservation of our Indian empire." After some remarks on the danger of a system of speculation and experiment, and the im- policy of breaking down ramparts which could never be reconstructed, Mr. Grant concluded with the following sentence: — "In maintain- ing the system which has been the parent of so many blessings to India, we shall find our recompense in the gratitude of the people; and if that recompense should be denied us, yet, when we look on the moral cultivation and progressive felicity of those regions, and when we reflect that these are the fruits of our wise and disinterested policy, we shall enjoy a triumph still more glorious and elevated, a delight infinitely surpassing the golden dreams of commercial profit, or the wildest elysium ever struck out by the ravings of distempered avarice." Such were the views of free trade, of experimental legislation, and of the interests of India, then avowed by this eloquent cham- pion of the East-India Company. On the 2ad of June the matter was again resumed in committee. The third resolution was in favour of free trade to India, subject to certain regulations. This provoked a discus- sion, in which various members took part; among them Mr. Tierney, some of whose ob- servations evinced a perfect acquaintance with the objects of those seeking the abolition of the Company's privileges. He had not heard, he said, that the persons who talked so much of the happiness of India had ever proposed to allow its manufactures to be freely imported into this country. The general principle was to be, that England was to force all her manu- factures upon India, and not to take a single manufacture of India in return. It was true, they would allow cotton to be brought; but then, having found out that they could weave, by means of machinery, cheaper than the people of India, they would say, "Leave off weaving — supply us with the raw material, and we will weave for you." This might be a very natural principle for merchants and manu- facturers to go upon; but it was rather too much to talk of the philosophy of it, or to rank the supporters of it as in a peculiar degree the friend^ of India. If, instead of calling them- selves the friends of India, they had professed themselves its enemies, what more could they do than advise the destruction of all Indian manufactures ? It appeared that these altera- tions had been proposed for no other purpose but to appease the clamour of the merchants ; and no man could point out anything like the good of India as being the object of any of the resolutions. On the following day the proceedings in committee were continued, and the speakers were numerous ; but the arguments were for the most part the same that had been pre- viously urged. The House then resuitied, and the chairman reported the resolutions. On the 11th of June they were taken into consi- deration. On this occasion Sir John Newport recommended delay, for the purpose of fram- ing a more comprehensive measure of freedom, and he therefore moved that the consideration of the report be postponed to that day three months. The amendment was lost by a majority of above eight to one, and the report was ordered to be again taken into considera- tion on the 14th. On that day a declaratory resolution, asserting the sovereignty of the Crown, and affirmihg that the first duty of Parliament in legislating for India was to pro- mote its happiness, was proposed and lost. The next point of discussion was raised with regard to the term for which the arrangement with the Company should be renewed. Lord Castlereagh proposed twenty years ; Mr. Pou- sonby moved, as an amendment, that the term should be only ten. Two divisions followed — one on the amendment, and a second on the original resolution, which gave a vast majority in favour of the longer term. Another amend- ment was proposed, limiting the China mono- poly to ten years ; on this also a division took place, when it was lost. On the 16th, the House having again resumed the committee, Mr. Baring moved an amendment, confining the return of vessels from India to the port of London for a limited period. This motion was warmly opposed by the members for the out- ports. It was supported by Mr. Grant and Sir William Curtis. Mr. Astell, in taking the same side, remarked with much acuteness, that, however those who opposed the Company might exclaim against monopoly, the question was only as to the extent to which monopoly should be carried. The plan supported by ministers recognized the principle of mono- poly, as the trade was to be thrown open only to a few favoured ports. On a division, the amendment shared the fate of previous ones, being lost by a large majority. Another amendment, moved by Sir John Newport, to the effect that the outports to be hereafter admitted to the privileges of the trade should be determined by Parliament, was negatived without a division. Lord Castlereagh then proposed that, with respect to places not immediately within the Company's charter, applications should be made for licenses only to the Board of Control, who might consult the Court of Directors if they thought proper. This motion, after some discussion and a divi- sion, was carried. An amendment proposed by Mr. Baring, taking from the Board of Con- trol the power of obliging the Company to grant licenses to persons going to India, was negatived without a division ; and, after a de- sultory conversation, the whole of the resolu- tions were agreed to, except one, asserting the 2 2 388 THE BILL PASSED. [A.D. 1813. duty of thia oountry to extend to India useful knowledge, and moral and religious improve- ment, and recommending facilities to be given to persons desirous of going to or remaining in India for the purpose of accomplishing such objects. This it was determined to post- pone, and transmit the other resolutions to the Lords. On the 18th of June some conversation took place on the resolutions ; and on the 21st their lordships went into committee on them. They were agreed to almost unanimously ; the earl of Lauderdale alone saying '•' not content " to the first, and stating generally that he objected to them all, but declined at that time discuss- ing them. On the motion that the report should be received on the following day, the marquis of Lansdowne moved that it be re- ceived that day three months. The amend- ment gave rise to some debate. Lord Melville supported the views of ministers. The earl of Lauderdale made a violent speech on the other side. He condemned the conduct of the Court of Directors in the severest terms, and declared them unfit for the civil and military control of India. He alleged, that to say that the Court of Directors afforded the best form of government for India was to give the lie to all experience. If the position were just, the British constitution of King, Lords, and Com- mons ought to give way to a similarly consti- tuted body; for if twenty-four directors re- siding in England formed the best government for India, twenty-four directors residing in India would be the best government for Great Britain. This position of the noble lord's it is, perhaps, unnecessary to discuss ; but it is remarkable that Lord Lauderdale was, a few years earlier, very desirous of becoming the instrument through which the twenty-four directors, whom he now denounced, were to exercise the powers of government. Lord Grenville repeated some of his former argu- ments as reasons for delay ; and two or three of the ministerial peers having spoken on the opposite side, the amendment was lost on a division, by a majority of thirty-five. The bringing up the report, on the follow- ing day, gave rise to scarcely any observa- tion. On the 22nd of June an important discus- sion took place in the Commons on the re- solution which had been postponed. Lord Castlereagh delivered a guarded speech in favour of a regulated toleration of mission- ary exertions. Sir Henry Montgomery op- posed it. He was answered by Mr. Wilber- force, in a speech which was throughout able, eloquent, and convincing. It must be hoped that a large portion of it would, in the pre- sent day, be unnecessary. The resolution was carried. On the 28th of June the House resolved itself into a committee upon the bill. An ex- tended discussion took place, but little ad- ditional light was thrown upon the various questions. Finally, the report was received, and ordered to be taken into fiirther considera- tion on the 1st of July. On that day various amendments were proposed and lost. Among them was one against the clause respecting the propagation of Christianity in India. Mr. Marsh made a violent speech against the mis- sionaries, and was answered by Mr. Wilber- force. On the following day the committee was resumed, and some discussion took place, but proceeded languidly. A motion for an establishment of the Scottish church in India was lost. On the 12th the report was brought up, when Mr. Howarth opposed its reception in a speech of much power. In the course of it he said : — "The monopoly of the Company was originally granted them for the public benefit, and it is but fair to ask whether it has produced it. Through all the varied vicis- situdes of two centuries, they were, un- doubtedly, mojiopolists ; nobody was found to claim a participation with them in the drench- ings at Amboyna ; they were left in imdis- turbed possession of the Black Hole in Cal- cutta ; they had the exclusive privilege of fighting, single-handed, against all the powers of Europe who had got a footing on the penin- sula of India. But now that they have, with a valour almost unexampled, driven every hos- tile European from the continent of India; now that they have acquired an extent of ter- ritory of nearly four thousand square miles ; brought under the government and control of this country a population of sixty millions ; realized a revenue of sixteen millions ; raised an army of a hundred and fifty thousand men ; erected fortresses ; established factories ; swept the Indian seas of every hostile flag, and pos- sessed themselves of a sea-coast of three thou- sand miles in extent, with all the facilities of commerce ; now it is that the liberality of the British merchant claims an unqualified partici- pation of a free trade to India ; now the wis- dom of the legislature interferes, to render inefficient that instrument by which these acquisitions have been attained ; and its equity is now about to refuse to secure even the divi- dends of that capital stock which has been sunk in the public service. Now it is dis- covered that twenty-four merchants are very unfit persons — not to manage the government, for that they are admitted to be eminently quali- fied — but to manage the commerce of their dominions." There was certainly much truth in this ; but it was of little avail to press the former ser- vices of the Company against the claims of numbers, urged on by an impetuous desire to participate in the presumed advantages of Oriental commerce, and fortified, as they now were, by the doctrines of modern political economy. On the 13th of July the bill was read a third time in the House of Commons, and passed. In the House of Lords it passed almost sub sUentio, it being opposed only by the earl of Lauderdale, because it did not go far enough ; and the hostility of that disappointed aspirant A.D. 1814.1 DISPUTES WITH NEPAUL. 389 to the oESce of governor-general evaporated in an angry protest. Thus was inserted the narrow end of the wedge which was to shatter the fabric of com- mercial grandeur reared by the East-India Company by the labours of more than two hundred years. CHAPTER XXIV. LOED MOIBA APPOINTED SOVEKNOR-GENEBAL — DISPUTES WITH NEPAUL— MILITAET OPEEATIONS — REPULSE AT KALUNGA, AND AT JYETUOK — SUCCESSES OP COLONEL OCHTEELONT — ILL SUCCESS OP THE BRITISH FORCES — REDUCTION OP ALMORAH — ABSURD TREATY —RENEWAL OP HOSTILITIES — PEACE — ^APPAIES IN JAVA AND CEYLON — DISTURBANCES AT BAREILLY. The person selected as the successor of the earl of Minto was the earl of Moira. This nobleman possessed considerable military reputation, in addition to which he had acquired the cha- racter of an accomplished statesman. He was a man of mature age and great experience: he moreover enjoyed the personal friendship of the prince regent, and was universally regarded as under the guidance of the best and most honourable feelings. A wise and high- minded course of policy was, therefore, ex- pected from him, and India was esteemed fortunate in having received from Britain such a ruler. He arrived at Calcutta in October, 1814. According to his own statement, the prospect of affairs, on Lord Moira's arrival in Calcutta, was far from gratifying. He repre- sented the finances as in a dilapidated con- dition, and the military force inefficient and discontented, in consequence of the severe and unremitting duty, rendered necessary by the reductions which financial embarrassment had pressed upon the government. He found also the external relations of the country in an unsettled and precarious condition. The new governor-general succeeded to not less than six hostile discussions with different native powers, and to the necessity of devising measures for curbing the Pindarees, who had long committed the most horrible ravages with impunity. Among the more important and urgent of the disputes on hand was that with the state of Nepaul, where the Goorkha tribe had, in a comparatively short period, established a very formidable power. The origin and early history of this tribe does not fall within the province of this history : it will be sufficient to say that, for a series of years, the Goorkhas had pursued an aggressive course of policy, and with no inconsiderable success. The dissensions of the rajahs afforded ample opportunities for its prosecution, and there was no deficiency of promptitude in embracing them. In every quarrel, the Goorkha prince appeared as umpire and mediator, and these functions he invariably rendered subsidiary to the ag- grandizement of the house of which he was chief. The Goorkhas thus acquired an extent of dominion and a, degree of power which, combined with the disposition they had mani- fested, rendered them dangerous neighbours to the British government, whose frontier they bordered for about eight hundred miles. Some attempts had been made to establish relations of amity with Nepaul ; but the over- tures for this purpose were not met, by the ruling party in that state, in the spirit which had led the British authorities to make them. A treaty was indeed concluded, but the conduct of the Nepaulese government, after a very short period, compelled the governor- general in council to declare the treaty dis- solved. This occurred during the adminstra- tion of the Marquis Wellesley ; and, from that period, no intercourse took place between the two governments, until the encroachments of the Nepaulese compelled the British to renew it. These encroachments were extended into almost every district of the Company's do- minions which abutted on the frontier, as well as into the territories of native rulers under the protection of the British govern- ment. Among their victims was Perthes Saul Sing, the hereditary rajah of Palpa and zemindar of Bootwul. Driven from the hills, he retained possession of the zemindary, for which he engaged to pay to the British the same annual assessment he had formerly paid to the Oude government, to whom they had succeeded. He had thus become entitled to the special protection of the Company : this arrangement, however, conduced nothing to his safety ; for the Goorkhas, shortly after- wards, found means to entice him to Xat- mandoo, where they first imprisoned, and finally put him to death. The family of the murdered rajah, despairing of preserving their remaining possessions from the grasp of the enemy, surrendered the lands to the Company, and retired into Goruckpore, where they sub- sisted on a provision allowed them by the British government. But this did not deter the Nepaulese sovereign from prosecuting his course of aggression. He subsequently claimed the management of Bootwul, as the representative of the rajah of Palpa : the establishment of his authority was formally proclaimed, and his pretensions were sup- ported by the assemblage of a considerable body of troops on the frontier. The proper mode of noticing these acts would have been S90 NEPAULESE ENCROACHMENTS. [A.D. 1814. by tlie despatch of a British force sufficient to compel the retirement of the invaders ; but negotiation was prefen-ed to arms, and the result of the preference was, that the Goorkhas succeeded in occupying two-thirds of the dis- trict of Bootwul, west of the Terraie, the revenues of which they collected and appro- priated. On the accession of Sir George Barlow to the government, he deemed it necessary to rescue the question from the oblivion into which it had fallen ; but the temporizing course which he adopted was little calculated to sustain either the honour or interests of the British, in a dispute with antagonists, bold, acute, and enterprising as the Goorkhas. He required them, indeed, to evacuate Bootwul ; but the demand was coupled with an offer of relinquishing, on the part of the British authorities, all claims to the sovereignty of Sheoraj. Sheoi;aj was included in the ter- ritory ceded by Oude to the Company, but it had previously to the cession been subjugated by the Goorkhas. This was assumed as the justification of the concession, but very un- reasonably so. The right set up, on the part of Nepaul, was founded in usurpation, and, though exercised for a somewhat longer period of time, was in no respect better than that which they asserted to Bootwul. The pro- posed surrender was, however, without effect. The Goorkha prince rejected the offer, and refused any concession beyond that of farming Bootwul as a zemindary. Sir George Barlow shortly afterwards went to Madras, and, after his departure, the matter for a time rested in such perfect tranquillity as might almost warrant a suspicion that it was forgotten. At length Lord Minto directed the ma- gistrate of Goruckpore to report on the Nepaulese encroachments ; and, soon after- wards, he addressed a letter to the rajah, requiring him to withdraw from Bootwul, and acquiesce in the re-establishment of the British authority. So far from complying, the rajah asserted his right to a further exten- sion of territory, and alleged his respect for the British government as the cause of his forbearing to take possession of it. He pro- posed, however, an investigation by officers appointed by the two governments, with a view to the settlement of the differences between them. Here the negotiation again rested for a considerable period, till the rajah's respect for the British became so weakened, as to prove insufficient to restrain him any longer from the occupation of the districts on which he had previously set his desire. The Nepaulese crossed the Terraie, which had hitherto been their limit, into the districts of Palee, and at the same time extended their inroads from Sheoraj into the adjoining luppah of Debrooah. These new aggressions it was impossible to bear with the philosophical indifference which the British autliorities had hitherto displayed with regard to the encroachments of the Nepaulese. They were roused, not indeed to action, but to threats, qualified, as usual, by the display of a spirit of concession. It was intimated that the rajah's proposal of an inquiry by commissioners would be accepted ; Colonel Bradshaw was accordingly appointed by the British government, and proceeded to Bootwul, where he was met by the Nepaulese commissioners. The appointment of a com- missioner to inquire into rights which were perfectly clear cannot be regarded as either a wise or a dignified proceeding. Lord Minto, indeed, seems to have felt that to such a course of policy it was necessary to fix a limit ; and although he had previously been willing to adhere to the proposal of Sir George Barlow, and sacrifice Sheoraj to gain possession of Bootwul, he determined, on the appointment of the commissioner, to insist on the resti- tution of both, if the right to them should be established by the investigation. It was established; and then, as might have been anticipated, the Nepaulese commissioners turned their minds to the discovery of expe- dients for procrastination. An offer of com- promise was made, and referred by Colonel Bradshaw to the governor-general, by whom it was very properly rejected, and the rajah of Nepaul was called upon to surrender that which he had clearly no right to retain. This was the state of things when the earl of Minto resigned the government to the earl of Moira. The encroachments already related, though they may be regarded as the more important, were by no means the only acts of aggression perpetrated by the Nepaulese against the British and the chiefs under their protection. In Sarun, some serious disturbances had taken place from the same cause. A Nepaulese soubahdar, having passed the frontier, seized, plundered, and burnt some villages. At the very time when an inquiry into the trans- action was pending, under the sanction of both governments, the Nepaulese took pos- session of the remaining villages of the tuppah ; the total number seized being twenty- two. These villages had been in the pos- session of the British for thirty years, and the attack was made without any previous demand or notice. When Colonel Bradshaw bad concluded the Bootwul investigation, he was instructed to proceed to the Sarun frontier, for the purpose of adjusting the differences existing there. This appears to have been both unnecessary and injudicious : the Nepaulese had not the shadow of right, and there was consequently nothing to discuss. The government appears to have subse- quently found itself embarrassed by the cha- racter in which it had permitted Colonel Bradshaw to proceed to the Sarun frontier. The villages had been restored, subject to the result of the investigation : with this investi- gation the British government declined to They would have been perfectly A.D. 1814.] EENEWED AGaEESSIONS. 391 justified in this had they taken the determina- tion earlier ; but, having permitted the Ne- paulese diplomatists to lead them thus far, it is not easy to defend their sudden departure from a course to which the other party must have considered them pledged. It is true that the proceedings at Bootwul were not cal- culated to inspire the British with much con- fidence in the good faith of their opponents : this, it may be presumed, was the impression of the government ; and Colonel Bradshaw was accordingly instructed to invite the Ne- paulese commissioners to meet him, for the purpose of reviewing the proceedings already taken, and, nothing appearing to give a dif- ferent complexion to the transactions, to demand a renunciation of all pretensions to the twenty-two villages, and a surrender of the lands on the Saruu frontier which were still withheld. In pursuance of these instructions Colonel Bradshaw addressed a note to the commis- sioners, proposing a meeting. To this the commissioners replied by a very long letter, declaring that they would not meet Colonel Bradshaw, nor hold any communication with him, revoking the conditional transfer of the twenty-two villages, and requiring the British commissioner instantly to quit the frontier. It is to be lamented that any pretext was afforded to the Nepaulese for thus abruptly terminating the negotiations ; but it is ad- mitted that the communications of Colonel Bradshaw with the commissioners had coun- tenanced the belief that an investigation similar to that in Bootwul was to be instituted in Sarun. It has been alleged, that Colonel Bradshaw was not authorized to give any positive assurances to that effect. A faithless government may always avail itself of this excuse to disavow the acts of its agents ; and it is unfortunate when an upright and honour- able one is compelled to have recourse to it. But while the position in which the British government was thus placed was somewhat embarrassing, and its decision, perhaps, rather hasty, two points are perfectly clear — that its claims were founded on substantial justice, and that the objects of the Nepaulese were only evasion and delay. The earl of Moira now addressed a letter to the rajah of Nepaul, threatening immediate resort to hostile measures, unless the rights of the British were conceded ; and, not resting on idle threats. Colonel Bradshaw was in- structed, in the event of refusal or evasion on the part of the rajah, to resume pos- session of the usurped lands. The answer of the rajah being unsatisfactory. Colonel Bradshaw proceeded to execute the orders which he had received, and the resumption of the disputed lands was effected without oppo- sition. A similar course was adopted with regard to Bootwul and Sheoraj. Their restitution was demanded within a given time, and on failure, the magistrate of Goruckpore was ordered to take possession of them. The period having expired without any intimation, on the part of the Nepaulese, of a disposition to comply with the dictates of justice, the magistrate directed his police officers to ad- vance and establish stations at certain fixed places. Being resisted by the Nepaulese ofli- oers, they retired, when a body of troops marched in, and occupied the disputed lands without impediment. But the course of events was not to con- tinue thus smooth. In consequence of the approach of the sickly season, it was deemed necessary to withdraw the troops from the Terraie, and their departure was the signal for the revival of aggression on the part of the Nepaulese, attended, too, by circumstances of peculiar atrocity. On the morning of the 29th of May, 1814, three of the police stations in Bootwul were attacked by a large force, the officers driven out, and eighteen of them killed. Among the slain was the tannahdar of Chilwan, who, after having surrendered himself prisoner, was murdered, in cold blood, by the Nepaulese commander. The whole of the lands at Bootwul were forthwith reocou- pied by the usurping power ; and Sheoraj, from the want of regular troops to defend it, was abandoned. The insalubrity of the season, which had dictated the withdrawal of the troops, precluded their return, except at great risk. The government, therefore, confined its measures to the defence of the existing frontier, and the prohibition of all commercial intercourse between the British provinces and Nepaul. The last outrage committed by the Nepaulese government might have been expected to put an end to negotiation ; but the earl of Moira made one further attempt to effect a settle- ment of the existing differences without an appeal to the sword. A letter addressed by him to the rajah of Nepaul, complaining espe- cially of the treacherous attack upon Bootwul and the murder of the police officers, was answered by one in which no notice whatever was taken of those subjects, but which was filled with reiterations of refuted claims, groundless accusations of the agents of the British government, and menaces of hostility, if events should render it necessary. With the receipt of this letter the system of fruitless communication came to an end, the governor- general very properly suffering it to pass with- out reply. War being inevitable, the earl of Moira took immediate measures for commencing it with activity and vigour ; and a plan was laid down for invading the Nepaulese territory at four different points. For this purpose, four separate divisions of troops were assembled : one to act directly against the enemy's capital, by the route of Mucwanpore ; a second, in- tended to resume the usurped lands of Bootwul and Sheoraj, and afterwards menace the pro- vince of Palpa ; a third, with the design of penetrating the passes of the Deyra Dhoon, 392 PEEPAEATIONS FOR WAR. [A.D. 1814. occupying that valley and other positions in Gurhwal, and seizing the passes of the Jumna and the Ganges ; and a fourth, to act against the western provinces and the western army of the Goorkhas, which was understood to be composed of the flower of their troops. The last division, which was placed under the command of Colonel Ochterlony, consisted originally of about six thousand men, with sixteen pieces of ordnance. Its strength was subsequently increased to seven thousand men, and the number of pieces of ordnance to twenty-two. Attached to this division was a body of irregular troops, which, in the course of the campaign, amounted to about four thousand five hundred men. Part of these were auxiliaries furnished by the Seikh chiefs and the expelled rajah of Hindore. In the progress of the operations a corps was also formed of deserters from the Goorkha army. The earl of Moira proposed; in aid of his military operations, a series of political ar- rangements, the object of which was to engage in the British cause the chieftains of the ancient hill principalities, who had been driven out by the Goorkhas ; and through them to draw over their former subjects, who were represented as retaining a strong attach- ment to the families of their exiled rulers, and holding their conquerors in the greatest de^ testation. The expediency of this plan seems to have been doubted by Colonel Ochterlony, who urged that embarrassment, inconvenience, and expense were likely to result from the restoration of the hill chieftains under the protection and guarantee of the British govern- ment, and especially pointed out the necessity ■which would constantly arise for its interpo- sition to settle the diflerences which, it might be foreseen, would occur among them. This obligation, however, Lord Moira did not ap- pear to contemplate as necessarily falling within the province of the protecting power, and his opinion of the military and political advan- tages of the plan remained unshaken. Colo- nel Ochterlony was, therefore, furnished with a draft of a proclamation, declaring the inten- tion of the British government to expel the Goorkhas and restore the ancient chiefs ; dis- claiming all pecuniary indemnification, and requiring only a zealous and cordial co-opera- tion against the Goorkhas, then, or at any future period when it might again be neces- sary. The time for issuing this proclamation was left to the discretion of Colonel Ochter- lony ; and that officer, having completed his preparations, proceeded to Roopoor, where he was to commence his march into the hills. The third division, destined for Gurhwal, was placed under the command of Major- General Gillespie, who had quitted Java in consequence of disputes with the lieutenant- governor ot that settlement. Its original strength, of three thousand five hundred men and fourteen pieces of ordnance, was after- wards augmented to about ten thousand five hundred men and twenty pieces of ordnance. Attached to this division were between six and seven thousand irregulars, of various descriptions, raised by Mr. William Fraser, first assistant to the resident at Delhi, and, when embodied, placed under the command of Lieutenant Frederick Young, to whose pecu- liar fitness for the charge the governor-general afforded his personal testimony. To Major Stevenson was allotted the duty of obtaining intelligence and guides. The force under the command of Major-General Gillespie was assembled at Seharunpore by the middle of October, and marched towards the Dhoon shortly after. The movements of this division, as well as those of the last, were intended to be assisted by a course of negotiations, which were intrusted to Mr. Fraser, above men- tioned, and the Honourable Edward Gardner. The second division, which was destined to clear the Terraie and re-establish the British authority in the usurped lands, consisted of nearly five thousand troops, with a body of irregulars amounting to nine hundred. Twelve pieces of ordnance were originally allotted to it, but, by after-arrangements, some of them were replaced by others of superior power, and the number was increased to fifteen. This division was placed under the command of Major-General John Sulivan Wood, to whom was also committed the management of the political negotiations that were to be combined with the operations of his division. He arrived at Goruckpore on the 15th of November, the climate of the Terraie, antecedently to that period, being regarded as unfavourable to the health of the troops. The division which was intended to advance directly against Katraandoo remains to be noticed. Of the operations of this division the highest expectations were formed, and the commander-in-chief was anxious to place it in the very highest state of efficiency. It com- prehended eight thousand troops and twenty- six pieces of ordnance, which were placed under the command of Major-General Marley. The political arrangements connected with this division were intrusted to Lieutenant-Colonel Bradshaw. Subsidiary, in some degree, to the duties assigned to this division of the invading army, was a force placed under the command of Captain Barr^ Latter, designed to act princi- pally, though not exclusively, on the defensive. To that officer was intrusted the defence of the British frontier, from the river Koosi, eastward, to Juggigobath, on the Bm'hampooter ; and his attention was more especially called to that part comprehended between the Koosi and the Seistah, which latter river formed the eastern limit to the Nepaulese territories. The force, regular and irregular, placed at the dis- posal of Captain Barr^ Latter, amounted to about two thousand seven hundred men. While these preparations were in progress, the Nepaulese continued to repeat those mock overtures for an amicable adjustment of the pending diiferenoes in which they had so long A.D. 1814.] OPERATIONS IN DEYKA DHOON. 393 persevered. Frequent commuQications were made to Colonel Oohterlony by Ummer Sing Thappa, who commanded the western force of the Goorkhas ; but these appear to have been ascribed to motives less honourable to that officer than those which he avowed. Some information which had reached the British government induced a belief that Ummer Sing Thappa, notwithstanding his apparent attach- ment to the Goorkha cause, was secretly dis- affected to the Nepaulese government, and might be induced to betray the army he com- manded and the country he occupied into the hands of the English, in consideration of his personal interests being adequately provided for. Acting upon this information, the British government gave secret instructions to Colonel Ochterlony and to the resident at Delhi to meet with encouragement any advance which Ummer Sing Thappa might make towards effecting such a bargain. Before the result of these instructions could be known, the governor-general's agent at Benares announced that a brahmin, who de- clared himself authorized by Kunjore Sing Thappa, son of Ummer Sing Thappa, had proposed, on behalf of that functionary and his father, to put the British troops in possession of Nepaul, on conditions, the objects of which were to confirm the rajah in the government, and secure to the negotiators certain advan- tages as the reward of their services. A favourable answer was returned, and Eunjore Sing Thappa was recommended to put himself in communication with Colonel Bradshaw, to whom, as well as to Colonel Oohterlony, notice of the proposal, and instructions as to their own course, were forthwith transmitted. The brahmin returned to Katmandoo, avowedly to communicate to his employers the result of his mission, and not long afterwards reappeared at Benares, with another person of the same order with himself. But the new mission pro- fessed different objects from the old one. The two brahmins were the bearers of letters from the rajah and his ministers, intimating a de- sire to open a negotiation for peace ; and the prospect of overcoming the Nepaulese by intrigue, instead of force, was in this quarter at an end. It seems not improbable that the overture was only a piece of that tortuous policy which characterizes all the proceedings of Eastern statesmen. That policy appears, on this occasion, to have attracted the favour and excited the imitation of their rivals, who were determined, if possible, to shake the integrity of Ummer Sing Thappa. But the coyness of the Nepaulese general surprised and disap- pointed them, and Colonel Ochterlony was instructed to spare him the confusion of an unsolicited confession of attachment, by hinting that his advances would be entirely agreeable. The British commander accord- ingly took advantage of some partial successes on his own part to address a letter to Ummer Sing Thappa, intimating that he had received the authority of the governor-general to com- municate with him on any proposal that he might have to offer. But though thus assidu- ously wooed, the Goorkha chief was not won. His answer was a decided and somewhat scornful rejection of the suit. This, however, did not prevent its renewal. Fresh communi- cations with Ummer Sing were subsequently opened, and kept on foot through his son, in the hope that the private interests of the minister and the general might be made the instruments of overcoming their public duty ; but they ended like the former. Either the honesty of these officers was impregnable, or their expectations of the ultimate success of the British arms were not high. The progress of events has been somewhat anticipated, in order to throw together all the incidents connected with this process of Ma- chiavellian policy. It will now be necessary to take up the detail of the military operations. The campaign commenced by the seizure of the Tinley pass, in the Deyra Dhoon, on the 20th of October, by Lieutenant-Colonel George Carpenter, of the 17th native infantry, who had been detached for that purpose by Major- General Gillespie. The latter officer entered the Dhoon on the 24th, by the Kerree pass, and immediately marched upon Ealunga, while detachments occupied the passes and ferries of the Jumna. On the 29th, prepara- tions were made for an attack upon Ealunga ; the army under General Gillespie being formed into four columns, commanded respectively by Lieutenant-Colonel Carpenter, Captain J. W. Fast, of the 17th native infantry. Major Bartlet Kelly, of the light infantry battalion, and Captain William Campbell, of the 6th native infantry, with a column of reserve under Major John Ludlow, of the 6th. At half-past three o'clock on the afternoon of the 30th, the columns under Colonel Carpenter and Major Ludlow marched from their en- campment, without any resistance from the enemy, and took possession of the table-land, where they established themselves so as to cover the working party which was to be em- ployed during the night in constructing bat- teries. The three remaining columns moved at an early hour the next morning, to be in readi- ness to attack simultaneously with that from the table-land ; Major Kelly, on KursuUe, by the Jagherkeena road ; Captain Fast, towards the stockade, by the village of Luckhound ; and Captain Campbell, by the village of Ustall. Shortly after daylight the batteries opened on the fort with ten pieces of ordnance. The signal for the columns moving to the assault was to be given from the batteries two hours previously to the moment of attack, and repeated from the camp below ; but the ar- rangements appear to have been ill concerted ; at all events they were inefficient. The signal was fired about eight o'clock, but it was not heard by Major Kelly, Captain Fast, or Captain Campbell ; and, consequently, only the columns under Colonel Carpenter and Major Ludlow 394 EEPULSE AT KALUNGA. [a.d. 1814. moved. These advanced and carried the etook- ade thrown across the road leading to the fort ; they then pushed on close under the walls, which were stockaded all round. Here their progress was stopped. The fire of the bat- teries had been ineffective j a small opening only was visible, and that was defended by stockades within stockades. The British force was consequently obliged to retire, after sus- taining a frightful loss in ofBcers and men. Soon after the columns moved, three addi- tional companies had been ordered from the camp ; but, by the time they arrived on the table-land, the columns in advance had been forced to fall back. An attack by so small a force had obviously little chance of success ; but General Gillespie was, no doubt, appre- hensive of the unhappy effects likely to follow a repulse at so early a period of the war, and this, in addition to the impulses of his personal bravery, probably induced him to head an assault made by this little band, assisted by two six-pounders. The assault was made and failed ; a second met with no better success ; a third was still more unfortunate in its results, for, when within thirty yards of the gateway, the gallant general was mortally wounded while in the act of cheering on his men. Thus terminated the proceedings of this ill-fated day, with the loss of an officer who had rendered good service to his country in the East, and whose career had been marked by a courage which deserves the epithet of heroic. The memory of General Gillespie received from the public authorities the honours which it so well deserved. Kalunga was yet to be the scene of fresh misfortune and discomfiture to the British force. The failure of the former attack had suggested the necessity of procuring a batter- ing-train. It arrived, and was forthvrith brought into operation. At one o'clock in the afternoon of the 24th of November, the breach was reported to be completely practicable, and the command having, by the death of General Gillespie, devolved on Colonel Sebright Maw- bey, of his Majesty's 63rd foot, that officer ordered a storming party to advance. But this renewed attempt to gain possession of the fort was not more fortunate than the preceding one. The enemy defended the place with desperate valour, and, after a contest of two hours. Colonel Mawbey withdrew his troops with severe loss. The storming party had siicceeded in gaining the top of the breach, when a momentary hesitation proved fatal to them, and a large proportion was swept away. The failure was ascribed by Colonel Mawbey partly to the bold resistance of the enemy, who, in spite of repeated discharges from all the guns, mortars, and howitzers of the bat- tery covering the advance, persisted in manning the breach and bidding defiance to the assail- ants ; and partly to the difficulties of the service which the British troops were called upon to perform. The descent from the top of the breach is represented as having been so deep and rapid that the most daring of the as- sailants would not venture to leap down ; and it is added, that, had they done so, the attempt would have involved the certain destruction of those who made it, from a number of pointed stakes and bamboos which had been placed at the bottom, and which it would have been impossible to avoid. Such was the represent- ation of the officer in command. But the explanation was by no means satisfactory to the earl of Moira, who expres.9ed some dis- content and surprise at this second failure to carry a place (to use his own words) " certainly of no great strength or extent, destitute of a ditch, and defended by a garrison whose only means of resistance consisted in their personal gallantry." While some weight must be allowed to the circumstances enumerated by Lord Moira, candour must attribute a portion of his implied censure to the feeling of disap- pointment at the repeated reverses which thus marked the commencement of a campaign on the plan of which he had bestowed so much thought, and in the success of which his own reputation was essentially committed. But the repeated assaults upon Elalunga, though unsuccessful when made, were not without effect. Though retaining possession of the fort, the garrison had suffered dread- fully from the fire of the British artillery; and, greatly reduced in numbers, deprived of their officers, in want of provisions and water, and in danger of pestilence from the accumu- lation of the dead, they, on the morning of the 30th of November, evacuated the place, which was immediately taken possession of by Colonel Mawbey. The scene within the fort was of the most appalling description, and bore ample testimony to the desperate spirit which had animated its defenders. Their fortune without the walls was not happier than it had been within, their fiight being intercepted by detachments of the British force, and the greater part of the fugitives either killed, wounded, or made prisoners. In this service Major Ludlow greatly distinguished himself, especially by attacking and dislodging from a very advantageous position a force composed of the few followers who had accompanied the killadar, Bulbudder Sing, in his escape, strengthened by a body of about three hundred Ghoorkas who had been despatched to rein- force the garrison of Kalunga, but had vainly hovered about the hills, waiting an oppor- tunity to enter the place. The fort was ordered to be destroyed. The fall of Ealunga was followed by some other advantages, which, though trifling in themselves, were necessary to the success of the general plan of operations. A strongly stockaded position which the enemy occupied on the heights above the town of Calsie was abandoned after a feeble resistance; and the strong fort of Baraut, situated in the moun- tains forming the north-eastern boundary of the valley of Deyra, was evacuated by the garrison and forthwith occupied by the British. A.r>. 1814.] REPULSE AT JYETUCK. 395 The precipitate abandonment of this place was occasioned by the defection of the chief zemin- dars and inhabitants, whose zeal for the Bri- tish cause appears, however, to have been stimulated by the promise of a native officer, that their services should be requited by a small gratuity. In addition to these acquisi- tions, the post of Luckergaut, on the Ganges, where it forms the eastern limit of the Dhoon, was in the possession of a British detachment ; thus completing the occupation of the valley and of the principal passes leading to it. But Gurhwal, to the east of the Bageruttee, still remained in the possession of the enemy ; and this tract included several strong and com- manding positions. A force deemed sufficient for the occupation of the Dhoon having been left under the com- mand of Colonel Carpenter, the rest of the division marched for Nahun ; and, during its progress, the command was assumed by Major- General Martindell, who had been appointed to succeed General Gillespie. Nahun fell without an eflFort, the enemy abandoning it on the approach of the invading force, and withdrawing to Jyetuck, a fort erected on the summit of a mountain of great elevation, bear- ing the same name. Upon this point a force ■was concentrated, amounting to about two thousand two hundred men, commanded by Eunjore Sing. The operations for the reduction of Jyetuck were multiform and long-protracted, and their commencement was marked by misfortune and defeat. With the double view of dispossessing the enemy of a strong position and cutting off the supply of water, a combined attack was planned upon a stockade, about a mile west of the fort, and on the morning of the 27th of December was put into execution. One column, a thousand strong, was commanded by Major Ludlow, who was directed to pro- ceed to the left of the fort of Jumpta, while Major William Hichards, with another column comprising about seven hundred men, was to make a detour to the right, and take up a position on the other side. It was calculated that both columns would reach the respective points of attack before daybreak ; but, unfor- tunately, Major Ludlow did not arrive till long after. He was of course perceived, and the anticipated advantage was lost. Notwith- standing this unfavourable circumstance, the first encounter was encouraging to the hopes of the assailants, the enemy being driven from his advanced position, and compelled to retire into his stockade. But here the tide of suc- cess turned. A gallant, but, under the cir- cumstances, an inconsiderate and imprudent charge, made by a part of the king's 53rd, in opposition to the judgment of the commander, vfas repulsed, and the assailants were driven back in confasion. The ground, thus rashly lost, might, perhaps, yet have been recovered, had the rest of the detachment performed its duty; but the native infantry appeared panic- struck, and all efforts to form them proved ineffectual. The column under Major Richards displayed a better spirit and met with better fortune. They carried the position which they had been despatched to occupy, and maintained it against repeated and vigorous assaults of the enemy, who, after Major Lud- low's defeat, were enabled to turn their whole force against them. Their mode of attack was peculiarly harass- ing: intrenching themselves behind jatting points of rock and other situations affording shelter, they kept up an irregular fire, charg- ing occasionally and then retiring to their coverts. From the nature of the ground, it was almost impossible to dislodge them from their retreats, and the British troops were, therefore, compelled to sustain their attacks without the advantage of shelter enjoyed by their opponents ; they, however, nobly main- tained their post through the whole day, and with but small loss, until they were withdrawn from their arduous duty by orders from General Martindell to return to camp. These orders did not arrive until the whole of the ammunition was expended, and the troops had been compelled to employ stones in their defence. The retreat was far more disastrous than the conflict. It was effected under cover of a very gallant charge made by Lieutenant Thackeray, with the light company of the 2nd battalion of the 26th native infantry, in which that officer and nearly his whole company fell. The sacrifice of these brave men probably saved the entire detachment from destruction. Still a retreat by night through a country beset by difficulties, and in the possession of an enemy, active by nature and habit, and elated by success, was not to be effected with- out confusion and serious loss. The unfortunate result of this attack seems to have been produced by the operation of various errors on the part of the British, all combining to insure the success of the enemy. The delay, which deprived Major Ludlow's division of the advantage of approaching the enemy under cover of darkness, and the unfor- tunate impetuosity of a part of the troops, have been already mentioned. In addition. Major Ludlow was embarrassed by the non- arrival of his artillery. He was instructed, on attaining the summit of the hill, to fire shot and shells into the stockade, and, having suc- ceeded in driving the enemy out, to make a lodgment there ; but he was unprovided with the means of acting upon these instructions, the guns having been left much in the rear; and it appears that neither they nor the spare ammunition were ready to move at the ap- pointed hour. Of this circumstance General Martindell was not apprized, and he subse- quently alleged that the knowledge of it would have led him to countermand the march of the troops. It seems extraordinary that no report of so serious an impediment to the success of his plan should have reached him, and there must undoubtedly have been neglect somewhere. 396 LORD MINTO'S DISSATISFACTION. [a,d. 1814. The contiuued ill-success of the operations of this division was a source of great disap- pointment to the governor-general, and he regarded the conduct of the officer in com- mand with much dissatisfaction. Approving the project of seizing two points, each im- portant to the conduct of a siege, he condemned the withdrawal of Major Richards, who bad succeeded, for no better reason than because the attack under Major Ludlow had failed. He argued that the unfavourable issue of the enterprise in the one quarter furnished addi- tional cause for improving our success in the other; and that the despatch of a reinforce- ment, with due supplies of provisions and ammunition, would have been a far more judi- cious proceeding than that which was adopted, of ordering the detachment to retreat, without knowing the extent of peril to which such an operation might expose it. The opinion of the governor-general appears sound ; but General MartindeU must not be blamed with too great severity, for his situation was far from being easy or enviable. The necessity of caution had been impressed upon him from the highest quarter, and the commander-in-chief had ex- pressed an especial desire, upon the general assuming the command, that, while the spirit of the troops was depressed by their recent misfortunes, an assault upon Nahun should be avoided, and more patient measures adopted for its reduction. Nahun fell into our hands without an effort; as far, therefore, as that place was concerned, the advice was not needed, and the different circumstances of Jyetuok rendered it there in a great degree inapplicable. This was felt by Major-General MartindeU, and he consequently resorted to a more daring course than that which had been prescribed to him at Nahun. The partial failure of his attempt led him, somewhat too hastily, to despair of it altogether, and to abandon the success which was within his grasp. The fatal consequences which before Kalunga had resulted from indiscreet daring probably occurred to his mind, and led him into the opposite extreme of overmuch caution. This effect would be aided by the instruc- tions which he had received, and the conse- quentapprehension thatunsuccessful enterprise would be regarded as a violation of them. It is possible also that, looking at the unhappy and unexpected £iilure of a part of the native troops in Major Ludlow's division, he might have been apprehensive of similar occurrences in that of Major Bichards. It is true that nothing of the kind took place, the whole of that division having manifested the most per- fect steadiness and intrepidity; but of this General MartindeU could not have been aware when he despatched the orders for retreating, nor perhaps was he very accurately informed of all the circumstances under which the failure had occurred. The orders were certainly injudicious; but suf&cient allowance seems scarcely to have been made for the difficulties under which they were dictated. It will now be proper to advert to tne move- ments of the other divisions of the army destined for the invasion of the Nepanlese territories. That under Colonel Ochterlony penetrated the hills, in the direction of Nalagurh, within a few days after General Gillespie entered the Dhoon ; and the commencement of its opera- tions was not inauspicious. Batteries were opened against Nalagurh, and, on the 5th of November, 1814, the fort surrendered. The capture of Taragurh, a small hill-fort in the neighbourhood, followed. The two places were garrisoned by small parties of troops, and a dep6t was established at Nalagurh, which thus affi)rded the means of an undisturbed communication with the plains. An apprehension appears to have existed, in certain quarters, of a design, on the part of Ummer Sing, to retreat with his army to the eastward, and the necessity of precautionary measures for frustrating such an attempt was impressed upon thecommanders within the field of whose operations the movement, if made, would have fallen. Colonel Ochterlony main- tained that the expectation was utterly un- warranted by probability, and, further, that if Ummer Sing did retreat, as he would with- out a contest relinquish the country he had occupied to the protection of the British go- vernment, that alone would be an honourable issue of the war in one quarter, while his great distance from the eastern districts, com- pared with that of our attacking forces, ren- dered ' the chance but small of his coming in sufficient time to have much influence there. The result proved that the judgment of Colonel Ochterlony was correct; and it fur- ther attested the soundness of the opinions entertained and expressed by that officer, at a very early period after the commencement of hostilities, as to the nature and character of the war in which the British had become in- volved. He predicted that the Goorkhas would defend to the utmost every place which they thought defensible, and resist as long as possible in those they thought the weakest. This opinion, however, was not that which prevailed at head-quarters, where a very in- sufficient estimate appears to have been formed of the courage and determination of the troops by whom the British force was to be opposed. Their warlike qualities were greatly under- rated, and the victory was anticipated upon terms as easy as those on which it had been attained over tribes of less hardihood and activity. The stockades of the Goorkhas had been universally regarded with contempt. Colonel Ochterlony viewed them with very different feelings. He pronounced them ex- tremely formidable, and the experience of Bri- tish troops on several occasions afforded but too convincing evidence that he was right. We learned, at length, that we were contending with an enemy who was not to be despised ; but the lesson was not acquired without severe suffering and loss. A.D. 1814.] COLONEL OCHTEEXONY'S OPEEATIONS. 397 Instead of retiring on the Eastern Provinces, XJmmer Sing, leaving garrisons in Irlsee, Sub- batoo, and other forts in the interior, concen- trated his force on the heights of Ramgurh, to the number of three thousand. The ridge on which he was posted was defended by several forts of considerable strength. In the rear of it, and running in a direction nearly parallel, was another range of lofty and rugged hills, defended, like the former, by forts. Be- tween the two ridges flowed the river Gumber, in its progress to the Sutlej. Here Ummer Sing was enabled to draw supplies from the rajah of Belaspore, a prince devotedly at- tached to him, who had lands on both sides of the Sutlej ; and this advantage was pecu- liarly valuable at a time when his communica- tion with other quarters was cut off. Colonel Ochterlony, having established his depfits in Nalagurh, advanced on the enemy, and from the heights of Golah gained a full view of his stockade. The position which TJmmer Sing had taken up was of extraordi- nary strength. His right was covered and commanded by the fort of Kamgnrh, his left by a high and nearly inaccessible hill, called Eote, on which a strong party was posted. On a first view, however, the left stockade appeared to Colonel Ochterlony to be assail- able, and in the hope of being able to turn it, and take the enemy in flank, he made prepa- rations for an attack. Better information induced him to hesitate, and it was deemed necessary to reconnoitre more particularly. This duty was committed to Lieutenant Peter Lawtie, of the Bengal Engineei-s, by whom it was performed with extraordinary zeal and ability ; and the result was a conviction that a successful attack on the enemy's front was almost impossible, and that the attempt would involve a loss of men both certain and severe. The reports of the country people induced a belief that the hills were more accessible in the rear of the enemy, and these were con- firmed by the observations of Lieutenant Law- tie ; but the road, by which alone the rear could be gained, was declared impassable for the guns. This difficulty was overcome by efforts to which no warfare but that carried on by Europeans in the East can furnish a parallel. The docility of the elephant was relied upon for effecting a passage impractica- ble by other means, and six of these animals became the bearers of as many pieces of ord- nance, while seven hundred coolies or por- ters were put in requisition to carry the necessary ammunition and equipments. In this manner a road characterized by Colonel Ochterlony as "indescribably bad" was suc- cessfully traversed, the wild and rugged hills passed in safety, and a descent effected into the plain in the enemy's rear. A battery was immediately erected, and began to play at an early hour in the morn- ing of the 26th November ; but it was found to be too distant, and that the elevation pf the work against which it was directed was too great to admit of its producing any mate- rial effect. The firing was in consequence discontinued, and Lieutenant Lawtie was in- structed to reconnoitre the ground, with a view to the choice of a more favourable posi- tion. While in the performance of this duty, the officer and his escort were suddenly at- tacked by a party of the enemy, whom, how- ever, they drove back towards his stockade, and, pushing their advantage, took up a post within three hundred yards of the work. As soon as their situation was perceived at the battery, the whole of the men there were dis- patched to their assistance ; but the enemy threw out from the different stockades and from Bamgurh such numbers, that the party was compelled to relinquish the ground they had gained before the reinforcement could arrive. The affair was altogether a trifling one, but it was injurious to the British cause, by sustaining the hope of the Goorkhas and dispiriting those who were opposed to them. No blame can be attached to any party in the transaction ; but it cast over the commence- ment of operations by this division of the army a portion of the gloom in which the unfortunate events before Kalunga had in- volved those intrusted to General Gillespie. The establishment of a batteiy at a more advanced point was still the object to which the commander of the division directed his attention. One position only presented itself where the artillery could be used with any prospect of success ; and to gain this a consi- derable space of ground was to be traversed by the column of attack, exposed to the fire of the enemy from the other stockades, as well as from that against which their opera- tions were directed. On the expediency of risking this. Colonel Ochterlony consulted the field-officers with the detachment. The ge- neral impression appeared to be unfavourable, and it was observed, that it was an acknow- ledged principle, that all attacks of such a nature should be sustained by great supe- riority of numbers ; whereas, in the instance under discussion, the force of the enemy far exceeded that of the whole detachment op- posed to them. The intelligence of the dis- astrous result of the second attack upon Ka- lunga seems to have determined Colonel Ochterlony not to make an attempt attended by so many chances of failure ; and he forth- with avowed his conviction that the enemy's rear was unassailable with his present means. In fact, the force at the disposal of Colonel Ochterlony was inadequate to the purpose for which it was destined ; he therefore deter- mined to wait for reinforcements, and not to risk the efficiency and safety of the army at his disposal by precipitate and ill-judged movements. This determination could scarcely be acceptable to his superiors, but it in- curred no reproach. The experience and character of Colonel Ochterlony probably averted the censure which would have been bestowed upon an officer who had numbered 398 CAPTURE OF EAMGUEH. [A.D. 1814. fewer years, and whose reputation was less firmly established. Consoioiis that he did all that he ought. Colonel Ochterlony appears at the same time to have been aware that he did not attempt all that was expected from him. In a letter to the adjutant-general, dated the 2nd December, he wrote that he " did not blush to acknowledge that he felt his mind inadequate to a command requiring great powers of genius, and so novel in its nature and in all its circumstances." It was about this period that the large irre- gular force in aid of Colonel Oohterlony's division was raised and embodied. The divi- sion was also strengthened by the accession of an additional battalion of native infantry and some artillery. These arrived on the 27th December ; and on the evening of that day, as soon as it was dark, the reserve, under Lieutenant-Colonel W. A. Thompson, of the 3rd native infantry, moved to attack a chosen point of the enemy, with the view of cutting off his communication with Belaspore, the principal source of his supplies. The march was one of great fatigue and difficulty ; but Colonel Thompson succeeded in reaching the point of attack in the morning. The field- pieces were forthwith brought into operation against the enemy's position, and continued firing through the day, but with little effect. A very bold and spirited attack upon the British position, made on the following morn- ing, was repulsed with great gallantry, and the enemy driven to a distance. Perceiving the purpose with which the movements of the reserve had been made, the enemy now sud- denly abandoned all his positions on the left of Hamgurh, and took up a new one on the oppo- site side of the fort, which, by a change of his front, he still kept on his right. The object of the movement was thus defeated, yet the attempt was not unattended by beneficial con- sequences. The enemy was compelled to con- tract his limits. By the establishment of the reserve on the ridge, some advantage was secured for further operations ; and what was, perhaps, of not less importance, the repulse of the enemy was calculated alike to diminish the confidence of the Goorkha troops, and to remove the despondency which repeated re- verses had diffused among our own. Disappointed in the immediate attainment of his object. Colonel Ochterlony continued to pursue it with exemplary perseverance, and a series of operations followed, distinguished alike for the judgment with which they were planned and the energy and precision with which they were executed. Their object was to compel tlmmer Sing either to quit his position or to risk an engagement. A consi- derable body of irregulars, under Lieutenant Koss, was despatched by a circuitous route to take up a position on the heights above Belas- pore ; and on the 16th of January, 1816, Colonel Ochterlony passed the river Gumber to a position on the road to Irkee, near the southern extremity of the Malown range of mountains, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel George Cooper, of the 1st native infantry, with a battalion and the battering guns, at the former position at Nehr, strongly stockaded. It had been anticipated that this movement would cause TJmmer Sing to quit his position and move in a direction to cover his supplies, and the result corresponded with the expectation. TJmmer Sing marched to Malown, leaving small garrisons in Kamgurh and the other forts in that range. The principal stockades evacuated by the enemy were immediately occupied by Lieutenant-Colonel John Arnold, of the 19th native infantiy, who was ordered, after performing this duty, to follow the march of the enemy, and take up a position in the vicinity of Belaspore. This was not effected without some delay and considerable difficulty, occasioned by the inclemency of the weather and the mountainous nature of the country. It was, however, at length successfully accom- plished. Colonel Arnold took up a very advantageous position at Euttengurh, directly between Malown and Belaspore, and com- manding the principal line of communication. The irregulars, under Lieutenant Boss, had previously gained possession of the heights above Belaspore, after defeating a considerable body of Kuhloora troops, who attempted to maintain them. These movements being com- pleted. Colonel Ochterlony, with the reserve, took up a position on the right bank of the Gumrora, which at once afforded means for watching the movements of the enemy and facilities for cutting off his communications. The progress of the British arms in this quarter was now steady and satisfactory. On the nth of Febuary the heights of Kamgurh were taken possession of without opposition. The sui-render of the fort of Ramgurh followed, after a resistance rendered brief by the open- ing upon the place of some eighteen-pounders, which had been carried up to the ridge with almost incredible labour. The garrison of Jhoo-jooroo surrendered to a detachment of irregulars. Taragurh was evacuated by the enemy on the 11th of March. The fort of Chumbull subsequently surrendered, and the garrison were made prisoners of war. These services were performed by Colonel Cooper and the force left at Nehr. They occupied a period of about six weeks of unremitted exertion. When completed, Ramgui'h was converted into a principal dep6t, and Colonel Cooper's detachment became at liberty to aid in investing the enemy's position. In the mean time a negotiation had been opened with the rajah of Belaspore, whose territory had been left entirely at our mercy by the retirement of TJmmer Sing, which ended in the transfer of the rajah's allegiance from the Goorkha to the British government ; and on this condition his possessions on the left bank of the Sutlej were guaranteed to him without tribute or pecuniary payment of any kind. The proceedings of the division of the in- A.D. 1815.] GENERAL WOOD'S INDECISION. 399 vading army under General Wood now require to be noticed. Its march was, in the first instance, retarded by the want of means for transporting the stores and supplies. This difficulty "was removed by obtaining bearers from Lucknow, as well as a number of ele- phants furnished by the nabob vizier ; but, in consequence of the delay thus occasioned, General Wood was not prepared to move till the middle of December. He at length ad- vanced, and occupied the Terraie ; but his operations were still impeded by delays in the commissariat department. As the obstacles arising from this cause were removed, the hesitation of the general in the choice of a route interposed fresh ones. His information as to the country, the force of the enemy, and every other point by which his determination was to be influenced, appears to have been miserably defective ; and, harassed by a multi- plicity of discordant reports, the movements of this division were, from the first, characterized by feebleness and indecision. The first intention appears to have been to leave Bootwul on the right, and attack Nya- cote, a fort situated on the hills to the west of the town. Various plans of operation were in succession adopted and abandoned. At last, the general was led by the advice of a brah- min, named Knuckunuddee Sewaree, into a course singularly imprudent and unfortunate. This man was a native of the hills, but for many yeai's resident in Goruckpore, attached to the rajah. Having obtained the confidence of General Wood, he proceeded to insist upon the difficulties presented by the Mahapore hills, which it had been proposed to pass, and suggested that the detachment should cross the Tenavee, occupy Bussuntpore, about ten miles from Simla, and leaving there the sup- plies and baggage, push on to Palpa, where an abundance of provisions might be secured, and from whence Nyacote might be attacked on the side where the well that supplied the garrison was situated; but, preparatory to this movement, he recommended that a re- doubt at Jeetgurh, which had been thrown up across the foot of the hill of Mujcote, one mile west of Bootwul, should be carried, and the deserted town of Bootwul burnt. The suc- cess of this scheme was represented as certain, and the advantages of possessing the fort to be first attacked, as of the highest importance. The brahmin professed to be well acquainted with the country : in recommending the pro- posed plan of operations, he felt, or counter- feited, the greatest enthusiasm — a feeling which he succeeded in communicating to the general, who, at once captivated by its appa- rent practicability and advantage, resolved to carry it into effect without delay. The morning of January the 3rd was fixed for the attack upon Jeetgurh, in front of which, according to the brahmin's report, was an open plain. The morning came, and the movement to attack took place. Between the British camp and the redoubt lay the Sal forest ; but, instead of debouching upon an open plain, as was expected. General Wood, with hia staff and the foremost of the advanced guard, on approaching to reconnoitre, found themselves, greatly to their astonishment, within fifty paces of the work. A heavy fire was immediately commenced from the redoubt, which for some time could be returned only by the few men who had accompanied the general and his staff. On the arrival of the troops forming the head of the column, they advanced, under Colonel Hardyman, to attack the work, while a party led by Captain Croker, of his Majesty's 17th foot, driving the enemy before them up a hill on the right of the redoubt, succeeded in gaining its summit. The post seemed now in the power of the British troops ; but, deterred by the apparent force of the enemy on the hill behind it, the possession of which was necessary to the re- tention of Jeetgurh, General Wood refrained from pushing his advantage, and ordered a retreat. Considerable loss was sustained on both sides, but that of the enemy was the more severe. The brahmin who was the cause of the mischief disappeared as soon as the fort was in sight. General Wood closed his des- patch, giving an account of this affair, by observing with great naivetS of his deceitful guide, "If he is with the enemy, lean have no doubt of his treachery : " a conclusion from which few will be found to dissent. The proceedings before Jeetgurh seem to have been marked throughout by no incon- siderable degree of levity, — to have been undertaken and abandoned alike inconsider- ately. The information upon which the general acted was not merely imperfect, but false, and it is strange that no attempt was made to test the correctness of the brahmin's report before advancing. Undertaken, as circumstances showed, in perfect ignorance of the ground, the attack was yet, to a certain extent, suc- cessful, and it was the apprehensions alone of the commander that kept the fort out of his hands. But his astonishment and distrust at finding the height covered with troops was a clear indication that he was not better in- formed as to the force of the enemy than he had been as to the nature of their position. He advanced upon the foe, ignorant whither he was going — this was a great error ; but hia good fortune saved him from its probable con- sequence, and he was on the point of achieving the very object so imprudently sought. He then first began to doubt his power of retain- ing that for which he had incurred such risk, and, deterred by circumstances which he ought previously to have known and weighed, he retired, consigning the men under hia com- mand to the dispiriting consequences of defeat, after paying, in killed and wounded, the price of victory. Measures more ill-judged and dangerous have rarely occurred in any course of warfare. Little more was attempted by this division, and nothing important effected. After dis- 400 ALTERNATE SUCCESSES. [A.D. 1815. posing of his wounded, and making some provision for the defence ofthe eastern part of the district, General Wood proceeded in a westerly direction, with the view of effecting one of the objects assigned to his division, that of creating a diversion of the enemy's force, as well as with the intention of pene- trating, if possible, into the hills, by the passes of Toolsepore. But his progress was arrested by the movements of the enemy, who, en- couraged by the failure at Jeetgurh, and being, it was alleged, reinforced from Katmandoo, advanced into the country, burning the villages and committing horrible devastations in their route. On the 24th of January General Wood, in communicating these facts, avowed his utter inability, with the small force at his disposal, to carry on any offensive operations, and solicited instructions for his guidance. The answer, dated the 30th of the same month, attributes the embarrassed situation of General Wood to the delays which occurred in the advance of his detachment, and to his having pursued a system purely defensive. The impracticability of furnishing precise in- structions for the guidance of an officer holding a distant command, under circumstances liable to daily change, was pointed out ; but some suggestions were offered, and a more active system of operation strongly urged. Towards the close of the season General Wood again marched upon Bootwul, but without producing any effect. The approach of the rainy season now indicated the necessity of suspending all offensive operations, and General Wood retired towards Gornckpore, and proceeded to make the necessary arrange- ments for the defence of the frontier. These measures were in accordance with the views entertained at head-quarters ; but the division being attacked by sickness to an alarming extent (twelve hundred men being at one time in the hospital), it became expedient to break up before the final orders for that purpose arrived. The division separated without attaining a single object for which it had been brought together, and the corps not destined to the defence of the frontier returned to their ordi- nary cantonments. Previously to this it was deemed necessary to incapacitate the Terraie of Bootwul and Shiraz from furnishing supplies to the enemy in a future campaign, by destroying the crops on the ground, and preventing the cultivation of the country for the following season. Lord Moira declared that he adopted this policy with reluctance ; and it is but justice to add, that nothing was neglected that could soften such an infliction. The inhabitants were not abandoned to famine : they were iuvited-to remove to a more southern tract, where lands were assigned to those who accepted the offer. The operations of the division of the army destined to march through Muckwanpbre, direct upon the Nepaulese capital, yet remain to be noticed. It was that upon which the governor-general had fixed bis strongest hopes, and on the equipment of which the greatest care and expense had been bestowed. The corps had assembled at Dinapore, and had crossed the Ganges before the end of Novem- ber. Six companies had previously been despatched, under Major Edward Rough- sedge, to reinforce Lieutenant-Colonel Brad- shaw. The former officer moved forward with his detachment to occupy the Terraie of Tir- hoot, while the latter proceeded, with the troops under his immediate command, to attack a position at Burhurwa, occupied by Pursaram Thappa, the Nepaulese soobahdar of the Terraie, vrith about four hundred men. This enterprise was successfully executed. The enemy was taken by surprise, and, after a short conflict, put to the rout. Being cut off from a retreat to the north, the fugitives fled southward to Kurrurbunna Gurhee, three miles from the scene of attack. Being pursued to that place, they abandoned it, and were chased across the Baugmutty, where many were drowned, and those who escaped death threw down their arms. Two standards fell into the hands of the victors, and Pursaram Thappa himself was killed in a persona) en- counter with Lieutenant Boileau, of the native infantry. This brilliant affair, which took place on the 25th of November, secured the immediate possession of the Terraie of Sarun. About the same time Major Roughsedge, com- manding the Ramgurh local battalion, occupied the Terraie of Tirhoot without opposition, the enemy withdrawing as he advanced. General Marley, who had been appointed to the command of the division, did not arrive on the frontier until the 11th of December, and by this delay the opportunity of depressing the spirits of the enemy and sustaining those of his own troops, by immediately and vigor- ously following up the success of Colonel Brad- shaw, was lost. This loss was not repaired by any subsequent activity. General Marley deemed it necessary to wait for a battering- train, which could not arrive for a considerable time ; and this postponement of all offensive operations on the part of the British seems to have emboldened the Goorkhas, and led to the assumption by them of the coui'se which their adversaries declined. The torpor of this division of the British force was, on the 1st of January, very inauspiciously disturbed by a simultaneous attack on two of their advanced posts situated at Pursah and Summundpore. These posts were about forty miles asunder, and about twenty-five miles from the position which General Marley had taken up at Low- tun. They had been established by Colonel Bradshaw, together with a third, at Barra Gurry, nearly equidistant from the two, but somewhat more retired. The Goorkhas were so greatly superior in numbers, that the British force was compelled, in each instance, to retire with severe loss, including that of the two commanding officers. Captains Sibley and Blackney, both of the native infantry. A.D. 1815.] GENERAL MARLEY'S INCOMPETENCE. 401 The positions, however, were not yielded with- out hard fighting. At Pursah, Lieutenant Matheson, of the artillery, remained at his post, and continued to work a gun after every man under hia command was either killed or wounded. But, though relieved by this and other instances of individual bravery, the tendency of these events was to cast a gloom over the prospects of the campaign. They occasioned great anxiety in the highest quarters, and drew from the earl of Moira expressions of marked displeasure. The governor-general condemned the disposition of these posts ; but the disposition was that of Colonel Bradshaw, not of General Marley. A charge, bearing more directly against the latter officer, was grounded on the fact that, although reports of the intended attacks had been prevalent, no effectual means had been taken to strengthen the posts against which they were directed. These reports do not, indeed, appear to have called forth all the vigilance that was to be expected ; but a party of two hundred men had been despatched to Pursah, and might have arrived in time to change the for- tune of the day at that post ; unfortu- nately, they halted at a distance of several miles. It must be acknowledged, however, that they were not aware of the urgent necessity for their advance, and so little was this felt by Captain Sibley, who commanded at Pursah, that, though informed, the day before, of the approach of the party, he took nq-gteps to hasten their movement, and did nol even think it requisite to reply to the communi- cation. These circumstances show that the feeling of security was not confined to General Marley, but extended to other officers of his division. It was, indeed, as urged by the governor- general, an obvious and indispensable precau- tion, not to continue the posts advanced and exposed during a period of inactivity, which allowed the enemy ample leisure to oontrivo and mature plans of attack. General Marley was persuaded that he was not in a con- dition to advance with safety, and in this belief a concentration of hia force would un- doubtedly have been more judicious than the continuance of the arrangement adopted by his predecessor. But he was placed in cir- cumstances where a man must possess extra- ordinary fii'mness to act resolutely upon his own convictions. He knew that he was ex- pected to advance, and he felt that this expecta- tion could not be fulfilled ; he knew also, that, by withdrawing the parties in advance, he should occasion great disappointment to the distinguished projector of the campaign, and draw down no ordinary degree of censure upon himself. A lover of reckless enterprise would have executed his orders, or at least would have tried to execute them ; a man of high confidence in his own judgment would have shaped his course according to its sug- gestion. General Marley did neither; hesi- tating between his instructions and the con- clusions of his own mind, he followed neither completely or vigorously, and his proceedings exhibited the usual characteristic of middle courses — uniting the disadvantages and ex- cluding the probable benefits of both extremes. With regard to the advanced posts, further blame was cast upon General Marley for not protecting them by stockades. Such a pro- ceeding, however, was altogether new in In- dian warfare. It was adopted by Colonel Oohterlony, much to the credit of his sagacity and discrimination. That able commander saw that the war with Nepaul was alto- gether different from any in which the British had previously engaged, and that the pecu- liarities of the country and the character of the enemy called for important changes in our modes of operation. But it would be un- fair to pass sentence of reprehension upon any commander upon grounds merely comparative, and to condemn him, not for absolute defi- ciency, but because he manifested less skill than another officer. But whether attributable, according to the view of General Marley, to the inadequacy of the force at his disposal, or, according to that of the governor-general, to the incompetence of the commander, it is certain that the course of events was productive o{ the most lament- able consequences to the interests of the British government. General Marley, on the 6th of January, made a forward movement towards Pursah, and encamped about a mile and a half to the south of that place. But this position he almost immediately abandoned, alarmed by the reports of the designs of the enemy, and by some very unpleasant symptoms manifested by a part of the native troops. The dissatis- faction displayed itself only in words and in a number of desertions ; but these were indi- cations that could not with safety be disre- garded. General Marley, under the circum- stances, decerned it advisable to retrograde, for the purpose of covering the dep&t at Betteah, and favouring the junction of the long-expected battering-train. This being ac- complished, some other movements were made, but without effecting anything for the British cause. In the meantime the enemy ravaged the Terraie, the whole of which, with the excep- tion of the country immediately protected by our posts, again fell into their hands ; their incursions were extended even beyond it. Their confidence attained a most extravagant height, and they threatened to attack Barra Gurry, though a thousand men were there in garrison. They actually threw up a stockade at Sooffre, a short distance from that post. The prudence of the Nepaulese commander, Bha- gut Singh, withheld him, however, from attacking it ; but his caution did not find greater favour in the eyes of his government than that of some of the British commanders had met from theirs. Being the subject of a semi-barbarous state, his fate was even 2 D 402 SUSPENSION OF OPERATIONS. [A.D. 1815, worse. He was not only recalled, but dis- graced by being publicly exhibited in woman's attire, as one unworthy to wear the habili- ments of man. Some attempts were made, by hasty levies of iiTeguIars, to provide for the protection of the frontier, and restrain the aggressions of the Goorkhas ; but they were attended with little success. The despondency of General Marley appeared to increase, as did also the dissatisfaction of the commander-in-chief at his inactivity. The conviction of the general, that his means were inadequate to the fulfil- ment of his instructions, not only remained undiminished, but seemed to gather strength, and that conviction was sanctioned by the judgment of Lieutenant- colonel George Dick, of the 9th native infantry, and Lieutenant- colonel William Chamberlain, of his Majesty's 24th. The opinions of those officers, together with his own, having been transmitted by General Marley to the commander-in-chief, the representation was answered by his recall, and the appointment of Major-general George Wood to succeed him. The embarrassments of his situation, acting upon a mind perhaps little adapted to en- counter them, led at length to a most extra- ordinary proceeding on the part of the general. On the 10th of February (his successor not having arrived} he quitted the camp, before daylight in the morning, without any previous intimation of his intention, and without making any provision for the command after his departure. Such a step is of a nature to forbid comment. It indicates the existence of a state of nervous excitement under which the ill-fated officer was not master of his own actions, and which consequently shields them from remark. The interval that elapsed between the de- parture of General Marley and the arrival of his successor was distinguished by an affair of some brilliancy, which tended, in no incon- siderable degree, to abate the presumptuous confidence of the Goorkhas and revive the exhausted hopes of the British force. Lieu- tenant Fickersgill, while reconnoitring, dis- covered, at no great distance from the camp, a party of the enemy about five hundred strong. The discovery was immediately communicated to Colonel Dick, who, as the officer next in seniority, had, on the departure of General Marley, assumed the command. A party of irregular horse was, in consequence, des- patched to strengthen Lieutenant Fickersgill, and Colonel Dick followed with all the picquets. The Goorkhas, encouraged by the small number of Lieutenant Pickersgill's force, resolved to attack him ; but, on emerging from a hollow where they were posted, they perceived the force that was advancing to his assistance. This discovery appears to have struck them with panic, and they made an immediate and precipitate retreat, pursued by Lieutenant Fickersgill, who had waited only for the junction of the cavalry. The entire detachment was cut to pieces, and so great was the terror inspired by this encounter, that the Goorkhas hastily retreated into the hills, abandoning every position which they had established in the forest and Terraie. Major-general George Wood joined the division to the command of which he had been appointed, on the 20th of February, ten days after the departure of his predecessor. The force at his disposal had been greatly augmented, and he found himself at the head of upwards of thirteen thousand regular troops. He had, in every respect, the advantage of his predecessor in the command : his force was not only considerably larger, but the tone of their spirits was greatly raised by the successful afiair which took place only the day before his arrival. Nevertheless, the new commander determined that he could do nothing to redeem the alleged errors of General Marley : he apprehended that the efficiency of his army might be impaired by sickness, if he attempted to penetrate into the forest, and, after a long march eastward to Goruckpore and back again, which was performed without seing an enemy, and the object of which is not very clear, all operations were suspended for the season. The change of generals thus failed of accom- plishing the object which the commander-in- chief most ardently desired. The division did not march to Eatmandoo, nor make an attempt to do so. The occupation of ]&umaon was an object highly desirable, but, ovring to the unpro- pitions progress of the campaign, apparently little likely to be attained by any portion of the regular force. A correspondence had, however, been opened with the leading men of the country, and their wishes were ascer- tained to be decidedly favourable to the British, whose success they promised to pro- mote by all the means in their power, if they would invade the territory and rescue it from the rule of the Goorkhas ; but they expressly stipulated, that their ancient rajahs should not be restored, and desired that the country should be placed under the direct government of the Company. The way was thus prepared for a successful irruption into Eumaon, but the means of effecting it were wanting. The army under General Martindell remained before Jyetuok, and no portion of it could be spared for any other service. The season of operation was rapidly passing away, and the British party in Eumaon becoming alarmed lest their correspondence should be discovered, were pressing in their representations of the necessity of immediate action. In this emer- gency it was determined to try what could be effected by a body of irregulars, accompanied by a few guns and aided by the co-operation of the inhabitants. The duty of raising this force was assigned to Lieutenant-colonel Gardner, to whom also was intrusted its subsequent command. It amounted, in the first instance, to about three thousand men ; it was increased by a corps raised and formed A.D. 1815.] COLONEL GARDNER'S SUCCESSES. 403 by Captain Hearsey. Four six-poundera were placed at the disposal of Colonel Gardner, and he was ordered to act under the direc- tion of hia relative, the Honourable Edward Gardner, who was to proceed to Kumaon in a political character. The levying of this force was, however, a work of time, and after it was ready, a suc- cession of bad weather prevented its being put in motion. By these causes its advance into the hill country was delayed until the 17th of February. Having occupied the Chilkeeah pass, Colonel Gardner proceeded by a route lying chiefly along the bed of the Cosillas river. This route, not the moat direct one to Almorah, was chosen as offering the fewest impediments to an invading force, as being in a great degree unguarded, and likely to afford opportunities for turning the positions of the enemy. The Goorkhas withdrew aa the British force approached, and Colonel Gardner's movements were characterized by an energy and rapidity which suffered no advantage to be lost. Having anticipated the Goorkhas in the occupation of an important post, he availed himself of it to collect his force and bring up hia guns and baggage, which, by the rapidity of his progress, had been left in the rear. He then pursued his march, and took up a commanding position on a hill called Eompore, in front of which the enemy's force, reinforced by a large proportion of the garrison from Almorah, was strongly stockaded. In the course of the march several skirmishes took place, the results of which were invariably favourable to the British. The success which had marked the progress of Colonel Gardner waa most encouraging, but it did not seduce him into attempts which might not only have thrown away the advantages already gainedj but have frustrated the objects of the enterprise altogether. The enemy were too strongly posted to justify an attack in front by a force composed entirely of hastily-levied and irre- gular troops, and Colonel Gardner, therefor^, judiciously determined to turn hia position, and by the sudden movement of a part of his corps, combined with a demonstration of attack, either to place himself between the enemy and bis capital, or compel him to retire to prevent it. But even for the performance of this manoeuvre Colonel Gardner felt that he was not yet sufficiently strong. He, ac- cordingly, waited the junction of an additional body of irregulars, amounting to one thousand, which had been raised in the Dooab, and were proceeding to Eumaon. On the arrival of this reinforcement he executed his intention almost without opposition. The enemy with- drew with so much precipitation aa to leave part of his arms and baggage behind him, and, being closely followed by the force under Colonel Gardner, he abandoned the position in front of Almorah, to which he had retired and posted himself on the ridge on which the town stands. On the 28th of March the British force occupied the position which the enemy had deserted. While Colonel Gardner was thus triumph- antly advancing. Captain Hearsey with his followers was endeavouring to create a diver- sion in another quarter, but with very different success. Having secured the Timley pass and the forts which commanded it, he had advanced and occupied Chumpawnt, the capital of Kali Eumaon, and laid siege to a strong fortress near it called Eutoolgurh. While thus engaged, a Goorkha force crossed the Sardah and attacked one of his posts, but it was forced to recross the river with some loss. The attack was speedily succeeded by another. On this occasion the enemy ap- peared with increased strength, and crossed the river at a point somewhat above Captain Hearsey's division. On learning this move- ment the British commander advanced to attack the enemy, with all the force that could be collected, leaving his adjutant to prosecute the siege of Entoolgnrh. The issue was dis- astrous. The troops under Captain Hearsey shrunk from their duty, and he was wounded and taken prisoner. The Goorkha commander then attacked the party left before Eutool- gurh, which he quickly dispersed. The re- mainder of Captain Hearsey's battalion un- ceremoniously abandoned their posts and fled into the plains. Though Colonel Gardner's success was very flattering, it was a matter of great doubt whether, with a force altogether irregular, he would be able to reduce Almorah. Some attempts had been made to tamper with the Nepaulese commander who held possession of it, by suggesting to him that an arrangement might be made for his benefit if he would retire with his troops across the Eali. This mode of crippling an enemy, by corrupting his officers, appears, from its frequent recurrence, to have been a favourite engine in the policy of Lord Moira. On this occasion, as on others, however, it failed ; the Nepaulese com- mander giving no encouragement to a pro- posal which , implied a belief that he was a miscreant of the lowest description. As, therefore, his fidelity was not to be shaken, and it was deemed imprudent to rely entirely upon an irregular force, a detachment of regular troops, two thousand strong, was devoted to the operations in Eumaon, and the entire force was placed under the command of Colonel Nicolls. That officer arrived at Eattar Mull on the 8th of April, and as soon as his regular force waa assembled, sent a de- tachment, under Major Robert Patton, of the 5th native infantry, to a position to the north-west of Almorah, in which direction a body of the enemy had proceeded. They were attacked by Major Patton and com- pletely routed. The Goorkha commander was killed, as were also the second in command, and several other officers. This success was gained on the 23rd of April. On the 25th, 2 D 2 iOi ANNEXATION OF KUMAON. [a.d. 1815. Colonel Nioolls proceeded to attack the heights and town of Almorah with a success more rapid, if not more decisive, than he had anticipated. Two of the enemy's breastworks on the Sittolee ridge were carried by a part of the regular infantry, led by Captain W. C. Faithful, of the 4th native infantry, while the irregular troops, ever the devout worshippers of fortune, were worked upon, by the aus- picious appearance of events and the energy of Colonel Gardner, to attack and carry the remaining three. The enemy retreated by five roads, on each of which they were pursued ; some important positions were taken, and the British gained possession of about one-third of the town. During the night an attempt was made to dispossess the victors of their advantage ; but it was met with judgment and gallantry, and defeated. In the morning measures were taken for attacking the fort, and at nine o'clock in the evening a flag of truce arrived, bearing a letter from the Goorkha commander requesting a suspension of arms, preparatory to a termination of hostilities in the province. Another letter to the same effect was written by Captain Hearsey, then a prisoner in the fort. On the following day a convention was framed, by virtue of which all the forts were to be surrendered to the British, and the whole province of Kumaon evacuated in their favour, the Goorkhas being permitted to retire unmolested across the Kali with their public and private property and arms. A procla- mation was forthwith issued, declaring the province to be permanently annexed to the British dominion^. During the progress of events in Kumaon Major-General Ochterlony was prosecuting a career of success at once substantial and brilliant. His operations against TJmmer Sing sustained, indeed, a momentary inter- ruption in the result of a sally made by the enemy upon a party of irregulars occupying a stockaded post. This party, being taken off its guard, suffered severely, but no per- manent advantage was secured, or apparently sought, by the enemy, as, after destroying the stockade, they returned to their posi- tion. The wary progress of General Ochterlony had enabled him, by the middle of April, to obtain an accurate knowledge of the ground occupied by the enemy, and to ascertain the points at which their positions could be more easily penetrated. Of this information he availed himself, by forming and carrying into effect a plan of combined attack, distin- guished not less by its masterly contrivance than by its fortunate results. The movements of the British force com- menced on the night of the 14th. A detach- ment, destined to occupy a post between Dooab and the first Deonthul, gained it with- out opposition. Columns, under Lieutenant- colonel W. A. Thompson, of the 3rd native infantry, and Major Thomas Lawrie, of the 7th, attained the heights of the second Deon- thul almost at the same moment, and were proceeding along the ridge to possess them- selves of an advanced post, when the head of the column, consisting of light infantry, re- ceived a check by a charge from the enemy sword in hand, which compelled them to fall back on the main body, by this time posted in the second Deonthul. Here they were greatly annoyed by their opponents, from the cover afforded by the jungle and the rocks. In the course of the night they were further harassed by false alanns ; and at the first dawn of day a daring attack was made by nearly two thousand of the enemy, who almost surrounded the post. A desperate conflict ensued, and continued for above two hours. The Nepaul- ese fought with a courage ■ at once steady and impetuous ; but they were encountered with at least equal courage and with better fortune. They were finally repulsed and totally de- feated with very severe loss, Bughtee Thappa, who led the attack, being left among the dead. This action was distinguished by some splendid instances of individual exertion and bravery, as well as by the intrepidity dis- played generally by the troops engaged. The result was, that the enemy's continuous chain of posts was broken, and the Nepaulese com- mander was compelled to withdraw, concen- trating his force in Malown and its immediate outworks ; and from this time General Och- terlony pushed his success vigorously, seeing now that the time had arrived when it could be pursued with effect. A series of positions were taken up for the purpose of completely investing the enemy, and a battery was erected against one of his redoubts. The spirits of the enemy fell with their fortunes ; their dis- tress for want of provisions became extreme ; desertions, both of individuals and of small parties, were of daily occurrence, and these were facilitated by the fondness which seems to have prevailed throughout the Indian army for advancing the operations of war by the refinements of diplomatic intrigue. It is no pleasing task to relate the adoption of such a mode of warfare by British ofBcers, but the first duty of an historical writer is to speak the truth, regardless of consequences. Lieu- tenant Ross, who had taken up a post with special reference to this amongst other objects, made proposals to three sirdars commanding in and near the battered redoubt. Other communications followed, and when Lieute- nant Koss determined to ascend the heights, it was in the conviction that he should meet with no resistance. The event justified his confidence ; he attained the summit without opposition, the enemy retiring and remaining on a spot to their rearward. The redoubt being occupied. Lieutenant Eoss invited the enemy's troops to pass into his rear, intimat- ing that they would be unmolested. After a little hesitation, the movement recommended by the English commander was performed ; other parties of the enemy followed this exam- A.D. 1815.] PROGRESS OF GENERAL OCHTEELONY. 405 pie, and the second redoubt was gained with as little diffioidty as the first. It appears that the sirdars in a body had waited upon the Goorkha commander, insisting that he should either give them and their men food from the fort, or adopt some decisive line of conduct. It is said that he refused either, but urged them to endure a short time longer and wait the progress of events. Such advice was calculated to have little effect upon men not influenced by any rigid principles of duty or any refined sense of honour, and who, .pressed by famine on the one hand, and allured by promises on the other, were already more than wavering in their fidelity. The result was, that the whole of the outworks were abandoned to the British troops, and those of the enemy came over almost universally to General Ochterlony*s camp, leaving Ummer Sing shut up in the body of the fort with a garrison reduced to about two hundred men. Escape and the receipt of succour were alike impossible, and on the 8th of May the Goorkha commander wrote to General Ochterlony, de- siring to be informed of his wishes. The general's reply was, that, agreeably to usage, proposals must come from the other side. Up to the loth no farther communication was made. The interval was employed by the British commander in forming batteries and making other preparations for attack ; these being completed, firing commenced, and continued during the greater part of the 10th. On the morning of the 11th Ram Dos, son of the Goorkha general, came out and intimated his father's desire to ne- gotiate : the firing was consequently dis- continued, but the blockade was rigidly kept up. From the 11th to the 15th was occupied in negotiations, which were protracted in con- sequence of their being extended to other objects, as well as the surrender of Malown. A convention was finally signed, by which it was agreed that all the forts between the Jumna and the Sutlej should be delivered up to the British ; that all the troops, except those granted to the personal honour of XJm- mer Sing and Eunjore Sing, should be at liberty to enter the British service, and that those not employed should be maintained by the British government, on a specific allow- ance, till the conclusion of peace ; that Gurh- wal should be forthwith evacuated, the garrison having permission to return to Nepaul by the Kumaon route, carrying with them all public and private property, including warlike stores ; Ummer Sing was to be permitted to retire across the Kali with the remaining garrison of Malown, retaining their arms, accoutrements, baggage, and waggons ; Eunjore Sing, the commander of Jyetuck, in the same manner, with two hundred men of that garrison, three hundred unarmed followers, and one gun. All private property was to be respected, and eighty-three persons in the various garrisons, who were related by blood or marriage to Ummer Sing, were to retain their arms and accoutrements. Of these arrangements neither party had much reason to feel proud. The Goorkhas made great sacrifices, and they received great indulgence. General Ochterlony spoke of the terms granted with the modesty which usually marked his official communications ; regarding the arrangement not as positively good, but as the best that could be made under the cir- cumstances existing. The rainy season was approaching, and the campaign could not have been protracted much longer. . During the period of inaction it would have been neces- sary to maintain expensive establishments, a burden which was averted by the convention ; and this circumstance, combined with the pos- session of the strongholds of the enemy, suf- ficed to attest its expediency. In concluding it, as well as in all his military operations. General Ochterlony displayed sound judgment. It will now be necessary to return to the division under General Martindell. After the unfortunate termination of the double attack upon Jyetuck, that officer determined to attempt nothing farther until the amval of reinforcements. These were not granted in the most gracious manner, and the communi- cations addressed at this period to General Martindell, from the department of the com- mander-in-chief, were couched in the language of blame and reproach. On General Martin- dell instituting a comparison between his force and that of the enemy, he was told that "hitherto it had not been the habit of the Company's officers to calculate whether they had a numerical superiority to the enemy," and the introduction of such a principle was pronounced to be " novel, and infallibly de- structive to our empire." This lofty language is, no doubt, very imposing ; but the number of an enemy's force is, after all, an element that cannot be excluded from the calculations of a prudent general, and the war with the Nepaulese certainly did not form an exception to the general rule. It may be admitted that General Martindell was somewhat over anxious with regard to numbers, and it is undeniable that British officers had been accustomed to gain easy victories over vastly superior num- bers of the feeble troops by whom they had heretofore been opposed ; but in the Goorkhas they had an enemy surpassing in energy, as well as in military skill, any with whom they had previously contended in India, and a corre- sponding degree of caution was called for ; the want of it had been severely felt in more instances than one. The irregular troops, to whom so much importance was attached, proved very generally worthless. It has been seen how Captain Hearsey's irregulars behaved in Kumaon, and those attached to General Martindell's division appear to have been little better. Intelligence having been received that a reinforcement was on its way to join the garrison of Jyetuck, Lieiitenant Young marched with one thousand four hundred 406 GENERAL MARTINDELL'S PERPLEXITIES. [A.D. 1815. irregulars to intercept them. He wag joined by several hundreds more, forming altogether a very considerable force ; it is stated, in one report, to have amounted to nearly three thousand men, and it certainly very consider- ably exceeded two thousand. A party of these being attacked and put to flight, by the enemy, the whole body fell under the operation of panic, and were completely routed by a force which did not exceed five hundred fighting men. Such was the value of the irregular troops, though commanded by an ex cellent officer, whose personal exertions were strenuously but vainly used to induce them to keep their ground against an enemy greatly inferior in numbers. The defeat materially abated the taste of the irregulars for a military life. Many de- serted ; many applied for their discharge ; and the strength of the corps was reduced from between two and three thousand to about twelve hundred, exclusive of those on detached duty. This defection increased the difficulties of General Martindell. He had to contend, also, with weather of extreme inclemency, which his troops were ill calculated to sup- port. He complained heavily of the want of correct intelligence, and, oppressed by all these difficulties, he signified a wish to be relieved from a command which he could no longer exercise with pleasure to himself or satis- faction to his superiors. This need excite little surprise ; General Marley had been unable to contend with the difficulties of his situation, and General Ochterlony had expressed a diffi- dence of the adequacy of his own powers to meet the exigencies of the mountain warfare. But the commander-in-chief was impressed with a belief that Jyetuck might be reduced, and with the force under General Martindell's command. After a long-continued and some- what angry communication of opinion. General Ochterlony w.os ordered, immediately on the fall of Malown, to take the command of the division before Jyetuck ; but this arrange- ment was rendered unnecessary by the con- vention concluded with XJmmer Sing, Jyetuck being one of the fortresses which were by that instrument surrendered to the British. On the reduction of Almorah the Goorkha commander. Bum Sah, expressed a wish to become an agent for the restoration of peace, and proposed to address letters to Ummer Sing ThappaandRunjore Sing, recommending them to withdraw their troops across the Kali, preparatory to the commencement of negotiations. The proposal was assented to by Colonel NichoUs and Mr. Gardner; the letters were written and forwarded ; the suc- cess of General Ochterlony had, however, pre- cluded their necessity. That addressed to Ummer Sing Thappa was received by him as he was on the point of executing the capitu- lation ; and though too late to have any effect on his decision, it was in time to afford him an apology for the course which he had previously determined to pursue. With true Oriental finesse, he availed himself of its arrival to insert an article stating that he had sur- rendered at the instance of Bum Sah and the other chiefs of Kumaon ; thus throwing on them the odium and the danger which he apprehended to himself. Bum Sah and Ummer Sing belonged to opposite factions, and the former had no sooner transmitted his recommendation of retreat than he became alarmed at the probable con- sequences of what he had done. Though nearly related to the rajah, who was also much attached to him, the influence of his enemies preponderated at court. The situation of Bum Sah was, therefore, extremely critical ; his character was timid and vacillating, and being apprehensive that his head would pay the for- feit of the discretion which he had exercised, he solicited from Colonel Gardner, who had accompanied him on his march homeward, permission to remain in Kumaon till the arrival of the communication from Nepaul, This could not be permitted ; but Bum Sah throwing himself upon the confidence of the British officer, declaring that his sole depend- ence was upon the government to which that gentleman belonged, and imploring at his hands counsel and instruction. Colonel Gard- ner, after apprizing him that, as a servant of the British government, his authority ex- tended no further than to see the terms of the convention fulfilled, suggested, as a private individual, that he should forthwith take pos- session of the province of Dootee, garrison the forts and places of strength with troops upon whom he could rely, dismissing all the rest, and, having established himself there in independence, assume a high tone, and insist upon the adoption of the measures which he thought necessary for the good of his country. After some deliberation Bum Sah acquiesced, and an astrologer having been consulted, a for- tunate day was chosen for crossing the river. It was clearly for the interest of Bum Sah to procure, if possible, the power of negotiating with the British government, and it was equally to be desired by the latter. The general views of Bum Sah and his party were far more favourable to the maintenance of peace and good understanding than those of their opponents ; their hopes of escaping the probable consequences of their recent conduct depended upon their obtaining an ascendancy in the state ; that ascendancy, again, being dependent upon their pursuing a course of policy different from that of the party by which they were opposed. The governor- general, therefore, was particularly desirous that the conduct of the negotiation should be placed in the hands of Bum Sah ; but as an indiscreet publication of such a wish would have frustrated its fulfilment, and probably have involved Bum Sah and his partisans in serious difficulties, the expression of it was confided to him alone, accompanied by an intimation, that he might use it in any man- A.D. 1815:] NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE. 407 ner likely to promote the object sought in common by himself and the British govern- ment. With regard to the seizure of Dootee, Bum Sah was assured of the support of the British government, if, on mature considera- tion, he would be satisfied that such a proceeding would tend to the promotion of his interest. The earl of Moira, in his narrative of the negotiations, seems to have argued the ques- tions of the justice and policy of this arrange- ment somewhat unnecessarily ; there can be no doubt as to either with relation to the existing state of the circumstances. As the course of the negotiations took another turn, the perseverance of Bum Sah in the project of occupying Dootee might, however, have oocar sioned some inconvenience, which Lord Moira very properly avowed himself ready to incur rather than commit a breach of faith. The difficulty, however, was removed by Bum Sah subsequently declining the occupation of Doo- tee, from apprehensions for the safety of his family in Nepaul. Whilst these matters were in progress, an attempt was made to open a negotiation through Gooroo Gujraj Misser. This person had already been concerned in negotiations with the British government. He had resided some time at Benares, and was believed to be friendly to the British interests ; he was also understood to entertain a strong personal attachment to the rajah of Nepaul, and to be anxious to save him from the evils which might be apprehended from the protraction of the war. Having solicited permission to go to the frontier, he placed himself in communi- cation with the rajah ; and the result was an earnest invitation to proceed to Katmandoo. On the point of his departure the overtures of Bum Sah became known to the governor- general ; but it not being deemed advisable, on that account, to discourage this mission of Gujraj Misser, he was permitted to proceed without Interruption. He returned with a paper under the rajah's red seal, empowering him to bring to an adjustment all matters in difference between the two states, and declaring that whatever he engagedf or should be confirmed ; he brought, also, letters from the I'ajah to the governor- general and to Colonel Bradshaw. The powers with which Gujraj Misser was invested ap- peared sufficiently ample, but his language, as well as that of the letters, was vague and indefinite. He declared that he had no in- structions to propose anything, but that the rajah relied on the generosity of the British government. The wisdom of negotiating with a person whose commission appeared thus un- satisfactory may, perhaps, be doubted ; but the governor-general determined upon the attempt, and instructions were forwarded to Colonel Bradshaw for his guidance. On receiving them. Colonel Bradshaw proceeded to open the subject of compensation for the expenses of the war : and having intimated in general terms the extent of the demand on this ground, he was informed by Gujraj Misser that he had no authority to make such sacri- fices, and that they were not contemplated by any party at Katmandoo. The attempt to treat was consequently suspended ; but Gujraj Misser remained in Colonel Bradshaw's camp. Negotiations were now resumed with Bum Sah and his brother, Roodber Beer Sah, but with the same success which had attended the proceedings with Gujraj Misser. The result of these endeavours was little calculated to invite a perseverance in them. In every in- stance the conduct of the enemy was marked by that evasion and duplicity which so emi- nently distinguish Nepaulese diplomacy. The governor-general, however, was weary of the war, and not without cause ; another effort to restore the relations of peace was, therefore, resolved on. Availing himself of the oppor- tunity afforded of communicating with the rajah, by addressing a letter in reply to that transmitted from him to the governor-general by Gujraj Misser, the earl of Moira deter- mined to honour it with an answer. This communication differed little in substance irom those made to the rajah at an earlier period. Its transmission to Katmandoo was intrusted to Gujraj Misser, who was apprized of its contents, and upon whose mind Colonel Bradshaw was instructed to impress the fear- ful consequences which must ensue to the Goorkha state if the communication were dis- regarded. The result was an enlargement of the Gooroo's powers and a renewal of the negotiation with him ; which, after several fruitless conferences, ended, like the former, in an avowal, on the part of the Goorkha agent, that he had no authority to make such sacrifices of territory as the JBritish minister required. The governor-general's disappointment at the miscarriage of this attempt appears to have been extreme, and to have rendered him inaccessible to every other feeling. He ascribed the failure, in a great degree, to a deficiency of address on the part of the British agent, and an inattention to the spirit and principles of his instructions. There seems, however, little ground for such an imputation. The universal character of Goorkha diplomacy is quite sufficient to account for the miscar- riage of the negotiation, and may supersede the necessity of seeking for any other cause ; nor is the &ilure of Colonel Bradshaw more remarkable than that of others, who also failed under similar circumstances. His lordship was, in truth, at this time suffering great mortification. On arriving in India, he appears to have pictured to himself a career of extraordinary brilliancy. Its com- mencement was shadowed by clouds which he had not anticipated. Disappointed, in agreat degree, in the result of the Nepaulese cam- paign, fresh disappointment awaited him in the failure of the negotiations ; and this seems to have given rise to ebullitions of ill-temper 408 A TREATY CONCLUDED. [a.d. 1815. not warranted by any thing that had occurred. Lord Moira, however, having convinced him- self that a want of frankness was the great impediment to peace, determined to remove it by a distinct and explicit communication of the terms to which he was ready to agree. A project of a treaty was prepared, and transmitted to Colonel Bradshaw, together with the draft of a note, to be signed by the British agent, and delivered, with the former document, to Gujraj Misser. To aid the effect of these proceedings. Lord Moira, who appears to have thought extremely well of his own powers of persuasion and conciliation, ad- dressed another letter to the Bajah of Nepaul. The tone of the letter was somewhat subdued from that of former ones, and the conditions ol the i^roposed treaty somewhat relaxed in kivour of the Nepaulese. Altogether, the confidence of the governor-general seems to have been greatly shaken ; and the experience of one campaign had disposed him to make some sacrifices to avoid another. The proceedings which have just been re- lated were widely different from those which might have been expected, and indicate a re- markable change of purpose in the course of a few weeks. On the 6th of August, the governor-general, in a despatch addressed to the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors, declared his intention not to make any attempt to renew negotiations, and his determination that any fresh overtures for that purpose should come from the enemy. On the 23rd of September we find him instructing his agent to re-open a negotiation, which was suspended, though not absolutely terminated ; for Gujraj Misser had proposed to refer the question of territorial cession to Katmandoo, and promised an answer in twenty-one days ; but so impatient had the governor-general become for a conclusion of hostilities, that he could not prevail upon himself to wait the result of the reference to Katmandoo, but voluntarily made an offer of concessions, which his previous tone had given the enemy no reason to expect. The answer did not arrive within the stipulated time, and when the new project was communicated to the Goorkha negotiators, they declared, as they had pre- viously declared with regard to former pro- posals, that to assent to such terms was beyond their power. The frankness of the governor- general succeeded no better than the reserve of Colonel Bradshaw : the Goorkha agents again made their favourite offer of a reference to their court, promising, on this occasion, an answer in fifteen days, and apologizing for the delay in answering the former reference. Before the expiration of the fifteen days an answer to the first reference arrived, couched in the most vague and indefinite language (the unvarying style of Nepaulese state papers), and referring to more detailed advices to follow. The period fixed for an answer to the second reference expired, and none was re- ceived. At the solicitation of Gujraj Misser, Colonel Bradshaw consented to wait a few days longer. An answer at length arrived, but it was neither favourable nor explicit : the Goorkha negotiators were not empowered to sign a treaty on the terms proposed. A further delay requested by them was refused by the British agent, and the Goorkha diplo- matists then departed, expressing a belief that they should return in a few days autho- rized to execute the treaty. The anxiety for peace felt by the governor- general amounted almost to weakness, and permission was conveyed to Colonel Bradshaw to make still further relaxations in his terms, if • the Goorkha negotiators should return. But the permission was unnecessary ; at the expiration of a month Gujraj Misser re- appeared, alleging that he had been detained at Katmandoo by illness. This might be true ; but a far more probable cause for his deten- tion may be found in the struggles of con- tending parties at the Goorkha court. The negotiation was forthwith resumed, and, after some delay, a treaty was signed, corresponding entirely with the project delivered on the part of the British government. By this treaty it was stipulated that the Rajah of Nepaul should renounce all claim to the lands which had been the subject of dis- pute, and should further cede the whole of the low-lands between the rivers Kali and Rapti, those between the Rapti and the Gunduck, with the exception of Bootwul Khass, those between the Gunduck and the Koosi, in which the authority of the British government had been introduced or was in the course of introduction, and those between the Mitchie and the Teistah, together with all the territories within the hills eastw.nrd of the Mitchie, including the fort and lands at Naggree, .the Pass of Naggarcote, leading from Morung into the hills, and the territoiy lying between that pass and Naggree. The chieftains whose interests would suffer by these cessions were to be remunerated by pensions to the aggregate amount of two lacs of rupees ; the chiefs to be named and the proportions fixed by the Nepaulese govern- ment. By other articles the Rajah of Nepaul was bound not to interfere with the countries west of the Kali ; not to disturb the Rajah of Sikhim in his possessions, but, in the event of any differences arising with that prince, to submit them to the arbitration of the British government, and abide by its award ; and not to take into his service any subject of any European or American state without the consent of the British govern- ment. To secure and improve the relations of amity, accredited ministers from each state were to reside at the court of the other. The treaty was ratified as soon as received at Fort William, and this event was distin- guished by some very remarkable circum- stances. At the very moment of ratification, the British authorities prepared to make the concessions which they had previously con- A.D. 1816.] EENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES. 409 templated, but which the unlooked-for facility of the Nepaulese minister had rendered appa- rently unnecessary. So extraordinary a, cir- ourastance as that of a government deliberating how much of territory shall be surrendered to a hostile state which asks nothing, is, perhaps, without parallel. If the fact of any concession being meditated under such circumstances be calculated to excite surprise, an explanation of the nature of the concession which the British govern- ment resolved upon making must raise that feeling almost to bewilderment. The most romantic imagination could not have con- ceived that, among the points to be conceded, was the possession of those very portions of territory which had given rise to the war ; yet so it was : the British government expressed itself willing to yield a part, or even the whole, of the lands of Bootwul and Sheoraj which before the war had been usurped by the Nepaulese. ■> The extraordinary spectacle of a state, after \ y engaging in an expensive war for the defence \ » of certain possessions, voluntarily relinquish- ing those possessions to the enemy, was, how- ever, lost to the world by a fresh instance of obstinacy and bad faith of the court of Kat- mandoo, in refusing to ratify the treaty which its agent had been empowered to conclude. The usual exhibition of delay and chicanery took place ; restitutions were required which could not be granted, and, finally, negotiations gave place to a renewal of hostilities. The new campaign commenced by the advance of a portion of the force under Sir David Ochterlony, whose services had been rewarded with the grand cross of the order of the Bath. Colonel Bradshaw, who appears to have been little in favour with his superiors, was divested of his diplomatic functions, which were transferred to Sir David Ochterlony, and that officer thus united with his military command the entire political authority. In the exercise of the latter func- tion he held some communication with Gujraj Misser, but it led to no satisfactory result. On the 9th of February, 1816, Sir David Ochterlony advanced through the great Sal forest towards the passes leading into the valley of Muckwanpore. The road was a mere pathway through an excessively thick jungle ; but though the enemy possessed ample means of annoying the British force and disputing its progress, it was permitted to advance unmolested. On the 14th the general was informed that there was a pass over the Cheereah Gautie range of mountains, unguarded and practicable ; and on the 17th, after a harassing march and very severe labour, the passage was efiected. Sir David Ochterlony continued to advance, and encamped near Muckwanpore. The enemy occupied two positions on a ridge near that place, one of which they abandoned on the approach of the British force, who imme- diately took possession of it. They shortly, however, returned in great numbers, and a severe conflict ensued. The positions of the British force were repeatedly assaulted ; but they were gallantly defended, and the enemy finally retired in confusion, abandoning a gun and a large quantity of ammunition. A few days afterwards Colonel Kelly dis- possessed the enemy of a position on the Hurryhurpore hills. Two days after the latter event negotiation was renewed, in con- sequence of a letter addressed to Sir David Ochterlony by a Goorkha vakeel named Bur- tawar Sing, stating that he was in possession of the ratification of the treaty formerly con- cluded, and intended to depute a person, whom he named, to convey it to the British government. This individual accordingly re- paired to the British camp with the treaty duly ratified, and after some discussion. Sir David Ochterlony agreed to accept it, on the execution, by the vakeel, of a declaration that the Bajah of Nepaul relinquished all expecta- tion of that relaxation of the conditions of the treaty which Colonel Bradshaw had been instructed to hold out to him. This stipula- tion was readily agreed to ; the required declaration was given by the vakeel, and afterwards explicitly confirmed by the rajah himself. After so prosperous a commencement of the second campaign, better terms might, perhaps, have been insisted on ; but the sickly season was approaching — ^the British commissariat was in an impaired state, and the difficulty of getting supplies would have been considerable. These considerations suggested the inex- pediency of perseverance in hostilities, and if the treaty, as originally ratified by the British authorities, satisfied the claims of justice and secured the safety of the British dominions, it would have been neither right nor reputable to demand more. It may be concluded, there- fore, that Sir David Ochterlony made a right choice in determining in favour of peace upon the original basis. During the discussions which preceded the Nepaul war, and the progress of the war itself, events took place in other parts of the East connected with Great Britain, which, though not .of sufficient importance to justify the interruption of the narrative, must not be passed over without notice. In Java, the British authorities inherited from their Dutch and French predecessors a series of quarrels with the surrounding princes, which afforded them abundant employment, in addition to that furnished by the necessity of taking active and efficient steps for the suppression of the standing opprobrium of Eastern com- merce — piracy. A detail of the occurrences which sprung from these causes would exhibit most interesting evidence of patient and per- severing determination on the part of those on whom the maintenance of the authority and interests of the British government devolved ; and in a history devoted exclusively to Java and the adjacent islands such detail would 410 ANNEXATION OF CANDY. [A.D. 1814. properly 6nd place : in a work of a more general character, only the more prominent events can be noticed. The Eajah of Bielling, in the island of Balli, and the Kajah of Boni, in that of Celebes, having manifested hostile dispositions towards the British government, an expe- dition for their correction was despatched from Java, under the command of Major- general Nightingall, who had succeeded General Gillespie. At Balli the troops occu- pied, -without difficulty, the capital of the offending rajah, and this step was followed by his immediate submission, as well as that of several of his neighbours. At Boni severer labours awaited the British force. On arriving before the place, early in June, 1814, General Nightingall addressed a letter to the rajah, reciting the wrongs of the British government and demanding reparation. An answer was required within a specified time, and none being returned, the column which had been previously formed for attack was put in motion. The town and palace were assailed, and within an hour carried in the most gallant style, though not without loss. The rajah with difficulty effected his escape, attended by a few followers. His palace was destroyed, being deliberately set on fire after the capture of the place — an act of violence which, not being dictated by necessity nor calculated to advance the legitimate objects of the expe- dition, it seems not easy to defend. Ulti- mately the rajah was deposed. Though the attack on Boni was the most striking and important event that occurred in Celebes during the time that the English were in possession of Java, and has, for that reason, been selected for especial notice, it must not be inferred that, with this exception, the island remained in a state of peace ; it was far otherwise. To Captain Phillips, of the Madras native infantry, and Major D. H. Dalton, of the Bengal light infantry volun- teers, to whom the charge of the British interest in the island was successively allotted, and to the few troops placed under their com- mand, the period was one of almost unre- mitting anxiety, labour, and privation. All these, together with the blood and treasure expended in the capture of the Dutch settle- ments, were ultimately thrown away. By the arrangements consequent on the general paci- fication of Europe these settlements were restored — an additional illustration of that levity and disregard to consequences which seem to be inherent in British diplomacy. The maintenance of Java and its dependencies was necessary to the safety and integrity of our eastern empire, and they ought never to have been surrendered. In another settlement acquired from the Dutch, the English, in 1815, became involved in hostilities. Eor about ten years the king's government in Ceylon had permitted the crimes of the usurping ruler of Candy to remain unrequited and even unnoticed. Some new outrages, perpetrated by his servants on British subjects, at length roused the long- slumbering feeling of national honour; and happily the discontent of the principal subjects of the Candian prince at this period had attained a height, which seemed to warrant reliance upon their acquiescence in the neces- sary measures for divesting the tyrant of the power which he ought never to have possessed. The feeling was not misplaced. A British force entered the Candian dominions, and proceeded, almost without resistance, to occupy them. The king was made prisoner and deposed, and in the palace of Candy, on th'e 2nd of March, 1815, Sir Charles Brown- rigg, the British governor and commander-in- chief, met in solemn conference the adigurs, dessauves, and powerful men of the country, for the purpose of laying before them the plan upon which it was proposed to settle the government. By this it was declared that the dominion of the Candian provinces was vested in the sovereign of the British empire, to be exercised through the governor or lieu- tenant-governor of Ceylon for the time being. The race of the deposed king were for ever excluded from the throne, and their claim and title pronounced to be abolished and extin- guished. All males belonging to the family, or pretending to belong to it, were declared enemies of the new government, and were prohibited, under the penalties of martial law, from entering the Candian provinces without written permission. Thus the British autho- rity became established throughout the whole of the island of Ceylon. Late in the same year a considerable force, under the command of Colonel East, was despatched from Bombay into Cutch. This movement was occasioned by the depredations committed by the Foujdar of Wagur, a district subject to the Bao of Cutch, on the subjects of some of the allies of the Company's govern- ment. An atrocious attempt to destroy the British force by poisoning the wells was hap- pily detected and defeated. Colonel East had intended to advance directly upon Bhooj, but this discovery induced him to change his course and attack the fort of Anjar, which he captured. This success led to the conclusion of a treaty, by which the fort of Anjar, to- gether with certain villages, was surren- dered to the British government, and the Sao agreed to a series of necessary measures for the suppression of the depredations which had called the British troops into hia dominions. There were other occurrences contemporary with the Nepaul war which deserve, and must receive, ample notice ; but they were so intimately connected with an important series of events, hereafter to be related, that their proper place will be in a subsequent chapter : the present may close with a narrative of a serious insurrection at Bareilly, in the north- western provinces, which, from reasons which Vfill appear in the course of the relation, de- A.D. 1816.] STATE OF EOHILCUND. 411 serves more attention than is ordinarily due to events of a similar character. The part of India in which Bareilly is situ- ated had been once occupied exclusively by a Hindoo population. Early in the eighteenth century, the country was reduced to subjec- tion by an immigration of Affghan adven- turers. Some years afterwards, during the administration of Warren Hastings, it was conquered for the vizier by a British force. At a still later period, its cession to the British government took place, under the arrangement concluded with the vizier by the Marqnis Wellesley. Though divested of political power, the descendants of the Affghans continued numerous, and the proportion of Mahometans to Hindoos was greater than that found exist- ing in most parts of India. They had not for- gotten their recently lost power and distinc- tion ; they were high-spirited, sanguinary, and revengeful — strongly attached to a military life, but impatient of the restraints of Eu- ropean discipline. Great numbers of them had served under Holkar, and, at the period under consideration, many found a refuge in the service of their countryman Ameer Ehan. A numerous body, however, remained unem- ployed and in distress ; they consequently were ready to embrace any chance that ap- peared to promise subsistence and distinction, and even to accelerate the tardy career of for- tune by fomenting discontent and disturb- ance. Some curious particulars of the state of society existing in Eohilcund are related in two papers submitted to the Court of Nizamut Adawlut by Mr. Strachey, a distinguished civil servant of the Company. These papers were drawn up eleven years before the occur- rence of the transactions about to be related, but the changes wrought in the intermediate period were not sufficient to render Mr. Stra- chey's statements inapplicable. It appears that robberies were much less frequent throughout the ceded provinces than in the lower provinces, and the reason assigned by Mr. Strachey for this fact is, not the su- premacy of the law, but the reliance of the natives upon their own prowess, and their habit of standing by each other in the event of being attacked. " The grand object of law and police," says the writer — "security of person and property — is better accomplished here by the spirit of the people than in Bengal by the regulations.'.' The number of crimes reported, it appears, was small, and the number of offenders taken and brought to justice, when compared with the number of cases reported, was larger than might have been expected. One remarkable and characteristic feature in the criminal statistics of Bohilcund was, that, while offences against property were few, cases of homicide, in all its gradations of guilt, were comparatively of frequent occurrence. They were mostly the acts of individuals pro- ceeding upon their own impulses, without concert or confederacy with others. They rarely originated in a desire for plunder ; they generally had their rise in revenge, jealousy, wounded pride, or the sudden impulse of anger ; but there was an exception of an ex- traordinary character, and which was not less detestable than anomalous. The murder of children, for the sake of the ornaments which they wore, was one of the most common crimes, and this horrible fact tends very much to lower our estimation of a people who, with many of the vices of half-civilized nations, were supposed to possess many of the sterner and ruder virtues. That the really brave should, under any circumstances, imbue their hands in the blood of childhood, seems almost impossible : the fact that this cowardly crime was per- petrated in furtherance of petty robbery, is calculated to increase the disgust with which it must be regarded by all who retain the slightest tinge of humanity ; and the alleged security of property in Bohilcund loses half its value in the well-constituted mind, when it thus appears to have arisen from no better motive than fear. Property was safe in the hands of those who had the strength to protect it ; but weakness afforded lawful prey ; the property which had no better guardian than infant innocence was seized without scruple, and the blood of its bearer shed without re- morse. It is the disclosure of facts like these which reduces uncivilized and semi-civilized life to their true dimensions ; and it is the concealment of them which has led, in a few instances, to the absurd belief of the superior excellence of the sayage and the gradual de- terioration of man by civilization. The crimes by which Eohilcund was dis- tinguished found a ready excuse in the pre- valence among the Mahometans of the doctrine of fatalism ; and the same convenient belief afforded consolation under the consequent punishment. Mr. Strachey represents the following confession as a fair sample of those which were usually made : " I was provoked — I was impelled by fate to kill the deceased — all must die at the hour appointed — no one can struggle against destiny — it was written, his time was come." Thus the assassin con- vinced himself that he was but a cog in the wheel of fate, performing his appointed part in the revolution of human events ; and in the sentiments he avowed, he spoke those of his countrymen generally. Exertions, they said, were ineffectual to contend with a power in whose hands man is but a mere instrument — it was the part of mortals to resign themselves, and abstain from useless attempts to alter the established course of things. It is plain that, where the doctrines of fatalism are received, a door is opened for the wildest indulgence of the passions. The restraints of prudence, as well as those of principle, are removed, the fatalist arguing, " If it is decreed that I am to suffer, suffer I must; on the other hand, if fate has awarded me impunity, nothing can assail me, or endanger my safety." It is a 412 DISCONTENT OF THE EOHILLAS. [a.d. 1816. common and a dangerous error to suppose that men's religious opinions exercise little influ- ence over their actions. If, unfortunately, they are too often unavailing for good, it is beyond doubt that they are found powerfully efficient for evil. Among such a people, neither the British government nor any regular government could be popular. A few years only had elapsed since the country had been separated from the dominion of Oude, one of the worst governed states in the world. Its zemindars had been accustomed to exercise a degree of power which, under the British government, it was found necessary to control by subjecting all classes to the operation of fixed law. This was regarded as an insufferable grievance by the zemindars, and though the condition of the ryots was decidedly improved, the feeling of habitual dependence upon their chief was so strong, that it wSs difficult either to shake it, or to excite a counteracting feeling among the people in favour of their own rights. This state of things is depicted by Mr. Strachey with some force. He says, "Deprive the ryots of a necessary of life, and they sit silent ; nobody cares for them, and they cannot help themselves. But take from their chief the management of the police, which he exercised only to oppress them ; restrain him from dis- turbing the peace of the country, and he will prevail upon them to take up arms in his cause, and contend in a hopeless, desperate enterprise against all the powers of govern- ment, civil and 'military. Such are our sub- jects : they resist authority without pretence of right or hope of success." The upper classes disliked the regular ad- ministration of law, and when the cause of their dislike is traced, it will increase the sur- prise felt at their having been able to induce the inferior classes to support them. Accord- ing to Mr. Strachey, when a native of rank was asked what part of the established system was obnoxious to him, he would answer, " That which reduces me to a level with my domestics and labourers." By the same au- thority it is stated, that *' a man of high caste and wealth, conceiving that he possesses su- perior rights and privileges, thinks himself disgraced by being called into court on any occa- sion." Such a man was averse to being exa- mined publicly as a witness. " Is my testi- mony," said he, ''rated no higher than that of my servants and coolies, and am I to stand on an equality with them, and reply as a criminal to their petty complaints for an assault or abusive language ? " The dissatisfaction, therefore, originated in that which has generally been esteemed the perfection and glory of law — its impartiality and non-respect for persons. Some auxiliary grounds of complaint were resorted to, as is usual in such cases, and the never-failing ones of the expense and delay of judicial proceedings were not forgotten. Upon this part of the subject the observations of Mr. Strachey appear very just. "Supposing it," he says, "to be true that these evils exist to a great degree, such evils should not be charged to the introduction of our system as its most characteristic marks. Let not the present be compared to a state of things never known here, when justice was cheap and ex- peditious, but with that which certainly did heretofore exist, viz., one in which there was no justice at all to be got ; where the important, sacred duty of redressing injuries and punish- ing crimes depended upon the tyranny and ca- prices of a revenue officer, who either entirely disregarded the duty, or by corruption and abuse made it a source of profit." The views of Mr. Strachey are, to a certain extent, confirmed by the report of the com- missioners appointed to inquire into the dis- turbances at Bareilly, in 1816. They repre- sent our courts of justice to be viewed as a grievance by the upper classes, and not as a blessing by the lower. With regard to the majority of the latter, the commissioners add, that the expense of our courts rendered them scarcely accessible, and their delay nearly useless. This charge, however, had been an- swered by anticipation by Mr. Strachey. Upon the whole, the truth will be found to be, that there was some small share of griev- ance and 3. very large amount of discontent — that discontent arising from the lawless propensities of the people generally, from the mortified ambition of the upper classes, and the miserable poverty of the lower. Previously to its cession to the British, the country had, by misgovernment, been reduced to a state almost of desolation ; and though it bad sub- sequently improved, yet it must be remem- bered, that fourteen years is but a short period for raising a country from ruin. The misery of the people and the turbulence of their leaders were elements fearfally adapted to coalesce in the production of an explosion. The privations and sufferings of the lower classes were borne by them with sullen indif- ference, if not with patience, and little danger to the state might have arisen from this source ; but the people of Eohilcund were actuated by a fanatical attachment to their chiefs, which induced them to follow wherever their superior would lead them. Their fidelity was the effect of mere habit ; but it affijrded the chiefs a powerful instrument for thwarting and annoying the government, whenever their caprice or calculation led them to employ it. The country was prepare^ for change of any sort, and by applying a very small portion of the principle of fermentation, the entire mass might be put in motion. In the district of Bareilly this was found in the attempt to introduce some police regu- lations, which had been carried into effect without difficulty through the greater part of the territories subject to the presidency of Bengal. These arrangements, however, in- volved certain fiscal changes, which were eagerly seized at Bareilly as a ground for dis- satisfaction and resistance, A new tax is not A.D. 1816.] THE CHOKEEDAEEE TAX. 413 a very popular thing anywhere : in India the amount of reluctance which most men feel at parting with their money ia increased by the rooted aversion to change. In the East the land has been regarded as the legitimate object of taxation, but any thing resembling a personal tax has always been regarded by the people of India with great dislilse, and the attempt to levy an impost of such a nature has generally been unsuccessful, often dangerous. There was, in the present instance, some en- couragement to resistance afforded by the success which had attended earlier experi- ments in the art of agitation ; a police tax and a house tax, previously imposed, had both been surrendered to popular disapprobation, and the people were, it appears, sufficiently versed in philosophy to expect the recurrence of similar effects from the operation of similar causes. A sort of police establishment had previously existed, the expense of which was defrayed by voluntary contributions. The persona re- tained on this service received generally the allowance of one rupee per month, and in no case more than two. The number of these well-paid supporters of the social system was determined by the amount of contributions which could be obtained from any particular street or portion of a street ; and in making the new arrangements, the government con- sulted the Indian love of unchanging con- tinuity, by making the assessment with reference to the number of ohokeedars formerly retained by voluntary contributions. As, however, the new chokeedars were to have a salary of three rupees per month, the amount of contribution was increased, as well as its character changed from a voluntary to a com- pulsory payment. The wish of government, of course, was to carry its object quietly and securely, and the magistrate appears to have been desirous, in this respect, of forwarding the views of his superiors ; but no one acquainted with Indian affairs can be ignorant how frequently the good intentions of the European authorities have been frustrated by the perverseness or treachery of native servants ; and a fresh example was here afforded. A native officer, called the kotwal, to whom fell the duty of collecting the assessment, dis- charged his duty in a manner the most over- bearing and offensive. The official insolence of a functionary of humble rank, and of very low origin, could not fail to provoke the higher classes of a people like those of Eohilcund, It was said, moreover, that the kotwal had demanded in some instances rates far exceeding those which his authority war- ranted him to receive. It was currently re- ported, also, that he connived at the first indications of tumult, and even assisted in the councils which led to them ; that, like many patriots everywhere, and all disturbers in the East, he had a nice perception of the propriety of an alliance between the public good and his own private interest ; that he caused a com- munication to be made to the shopkeepers, that if they would raise a sum of money for his benefit, the tax should be relinquished ; that, in consequence, a douceur of four thousand rupees was tendered, and that the con- sideration for this fee afforded by the kotwal was, his advice to the subscribers to pursue a plan which had been tried in other places, that of deserting their houses and encamping round the magistrate's residence. What effect might have been produced by the presence of a larger number of the Com- pany's European servants, it is impossible to conjecture ; but it happened, at the period of the insurrection, that few were in the town. The senior and third judges of the court of appeal were absent on circuit ; the fourth judge had proceeded to Benares, and the collector of the revenue was engaged in the interior of the district ; the entire weight of responsibility, therefore, rested on the magis- trate. Among those who played the most con- spicuous parts in the drama acted at Bareilly was Mooftee Mahomed Ewery, a person of great influence among the Mahometans. His first public appearance on the scene was on the 27th of March, when he became the chan- nel of transmitting to the magistrate a petition alleged to emanate from the inhabitants at large. The petition was confined to generali- ties. The exactions and extortions which were believed to have been committed in carrying the new measure into operation were not even noticed. The tax was simply denounced as a public grievance, and the same tone was preserved in numerous placards published in the town. The resistance to the tax was one of those movements not altogether unknown in more western countries, but little expected in the East. A common spirit pervaded the whole people. As in similar movements in countries boasting a higher degree of know- ledge and civilization, the larger portion of those engaged knew not why they resisted ; it was sufBcient for them that their neighbours set the example. Every man was ready to submit, if submission became general ; but every man was determined to resist so long as resistance was the fashion. They were em- barked in a common struggle, for a common object ; and though the sense of individual grievance might reiresh the energy of some, it was the force of habit and association which gave to their opposition coherence and steadi- ness. The period of the presentation of the peti- tion was marked by a tumultuous assemblage of the people, in consequence of which some of the parties engaged in it were apprehended ; but it was not until the 16th of April that the insurrection assumed the formidable character which it ultimately bore. On that day the kotwalee peons were actively engaged in en- forcing the levy of the chokeedaree assessment, and in the course of their progress they broke 414 DISTUEBANCES AT BAEEILLY. [A.D. 1816. forcibly into the bouse of «■ woman, for the purpose of distraining property, to realize her proportion of the assessment. A scuf&e ensued, in which the owner of the house was wounded : this was a fortunate circumstance for the cause of the opposers of the tax. The suffering female was a martyr in the cause of the people, and was treated with all the honours due to such a character. She was placed upon a bed, and carried to the mooftee ; the mooftee advised the bearers to take her to the magistrate, which they did, and the magis- trate referred the woman for redress to the Adawlut. This advice was as little acceptable to the people as might be expected. Dis- appointed in obtaining summary justice, the procession returned to the mooftee and de- clared the result of their application. If the conduct of the magistrate was marked by indifference, that of the mooftee was certainly characterized by an ample degree of warmth. The story of the populace not only roused his indignation and awoke all the energy of his patriotism, but, according to his own repre- sentation, excited his personal fears. On hear- ing the relation of what had passed before the magistrate, he exclaimed that, if such were that functionary's justice, no person's life or honour was safe within the town, and that, therefore, it was high time for him to leave it. It is not likely that the mooftee then felt any apprehension for his personal safety ; but a circumstance which occurred immediately after- wards might perhaps give rise to a feeling which previously he thought it expedient to simulate. The continuance of the tumult necessarily called for the interposition of the magistrate. He proceeded in person, with a lieutenant and a party of sepoys, for the purpose of putting an end to the tumult and dispersing the mob. The mooftee had quitted his house, either under the influence of the impressions which he had avowed or from some other cause, and the fact of his meeting the magistrate with an armed force was cal- culated to strengthen any fears he might previously have entertained, or to excite ap prehension if it had not before existed Conscious of the part he had acted, he might not unnaturally suppose that the magistrate meditated his arrest. It is true that the force was small, but it was sufficient for this purpose, and consequently not to be despised. In cases of petty riot the sight of troops generally operates as a complete sedative ; in the instance before us this was not the case. The government force, being assailed by the mob and by the servants of the mooftee, was compelled to act in its own defence. It has been questioned whether the attacks were made in a serious spirit of resistance, or whether they were only intended to facilitate the escape of the mooftee. Whatever the motive, the result was lamentable, for several of the rioters were killed. Among those who fell were two persons connected with the moof tee. This sacrifice of human life was ren- dered unavoidable by the proceedings of the insurgents, and neither the magistrate nor the military can be blamed for it. It was, however, little calculated to calm the irrita- tion which existed, or to render the new levy popular. The life of man, indeed, is not highly estimated in the East, and the people of Eohilcund were by no means remarkable for tenderness with regard to it. But it must be remembered, that two of the slain were adherents of the mooftee — this was a heinous scandal ; but what was still worse, it unfortu- nately happened that, in the confusion, the eyebrow of the mooftee himself received the indignity of a scratch. This outrage was more than Mahometan patience could bear. Sacrilege appeared to be added to exaction, and the enthusiasm of the votaries of the prophet was raised to boiling heat. The old tale — threadbare and ridiculous as it was — of the intention of the British to force Christianity on India, was revived ; and since fanaticism sees all that it chooses to see, and nothing besides, it need not be doubted that the charge was believed. The never extinguished hope of once more beholding the standard of the prophet wave in triumph over every spot formerly subjected to Mahometan rule, re- vived, as it never fails to revive, whenever cir- cumstances present the slightest symptoms of encouragement. The object was no longer resistance to an unpopular tax, nor conten- tion for a civil right ; the dispute had assumed the lofty character and the deadly hue of a religious quarrel. The faith was in danger, and all good Mussulmans were bound to de- fend it. The mooftee, notwithstanding the accident to his eyebrow, effected his escape ; and his subsequent conduct was well calculated to keep alive the fanatical spirit of the people. He repaired to a mosque on the skirts of the town, and hoisted the green or holy flag, with the declared view of assembling his friends and followers to protect him from the pre- sumed violence of the magistate. This was obviously a course which the European authori- ties could not view without apprehension, nor pass over without precaution ; and on the morning after the mooftee had taken his post at the mosque, a detachment of two com- panies of sepoys, with a brigade of six- pounders, was placed immediately in front of him. The mooftee was not idle in his retirement, and he showed himself no unworthy follower of the prophet, who claimed the right to pro- pagate his religion by the sword. He appears to have forwarded communications to the prin- cipal Mussulman towns in Eohilcund, calling on the followers of Mahomet to stand forth in defence of their insulted religion. The greater part of them, like the actors in another reli- gious tumult, " knew not wherefore they were brought together ; " but as the craftsmen were not the less ready on that account to cry " Great is Diana of the Ephesians ! " so the A.D. 1816.] SUPPRESSION OF THE RIOTS. 415 Mussulmans of Rohilcund, knowiog nothing but that the mooftee had raised the holy flag, were fiilly prepared to shout, " Blessed he the prophet ! " and to second their exclamations by the sword. Reluctant to proceed to extremities, the magistrate attempted to negotiate, and Major Hearsey and Lieutenant Roberts were de- spatched to conferwith the mooftee ; the nazir of the collector was also commanded by that officer to perform the same duty. The fanatical spirit of the people was strongly manifested during these conferences. They were con- stantly interrupted by persons who declared that they had come in express search of mar- tyrdom, and as negotiation, if successful, would deprive them of the anticipated pleasure, they viewed the process which was going forward with great fear and the most unrestrained dis- approbation. Such were the feelings of a portion of the people. Their leader had evidently no appe- tite for martyrdom, and he had taken con- siderable pains to avert such a fate from him- self. In the conferences with him religion seems to have occupied a very small share of attention ; it was well to parade it before the people, but in meetings of business the mooftee was willing to let it sleep, and confine the dis- cussion to temporalities. The chief complaint related to the conduct of the kotwal, which, without doubt, had been bad enough. His dismissal from office, and the surrender of his person to the mercy of the insurgents, were declared the first conditions of their returning obedience to the law. The further points contended for were, the abolition of the tax, the pardon of the mooftee — a matter too in- teresting to the chief negotiator to be over- looked — and a provision for the families of the persons killed in the previous affray. The negotiations did not, however, advance satisfactorily. The mooftee probably thought that resistance had gone far enough, but this was by no means the belief of his adherents. The interruptions which the negotiations received from the burning zeal of the people to enjoy the company of the howia have been already mentioned. The invitations to arms which had been forwarded by the mooftee now too began to manifest their full effect. Hordes of fanatical and armed Mussulmans, anxious for the blood of the infidel, flocked in from other towns of Rohilcund. A more temperate zeal would have better suited the purposes of the mooftee ; but he had now no power of controlling the monster he had called into existence. If he declined exti'eme measures, there were others prepared to undertake them. The timidity of age might paralyze his reso- lution, but in a person named Mahomed Esa the mob found an unscrupulous and vigorous leader. He was young and reckless ; he had obtained great influence over the insurgents, and availed himself to the full of the state of circumstances to inflame the popular phrenzy. The anxiety of the malcontents for action became almost uncontrollable : one party pro- posed an attack by night upon the small force which the magistrate had placed to watch the movements of the mooftee. Happily, this was opposed, or its destruction would have been almost inevitable. The intention, how- ever, was only postponed ; and on the morn- ing of the 25th of April, after murdering an English gentleman under circumstances of wanton atrocity, the attack was made. The insurgents were met by the British detach- ment, which was commanded by Captain Bos- cawen, with firmness. Its number was small, and the circumstances in which it was placed difficult ; but its spirit was good. The insur- gents were defeated with considerable loss, and this result led necessarily to their disper- sion, and to the re-establishment of order. The tax imposed at BareiUy was of small amount, and it had been introduced without much difficulty throughout a considerable por- tion of India ; but it was at variance with the habits of the people upon whom it was at- tempted to be levied, and it offended many prejudices. The unpopularity of the impost was undoubtedly increased by the ill conduct of those engaged in the collection of it ; but there can be no doubt that it was greatly dis- liked, independently of all aggravating cir- cumstances. It was a change — this in India is always regarded as an evil. It might be a beneficial change, but it is useless and dan- gerous to insist upon benefiting men against their will. 416 TEIMBTJCKJEE DAINGLIA. [a.d.1814. CHAPTER XXV. DISPUTES BETWEEN' THE PEISHWA AND THE GUIOOWAR — MUEDBR OF GUNGADHnR SHASTET — TRIMBDOKJEE DAINGLIA SUREENDEEED TO THE BEITISH GOVEENMENT — THE PINDABEIES OAPTUEE OE HATTEASS AND MOOESAUM — ATTACK ON THE BEITISH RESIDENCY AT POONA— MEASUEES EOE THE SUPPEESSION OE THE PINDAEEIES — TEEATT WITH SOINDIA — BATTLE OE SEETABnLDEE — EISE OE TOOLSEE BHTE — BATTLE OP MAHIDPOEE — TEEATT WITH HOLKAK — DEFEAT OP THE PEISHWA — PALL OP TALNEIE — PEEPIDT AND AEEEST OP APPA SAHIB — OAPTDRB OP CHANDA AND MALLIGAUM— PEISHWA SUEEENDEES — ^PALL OP ASSEEEGHDR — APPAIES IN CEYLON — PALMEE AND COMPANY — RESIGNATION OP THE MAEQUIS HASTINGS. The complicated drama which is about to open requires that attention should be carried back to a period antecedent to the occurrence of some of the events which formed the subject of the last chapter. "When Lord Moira under- took the reins of government in India, the elements of commotion were almost every- where prepared, and some favourable oppor- tunity, or casual act of provocation, was only wanting to call them into operation. Among the causes which were likely to disturb the peace of the country were certain differences between the peishwa and the guicowar, for the settlement of which the former prince manifested a most extraordinary anxiety. This, however, was in perfect correspondence with the usual practices of native courts, of taking advantage of any change in the British government to press, with unwonted earnest- ness and pertinacity, every claim which they possess, or pretend to possess, either upon that government or upon the states under its protection. The discussions between the peishwa and the guicowar arose partly out of the former connection between those princes ; and the British government, by the treaties concluded with both, was bound to arbitrate upon their claims. A further ground of dispute was furnished by the circumstances of Ahmedabad. This district was divided between the peishwa and the guicowar ; the former prince had granted a lease of his share to the latter, and arrangements had been made, under the sanction and influence of the British govern- ment, calculated to promote the advancement of the country in prosperity and happiness. The success of those arrangements was, how- ever, endangered by a desire expressed by the peishwa to resume his portion of the territory. This was a result alike to be de- precated by the guicowar, the British govern- ment, and the inhabitants of the district in question ; and it became necessary that endea- vours should be made to avert it. With these questions were mixed up others, connected with the peishwa's interest in Kattywar ; and altogether, the disputes were involved in much intricacy, while the objects to which they related were of great delicacy and importance. Although the British government possessed the power of arbitration, it was obviously desirable that this authority should not be exercised except in case of absolute necessity ; and that, before calling it into operation, every opportunity should be afforded to the native powers of settling their differences by negotiation between themselves. Some at- tempts to effect this object were made by the guicowar's vakeel at Poona, but they were counteracted by the intrigues of a person named Trimbuokjee Dainglia, who enjoyed the confidence of the Peishwa, and had a personal interest in the determination of one of the questions at issue, — the resumption of the peishwa's direct authority in Ahmedabad. Trimbuokjee Dainglia was one of those in- triguing and fortunate adventurers naturally generated in the atmosphere of a despotic court. His origin was low, and his earliest employment under the peishwa was that of a menial servant. His disposition, however, led him to watch for opportunities of raising his fortune, and he found them. On some occasions the means fell in his way of render- ing services desired by his master, and he was not slow to improve the advantages he thug gained. He rose rapidly in his sovereign's favour, and so successfully advanced his own influence, that at length, though the office of first minister was nominally held by another, all substantial power was actually in the hands of Trimbuckjee Dainglia. The British resident at Poona at this time was the Honourable Mountstuart Elphinstone. He formed and expressed a most unfavourable opinion of this man, and the progress of events proved that it was just. The efforts of the guicowar's agent at Poona to effect an amicable arrangement being constantly frustrated by the machina- tions of the peishwa's unprincipled favourite, it was deemed advisable to make a change in the person by whom the negotiation was to be conducted. Gungadhur Shastry, the guico- war's principal minister, was a man of extra- ordinary talent and judgment. The services which he had rendered to the guicowar state were pre-eminent. He had laboured strenu- ously to eradicate abuse from every part of the government, and to his exertions the rescue of the state from bankruptcy and ruin A.D. 1815.] NATIVE INTRIGUES AT POONA. 417 was mainly attributable. The talents, ranli, and character of this individual seemed to point him out as the fittest person to conduct tlie negotiations with the peishwa, and by the advice of Captain Carnac, who discerned and duly appreciated his merits, he was nomi- nated to the performance of that duty. His appointment was regarded by the pre- vailing party at Poena with dislike and appre- hension, and, previously to his arrival, some frivolous objections were raised by the peishwa to receiving him. These were removed by the British resident, and Gungadhur Sbastry proceeded to the seat of his mission. Here intrigue and counteraction awaited his pro- ceedings. A servant of a former dewan of tbe^ Guicowar government, named Bundojee, was engaged in active attempts to frustrate the shastry's endeavours : he had frequent interviews with the minister, and even went so far as to produce a letter, purporting to be from Futteh Sing, the ruler of the Guicowar state, disavowing the mission. These pro- ceedings, being communicated to Captain Carnac, were by him laid before Eutteh Sing. The Guicowar prince explicitly and entirely disavowed them, and, in proof of his sincerity, intreated that an application might be made by the resident at Poena for the surrender of the person of the individual who had thus abused his name. The application, however, was not made; the principal reason for re- fraining being the difficulty of adducing suffi- cient evidence to justify such a demand. Another active agent of intrigue was Bhug- wunt Row Guicowar, a relation of the sove- reign whom Gungadhur Shastry represented. He had visited the peishwa's territories under pretence of a pilgrimage, and, being there, sought an interview with the sovereign, on the ground of being the bearer of letters to him. Against this the British resident remonstrated, and at length obtained a promise from the peishwa, that he would not see Bhugwunt .Row without a previous communication of his intention. The designs of this promoter of intrigue and division had been penetrated by Captain Carnac, who forthwith was commissioned by Eutteh Sing Guicowar to request that the British government would take effectual means of averting the mischievous conse- quences to be apprehended. In the mean time, however, the peishwa had violated the promise which he had given to the British resident, by receiving Bhugwunt Row at a very full durbar, in the presence of the accre- dited ministers of the Guicowar. This breach of his word he endeavoured to excuse by alleging that the appearance of Bhugwunt Row at durbar had not been sanctioned by him ; the habitual conduct and feelings of the peishwa, however, render it almost certain that this statement was false. With the view of testing the sincerity of the Guicowar prince, and at the same time of enabling the British resident at Poena to encounter with better effect the mass of intrigue with which he was surrounded. Captain Cai-nao had been instructed to com- municate to Futteh Sing the facts reported from Poona by the resident, and to submit to his highness the propriety of meeting the proceedings, in which his name had been surreptitiously used, by a disclaimer, framed in such a formal and authoritative manner that it could be officially used at the durbar of Poona. Some reluctance was at first manifested to this ; but the objections of the prince were ultimately overcome by the address of the resident : the required docu- ment was given, and forwarded by the Bombay government to Poona. Gungadhur Shastry had hitherto received few marks of favour from the peishwa or his minister, and his endeavours to arrange the matters in dispute had been abortive. The peishwa refused to renew the lease of Ahmed- abad — on this point he was explicit : on others, every sort of evasion, chicanery, and delay was employed to postpone the conclusion of the negotiation. Gungadhur Shastry was at length about to take his departure from Poona, relinquishing to the British government the task which he had laboured assiduously, but vainly, to perform, when a sudden change took place in the conduct of the peishwa and his minister, which induced- him to suspend the execution of his intention. Both the master and the servant began to make an ostentatious display of kindly feelings towards the shastry, and to appear anxious to atone for their former hostility by the most extra- ordinary marks of esteem and confidence. Prospects of a settlement of the disputed questions, upon terms consistent with the interest of the Guicowar, were held out, and the greatestapparent cordiality was established between the shastry and his former enemy, Trimbuckjee. As a crowning mark of the peishwa's favour, he actually proposed a mar- riage between a female of his own family and the shastry's son, and preparations were made for its celebration. The peishwa and his minister proceeded on a pilgrimage to Nassuck, and the shastry accompanied them. During the jonimey, re- ports that the sbastry had been seized by Trimbuckjee were extensively circulated at Poona. They were disbelieved by the British resident; but so much pains were taken to convince him that they had no foundation, as to excite in his mind considerable surprise. It has been stated that, at the period when Gungadhur Shastry and Trimbuckjee were associated on friendly terms, the latter avowed to the former that, before their reconciliation, he had been engaged in plans for his assassina- tion. This avowal seems scarcely credible, and if made, it is not easily to be traced to any rational motive. If intended as a parade of entire confidence, it was certainly a clumsy expedient, and would seem quite as likely to put the shastry on his guard as to command 2 E 418 MURDEE OF GUN6ADHUE SHASTRY. [a.d. 1815. bia ilependence on the good faith of one who did not hesitate to acknowledge having enter- tained such abominable designs. The shastry, though he had formerly felt some apprehensions of treachery and violence, appears to have been divested, by the smooth- ness of the minister, of every relic of such feelings : they were again, indeed, roused, but it was when too late. Another devotional journey was proposed, and the shastry invited to accompany the peishwa and the minister to Punderpore. On this occasion, the shastry's colleague, Bappoo Mryaul, a man of wary and circumspect character, was not permitted to accompany him, and his exclusion was attri- buted to the influence of Trimbuckjee. At his desire, also, the shastry consented to leave most of his attendants at Foona. The visit to Punderpore took place in July, 1815. On the 14th of that month the shastry went to an entertainment; on his return he complained of fever, and desired that if any persons came to request his presence at the temple, they might be told that he was ill. In about half an hour after his return, a mes- seiiger from Trimbuckjee came to request him to join that person in his devotions ; but was told that the shastry was unwell, and would not go out. A second messenger arrived, shortly after, to acquaint the shastry that the peishwa was to go to the temple the next morning, and that he ought to take advantage of the interval and attend prayers ; but not to bring many attendants with him. He still declined. Soon after the receipt of the second message, two of his friends left him and pro- ceeded to the great temple. Here they met Trimbuckjee, who lamented the refusal of the shastry to come to prayers, and entreated them to use their influence to change his determination. One of them returned, and told the shastry what had occurred; but he still pleaded illness as a reason for non-com- pliance. Reflecting, however, that his refusal to join in the devotions of the temple, after these various messages, might appear strange in the eyes of Trimbuckjee, he at length agreed to go. As he passed along, one of his attendants heard a man in the crowd ask, " Which is the shastry?" and another reply, "He who wears the necklace ; " but not thinking the inquiry of any importance, he paid no attention either to the person asking the qnestion or to him who made the answer. The shastry entered the temple, performed his devotions, and after remaining a few minutes in conversation with Trimbuckjee Dainglia, returned towards the house which he occupied. He advanced but a short distance from the temple, when three men came running behind him, and, as if clear- ing the road for some person of distinction, calling out, " Make way ! make way I" Their left hands were folded up in cloths, and each of them, in his right hand, bore what seemed to be a twisted cloth, such as appears to be commonly used for striking persons in a crowd to make them stand aside. One of them struck the shastry a violent blow with the cloth, and it was then discovered that he had a sword in his hand ; another seized him by the hair and threw him down ; and, whilst in the act of falling, a third ruffian cut him on the head. Three of the shastry's attendants remained with their master; but two more assassins rushing from the front, the whole of them were wounded and disabled. The rest of the shastry's friends and followers, who do not appear to have been blest with any large share of personal intrepidity, ran away, leaving him in the hands of his murderers. Being thus at liberty to complete their bloody work, they mangled the unhappy man in a dreadful man- ner, and then departed; one of them exclaim- ing, in the Mahratta language, " We have now finished him." Three of the shastry's people had remained at the temple, in attendance upon one of his suite. As they approached the spot where the murder had been committed, they saw five men, with naked swords, running towards the temple. This alarmed them, but not being aware of what had happened, they made their way as quietly as possible to the shastry's house; not finding him there, they returned to the road, where they discovered his body cut to pieces. The British resident had accompanied the peishwa to Nassuck, but, understanding that his attendance at Punderpore would not be acceptable, he had, on the departure of the devotees for that place, proceeded to Ellora. There he learned the horrible events which had marked the devotional expedition of the peishwa, to whom he forthwith communicated his intention of immediately returning to Foona, calling on him, at the same time, to take measures for discovering and bringing to justice the murderers of the shastry. Captain Fottinger, the assistant, who had been left at Poona, was instructed to provide for the safety of the surviving parties connected with the Baroda mission ; and, in case of necessity, he was to invite them to encamp in the neigh- bourhood, of the British residency. The demands of Mr. Elphinstone were un- heeded ; and the representations of the shastry's followers, of course, met with no better success. The day after the murder some of the shastry's attendants waited on Trimbuckjee, and urged that it behoved him, alike as the friend of the deceased and minister of the peishwa, to insti- tute an active inquiry. He received them with great civility, but said that he had no clue to guide him in tracing the criminals, and that the shastry was wrong to venture abroad without fifty or a hundred attendants. It was answered, that the shastry considered himself among fi-iends ; that it was not usual to bring many people on such occasions ; and, with regard to the want of marks by which to trace the perpetrators of the crime, they observed, that the assassins wore the dress of- the Carnatic, and that Trimbuckjee well knew A.D. 1815.] ME. ELPHINSTONE'S REMON-STEANCES. 419 ■who were the shastry'a enemies. To this the minister replied by an appeal to that power whose agency is so universally recognized in the east. He asked, "How conld I avert what fate has decreed?" And, having thus removed the transaction beyond the sphere of human responsibility, he consoled the shastry's followers by assuring them that, now their protector was gone, they must depend upon themselves ; graciously adding, however, that he would do what he could for them. On the following day the shastry's followers obtained permission to return to Poena; but it was intimated to them, that they need not trouble themselves to attend any more, either upon Trimbuokjee or the peishwa. Although the remonstrances of the British resident did not produce any serious investiga- tion into the circumstances of the murder, they were sufficient to induce Trimbuckjee and his sovereign to take extraordinary measures for their own safety. Before the murder, indeed, the peishwa had adopted some unusual precautions. New troops were raised, addi- tional guards were posted round his house, and, contrary to his usual practice, his pro- gress was attended by a large body of armed men. After the murder these precautions were redoubled. The peishwa returned to Poena, but his entry was marked by symptoms of anxiety and fear. His approach was not preceded by any notice : he arrived in a close palanquin, and was not met by any of his chiefs. The day of his arrival was a great festival, on which thou- sands of Brahmins were accustomed to atteud, to receive his alms. He never before failed to be present at the dispensation; but, on this occasion, he did not appear. At night strong guards were posted, not only at the palace, but at the house of Trimbuckjee. Subse- quently, the levies of new troops, and the concentration of military force in the vicinity of Poena, continued; and every movement manifested distrust and alarm. Soon after the peishwa's return, the British resident requested an audience ; this, on va- rious pretexts, was evaded. After much dif- ficulty, Mr. Elphinstone succeeded in convey- ing to the peishwa a paper, containing a direct charge against Trimbuckjee, and de- manding his arrest, as well as that of Bhug- wuntEow and Bnndojee, the two persons who had BO anxiously endeavoured to undermine and counteract the labours of Gungadhur Shastry. In this paper, the resident, after stating the anxiety he had felt for an inter- view, expressed his surprise that no inquiry had been made into the circumstances of the shastry's assassination. The peishwa's pride and feelings were, however, respected, by averting the imputation of neglect and guilt from him, and casting it upon those whose duty it was to have informed his highness of the facts ; a duty which, it was assumed, they had omitted to perform ; and to this omission was attributed the forbearance of the prince fi'om those measures which were necessary to uphold the character of his government, and which, the resident took for granted, were in accordance not less with his inclinations than with his duty. The peishwa was informed that the public voice had been unanimous in accusing 'Trimbuckjee as the instigator of the crime ; the facts of the murder, and of the minister's conduct after its perpetration, were recapitulated ; the necessity of the arrest of Trimbuckjee, in order that witnesses might not be deterred from coming forward by the terror of his power and influence, was urged ; and the paper terminated by distinctly ap- prizing the peishwa, that all communication with the British government must be sus- pended until its demand upon this point should be satisfied. The peishwa now felt that, to preserve ap- pearances, it was necessary to do something ; but appearance being his only object, he re- solved that it should be as little as possible. A day or two after the delivery of the paper, the resident received a message, assuring him that it had been perused with the fullest attention, and that the peishwa had taken certain pro- ceedings in consequence. These steps were, however, very unsatisfactory. The two minor agents, Bhngwunt Row and Bundojee, had been placed under restraint, but the grand conspirator, Trimbuckjee, remained at large, and had actually the custody of his alleged coadjutors in ciime ; the guards placed over their houses belonged to Trimbuckjee. Fur- ther evidence was afforded of the insincere and deceptive character of these proceedings, by the fact of an interview having taken place between Trimbuokjee and Bundojee on the preceding night. The charge against Trimbuckjee could not be altogether passed over in the peishwa's message : but nothing explicit was stated with regard to it ; an explanation being promised through a certain native agent of the British residency, whom the minister requested to be sent to him. This agent was incapacitated by age and infirmities, and another was con- sequently sent. To him a long message was delivered, compounded of professions of at- tachment to the British government, and a denial of the guilt of Trimbuckjee ; the latter being accompanied by an offer to arrest him immediately, if his guilt were proved (which, while he remained at large, was obviously next to impossible) ; and a promise to consider the establishment of the truth of his having sent invitations to the shastry to come to the temple with a few attendants, as sufficient evidence of guilt. To this Mr. Elphinstone replied, by repeating that he was prepared to make good his charges ; by reiterating his call for the arrest of Trimbuckjee ; and by warn- ing the peishwa of the danger in which he placed his alliance with the British govern- ment, by a perseverance in the course which he had hitherto adopted. The grounds of suspicion against Trim- 2 E 2 420 EVASIVE CONDUCT OF THE PEISHWA. [a.d, 1815. buckjee were, indeed, too strong to be over- looked. His anxiety for the shastry's attend- ance in the temple on the night of the murder, and the pains he took to induce him to over- come the reluctance which he felt to leaving his house — his express desire that the shastry should be aocorapanied by few attendants, and the blame which, after the murder, he oast upon him, for not being provided with a greater number — the Impunity of the mur- derers, in a place surrounded by the peishwa's guards, and the omission of all endeavours to trace them, or to ascertain their persons and motives — ^the fact of no measure being taken to arrest Bhugwunt Row and Bundojee, on whom strong suspicion alighted, till pressed by the British resident — these, with many other minor circumstances, combined with the pro- fligate character of Trimbuckjee, and his former notorious hostility to the shastry, tended to fix upon the minister the guilt of the atrocious crime by which the peishwa's territories had been disgraced and the British government insulted. The suspicion, indeed, extended further and higher; it ascended through the servant to the sovereign : but as it was impossible to reach the latter without measures of positive hostility, the effect of which might not be confined to Poona, but might possibly light up the flames of war through a large portion of India, it was deemed advisable, on the principles of expe- diency, to sufier the guilty sovereign to escape the doom he merited, and to be content with the surrender of his instrument. The peishwa, however, continued to refuse this act of justice. He required the arrest of Trimbuckjee to be preceded by an investiga- tion into the charges ; a mode of proceeding nowhere adopted, where the grounds of sus- picion are so strong and the imputed crime of so deep a dye, and one which he knew must be ineffectual, from the ample means which the minister of a despotic sovereign must pos- sess, while he continues in the enjoyment of freedom and power, to silence the voices of all who may be disposed to accuse him. The arrest of Trimbuckjee was, therefore, an indis- pensable preliminary to a fair or effectual in- vestigation ; and by consenting to enter on an inquiry without it, the resident would only have insured to an atrocious criminal the benefit of a public exculpation. The peishwa would not admit this; he appeared determined to make common cause with his favourite, and to stand or fall with him. Trimbuckjee had not only been a supple agent in the political intrigues of the peishwa, but also the active and ready promoter of the licentious and degrading pleasures in which a large portion of that prince's life was spent. He had been found a useful instrument for effecting any purpose, however base or wicked, to which his master called him. Nothing dis- gusted him by its vileneas ; nothing deterred him by its atrocity. Whether as the expe- rienced purveyor to sensual indulgence ; the adept in intrigue and chicanery ; or, lastly, the unscrupulous villain, to whom murder was but one among various means of accomplish- ing a desired end, he could not be spared ; and the peishwa might, moreover, apprehend danger to himself, from the discoveries which hope or fear might induce Trimbuckjee to make. The wildest and most dangerous schemes were, therefore, sought to secure im- punity to the favourite. It was even proposed that he should quit Poona and excite a feigned rebellion, in which, while ostensibly assailing the authority of the peishwa, he was to receive his secret support. Insane as was this scheme, some preparations were made for carrying it into effect. At other times, various modes of compromise were offered ; but all these the resident, with proper firmness and a just sense of what was due to his country, rejected. Some commotions at Hyderabad inspired the authorities at Poona with still greater con- fidence. Subterfuge and compromise then gave way to language and conduct approach- ing to defiance. It was determined that no concession should be made to the representa- tions of the British resident ; that Trimbuckjee should remain at liberty, at court, and in office, and that all demands for his punishment should be resisted. The tone assumed was that of menace and hostility, and the proceed- ings of the court corresponded with its lan- The resident had some time previously re- monstrated against the concentration of the troops at Poona ; but the sole effect was, to remove the rendezvous to twenty or twenty- five miles from the ci ty. Recruiting still went on, and the assemblage of troops, combined with the altered tone of the durbar, at length rendered it necessary for the resident to take corresponding measures. The sanction of the governor-general to the course to which his own conviction led, enabled him to pursue it with the greater confidence. He once more warned the peishwa of the precipice on which he stood, and, pointing out the inevitable consequences of the continuance of his blind protection of his guilty minister, assured him that the British government would not desist from demanding his surrender. The firm and decisive conduct of the resident diffused some alarm among those opposed to him. A long consultation ensued between the peishwa and some of his more powerful followers, and the result was communicated in a message to Mr. Elphinstone. The proposal which emanated from the deliberations of this conclave was, that Trimbuckjee should be imprisoned, on cer- tain conditions. These conditions were three in number : — the British government was not to demand the capital punishment of Trim- buckjee, nor his surrender to its own officers, nor any further inquiry into the transaction. In the mean time, Trimbuckjee, after an in- terview with the peishwa, said to be of a very friendly character, was sent off to Wassunt- ghur, a hill-fort near Sattara. A.D. 1815.] ORIGIN OF THE PINDAREIES. 421 The conditions attempted to be forced on the resident were of course rejected, and an unqualified surrender of Trimbuckjee to the British government insisted on ; but a private intimation was conveyed to the acting minister of the peishwa that, after the prisoner was in British custody, no further inquiry would take place. The propriety of this promise Beems open to question. It had the appear- ance of a relaxation in the terms which the British resident had laid down, and to which he professed tenaciously to adhere. If the British government, satisfied with the possession of the person of Trimbuckjee, were willing to forego inquiry ; still it could scarcely be pru- dent to bind itself to this course by a promise. Passing over this error, the conduct of the resident was most firm and judicious. He continued to enforce the claims of the British government to the custody of Trimbuckjee, and the fears of the peishwa at length yielded what the sense of justice would never have ex- torted from him. The prisoner was removed from Wassuntghur to Poena, and there deli- vered over to a detachment of British troops ; from thence he was conducted to Bombay, vrith Bhugwunt Row and Bundojee, who were to be given up to the Guicowar government. On his arrival, Trimbuckjee was placed in strict confinement in the fort of Tannah. Mention has been incidentally made of per- sons called Findarries, occasionally found in the service of belligerent chiefs ; and, as they are now about to occupy » more important place in the field of Indian politics than has hitherto been assigned to them, it becomes necessary to make some reference to their character and origin. In every country, at whatever point of civilization it may have arrived, some are found who, impelled either by want or depravity, seek. a subsistence from sources less painful and less honourable than labour. In every country, at some period [of its history, a vast number of persons have supported themselves by open plunder — have followed no other occupation, and have not even pretended to follow any other. The time during which this state of things prevails may be longer or shorter, and its duration will be determined by a great variety of circumstances ; but, in a certain stage of society, it will as in- evitably occur as storms or earthquakes under certain conditions of the natural elements. A great deal of wonder has been spent upon the character and conduct of the Pindarries : there seems, however, little ground for any very copious display of such a feeling, and a large portion of it is probably to be ascribed to the unusual name by which these adventurers are described. They were in truth, except on account of their numbers, a very contemptible set of miscreants. Active and enterprising almost beyond belief, and wicked to the full measure which the most ardent lover of horror can desire, their adventures and their crimes were undignified by any of those nobler characte- ristics of our nature, which have sometimes shed a deceptive gloiy over actions of great atrocity, and averted from their perpetrators the penalty of unmitigated disgust. No redeeming virtue marked the character of the Pindarrie. Even animal courage, often the sole ennobling quality of his profession, he possessed not. The Pindarrie marched, or rather darted, upon his victims with a rapidity certainly never equalled by any regular force ; but, unfortunately for the romantic colouring of his character, he mani- fested equal or even greater alacrity in flight. No troops in the history of the world ever displayed such proficiency in the art of run- ning away; and to this, their strong point, they invariably resorted if attacked. " They avoid fighting," said one who had carefully studied their character and habits, " for they come to plunder, not to fight." Other com- batants seek to overcome their adversary ; the Pindarries were only anxious to get out of his way. Call these persons freebooters, banditti, or by any name to which the ear is accustomed, and the mystery which has been attached to them vanishes. They were mean and cowardly thieves, engendered by a vicious and diseased state of society. To repress them was a duty imperative upon the British government, and it was no less so to take effectual measures to guard against a new race of robbers being called forth in their place. The etymology of the term Pindai-rie has given rise to much and fruitless discussion. By some it has been traced to an ancient Hindee word, meaning 'plunder;' and if this be not a just derivation, it is at least a very appropriate one. The first mention of these persons in history has been sometimes said to occur in the latter part of the seventeenth century ; at others, in the beginning of the eighteenth ; a point of little moment, since it relates merely to a name, as it cannot be doubted that India contained within its ample boundaries a very plentiful supply of robbers, even at periods much earlier than either of the dates which have been mentioned. The native princes of India have never been very scrupulous as to the means of accom- plishing their purposes, and though not only high feeling, but even sound policy, would have led to the rejection of the services of the Pindarries, they were, in various instances, retained by what were regarded as regular governments. The services which they ren- dered were all of one description — they consisted in crippling the enemy of their employers by plundering his baggage or hia convoys — driving off cattle from the vicinity of his camp, and desolating the country from which his supplies were to be drawn. The terms upon which their assistance was afforded are not so easily ascertainable. It is probable that they varied ; perhaps they were rarely fixed with much precision, and it may be safely believed that the measure of Pindarrie 422 PINDAREIE LEADERS. [a.d. 1815. remuueration Was decided by the degree of ability to acquire and to retain. In some ca^es a trifling sum might be allowed by the government under which they served for each horseman employed, but plunder invariably formed the chie^ if not the sole, source of their reward. But whatever the engagements between the Pindarries and the governments by whom they were retained, it is stated, on competent authority, that they were observed with just such a measure of good faith as might have been expected. It was not un- common, according to Captain Sydenham, for the Pindarries to rob the government which they served ; " and, on the other hand," he adds, "the government seldom loses an oppor- tunity of extorting from them money under false pretences." This is precisely the state of things which those acquainted with the character of the Pindarries and their masters would have anticipated. These marauders received especial marks of favour and encouragement from Holkar and Scindia. Holkar bestowed upon one of their chiefs a golden flag. This gave the Pindarries a sort of rank among the Mahrattas, but eflfected no change in their habits or character. Gurdee Khan, the fortunate receiver of this distinction, remained during his life attached to the armies of bis patron : and notwith- standing the command subsequently passed from his family, that body of Pindarries continued faithful to Holkar. But, though entertained and encouraged, they were re- garded with contempt. Community of feeling and of purpose did not secure the respect of the Mahrattas for those who were but one grade below themselves in the moral scale. The Pindarries always encamped apart from the rest of the army, and their chiefs were never allowed to sit in the presence of the prince. A younger brother of Gurdee Khan, named Shah Bay Khan, attached himself to the service of Sciudia. He left two sons, Hera and Burrun, each of whom attained as much celebrity as can be supposed to surround the character of a robber chieftain. Quitting the service of Scindia, these adventurous persons proceeded to Malwa, and, having encamped at Berniah, with about five thousand fol- lowers, they made an overture to the govern- ment of Bhopal to invade and lay waste the territories of Nagpore, with which state it was at war. The offer was declined, an act of forbearance which has been ascribed to fear. Nothing disheartened by the refusal, the Pindarrie leaders proceeded to Nagpore, where they were graciously received. Their visit was a matter of business. Their offer, to accommodate the state of Bhopal by the plunder of Nagpore, having been rejected, they now made to Nagpore a like tender of their services for ravaging Bhopal. They found the ruler of Nagpore nothing loath ; and, being able and experienced workmen, they executed his order so effectually, that. at the distance of twenty-five years. Sir John Malcolm represents Bhopal as not then re- covered from the effects of their visitation. Their zeal and efficiency, however, met with a most ungrateful return. The rajah of Nag- pore, though glad of an opportunity of inflicting a vital injury upon an enemy, was too conscientious to allow such unprincipled persons as the Pindarries to retain the fruits of their labours. On the return of these faithful instruments of his will to his capital, he very unceremoniously surrounded their camp, plundered them of all the movables of which they had plundered the unhappy Inha- bitants of Bhopal, and seized Burrun, one of their chiefs : Hera, the other commander, fled. A noted leader among the Pindarries was Kurreem Khan. He was, at one period, an humble follower of Burrun and Hera, with a force of five or six hundred men. On the apprehension of Burrun, he fled from Nagpore and joined Dowlut Kow Scindia, who was then preparing to attack the nizam. In the cam- paign which followed he gained an immense booty, and his experience at Nagpore warned him to take care of it. To secure this end, a retreat appeared to him advisable : he, ac- cordingly, abandoned Scindia's army in the Deccan, and went to central India, to offer his services to Jeswunt Row Holkar. This prince showed no reluctance to receive and employ the fugitive : but the mind of the latter was still uneasy on account of his much- valued wealth ; and not feeling it quite safe in the custody of Jeswunt Row, he at once withdrew his followers and himself, and opened a double negotiation with his former master Scindia, and with Ameer Khan, whose character was about on a level with his own in point of respectability, while his place in society was little less questionable. Both negotiations succeeded. Ameer Klian offered him an asylum, aud when that adventurer was afterwards engaged in hostilities with Scindia, Kurreem Khan repaid the kindness by making himself master of certain districts at the expense of his benefactor, and obtaining a confirmation of his possession of them from Scindia. By that prince Kurreem Khan was created a nawab, and his ambition was farther gratified by a marriage with a lady of rank. The contemporaneous absence of Scindia and Holkar tempted this indefatigable person to make further additions to his territory. He now evidently contemplated the establish- ment of a regular state, and the jealousy of Scindia was excited. Scindia advanced from his capital, with the full determination of destroying a man who was becoming far too formidable for a dependant, but he was with- held by policy from resorting to force. Kurreem Khan, being invited to attend him, proceeded with a degree of ostentatious splendour scarcely inferior to that of the chief to whom he professed allegiance. On A.D. 1815.] KUEEEEM KHAK. 423 occasion of receiving a visit from Scindia, Kurreem Khan prepared a muenud of extra- ordinary materials. It was composed of one hundred and twenty-five thousand rupees, covered with a rich cloth. On this Scindia was seated, and the whole formed a present from the vassal to his liege lord. The success of Kurreem Khan seemed worthy of his munificence. Scindia appeared enchanted by the extraordinary talents of Kurreem, both as a soldier and a statesman. His compliments far exceeded the usual extent of eastern hyperbole, and Kurreem had reason to rejoice in having secured the favour of a chief whose enmity he had reason to apprehend. He had still further reason to be pleased, that the flattering attentions of his patron promised some better results than empty praise. The Pindarrie chief was em- boldened to solicit the transfer of several valuable districts, and tendered security for making an advance of four lacs and a half of rupees, if his desire were granted. The superior seemed as ready to bestow as the dependant was bold to ask. Every boon was graciously accorded. No prince ever appeared more sensible of the merits of a servant ; no servant more enthusiastically attached to his prince. The transfer of the districts was ordered to take place forthwith, and a rich dress of investiture to be prepared. In the midst of this seeming cordiality, some of the elder and more wary of the Pindarrie followers entertained doubts. They had be- fore witnessed scenes somewhat resembling that which they now beheld, and they recol- lected how they had terminated. Kurreem himself was not a novice in these matters, and heretofore he had rather exceeded than fallen short of a due measure of caution. His temper, his experience, and the warnings of his followers, might have been deemed suffi- cient to excite some degree of suspicion as to the probable termination of the superabundant grace and condescension of Scindia : but such was not the case ; Kurreem saw nothing but his own good fortune, and already in idea pos- sessed all that was promised. The interchange of compliments and presents having continued as long as was thought ex- pedient, the day arrived for making the final arrangements for the transfer of the coveted districts, and formally installing Kurreem in the possession of them. He was then, after taking leave of his chieftain and benefactor, to proceed immediately to the exercise of his new authority. Everything bore the most auspicious ap' pearance. Kurreem advanced to receive his expected donation, with but a slender train of attendants, probably from a desire to show respect to his superior, and in the belief that, now his ends were gained, it was more politic to flatter the pride of his chief than to appeal to his fears. Scindia received his visitor with the same benignity which he had mani- fested throughout — to exhibit more was im- The sunnuds were called for — the dresses were produced, and Kurreem could see nothing between himself and the fulfil- ment of his hopes, Scindia, however, made some pretext for retiring, not thinking it proper to give his personal countenance to the scene which was to follow. This was an act of decorum very creditable to the taste of the Mahralta chief, for his continued presence could hardly have been reconciled with his pre- vious bearing, and his departure rendered ex- planation impracticable, though probably in the opinion of Kurreem not unnecessary. The expectant Pindarrie was not kept long in the pangs of anxious hope. Scindia had scarcely quitted the tent, when armed men rushed from the sides, and seized Kurreem, with some of his principal adherents. A cannon was now fired as a signal that this feat had been accomplished ; and the troops which had been drawn out to do honour to Kurreem carried the compliment so far as to extend their care to all his followers, by ad- vancing upon the Pindarrie camp. Suspicion is one of the strongest characteristics of the Pindarrie ; this was soon excited in the camp, and as many as were able hastily declined the proffered attentions of Scindia's troops. A few only were killed, but, though the loss of life was small, the loss of that which, in Oriental estimation, is scarcely of less value, was considerable. The army of Scindia ob- tained an immense booty, a conclusion in itself sufficiently gratifying. But the value of the triumph was greatly enhanced in the eyes of the soldiery by the means which had led to it. It was the resulf neither of valour, nor of military talent, nor of far-seeing wisdom ; but solely of that sinister art, in which the natives of the East are generally such adepts, and which, in the eyes of a Mahratta espe- cially, is the first and most venerated of all human accomplishments. Kurreem was four years a captive. The treasure which he had lost through the pru- dent arrangements of Scindia, though not in- considerable, formed but a small part of what he could command, the mass of which was deposited at Shujahalpoor. On the news of his arrest reaching that place, his mother packed up all that was portable, and fled towards the jungles of Baglee, from which place the ieai of Scindia subsequently drove her further to the westward. In the mean time Kurreem was not idle. He found opportunities of corresponding with his followers, and he enjoined them, virith paternal authority, to plunder everywhere, but especially the territories of Scindia. These commands were too agreeable to their feelings to be neglected, and Kurreem had the high satisfaction of knowing that he was implicitly obeyed. While the professional duties of the Pin- darries were thus discharged, without sus- pension or impediment, some attempts were made to efiect a negotiation for the release of 424 CHEETOO RECOGNIZED BY SCINDIA. [A.D. 1815. Kurreem. These were long resisted by Soin- dia ; but a door was at last opened for the exercise of his clemency, by an appeal to one of the passions most predominant in the heart of an Eastern potentate. Six lacs of rupees to the sovereign was regarded as a tempting ofier, and the proposed distribution of one lac more among the officers of the court, by whom the treaty was negotiated, had a vast effect in facilitating their perception, both of the ad- vantages of the plan to the interests of their master, and of the claims of Kurreem to the indulgence which he sought. Security was given for the payment of these sums, and the prisoner was released. His former keepers were, however, not quite satisfied of the safety of the experiment, and endeavours were made to conciliate him by the accumulation of presents and marks of honour. But Eurreem had bitter experience of the value of such blandishments. He determined, therefore, to trust to his own resources, and assembling his Findarries from every quarter, he was soon in possession of territories more extensive than he had enjoyed before his misfortune. Under these circumstances he was joined by another Findarrie chief, named Cheetoo, who, it is said, had in early life been much indebted to him. This man was considered one of the ablest of the Findarrie leaders, and his junction with Kurreem was therefore regarded with apprehension. It was, however, of brief duration. The excesses which revenge led Kurreem to perpetrate in the territories of Scindia caused that prince bitterly to repent the bargain which his avarice had led him to conclude ; and he resolved to make every effort to annihilate the power of Kurreem. In this labour he found a willing ally in the faithful Cheetoo, whose obligations to Kurreem offered no obstacle to his engaging in the destruction of his friend and patron. The result was, that Kurreem's camp was attacked and dispersed, and himself obliged to seek safety in flight. He now sought the protection of Ameer Khan, and this worthy person, under pre- tence of recommending him to the good graces of Toolsee Bhye, the profligate favourite of Jeswunt Row Holkar, transferred him to the care of Ghuffoor Khan, a near relation of Ameer Khan, and his representative and creature at the court of Holkar. By him Kurreem was placed under restraint. This durance lasted three years, during which his followers were actively and vigorously occu- pied. At last he effected his escape, and joined his adherents at Beruiah, encouraged to take this step, it has been said, by the overtures of Scindia to forgive the past and provide for the future. A man rarely needs much encou- ragement to escape from captivity, if he thinks the objeit can be effected; and Kurreem could hardly attach much value to the pro- mises of Scindia. He did, however, escape, and prepared to act under Scindia's orders. Cheetoo, who has already been honourably mentioned, first as the friend, and, secondly. as the betrayer of Kurreem, profited by the captivity of the latter so far as to gain the rank of chief leader among the Findarries. The value of this distinction may be differently estimated by different minds ; but whatever it might be, Cheetoo sought and obtained it. He fixed his abode amid the hills and forests situated between the north bank of the Ner- budda and the Vindhya mountains. His cantonments were near the village of Nimar, and he resided either there or at Sattrass. During the latter part of his career he seldom made long excursions, but his troops were dispersed on duty at various points, and patrolled the country in every direction. He acknowledge a sort of allegiance to Scindia; but this did not restrain his followers from occasional inroads upon the territories of that prince, as evidences of their independence and impartiality. Movements were sometimes made, with the ostensible purpose of putting the marauders down, but nothing was effected. A treaty was at length entered into, by which the Findarries agreed to exempt the territories of Scindia from plunder, on condition of his bestowing on them certain lands. There were, however, some difficulties in the way of carrying this treaty into effect. Some of the lands conveyed belonged not to Scindia, but to other states, and though he had not the smallest objection to bestowing on the Fin- darries the property of Holkar and the peishwa, it was not perfectly convenient to assume the power of making such donations. The alleged necessity, however, of protecting his territories finally led him to comply. Sunnuds were granted to different chiefs, and Cheetoo received five districts. Here again was a foundation laid for the conversion of a robber confederacy into a regular state. Such were the characters of some of the leaders of the Findarrie hordes ; and though it would be unjust to say that they were much worse than those of most of their neigh- bours, the unsettled and predatory habits of their followers rendered it impossible for them to be recognized by any European govern- ment which had the slightest value for its reputation. The settlements of these persons being to the north of the Nerbudda, their practice was to cross the river as soon as it was fordable, generally in November, and indiscriminately plunder friends and foes. Before the- year 1812, though they continually visited the company's allies, they respected the British dominions. Subsequently, the latter partook of their visitations, and shared in all the horrors with which their progress was attended. The Findarries were not composed of any peculiar people or tribe, but of a variety — of the refuse of all tribes, denominations, and creeds. The ancestors of their chiefs are re- garded as of Fatan extraction ; their followers were a motley multitude, brought together by the common impulse of necessity. "Every A.D. 1815.] HABITS OF THE PINDAEEIES. 425 horseman,'' said Captain Sydenham, "who! is discharged from the service of a regular government, or vfho vfants employment and subsistence, joins one of the durrahs or prin- r.ipal divisions, of the Pindarries ; so that no vagabond who has a horse and a sword at his command can be at a loss for employment. Thus the Pindarries are continually receiving an accession of associates from the most desperate and profligate of mankind. Every villain who escapes from his creditors, who is expelled from the community for some flagrant crime, who has been discarded from employment, or who is disgusted with an honest and peaceable life, flies to Hindostan, and enrols himself among the Pindarries." The Pindarries were generally armed with spears, in the use of which they were very expert ; u proportion of them were provided with matchlocks, and all were mounted. The mode of warfare adopted by these bandits, if warfare it may be called, was distinguished by the precision with which it was directed to one object — plunder ; they brought little with them, and their only object was to carry as much as possible away. A party consisted of one, two, three, or even four thousand. Each man provided himself with a few cakes for his subsistence and a few feedd of grain for his horse, trusting much to the chance of plunder for the means of supplying the wants of both. They frequently marched thirty or forty miles a day, and, in cases of extraordinary emergency, they were capable of- accomplishing fifty miles in that period. To efieot these extraordinary exertions, they were accustomed to sustain the vigour of their horses by spices and stimulants. The celerity of their marches was not more remarkable than their secrecy. It was scarcely possible to gain information of their movements till they had completed them. They proceeded at once to the place of their destination, and, unencumbered with tents and baggage, they soon reached it. Here they divided into smaller parties, and commenced their career of plunder and devastation. Articles of the greatest value were disposed about their persons ; cattle afforded the means of their own transport. But the atrocious propensities of these ruffians were not to be satisfied by what they could carry away. What was not removed they destroyed, and wherever they marched, villages were seen in flames, with the houseless and often wounded inhabitants flying in dismay to seek a shelter which not unfrequently they were unable to attain. When the ruffian visitors had laid the country completely waste, they approached a point of the frontier distant from that by which they had entered, and, uniting again into a compact body, returned home. The horrors attending these visitations were such as could not be credited, vfere the evidence less complete and conclusive. Despatch being indispensable, every variety of torture was resorted to for the purpose of extracting from the unhappy victims informa- tion of the treasures they were supposed to have concealed. Bed-hot irons were applied to the soles of their feet ; a bag filled with hot ashes was tied over the mouth and nostrils of the victim, who was then beaten on the back, to make him inhale the ingredients ; large stones were placed on the head or chest, or the sufferer being laid on his back, a plank or beam was placed across his chest, on which two men pressed with their whole weight ; oil was thrown on the clothes, which were then set on fire — these, with many other modes of torture equally frightful, were resorted to. Neither sex nor age afforded immunity. The hands of children would frequently be cut off, as the shortest way of obtaining the bracelets which adorned them ; while women were subjected to outrages compared with which torture and death were mercy. To escape these, numbers rushed upon self-destruction. It is not one of the least revolting features in the economy of these murderous adventurers, that their women frequently accompanied their male associates in their excursions. They were mounted on small horses or camels, and are said to have exceeded the other sex in rapacity and cruelty. This may readily be believed, for when woman has once overcome the restraints which nature and universal feeling have imposed upon her, her progress downward is made with fearful rapidity. When the work of ruin was completed, the Pindarries withdrew like wild beasts to their lairs. Then a change of scene took place ; the operation of plunder was exchanged for that of huckstering. The claim of the govern- ment under which they served had first to be satisfied, or, if they were pursuing their vocation independently, that of their chief; but it is not very clear how far either claim extended. By some, the share of each has been fixed at a fourth part of the entire booty. By others, it has been alleged that the mode of apportionment was uncertain, but that elephants, palanquins, and some other articles, were heriots appertaining to the highest authority recognized by the captors. After the claim of the government or the chief, came that of the actual leader of the expedition ; then the payment of advances made by merchants ; for, like more civilized nations, these people occasionally contracted public debts. The fact of such a confederacy being able to borrow money would be regarded as remarkable anywhere but in India. These preliminaries being disposed of, the scene that followed resembled a fair. Every man's share of the plunder was exposed for sale ; purchasers flocked from all quarters, proximate and remote, the business of sale being principally conducted by the women. Whether this arose from the indolence of the men, or that the women bad the reputation of making better bargains, does not appear, but such was the custom. In the mean time. 426 MAJOR LtrSHINGTON'S MARCH. [A.J). 1816. the men gave themselves up to amusement, of which intoxication constituted a considerable portion. The remainder was worthy of the association in which it was found. This lasted until the produce of the expedition was ex- hausted, and it became necessary to seek in fresh outrages renewed means of gratification. Thus passed the life of the Findarrie robber, in an alternation of brutal exertion and sensual abandonment. The marquis of Hastings, at an early period of his government, manifested a desire to put an end to the ravages of these marauders ; but it was deemed fitting to refrain from any offensive operations until the receipt of orders from home. During the season of 1816-17, however, the ravages of the Pindarries ex- tended over a wider expanse of territory than had ever before been attempted. But these enlarged operations were not carried on without considerable checks. On the 25th of December, 1816, Major Lushington, who was at Preputwarree, with the 4th Madras native cavalry, received intelligence that a party of these plunderers had entered the peishwa's territories by the Wauklee pass, and were engaged in plundering to the south-east of Poona. The news arrived at ten o'clock at night, and three hours afterwards, the regi- ment, with two galloper guns, moved in the direction in which the plunderers were reputed to be employed. The carriages of both guns broke down, and they were conse- quently left on the road, the regiment pur- suing its way to Sogaum, where they arrived at seven o'clock on the morning of the 26th, having marched a distance of twenty-two miles. Here they learned that a large body of Pindarries had, on the preceding day, attacked the place, but, being beaten off, had moved in an easterly direction. Leaving at Sogaum the sick, recruits, heavy baggage, and camp-followers. Major Lushington, with three hundred and fifty men, again marched, after a pause of only half an hour, and at noon, having performed a further distance of twenty miles, arrived at Kame. At this place he found that the Pindarries had halted on the previous night : they had departed at day- break ; had occupied the morning in firing and plundering several villages in tbe neigh- bourhood, and it was believed that they were then at no great distance. The short space of three-quarters of an hour was allotted for refreshment, on the expiration of which the indefatigable band resumed its march in the direction which it was understood the Pin- darries had taken. At Pepree, seven miles from Kame, Major Lushington learned with much satisfaction, that his labours and those of his men were likely to be soon rewarded by a sight of the enemy ; it being stated that their whole body were halted at Cowah, about three miles further, for the, purpose of taking a meal. He immediately pushed forward at a brisk pace, and on ascending a rising ground beheld those of whom he was in search busily occupied in cooking and eating. The surprise was complete, and the success proportionate. The Pindarries were mounted and in flight with their usual celerity ; but it happened that the ground was favourable for pursuit, which was kept up by various parties for several miles. The killed and wounded of the enemy were estimated at between seven and eight hundred, and many who escaped without personal injury were incapacitated from further pursuing their avocation by the loss of their horses. Captain Thomas Darke, a valuable officer of the regiment engaged in this gallant service, fell by the thrust of a spear soon after the commencement of the pursuit, and this was the only casualty which the English had to lament. Not a man besides was either killed or wounded. The distance traversed by Major Lushington and his regiment, including the march, the pursuit, and the return to Cowah, was about seventy miles, and this was performed in seventeen hours, the whole affair being over by six o'clock on the evening of the day on which the troops had taken their departure from Preputwarree. About the same time a party which had proceeded to ravage Ganjam, was dispersed with heavy loss by Lieutenant Borthwiok. The fugitives subsequently suffered severely from falling in with a party of British troops under Captain J. Caulfield, by whom about four hundredVere killed ; the English losing only one man. The discomfiture would have been more complete bad not the progress of the British party been impeded by two deep nullahs, and the pursuit abruptly terminated by the arrival of night. Another large body of Pindarries was surprised about thirty miles west of Bidur, by a light force detached from Hyderabad under Major M'Dowall, the ap- proach of which was so sudden that the infan- try were close upon the tents of the chiefs before they were discovered, and scarcely a man of the party was mounted when the first volley was fired. The surprised party of course fled, and the greater part of their horses and booty was abandoned. At the close of the year 1816, it was the unanimous opinion of the governor-general and members of council that the adoption of vigorous measures for the early suppression of the Pindarries had become an indispensable obligation of public duty. But it was a ques- tion whether the attempt should be made during the current season or suspended till the ensuing year, the interval being devoted to making such arrangements as might enable the government to act with greater effect. The preparations which were to be made during the period of postponement it was necessary to conduct with as much privacy as possible, in order to avoid giving alarm to those against whom they were directed, or to other powers, who, from various motives, might be expected to make common cause with the Pindarries, and to be inclined to offer obstructions to any A.D. 1817.] CAPTURE OP HATTEASS. 427 measures designed for their suppression. Before the preparations were complete, the determination of the government was fortified by the receipt of a despatch from the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors, convey- ing a qualified approval of such measures as might be necessary for pursuing and chastis- ing the Pindarries, in case of actual invasion of the British territories. " Such an inva- sion," it was observed, " obviously constitutes a case in which we have a right to call for the co-operation of our allies." This admission was something gained, for previously the borne authorities had "discouraged plans of general confederacy and offensive operations against the Pindarries, with a viewto their utter extinction, in anticipation of an apprehended danger ■" although it was now thought fit to explain these intimations, as not intended to restrain the governor-general in the exercise of his judgment and discretion, upon any oc- casion where actual war upon the British ter- ritories " might be commenced by any body of marauders, and where the lives and proper- ties of British subjects might call for efficient protection." But the interval devoted to preparation for suppressing the ruffian force which had so long, with comparative impunity, desolated and disgraced India, was not in other respects a period of repose. Among other sources of disquiet was that arising from the conduct of some turbulent chiefs in the north, who, hav- ing possession of the fortresses of Hattrass and Moorsaum, defied the British authority and committed innumerable acts of disorder and violence. A force under Major-General D. Marshal was employed to reduce the ofiend- ing parties to subordination ; and succeeded, though not without subjecting Hattrass to a regular siege. The progress of the siege was interrupted by some attempts at negotiation ; but it being ascertained that on the part of the enemy no sincere desire for a peaceable adjustment existed, the operations of the siege were renewed with vigour, and prose- cuted to a successful issue. Possession of Moorsaum was obtained without difficulty, and the place was dismantled. These events took place early in the year 1817. It was not, however, exclusively in contests with petty chieftains that the British govern- ment was occupied during that eventful year. , In that which preceded it, the foundation had been laid for a long and frightful series of warfare and bloodshed. Twelve months after Trimbuokjee Dainglia had been committed to the fortress of Tannah, he found means to escape from it, to become again an engine of disorder and mischief. There appears to have been some deficiency of vigilance in the cus- tody of the prisoner. Little attention was paid to his personal movements, and in fact little was known of them. A habit, which it was subsequently ascertained he had for some time practised, of resorting every evening after dusk to a particular part of the fort, excited neither suspicion nor increased watchfulness, and natives were suffered to pass the gate without examination at hours when peculiar circumspection was called for. As soon as the escape was discovered, the different ferries were secured, with a view to prevent any per- son quitting the island : but the precaution was too late ; Trimbuckjee Dainglia was be- yond the reach of his pursuers. The escape of the miscreant was believed to have been contrived and carried into effect with the full concurrence of the peishwa, but no substantial proof of this existed. That the prince, after the escape of his unworthy favourite, concealed and protected him, was also a belief sanctioned by the strongest pre- sumption, although the sovereign gave the most solemn assurances to the contrary. In the absence of proof, there was no course for the British government to pursue, but to yield apparent credence to the protestations of the peishwa, and keep a vigilant eye on his future proceedings. There was, indeed, abundant reason to be convinced that the peishwa was exercising, and had long been employing, all bis influence to undermine the British power in India. His intrigues extended far and wide, and the malignity of his hostile feelings was attested by his activity in diffusing them. From Baroda, the government were apprised by Captain Carnac of some proceedings on the part of the peishwa and his agents, sufficiently indicative of that prince's insincerity and hostility. Similar information was commu- nicated from other quarters : every circum- stance was calculated to inspire the British government with distrust, and there can be no doubt that this was their feeling. There was reason for concluding that Trimbuckjee was concealed at no great dis- tance from Poena ; and suspicion was excited by intelligence of the assemblage of small parties of armed men in the neighbourhood of Mahadeo, about fifty miles distant from the former place. It was subsequently ascer- tained that considerable bodies of horse and foot were collecting in the same direction ; that recruiting was actively going on through- out the peishwa's dominions, and that even in the city of Poena, under the very eye of the sovereign, the process was in full opera- tion. Public opinion unanimously pointed out Trimbuckjee as the prime agent in these pro- ceedings, and there was scarcely more hesi- tation in attributing to him the direct coun- tenance and support of the peishwa. The resident, of course, remonstrated. He urged the importance of adopting vigorous measures for dispersing the armed parties, and thus crushing the insurrection in its com- mencement : a contrary line of conduct, it was pointed out, would lead to the most un- favourable impressions as to the intentions of the peishwa ; and the necessity of prompt and active measures, to relieve himself from the imputation ot participating in the designs of 423 DUPLICITY OF THE PEISHWA. [A.D. 1817. Trimbuckjee was enforced by the fact, that it was commonly believed and reported through- out the country, that the peishwa approved and Banotioned them. The suppression of the rebel movements, and the capture and sur- render of their guilty contriver, were repre- sented as being the only means by which the British government could be convinced of the falsehood of such reports, and the fidelity of the peishwa to his engagements. The peishwa, however, was not to be roused; and, in addition to this apathy to military preparations, which, if not sanctioned by his authority, were calculated to place that authority in danger, there were circumstances in his conduct still more suspicious. It was indeed reported that he was in constant com- munication with Trimbuckjee ; that he had even had more than one secret Interview with the arch-conspirator himself ; and that he had provided considerable sums in gold, as if for some expected emergency. These were but rumours ; but there were facts beyond all doubt, which placed the peishwa's character for sincerity in a most unfavourable position. He affected ignorance of proceedings to which no one in the country was or could be a stranger. Trimbuckjee's friends and family remained in high' favour, and constantly made excursions into the country, said (and probably with truth) to be for the purpose of con- sulting with their chief; one of Trimbuckjee's principal officers, after repeated visits of this kind, finally disappeared, and the peishwa declared himself unable to account for him. Some changes took place in the prince's habits so extraordinary as to excite general surprise. He made a journey to Joonere, while Trim- buckjee was supposed to be in that part of the country, which was alleged to be in dis- charge of an obligation of piety. He stated that, when in prison, he had made a vow of an annual pilgrimage to Joonere ; but it was remarkable that for twenty years he had neglected to perform it — a fact exceedingly discreditable either to the activity of his memory or the steadfastness of his devotion. He chose also to seclude himself from obser- vation at Phoolesehr, taking great pains to induce the British resident to believe that he was detained there much against his desire by an injury to his arm, the injury being only a slight bruise, and the distance which he had to travel but sixteen miles. He had been accustomed, from the time of his restoration, to make annual journeys to Goagur and Copergaum ; but these places not possessing the attraction of Joonere, were now neglected, even when the state of his arm no longer afforded an excuse. The suspicious conduct of the peishwa, in other respects, was corroborated by tli e war- like preparations which were evidently in pro- gress. Troops were raised, forts repaired, and evei^thing seemed to announce impending hostility. Finding it useless to persevere in his former course, Mr. Elphinstone at length assumed a higher tone, and resolved upon more decisive measures. The British troops at Poena were put in motion, and by them the insurgents were driven from their haunts, near Mahadeo, to the northern part of the peishwa's territories. This being performed, and the peishwa's preparations continuing, Mr. Elphinstone determined on drawing the light division of the troops at his disposal to Poena, to be there ready for any emergency that might arise. The impressions which the peishwa's conduct had made on the resident were distinctly announced, and it was inti- mated that the latter abstained from measures even more active, only till he received the instructions of his own government. But by the time the purposed disposition of the British troops was completed, Mr. Elphin- stone received such an intimation of the views of the Bengal government as enabled him to go on without hesitation. In the mean time the insurgents continued their progress, began to unite their forces from distant places, and took possession of one of the peishwa's forts. They were re- presented as having obtained entrance by personating countrymen carrying bundles of grass, in which they had concealed arms. This stratagem had been sometimes practised in towns where there was a considerable influx of country people carrying their goods to the market, and under such circumstances the disguised persons might pass unsuspected ; but it was little adapted to a^hill fort, where there was only a small garrison, no market, and no great consumption of grass. The gross improbability of the story was pointed out to the person who related it to Mr. Elphinstone, and he was very clearly given to understand that the resident was not imposed upon by the idle tale with which it had been attempted to abuse his judgment. The stoppage of the post by the insurgents in Cuttack, in the early part of May, 1817, rendered the receipt of the further instruc- tions from his government, for which Mr. Elphinstone was looking, a matter of great uncertainty. He was thus left in a great degree to the uncontrolled exei'cise of his own judgment. Everything seemed to call for prompt and vigorous action. It was impossible to suppose that the British government would be satisfied without the surrender of Trim- buckjee ; and it was the universal opinion that the peishwa would not give him up : in an extreme emergency, the probability was that the peishwa would fly to Ryeghur, in the Conoan, where it would be impossible to carry on operations after the setting in of the monsoon, which might be expected to take place early in June. A lengthened contest was above all things to be avoided ; the position of the peishwa, as the nominal head of the Mahrattas, rendering a junction of all theMah- ratta states against the British highly probable. Feeling the pressure of these circumstances, Mr. Elphinstone sent a message to the minis- A.D. 1817.] TREATY WITH THE PEISHWA. 429 ter, to the effect that he had a communication to make which must bring the question of peace or war to a decision, and that he should forward it on the following morning. The actual transmission of the communication referred to was delayed by a message from the peishwa, inviting the resident to a conference, which accordingly took place. Mr. Elphin- stone then demanded the surrender of Trim- buckjee, as an indispensable condition of ad- justment. The peishwa, though informed that the consequence would be immediate war, still sought to evade compliance, and refused to be bound by any engagement. On the following day the threatened communication was made to the peishwa's minister. Its purport was, to demand that the peishwa should, within twenty-four hours, engage to deliver up Trim- buckjee within a month from that day, and should give up his forts of Singhur, Pooran- dur, and Eyeghur, as pledges for the fulfil- ment of his engagement. The minister received the paper with extra- ordinary indifference. Before the expiration of the prescribed time, however, some attempts were made to procure a mitigation of the terms. This was refused, and the city was ultimately surrounded by the British forces. The people now manifested some alarm, but it was speedily allayed by the withdrawal of the troops, in consequence of a communication to the resident, accepting the proffered condi- tions. The forts were forthwith placed in possession of the British. But, though the peishwa yielded to difficul- ties which he was not in a condition to over- come, he was still anxious to find some means of escaping the consequences of his engage- ment. He appears to have courted the advice of counsellors of the most opposite sentiments, and to have vacillated between their conflict- ing opinions, as his inclinations or his fears preponderated. Terrified at the prospect of the precipice upon which he stood, and swayed in some degree by the judgment of the more moderate part of his advisers, he at length issued a proclamation, offering a large reward for the apprehension of Trimbuckjee, dead or alive, and smaller rewards for any information concerning his adherents ; a pardon was at the same time promised to all who should desert him, with the exception of twelve in- dividuals, and those who should still refuse to come in, against whom severe penalties were denounced ; the property of the twelve excepted persons, as well as that of Trimbuck- jee, was confiscated. Negotiations then com- menced for the purpose of fixing the future relations of the peishwa with the British go- vernment, and a treaty was finally concluded on the 13th of June, containing some provi- sions of great importance. By the first article of this treaty, the guilt of Trimbuckjee Dainglia, and the obligation to punish him, were admitted ; the peishwa en- gaged to use his utmost efforts to seize and deliver him up to the East-India Company ; the family of the criminal were to remain as hostages with the British government, and all who sided in his rebellion, and who had not surrendered to the proclamation, were to be punished. The second article confirmed the treaty of Bassein in all points not varied by the new treaty. The third article extended one in the treaty of Bassein, by which the peishwa engaged to dismiss all Europeans, natives of states at war with Great Britain. He was now bound never to admit into his territories any subject of either European or American powers, without the consent of the British government. By the fourth, the peishwa bound himself not to open a negotiation with any other power, except in concert with the Company's government, nor to admit the resi- dence of vakeels or agents at his court. The great Mahratta confederacy was by this article dissolved, the peishwa renouncing all connec- tion with the other Mahrdtta powers, and consequently his station, as their head, with certain exceptions. The fifth article related to the matters in dispute between the peishwa and the guico- war ; the former renouncing all right of su- premacy over the latter, but with a reserve for his existing pecuniary claims, which, in accordance with the treaty of Bassein, were to be referred to the arbitration of the Com- pany, unless the guicowar should consent to the annual payment of four lacs of rupees, in which case the reference was not to take place. The sixth article annulled one of the articles of the treaty of Bassein, by which the peishwa consented to furuish to the British government, in time of war, a certain number of troops, with a due proportion of ordnance and military stores, and substituted in its place one by which he was required to provide funds for the payment of a force of similar strength, to place the British government in pos- session of the means of providing this contingent. The seventh article transferred to the Bri- tish government, in perpetuity, certain territo- ries and rights, which were enumerated in an accompanying schedule. The eighth article provided for the convenient execution of the seventh; and the ninth, tenth, and eleventh had the same object. By the twelfth, the fort of Ahmednugger was surrendered to the Com- pany. The thirteenth and fourteenth extin- guished the peishwa's rights in Bundlecund and Hindostan. The fifteenth provided for an object very desirable to the British go- vernment and the Guicowar state, the renewal of the lease of the farm of Ahmedabad. The sixteenth article related to the settlement of the southern jagheerdars, and the seventeenth to the evacuation of the fort and territory of Mailghaut. The eighteenth related to the authentication and confirmation of the treaty. With the efforts of Mr. Elphinstone, in con- ducting the negotiation to such a conclusion, the British authorities had every reason to be satisfied ; and the treaty, while it provided for the just expectations of the more powerful 430 OCCUPATION OF POONA. [A.D. 1817. party, was not inequitable nor unnecessarily harsh as concerned the vanquished. The peishwa, however, was dissatisfied, and though unreasonably, not unnaturally. It was impossible that he could forbear contrasting his present humiliated condition with his for- mer lofty pretensions, as the head of a people who had spread the terror of their arms over a large portion of India. It had now been shown to him that he held his dominions at the mercy of the British government — the discovery was unavoidable, but it was neces- sarily far from pleasing. The obstinacy of the peishwa had accelerated a crisis which the prudence of the Company's government would have postponed indefinitely; and not- withstanding they were blameless, he was indignant. A few months only elapsed before it became evident that the peishwa was again preparing for some hostile proceedings. Levies of troops took place unremittingly throughout his do- minions, and by the 1st of October (the treaty having been concluded on the 13th of June previously), there was not a single horseman in the country out of employ. The quality neither of the horses nor men was regarded ; number seemed the oiJy thing kept in view. The ostensible motive for these preparations was, a desire to comply with the wish of the British government for co-operation against the Pindarries. This disguise was, however, worn too loosely to deceive. In an interview with the British resident, in which the in- tended movements of the armies against the Pindarries were explained, the peishwa did not think it necessary even to affect any in- terest in the suppression of the marauders ; his conversation being entirely confined to complaints of his own degradation. From various circumstances it was inferred that he was about to aim a blow at the British power, and though an appearance of confidence was maintained on both sides, it was formal and hollow. Among other indications of the spirit by which the government of the peishwa was actuated, were numerous attempts to corrupt the native troops in the British service. It was in consequence deemed necessary to re- move them from the town to a new position. The peishwa then, as if in defiance, pushed forward his own troops, and it was announced that he intended to form a camp between the old cantonments of the British army and the new. At last, on the 5th November, hostili- ties actually commenced, by the peishwa's troops moving so as to cut off the residency from the British camp. The residency was forthwith plundered and burned, but by the prompt advance of Lieutenant-Colonel Burr, the enemy, after a severe action, was repulsed, and retired. The resident was on the field throughout the action, animating the zeal of the troops, and aiding the commanding officer by the suggestions which his local knowledge enabled him to offer. The strength of the British force was about two thousand eight hundred ; the peishwa's army was composed of not less than twenty-five thousand men. It now became necessary to obtain posses- sion of Poena ; but this could not be effected by the small force in the neighbourhood. On the indication of approaching hostilities, Bri- gadier-General Lionel Smith, with the force under his command, had been summoned by Mr. Elphinstone from the south bank of the Godavery. That officer arrived at Poena on the evening of the 13th of November. On the 14th, arrangements were made for attacking the enemy, who were encamped on the opposite side of the river ; but the design was aban- doned, in consequence of the occurrence of unexpected difficulties. On the 16th, all the disposable corps, after providing for the camp and for the position of Kirting, were formed in divisions of attack. The passage of one of the divisions over the ford was obstinately resisted by the peishwa's troops, but the ill success of this resistance seems to have per- fected the panic to which the previous defeat received from Colonel Burr had given rise. At two o'clock on the morning of the 17th the peishwa fled, and the enemy having thus dis- appeared, the British force recrossed the river to take the most favourable ground for bom- barding the city ; but this dreadful measure was happily unnecessary, the defence of the place having been left to a few hundred Arabs, who were prevailed upon to withdraw. The state of affairs at Poona had rendered it necessary to combine with the measures in preparation for the suppression of the Pindar- ries, such other movements as might be requi- site to counteract the treacherous hostility of the peishwa. The arrangements of the go- vernor-general were accordingly framed with reference to both these objects, and they were conceived upon a large scale. The force on which he relied was partly to be furnished from the army in the Deccan, and partly Irom that of Bengal. Sir Thomas Hislop, comman- der-in-chief of the army of Madras, was in- trusted with the command of the military force, as well as with a controlling authority over all political affairs in the Deccan. An illness by which he was attacked, and which detained him for some time at Hyderabad, together with the unusual violence of the monsoon, delayed the advance of this por- tion of the British force, and conseqoently of that proceeding from Bengal, it being inexpedient to place the latter in circum- stances which would deprive it of those ad- vantages of combined operation and support, which it had been a chief object of the go- vernor-general to secure. The Bengal army consisted of three principal divisions and a reserve. On the 16th of October, 1817, the governor-general commenced his march from Cawnpore, and having joined the central division of the Bengal army at Secundra, crossed the Jumna on the 26th, and reached his destined position, on the Scind, on the A.D. 1817.] MILITARY PREPARATIONS. 431 6th November. The left division had pre- viously assembled in Bundlecuud, and was prepared to advance towards Sanger, with a view to co-operate with the right of Sir Thomas Hislop's army against the Piudarrie posts. The right division assembled at the same period, ready to advance to Dholpore, on the Chumbul, as soon as circumstances should render it necessary ; while the reserve, commanded by Sir David Oohterlony,' was assembled near Rewaree. This part of the British force was destined to cover Delhi, to support our negotiations with the Rajpoot states (for in the East a negotiator never suc- ceeds so well as when he has an army at his back), to perform the same office with regard to Ameer Khan, and eventually to attack the latter, or interpose between him and Holkar, if they should manifest any perverse or hostile feeling. Besides these principal divisions of the Bengal force destined for active operations, two detachments were formed, designed prin- cipally for purposes of defence, but capable of acting offensively if necessary. One of these, under Brigadier-General Toone, was posted near Ooutaree, on the frontier of Behar. The other, under Brigadier-General Hardyman, was formed at Mirzapore, and thence ad- vanced to Rewah, for the purpose of securing the passes in that country, and the adjacent districts, in order to defeat any attempt of the Pindarries to penetrate into the British territories in that direction, while the prin- cipal part of the force was in advance. A force was also stationed in Cuttack, sufficient to guard that frontier from the entrance of the Pindarries through Nagpore. The troops from the Deooan were dis- tributed in five chief divisions and a reserve. The first was commanded by Sir Thomas Hislop in person, and this was to have crossed the Nerhudda in the direction of Hindia, in conjunction with the third division under Sir John Malcolm. But this arrangement was frustrated by the detention of Sir Thomas Hislop at Hyderabad. The division of Sir John Malcolm consequently crossed alone, about the middle of November, and that of Sir Thomas Hislop at a later date. The fifth division, under Lieutenant-Colonel J. W. Adams, Tvas to cross the river at Hoosingabad, at the same time with the other divisions destined to act in advance. Two divisions, the second and fourth, still remain to be accounted for. Of these, the former, under Brigadier-General Doveton, had a position assigned to it in the neighbourhood of Akolee, on the Nizam's frontier, to protect that line from attack, to support, if required, the troops in advance, and to sustain the British interests at Nagpore ; the latter, under Brigadier-General Lionel Smith, was intended to perform the like service with regard to the peishwa's territory, and at the same time to keep Holkar in check. Considerable bodies of troops were also maintained at Hyderabad, at Poena, and at Nagpore, as at none of those places could tranquillity be relied upon. The corps of reserve was assembled on the frontier of the ceded districts, and was subsequently advanced to a position on the Krishna, from which point it could support the troops either at Hyderabad or at Poena : a separate detachment occupied the southern country recently ceded by the peishwa. The Guzerat field force, under Sir William Keir, was also assembled in advance of Baroda, ready to move into Malwa. The advance of the troops from the Deocan of course excited some attention, but in a degree quite disproportioned to the importance of the movement. Scindia was especially interested in the matter, and the passage of a division of the army of the Deccan through his territories rendered it necessary to inform him of the purpose of its being put in motion. The requisite communication was made by the resident. Captain Close, and was met, as every- thing is met at a native durbar, by an attempt to gain time. This being resisted, a tardy, and without doubt a reluctant, assent was given to the passage of the troops. This, however, was not sufficient. It was necessary to obtain either Scindla's active co- operation against the Pindarries, or at least his neutrality, and the exertions of the resi- dent were directed accordingly. While the negotiations were pending, an extraordinary circumstance occuiTed, illustrative of the feeling entertained by Scindia. This was the arrest of two messengers conveying letters from Scindia's court to Catmandoo. As there was no customary intercourse between the two courts, its occurrence could not fail to excite strong suspicion. A part of the letters were open and part sealed. The former were read, and though the language was obscure, they evidently related to some project for a combination against the British government. The sealed letters were delivered to Scindia by the resident in the state in which they were found. Scindia made no attempt to explain his conduct, but the discovery was not without effect upon the progress of the negotiation. A treaty, comprising twelve articles, was forthwith concluded with Scindia ; by the first of which, the contracting parties engaged to employ the forces of their respective govern- ments, and of their allies and dependents, in prosecuting operations against the Pindarries and other hordes of associated freebooters, to expel them from their haunts, and to adopt the most effectual measures to disperse and prevent them from re-assembling. The forces of the two governments and their allies were immediately to attack the robbers and their associates, according to a concerted plan of operations, and not to desist until the objects of their engagement were entirely accom- plished ; and Scindia, on his part, promised his utmost efforts to seize the persons of the Pindarrie leaders and their families, and to deliver them up to the British government. 432 TREATY WITH SCINDIA. [a.d. 1817. The second article referred to the settle- ments which the Pindarries had gained in the territories of Soindia, and in those of other states. With regard to the former, the lands were to be immediately secured by the maha- rajah, who engaged never again to admit the plunderers to possession. The other lands were to be restored to their respective owners, provided they exerted themselves to the re- quired extent in expelling the Pindarries, and entered into similar engagements never to re- admit them, or to become concerned with them in any way whatever. In default of these conditions being complied with, the lands were to be delivered to Scindia, and held by him on the stipulated terms. The third article extended and completed the first, and the former part of the second. By it Scindia engaged never to admit the Pin- darries, or any other predatory bodies, into his territories, to give them the smallest coun- tenance or support, or to permit his officers to do so. On the contrary, he promised to issue the most positive orders to all his officers, civil and military, enforced by the severest penalties, to employ their utmost efforts to expel or destroy any body of plunderers who might attempt to take refuge in his territories ; and all officers disregarding these orders were to be dealt with as rebels to the maharajah, and enemies to the British government. The fourth article commenced by formally announcing, that the Maharajah Dowlut Row Scindia was the undisputed master of his own troops and resources. This sounding overture was precursory to a stipulation for placing the troops and resources, of which he was the un- doubted master, at the disposal of the British government, for which he certainly entertained no warm affection. The article proceeds to declare, that for the more effectual accom- plishment of the objects of the treaty, the divisions of the maharajah's troops (amounting to five thousand horse), employed in active operations against the Pindarries or other freebooters, should act in concert with the British troops, and in conformity to the plan that might be counselled by the officer com- manding the British divisions with which they might be appointed to act; that a British officer should be stationed with each division of the maharajah's troops, to be the channel of communication between them and the British commanding officer : and in order further to forward the purposes of their conjoint opera- tions, the maharajah engaged that all his officers, civil and military, should afford every degree of support and assistance in their power to the British, in procuring supplies or otherwise to the British troops operating in his territories ; and all who should neglect this duty were subject to the same appalling denunciation with which the third article closed. The fifth article commenced with a very important stipulation — that the divisions of Scindia's army ajipointed to act with the British troops should be marched in a state of complete equipment, both men and horses, and regularly paid. To make pro- vision for these vital objects, and as the framers of the treaty considerately express it, to "prevent all future discussions or dis- putes," Scindia consented to renounce for three years the payments made by the British government to him, to certain members of his family, and to ministers of his government. These suras were to be appropriated to the payment of his troops, through the British officers stationed with them, the British go- vernment engaging that, at the termination of the war, and after the satisfaction of the claims of the troops, any balance that might remain due should be paid to the maharajah. For the same purpose as that for which the above payments were relinquished, Scindia agreed to surrender for two years the tribute to which he was entitled from the states of Joudpore, Bhoondee, and Kotah. These two articles, as well as the succeeding one, were directed to the removal of a difficulty which the marquis of Hastings had foreseen, and was anxious to guard against. "It was ma- nifest," he observes, in one of his despatches, "that no active or useful aid was to be ex- pected from Soindia's troops, if left to the di- rection of his own officers." By the sixth article it was agreed that the troops of Scindia, cavalry, infantry, and artil- lery, should during the war occupy such posi- tions as might be assigned by the British government, and should not change them without the express concurrence of that go- vernment. The necessity of giving a reason for this stipulation, rather than for any other in the treaty, is not apparent ; but one is given, namely, that unconnected movements are calculated to derange the joint operations of the two states, and to give undue advantage to the enemy. For the due execution of the stipulation in this article, the British govern- ment was to be at liberty to station an officer in each division of the maharajah's army. The seventh article assumes that the force to be put in motion by the British govern- ment, combined with that actually in the service of Scindia, would be fully sufficient to chastise the Pindai'ries, and effect the objects of the treaty ; and, in consequence, proceeds to provide that, to prevent the possibility of collusion between the maharajah's officers and the Pindarries, the forces of the former should not be increased during the war without the approval of the British government. His officers were also prohibited from admitting into the ranks of his army, or otherwise har- bouring or protecting, any of the Pindarries, or other freebooters. This article, like two former ones, concludes by denouncing those who may break it, as rebels to Scindia and enemies of the British government. The eighth article was not an unimportant one. It declares that, with a view to the more effectual prosecution of the joint operations of A.D. 1817.] ARTICLES OF THE TREATY. 433' the two governmentg, and to the facility and security of the communication of the British troops with their supplies, the raaharajah, re- posing entire confidence in the friendship and good faith of the Brilish government (which vpas assuredly far more than the British go- vernment could repose in his), agrees that British garrisons should be admitted into the forts of Hindia and Asseergurh, and should be charged with the care and defence of them during the war, with the liberty of establish- ing dep6ts in them. The flag of Scindia was, however, to continue to fly at Asseergurh, and be was at liberty to station a killadar, with a personal guard of fifty men, there ; but the actual command of the place, as well as of Hindia, and the disposal of the warlike stores in both, were to be exclusively in the British. Some minor regulations followed with respect to stores and the movements of the garrisons ; and it was stipulated that the territories de- pendent on the forts should continue to be managed by the ofiScers of the maharajah, who •were to receive every support from the British government and its ofiioers. The whole of the resources, or such part as might be necessary, were to be appropriated to the payment of the troops, as stipulated in the fifth article ; an account to be rendered at the conclusion of the wai'. At the same period the forts were to be restored in the condition in which they had been received — all private property was to be respected, and the inhabitants of the de- pendent towns and villages were to enjoy the protection of the British government, and to be permitted to depart with their property, if they should think proper. The ninth article provided for an object which the marquis of Hastings deemed ne- cessary for the attainment of the purposes which he had in view. By a former treaty the British government was restrained from entering into any treaty with the rajahs of Oudeypore, Joudpore, and ICotab, or other chief tributaries of Dowlut Row Scindia, situ- ated in Malwa, Mewar, or Marwar. Of this provision the governor-general was desirous to procure the abrogation, an alliance with those states being indispensable to the contemplated arrangements for preventing the renewal of the predatory system. It was accordingly abro- gated by the ninth article of the new treaty*, upon the ground that the main object of the contracting parties was to prevent for ever the revival of the predatory system in any form ; and that both governments were satisfied that to accomplish this wise and just end, it might be necessary for the British government to form engagements of friendship and alliance with the several states of Hindostan. Full liberty was therefore given to form engage- ments with the states of Oudeypore, Joudpore, and Kotah, with the state of Bhoondee, and with other substantive states on the left bank of the Chumbul. But the article was not to be construed as giving that government any right to interfere with states or chiefs in Malwa or Guzerat, clearly and indisputably dependent on or tributary to the maharajah, whose authority over those states or chiefs was to continue on the same footing as before. The British government bound itself, in the event of concluding any engagements with the states of Oudeypore, Joudpore, Kotah, Bhoondee, or any others on the left bank of the Chumbul, to secure to Scindia his ascertained tribute, and to guarantee its payment in perpetuity ; Scindia engaging on no account or pretence to interfere, in any shape, in the aflairs of those states, without the concurrence of the British government. The tenth article referred to a contingency not very improbable, the occurrence of which is deprecated with a degree of solemnity which charity must hope to have been sincere. This article is too edifying to be abstracted or abridged ; it must be given at length, and in its original energy, without alteration or dilu- tion. It runs thus : — " If (which God for- bid !) the British government and the maha- rajah shall be compelled to wage war with any other state, on account of such state attacking either of the contracting parties, or aiding or protecting the Pindarries, or other freebooters, the British government, having at heart the welfare of Dowlut Row Scindia, will, in the event of success, and of his highness's zealous performance of his engagements, make the most liberal arrangements for the consolidation and increase of his territories." This display of piety and moderation is very remarkable, when it is remembered that one of the con- tracting parties was Dowlut Row Scindia. The terms of the treaty were, without doubt, dictated by the British government, and neither Scindia nor his servants were account- able for this effusion of virtuous feeling ; but to whomsoever it is to be attributed, it is most unhappily out of place with reference to the character of the Mahratta chief, as well as to the total want of community of religious be- lief between the parties who joined in it. After so rich a display of pious elevation, the descent to ordinary language is somewhat painful. It is proper, however, to mention, that the eleventh article provides for the con- tinuance of such objects of the treaty of 1805 as were not affected by the new one, and the twelfth engages for the exchange of ratifica- tions. Such was the treaty concluded with Scindia by Captain Close, and which provided for all the objects which the governor-general had in view. It was ratified early in November, 1817, and shortly afterwards the ninth article was rendered operative by the conclusion of treaties with the Rajpoot states. A treaty witl^Ameer Khan was also concluded. This person, who has been characterized, and, it is believed, not unjustly, as "one of the most atrocious villains that India ever produced," was, on the whole, fortunate. The British government agreed to protect him in his pos- sessions, on condition of his disbanding hi% 2 F 431 AFFAIRS OF BERAR. [a.d. 1817- army, Burrendering hia guns, relinquishiog his Pindarrie habits, dissolving his connection with those plunderers, and keeping better company. Seeing that he had no better claims to indulgence than those whom the English sought to extirpate, Ameer Ehan had cer- tainly reason to felicitate himself upon his good luck. The treaty with Ameer Khan was negotiated by Mr. Metcalfe. While new engagements of amity were in course of formation, the relations of peace pre- viously subsisting between the British govern- ment and one of its native allies were about to receive a shock. The rajah of Berar, Eughoo- jee Bhonslah, had invariably resisted the at- tempts that had been made by the British government to establish with that state a sub- sidiary alliance. On his death his only son, Pursajee Bhonslah, succeeded to the throne ; but he being of weak mind, a cousin, known as Appa Sahib, exercised the functions of sovereignty under the title of regent. To secure the assistance of the British govern- ment in maintaining him in the power which he had thus obtained, and in promoting his ultimate advance to the higher rank and au- thority to which he aspired, the regent con- sented to form the long-denied engagement. Early in the year 1817 the imbecile occupant of the throne died, and Appa Sahib attained the final object of his ambitious hopes. Although a subsidiary treaty had been con- cluded, the arrangements bad not been brought into a condition to work properly. There had been considerable irregularity as to the organization and maintenance of the stipu- lated contingent, by which the British go- vernment had been subjected to expense which it was not obliged to bear. Discussion of course arose, but native evasion continued for a while to postpone the fulfilment of en- gagements which could not be denied. Pro- crastination is of too common occurrence in Oriental courts to excite much surprise, and the disposition of Appa Sahib was regarded as not unfriendly to the English. Circum- stances, however, soon occurred, and espe- cially a change with regard to his ministers, which convinced the British authorities that his professions of friendship were hollow and insincere. At this period, indeed, the seeds of hatred to British influence were scattered throughoxit India with an unsparing hand, and the peishwa was the prime instigator and fomenter of the hostile feeling. Habits oi ancient standing gave him considerable influence with the native princes. The Mahratta states might also he supposed to feel their pride in some degree wounded by the humiliation of their chief, and some suspicion may be supposed to have existed as to the probable aim of the British government, and the extent to which it proposed to carry its acquisitions. There might be an apprehension that England was looking to the entire dominion of India ; and though this consummation would be devoutly wished by the people, if they understood their own welfare, the prospect of it could, under no circumstances, be very acceptable to those whose thrones were to fall before the march of the victors. It is certain that the plans of the governor- general for the extirpation of the Pindarries were regarded with great suspicion. This must, in most instances, have arisen from the apprehension of ulterior measures ; for, with the exception of Scindiaand Holkar, who entertained bodies of the Pindarries in a sort of feudal dependence, no prince would appear to have had any interest in supporting them. The interest of the rajah of Nagpore, indeed, lay quite the other way; for his dominions had suffered most severely from the devastar tions of these marauding adventurers ; and by an express article of the subsidiary treaty, the British government was required to defend the state of Nagpore against their incursions. The peculiar nature of a subsidiary alliance renders imperative the greatest circumspection in selecting the representatives of the British government at the courts of princes thus con- nected with it. The resident at Nagpore, at this time, was fortunately a gentleman whose sagacity and prudence were not to be over- come even by Mahratta dissimulation. Mr. Jenkins distinctly perceived the tendency which events were taking, and if the British connection could have been preserved by judgment, firmness, and caution, combined with suavity, that connection would not have been severed. The resident was apprized that the rajah was engaged in intrigues with the peishwa. Conferences were held with an agent of that sovereign, who received letters almost daily from Poona, which he immediately carried to the rajah. Such proceedings, especially at such a period, were calculated to excite suspicion and alarm. Mr. Jenkins accordingly remonstrated against them, reminding the rajah that all communications similar to those with the peishwa ought, in conformity with the treaty, to he immediately communicated to the British government, and that the observance of this provision, at all times incumbent, was of peculiar importance at a time when it was notorious that measures of hostility were in progress at the court of Poona. The reply of the rajah was unsatis- factory. He admitted that he had received overtures from Poona, but observed, that it did not consist with his dignity to repeat them; and this, with general expressions of unceasing attachment to his English connec- tion, constituted his answer. The objection- able communications continued, and the re- newed representations of the resident on the subject produced no change of conduct. The period was evidently approaching when the rajah was to throw off the mask of friend- ship : in anticipation of it, Mr. Jenkins apprized the military authorities of the pro- spect of their being speedily called into action. A.'D. 1817.] AFFAIR OP SEETABULDEE. 435 and urged the march of troops towards Nag- pore, to uphold the British iuterests. The rajah had dismissed the peishwa's valceel, but he still retained at his court the brother of that functionary, and through him, as well as other channels, the intercourse with Poena continued to be carried on. The assemblage of troops at Poena was accompanied by a simultaneous collection of force at Nagpore. The completion of the contingent was delayed, and when troops were assigned for the pur- pose, they consisted mostly of new levies, evidencing that the rajah had no mind to part with his good troops. In addition to their being raw and undisciplined, the fidelity of the recruits to the British cause was more than suspected. The levies extended beyond Nag- pore, and were conducted with great secrecy. This infatuated prince even entered into nego- tiations with the Pindarries, who were invited to bring down a force to attack the British. The Pindarries were also made useful in another way, by assigning the fact of their ravages as an excuse for keeping up an extra- ordinary number of troops. In the midst of these warning circumstances a kbelaut arrived from the peishwa, and the rajah sent to inform the resident of his inten- tion to receive it with all the usual ceremonies indicative of his being invested with the character of commander-in-chief of the Mah- ratta armies. The principal ceremony con- sisted in going out to his camp, and remaining three days at the head of his troops. The communication was accompanied by a request that the resident, or some gentleman in the British service, would attend the ceremony, and that a salute might be ordered. As the British government was then in a state of actual warfare with the peishwa, it was quite obvious that such a request could not be com- plied with; and this public acknowledgment by Appa Sahib of a community of interest with the declared enemy of his protectors would seem to amount almost to insanity. Mr. Jenkins, of course, refused any participa- tion in the ceremony. On the following day all communication between the residency and the city was interdicted. The palaces were stripped of everything of value, and the families of the rajah and of his principal ministers left the city. These movements were followed by an order for the contingent to remove to the city, the old cry of the Pin- darries being set up as a pretext. Upon this Mr. Jenkins lost no time in sending for the troops from their cantonments. A pretence was now made, on the part of the rajah, to open a negotiation ; but the hostile manifestations which were contempo- raneous showed it to be altogether delusive. The 26 th of November placed the matter beyond question, by a repetition of the treacheries of Poona. An interview between the British resident and two of the rajah's ministers was interrupted by the commence- ment of firing. The strife of words was now to give way to the combat of more deadly weapons. The conference was dissolved abruptly, and Mr. Jenkins repaired to the scene of action. Reinforcements had been sent for, but they had not arrived; the duty of repelling the attack consequently devolved upon a very small body of troops. The whole British force at Nagpore consisted of a brigade of two bat- talions of Madras native infantry, the first of the 20th regiment, and the first of the 24th, both considerably reduced by sickness; the resident's escort of two companies of native infantry, three troops of the 6th regiment of Bengal native cavalry, and four six-pounders, manned by Europeans of the Madras artillery. Lieutenant-Colonel Hopetoun Scott was the senior officer, and with this force, which did not comprise fourteen hundred men fit for duty, had to resist an army of about eight thousand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry, supported by thirty-five guns. When these troops had, at the request of the resident, marched from their cantonments, they took post on the hill of Seetabuldee, overlooking the residency and the city ; at the same time taking possession of another hill, about three hundred yards distant, the occupation of which was necessary to their retention of the former. In the course of the day, large bodies of Arabs, with five guns, were observed to enter a village at the foot of the hill, where a strong body of the rajah's infantry had previously been posted; and at six o'clock in the evening, while Colonel Scott was engaged with Captain Bayley in posting sentries on the face of the hill, the Arabs in the village opened fire. This was entirely unexpected, as no overt act of hostility had yet taken place on either side, and the rajah's troops were aware that the posting of the sentries by the British was only a customary act of military precaution, and that no inten- tion existed of attacking them. The small party of British troops, who found themselves thus suddenly engaged in action, returned a volley upon their assailants, and then re- treated to the top of the hill, under the fire Of all the troops in the village. The action now became general, and con- tinued without intermission for eighteen hours. A part of the troops being entirely exhausted, it was found necessary to confine the defence of the inferior hill to its summit. At eight o'clock on the morning of the 27th, a body of Arabs, by charging up the face of the hill with an overwhelming force, succeeded in gaining possession of the British post. The vast dis- proportion between the numbers of the con- tending bodies now appeared to give a fearful preponderance to the rajah's party, when the current of fortune was turned by one of those acts of romantic valour, which have so often changed the face of the battle-field, struck panic into the hearts of a powerful enetny, and secured the victory to the weaker side. At the moment when there seemed most cause 2 F 2 436 SUBMISSION OF APPA SAHIB. [a.d. T817. for despondency, Captain Fitzgerald, com- manding a detachment of Bengal cavalry, reinforced by a native officer and about twen- ty-five troopers of the Madras body-guard, charged an immense body of the enemy's best horse, and having taken their guns and turned them against their late possessors, stood master of the plain, which was covered in every direction by the flying foe. Accident aided the advantage which daring courage had secured. While preparations were making for an attack upon the Arabs, who had obtained possession of the smaller hill, an explosion was observed to take place in the midst of them. No sooner was this perceived than the British troops made a rush towards the spot, and it was with great difficulty that Colonel Scott could prevent the hill which he occupied from being deserted, or even prevail upon the infantry to wait the arrival of the cavalry who were to support them. Their impatience for action would doubtlessly have been justified by their bearing through its dangers ; but the trial was not afforded : on their approach the enemy abandoned their guns and fled. Shortly after, the Arabs beginning to collect in con- siderable numbers in front of the hill, a troop of cavalry, led by Cornet Smith, charged round its base, and numbers of the enemy were cut to pieces. All hope now seemed to be extinct with the defeated party ; the attack slackened in every quarter, and by noon it had entirely Courage and military conduct, like other meritorious qualities, are not always appre- ciated according to their deserts. The magni- tude of the stake contended for, the proximity or distance of the scene of action, the num- bers engaged, and various other accidents, influence the judgment of mankind with re- gard to them. Little is recollected of the heroic band who, on this occasion, illustrated the triumphant supremacy of living burning courage over the dead force of mere numbers. Yet the prodigies of valour which they per- formed have rarely been equalled, either in ancient or modem times. If glory were to be proportioned to difficulty and danger, the memory of such men would be imperishable. The noble spirit by which they were animated extended to the civil servants of the Com- pany. The resident, Mr. Jenkins, was present throughout the action, and on the testimony of Colonel Scott it is established that his animated conduct tended, in a very consider- able degree, to excite the troops to their duty. His first assistant, Mr. Sotheby, exhibited the same contempt of danger, and the same generous ardour, not merely to satisfy the claims of duty, but to surpass them. The latter gentleman met an honourable death on the field which he contributed to win. Such are the men whom the Company's service has from its commencement never ceased to pro- duce, and their best eulogium is to be found in the magnificent empire acquired by their exertions. Dismayed by the result of his first attempt in hostility, Appa Sahib sought refuge in negotiation, and the resident consented to a suspension of arms, on condition of the rajah's troops being withdrawn from the positions which they then held to those which they had formerly occupied. Any final arrangements he professed himself unable to make until he received further instructions from his govern- ment. Appa Sahib, in the mean time, re- mained stiil, but continued to increase his army and render his artillery more efficient ; and as no instructions arrived for the guidance of the resident, that gentleman determined, on the 14th of December, to ofier terms for the rajah's acceptance. Terms were accordingly tendered, and four o'clock on the morning of the 16th fixed as the latest period for accepting them. If the rajah then consented to the proposal made by the British resident, the troops of the former were to be withdrawn from their positions, and the city occupied by British troops, not later than seven o'clock on the same morning. The rajah was to repair to the British camp, and to remain there until everything was settled. On these terms being submitted, the rajah at first required further time to consider of them, and to suggest some modification. This being refused, he sent a message on the evening of the 15tb, signifying his assent to the terms, but requesting their execution to be deferred till noon on the following day. Subsequently he sent another message, inti- mating that he would proceed to the residency either that night or early in the morning. The morning brought to the residency, not the rajah, but a message announcing that the Arabs would not allow him to come in. The resident, however, was prepared for this ; reinforcements having a few days before arrived, and among them the division under the command of Brigadier-General Doveton. The troops were now drawn out, and three hours allowed to the rajah to come in ; his refusal or neglect involving an immediate attack by the British force. This demon- stration was successful, and the rajah proceeded to the residency. The British authorities were thus relieved from further anxiety on that head ; but the surrender of the guns, and the evacuation of the city by the rajah's troops, which were also among the stipulated conditions, still remained to be carried into efiect. An agent from the rajah, with instructions for the surrender of the whole of the artillery, pro- ceeded according to promise to General Doveton's camp, and, accompanied by him, the whole force moved forward to take pos- session of it. On reaching the first battery symptoms of resistance were manifested ; but the approach of the British force being rather unexpected, the enemy quitted the guns and retired. Having taken possession of them, and left them in charge of a division, General Doveton A.D. 1817.] AFFAIR AT JUBBULPORE. 437 advanced, when a heavy fire was opened upon him from a large hody of troops, which was followed by a general discharge from the batteries. The infantry, however, continued to advance until the ground admitted of for- mation in line, when the batteries in front were carried in a gallant manner at the point of the bayonet. The horse artillery and cavalry, supported by a reserve, having made a dilowr, charged and carried the remainder of the batteries with equal gallantry, driving at the same time before them an immense mass of the enemy's cavalry, which having routed they pursued as long as a chance re- mained of doing them any mischief. A few of the enemy's guns which had been charged by the British cavalry, but had re-opened upon that body when it advanced in pursuit of the cavalry of the enemy, were again charged and again carried ; and the whole of the enemy's artillery and camp equipage fell into the hands of the victors, together with upwards of forty elephants. The two succeeding days were fixed for the evacuation of the city by the Arabs ; but difficulty attended every step taken towards carrying the terms of the suiTcnder into exe- cution. Though all arrears had been paid, these troops refused to depart, and an attack upon the part of the city which they occupied became unavoidable. It was conducted by General Doveton, who having occupied a com- manding position within two hundred and fifty yards of one of the gates of the town, ei'ected a battery, which was opened on the morning of the 2ist of December, with the view of effecting a breach in the old palace wall. This, however, being found unattainable, the firing was directed to another point ; and on the 23rd it was reported that such an effect had been produced as would render an advance practicable with little or no loss. An attack upon three different points was determined on ; and at half-past eight o'clock th e troops, on a pre- concerted signal, rushed to their various des- tinations, 'rhe principal attack was conducted by General Doveton, but the breach not being sufficiently wide to admit of a section entering at once, and the troops being exposed to the fire of the Arabs sheltered within the houses, it failed. The other attacks, which were con- ducted by Lieutenant- Colonel Scott and Major Fittman, were more fortunate ; but the failure of the main attack rendered it necessary, in the opinion of General Doveton, that both officers should resume their original positions. These attempts, though unsuccessful, were suffi- cient to deter the Arabs from offering a pro- tracted resistance, and on the following day they signified their desire to surrender on con- ditions. Among the conditions demanded were personal immunity, and the protection of a British officer, with a small escort, to give them and their families safe conduct to Mul- kapore. Immediate possession being highly desirable, and, if possible, without injury to the city, the request was granted, and on the morning of the 30th of December the Arabs marched out. The evacuation of the city was followed by the conclusion of a provisional engagement, under which the rajah returned to the palace. The conditions were, that certain territory should be ceded to the British government in place of the former subsidiary and contingent aid ; that the civil and military affairs of the government of Nagpore should be conducted by ministers in the confidence of the British authorities, and according to the advice of the resident ; that the rajah and his family should reside in the palace of Nagpore, under the protection of the British troops ; that the arrears of subsidy should be paid up, and the subsidy itself continue to be paid until the final transfer of the territory stipulated to be surrendered ; that any forts in the territory which it might be necessary for the British to occupy should immediately be given up ; that the persons alleged to have been concerned in originating the recent disturbances should be discountenanced, and, if possible, delivered up ; and that the two hills of Seetabuldee, with the bazaars, and an adequate portion of land adjoining, should be ceded to the British government, which should be at liberty to erect upon them such military works as might be requisite. Brigadier-General Hardyman, commanding one of the divisions of the Deocan army destined to act against the Findarries, was in the Rewah territory when the outbreak at Nagpore took place. On the menacing posture of affairs there becoming known to the governor-general, General Hardyman was ordered to move down to the Nerbudda, to be in readiness to act in any way that might be required by the resident at Nagpore ; and in the event of his learning that hostilities had actually commenced, he was directed to push on with his reinforcement with all expedition. He accordingly pressed forward with a regi- ment of cavalry and his Majesty's 17th foot and four guns to Jnbbulpore, from which place a small British force bad previously been compelled to withdraw, in consequence of hostile demonstrations with which it was thought unable to cope. At Jubbulpore Brigadier-General Hardyman found the enemy drawn up and strongly posted to oppose his possession of the place. They were in number about three thousand, of whom one thousand were horse, stationed on their left : their right was on a rocky eminence, and they had four brass guns. General Hardyman placed bis guns in the centre, with three companies of the 17th foot on each side of them and two companies in the rear. Two squadrons of cavalry under Major O'Brien were sent round the left of the enemy, another squadron masked the British guns, and a squadron in the rear was held as a reserve. On arriving near enough to the enemy's centre, the guns being unmasked, opened with shrapnel shells, and were immediately answered. After about 438 TOOLSEE BHYE. [A.I). 1817. a quarter of an hour's firing the enemy's infantry evinced symptoms of indecision, on which the reserve squadron vfas ordered to charge the battery. This service was gallantly and successfully performed. By this time the enemy's infantry had descended from an eminence which they had occupied into the plain ; but on an attempt being made by the advance squadron to charge them, they re- ascended the eminence, and compelled the assailants to retire under a heavy fire. One wing of the 17th foot was then brought up to storm the height, from which the enemy were bravely driven with severe loss, those vpho fled down the opposite side of the bill being partially intercepted by the advance squadron, which had made a d4tour round their right, as the British infantry ascended. In this affair the loss of the British amounted to only twelve men. Great dif&culties attended the formation of the contingent to be produced by Scindia in aid of the common cause. These difficulties the governor-general attributed " to the dila- tory habits of the durbar and the bad quality of the force, combined with a desire to turn this arrangement to the personal benefit of individuals." He might have added, that while all these causes might be in operation, there was another, far more potent and influ- ential than any of them — the reluctance enter- tained by the chief for the service which his situation compelled him to undertake. It at length became necessary to reduce the numbers to be furnished by Scindia himself to less than one-half of the stipulated quota, and to supply the deficiency by troops raised directly for the British government, but to be paid by Scindia. In this manner the number was at length completed. Such indirect Indications of hos- tile feeling were not all. Scindia was in col- lusion with several of the Pindarrie leaders ; he warned them of his inability longer to afford them any open assistance, and pointed out the best modes of effecting their escape from the British forces assembled for their destruction. In this occupation he was but too successful — the attempts of the various divisions of the British army to overtake the retreating freebooters being thus for the most part rendered fruitless. It is now necessary to advert to a power once of some Importance, but at this period sunk almost beneath contempt. This was the government of Holkar. The chief of that name, whose hostility to the British govern- ment has already formed the subject of narra- tion, subsequently to the conclusion of the peace became insane, and the administration of the affairs of the state fell into the hands of a female named Toolsee Bhye. This personage was the pupil of a sectarian priest, whose reputed sanctity obtained him a local cele- brity ; and but that the priesthood of the sect to which the holy father belonged were sub- jected to the obligation of celibacy, she would have been believed to be his daughter. She was possessed of extraordinary beauty, and a Mahratta adventurer, named Shamrow Madik, conceived the design of advancing his own fortunes by bringing her to the notice of Jes- wunt Kao Holkar. It is true that the lady was already married, but this was regarded as a very slight impediment to the plan. Toolsee Bhye was thrown in the way of Holkar, who was instantly captivated ; in a few days she was conducted to his zenana, and her liege lord to a prison. The lingering tenderness of the wife, however, was exercised to obtain the release of the husband, and he was dismissed with a horse, a dress, and a small sum of money, to console him for his loss. Toolsee Bhye henceforward ruled the fate of Holkar, and on that chief becoming insane, she suc- ceed to the regency. On his death, Toolsee Bhye, having no child, adopted Mulhar Rao Holkar, the son of Jeswunt Eao by another woman. An infant prince and an unpopular regent required some powerful support, and the latter by a secret message expressed a desire to place the young Holkar, his family and court, under British protection. In con- sequence. Captain Tod, under instructions from Mr. Metcalfe, took measures for opening a negotiation. But a great change had taken place in the spirit and temper of Holkar's durbar, in the interval that had elapsed since the overture was forwarded. During that in- terval the position of the British government towards the peishwa had changed from one of outward friendliness to that of open hos- tility. The influence of the name and authority of that potentate was sufficient to rouse the spirit of Mahratta partisanship to avenge his wrongs and retrieve his power, while the Patans, who formed the larger portion of Holkar's army, though not open to the opera- tion of such feeling, were eager for war and its expected advantages, without the slightest reference to the grounds of quarrel. The army of Holkar had been in a state of great disorganization^ arising chiefly from their pay being in arrear. The peishwa promised the means of removing this difficulty, and a large force was rapidly assembled near Oojein. Thither, too. Sir Thomas Hislop, with the "first division of the Deccan army, directed his march. Sir John Malcolm, with the third division, had been engaged in a series of operations, principally directed againstCheetoo, whose name and character have been already brought to notice. But Cheetoo had no desire to encounter a British force, and he fled with Pindarrie precipitation. The English com- mander was prepared for battle, but in run- ning he was no match for the agile freebooters, who consequently escaped. The active and persevering efforts of Colonel Adams and other officers met with similar success. In almost every instance, indeed, where an attempt was made to strike a blow at the Pin- darries, they were able to defeat it by the promptitude of their movements in retreat ; their aptitude for flying rendered conflict im- A.D. 1817.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH HOLKAE. 439 possible and pursuit ineffectual. The adopted son of Cheetoo was, however, taken with the garrison of a fort named Talyne, which was attacked and captured by a body of cavalry under Captain James Grant, after a march of thirty-two miles performed with such rapidity as enabled the assailants to take the foe by surprise ; and though attempts to overtake the enemy usually ended in disappointment, one important object was attained in clearing the country. This operation having been effectually performed in Southern Malwa, Sir John Malcolm was recalled, and ordered, with reference to the state of affaire in Holkar's court and camp, to proceed towards Oojein. Near that place he effected a junction with Sir Thomas Hislop, and on the 12th of Decem- ber the first and third divisions of the army of the Deccan having marched past the city, crossed the Seepra at a ford opposite to its north-west angle, and encamped on the left bank of the river. On the 14th the army marched by the high road towards Mahidpore, and re-crossing the Seepra, took up a position at a place about four miles distant from a town called Paun-Bahar. The approach of the British troops gave rise to some apprehension at Holkar's durbar, and negotiations, which had for some time been broken off, were re- sumed. Five days were thus occupied, during which Sir John Malcolm, by whom the nego- tiation was conducted on the part of the British government, urged the various grounds of complaint which that government had to allege ; more especially the negotiations carried on with the peishwa subsequently to his treacherous conduct towards his European ally, and the assemblage of a large army to proceed towards Poena at a time when Holkar was not professedly at war with any state. Articles were submitted for the acceptance of the vakeels conducting the negotiation on the part of the Mahratta chief. These were dis- cussed with seeming interest, and with an apparent desire to bring affairs to a satisfactory conclusion. Many references were made to camp, distant about twenty miles; but it is probable that all their proceedings were but feints designed to lull the British authorities into security and to gain time, procrastination being always a favourite object with diplo- matists of this cast. The English negotiator in some degree yielded to the Mahratta agents the enjoyment of this precious privilege. The period at which the discussion was either to be brought to a successful issue or regarded as at an end was repeatedly fixed and postponed. At last it was wisely determined to close the door on indulgence ; a decision the propriety of which was enforced by the systematic plun- der carried on during the negotiation by flying parties of Holkar's horse. It was also to be apprehended, as a writer on the subject judiciously observes, " that any further tole- rance of the delays artfully brought forward would be construed into doubts on the side of the British commander of his own strength. This could not fail to embolden the party of Holkar, and to encourage the re-assembling in Malwa of all those elements of disorder which had been already dispersed or deterred. A native power can never account for the forbearance of another, except on the sup- position of weakness." On the 19th of Decem- ber, the vakeels were dismissed from the British camp, and on the same day that of the Mahrattas witnessed the opening of a fearful scene, which on the following was consummated. Toolsee Bhye had given offence to the party clamorous for war by her desire to secure the protection of the English. This desire she had subsequently sacrificed, partly to the violence of her opponents and partly to the influence ofafavourite paramour, named Gunput Eao, who, though originally friendly to the English, had been gained over to the cause of the peishwa. The sincerity of her conversion was, however, doubted, and he who had been most instrumental in effecting it did not escape suspicion. The youthful Holkar wag enticed from a tent where he was engaged in amusement, and possession of his person secured by the party hostile to the regency. Toolsee Byhe aud Gunput Eao were at the same time arrested, and all access to the former strictly prohibited. The un- happy woman was not destined long to endure the torment of suspense as to her fate. The dawn of the following day was the last she was permitted to witness. As the light broke she was brought from her prison to be conducted to the bank of the river, where she was be- headed, and her body (Jhrown into the water. Her piercing cries awakened many from their sleep, but none moved a hand or raised a voice to save her. Her career of power had been marked not less by vindictive cruelty than by the most scandalous licentiousness ; and the beauty which had held captive the chieftain of the people among whom she perished failed at her latest moments to call forth any sign of commiseration for her fate. When thus violently deprived of life Toolsee Bhye had not numbered thirty years. So great was the gratification felt by the war party at the revolution which had taken place, that it is said the battalions proposed to sign an acquittance-roU for the whole of the arrears of pay due to them. So extraordinary a manifestation of delight is scarcely credible, but all prospect of keeping down the warlike propensities of the more powerful faction in Holkar's camp was now at an end. On the 20th of December the British army moved a short distance in advance, and on the 21st was again in motion at break of day. Its march was pursued for about eight miles without sight of an enemy. The tameness of this un- disputed progress was then slightly relieved by the appearance of a courier bearing a letter couched in the vague and ambiguous language usual in Oriental diplomacy. An answer was returned, inviting the young Holkar to join the British army, as the only 440 BATTLE OF MAHIBPORE. [a.d. 1817. means of saving and establishing his govern- ment. Another communication from the enemy followed, intimating that^ in conse- quence of the advance of the British, the Sirdar had resolved on war, and significantly adding, that the troops which the British would have to encounter were those of Holkar. To this no .inswer was sent. This interchange of communication had not been permitted to interfere with the advance of the British force. The march continued, and about nine o'clock an eminence was gained, whence was a com- manding view of the valley in which was situate the town of Mahidpore ; the fore- ground filled with the enemy's horse, some in large bodies, some in detached parties for skirmishing. The main position of the enemy was masked by a plantation. From an adja- cent hill a more complete view was obtained of the disposition of the enemy's troops. They appeared behind the river in two lines, of ■which the infantry and heavy batteries formed the first, and the cavalry the second. The first question for the consideration of the British general was how to pass the river. There were fords both above and below the enemy's position ; but that below was un- approachable for guns. To render it passable would have been a work of time, could it have been effected, which was matter of doubt, as those engaged in it must have been exposed to a tremendous fire from the enemy's batteries. The ford above was difficult of access on both banks. It was approachable only by by-paths, through a ragged country ; and to reach the enamy in this way would have required a diUmr of many miles. This objection applied also to the ford previously noticed. With reference to these difficulties, it was resolved to abstain from any attempt to turn either fiank of the enemy ; and as the bed of the river afforded considerable cover for the troops during their formation, it was arranged that the attack should be on the enemy's front, and that the passage should be made by a single ford. Some light troops first passed, followed by the horse artillery, which opened their guns ; a battery of foot artillery playingfrom the rightbank of theriver, and enfilading some cannon on the enemy's left which had opened a heavy and well- directed fire on the ford. The troops, as they crossed, were successively formed in the bed of the river and took up their respective positions, the cavalry ascending the bank to the left, where they were partially screened from the enemy by some rising ground, the horse artillery forming batteries in front of the ford. The light brigade had taken pos- session of two ravines which opened into the river, the object being to keep it clear for the passage of the remaining brigades, who, on .crossing, were directed by a counter-march to bring their right in front. As soon as this manoeuvre was performed by the first brigade. Sir Thomas Hislop gave orders for the attack of the enemy along the whole front by the troops that had crossed, leaving the second brigade of infantry to follow as a re- serve. The first brigade accordingly ascended the bank, leaving sufficient ground to the right for its formation into line, while the light brigade rose from the ravines and formed bat- talion companies on its left. This operation was performed under a galling fire of round shot and grape from several batteries. The fire of the enemy's batteries was likewise very destructive to the British horse artillery, whose guns were all silenced or dismounted. The light pieces of the latter, though admirably served, were quite unequal to the heavy guns in their front. The British cavalry also suffered from the same source of annoyance, as well as from a party of the epemy which came down a ravine. The two brigades of infantry advanced to the attack of the enemy's left, under the immediate command- of Sir John Malcolm. Their ranks were fearfully thinned by the grape of the enemy ; but pushing for- ward, they succeeded in carrying » rained village which was regarded as the key of the enemy's position, and in gaining the batteries from which they had suffered so severely. The latter were defended with great deter- mination, the men standing to their guns till killed or disabled by the bayonets of the British infantry. The two brigades of cavalry, commanded respectively by Lieutenant-Colonel Russell, of the 3rd regiment, and Major Lush- ington of the 4th, were to assail the enemy's right simultaneously with the attack of the infantry on his left. This service was per- formed by the two brigades, accompanied by the Mysore horse, with extraordinary brilliancy, the assailants pushing to the rear of the batteries opposed to them with a de- cisive rapidity which overcame every obstacle and spread dismay through the enemy's ranks. The enemy's camp was standing, and the attention of the cavalry and of the commander- in-chief was almost simultaneously directed to it. It was, however, found deserted. Some feeble attempts at a stand were made by par- ties of the foe, but they were only for the purpose of covering the retreat of the re- mainder. The fortune of the day was decided. The British were masters of the field, and of the whole of the enemy's artillery, amounting to above sixty pieces. The loss of the enemy in men was estimated at three thousand ; that of the English, though considerably less, was still lamentably heavy. The killed and wounded amounted to seven hundred and seventy-eight, including thirty-eight European and twenty-seven native officers. As soon as practicable, alight detachment was formed for pursuit, but there was little oppor- tunity for its employment. The prostrate enemy sued for peace, and after a discussion, not undistinguished by the usual characteris- tics of oriental diplomacy, but of unusual brevity, a treaty was concluded. By this in-, strumeut, the Company's government engaged A.D. 1818.] VARIOUS TREATIES. 441 not to allow impunity to any state or free- booter that should commit any outrage or hos- tility against the territory of Holkar, he lend- ing his utmost assistance in any manner that might be requisite ; and his dominions were to receive at all times the same protection as those of the British government. Holkar con- firmed the engagements made with Ameer Khan, and ceded in perpetuity certain per- gunnahs to the rajah of Kotah ; to the Bri- tish government he ceded all his claims for tribute or revenue upon the Rajpoot princes ; he renounced all right and title to places within the Bhoondee hills, or lying to the northward of them, and ceded to the Com- pany all his territories and claims within the Sautpoorah hills, or to the southward of them, including the fort of Sundewah, all his pos- sessions in the province of Candeish, and in the districts in which they were intermixed with the territories of the nizara and the peishwa. In consideration of these cessions, the British government was bound to support a field force of adequate strength to maintain the internal tranquillity of Holkar 's territo- ries, and to defend them from foreign eue- mies, the station of such force to be determined by the power by whom it was raised and maintained. The purchase of articles for the use of any force acting in defence of Holkar's territories was to be made exempt from duties. The stipulation which followed the last was of a very comprehensive character : Holkar engaged never to commit any act of hosti- lity or aggression against any of the Com- pany's allies or dependents, " or against any other power or state whatever," — a hard con- dition for a Mahratta. The Company were to adjust whatever differences might arise, and Holkar was not to receive vakeels from any other state, nor to have communication with any other state except with the know- ledge and consent of the British resident. The absolute authority of the chief over his children, relatives, dependents, subjects, and servants was acknowledged by a subsequent article, in which his new ally renounced all concern with them. By another article, Hol- kar agreed to dismiss his superfluous troops, and " not to keep a larger force than his revenues would afford " — a prudent provision, regard to which would have saved many a native prince from embarrassment and ruin. Holkar was, however, to retain in reserve, ready to co-operate with the British troops, a body of not less than a thousand horse, for whose regular payment it was somewhat em- phatically stated, a "suitable arrangement must be made." A provision followed for securing a jaghire to Ghuftoor Khan, a Patan adventurer, who had attained great influence in the camp of Holkar, and this was succeeded by stipulations restricting the Mahratta chief- tain from employing Europeans or Americans without the knowledge and consent of the British government ; providing for the resi- dence of a minister of that government with Holkar, and permitting the latter to send a vakeel to the governor-general. All cessions made under the treaty to the British govern- ment or its allies were to take effect from the date of the treaty, and the possessions recently conquered from Holkar were to be restored. Finally, the English government engaged never to permit the peishwa, nor any of his heirs and descendants, to claim and exercise any sovereignty over Holkar, or his heirs and descendants. Such a, treaty forms a remarkable supplement to the warlike demonstrations which had so recently pre- vailed in Holkar's camp. Comment would be superfluous : the articles speak for themselves, and show how fully those who assumed the management of Holkar's interests and their own must have been convinced that they were completely at the mercy of their con- querors, and had no resource but in entire submission. It has been seen that Holkar had been compelled to cede to the British government all claims upon the Rajpoot princes. In con- nection with this subject, it may here be con- venient to state that, on the same day on which the treaty with Holkar was signed (the 6th of January, 1818), a treaty was concluded with the rajah of Joudpore, and a few days afterwards a similar engagement was made with the rajah of Oudeypore. By these trea- ties the British government took the two states under its protection, while their chiefs en- gaged to act in " subordinate co-operation " with it — to acknowledge its supremacy, and to have no connection with other chiefs or states. Several succeeding articles were of the description common in similar compacts ; others were framed with reference to the pecu- liar circumstances of the states to which they were applied. Treaties of like character had previously been concluded with the rajahs of Kerrowlie and Kotah, and at later periods, trea- ties nearly corresponding in their terms, were formed with the rajahs of Bhoondee, Jyepoor, and other petty states. Thus was the non- interference system abandoned as completely as had been the unhappy allies of the British government at a former period j but here the abandonment was consistent with justice, while it was dictated by reason and sound policy. It is also evident that the course pursued by the governor-general was duly appreciated by the authorities at home, for on the conclusion of the war he was advanced a step in the peerage, and created Marquis of Hastings. It is now time to return to the movements of the discomfited peishwa. After his defeat at Poena, his flight was in the first instance directed to the southward. The advance of the force under Brigadier-General Pritzler obliged him to change his course, and he took an easterly direction to Punderpore, whence he struck off to the north-west, followed by General Smith, who had by this time been able to make the necessary arrangements for 442 AFFAIR AT COBYGAUM. [A.ri. 1818. pursuit. Passing between Poona and Seroor, the peishwa then advanced as far as Wuttoor, having been joined on his route by Trimbuok- jee Dainglia with a con.qiderable reinforce- ment. Finding that General Smith, who had moved to the northward, on a line east of that taken by the peishwa, was in a position to intercept his retreat in that direction, he sud- denly turned again to the south, taking the straight route for Poona, and still pursued. On new-year's day, 1818, he encountered a British detachment, consisting of about six hundred infantry, with about three hundred auxiliary horse, and a detail of artillery, com- manded by Captain Staunton. The detach- ment had marched on the previous day from Seroor, and were proceeding to Poona. On reaching the heights overlooking Corygaum, they discovered in the plain the whole of the peishwa's array, estimated at twenty thousand horse and eight thousand foot. Captain Staun- ton immediately moved upon the village of Oorygaura, and on reaching it was attacked by three divisions of the peishwa's choicest infantry, consisting of about a thousand men each, supported by immense bodies of horse and two pieces of artillery. The enemy ob- tained immediate possession of the strongest post of the village; the possession of the re- maining part was most obstinately contested from noon till nine at night. During this period almost every building in the place was repeatedly taken and retaken ; nearly the whole of the British artillerymen were either killed or wounded, and about one-third of the infantry and auxiliary horse. Nearly all the officers were killed or disabled ; those who survived suffered dreadfully from want of water, amidst the unparalleled exertions which they had been called upon to make after a fatiguing march of twenty-eight miles. The result, however, was most honourable to the British arms, the enemy being compelled to abandon the village after sustaining an im- mense loss in killed and wounded. On the following day, the enemy, though in sight, did not renew the attack, and in the evening Captain Staunton returned to Seroor, carrying away his numerous wounded; and the noble band entered that place as became them, with drums beating and colours flying. The detachment had then suffered under an almost total privation of refreshment for two days. In this brilliant affair the medical officers, having no opportunity for the exercise of their proper duties, aided their brother officers in leading on the sepoys to charges with the bayonet, and one of them was killed. In such a struggle the example of even one European was of almost incalculable import- ance, from the confidence with which it in- spired the native soldiers. The loss sustained was, as might be expected, severe. Of twenty- six artillerymen, twelve were killed and eight wounded. Of the native infantry there were fifty killed and a hundred and' five wounded. Of the auxiliary horae, ninety-six killed. wounded, and missing. Among the killed was Lieutenant Chisholm, of the Madras artillery ; Lieutenant Patterson, of the Bom- bay native infantry, was carried mortally wounded to Seroor, where he died. Two other officers, Lieutenant Connellan and Lieu- tenant Swainston, were badly wounded. The loss of the enemy was estimated at from six to seven hundred. Its extent may be attributed in a great degree to the situation in which most of their attacks were made — in avenues raked by the guns of the British party. The peishwa continued to vary his course as the approach of his pursuers warned him to escape them. After many changes of route he arrived at Sholapore ; but instead of follow- ing him in that direction, General Smith resolved upon reducing Sattara, and effecting a junction with General Pritzler. These objects were accomplished. Sattara surren- dered on the opening of the mortar batteries, and the desired junction of the forces under General Smith and General Pritzler was effected. Its object was to enable the entire force at disposal for field service to be formed into two divisions: one to be composed wholly of cavalry and light troops, to keep up an active pursuit of the enemy; the other of infantry, with an ample battering-train, to reduce forts, and gradually occupy the country. These aiTangements being made. General Smith resumed the pursuit of the peishwa, and General Pritzler proceeded to reduce the forts and strongholds in the neighbourhood of Poona. On the 19th of February, the foi-mer officer surprised the peishwa's army at Ashtee, and completely defeated it. The rajah of Sat- tara and part of his family, who were in the peishwa's camp, fell into the hands of the victors ; and Gokla, the peishwa's ablest general, as well as his chief counsellor, was killed. In the mean time General Pritzler proceeded with the reduction of the forts south of Poona. Singhur alone offered very strong resistance, and there it was not protracted. Lieutenant- Colonel Deacon was equally successful in the same species of service in the north. Other detachments were employed in the Concan, and Brigadier-General Munro was occupied in the reduction of the country south of the Kistna. The Pindarriea continued to follow their invariable practice of flying when a British force approached them. " Were it possible," says Colonel Blacker, "to trace the several routes of the Pindarries during the time of their flight, such particulars would, perhaps, give but little additional interest to this account of the operations against them. When pressed, they fled collectively, if possible; otherwise they broke into parts again to unite. In some instances, from inability to proceed, or under the apprehension of suddenly falling in with British troops from an opposite quarter, parties of them lurked in small numbers about remote villages, or lay in the thickest jungles. A.E. 1818.] DEFEAT OP JESWUNT EAO. 413 exposed to the most severe hardships, till their enemies had passed by.'' On the 12th of January Colonel Adams detached the 3rd Bengal cavalry, under Ma,ior Clarke, with instructions to march on the village of Ambee, where it was understood a party of Pindarries were about to plunder. Major Clarke was met on his way by a report of the exact posi- tion of the enemy, and continuing his march till night, halted within a few miles of them. At five o'clock he moved, and came upon them with his force in two divisions, just as they were preparing to march. One division im- mediately cut in among the enemy, and a large body, flying from the attack, encountered the other division, from which they suffered severely. The number of the Pindarries was estimated at fifteen hundred. Accounts vary as to the number of the slain, but by Major Clarke, whose estimate was formed on a com- parison of the reports of the pursuers, it was computed at a thousand. After the conclusion of the ti-eaty with Scindia, British officers, in conformity with one of its provisions, were despatched to reside with those of Scindia at his principal station. Two of them, Jeswunt Eao Bhow and Bappo- jee Scindia, were known to be ill-affected to the English and friendly to the Pindarries. The former was placed under the care of Captain Caulfield, the latter under that of Major Ludlow. Nothing very remarkahle occurred at Ajmere, where Bappojee Scindia managed Scindia's interests; but at Jadud, the seat of the head-quarters of Jeswunt Eao Bhow, it soon became evident that the duties of the British resident would not be light. In the face of Captain Caulfield's constant and urgent remonstrances, Jeswunt Eao Bhow continued to maintain an intimate intercourse with the Pindarries, and refused to move a man against them. At Jadud, Cheetoo met a friendly reception, and obtained such advice and information as was calculated to facilitate his objects; and there Kurreen found an asylum when flying from the British detach- ments employed against him. Much of this treacherous conduct of Scindia's officers was concealed at the time from the representative of the British government ;' but Captain Caul- field saw enough to convince him of the neces- sity of employing some stronger means of effecting the objects of his mission than remon- strances. In consequence. General Brown moved, in order to support Captain Caulfield's representations by the presence of an over- awing force, and arrived at Jadud on the 23rd of January. The first step taken was to demand the sur- render of two of the Bhow's officers, who had been most actively instrumental in executing his plans for the protection of the Pindarries. Some days having been spent in fruitless com- munications, the British authorities learned on the 29th, that one of the offending officers was, with his followers, preparing for flight. Jeswunt Eao Bhow had been previously in- formed that the movement, without the consent of the British commander, of any part of his foices, pi'eviously to the adjustment of the points of difference, could not be permitted ; and on the projected flight becoming known, a squadron of cavalry was sent down to prevent it. On the approach of the squadron it was fired upon. General Brown thereupon lost no time in making the necessary dispo- sitions for attack. He sent two guns to rein- force the pickets, and ordered two squadrons of regular cavalry and some Eohilla horse round the town to gain the rear of the de- tached camp of the officer who had taken the lead in the movement. Before the line could be formed for attack, the fire of two twelve- pounders with shrapnell shells drove the enemy from the position which they had taken, the infantry flying into the town and the horse galloping off. The latter were pursued by the British cavalry; but these having just returned from a forced march of considerable length, in fruitless search of a party of Pindarries, were exhausted, and the pursuit was soon relinquished : the cavalry returned to destroy a remnant of the enemy which still lingered behind. In the mean time General Brown had proceeded to the gate of the town and demanded its surrender. The messenger was fired on ; whereupon a twelve- pounder was run up to the gate, while the remaining ordnance swept away the defences about it. Jeswunt Eao Bhow now thought it time to provide for his own safety. He fled with a few followers at the gate opposite to that attacked, through which the British triumphantly entered, bearing down all at- tempts at opposition. The loss of the enemy was great; it was computed at a thousand. The British lost only thirty-six men. The servants of Holkar, like those of Scindia, did not in all cases yield implicit respect to the treaties concluded by their superiors. The killadar of Talneir, a fort on the Taptee, determined to disobey the summons of Sir Thomas Hislop to surrender, and in conse- quence it became necessary to reduce it by force. On the 27th of February, some guns were opened against the fort, and preparations were made for storming. Thenceforward the circumstances of the affair are involved in ambiguity and confusion. In Sir Thomas Hislop's report to the governor-general it is stated, that though preparations were made for blowing open the outer gate, they were found unnecessaiy, as the troops were able to enter at the side by single files. Similar testimony is given by Colonel Blacker. The words of Colonel Conway, adjutaijt-general, however, when subsequently called upon to state the circumstances of the case, are, " We had forced the outer gate." According to all authorities, the second gate was forced open. At a third, a number of persons, apparently not military, came out on the approach of the British party, and were made prisoners : among these was the killadar. Sir Thomas iU FALL OP TALNEIE. [A.D. 1818. Hislop, in his despatch, stated that the kiUadar here surrendered himself to Colonel Conway. According to Colonel Conway, how- ever, no communication took place between them, and the presence of the killadar among the prisoners was not known. According to Sir Thomas Hislop and Colonel Blacker, the party passed through a fourth gate without opposition, but were stopped at a fifth, which was also the last. Colonel Conway makes no mention of a fourth gate, but his statement coincides with theirs as to the stoppage of the party at the last gate of the series. Here a parley took place, but after a time the wicket was opened. Sir Thomas Hislop says, it " was opened from within ;" Colonel Conway, " at last they consented to open the wicket, but in doing so there was umch opposition, and evidently two opinions prevailed in the fort." Colonel Macgregor Murray, who was present (and whose name will shortly appear in a more distinguished character than that of a witness), after quoting, apparently with approval, the statement of Sir Thomas Hislop, thus continues ; " The Arabs still insisted upon terms. It remained doubtful whether the storming party, on reaching the last gate, were to receive the submission or to encounter the resistance of the enemy ; and in this state of uncertainty, resulting from the equivocal conduct of the garrison, it became obviously requisite that the assailants should prepare for the latter alternative by effecting a lodgment within the gateway, as their position in the passage leading to it would have been abso- lutely untenable under fire." Whatever were the circumstances of the case, whatever the expectations of the assail- ants or the intentions of those within, the wicket was opened. "On our entrance," says the witness last quoted, " the garrison re- ceived us with the most furious gesticulations, raising their matchlocks and calling out ' mar !' or kill ! Colonel Macgregor Murray, Major Gordon, and one or two privates had passed through the wicket when an attempt was made to close it. This was resisted by Colonel M'Intosh and Captain M'Crarth, who succeeded in keeping it open till a grenadier of the Koyal'Scots thrust his firelock through the aperture. The remainder of the storming party were thus enabled to force their way. All those who had previously entered were killed, excepting Colonel Macgregor Murray, who was rescued covered with wounds. Cap- tain Macgregor, who was at the head of those who entered after the attempt to close the gate upon those who had first passed, also fell, but the fort was carried. The garrison, con- sisting of about three hundred Arabs, sheltered themselves for a time in the houses, but were ultimately all put to the sword, a proceeding manifesting a degree of ferocity not usual with British victors. It may not, however, be just to scrutinize too nicely the conduct of men in the heat of action, when inflamed by the belief that treachery has been employed agaiust them. The worst part of the transac- tion remains to be told. Immediately after the place fell, the killadar was hanged by order of the general in command, who, in the despatch in which he reported the occurrences at Talneir, uses language which implies a. doubt as to the participation of the officer in the alleged treachery of part of the garrison. The general, indeed, drew consolation from the conclusion that, if innocent of the treachery, the killadar nevertheless deserved to be hanged for his resistance in the first instance, more especially as he had been warned, that if he persisted, severe punishment would await him. "Whether," says Sir Thomas Hislop, " he was accessory or not to the subsequent treachery of his men, his execution was a punishment justly due to his rebellion in the first instance, particularly after the warning he had received in the morning." This posi- tion requires some examination, and the trans- action to which it relates is altogether so extraordinary as to invite a pause, for the purpose of endeavouring more accurately to estimate its character and merits. It excited a great sensation in England at the time when it first became known there, and the general impression of the conduct of the British general was far from favourable. The Secret Com- mittee, the Court of Directors, and the General Court of the East-India Company, were alike of opinion that it required explanation ; and in a similar spirit the subject was brought to the notice of parliament. The marquis of Hastings volunteered a minute in defence of Sir Thomas Hislop, — a course to which he was, in fact, pledged, having long previously ex- pressed his approbation, not only of the means taken for the reduction of Talneir, but also of the severity with which the conquest was followed. Sir Thomas Hislop called upon various officers present at the capture to af- ford such information as they possessed, and in transmitting their communications, he addressed to the government a long and laboured defence of his conduct — a defence distinguished not less by its weakness, than by its wordiness. It is gratifying to turn from such a scene as that at Talneir ; and the narrative of the progress of events at Nagpore must now be resumed. The engagement provisionally con- cluded with Appa Sahib, after the evacuation of his capital, was confirmed by the governor- general, and the resident was authorized to frame a definitive treaty on its basis. Thia was suspended by a proposal from Appa Sahib to transfer to the British government the whole of the possessions of the state of Nag- pore, he retaining only the name and form of sovereignty, and receiving a certain share of the revenues. The proposal was rejected by the governor-general, and the original plan ordered to be carried into effect. But before the despatch conveying the final instructions of the government was received by the resident, the state of circumstances again forced him to A.D. 1818.] APPA SAHIB DETHRONED. 445 act upoQ the dictates of his own sound and vigorous judgment. The delivery of certain fortresses stipulated to be surrendered was refused or evaded. Mundela was one of these. When the order for its surrender arrived from Nagpore, the rajah's ministers requested that a little time might be allowed for the evacuation of the fort, in order that persons might be sent to settle with the garrison, and thus prevent any demur to the delivery of the fort, under the pretence of arrears being due. A person deputed from Nagpore ostensibly for this pui'- pose arrived at Mundela ; but the surrender was still deferred, under the plea that an order had been received to make the collections for the year from the pergunuahs dependent upon Mundela, and to pay the garrison with the produce. The resident having brought the subject to the notice of the rajah's ministers, they stated the order in question to be, that payment should be made from the revenue already collected, and sufficient for the pur- pose. As a part of the territory from which the revenue was to be drawn was actually occupied by the British troops, and nothing could be obtained from the remainder but by gross extortion and oppression, the resident authorized the payment of the garrison from the British treasury, and Major O'Brien pro- ceeded with a small escort to Mundela to make the necessary arrangements. On the arrival of this officer, various communications passed between him, the killadar of the fort, and the person deputed from Nagpore, professedly for the purpose of settling the arrears. These communications appeared to promise a satis- factory adjustment, and Major O'Brien was in expectation of being put lu immediate pos- session of the fort. Instead of this result, the British commander, on the third morning after his arrival, while riding near the place, found that the garrison during the night had sent over the Nerbudda about four hundred cavalry, with four thousand infantry, and four guns. The cavalry advanced upon him, and the guns opened ; but he was enabled, with his small escort, to reach his camp in safety ; the enemy, whenever they approached, being successfully repelled. In consequence of this treacherous pro- ceeding on the part of the killadar of the fort, Major-General Marshall, with a considerable force, was ordered to advance upon Mundela ; but before this could be effected Nagpore became the scene of a bloodless revolution. The retention of the fortresses in defiance of the provisions under which they were to be surrendered, and notwithstanding public orders had been given for their delivery, was traced to secret orders of a contrary purport — a fact suspected at an early period by the resident, and ultimately placed beyond the possibility of doubt. In addition to these circumstances, Mr. Jenkins received information that an intercourse was kept up with the peishwa, and that the rajah held secret oouferenoea with persons hostile to the influence of the British government, while those who entertained friendly feelings towards it were regarded with aversion. Euraours of the rajah meditating an escape were general ; it was understood that one of the disaffected chiefs had received a sum of money for the levy of troops ; and attempts were made to intercept the progress of supplies intended for the British force. Everything conspired to show that Appa Sahib was irretrievably leagued with the enemies of the British power. New and in- contestable proofs of the rajah's treachery continually occurred, and were multiplied, till it became evident that extreme measures could no longer be postponed without compromising the honour and safety of the British govern- ment. The resident now acted with his usual vigour, and arrested both the rajsih and his confidential ministers. This bold step was accelerated by the discovery of facts which impressed Mr. Jenkins with a conviction that Appa Sahib had been the murderer of his kinsman and sovereign, Puraagee Bhonslah, formerly rajah of Nagpore. At the time of Pursagee's death Mr. Jenkins had been led to suspect this ; but circumstances having in- duced him in some degree to moderate his suspicions, and the difficulty of obtaining satisfactory proof of the suspected fact being apparently insurmountable, no measures were taken in consequence. Such additional infor- mation was now acquired as led to a conviction of Appa Sahib's guilt. His arrest took place on the 15th of March. Subsequently he was declared to be dethroned, and this step was followed by the elevation to the musnud of a descendant of a former rajah by the female line. As soon as a sufficient escort could be obtained, Appa Sahib was sent off to the British provinces, and provision was made at Allahabad for his reception and custody. General Marshall having arrived before Mundela, proceeded to erect batteries, which being completed were opened by daylight on the 26th of April. They were answered by a spirited fire from the whole of the enemy's works. After several hours' battering, Lieu- tenant Pickersgill, with great gallantry, pro- ceeded to ascertain by personal inspection the effect produced, mounting, with the assistance of his hiroarrahs, to the top of the breach ; from which, after making his observations, he returned with so favourable a report, as induced General Marshall to make immediate preparations for storming the works. The necessary dispositions having been made, Captain Tickell, field engineer, examined the breach, and at half-past five o'clock the signal was given to advance. The storming and supporting columns, both under the direction of Brigadier-General Watson, moved forward, the breach was instantly mounted and carried, and in a very short time the town was in the possession of the assailants. The troops were immediately pushed forward to the fort, and at daybreak on the 27th the gan-isou cams 446 MOVEMENTS OF THE PEISHWA. [a,d. 1818. out unarmed, and quietly surrendered them- selyes. At midnight a small boat had been observed crossing the river, with four persons ; by good management on the part of one of the advanced posts they were secured on landing, and one of them turned out to be the killadar of the fort. The governor-general had given orders that, if taken, the killadar and other principal officers should be immediately brought to a drum-head court-martial, and that any punishment that might be awarded by such tribunal, whether death or imprisonment with hard lalsour, might immediately be carried into effect. It would be difficult to show that these orders were consistent either with discretion or with a regard to the usages of war. They appear to have been an ebullition of that in- firmity of temper which shadowed the high character of the marquis of Hastings. The orders were so far followed, that the killadar was brought to a court-martial, charged with rebellion and treachery. He was acquitted of the charge of rebellion, on the proper ground of his having acted under the orders of the Nagpore government. The charge of trea- chery arose out of the attack on Major O'Brien. Of this the killadar was also ac- quitted, the major declaring his belief that the prisoner was not concerned in the attack upon him. This appears a somewhat refined view of the matter. If the attack were an offence against military law, it could be of little im- portance whether the killadar were personally engaged in it or not, as it must be quite cer- tain that the movement of the garrison must have taken place with his cognizance and sanction ; but the court must have been aware that they had no proper jurisdiction in the case, and that conviction and punishment under such circumstances could not be justi- fied. Another officer was put on trial, charged with abetting his superior ; but he, of course, shared the impunity of his principal. The suiTcnder of Chouragurh, another for- tress which was to be ceded to the British government, was postponed by the same bad faith which had delayed the delivery of Mun- dela, and the pretence was the same — time was asked to settle the arrears of pay due to the garrison ; but the killadar soon assumed a posture of direct hostility. A body of men armed with matchlocks sallied from the fort to attack a British force under Colonel Mac- Morine, and the garrison systematically plun- dered the villages which had been placed under the British government. A body of about five hundred, employed in the latter occupa- tion, were attacked and put to flight by a small detachment under Major Kichards. After the reduction of Mundela, the division under General Watson was ordered to march to Chouragurh, but before their arrival the fort and adjoining town were evacuated, and possession taken by Colonel MacMorine. The continued disturbances in Nagpore had induced the resident to call for the advance of Colonel Adams's force from Hoosingahad, where it had arrived in the beginning of March, after being employed beyond the Ner- budda. He accordingly marched for the city of Nagpore, which he reached on the 5th of April ; and having halted there on the follow- ing day, resumed his march on the 7th for Hinghunghut, where he arrived on the 9th. There he was joined on the 14th by a party which he had detached under Lieutenant- Colonel Scott, to intercept an apprehended attempt of Bajee Eao to enter Chanda, Little has been said of the movements of Bajee Eao, for it would have been alike tedious and un- profitable to follow minutely his tortuous flight. After the battle of Ashtee he wan- dered in almost every direction, in continual dread of some portion of the British force. On the 13th of April he became aware of the position of Colonel Adams's force, and to avoid him moved to Soondee. On the 16th he was alarmed by intelligence of the approach of General Doveton, and made preparations for flying. On the 17th Colonel Adams came suddenly upon him, after a fatiguing march over a most difficult country. An action en- sued, in which the peishwa was completely routed, with the loss of several hundred men, four brass guns, three elephants, nearly two hundred camels, and a variety of valuable pro- perty. The peishwa himself had a narrow escape, the palanquin in which he had been borne having been taken immediately after he had left it to seek safety by flight on horse- back. Hotly pursued by General Doveton, the peishwa fled to Ormekaii, where, overcome by fatigue, privation, and terror, his army broke up, and the fugitive prince was aban- doned by most of his sirdars. After dispersing the army of the peishwa at Soondee, Colonel Adams returned to Hinghun- ghut, to prepare for laying siege to Chanda, a strongly fortified city in the Nagpore territory, said to be equal in size to the capital. He appeared before it on the 9th of May, with a thousand native cavalry, a troop of horse artil- lery, one-half being Europeans of the Madras establishment, the remainder natives, of the Bengal establishment, a complete company of European foot artillery, partly provided by Bengal, partly by Madras, three thousand native infantry, two companies of pioneers, one from the Bengal, one from the Madras establishment, and two thousand irregular horse, with three eighteen-pounders, four brass twelve-pounders, six howitzers, and twelve six-pounders. Chanda is situate between two small rivers, which unite at a distance of about half a mile from its southern extremity. On the north is a deep and extensive tank, beyond which are some hills, commanding the place, at a dis- tance of nine hundred yards. Between them aud the fort are thick groves of trees. On the east face are suburbs interspersed with trees and separated from the town by one of the rivers, and opposite to the south-east angle. A-.D. 1818.] CAPTURE OF CHANDA. 447 distant about seven hundred and fifty yarda, are other hills, beyond which the British en- campment was fixed. Within the place equi- distant from the north and south faces, but nearer the eastern than the western wall, is situated a citadel : the rest of the interior consists of straggling streets, detached houses, and gardens. The walls are of cut stone, well cemented, and from fifteen to twenty feet high, and six miles round. They are flanked by round towers, capacious enough for the largest guns ; and as the direction of the walls is fre- quently broken, and they are surmounted by a high parapet, an effectual enfilade of them is not practicable. Eighty guns of large calibre were mounted, and the garrison consisted of two thousand men. At night, on the 13th of April, the first battery was completed.- It was erected on the southern hill, and admitted one eighteen- pounder, two howitzers, and one six-pounder. The chief point of attack had not at this time been selected, and this battery was intended, says Colonel Blacker, "to amuse the enemy, while the necessary collection of matei-ials for the siege was in progress." Shells and red-hot shot were thenceforth thrown into the town, but with little effect, while the fire was re- turned by the garrison with no greater. Coincident with the opening of the battery, a force, consisting of a battalion of Bengal light infantry and a squadron of cavalry, under Captain Doveton, was established in a suburb lying south-east of the city. Four days were spent in reconnoitring, and the south-east angle being finally selected for breaching, on the night of the 17th of April a battery of four twelve-pounders was constructed within four hundred yards of that point. In addition to this, a howitzer battery was erected on the capital of the south-east angle, at a distance of six hundred yards, and a battery of three six- pounders on the prolongation of the eastern face, distant four hundred yards. Three of the enemy's guns were dismounted, but beyond this the effect of these batteries seems to have been unimportant. During the night of the 18th the breaching battery of three eighteen- pounders was completed, within two hundred and fifty yards of the angle attacked, and at daybreak on the following morning it opened. At four in the afternoon the breach was prac- ticable, but the assault was delayed till the fol- lowing morning. During the night, however, an incessant fire was .kept up, in order to de- feat any attempt made by the garrison to form a retrenchment. Lieutenant-Colonel Scott was appointed to command the storming party, which consisted of two columns. The right column was composed of four companies of Bengal grenadiers, followed by pioneers with ladders, and the first battalion of the 19 th regiment of Bengal native infantry. It was under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Popham. The left column, under Captain Brook, consisted of four flank companies, fol- lowed by pioneers with ladders, and the first battalion of the 1st regiment of Madras na- tive infantry. The first battalion of the 23rd Bengal, and the first of the 11th Madras native infantry followed ; while with the advanced sections was a detail of artillerymen, provided wit6 materials for either turning the enemy's guns or spiking them. A reserve, consisting of the Bengal light infantry bat- talion, four troops of the 5th cavalry dis- mounted, and two horse-artillery guns, was commanded by Major Clarke. At break of day on the 20th of April, the storming party marched from carap, the heads of the two columns being equally advanced. They arrived at the breach without much an- noyance, a tremendous fire from all the guns that could be brought to bear on the breach and defences having been previously poured in for half an hour. The garrison, however, were found prepared, and the heads of the columns were assailed by a warm discharge of small arms. The columns separated, according to a preconcerted arrangement, and took different directions. The right met with considerable resistance from bodies of the garrison, who being driven back, appeared to cross over and fall into the route of the left column. That column, however, pursued its way, driving the enemy back as it advanced, and within an hour from the breach being passed the place was entirely occupied by the English. The kil- ladar, with about two hundred of his men, was killed, and about a hundred were made pri- soners. The rest escaped without the walls ; some of them were intercepted and destroyed by the British cavalry, but from the great ex- tent of the place, and the cover afforded by a thick jungle to the northward, most of the fugitives succeeded in eluding pursuit. The loss of the English was small, amounting only to twelve killed and something more than fifty wounded. The circumstances attending the capture of Chanda exhibit nothing very remarkable or striking. But the occupation of the place was of v Ameer Khan despatched by Holkar with troops against the English, but returns in alarm, 30g ; destroys a party of British sepoys and artillerymen, 311 ; marches to the assistance of the rajah of Bhurtpore, 320 ; attacks Captain Welsh, and is defeated, 32) ; departs for Rohilcund, followed by a British force, ib. ; his suspicious correspondence with the rajah of Berar, 327, 328 ; invades the territories of the rajah, ib. ; his arrival in ^cindia's court, 338 ; advances to the frontier of the rajah of Berar, but a British force being despatched against him, he retreats, 371, 372; offers an asylum to Kurreem Khan, 422 ; concludes treaty with British government, 433, 434. Ameer Singh becomes guardian of the infant rajah of Tanjore, 249; disputes his title, and supplants him, ib. ; his cruelties, ib. ; inquiry into his claims to the throne, 250; his expulsion, ib. Ameers of Sinde, 538, 587; treaties with the, 568. (See Sinde.) Americans, facilities enjoyed by, in regard to trade with China, 497. Amherst, Lord, his arrival at Calcutta as governor- general, 457 ; finds himself inheritor of disputes just bursting into war, ib. ; Burmese war commenced and carried on under his administration, 461-476; elevated to an earldom, 476 ; treaties and diplomatic arrange- ments concluded during his government, 485, 486 ; close of his administration and departure from India, 486. Amyatt, Mr., deputed to confer with Meer Cossim on inland trade, 93 ; his proceedings in concert with Mr. Hay, ib. ; demands dismissal from nabob, which is accorded, ib. ; intercepted in his way from Moorsbed- abad, and murdered, ib. Andersonj Mr. David, concludes treaty with Mahrattas, 151. Andrews, Sfr., concludes treaty with the Rajah Anun- derauze, 64 ; reconstruction of treaty effected by him, 65 ; deputed to negotiate with Hyder Ali, 118. Angria, piratical family, operations against, 41. Anunderauze, Rsgah, attacks Vizagapatam, 64 ; nego- tiations with, ib. ; his extraordinary army, 65 ; his flight and return, 66. Appa Sahib exercises authority of regent in Nagpore, 434; attains the musnud, ib.; his position with regard to the British government, ib. ; intrigues with the peishwa, ib. ; his movements indicate hostile intentions, 435 ; his interview wilh British resident interrupted by firing, ib. ; attacks the EngHah, and is defeated, seeks to negotiate, and assents to terms of the resident, 436; proceeds to the residency, ib. ; returns to the palace under provisional engagement, 437 ; proposes to transfer to British government the whole possessions of the state of Nagpore, 444 ; pro- Eosal rejected by the governor- general, ib. ; proofs of is treachery, ib. ; facts discovered convicting him of murder of his kinsman and sovereign, Fursagee Bhooslah, ib. ; arrested, dethroned, and sent off to British provinces, ib. ; effects his escape, and finds adherents, 451; takes possession of fort of Choura- gurb, and maintains correspondence with his con- nections in the capital, 452 ; flies, and is pursued, ib. ; his treacherous communications with the rajah of Sattara, 525, 526. Apthorp, Major, killed, 576. Aravacourchy, captured by the British army, 192. Arcot, city of, taken by Chuda Sahib, 19; retaken, and government transferred to Mahomet Ali Khan, 20 ; attacked by Clive, 23 ; garrison abandon the fort of, of which the English take possession, ib.; enemy attack the fort without success, ib. j another desperate attack repelled, and the enemy withdraw, 25, 26 ; besieged and taken by Hyder Ali, 161. (See Mahomet Ali Kban.J Arcot, nabob of, forced by the French to retire, 17; dispatches an army to Trichinopoly, 18 ; his death, 19; his debts, 181, 182. Arikera, victory gained near, by Lord Cornwallis, over Tippoo, 197, 198. Arnie, fort of, passed by Clive, 26. Arnold, Lieutenant- Colonel, his pursuit of Ummer Singh, 398. General, commander of brigade in Affghanistan, 534. Arracan, subjugation of, by Alompra, 457; disputes respecting refugees from, 458; operations of the British in Burmese war, 466,467; further operations in, and capture of the capital, 471. Asia, Central, affairs of, 528; especially as regards the Persians and the Affgbans, ib. Asoph-ul-Dowlah, king of Oude, his financial embar- rassments and death, 514; succeeded by Vizier Ali, and his brother Saadut Ali, ib. Assam transferred to a Burmese chief, 457 ; outrage committed by Burmese there, 458. Asseergurh, siege and surrender of, 453 ; description of, by Colonel Blacker, ib. Assye, battle of, 290. Aatell East-Indiaman, escape of, 368. Astell, Mr., denounces proposal of ministers to substi- tute inquiry by select committee in place of com- mittee of whole house, 384 ; his remarks on monopoly, 387 1 replies to Mr. Huskisson on India trade, 498 ; his observations on India and its trade, 499 ; defends appointment of directors on parliamentary com- mittee, 500 ; points out difficulties connected with the cessation of Company's exclusive trade with China, 502 ; defends course taken by parliimientary committee, ib. Astruc, M., captures Golden Rock, which is imme- diately retaken, 39 ; made prisoner, 40. Auchmuty, Sir Samuel, in command of British force against Batavia, 374; effects a landing, ib.; proceeds to Samarang, is joined by Admiral Stopford, and calls upon General Janssens to surrender the island, 3/6 ; prepares to attack town of Karta Soora, which surrenders, ib.; his negotiation with General Jans- sens, ib. Auckland, Lord, governor- general of India, 623; his proclamation respecting the invasion of Affghanistan, 535; honours conferred on, 546; created earl, ib.; succeeded by Lord EUenborough, 572 ; remarks on his administration, ib. Aurungzehe commands for his father. Shah Jehan, in in the Deccan, 8 ; affects to assist his brother Morad in ascending the throne, 9 ; gives battle to his bro- ther Dara, and is victorious, ib.; his hypocrisy, 10, 14 ; confines his father and bis brother Morad, and assumes the title of emperor, 10; defeats his brother Shooja, 11; enters Agra, ib. ; his detestable policy, ib. ; attacks and overcomes Dara, near Aj- mere, 12; his father's death leaves him undisputed master of the empire, ib.; enters the Deccan, and opens a correspondence with Sevajee, ib. ; recognizes Sevajee's title of rajah, 13; his deputy in Bengid, aided by Portuguese, makes war upon the rajah of Arracan, and adds Cfaittagong to imperial dominions, 14; subdues Bejapore and Golconda, ib.; appears before Sattara, which falls into bis hands, ib. ; sur- rounded by embarrassments, 15 ; his death and character, ib. ; his death followed by contest for suc- cession, which ends in the elevation of his eldest son. Shah AUum, ib. Ava. (See Burman Empire, and Burmese.) Azim, son of Aurungzebe, in consideration of a large present, transfers Govindpore, Calcutta, and Chut- tanuttee to the English, 10, 17. Azim-ul-Dowlah, grandson of Mahomed Ali, raised to the musnud of Arcot by the British government, 259, 260. Azoff-al-Dowlah succeeds Shooja-ad-DowIah as vizier, 129; treaty concluded with, limited to his life, lb.; effect of the treaty with regard to Cheyt Singh, 172 ; his death, when he is succeeded by Vizier Ali, 225. E. Baber encounters diflBculties in establishing his autho- thority, 5 ; extends his conquests as far as Behar, ib. ; his superstition, ib.; his death, ib. Bahadar Khan, officer of Tippoo Sultan, slain at Bangalore, 194. INDEX. 611 Baillie, Colonel, attacked by Tippoo, 157; is joined by Colonel Fletcher, ib. ; marches to join Sir Hector Monro, ib.; his unfortunate halt, 158; is attacked by Hyder Ali and defeated, ib. Baird, Major- General, commandfl the assault at Se- ringapatam, 239; bis conduct towards the sons of Tippoo, 241 ; appointed to command force despatched from India to Egypt, 254. Bajee Rao, movements of, 446 ; his flight to Ormekair, where bis army breaks up, ib. ; surrenders and is deposed, 450 ; review of his life, ib. (See Peishwa.) Bajee Row demands chout from nabob of Arcot, 58 ; his representative departs laden with coin and bills, ib. Bamford, Lieutenant, rule granted against him by Su- preme Court of Calcutta, 140. Banas river. Colonel Monson's retreat impeded by, 312, 313; action at, 313. Bancoot, island of, attacked and captured by Commo- dore James, 41. BandaNeira, capture of, by the English, 372, 373. Bangalore taken from Tippoo by the English, 194; results produced by its fall, 196; arrival of Lord Cornwallis, 1Q9. Bantam, in Java, a principal seat of the early trade of the East-India Company, 16. Bappoo Setowlea Deshmook, the Gwalior chief, 601, 602 ; opposes the British troops, 604. Bappoo Wittul, death of, and its consequences, 326. Bappoojee Scindia, treacherous advice of, 312; brings intelligence to Colonel Monson of the destruction of Lieutenant Lucan's cavalry, ib. ; openly joins Holkar, 323 ; annoys tlie British force under Colonel Mon- son, 325 ; visit of Scindia to, 338 ; placed under care of Major Ludlow, 443. Baptiste deprived of sight by Holkar, and dies, 540. Barabuttee, capture of, by the English, 292. Baramahal entered by Hyder Ali, 117. Baraset, disturbances in, 487-489 ; causes and termi- nation of outbreak, 489. Barbutt, Colonel, marches from Trincomalee to Candy, 305; undertakes to negotiate with Mootto Sawmy, but is prevented by an attack of fever, 306. Bareilly, insurrection at, 410; large proportion of Mahometan population, 411; state 01 the country, 41 1, 412 ; minor sources of complaint adverted to by commissioners, 412; unpopularity of the kotwal at, 413; conduct of Mooftee Mahomed Ewery, ib. ; commencement and progress of resistance, and final restoration of tranquillity, 413 et seq. Baring, Mr., his various proposals, motions, and opinions respecting the East-India Company, 377, 497, 500. Barker, Captain, his services at the battle of Wande- wash, 74. - Sir Robert, supports Clive in repressing muti- nous movement in Bengal army, 104. Barlow, Sir George, office of governor- general devolves upon, provisionally, 344 ; avows his determination to maintain the general policy of the Marquis Corn- wallis, 345 ; his discussion of the claims of princes to the west of the Jumna, ib.; proposes to provide for certain chiefs by jaghire, 346 ; annexes certain decla- ratory articles to treaty with Scindia and with Holkar, 346, 347 ; bis conduct towards rajahs of Bhoondee and Jeypore, ib, ; appointed governor- general, 355 ; his appointment vacated by royal authority, 356; panegyric on, by Lord Melville, ib. ; his removal jus- tified by Mr. Paull, 357; appointed to the govern- ment of Madras, 358 ; his difficultiea on arrivaJ, 363 ; his conduct attacked at home, but approved by the Court of Directors, 364 ; his temporizing course towards Nepaul, 390. Barnsley, Corporal George, his dangers and escapes in the war of Candy, 307. Baroach captured by Colonel Woodington, 285, Barwell, Mr., member of council of Bengal, takes part with Hastings, 128, 129 ; objects to the o^ce of resi- dent at Oude being united with the chief military command, 128 ; opposes proposal for demanding payment of debts due by the vizier to the British government, ib. ; declines joining Hastings in an appeal to the Court of Directors against the other members of council, ib. ; censured with Hastings by Court of Directors, and removed from office, 133 ; zuotion for reconsideration carried in general court, ib. ; resolution for his removal rescinded by Court of Directors, ib, ; meets Hastings alone in council, 134 ; presents himself before General Clavering and Mr. Francis, and requests despatches may be delivered to him, ib. ; unites with Hastings in excluding General Clavering from council, 135 ; desirous of returning home, 138; his support of Hastings in proposed instructions to government of Bombay on the treaty with Hugmath Row, 144. Barrackpore, mutiny at, and its causes, 477i ^78 ; its suppression, 478. Basalat Jung (brother of Nizam Ali) takes offence at arrangement made by his brothers, and departs to the south, 67 ,■ demands recognition of his authority, and a loan from Bussy, 72 ; creates Hyder Ali nabob of Sera, 110; his claim on Guntoor, 154; entertains a European force, and negotiates for its removal, ib. ; concludes treaty with Eaat-Xndia Company, and agrees to dismiss his European troops, 155; stops march of British force, and demands restoration of Guntoor, 156. Bassein surrenders to General Goddard, 149; peishwa flies thither, 278; treaty of, 279, 280, 341. (See also Peishwa.) Batavia, preparations for reduction of, and surrender, 373, 374 ; base attempts against the town and the British force, 374, 375. Baughlore, dreadful occurrence at, II6. Bayley, Mr.W. B., discharges duties of governor- general on departure of Earl Amherst, 4S6. Beatson, Captain W. F., takes possession of Cherong, 572. Beaver, Captain, covers landing of British force at Mauritius, 369, 370 ; takes possession of Cheribon, 375. Bednore, landholders of, threatened by Hyder Ali, 114 ; surrenders to General Matthews, 168 ; Englieh garri- son march out on conditions dictated by Tippoo Sultan, which conditions are violated, I69. Beejapoor, king of, submits to the Emperor Shah Jeban, 8; government of, makes an active effort to subdue Sevajee, 13 ; kingdom of, chief sufferer from Sevajee's predatory warfare, 14 ; falls to Aurungzebe, ib. Begum of Oude, her attempts in favour of the pre- tender, 523 ; defeated, and removed from Oude, 524, 525. Begums of Oude, their wealth coveted by the vizier, 177 ; means taken to extort its surrender, 177 — 178. Behmanroo, village of, inefTectual attack on, 560 ; the British repulsed from, 56l ; causes of the failuie, 561, 562. Beiram gives stability to the throne of Akbar, 6; rebels against the emperor, ib. ; offers submission and is pardoned, ib. ; assassinated by an Aflghan, ib, Bellary, seditious doctrines preached there, 354. Beloochees, their indignation at the treaties made by the ameers of Sinde with the British, 393 ; attack the residence of Major Outram, ib. ; their hostility to the British, and their punishment, 544 ; their hostile spirit continued, 547 ; signally defeated by Sir C. Napier, 595, 596, Benares, wretched state of the country after deprivation ofChcytSiog, 179. Benfield, Paul, his claims on Tanjore, 151, 152; jug- glery practised with his name in relation to the claims upon the nabob of Arcot, 181 ; obtains seat in parlia- ment, 182 ; departs for Madras, ib. Bentinck, Lord W., governor of Madras, orders new turban to be adopted by native troops, with the con- sequences, 349 ; advises mild course towards culprits at Vellore, 353; differs from commander-in-chief as to expunging numbers of certain regiments from list of the army, and determines in opposilion to majority in council, ib. ; his conduct being disapproved at home, he is recalled, ib. ; a candidate for office of governor' general, 487; his appeal disregarded, ib. ; appointed governor- general, ib.; various events of his administration, 487, 488 ; his correspondence with the rajah of Coorg, 493; proceeds to Bangalore, and resolves on war with Coorg, ib. ; ratifies treaty with rajah of Colapore, 494 ; diplomatic arrange- ments and changes during his administration, 494 — 497; abstains hotn assuming management of the affairs of Oude, 494 ; called upon to enforce orders from home relating to half-batta, lb. ; his opinion on the efficiency of the civil service, ib. ; establishes a 2 R 2 612 INDEX. syatem of espionage, which is abolished, 296; aho- liahes corporal punishment in native army, and also the practice of suttee, ib. ; resignation of the office of governor- general, 517 ; quits India, 522 ; his excel- lent administration, ib. Berar, government of, restored to Nizam Ali, 67. Berar, rajah of, sends an army into Cuttack for inva- sion of Bengal, I60 ; enters the field with a lar^e army, 283 ; remonstrances addressed to him, ib. ; bis doubtful conduct, 284 ; concludes separate peace, 297 ; gives further cause for suspicion, 328. (See Nagpore.) Bertie, Admiral, ordered to enforce blockade of Mau- ritius, 364. Bhageerut Rao, the maharajah of Gwalior, 596 ; his marriage, 597; interference of the governor- general with, 600 ; his troops defeated by the British, 605, 606 ; his submission to the terms dictated by the governor- general, 606. Bhagut Singh, Nepaulese general, his recall and dis- grace, 400. Bhoondee, treaty concluded with the rajah of, 441. Bhopal, nabob of, regains Hosheingabad, 326 ; his ap- plication to the British resident with Scindia, 327. Bhugwunt Row received by the peishwa, 417; bis arrest demanded by Mr. Elphinstone, 419; placed under restraint, ib. Bhurtpore, treaty with rajah of, 303; siege of, com- menced by Lord Lake, 320 ; various unsuccessful attempts against, ib. ; causes of failure, 322; dis- puted succession at, 478 ; recognition of Buldeo Singh by the British government, ib. ; son of Buldeo Singh receives investiture, and death of Buldeo Singh, 479 ; infant rajah seized by Doorgun Sal, ib. ; proceedings of Sir David Ochterlony and correspond- ence respecting, 479—481 ; increased disturbances at, 481 ; deliberations of British government respecting, 481—484 ; determination taken to interfere, 484 ; failure of negotiation at, ib. ; besieged by Lord Com- bermerej ib. ; its capture and destruction, 485 ; rajah's authority re-established, ib. Biadzeghur, Major Popham advances to, and Cheyt Singh withdraws, 173; surrender of, and conditions, ib. Bird, Lieutenant, bravery of, 559, Birmingham, petition from, relating to India trade, presented to- House of Lords by Lord Calthorp, 498. Blacker, Colonel, his account of the fiight of the Pin- darries, and of the peishwa, 442, 443 ; his description of fort of Asserghurh, 453. Blackney, Captain, falls at Summundpore, 400. Blankett, Admiral, sails for Egypt with a squadron of Company's cruisers, 255. Board of Commissioners for the affairs of India, recon- struction of, 380; establishment of, 412; proposed additions to its power, 504 ; differences between them and the Court of Directors as to the affairs of Oude, 613; defeated, 514. Boileau, Lieutenant, kills Pursaram Thappa in personal encounter, 400. Bolan pass. General England unexpectedly attacked at, 576. Bombay granted by the Crown to the Company, 16. Boni, attack on, and deposition of the rajah, 410. Boorhampoor, treaty of, 607. Boothauk pass, fatal horrors of the, 567. Bootwul occupied by the Goorkhas, 390 ; its restitution demanded, 391 ; forcibly retaken by the British government, ib.; re-occupied by the Goorkhas, ib. Borthwick, Lieutenant, disperses party of Pindarries, 426, Boscawen, Admiral, arrives at Port St. David, 18 ; his unsuccessful attack on Pondicherry, ib. Boscawen, Captain, defeats insurgents at Bareilly, 415. " , Major, defeats Nasir Khan, 530. Bourbon, Isle of, attacked by the English, 364, 365 : captured, 366, 367. Bourquin, Louis, is defeated by General Lake, and surrenders, 289- Bouvet, M., commands French squadron off Pondi- cherry, 58 ; his sudden disappearance, ib. Bowen, Lieutenant-Colonel, dislodges Burmese at Bhuteket pass, 460. Bradshaw, Colonel, meets Nepaulese commissioners at Bootwul, 390 ; instructed to proceed to Sarun fron- tier, ib.; refers offer of compromise to governor- general, 391 J intrusted with political arrangrements connected with army advancing towards Katmundoo, 392; engaged in negotiation with Nepau!ese agent, 407; incurs displeasure of governor-general, ib. ; re- ceives fresh instructions, and continues to negotiate, 408 ; concludes treaty, ib, ; is divested of diplomatic functions, 409. Braithwaite, Colonel, captures Mah^, 154; surrounded by Tippoo Sultan, and his corps cut to pieces, l65. Brereton, Major, takes Conjeveram by assault, 64 ; ob- tains possession of Trivatore, 69 ; attacks the French in Wandewash, and fails, 69, 70 ; takes possession of Wandewash, end constructs batteries against the fort, 71 ; fa^lis in the battle of Wandewash, 75 ; his heroic behaviour, ib. ; appointed Lieutenant-Colonel by commission from the Crown, 77- Bright, Mr. (member forBristolJ, his opinions on East- India question, 500. Brisbane, Sir J., aids with flotilla an attack on the Bur< mese lines, 473. Bristow, Mr., appointed resident at Oude, and con- cludes treaty with vizier, 129; recalled, 132; his restoration ordered by Court of Directors, but neg- lected, 138; re-appointed and again removed, 177; once more appointed, 1 78 ; his recall proposed in council, and rejected, 179- Broach, treaty concluded with the Nabob of, by govern- ment of Bombay, 142; expedition against fails, ib. ; new treaty concluded, ib. ; second expedition against successful, 143 J delivered up to Scindia, 147. Broadfoot, Lieutenant, killed, 550. Brook, Capt., gallant conduct of, at Mulwfigui, 115, 116; sent to confer with Hyder Ali, 117; commands left column of British force at siege of Chanda (Nagpore), 447. Brook, Mr. (member of council at Madras) suspended by Lord Pigot, 152. Brougham, Mr., his speech in the House of Commons on the East- India question, 499, Brown, Lieutenant-colonel, employed in Coimbatore, 236. , General, occupies Jadud (Mahratta and Pin- darrie war), 443. Brown, Captain, surrenders Kahun, 551. Brownrigg, Sir C, annexes Candy to the British domi- nions in Ceylon, 410. Bruce, Mr,, defends East-India Company in Parliament, 385, Bryden, Dr., the sole survivor of the Affghan slaughter, 671. . Buckanjee, house of (bankers in the Camatic), refuse loan to Major Calliaud, 62. Buckingham, Mr., attacks East-India Company in Parliament, 50d ; protests against East-India Bill, 50g ; supports abolition of salt monopoly, 510 ; sup- ports motion for hearing Company by counsel, ib. ; declaims against limited right of settlement and church establishment, ib. Budge-Budge occupied by the English, 47. Bughtee Thappa (Nepaulese officer) attacks a British force, and is defeated and killed, 404. Bukkur, occupied by the Anglo-Indian forces, 537. Buldeo Singh succeeds his brother as rajah of Bhurt- pore, and is confirmed by the British government, 478, 479 ; desires the investiture of his son, 479 ; his death, ib. ; correspondence between his mother and the British resident, 480. Buller, Mr., proposes in Parliament exclusion of Governor- general from governorship of any par- ticular presidency, 509 ; moves amendment relative to attendance at college of Haileybury, ib. Bulwunt Singh (rajah of Benares) affords assistance to English against MeerCossim and the Vizier, 172; his death, and the succession of his son, Cheyt Singh, ib. Bulwunt Singh (son of Buldeo Singh, rajah of Bhurt- pore) supported by Sir David Ochterlony, 479 ; his authority established, 485. Bum Sab, Goorkha commander, endeavours to procure peace, 406; becomes alarmed for his safety, ib. j negotiations with him, 407. Bundher Singh, rajah of Bhurtpore, death of, 478. Bundlecund, brief notice of the affairs of, 300 ; British authority established there, ib. ; disasters of the British in, 311 ; distracted state of, 572. Bundojee, his intrigues at the court of the peishwa, 417 ; he ia placed under restraint, 419, INDEX. 613 Burdett, Mr. (member of goveroment of Calcutta), re- ceives present on succeasioa of Noojum-ad-Dowlah aa Nabob of Bengal^ 100. Burgoyne, General, proposes series of resolutiona in House of Commons on affairs of East-India Com- pany, 126. Burkar-oo-Deen, officer of Tippo Sultan, death of, 193. Burke, Kight Honourable Edmund, the framer of a series of reports against Hastings, and his avowed accuser, 182 ; announces intentions to proceed against Hastings, 182-185; his motion in House of Commons relating to Rohilla war negatived, 183 ; formally impeaches Hastings of high crimes and mis- demeanours, ib. ; his display of eloquence before the House of Lords in explaining grounds of impeach- ment, ib. ; opens charge of receiving presents, 164. Burman Empire, historical sketch of the, 457. Burmese, march into Company's territories in search of robbers, 457 ; alleged robbers given over for punishment to, ib. ; missions of Colonel Symes and of Captain Canning, 458 ; demand surrender of persons resident in British territories, ib. ; demand cession of certain territories, ib. ; their proceedings in Assam, ib. ; attack on island of Shapooree, 459 ; expel rajah of Manipur, ib. ; invade Cachar, 459, 460 ; attacked in Cachar by Major Newton, 460; driven from their works on the river Soorma, ib. ; outrage committed by, on commander of a pilot schooner off Sbapooree, 46l ; declaration of war against, by British government ; ib. Burmese War, preparations for, 4Gl, 462 ; British force land at Rangoon, 462 ; stockades captured, 463 ; further success at Kemandine, ib. ; prevalence of sickness in British army, ib. ; expedition against Negrais, 464 ; expedition against Cheduba, ib. ; further successes, 464, 465 ; expedition against Mavteban, 465 ; expedition to coast of Teonaserioi, 466 ; operations on frontier, and destruction of British force under Captain Noton, 466, 467 ; Burmese enter Cachar, 467 ; success of British arms against Mengee Maha Bundoola, 467, 468; Rangoon set on £re, 463 ; continued successes of British military and naval force, ib.; unsuccessful attack on Donobew, 469 ; renewed attack and fall of the place, 46g, 470 ; events on the frontier, and capture of Rungpore, 470, 471 ; unsuccessful attempt to march regular force through Cachar and Manipur, 471 ; progress of events in Arracan, and capital taken by the English, 471, 472 ; army in Arracan attacked by disease, 472 ; negotiations, 472, 473 ; resumption of hostilities, 473 ; various movements, 473, 474 ; treaty of peace signed, 474 ; ratification not being received, hostilities re- commence, ib ; capture of Melloon, ib ; overture for accommodation made, ib ; enemy again defeated, 474, 475 ; proceedings in Pegu, 473 ; peace con- cluded, and provisions of treaty, 475, 476. Bum, Colonel, his gallant defence of Delhi against Hol- kar, 315 ; his noble stand at Shamlee, 3l6. Burnes, Captain Alexander, his mission to Kabool, 532 ; his objects unsuccessful, 533. — , Sir A.J assassinated at Kabool, 556. Burney, Major, negotiates treaty with Siam, 476, Burr, Lieutenant- Colonel, repulses peishwa's troops at Foona, 430. Burraa, Pindarrie, his history, 422. Bury, Captain, killed, 584. Bussy, M., escorts Mozuffar Jung to Golconda, 21 ; - transfers support of French to Salabut Jung, 22; con- tinues to aid Salabut Jung, 23; movements of, 41, 70 ; letters addressed to him by Sooraj-00-Uowlah, 50 ; his conduct at Madras, 62 ; marches for Wandewaah, 73; made prisoner, 75; his return to India, I68; attacked by the English near Cuddalore, ib, ; attacks the English without success, ib. Buswaraj Drooj captured by tho English, 114. Buxar, battle of, 93, 97- C. Caboul (see Kabool). Cachar, internal dissensions of, 459, Caen, General de (see De Caen). Calcutta, how obtained by East-India Company, 17; president at reprehended for extravagance in purchas- ing a phaise aud pair of horses, ib.; attacked and taken by Sooraj-oo-DowIah, 44 ; retaken by the Eng- lish, 47; supreme court of judicature established at, 126; previous existence of court for administering English law, 131. Calicut, failure of Portuguese attempt to gain possession of, 8. Calliaud, Captain, ordered to march to Tinnevelly, 57; fails in attack on Madura, ib, ; his extraordinary march to relieve Trichinopoly, 57, 68 ; returns to Madurai 59 ; affords assistance to king of Tanjore, 60 ; his attempts to raise money at Tanjore, Negapatam, and Trichinopoly, 62 ; arrives at Chingleput, proceeds to St, Thom^, and takes command of force there, ib. ; successfully resists an attack from Lally, 63 ; moves in direction of Chingleput, ib, ; attempts to surprise Sadrass and fails, ib. ; wounded at Conjeveram, 64. , Colonel, arrives at Moorshedabad, and is re- commended by Clive to the confidence of Meer Jaffier, 84 ; marches against the emperor, ib. ; gives battle, obtains victory, and pursues the enemy, ib. ; arrives at Fatna, pursues and overtakes the Foujdar of Purneah, 85 ; employed to procure submission of Meer Jaffier, 88 ; after elevation of Meer Cossim re- ceives two lacs of rupees, ib. , General, despatched with force to support British authority in the Northern Circars, 111. Calthorp, Lord, presents petition to House of Lords from Birmingham on the East-India trade, 498. Calvert. Captain, bravely defends Amboor against Hyder Ali, 113 ; his replies to the messages of Hyder, ib. Camac, Colonel, commands force to act agamst ticindia and Holkar, 150; penetrates into Malwa, retreats, attacks Scindia's camp, and gains complete victory, ib. Campbell, Colonel, defends Mangalore against Tippoo Sultan, 169; obtains honourable terms, retires to Tellicherry, and dies, 170. Campbell, General, surprises party of marauding horse,, and makes chief and officers prisoners, 299; destroys and disperses band of Mahomed Ben Khan, 300. Campbell, General Sir Archibald, succeeds Lord Ma- cartney at Madras, 19O; grants assistance to rajah of Travancore, ib. ; his treaty with Mahomet Ali, 255 ; appointed to chief command of force despatched against Ava, 462; attacks fortified camp and stock- ades at Kemendine, 463; various operations under, 464 — 463; his daring attack on the Burmese army, 468 ; advances upon Prome, 46g ; returns to Dono- bew, ib.; captures Donobew, 470; takes possession of Prome, ib.; concludes an armistice, 472; holds conference with first minister of king of Ava, 472, 473; further operations under, ib.; negotiates and concludes treaty, 474 ; resumed operations under, 474, 475 ; met by Mr. Price and Mr. Sanford, announcing accession of Burman sovereign to proposed terms, ib. Campbell, Colonel John, slain in Mauritius, 473.' Campbell, Ensign, escapes from the general slaughter of Captain Noton's party, 467, Camul-oo-Deen, his petition to the government of Ben- gal, 130. Candy, death of the king of, and elevation of a usurper, 305 ; queen and relations of the deceased king thrown into prison, ib.; disputes of British government in Ceylon with court of, ib.; war commenced, ib. ; British force enters capital, ib. ; convention with Mootto Sawmy, 306 ; intrigues of Pelime Talauve, ib. ; negotiation with him, ib. ; attack on the capital, when British garrison capitulates, 307 ! Mootto Sawmy given up by the English, ib. ; British garrison at- tacked on its march and massacred, ib. ; sick in hos- pital murdered, ib. ; retreat of Captain Madge from fort M'Dowall, 308; gallant defence of Dumbadenia by Ensign Grant, ib. ; continued hostilities with, ib, ; hostilities suspended, ib. ; king of, made prisoner and deposed, and country annexed to British dominions, 410; disturbances in, 455. Cannanore, English defeated in attempt upon works of, 114 ; surrender of, to General Abercromby, 194. Canning, Captain, despatched to Ava, 458. Canning, Right Honourable Geo., appointed govemor- generajj but declines appointment, 457 ; his deaths 487. Carangoly, falls to Colonel Coote (Carnatic war), 72; taken by Captain Davis, 162. Caranja, passes into the hands of the English, 143. Camac, Major, takes commandof British army at Patna, defeats the emperor, and takes Law prisoner, 88; 6H INDEX. conducts emperor to Patna, 88 j attempt of Ram Narrain to bribe, ib.; recalled to Calcutta, ib.; suc- ceeds to command of army against Meer Cossim, 95 ; movement of, ib. ; state of his army, ib. Carnac, Captain J. R., advises appointment of Gunga- dhuT Shastry to negotiate between the guicowar and thepeishwa, 417; penetrates designs of Bhug- wunt Row Guicowar, ib. ; instructed to communicate to Futteh Singh facts reported from Poonah, ib.; apprizes British government of peishwa's proceed- ings, 427. — -■ — ) Sir James, appointed governor of Bombay, 526 ; his views respecting the treacherous conduct of the rajah of Sattarah, ib, ; his fruitless interviews with the rajah, 527. Carnatic invaded by Hyder Ali, 149; brigade in Tra- vancore, 358. Caroor transferred from Mahomed Ali to Hyder Ali, 118; abandoned at the approach of British army under General Medows, 192. Carpenter, Lieutenant- Colonel, takes possession of Tinley pass (Nepaul war), 393. Carstairs, Captain, appointed to command at Patna, 89; disobeys orders, 90. Cartier, Mr. succeeds Mr. Verelst as governor of Bengal. 123. Cartwright, Colonel, his endeavours to allay discontent of troops at Barrackpore, 477. Caspian Sea, command of, acquired by Russia, 630. Cassamajor, Mr., British resident in Mysore, his pro- ceedings in relation to Coorg, 492. Castlereagh, Lord, expounds plan of ministers for government of India (1813), and moves resolutions therein, 382 ; moves for appointment of select com- mittee, 384 ; submits amended series of resolutions, 385 ; his further proposals to Parliament, 387. Caulfield, Captain, takes charge of Jeswunt Rao Bhow, 443 ; consequent proceedings of, lb. Cawnpore, Anglo-Indian troops stationed at, 599. Censorship in India, 522, Ceylon, Dutch settlements of, fall into hands of the English, 304; placed under administration of the Crown, ib, ; British authority established in, 410. Ceylon East-Indiaman, captured by the enemy, 368. Ceylon frigate, taken by the enemy, and retaken by the English, 368. Chads, Captain, moves with naval force in aid of Sir Archibald Campbell in the Burmese war, 467. Chalmers, Lieutenant, his gallant defence of Coim- batore, 200 — 202 ; made prisoner in violation of terms of capitulation^ 202 ; released on mission to governor- general, 211. ■ , Colonel, engaged in attack on Gawilghur, 296 ; at Quilon, takes measures of precaution against attack, 359 ; defeats Dewan's troops, 36o. Chambers, Colonel R. E., his contests with the GhiJjies, 552. _ Champion, Major, his services on the march to Buxar, ■ — , Colonel, his victory over the Rohillas, 125 ; appointed to discharge duties of resident at Oude, 128 ; his instructions, ib. Chanda (NagporeJ, siege and capture of, by the English, 446, 447. Chandernagore, Clive instructed to attack, and dis- cussion on, 48—51 ; attacked and falls, 49. Chandore occupied by Colonel Wallace, HI9. Charekar, capture and destruction of, 586. Chenzig, or Zingis, his career, 4. Cheribon (Java) taken possession of by Captain Beaver, 375,376. Cherong, captured by the British, 572. Cherry, Mr., murdered by Vizier Ali at Benares, 262. Cheetoo, Pindarrie, account of, 424 ; series of opera- tions against, by Sir J. Malcolm, 438 ; meets with friendly reception at Jadud from Jeswunt Rao Bhow, 443; his death, 455. Chew, Mr., treacherously made prisoner by the Burmese, 461. Cheyt Singh, continued in zemindary of Benares, 172 ; his disputes with the British government, ib. ; he is placed under arrest, ib. ; his troops attack British party, and cut them to pieces, 173 ; flies, and is de- prived of his zemindary, ib. ; remarks on his case, 174. Chilambarum taken by the English (Carnatic war), 76; unsuccessfully attacked by Sir E, Coote, 164. China trade, American privileges and advantages, 497 ; first subject of inquiry in Parliament, 500 j discusBion on its management by the East-India Company, 501 ; report of Commons' committee upon, ib. ; various discussions and resolutions on the trade of, 504—506, 610, 611. Chingleput, occurrences at, 87, 61, 75» i62. Chinna Buswa, his flight with his wife, Dewah Amajee, from Coorg into Mysore, 492. Chisholm, Lieutenant, killed at Corygaum, 442. Chitoor Sal (of Bundlecund), his connection with the peishwa, 300. Chittagong conquered by Aurungzebe, -14 ; surrender of, demanded by the Burmese, 458. Chittapet taken by the French, 59. Chonda, battle of, 605, Chota Nagpore, disturbances in, 491. Chouragurh, fort of (Nagpore), taken possession of by Appa Sahib, 452. Chumbull, fort of, surrendered to the English, 3g8 ; passage of the, 604. Chunarghur surrendered to English, 101. Chunda Sahib, account of, 18; his perfidious conduct at Trichinopoly, ib. ; made prisoner by the Mahrattas, ib. ; his wife and son take refuge at Pondicherry, 19 ; obtains his freedom, ib. ; appointed Nabob of Arcot by MozufFur Jung, ib. ; gains victory over reigning nabob, and takes possession of Arcot, ib. ; proceeds to Tanjore, and demands tribute, ib. ; retires towards Pondicherry, ib.; resolves to accompany the French, 20 ; his authority at Arcot subordinate to that of Dupleix, 21 ; detaches force to act against Clive, 24 ; notice of his claims by Clive, ib. ; engaged in besieg- ing Trichinopoly, 26 ; deserted by native chiefs, 30 ; negotiates with Monackgee, ib.; proceeds to camp of Monackgee, is imprisoned and murdered, ib. Chuttanuttee obtained by East-India Company, by a large present to Azim, grandson of Aurungzebe, 17. Circars, Northern, proceedings respecting, 111. Clapham, Captain, disperses column of Nairs at Quilon (Travancore), 359. Clark, Captain, joins Clive with «* detachment from Devi-Cottah, 23. Clark, Lieutenant, cut off, and slain by the Beloochees, 547. Clarke, Sir Alured, retained at Calcutta, to exercise the chief functions of government, 236 ; addresses letter to vizier on necessity of military reform, 263. Clarke, Major, disperses party of Pindarries, 443 ; com- mands reserve at siege of Chanda, 447. Clarke, Ensign, his gallant repulse of the enemy at Mikow, 476, Clavering, General, appointed member of council of Bengal, 127 ; calls for correspondence between Hast- ings and Company's servants at Oude, 128 ; supports Colonel Monson's suggestion to recall Middleton from Oude, ib. ; proposes to transfer duties of British resi- dent to commander of brigade there, ib. ; his opinion of the obligations of the British government towards vizier, 129; supposed accession to office of governor- general, 132, 133 ; assumes the office and proceeds to exercise its functions, 134 ; demands keys of fort and treasury from Hastings, ib. ; takes oath as governor- general, and frames aproclamation announcing chafige of government, ib. ; refuses papers to BarweU, 135 ; declared by Hastings and Barwelt to have vacated his seat in council, ib. ; his death, 137 i his recommend- ation of Colonel Upton to represent British govern- ment at Poonab, 144 ; his opinion on the dissolution of the British connection with Rugonath Row, 145, Clayton, Lieutenant- Colonel, leads storming party at Barabuttee, 292. Clibborn, Major, defeat and destruction of his convoy in attempting to relieve Kahun, 647. Clive, Robert (afterwards Lord Clive), sent to India as writer, 22; bis conduct at Madras, ib. ; made prisoner at the time when Madras was taken by La Bourdonnais, 22, 23 ; escapes to Fort St. David, 22; obtains ensign's commission, ib, ; present at attack on Pondicherry, ib, ; instance of his impe- tuous temper, 22, 23 ; aspersion cast upon Mm, 22 ; vindicated by court of inquiry, 23 ; holds lieutenant's commission in second ex[^dition against Tanjore, ib, ; his extraordinary escapes, ib. ; returns to the mer- cantile service, and appointed commissioner for sup- plying troops with provisions, ib, ; accompanies Mr, INDEX, 615 • Pigot to Trichinopoly, attacked on return, and CBcapes with difficulty, ib. ; receives captain's com- mission, ib. ; appointed to command expedition against Arcot, ib. ; his march to attack, ib. ; takes possession of the fort, ib. ; make various sorties, ib. ; attacks the enemy's camp by night, ib. ; resists attack of the enemy^ 24 ; makes a sally, ib. ; instance of his sportiveness, ib. ; communicates with Mahrattaa, ib. ; hired by Mahomet AU, ib, ; his haughty answer to the proposal of the besiegers, 25 ; repels various attacks, and the enemy retire, 25, 20; besiegers abandon the town, and garrison march into enemy's quarters, 26 ; 'his natural mihtary qualifications, ib. ; takes Timaney, ib. ; defeats superior force of the enemy, ib. ; takes Conieveram, ib. ; proceeds to Madras and Fort St. David, ib. ; appointed to com- mand expedition to Arcot, 27 ; Conjeveram again sur- renders to bim, ib. ; defeats party of the enemy at Coverpah, 27, 28; destroys Dupleix-Fateabad, 28; proceeds with Major Lawrence to Trichinopoly, ib. ; repels attack on march thither, ib. ; suggests detach- ment of force to intercept supplies of the enemy, ib.; opinion of, entertained by native generals, ib.; marches with detachment, 29 ; his c%mp attacked, he is wounded, his danger and escape, enemy defeated, ib. ; volunteers his services to command expedition against Covelong and Chingleput, 36 ; his operations, 36, 37; proceeds to England, 37; on return, aids Admiral Watson in attack on Gheriah, 41 ; enters on o£5ce, as governor of Fort St. David, 42 ; appointed commander of expedition to Calcutta, 45, 46 ; forwards letters to the soubahdar, which is refused, 46 j sur- prised by party of the enemy, but succeeds in repulsing it, 47 ; enters Calcutta, ib. ; upholds his claims as commander-in-chief of Company's forces in Bengal, ib. ; offers little resistance to the progress of Sooraj- oo-Dowlah, 48 ; attacks the camp of Sooraj-00- Dowlah, ib. ; seeks- soubahdar's permission to attack Chandernagore, which is evaded, ib. ; his opinion in favour of immediately attackmg Chandernagore car- ried in council, ib. ; remains in Bengal in opposition to orders to return to Fort St. George, 50 ; demands leave of the soubahdar to attack the fugitives from Chandernagore, lb.; communicates to select com- mittee plan for dethroning Sooraj-00-Dowlah, 51 ; takes measures for deceiving the soubahdar, ib. ; addresses letter to him, 52 ; his difficulties and hesi- tation, ib. ; calls council of war, and determines to act in opposition to its decision, 53 ; attacks the enemy at Plassy, and gains victory, 53, 54 ; salutes Meer Jaffier as soubahdar of Bengal, Bebar, and Orissa, 54 ; re- ceives from Meer Jaffier two lacs and 80,000 rupees, 55 ; receives a further present of sixteen lacs of rupees, ib.; boasts of his moderation, ib. ; his con- duct towards Omichund, 56; requests assistance of Nizam All, 68 ; retains Madras troops at Bengal, and requests that Major Calliaud may be sent thither, 71 ; applies himself to remove difficulties of Meer Jaffier, 79, 80 ; is passed by in commission for administering government of Bengal, but accepts office of president, at request of council, 80 ; greatly offended by appa- rent neglect of Court of Directors, ib.; universal reliance on him, ib. ; advances to Patna, and alarms the shazada, ib. ; assists the shazada with small sums of money, 81 ; made an omrah of the empire, ib. ; receives jaghire from Meer Jaffier, ib. ; takes measures for resisting the Dutch, who are reduced to submis- sion, 82. 83; vigour and determination of his conduct, 82 ; introduces Major Calliaud to Meer Jaffier, 84 ; departs for England, ib. ; his refusal to aid in entrap- ping Ram Narrain, 89. . Lord, created an Irish peer, and appointed to the government of Bengal, 101 ; his arrival there, ib. ; circumstances of his appointment, and stormy proceedings at home, ib. ; appointed to form a select committee to restore tranquillity, ib. ; his haughty bearing towards council, ib. ; makes peace with the vizier, 102 ; negotiates with the emperor, procures remission of arrears of tribute, and the gift to the Company of the dewanny of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, ib. ; prevails on the nabob of Bengal to accept an annual allowance, leaving remainder of revenue to the Company,* ib. ; his strong opioion against Company's servants engaging in trade, lb. ; enters into partnership for the purpose of dealing in salt, ib< ; enforces orders of Court of Directors respect- ing double batta, 104; exerts himself to suppress conspiracy among the officers of the array, ib. ; ac- cepts a bequest from Meer Jaffier, aod applies it to formation of military fund, ib. j appears as dewan and representative of East-India Company at the court of the nabob, ib. ; abolishes society of private trade, 105; quits India, ib. j jaghire secured to him for additional period, ib. ; attacks upon him at home, ib. ; his chara'cter, lOS, 106; sunnuds bestowing northern circars on East- India Company obtained by him, and transmitted to Madras, 111. Clive, Lord (son of the first Lord Clive, and governor of Fort St. George), receives instructions for final ad- justment of the Carnatic, 257 ; despatches party of troops to take possession of the gateway of the palace of the nabob of Arcot, ib. ; his conferences with Ali Hussein, 259; takes measures to prevent public investiture of Ali Hussein, 26O ; his interview with Azim-ul-Dowlah, ib. ; feels annoyance with orders from home, 276 ; his cordial support of the policy of the Marquis Wellesley, ib.; his preparations for restoring the peishwa, 2S0 ; his retirement, 349 ; and its causes, ib. Close, Colonel, employed in examination of servants of Tippoo respecting correspondence with Arcot, 257 ; requires troops from governments of Madras and Bombay to support the peishwa, and his requisitions confirmed by governor- general, 278 ; his conferences with Holkar, whom he refers to govern or- general, and departs for Bombay, ib. ; concludes treaty of Bassein with peishwa, 279; accompanies peishwa to Poona, 281; addresses letter to Scindia, 281, 282; apprizes Colonel Collins of treaty of Bassein, 28'i; appointed resident at Scindian court, 328 ; waits at Nagpore for further instructions, and there receives complaints from agents of Scindia, 332 ; his inter- view with one of Scindia's servants, 335 ; invested with powers previously exercised by Sir Arthur Wel- lesley in the Deccan, 336 ; takes command of main army in the Deccan, ib. ; directs Colonel Haliburton to advance to Moolapore, 339 ; bis extraordinary powers withdrawn, and ordered to resume his duties at the court of the peishwa, ib. ; animadverts on abuses under peishwa's government, 342. Close, Captain, communicates to Scindia the advance of the British army from the Deccan, 431 ; delivers to Scindia intercepted letters to Catmandoo, lb, ; articles of the treaty concluded by him with Scindia, 431 — 433. Cochin, king of, assisted by Portuguese, 8 j allows them to erect a fort in his dominions, ib. Cochin, rajah of, urged to unite himself with Travan- core and the French, 358. Cockburn, Lieutenant- Colonel, takes command of Bom- bay force in aid of Rugonath Row, 146 ; his disastrous retreat, ib. Codrington, Lieutenant, escapes from the slaughter of Captain Noton's party in Arracan, 467 ; killed, 559* Coel, taken possession of by English, 286. Coiladdy, district of, surrendered by rajah of Tanjore, 123. Coimbatore, English dispossessed of theirposts in, 116, 117; noble defence of the fort by Lieutenant Chal- mers, 206 ; its surrender on conditions which are violated, ib. Cole, Captain, captures Banda Neira, 372. Collins, Colonel, his mission to the camp of Scindia, 282 ; his personal conference with that chief, ib. ; presses certain points on Scindia, 283 ; receives intel- ligence of confederacy between other Mahratta chiefs and Scindia, ib. ; follows Scindia at his desire, ib.; remonstrates with Scindia, 284 ; his conference, ib. ; his communication with rajah of Berar, 285 ; his fur- ther communications with Scindia's ministers, ib. ; quits Scindia's camp, ib. CombCj de la (see De la Combe). Combermere, Lord, succeeds Sir E. Paget as comman- der-in-chief, 484 J advances with a vast force upon Bhurtpore, ib, ; his interview with Sir C. Metcidfe, ib. ; proposes to allow time for departure of women and children from Bhurtpore, 484, 485 ; brings the siege to a successful close, 485. Concan, unsuccessful attempt of Shah AUum to reduce Mahratta forts on the sea-coast of, 14. Conflans, M., defeated at Peddaporc, 65; his flight to Rajahmundry, ib. ; collects part of his troops at Ma- 616 INDEX. fiulipatara, 65; his conduct at the siege and fall of Masulipatatn, 67' Conjeveram attacked by Clive and abandoned by the French, 26 ; re-occupied by the French, 2? ; surren- dered to Clive, ih. ; burnt by the French, 58 ; French followed thither by the English on retreat of former from siege of Madras, 64 ; taken by Major Brereton, ib. ; plundered by Hyder AH, 157. Connellan, Lieutenant, wounded at Corygaum, 442, Conolly, Captain E., death of, 549. Conry, Colonel, his failure in reducing a Burmese post on the Sitang, 475. Conway, Captain, murdered by Vizier Ali, 262. Conway, Colonel, hia statements respecting the occur- rences at Talneir, 443, 444. Connay, Captain, his defence of Major Outram's resi- dence, 503, 504. Cooke, Captain, at Trinomaly secures hill for the £ng< lish, 113. Cooper, Colonel, various services performed by, in Nepaul war, 398. Coorg, disputes with Tippoo Sultan respecting, 214, 215. Coorg, rajah of, his remarkable conduct, 214 ; atrocious conduct of his son and successor, 492 ; correspon- dence with, by the British government, 492, 493 ; vpar commenced with, 493 ; his government termi- nated, and hia territories annexed to British do- minions, 494 ; death of his dewan, ib. Coote, Captain (afterwards Sir Eyre Coote), his dispute with Clive as to command in Calcutta, 47 ; captures Hooghly, ib. r Major, votes for battle in council of war called by Clive, 53. ■ Colonel, having been nominated to command in the Carnatic, arrives with forces from England, 71 ; marches to Arcot, ib. ; makes forced march to join Major Brereton at Wandewash, ib. ; takes Wan- dewash, ib. ; and captures Carangoly, 72 ; hardships and privations of his army compel his withdrawal into cantonments, ib. ; again takes the field, ib. ; marches to Conjeveram, ib. ; gives battle to the French at Wandewash, and ia victorious, 75 ■ takes possession of Arcot, ib. ; captures ViUenore, 76 ; proposes to pro- ceed to Bengal, 77 ; his differences with Colonel Monaon. ib. ; consents to resume command in Car- natic, ib. ; permits inhabitants expelled from Fon- dicherry to pass English posts, ib. ; takes possession of Pondicherry, 78 ; admits claim of governor of Madras to possession of Pondicherry under pro- test, ib. — - ■ General Sir Eyre, appointed to succeed General Clavering in command of army and seat in council, 138 ; departs from Calcutta to take command of army against Hyder Ali, 160 ; arrives at Madras and takes seat in council there, I6I ; calls a council of war, 162; relieves Chingleput, and detaches force against Carangoly, ib. ; arrives at Wandewash, l63 ; relieves Pennacoil, ib, ; proceeds to restore order in Pondicherry, ib,; protects Cuddalore, ib. ; fails in attacks on Chilambrum, 104; defeats the army of Hyder Ali, ib. ; avoids Hyder Ali, and arrives at Fulicat, ib. ; captures Tripassore, ib. ; proposes ex- change of prisoners, which Hyder Ali refuses, l65; twice defeats Hyder Ali, ib. ; returns to cantonments, ib. ; returns to Madras, ib. ; is seized with apoplexy, but recovers, and arrives at Vellore, ib. ; follows Hyder Ali and the French, and defeats them, ib.; his grand guard drawn into ambuscade and destroyed, ib. ; his disputes with Lord Macartney, 167; departs for Bengal, ib. ; returns to Madras, and dies, I68. Cope, Captain, despatched with force to assist Mahomet Ali against the French, 20. Copool surrenders to General Medows, 194. Cornish, Admiral, commands naval force in expedition against Manilla, 106. Cornwallis, Lord, appointed govern or- general of Ben. gal, 187; modifies arrangements with the vizier, 188, negotiates with the nizam, 188, 189; his opinion on the neutral policy prescribed to the government of India, 189; his censure on the Madras government for misplaced economy, 19O ; commences war against Tippoo Sultan, igi ; concludes treaty with the nizam and the ijeishwa, ib. ; assumes command of army against Tippoo, 193; attacks and takes Bangalore, 194 ; marches from Bangalore, encounters army of Tippoo, effects junction of Nizam Ali*s horse, and returns, 195 ; resolves to march on Seringapatam, ib. j motives for thia step, and its diflBculties, ib. ; defeats Tippoo at Arikera, 197,198; advances to Caniambaddy, but immediately determines to refurn to Bangalore, 198 ; is joined by two Mahratta armies, ib. ; compels surrender of Hooliordroog, 199; arrives at Bangalore, ib. ; takes possession of Oossore, ib. ; captures Nun- dedroog, Savandroog, and Oolradroog, 200—202; arrives in sight of Seringapatam, 205 ; his operations against Tippoo, 205—212; consents to negotiate, 211 ; receives vakeels from Tippoo, ib. ; preliminaries of peace agreed to, 212, 213; receives the sons of Tippoo, 213 J prepares to resume the siege, 215; receives Tippoo'a ratification of the treaty, 216; remarks .on his policy, 216, 217; relinquishes hia share of the booty for benefit of army, ib- ; returns to Bengal, ib. ; proceeds to take command of expedition against Pondicherry, which surrenders before his arrival, 217 ; changes effected by, in the internal administration of the territories subject to the presi- dency of Bengal, 217—223 ; quits India, 223. Marquis, arrives at Calcutta as successor to the Marquis Wellesley, 341 ; his views on the state of India, and the means of adjusting its affairs, 342, 343 ; his death, 343 ; his character, 344. Cossimbazar, factory of, surrenders to Sooraj-oo-Dow- lah, 43 ; effects of the news of its fall at Madras, ib. Cossinaut Baboo, his disputes with government and others, 139, HO; suddenly and inexplicably discon- tinues his actions against governor- general and other parties, 141. Cotton, General Willoughby, commands column in at- tack on Burmese army, near Rangoon, 468; com- mands column in advance upon Prome, 469 ; fails in attack upon Donohew, ib. ; assaults and carries series of stockades, 473 ; commander of infantry in the Affghanistan cam;paign, 534 ; assumes temporary command in Afi^ghanistan, 637; receives the grand cross of the Bath, 646. Court, Captain, commands land force in attack on Amboyna, 372 ; dislodgea the enemy from principal fort on the island, ib. Court of Directors of East-India Company order re- storation of Mahomed Beza Khan to office, 1 32 ; condemn the policy of Rohilla war, and censure the conduct of Hastings and Barwell on various points, 133; receive and consider proposal from Colonel Maclean to submit Hastings* resignation, inquire into the agent's authority, and accept resignation, 133, 134; nominate Mr. Wheeler to vacant place in council of Bengal, 134 ; censure the conduct of Hastings with reference to the Nabob Mobarik-ul- Dowlah and Mahomed Reza Khan, 138; order re- storation of Mr. Bristol to the situation of reaident in Oude, and of Mr. Fowke to Benares, ib. ; con- demn the conduct of the government of Bombay in despatching expedition against Broach, 142 ; approve treaty with Surat, and with Rugonath Rao, and desire possession to be ke^t of all places ceded, 145 ; condemn conquest of Tanjore and deposition of the rajah, and remove Mr.Wynch from the government of Madras, 151 ; proceedings of, relative to case of Lord Pigot, 153; appoint temporary government to act during inquiry into disputes at Madras, 153 ; opposed to the Board of Commissioners as to the debts of the nabob of Arcot, ISI ; instruct Lord Cornwallis to in- quire into the rights and interests of zemindars and other landholders, with a view to the permanent settlement of the land revenue, 218 ; extract of a despatch from, on the injurious consequences arising from misconception of Indian names, 219; resolve to uphold lawful prince in Tanjore, 250 ; caution ex- ercised by, in interfering with distribution of office in India, 276 ; their difference with the Marquis Wel- lesley, 273—278 ; request the Marquis Wellesley to continue in office another year, 277 ; recall Lord William Bentinck from government of Madras, 353; refuse to revoke appointment of Sir G. Barlow to discharge duties of governor-general, 355 ; refuse to appoint the earl of Lauderdale governor- general, 355, 358 ; appoint Lord Minto, S58 ; condemn the conduct of their committee in Chica in encouraging the Bengal government to despatch a military force to take possession of Macao, 362 ; decline to appoint the commander-in-chief at Madras, GeneriU M'Dow- INDEX. 617 all, to a seat in council* ib. ; communications by» to government of Bengal on half-batta question, 49S ; adopt opinion of committee of correspondence, bOHtile to a proposed arrani^eraent depriving the Company of the China trade, 502; submit correspondence with Board to a general court, 504 ; press two points upon ministers, — an increase of the guarantee fund, and the establishment of some means of publicity in cases of diflFerence between Court and Board, 505 j resolve to recommend compliance with the plan of ministers, ib. ; recommend to the proprietors to place their trade in abeyance, and accept the government of India under the conditions and arrangements of the Ministerial Bill, 511 ; their exclusive trade with China abolished, 612; differences between them and the Board of Control, 513 ; their firmness respecting the affairs of Oude, 515; their contests with the [aw- courts and Parliament, 515, 616 ; rule for mandamus against discharged, ib. ; Lord Ellen borough's opinion respecting the contest, 515 ; Mr. Herries's able vindi- cation of, 516 ; Mr. Pitt's definition of their powers, 520 ; recall Lord EUenborough from India, G08. Court of Proprietors of the East-India Company, peti- tion against the ministerial measure of 1833, 510, 511; their discussions, 611. Court of Sudder Dewanny Adawlut, 219. Court of Sudder Nizamut Adawlut, 222. Courts of native commissioners, 220. Courts, provincial, 219, 220. Courts, zillah and city, 220. Covelong, its situation, 36 ; Clive appears before it, ib. ; fall of, ib. ; party of enemy's troops attacked by am- buscade and defeated, ib. Crabb, Major, defeats party of Cheyt Singh's troops, 173. Cradock, Sir John, sanctions alteration of turban worn by sepoys in army of Madras, 349 ; differs with Lord William Bentinck on the treatment of the Vellore mutineers, 353 ; his views approved by governor- general, ib. ; advises that the regiments implicated in the mutiny be expunged from the Jist of the army, ib. ; removed from command of the army, ib. ; causes of his error, 354. Craigie, Captain J. H., defeats the Ghiljies, 581. Creed, Lieutenant, killed, 561. Crillon, M., commands expedition against Seringham, 70 ; crosses into the island, ib. ; attacks and captures the pagoda there, ib. ; cruelties committed by the Freoch under, 71' Crispin, Lieutenant, killed, 550. Croker, Colonel, made knight companion of the Bath, 546. Cuddalore abandoned to the French, 60; comes into possession of the English, 7^* Cunningham,' Colonel, attacked by Fleury, and com- pelled to retire on conditions, 284. Cuppage, Major, intrusted with defence of Coimbatore and Palagaut, 200 ; removes heavy guns, ammuni- tion, and stores from former to latter place, 201 ; affords assistance to Lieutenant Chalmers, and chases the enemy from the pettah, ib. j advances to relief of Coimbatore, and defeats Kummer-oo-Deen, 201, 202, — — — , Colonel, enters Travancore, and takes up position at Pavoor, 36l. Cureton, General, at the battle of Chonda, 605. Cursham, Captain, killed in attack upon Burmese fort on the Sitang, 475. Cuttack, occupation of by Colonel Harcourt, 292 ; an- noyances in, created by the rajah of Khoordah and the zemindar of Kunka, suppressed by Colonel Har- court, 319; stoppage of the post in, by insurgents, 428. D. Dacca, remonstrance from council of the English factory there against Mr. Vansittart's proposed regulations on inland trade, 92 ; effect of remonstrance upon council of Calcutta, ib. ; cession of, demanded by Burmese, 458 ; claim to, re-asserted on part of Bur- mese, ib. ; apprehension felt at, in consequence of success of Burmese, 467. D'Ach^, M. (French military commander), his anxiety to avoid an engagement with Admirals Pocock and Stevens, 59; reinforcements offeredhira by Lally; pro- ceeds to sea, ib. ; sails for Island of Mauritius, 61 ; his fleet re-appears considerably reinforced, 68; engages the English fleet, and proceeds to Pon- dicherry, ib. } declares hia intention of returning to the islands, 69 ; proceeds to sea, ib. ; returns to Pondicherry to confer with Lally, ib. ; finally departs for the islands, ib. Dada Khasjee Walla, influence of, at Gwalior, 599; his expulsion determined on by the governor-general, 601 ; his arrest and surrenderto the British, 601,602. Dadur, town of, 537, 538. Dalrymple, Colonel James, falls in with and attacks Dhoondia, who escapes, 248. Dalrymple, Major (of the King's 30th), commands reserve at siege of Asseergurh, 463. Dalton, Captain, takes possession of Seringham witb the artillery and military force, 31 ; in command of garrison at Trichinopoly, 32 ; hears of attempts of Nunjeraj to corrupt the troops, and adopts pre- cautions, ib. ; dismisses disaifected troops, 33 ; plot formed for his assassination, ib. ; pardons tivo per- sons convicted of being engaged in it, ib. ; orders execution of two persons engaged in corrupting an officer of the garrison, ib. ; informed by Clement Poverio of the design of Nunjeraj to secure him, and obtain possession of Trichinopoly, ib. ; six ruffians employed to watch his appearance and despatch him, 34 ; the attempt unexpectedly frustrated, ib. j attacks camp of Nunjeraj, 37; requires Mysoreans to depart from the city, and detains their commander, ib. j discovers deficiency of store of provisions, ib. ; dis- patches messenger to Major Lawrence, 38; is joined by that officer, 39 ; hia attacks on the blockading force, ib. ; permits Mahomet All's disaifected troops - to depart without molestation, 39, 40. Dalton, Major, repeated attacks on, by the enemy at Djoejocarta, 379t Dalzell, General, proceeds to Calcutta to consult commander-in-chief on mutinous proceedings at Barrackpore, and the results, 477, 478. Dance, Commander, with fleet of Company's ships, attacks and puts to flight French squadron of ships of war under Admiral Linois, 302 ; pursuit and return, ib. Dara, son of Shah Jehan, exercises the government of the empire during the illness of his father, 9 ; issues an order, forbidding, under pain of death, ail inter- course with his brothers on existing state of affairs, ib. ; returns the government into the hands of Shah Jehan upon his recovery, ib. ; his army advances against his rebel brothers, and he fortifies himself near Agra, ib. ; gives battle to his brothers, and is defeated, ib. ; a wanderer in various directions, 1 1 ; obtains assistance in Guzerat, and places himself again at the head of an army, ib. ; suspicious of his officers, 12 ; loses opHprtunity of acting against Aurungzebe, ib. ; fortified in strong position near Ajmere ; is overcome and his armydcstroved through treacherous contrivance of Aurungzebe, ib. ; again a wanderer, and exposed to great distress, ib. ; pursued, by a treacherous chief, surrounded, disarmed, and bound ; carried to Delhi, paraded through the city, thrown into prison, and there murdered, ib. Daraporam, surrender of, during Lord Comwallis's war with Tippoo Sultan, ig2. Darius Hystaspes, Persians under hira conquered a portion of India, 2. Darke, Captain Thomas, falls in conflict with Piu- darries, 423. Darwar, surrender of, to the English, 195. D'Autueil, M., commands force dispatched from Pon- dicherry to aid Chunda Sahib and Mozuffar Jung in the Carnatic, 19; sends a message to Major Law- rence, ih. ; fears risking a battle, and withdraws to Pondicherry, 20 ; proceeds to Trichinopoly with reinforcements from Dupleix, 29; withdraws to a fort on the approach of Clive to intercept him, ib. ; surrenders with his whole force, ib. ; secretes large amount of money among hia personal baggage, which he is permitted to carry away, ib. ; Trichinopoly menaced by a force under his command, 57 ; demands surrender of Trichinopoly, ib. ; retires to Seringham, and thence to Pondicherry, 58. Davidson, Mr. (member of council at Madras), dis- approves of Whitehill's suspension, but votes in favourof acting in accordance with it, I6l. Davie, Major, commands the garrison at Candy, 307; 618 INDEX. is attacked, and surrenders on terms, 307 ; is pursued on retiring from the place, overtaken, and the surrender of Mooto Sawmy demanded, ib. ; refuses, ib. ; on reiteration of demand delivers up the prince, ib. ; forced by enemy to return to Candy with his party, the greater part of whom are murdered, ib. ; remarks on his conduct, 307, 308. .Davis, Captain, attacks and takes Carangoly, l6l. Davis, Mr., judge and magistrate at Benares, resists Vizier Ali, 262 ; his intrepidity, ib. Davis, Lieutenant, commanding engineers at siege of Malligaum, slain, 448. Davoshah, Parsee merchant of Tellicherry, proceeds to Coorg on mission from the British government, 493 ; his return, ib. Deacon, Lieutenant-Colonel, his successes in reducing forts in peishwa's territories, 442. De Boigne, founder of a French corps in service of Scindia, 285 ; increase of the force under his com- mand, 286; his retirement, ib. DeCaen, General [French governor of Mauritius), driven back in attempt to reconnoitre, 370 j oflfers to capitu- late, ib. Dcccan, earliest irruption of Mahometan armies into the, 4 J proceedings of Shah Jehan there, 7, 8, 9 ; invaded by Aurungzebe, 14 ; complicated politics of. 111, Deeg, battle of, brilliant victory gained by the English, 3l6 ; siege of, 318 ; its successful termination, 319. De la Combe, gallant conduct of an officer of this name in defence ot Coimbatore, 201. De la Dousepe, Lieutenant, gallant conduct of, atWan^ " dewash, 69, De la Touche, M., advances with a strong force of sepoys and Europeans upon the camp of Nazir Jung, SI ; defeats the advanced posts, and attacks the main body with success, ib. Delamcre, Captain, bravery of, 584. Delhi made the seat of a Mahometan government, 3 ; depopulated by Mohammed Toghluk in favour of his new capital, Dowlatabad, ib. ; inhabitants obtain per- mission to return, 4 ; famine rages in the city, ib.; entered by Timour, ib. ; set on fire and pillaged, and inhabitants massacred, 5 ; government 0^ obtained by Khizir, ib. ; Baber establishes himself on its throne, ib. ; entered, plundered, and burned by Nadir Shah, 15; evacuated by the French, 288; General Lake ■visits the emperor there, 289 ; Colonel Ochterlony left there, 290 ; Holkar arrives before the city, 315 ; pre- parations for defending, ib. ; desertion of cavalry and mutiny of matchlock-men, ib. ; siege of, 3l6 ; gallant detence by Colonel Burn, ib. ; enemy retire, ib. Denaicancota, falls by treachery to Hyder Ali, 117. Dennie, Major, leads assault on stockade in Burmese war, 463. • — " i Colonel, engaged in the assault and capture of Ghuznee, 542 ; defeats the forces of Dost Mahomed, 549 ; his difficulties at the Khoord Kabool pass, 554 ; killed at Jelalabad, 575. Dennis, General, commander of brigade in the Affghan- istan campaign, 535 ; engaged at the battle of Chonda, Cos ; his bravery, ib. Des Brusles, General Ccommander in the Island of Bour- bon), marches against English, retreats, and shoots himself, 365. D'Estaigne, Count, despatched by Lally to dissuade D'Ach^ from returning to Isle of France, 6l ; made prisoner at the siege of Madras, ib. Devi Cotiah, fort and territory of, offered as a reward for placing Mahratta prince on the throne of Tan- jore, 18; coveted by the British on account of pre- sumed commercial advantages, ib. ; captured, and English confirmed in possession by the reigning prince, ib. : falls to the French, 60. Dewah Amajee (sister of rajah of Coorg), her flight into Mysore, 492. Dhoondia, account of, 247 ; disturbances created by, ib. ; force despatched against him 248 ; is attacked, and escapesfrom the territories of Mysore, ib. ; is plundered by the Mahrattas, ib. ; raises further disturbances, and seizes several forts in territories of the peishwa, 252, 253 ; division of his army attacked and routed, ib. ; he retires, pursued by Colonel Wellesley, ib, ; is attacked and defeated at Conahgull, where he falls, 253 ; Sir Thomas Munro's remarks on his career and failj ib. Dhurna, Hindoo ceremony of, 109. Diaz, Bartholomew, reaches the southernmost point of Africa, and for the first time doubles the Cape of Good Hope, 7. Dick, Colonel) assumes the command of one of the divisions of the army against Nepaul, 402. Dindigul attacked by Colonel Stuart during Lord Corn- wallis's war with Tippoo, 192 ; surrender of, ib. Dirom, Major, his remarks on strength of the fort of Ootradroog, and on the violence of Tippoo, 203, Djoejocarta, sultan of, his hostile disposition to the British government, 378 ; his reception of Mr. Raffles, lieutenant-governor of Java, ib.; concludes terms with the British government, ib. ; forms confederacy of native princes to expel all European settlers, and put down all European power, ib. ; failure of attempt to negotiate with, ib. ; description of his palace and its defences, ib.; his pal ace attacked by Colonel Gilles- pie, who is summoned by the sultan to surrender, 379 ; attack resumed, palace taken, and sultan deposed, ib. Don, Lieutenant-Colonel, attacks and captures Tonk Rampoora, 310 ; joins Colonel Monson, 311 ; re-occu- pies Muttra, 315. Donobew unsuccessfully attacked by General Cotton, 469 ; Sir A. Campbell arrives there, ib. ; flight of gar- rison, and capture of the place, 470. Doorjun Saul contests succession to the musnud of Bhurtpore, 478 ; his claim unfounded, ib. ; avails himself of the death of Buldeo Singh to advance Mb own views, 479 ; remarks of Sir David Ochterlony on his pretensions and conduct, 480 ; his correspondence with Sir D. Ochterlony, 480, 481 ; quarrels with his brother, Madhoo Singh, 481 ; repels attack on Bhurt- pore by Madhoo Singh, ib. ; opinions of Lord Amherst and Sir C. Metcalfe respecting him, 482, 483 ; decla- ration of British government regarding him, 484 ; revives his claim to the throne of Bhurtpore, ib. ; ex- planation of the causes which procured him support, ib. ; his pretensions publicly denounced by Sir C. Metcalfe, to whom he sends various letters and depu- tations, 484, 485; returns evasive answer to Lord Combermere*s proposal to allow departure of women and children, 485 ; attempts to escape, ib. ; is inter- cepted and secured by" General Sleigh, ib. Dost Mahomed Khan, the usurping sovereign of Ka- bool, 532 ; his intrigues with Russia, 533 ; Anglo- Indian forces sent against him, 535 ; rejects the terms offered by the British, 543 ; his flight from Kabool, ib. ; establishes an alliance with the Usbegs, 549; his in- surrectionary attempts against Shoojah Shah, ib. ; his forces defeated, ib, ; his surrender to the British, 550. Douglas, Captain, killed, 651. Doveton, Captain, accompanies the hostage sons of Tippoo on restoration to their father, 217 j his recep- tion by the sultan, ib. General, in command of brigade of army of the Deccan, 431 ; arrives with his division at Nagpore, 436 ; moves to take possession of rajah of Nagpore's artillery, 436, 437 ; gallantly carries batteries, routs and pursues enemy, and captures the whole of his ar- tillery and camp-equipage, 437 i attacks body of troops in the city of Nagpore, ib. ; pursues Bajee Rao, 440 j arrives at Asseergurfa, and takes command of force there, 453 ; his operations against that place ter- minating in its fall, 453, 454. Dowdswell, Major-General, joins General Lake at Muttra, 320. Dowlut How Scindia. (See Scindia.) Dralce, Mr,, governor of Calcutta, abandons his post and flies, 43 ; receives two laca and 80,000 rupees from Meer Jaffier, 65. Draper, Colonel, makes a sally from Madras, 6I ; his gallant conduct, danger, and retreat, ib.; incapacitated for command by ill-health, is succeeded by Colonel Brereton, 64. ■ ■ Genera!, commands land forces in expedition against Manilla, I(>6; takes Manilla by storm, ib. ; reference to his controversies with the author of the letters of Junius, ib. Drummond, Colonel Edw., lands in Isle of Bourbon, and after severe and hazardous march joins Colonel Fraser, 367. Dubois, commissioner at Pondicherry.his extraordinary death after the surrender of the place to the Eas~ lieh, 79. INDEX. 619 Dudley, Mr., chairman of East-India Company, writes to Clive on the position of the Company and the ministry, II9. DufiF, Captain Grant, his remarks on the conduct of the iiombay government in regard to Bugoaath Bao, 147. Duff, Colonel, his tent mistaken for tent of Lord Com- wallis by party of the enemy, who are put to flight, 211. Dumbadenia, English post in Ceylon, 308 ; gallant de- fence of b)r Ensign Grant, ib. Duncan, Major- General, commander of infantry in the AfFghanistan campaign, 534. Dundas, the Bight Hon. Henry, at the head of Board of Commissioners for the affairs of India, declares in- quiry by Court of Directors into the debts of the Nabob of Arcot unnecessary, and directs a portion of the revenue of the Carnatic to be set aside for their liquidation, 181, 182 ; his remarks on the demands of the London ship- builders, 274 ; chief mover in the proceedings which secured to the ministry the entire patronage of Ceylon, 304. (See Melville, Lord.) Dunlop, Colonel, wounded at siege of Seringapatam, 239. Dupleix, M,, governor of Pondicherry, intrigues of, 17 ; claims supreme authority over French possessions in India, ib. ; his ambition, vanity, and duplicity, ib.; perfidiously violates the treaty concluded by La Bour- aonnais with the English, ib. ; fails in attempts against Fort St. David, IS; detaches force from Pondicherry to assist Chunda Sahib and Mozuffar Jung, 19 ; intrigues with officers of Nazir Jung's army, and at the same time negotiates with their master, 21 ; annoyed by demands of Patau chiefs, ib.; negotiates and procures abatement of their demands, ib. ; his splendid appearance at the enthronement of Mozuffar Jung, ib. ; appointed governor of all the provinces south of Kistna, ib ; elevated to the rank of Heft Huzaree, and permitted to bear an ensign assigned only to persons of the highest note in the empire, ib. ; various other favours conferred on him, ib. ; assumes powers and grants conferred on him without waiting for confirmation by the emperor, ib. ; holds his durbar at Pondicherry in the style of an eastern potentate, ib. ; neither native nor European suffered to approach him without a present, ib. ; receives a large amount of money and jewels from Mozuffar Jung, ib. ; obtains smaller sums for his officers and troops, and for the public service, ib. ; plans for the erection of a new town, to be called Dupleix Fateabad, all vestige of which is destroyed by Clive, 28 ; dissatisfied with affairs at Trichinopoly, sends reinforcements under M. d'Au- teuil, who is authorized to supersede M. Law in chief command, 28; dispatches a body of French troops against British force under Major Kinnier, 34 ; seizes a body of Company's troops passing Pon- dicherry, 35 ; justifies the act by reference to pro- ceedings of the English at Seringham, ib. ; is deceived by a movement of Major Lawrence, and gives instructions fatal to to the safety of the French force under M. Kerjean, ib. ; his intrigues with the Mysoreans and Mahrattas, ib. ; engages to put the Mysorean chief in possession of Trichinopoly, ib. ; proposal made to transfer his assistance from Salabat Jung to his elder brother, Ghazi-00-Deen, 38 ; receives from Salabat Jung a forged confirmation in the office of nabob, ib. ; being in want of money he endeavours to supply it by creating a new nabob of Arcot, ib.; selects Murteza Khan for the office, and obtains from him a considerable sum, ib, ; thrown upon his own resources, his private fortune largely dispensed to further his views, ib.; brings a force into the field, and is aided by the Mahrattas, ib.; despatches reinforcements to Trichinopoly to coun- teract the object of Major Lawrence's march thither, 39 ; superseded by M. Godheu, he departs ior Europe, 41. Dupr^, Mr,, member of council of Madras, proceeds to the camp of Hyder Ali, and agrees to terms of a treaty, 118. Durand, Lieutenant, of Bengal engineers, 542. Dutch, suffer from exactions of Sooraj-oo-Dowiah, 81; give offence to Meer Jaffier, who stops their trade, 10.; they offer apology, and obtain its restoration, ib. ; envious of advantages enjoyed by the English in monopoly of saltpetre, and aggrieved by English government requiring all ships entering Hooghljr to take British pilots, ib. ; suspected of negotiating privately with Meer Jaffier for bringing a force to Bengal, ib. ; their preparation of an armament in Batavia discountenanced by Meer Jaffier, ib.; arrival in the river of a Dutch ship vpith troops, 82 ; their boats subjected to search, and troops found on board, ib. ; arrival of other ships filled with troops, ib. ; enlist troops at Chinsura, Cossimbazar, and Fatna, and address remonstrance to English authorities, ib. ; ships of, anchor below English batteries, and land troops, ib.; fieet attacked by Captain Wilson, and six ships taken, 83 ; attack Colonel Ford, and are repulsed, ib. ; after defeat by Colonel Ford, sue for peace, and treaty concluded, ib. ; their extreme terror on the approach of Meerun and of Meer Jaffier, ib.; basis of treaty with Meer Jaffier agreed upon, and its conditions, ib. ; purchase town of Nagorc and its dependencies, 122 ; purchase disagreeable both to English and Mahomet Ali, ib. ; arrangement made for its surrender, ib. ; possessed of two forts at one extremity of the lines of Travancore, 19O; call upon Bajah to defend them against Tippoo, ib. ; forts sold by them to the rajah, ib. ; their right to sell dis- cussed, ib. ; horrible massacre of, by Sultan of Palim- bang, 377. Dyce, Colonel, captures the rajah of Eurnool, 672. E. Earthquake at Jellalabad, 574. East, Colonel, despatched with force from Bombay to Cutch, to restrain depredations of foujdar of Wagur, 410 ; attacks and captures fort of Anjar, ib. East-India Company, its extraordinary history, 512; abolition of its right of exclusive trade with China, ib. (See Court of Directors.) Egerton, Colonel, appointed to command of expedition from Bombay, in support of Bugonath Row as regent, 146 ; his inefficiency, difficulties, sickness, and re- signation of command, ib. Egypt, expedition despatched to, from India, 354, 255. Ellenborougb, Lord, expresses his conviction of the great importance of the question relating to the exclusive trade of the East-India Company, 498 ; moves for select committee to inquire into state of affairs of East- India Company, 499; avows the inten- tion of the government of which he was a member to open the trade to China, 502 ; moves for certain returns connected with India, and adverts to the omission of all notice of the subject in King's speech, 503 ; contrasts the position of the Company before and after the contemplated changes, 507 ; his especial hostility directed against the proposal that Indian governors should be relieved from the restraint of councils, ib. ; his opinions as to the proposed opening of all offices to natives, 508 ; his remarks on abro- gation of council, 509 ; moves an instruction to the committee on the subject, 511 ; his opinions respecting the contest between the Court of Directors and the Board of Control, as to the afiairs of Oude, 515, 5l6 ; appointed Governor- General of India, 572; diffi- culties with which he had to contend, 573 ; his cor- respondence on the critical state of Affghanistan, 577 et seq. ; his only object to effect the safe return of the Indian army, 581 ; his apprehensions for its safety, 582; bis interference with the affairs of Gwalior, 699 et seq.; his manifestoes, 602, 603; his proclamation announcing his military entry into the territories of Scindia, 604 ; at war with the Mah- rattas, 605, 606; reduces the maharajah and maha- ranee to submission, 606 ; his return to Calcutta, 60s ; recalled by the Court of Directors, ib. ; remarks on his administration, ib. Elllce, Mr. Edward, his evidence on the trade of the Americans with China, 497< Ellis, Mr., appointed chief of the British factory at Patna, 90 ; his acts there disagreeable to nabob and the English governor, ib. ; orders Captain Carstairs to seize one of the nabob's officers for obstructing transit of opium, Ib. ; seizes an Armenian in the service of the nabob, and sends him in irons to Calcutta, ib. ; applies for order to obtain surrender o deserters from commander of fort of Mongheer ; sends 620 INDEX. party of sepoys to enforce his wishes, 90 ; his re- moval from ofBce demanded by Nabob Meer Cossim, 93 ; murdered by order of Meer Cossim, Qi ; his memorandum respecting the possession of Herat, 532. Elphinstone, Hon. Mountstuart, British resident at Poona, his unfavourable opinion of Trimbuckjee Dainglia, 4l6 ; hears at Ellora of murder of Gunga- dhur Shastry, 418 ; demands justice on the murderers of the ahastry, ib. ; requests an audience of the peishwa, 419 ; demands arrest of Trimbuckjee Uain- glia, Bhugwunt Bow, and Bundojee, ib. ; reiterates his demand for arrest of Trimbuckjee, 420 j his warning to peishwa, ib. ; remonstrates against concentration of troops at Poona, ib. ; repeats his warning to peishwa, ib. ; insists on unqualified surrender of Trimbuckjee, but gives private intimation that, after he should be in custody, no further inquiry should take place, ib. ; continues to enforce claims of British government, and obtains surrender of Trimbuckjee, 421 ; urges vigorous measures for preserving the peace of the peishwa's dominions, 427 ; puts in motion British force, 428 ; his decisive communications to the peishwa and his minister, 429, 429 ; causes Poona to be sur^ rounded by British forccj 429; negotiates and con eludes newtreaty with peishwa, 429, 430; his energetic conduct on the attack upon the residency, 430 ; sum- mons General Smith from south bank of Godavery, ib. ; his honourable decision on disputed conditions of surrender of the garrison of Maligaum, 449 ; effects a treaty with AfFghanistan, 528. Elphinstone, General, his incapacity in the Affghan campaign, 557, 558 ; his interview with Akbar Khan, 670 ; his detention, 670. Emaun Ghur, fort of, captured and destroyed, 593. England, General, his abortive attempt to relieve Candahar, 576 ; his unexpected repulse, ib. ; quits Quetta for Candahar, 589. Erivan, fruitless march of the Russians on, 531. Eroad, reduced by the English, 114; disgraceful sur- render of, to Hyder Ali, by Captains Orton and Kobinson, 117; garrison of, removed to Seringa- patam, ib. ; surrenders to Colonel Oldham, 192. Erskine, General, dispatches a party to relief of Mr. Davis when attacked by Vizier Ali, 262 ; despatched with military forces to meet Burmese in Chittagong, 457. Evans, Major, leads assault on stockade in Burmese war, 463. Evans, Lieutenant, killed, 586. Eyre, Lieutenant, his remarks on the Affghanistan war, fi60 et seq. F. Faithful, Captain W. C, carries enemy's breastworks on Sittolee ridge, in Nepaul war, 404. Falconer, Lieutenant, killed, 551. Fancourt, Colonel, murdered at Vellore, 349. Fane, Sir H., engaged in the Affghan campaign, 534. Farquhar, Lieutenant, killed at siege of Serincapatam, 239. Farquhar, Mr., English governor of Isle of Bourbon, publishes address to inhabitants of Mauritius, 367. Fendall, Mr., member of council at Bengal, records his opinion in favour of the interference of British government for the security of Bhurtpore, 481. Fergusson, Mr. Cutlar, defends the Court of Directors during the inquiry into the affairs of the East-India Company, and charges Mr. Whitmore with having caused confusion, 502 ; appeals to comparative con- dition of Company's territories and those of native princes, as evidence of good government of the former, 506 j moves amendments relating to legis- lative powers of the Governor- General in council, and to the continuance of councils at subordinate presidencies, 509 ; presents petition of general court of proprietors of the East- India Company, and moves that they be heard by counsel, 510; moves omission of clause vesting government of presidencies in governor without council, 511. Feroze, first prince of the dynasty of Khilgy, 3; first irruption of Mahometan arms into the Deccan takes place under, ib. ; is murdered by his nephew, ib. Feroze, Toghluk, remarkable for the number and mag- nitude of his public works, 4 ; twice abdicates the throne, ib. ^ and dies at an advanced age, ib. Ferozepore, Bengal forces assembled at, 537 ; grand military show at, 5B6. Ferris, Captain, abandoned by his troops, 560. Fischer, Captain, leads division of European troops at siege of Masulipatam, 66 ; his advance, 67. Fitzgerald, Major, convoy under, attacked by Hyder - Ali, 114; attack fails, ib. ; his arrival causes Hyder Ali to relinquish conflict with Colonel Wood, 11 6 ; represents necessity of removing the latter officer from command, ib. Fitzgerald, Captain, his gallant charge at the battle of Seetabuldee, 436. Fitzwilliam, Earl, opposes adjournment of House of Lords requested by counsel for East-India Company, 181. Fletcher, Sir Robert, convicted by court-martial, and sentenced to be cashiered, 104; restored by general court, and appointed to chief command and a seat in council at Madras, 122; becomes involved in disputes with governor of Madras, ib. ; ordered to Trichino- poiy, and applies for passage to England, ib. ; reproof conveyed in reply to his application, ib, ; proceeds to Trichinopoly, and is allowed to return to England^ ib. ; ordered into arrest by Lord Pigot, 1 52 ; reference to his case, 362. Fletcher, Colonel, despatched, with detachment, to assist junction of Sir Hector Munro and Colonel Baillie, 157 ; his sagacious conduct, ib.; is killed, 158. Fletcher, Major, pettah and fort of Ehoordah carried by, 319. Fleury, M., attacks Colonel Cunningham, and compels him to accept conditions, 268 ; evades detachment sent against him, ib. Flint, Lieutenant, despatched for defence of Wande- wash, which he finds occupied by Mahomet Ali's troops, 162; killadar threatens to fire upon him, ib. ; continues to advance, finds ramparts manned and gates shut, but demands admission to deliver a letter, ib. ; he advances to conference with killadar, and shows the order of his government, when he suddenly seizes the killadar, ib. ; remainder of detachment rush in, and the gates are opened, ib. ; defeats the endeavours of the killadar to excite disaffection in the garrison, l63. Floyd, Colonel, informs General Medows of the approach of Tippoo, and suggests that advanced corps of the ' army should fall back on head-quarters, 192; he is ordered to maintain his position, ib. ; attacks and defeats Tippoo's force, 193 ; calls council of war, and retreats, ib. ; effects junction with General Medows, ib. ; charges rear-guard of Tippoo's retreating in- fantry, and nearly destroys them, 198. Forbes, Sir C, congratulates natives of India on being placed under government of East-India Company instead of the Crown, 498 ; his opinion on the China trade, 498, 499 ; reproves members of parliamentary committee for non-attendance, 502. Forde, Colonel, proceeds to Nellore to aid the army of Mahomet Ali, but retires without success, 57 ; ad- vances with expedition to Vizagapatam, 64 ; defeats the French under M. Conflans at Peddapore, ib. ; ad- vances to Rajahmundry, crosses the Godavery iu pur- suit of the enemy, and recrosses the river, ib. ; arrives in sight of Masulipatam, ib. ; his difficulties for want of money, 65, 66 ; becomes aware of flight of Anunderauze, and despatches messenger to win him back, 66 ; determines to make attempt to carry Masulipatam by storm, ib. ; makes an attack with three divisions, 66, 67; rejects the offer of M. Con- flans to surrender on terras, 67 ; obtains possession of the place and of a rich booty, ib. ; concludes treaty with Salabat Jung, ib.; returns from the Deccan, and is despatched northward with a force against the Dutch, 82 ; attacked by garrison of Chinsura, which he defeats and puts to flight, 83 ; engages force landed from Dutch ships, and routs them, ib. Fort Ostenburgh, added to the conquest of the English, 164. Fort St. David, purchased by the East-India Company from a native prince, fortified, and rendered an impor- tant station, 16; on fall of Madras, Company's agents assume general administration of affairs in that purt of India, 17, 18; arms of the French directed against, INDEX. 621 tty Dupleix, 18 ; English repel the attack, ib. ; Clive makes his escape in disguise, 22; and being ap- pointed KOvernoT, proceeds thither, 42; council of, mistake French fleet for English, 58 ; their messenger captured, 59; French squadron descried sailing off, ib. ; attacked by the French, it capitulates, ib. ; its surrender excites alarm at Madras, ib. ; court of inquiry appointed, by whom the terms of capitulation are declared shameful, ib. Fort St. George, fortification erected by the East- India Company at Madrapatam so named, 16. (See Madras.) Fort Sumanap (JavaJ, attacked and carried by storm, 376. Fort William, Company's settlement in Bengal fortified and 80 called, 17; college of, founded by Marquis Wellesley, 277 J its establishment and suppression, ib. (See Calcutta and Bengal.) Foulstone, Lieutenant, his gallantry in effecting com- munication between British force lying o:^ Island of Bourbon and detachment on shore, 366. Fowke, Mr,, removed from office at Benares by Hastings, and grounds for removal, 132 ; hia restora- tion ordered by Court of Directors, and orders set at naught, 138. Fox, Right Hon. Charles James, moves in House of Commons for leave to bring in a bill for better govern- ment of territorial possessions and dependencies in India, 1 80 ; plan of bill, and outline of its provisions, ib. ; denounced by Mr. Powys, ib. ; bill passes the Commons, but fails through dissolution of ministry, 180, 181 ; moves for leave to bring in a bill in oppo- sition to Pitt's bill, but no progress made in it, 181 ; calls attention of Houae of Commons to claims of creditors of nabob of Arcot, ib.; moves that there is ground for impeaching Hastings in reference to treat- ment of Cheyt Singh, 182; moves that Francis be added to committee for conducting impeachment of Hastings, 183 ; states course proposed to be taken by managers of impeachment of Hastings, 184. France, Isle of, arrival of French expedition at, 59. (See Mauritius.) Francis, Mr. Philip, nominated member of council of Bengal, 127; supports General Clavering in calling for correspondence of Hastings with Company's servants, supports suggestion of Colonel Honson for recal of Middleton, ib. ; supports proposal of General Clavering for transferring duties of resident to Colonel Champion, 128; concurs with General Clavering and Colonel Monson in considering treaty with vizier as dissolved by his death, ib. ; presents to council paper from Nuncomar accusing Hastings of corruption, 129, 130; supports General Clavering in his attempt to usurp the office of governor, 134 ; attends meeting of council, and moves for reversing resolutions ex- cluding General Clavering, 135 ; maintains the right of General Clavering to retain the office of comman- der-in-chief, ib. ; supports Mr. Wheler in proposal to Buspend compliance with application of the nabob Mobarick-uI-Dowlah to be intrusted with the admi- nistration of his own affairs, 137 J objects to ajipro- priation of salary of Mahomed RezaKhan, 138; joins with Mr. Wheler in proposing to call on nabob to restore Mahomed Reza Khan, ib. ; his change of position with regard to Hastings, ib. ; desires retire- ment of Barwell, ib. ; overture for accommodation with Hastings, ib.; meets Hastings to complete pacification, ib. ; denies ever being party to any en- gagement securing to Hastings the mana<;ement of the Mahratta war, 142; fights duel with Hastings, and is wounded, ib. ; quits India, ib.; his objection to carrying war into territories of Scindia and Holkar, ISO ; occasion of duel with Hastings, ib. ; failure of attempts to introduce him into committee for carrying on impeachment of Hastings, 183 ; alleges that Sir G, Barlow had incurred the .displeasure of Court of Directors, 357. Franklaud and Manningham, Messrs., volunteer to superintend the embarkafion of females from Calcutta when attacked by Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, 43. Fraser, Colonel, dislodges a body of riflemen, moves towards St. Denis, and defeats the main force of the enemy in the Island of Bourbon, 366; is joined by Colonel Drummond, and obtains surrender of the island, 367; commands column of attack at Asaeer- gurh, 453 ; falls while rallying his men, 454. Fraser, Mr. William, first assistant to the resident at Delhi, raises large body of irregulars for the Nepaul war, 393. Fraser, Lieutenant, succeeds Mr. Graeme as political agent in Coorg, 493. Fraser, Captain, flight of his cavalry, fiSii, Frazer, General, detached in search of Holkar*s infantry and guns, 3l6; arrives at Goburdun, ib.; engages the enemy near Deeg, 317; mortally wounded and dies, ib. Frederick, Colonel, assaults Darwar, is repulsed, and dies of the effects of disappointment, 195. French attack and take Madras, 17; attack nabob of the Carnatic, and force him to retire to Arcot, ib. ; their perfidy towards the English, ib. ; power and influence of, exerted against Nazir Jung, 19; defec- tion in their army, 20 ; capture a fortified pagoda near Fort St. David, ib. ; attack the camp of Maho- met Ali, who abandons his entrenchments, ib.; gain possession of Gingee, ib. ; advance upon camp of Nazir Jung, who is murdered by his own dependents, 21 ; their disputes with the Patan chiefs about booty, ib. ; their power and influence at the court of Mo- zuffar Jung, ib.; support Salabat Jung on death of Mozuffar Jung, 32 ; murder disabled soldiers near Conjeveram, 20 ; defeated by Major Lawrence, 39 ; re- port the death of Major Lawrence, 40 ; again defeat ;d by Major Lawrence, ib. ; fail in attack on Trichino- poly, ib. ; suspension of arms and treaty concluded with, 41 ; offer to assist English against Sooraj-oo- Dowlah on condition of their quitting Calcutta for Chandernagore, 43 ; negotiations with, at Chander- nagore, with a view to maintenance of neutrality, 48, 49; attacked at Chandernagore, and the place taken, 49 ; menace Trichinopoly, 57 ; retire, 58 ; their va- rious movements, ib.; capture Fort St. David and Devi-cottah, 59, 60 ; their march to Tanjore and return, 6o ; lay siege to Madras, 6l ; retire, 64 ; pro- ceedings of, under M. Confiana, 64, 65 ; naval en- gagement with, 68; subsequent events, 68, 69; mu- tiny in Lally's army, 70 ; capture Seringam, 70, 71 ; their cruelty, 71 ; movements of Bussy and Lally, 72; defeated at Wandewaah by Colonel Coote, 74; sundry movements of, 75, 7^ i besieged in Pondicherry, 76 ; their power in the Carnatic terminated by fall of Pon- dicherry, 79 i their possessions restored at the peace, 106; succeed in landing troops at Porto Novo, l65; join Hyder Ali, ib. ; naval engagement with, ib. ; defeated by General Stuart, 168 ; retire from Manga- lore on conclusion of peace, I69 ; attacks upon the islands belonging to, in the Indian Ocean, and their capture, 364. French mission sent to Persia in 1808, 528 ; its intrigues with Persia, ib. French, Major, joins Colonel Gillespie at Palemburgb, 378. Frith, Major, captures Melloon (Burmese war), 474. FuUarton, Mr., saved from the ma*!sacre of European. prisoners by Meer Cossim, and effects his escape, 94. Fullarton, Colonel, his conflicting instructions, 169; receives intelligence of violation of convention of Mangalore, and moves on to Paligaut to effect junc- tion with General Macteod, 17O ; proceeds to capital of Coimbatore, ib. ; his progress arrested by instruc- tions from commissioners, ib. ; required to suspend his operations, abandon all his conquests, and re- tire, ib.; his partial obedience, ib. ; complete obedi- ence enforced on him by government, 171 ; receives counter orders, ib. Fuller, Mr,, chairman of committee of the House of Commons, moves for leave to bring in a Bill for re- gulating Company's dividends^ which is carried, 120. Fumel, Viscount, dispatched to negotiate with muti- neers in Lally's army, and partially succeeds, 70. Futteeabad, slaughter of British fugitives at, 5/1. Futteh Hyder, eldest son of Tippoo, personally tenders submission to General Harris, 243. Futteh Khan, the Affghan vizier, 631 ; murder of, ib, ; avenged by his brothers, 532. Futteh Sing Guicowar, discussions between him and the peishwa, 4l6; disavows intrigues carried on in his name at court of peishwa, 417. Fuzzul-ool-Khan (general of Hyder Ali) enters Coim- batore, llfi. Pyzabad, palace of begums at, blockaded, 178, FyzooUaKban (Bohilla chief), movement againati and 622 INDEX. dispute ■ settled by negotiation, 125; arrangement made with him guaranteed by British government, 175 ; assistance demanded from, by the English, ib. ; oflFers reduced amount, ib. ; further demand from, and modified offer of compliance, J76 ; la declared to have forfeited the protection of the English, ib. ; his death, 225 ; succeeding disturbances, ib. ; pros- perity of his dominions, ib. a. Garbett, Captain, attacks the Huzareh tribe, 546. Gardener, Cornet, falls in the breach of Lahar, 149- Gardiner, Captain, attacks Tantia, a native chief, with success, 311. Gardner, Colonel, appointed to raise and command a body of irregulars during Nepaul war, 402, 403 ; his successful advance, 403; drives the enemy from posi- tion in front of Almorah, ib. Gardner, Hon. Edward, intrusted with negotiations during Nepaul war, 392; ordered to proceed to Kumaon in a political character, 403 ; assents to pro- posal of Bum Sah to address letters recommending certain Nepaulese commanders to withdraw their forces, 40G. Garrett, Captain, killed, 596. Gaacoyne, General, objects to construction of committee of the House of Commons for inquiry into affairs of East-India Company, 501 ; condemns report of com- mittee, ib. Gawilghur, description of, by General Wellesley, 296; British force under General Stevenson, and General Wellesley moves against it, ib.; operations against, ib. ; its fall, 297- Gazee-oo-deen Hyder, king of Oude, 523. Georgia, rival princes of, seek the assistance of Russia, 530. Geriah, general engagement there between English and Meer Cossim, 94 ; victory of the former, and flight of the latter, ib. Ghazi Khan Toghluk defeats and slays the murderer of Moharik, and mounts the throne of Delhi, 3. Ghazi-oo-Deen, eldest son of Nizam-ool-Moolk, denies that he had renounced his right of succession, appears at head of an army, and proclaims himself soobahdar of the Deccan, 38. Gheriah, pirate station on coast of Concan, attacked by Admiral Watson and Clive, and the place falls into their hands, 41. Ghiljies reject the offer of Shah Shoojah, 540 ; their hostile forces, 542; outbreak among the, 547 j expedi- tions sent against, and contests with, 547, 551, 552; reasons of their revolt, 553; repulsed by Captain Craigie, 581; defeated at Jugduluk, 583. Ghizni, dynasty of, involved in wars with the Suljook Turks and with the Affghan house of Ghoor, and driven from their capital, 3 ; take refuge in Indiaj when Lahore becomes their capital, ib. ; recover Ghizni, and again expelled, ib. ; close of the dynasty, ib. (See Ghuznee). Gholam Mahomed (son of FyzooUa Khan) raises rebel- lion on death of his father, makes his elder brother prisoner, and murders him, 225. Gholaum Ali Khan, his correspondence with Tippoo Sultan from Madras relating to Mahomet Ali, 256; endeavours to evade inquiries of British commis- sioners respecting intrigues with Mahomet Ali, by affecting dotage, 257. Gholaum Kaudir Khan (Rohilla), obtains possession of city of Delhi, 289 ; his dreadful exceases, ib. Ghuffoor Khan (PatanJ places Kurreem Pindarrie (in- trusted to him by Holkar) under restraint, 424 ; pro- vision for securing jagh ire to, in Marquis of Hastings's treaty with Holkar, 441. Ghuznee, arrival of the Anglo-Indian army at, 541 ; strength of its defences, ib. ; preparations for attack, 642; storming of, and capture, 542, 543; recaptured by the Aflfghans, 573 ; and the British officers im- prisoned, 574 ; recaptured by General Nott, 585 j its destruction, ib. Gibbe, Colonel, attacks and puts to flight army of General Janssens, 376- Gillespie, Colonel, receives intelligence at Arcot of mutiny at Vellore, and marches thither, 349 ; blows open gate and disperses the insurgents, ib. ; heads a sally on the enemy at Batavia, 374 ; attempt to poison him and his staff, 374, 375 j his prompt attack of the enemy at Wellevreden, when he carries the place at point of bayonet, 375 ; captures fort of Meester Cor- selis, ib.; his personal encounters, ib.; commands force against Palimbang, 377; arrives at Palimbang, refuses to treat except with sultan in person, and takes possession of works at Borang, ib. ; endeavours to stop confusion and carnage at Palimbang, ib. ; attempt to assassinate him frustrated, ib. ; obtains possession of the city, fort, batteries, and forty-two pieces of cannon, 378 ; his arrival at Djoejocarta, and outrages which follow, ib. ; cannonades palace of sultan of Djoejocarta, takes it by escalade, and makes sultan prisoner, 378, 379; placed in command of division of the army against Nepaul, 392 ; failure of his attempt against Kalunga, 394 ; is mortally wounded there, ib. Gingee taken possession of by the French, 21 ; garrison of, summoned to surrender by Major Kinneir, 34; taken by Captain Stephen Smith, 79* Giriskh, capture of, 540. Gladstone, Mr. John, his evidence on the trade of the Americans with China, 497, 498. Glass and Revell, British officers, whose lives are spared by the French, when their companions were murdered near Conjeveram, 26 ; are required to make communi- cation to Clive to deter him from attack, ib. Goa attacked by Portuguese and taken by storm, re- taken by a native force, and again captured by the Portuguese, 8 ; becomes the capital of Portuguese dominions in India, and the see of an archbishop, the primate of the Indies, ib. Goburdun, arrival of General Frazer there in pursuit of Holkar's infantry and guns, 3l6. Goddard, Colonel (afterwards General), succeeds Colonel Leslie in command offeree from Bengal, detached in support of Bugonath Rao, 147 J disregards instruc- tions from Bombay, and continues his march, ib. ; his honourable reception by government of Bombay, ib. ; is requested to join deliberation in council, and re- commended for appointment as commander-in-chief, ib. ; intrusted with authority to negotiate treaty with Mahratta state, 148 ; puts his army in motion, takes Ahmedabad by assault, and attacks cam}) of Scindia, ib. ; raised to rank of brigadier- general, ib. General, attacks Bassein, which surrenders at discretion, 149; marches to threaten Poona, and establishes head-quarters at foot of the Ghauts, 150; amused by the minister of the peishwa with pretended negotiation, ib. ; presses negotiation for peace, ib. Goderich, Lord, succeeds to chief place in administra- tion, and yields to anti-Catholic party, 487. Godheu, M., supersedes Dupleix in the government of the French possessions in India, 41. Godwin, Colonel (King's 41st), attacks and carries stockades in Burmese war, 464; despatched on expe- dition to Marteban, which is attacked and captured, 465, 466 ; dislodges advanced position of Burmese force at Thantabain, 46g. Gohud, alliance formed with the rana of, who is attacked by Mabrattas, and demands aid from British govern- ment, 14S; troops, under Captain Popham, despatched to his assistance, ib. ; treaty with rana of, 304 ; de- mand of, by Scindia, 306 ; invaded by Ambajee Ingtia, 328; Marquis Cornwallis surrenders it to Scindia, 343. Golconda invaded by Mohammed, son of Aurungzebe, 8 ; king of, overcome by Aurungzebe, ends his days in prison at Dowlatabad, 14; Mozuffar Jung sets out for, escorted by troops commanded byM. Bussy, 21. Golden Rock, British post at, attacked by M. Artruc and carried ; retaken by Major Lawrence, 39. Goodias (son of Nuncomar) appointed treasurer of nabob's household by. Warren Hastings, 123 : his ap- pointment alleged to have been obtained by a bribe to Hastings, 130 ; succeeds Munny Begum as guardian of the nabob, ib. Goorkha tribe established in great force in Nepaul, 389 ; their encroachments, ib. ; imprison and put to death Perthee Paul Sing,rajah of Palpa, ib, ; Sir George Bar- low's effort to conciliate them tails, 390. Goorkha prince claims management of Bootwul, 389. (See Nepaul.) Gooroo Gpjraj Misser. (See Gujraj Misser.) INDEX. 623 GordoHj Major Robert, his extraordinary disappearance at the attack on Wandewash, 6g ; similar disappear- ance of, during attack on redoubts near Fondicherry, 11- — ■ Colonel, arrives with provisions at Mangalore after articles of capitulation agreed upon, 170. Goreham, Lieutenant, saves his life by knowledge of the native language, and is required by Hyder Ali to translate summons of surrender of Eroad, U7* Gough, Sir Hugh, commander of the forces against the Mahrattas of Scindia, 605 ; his despatch respecting the battles of Chonda and Maharajpoor, ib. Govindpore, how obtained by East-- India Company, l6. Gowdie, Major, captures Ryaccotah, 200. Graeme, Mr. H. 8., appointed to conduct communication with rajah of Coorg, and nature of his instructions, 492 ; fails in attempt to induce rajah to receive him, 2Q3 ; attempts to negotiate through native agency, ib. ; is succeeded in political duties by Lieutenant Fraaer, and returns to Europe, ib. Grafton, Duke of, his communications with chairman and deputy chairman of East- India Company, 119> Graham, Mr., demands of ranee of Burdwan security for payment of a penalty in case of failure in esta- blishing charges against Warren Hastings and others, 129; intrusted jointly with Colonel Maclean with authority to tender resignation of Hastings, 133 ; purport of letter addressed to him and Colonel Mac- clean by Hastings, 136. Graham, Brigadier- General, commander of the Bengal forces in Affghanistan, 534. Grant, Captain, success of hia column at Bhurtpore, 322. ' Grant, Captain James, attacks and captures fort of Talyne in Pindarrie war, 439. Grant, Ensign, his gallant defence of Dumbadenia in Ceylon, 308. Grant, Charles, sen., opposes Lord Castlereagh's motion for select committee on affairs of East-India Com- pany, 384 ; statements on behalf of East-India Com- pany by, 386 et seq. ; supports motion for confining return of vessels from India to the port of London for a limited period, 387« Grant, Charles, jun., claims for East- India Company credit for improvement of India, 386 ; answers objec- tion to union of political and commercial functions, ib. ; denounces those who, having participated largely in the slave trade, had become advocates of free trade with India, ib.; his bold and striking peroration, 386, 387 J moves re- appointment of committee of inquiry, 502 ; moves that notice be given of payment of debt due by public to Company, ib. ; again moves for re-appointment of committee of inquiry, ib,; vin- dicates directors from suspicion of obstructing in- quiry, ib.; once more moves for committee, 503; suggestion of, fordividingcommittee, ib. ; his answer to question of Mr. Stuart Wortley on duty of general committee, ib. ; moves that the House of Commons resolve into committee on Indian affairs, and panegy- rizes Company's government, but objects to its union with trade, 505, 506 : bis statements relating to trade between India and China, 506 ; notices the proposed extension of power of governor- general, the con- templated subjection of Europeans to same jurisdic- tion as natives, the removal of disabilities for oflSce, law commission, and new bishoprics, and moves three resolutions, ib. ; presents a bill to the Commons, founded on ministerial plan of compromise, ib. ; adds clause respecting slavery, 509; adds proviso, allowing grant of money oy government of India to religious purposes unconnected with the established churches of England and Scotland, 611 ; his speech on the affairs of Oude, Sl6 ; made secretary of state for the colonial department, 518. Great Britain, her difficulties as regards Persia and Russia, 531. Greenhill, Major, commands column for attack of breach at Malligaum, and is wounded, 449. Grenville, Lord, defends exercise of royal prerogative in removing Sir George Barlow from office of gover- nor-general, 356; suggests a select committee to hear evidence on arrangement with East-India Com- pany, 384; his opinions on the subject, 384, 385 ({eclares that he is for transferring the government of India to the Crown altogether, 385 ; remarks on his speech, ib. Grey, Earl, new ministry formed under, 502 ; intimates that ministers did not intend to bring on any measure on subject of East-India Company's charter during the session of 1831, 503. Grey, General, defeats a large body of Gwalior troops, 606. Guicowar (see Futteh Sing Guicowar). Gujelhutty surrenders to the army of Hyder Ali, 117' Gujraj Misaer, attempts to negotiate With Nepaul through his medium, 407, 408 i the negotiations con- cluded by treaty, ib. Gumber Singh engaged and defeated by Burmese, 460 ; succeeds in reaching western boundary of Ma- nipur, 471 ; Burmese fly on his approach, and he returns to Sylhet, ib. ; stipulation in treaty with Burmese regarding, 475. Gundamuk, General Pollock's capture of, 583. Gungadur Shastry, chief minister of the guicowar, his talents and services, 4l6 ; selected to conduct nego- tiations with peishwa, 417; intrigues to defeat the object of his mission, ib. ; on failure of his mission is about to leave Poona, ib. ; is invited to accompany peishwa to Funderpore, and murdered, 418. Guntoor, rented of Basalut Jung by Company, 155. Gurdee Khan, Findarrie, favour bestowed upon, by Holkar, 422. Guzerat, portion of territory renounced by East-India Company to peishwa, 301. Gwalior taken by Captain Popham, 149 ; ceded to the Company, 304 ; demanded by Scindia, 324; apology for surrender of, by Marquis Cornwallis, 343; affairs of, and intrigues at, 599 ; governed by the army, ib. ; the governor-general's interference with, 599, 6OO; maharanee of, her youth and incapacity for govern- ment, 600, 601 ; increasing difficulties, 602; British right of interference with, ib. ; and manifesto respect- ing, 603; Anglo-Indian conte^s with the troops of, 605,606; the maharajah and maharanee reduced to submission, 606 ; the British troops marched into, and amicable relations established by treaty, 607 ; articles of the treaty, ib. ; the government of, esta- blished on a new basis, 6O8. H. Hafiz Jee, officer of the nizam, left in charge of lower fort of Goorumconda, attacked and made prisoner, 204 ; carried to a concealed situation, and murdered by Aly Reeza, ib. Haliburton, Colonel, commander of the Hyderabad subsidiary force, marches to the neighbourhood of AuTungabad to aid operations against Holkar, 319; joins Colonel Wallace, ib. ; ordered to occupy posi- tion favourable to the seizure of Scindia's possessions south of the Nerbudda, 336 ; directed to advance to Moolapore, 339. Hamagery Merion, native servant of the Company, selected by Mr. Graeme as agent at Coorg, forcibly detained there, 293. Hamelin, M., his taunting remark to General Aber- crombie, and the general's retort, 368. Hamilton, Major, takes possession of battery at house of dewan of Travancore, arrives at Anjuvicha, attacks party of the enemy, and defeats them, 360. Hammond, Major, commands two battalions employed in keeping in check part of the enemy's force at the battle of Deeg, 317. Harcourt, Colonel, suppresses the annoyances created by the rajah of Khoordah, and the zemindar of Kimka, 3ig. Hardyman, General, ordered to move to tfce Nerbudda on breaking out of disturbances in Nagpore, 437 J defeats the enemy at Jubbulpore, ib. Hardyman, Lieutenant, killed, 567. Harland, Sir Robert, bis officious and dangerous con- duct, 122; enters into negotiations with Mahrattas, and is involved in disputes with governor and council of Madras, ib.; departs, ib. Harpur, Lieutenant-Colonel, intercepted by officers of Hyder Ali in marching from Guntoor to Adonj, and retires, 155. Harrington, Mr., member of council of Bengal, records his opinion in favour of the interference of the Bri- tish government at Bhurtpore, 481 ; vindicates the 624 INDEX. course which he recommends from imputation of being at variance with ordera from home, 481. Harriott, Lieutenant, drives a body of Scindia'B infan- try out of KooBhailghur, during Colonel Monson'a retreat, 313. Harris, General, his firmness and public spirit, 234 ; appointed to command army of Carnatic against Tippoo, in place of Sir Alured Clark, 236 j suggests re-appointment of Sir Alured Clark, ib. ; retains command at desire of governor- general, ib. ; joins the army, ib. ; crosses Mysorean frontier with army 37,000 strong, 237 ; arrives at Malavelly, when a general action takes place, and Tippoo is defeated, ib. ; changes his route and deceives the enemy, ib. ; his order issued when in sight of Seringapatam, ib. ; makes attempt upon enemy's advanced posts, 238 ; receives letter from Tippoo, and his answer thereto, ib. ; receives overtures of Tippoo to negotiate ; his reply; requires answer, with hostages and a crore of rupees, within forty-eight hours, under pain of ex- tending his demand to surrender of Seringapatam, ib. ; receives another letter from Tippoo, repeats proposals, but declines to receive vakeels unless ac- companied with hostages and specie, ib. ; his instruc- tions to Major- General Baird to make capture of rampart first object, 238, 239 ; after fall of Seringa- patam, receives submission of various chiefs, 2^3. Harris, Captain George, with Captain F. Pellew, re- duces French fortress in Madura, 376" Hart, Colonel Vaughan, defeats attempt of enemy to establish a redoubt during last siege of Seringapa- tam, 238. Hartley, Colonel, engaged in covering operations of Colonel Goddard against Bassein, 149; Mahrattas seek to destroy his army, but without success, ib.; left with force to act against a body of Tippoo's troops under Hussein Ali, attacks and utterly defeats them, when Hussein Ali is made prisoner, 194. Harvey, Captain, captures guns in Island of Bourbon, 365. Hastings, Marquis of, desirous, at an early period of his administration, of putting down the PindarrieS; 426 ; of opinion that the adoption of vigorous mea- sures for the purpose is an undeniable obligatioii of public duty, ib. ; his arrangement for suppressing the Pindarries and opposing the peishwa, 430 — 433 ; his opinion of Scindia, 438 ; defends conduct of Sir Thomas Hislop, 444 ; rejects proposal of Appa Sahib to transfer his dominions to the Company, ib. ; orders the killadar of Mundelar and his principal officers to be brought to court-martial, 445, 446; resolves on restoring the house of Sattara to sove- reignty, 450 ; his wise and just arrangements in regard to the peishwa, 451 ; remarks on his erroneous policy in restoring the rajah of Sattara, ib. ; his in- dulgent course towards Scindia, 452 ; his professions of confidence in Scindia discontinued, and siege of Asseergurb determined on, ib. ; his transactions with Oude, 455 ; his unhappy connection with the affairs of the firm of William Palmer and Co., 455, 456 ; invests Sir David Ochterlony with grand cross of the order of the Bath, 456; quits the government of India, ib. ; remarks on his administration, ib.; re- fuses to surrender fugitives from Arracan, 458 ; communication of his lordship to Burmese sove- reign, ib. Hastings, Warren, deputed on special mission to Meer Cossim, 90, 91 ; receives answer of Meer Cossim to application for twenty lacs of rupees, Q\ ; takes occasion to call attention of government to abuses connected with trade, ib. ; is of opinion that the Company's servants had no right to carry on^inland trade duty free, and votes accordingly, 92 ; succeeds Mr. Cartier as governor of Bengal, 123; executes orders of Court of Directors by seizing Mahomed Reza Khan, his family, partisans, and adherents, ib. ; appoints Goodias treasurer of Nabob's household, ib. ; selects Munny Begum as guardian of the infant nabob, and his defence of the appointment, ib. ; resumes the districts allotted to the emperor, and resolves to discontinue payment of tribute to him, 124 ; is desirous of assisting vizier in war with Hohillas, ib. ; his caution, ib. ; his opinion of his colleagues in council, 127; refuses to lay before council his entire correspondence with Company's repreacntativea in Oude, ib. ; declines nominating successor to Middleton, who is recalled by council from Oude. 12a ; instructed to write to vizier, apprizing him of removal of Middleton, and the transfer of his duties to Colonel Champion, ib. ; opposes demand upon vizier for payment of sums due, ib. ; lays his case before the Court of Directors, ib. ; denies right of his colleagues to institute in- quiries into his conduct, and claims privilege of dis- solving meeting of council, 129 ; his claim resisted, and be quits the chair, ib. ; charges preferred against, by ranee of Burdwan, ib. ; defends foujdar of Hooghly, ib. ; charge against, arising out of appoint- ment of Munny Begum to guardianship of nabob, ib. ; charged by Nuncomar with taking bribe for placing Goodias in office, 130; declares he will not allow Nuncomar to appear before council as his accuser, ib. ; declares the council dissolved and departs, ib. ; refuses to resume the chair, ib. ; refuses to receive resolutions passed by General Clavering and Colonel Monson in his absence, or to give any answer to them, ib. ; advises witnesses not to attend, and again declares council dissolved, ib.; institutes proceedings in supreme court against Nuncomar and others, ib. ; relieved from accusations by death of Nuncomar, 132; obtains predominant power in council through the death of Colonel Monson, ib. ; proceeds to annul acts of his opponents, ib. ; pro- cures recall of Mr. Bristow and re-appointment of Mr. Middleton, ib. ; removes Mr. Fowkes from Benares, ib.; his authority shaken by new arrange- ment for government, in which he has no place, 133 ; narrative of his previous measures for tendering his resignation, and of his reasons, ib. ; Court of Direc- tors address the king praying his removal from office, ib. ; his agent makes overtures to ministers and in- fluential directors, with a view to accommodation, and bis friends determine to try the result of a general court, ib. ; Treasury influence employed against him, debate protracted, and his friends propose to adjourn, ib. ; opposed by ministerial party, and motion for adjournment lost, ib. ; ballot demanded, which ter- minates in favour of Hastings, ib. ; resolution for removal of, rescinded by Court of Directors, ib. ; his agent Maclean agrees with a confidential servant of the ministry on certain propositions, ib. ; commu- nicates with Court of Directors ; results, 134; autho- rity of Maclean as his agent vouched for by Messrs. Vansittart and Stuart, ib. ; his friends and enemies alike forward his resignation, though from different motives, ib. ; repudiates acts of Colonel Maclean, determines to retain his post, ib. ; summons meeting of council, at which only himself and Barwell attend, ib. ; receives letter from General Clavering requiring keys of Fort William and of Company's treasury, and answers that he will main- tain his authority, ib. ; orders secretary not to summon council nor perform any official duty with- out his order as governor-general, and to send him despatches from Europe, 134, 135; reminds com- mandant and other officers that obedience was due to him as governor-general, 135; appeals to judges of supreme court, who decide in his favour, ib. ; passes resolutions, with the aid of Barwell, declaring that General Clavering, by usurping office of governor- general, had vacated the office of senior councillor and that of commander-in-chief, ib. ; discussion of his right to retain office, and inquiry into his conduct, 136; never denies having given alleged instructions, but disavows all recollection of them, ib. ; question of alleged withdrawal of powers given to his agents, ib. ; his position with regard to the authorities at home, and the conduct of his agent, 137; by death of Clavering obtains numerical majority in council, ib. ; his power and responsibility atter arrival of Mr. Wheler, ib. ; produces letter from nabob Mobarik- ul-Dowlah, claiming the management of his own affairs, and supports nabob's requests, which is ultimately conceded, ib. ; produces another letter from nabob, suggesting plan for disposing of salary of Mahomed Reza Khan, and moves that the re- quisition of the nabub be complied with, which is carried, ib. ; folly of the proceedings, ib. ; his conduct condemned hy Court of Directors, 138; con- tends for communicating to nabob orders of Court of Directors for restoration of Mahomed Reza Khan, without requiring compliance, ib. ; sets at naught INDEX. 625 orders of Court of Directors for restoration of Mr. Bristow and Mr. Fowkes, ib. ; motives to accom- modation with Francia, ib. ; continued in office by Act of Parliament for a year from the expiration of the period fixed by former act, ib. ; dreads retirement of BarweU, ib. ; conditions of accommodation with Francia, 138, 139; consents to restore Fowkes to office, and eventually Bristow, and to conform to Court's orders respecting Mahomed Reza Khan, ib. ; orders assistance not to be afforded to the sheriff for executing process of supreme court, 140 ; joins party in council, with which he was usually at enmity, in resisting usurpation of supreme court, 141 ; proposes and carries the appointment of Sir Elijah Impey to be judge of the Sudder Dewanny Adawlut, ib. ; throws doubts on the legality of the power exercised by superiors of the Dewanny courts, ib. ; renewal of disputes with Francis, 142; receives and accepts a challenge from Francis when a meeting ensues in which Francis is wounded, ibt ; the retirement of Francis leaves him uncontrolled, ib.; records minute against treaty concluded at Bombay with Rugonath Row, 144 ; unsuccessfully proposes Colonel Dow as representative of the British government at Poonah, ib. ; proposes to support government of Bombay with men and money, ib. ; taunted with inconsistency, ib. ; majority of council refuse to send any men to Bombay, ib. ; proposes assemblage of large military force at Culpee, 146; acquiesces in recall of Colonel Leslie from command of the force, 147; his judicious con- duct in regard to the failures of the Bombay govern- ment,148; his difficulties in regard to theMahraDtawar, 150 ; carries in council instructions to Colonel- Cam ac to carry war, if practicable and expedient, into terri- tories of Scindia and Holkar, ib. ; suspends Mr. White- hill, governor of Madras, l6o, lt)l ; his differences with Lord Macartney, 171; determines to punish contumacy of Cheyt Singh by pecuniary fine, 172 ; leaves Calcutta for Benares, meets Cheyt Singh at Buxar, continues journey to Benares, declines personal conference with Cheyt Singh, and orders him to be arrested, 172, 173j moves to Chunarghur, 173; distressed for money and provisions, ib. ; returns to Benares to make arrange- ments for administration of country, ib. ; disappointed of supply of treasure, ib. ; seeks a loan from the officers, but fails, ib. ; his language to Major Popham previously to surrender of Bidzeghur, ib. ; his in- trepidity, 174 ; receives visit from vizier, and con- cludes treaty with him, ib. ; receives present from vizier, and applies it to public service, 175 ; applies to Court of Directors to bestow on him the vizier's present, which is refused, ib. ; reasons assigned by, in justification of part of the treaty with Oude, ib, ; exposition of his duplicity in regard to Fyzoola Khan, 175, 176; consents to deprivation of beguma (of Oude) of their jagbires, and confiscation of their movable property, 176* 177 i prepares vindication of his conduct in relation to Benares and Oude, 177 ; Sir E. Impey takes affidavits, ib. ; his disobe- dience to the orders of the Court of Directors in restoring Middleton at Oude, ib« ; directs the march of a large force to the support of Middleton, ib. ; reproves Middleton for his moderation, IfS; his at- tempts to justify his conduct towards the beguma examined, ib. ; appoints Bristow to be resident at Oude in place of Middleton, ib. ; his previously ex- pressed opinion of Bristow, ib. ; proposes to recall Bristow, but fails, 179; proposes abolition of resi- dency at Oude, and restoration of power to native authorities, and succeeds, ib. ; tenders his services to proceed to Lucknow, and again succeeds, ib. ; departs on his journey, ib. ; arrives at Lucknow, and restores portion of jaghires to the begums, ib. ; change in bis opinion with regard to begums, ib. ; quits Lucknow, arrives at Calcutta, and embarks for England, ib. j resolution condemnatory of his conduct voted by House of Commons, ib.; Court of Directors resolved to recall him, ib.; majority in general court against his recall, ib. ; his administration violently attacked in parliament, 182; proceedings against him in par- liament, ib. ; Burke's motion for papers, ib.; heard at bar of House of Commons in his defence, ib. ; motion made by Fox in reference to his treatment of Cheyt Singh, 183 ; Pitt supports motion, ib. ; com- mittee appointed to prosecute his impeachment, ib. ; he is formally impeached by Burke, committed to custody, and discharged on bail, ib. ; trial eoramencea, ib. ; violent language of Burke towards him in regard to Nuncomar, 184 ; he reads his defence, ib. ; is ac- quitted on all the charges opened by the Commons against him, ib. ; remarks on the charges, on conduct of the prosecution, and length of his trial, ib. ; sur- vives the termination of his trial more than twenty years, ib. ; his reception in the House of Commons towards the close of his life, ib, ; his character, ib. ; reference to his measures of internal administration, 187, his exertions to introduce improvement in ad- ministration of justice and collection of revenues m Bengal, 218; his endeavours to correct evils in the judicial system, 221 ; his patronage of De Boigne, 285 ; his examination before the House of Comnaons in commictee, and result of his evidence, 383. Hattrass, siege of, 427. Haughton, Lieutenant, mutiny of his men, 559 ; his flight, 5do. Havelock, Captain, his account of the difficulties at- tending the Alfghanistan campaign, 538, .539 ; his bravery at Jelalabad, 675. Hawkes, Major, atBhurtpore (first siege of), succeeds in driving enemy from their advanced gunsj and spiking them, 320. Hawtrey, Lieutenant, his bravery, 564. Hay, Mr., at request of Mr. Amyatt, associated with the latter in a mission to Meer Cossim, 93 ; is de- tained as a hostage, ib. ; murdered by order of Meer Cossim, 94. Hay, Colonel Leith, additional clause to India Bill, rendering it compulsory to retain at each presidency two ministers of the church of Scotland, moved by, and carried, 510. Hayes, Commander, flotilla under, attached to arpiy assembled in Chittagong, during Burmese war, 471 ; his zeal in attack upon Arracan, 472. Hazlewood, wounded at the storming of Ghuznee, 543. Hearsey, Captain, corps of irregulars raised and formed by, during Nepaul war, 403; secures Tinley Pass, and lays siege to fortress of KuCoolgurh, ib. ; his posts attacked by the enemy, and disastrous issue, ib. IMajor, despatched to confer with Mooftee Mahomed Ewery, during disturbances at Bareiljy, 415. Henry, prince of Portugal, his zeal for discoveryj 7 j ex- peditions fitted out under his auspices for exploring coast of Africa, ib. Henry, Colonel, Idlled by freebooters near Ghuznee, 544. Hera, Pindarrie, account of, 422. Herat, disputes respecting the possession of, 532 ; at war with Persia, ib. ; treaty between Russia and Per- sia for transferring the territory to the sirdars, 533, Hernaut Singh, commanding the remains of Holkar's infantry, is supported by Bappoogee Scindia*s cavalry, 323 ; is attacked by Captain Boyle, and totally routed, 324. Herri Sing,-attacked, defeated, killed, and plundered by Hyder Ali, 108. Herries, Mr., his examination of the dispute respecting the financial embarrassments of Oude, and his vindi- cation of the Court of Directors, 5l6. Hewitt, Major, repulses attack made upon him, in Cochin, 360. Heytesbury, Lord, appointed governor-general of India, 518; appointment revoked, 519; his character de- fended by Mr. Tucker, ib.; continued discussions respecting, 520 ; Mr. Praed^s motion respecting the revocation of his appoiutihent, ib. ; lengthened de- bates on, 521, Himmut Bahaudur, his power ahd infiaence in Bundle- cund, 300 ; Mr. Mercer despatched to arrange terms with him, when he demands liberation of relative confined at Lucknow, and a jaghire and assignment of revenue, ib. ; terms granted, ib. Hindoos, in Captain Burn's force, at Shamlee, their suffering from want of food, 316; remarks on pecu- liarity of their character in reference to military disci- pline, 348 ; military regulations relating to marks of caste and beard obnoxious to, 350, 351 ; subjected by their prejudices fo great privations on shipboard, 478i Hislop, Sir Thomas, intrusted with command of mili- tary force and controlling authority over political j affairs in Deccan, 430 ; his advance delayed by illness I 2 a 626 INDEX. and the violence of the monsoon, 430 ; disposition and operations of his army, 431 ; directs his march to Oogein, 438; is joined by Sir John Malcolm, 439; advances towards Mahidpore, ib, ; his movements to attack the enemy, ib. ; gains complete victory, ib. ; enemy sues for peace, which is granted, ib. ; summons fort of Talneir, 443 ; preparations made by, for storm- ing Talneir, ib. ; place taken by him, and killadar sentenced to be hanged, 444 ; dissatisfaction ex- pressed with regard to hia conduct at Talneir, ib. ; is defended by the Marquis of Hastings, ib. ; calls upon various officers tu afford information, ib. Hobart, Lord, governor of Madras, proposes, on death of Mahomet Ali^ the cession by his successor of cer- tain territories, 224 • his dispute with the govern- ment of Bengal on the subject, 225. Hobhouse, Sir J., defends the revocation of Lord Heytes- bury'a appointment as governor- general of India, 521. Hogg, Mr., his arguments on the revocation of Lord Heytesbury's appointment as governor-general, 521. Holkar (Jeswunt Rao) approaches Poona, and defeats the combined forces of Scindia and the peishwa, 278 ; retreats before General Wellesley, and retires to Chandoor, 280; invited to negotiate, 310; addresses friendly letters .to General Lake, and despatches vakeels to British camp, ib. ; negotiations with, ib. ; bis menacing letter to General Wellesley, ib. ; dis- turbed by detachment from Lord Lake's army, he retires precipitately, ib. ; deprived by fall of Tonk Rampoora of his only footing in Hindostan north of the Chumbul, 311; his rapid flight renders it inex- pedient to follow him, ib. ; watched by parties of cavalry under Colonel Gardiner and Lieutena.nt Lucan, ib. ; after the retreat of Colonel Murray, quits his post in Malwa, and recrosses the Chumbul with the whole of his army, 312 ; attacks and destroys Lieutenant Lucan's cavalry, ib. ; sends a letter to Colonel Monson, demanding the surrender of the guns and small arms of the British force, ib. ; attacks Colonel Monson, but is beaten off, ib. ; attempts made to corrupt the British troops, 313; continues to follow and harass Colonel Monson, ib. ; takes pos- session of Muttra, 314; withdraws on approach of British army, 315; appears before Delhi, ib. ; makes an assault, is repulsed, and retires, 3t6; crosses the Jumna at Fanniput, and threatens to desolate the British territories in the Doab with fire and sword, ib. ; his cavalry attack Colonel Burn on his way from Delhi to Saharunpore, ib. ; hia defeat by General Frazer near Deeg, ib. ; his camp surprised by General Lake, 317; flies across the Jumna, ib. ; operations against him in the south, 31p; his capital, Indore, occupied by Colonel Murray, ib. ; the whole of his possessions west of the Chumbul conquered, ib. ; joins Shirzee Rao at Weir, proceeds towards camp of Scindia, 337 ; letters of, fall into hands of English, confirming suspicions previously entertained of his intrigues with ticindia, ib. ; arrives with all his re- maining force at camp of Scindia, and is immediately visited by Scindia and his principal officers, 338 ; seizes Ambajee Inglia, from whom he extorts promise of fifty lacs of rupees, ib. ; retreats precipitately with Scindia, 339; seizes Baptists, and deprives him of sight, 341 ; is pursued into the Punjab by Lord Lake, 346 ; disappointed in his hope of obtaining assistance from the Seikhs, ib.; concludes treaty with the English, 347 ; districts of Tonk Rampoora given back to, by Sir George Barlow, ib. ; permits Ameer Khan to levy contributions, 3/1 ; becomes insane, ib.; encouragement afforded by, to Pindarries, 422 ; captivated by Toolsee Bhye, who obtains as- cendancy in the state, and succeeds to the regency, 436 ; his death, ib. Holkar (Mulhar Rao, son of the former), adopted by Toolsee Bhye, 438 ; intrigues m the camp of, ib. ; disorganization of his army, ib. ; negotiations with vakeels from his camp, 439 ; his person secured by party hostile to Toolsee Bhye, who is seized and put to death, ib. ; his army attacked and defeated by Sir Thomas Hislop, 440 ; peace concluded with, ib. j provisions and stipulations of treaty, 441. Hollond, Mr,, employed by government of Madras on mitision at court of nizam, 155 ; his instructions and results, ib, ; recalled and suspended from the service by the Madras government, but retained at court of nizam, by the government of Bengal, 156 j bpcomea acting governor of Madras, 189; refuses to allow English battalions to be employed by the rajah of Travancore, except on the part of the lines belonging to that prince, ib. ; his injudicious conduct with regard to lepresentations of Tippoo Sultan respecting the sale of the Dutch forts to rajah of Travancore, ib.; superseded in government of Madras by General Medows, 191. Holwell, Mr., assumes the command in Calcutta, on its abandonment by Mr. Drake, at approach of Sooraj- oo-Duwlah, 43; is assured by the nabob of good treatment to himself and the rest of the Company's servants, 44 ; be and they confined in Black Hole, where numbers miserably perish, ib. ; his sufferings, 45 ; succeeds to first place in council of Calcutta, 84 ; superseded by arrival of Mr. Vansittart, 85 ; proposes change in the government of Bengal, and communi- cates his plans to Vansittart, 86; his confidential correspondence with Meer Cossim, ib.; declines to concur in assassination of Meer Jaffier, ib. ; stipulates for the possession by the Company of Burdwan, Mid- napore, and Chittagong, to defray charges of main- taining throne of Bengal, ib. ; declines communicating to Meer Jaffier the transfer of the government to Meer Cossim, ib. ; conclusion of treaty with Meer Cossim the last act of his official life, 87 ; after eleva- tion of Meer Cossim, receives 2,70,000 rupees, 88; his signature attached to an offensive letter to Court of Directors, who order his dismissal from the service, which he has resigned before the order arrives in India, 90. Home, Major, severely wounded in attack on Sitang in Burmese war, 475. Hooghly, chief factory of the Company in Bengal, l6 ; Monichund (officer of Sooraj-oo-OowIah) retires to, 47 ; attacked by the English, the garrison make their escape, ib. ; charge of alleged corruption in the fouj- darry of, in which Warren Hastings is accused of participating, 129 ; foujdar dismissed, ib. Hooliordroog surrendered to the English (Lord Corn- wallis's war with Tippoo), 199 ; cruelty exercised by Tippoo towards state prisoners in, ib. Hoomayoon, son of Baber, extraordinary act of his father, performed in the hope of relieving him from dangerous illness, 5 ; yields his throne to Sheer, ib. ; is restored, ib. ; dies from a fall, and is succeeded by his son Akbar, 6. Hoossein Ali, northern circars committed to his charge by Nizam, and British government agree to aid in establishing his authority, 111, Hornby, Mr. (governor of Bombay), resolves not to re- cognize convention concluded with Mahrattas, nor to cede territory, 147- Hosheingabad coveted by rajah of Berar, 326. Hoskin, an English sergeant, gives check to Fuzzul- oola-Khan (otBcer of Hyder Ali) with insignificant force, and defends mud fort near Caveriporam with greatspirit, 116; his report to his officer, ib. ; his fate unknown, ib. Huddleston, Mr., added to commission for treating with Tippoo Sultan, 170 ; his dispute vnth Colonel Wilks and Sir Thomas Dallas on a charge preferred against the commissioners of meditating escape, ib. Huft Kabul, severe conflicts at the passes of, 584. Hughes, Sir Edward, appealed to by Lord Figot for protection, demands safe conduct for his lordship to the British ships, refuses to make terms, and throws consequences on those who resisted, 152; employ- ment of his squadron in aid of English army against Hyder Ali, l64; encounters French fleet under M. Suffrein, and captures six vessels, 166; sails to re- lieve Trincomalee, and comes up with French fleet, when a sanguinary battle ensues, which terminates without any decisive results, ib. ; retires to Trinco- malee, ib. ; frustrates design of French upon Nega- patam, when two Indecisive battles take place, lb. ; re- tires to Madras, ib. Humberstone, Colonel, lands at Calicut with British force, joins that previously under command of Major Abington, takes command of whole, retreats before Tippoo, and returns to coast, after having sustained great losses, I67. Hume, Mr., his opinion that government should sug- gest some mode of conducting inquiry into affairs of East-India Company, 502 ; gives qualified assent to INDEX. 627 ministerial bill for government of India, 509 ; pro- poses that tenure of Company ehould be determinable at expiration of ten years, ib. ; supports amendment Withdrawing discretionjiry powers as to appointment of council at subordinate presidencies, ib. j supports aniendment excluding governor-general from governor- ship of any particular presidency, ib. ; moves omission of clause restricting residence in India, ib. ; opposes establishment of new bishoprics, 509, 510; moves amendment for reducing salary of governor-general, 510 ; opposes motion relating to compulsory main- tenance of Scotch ministers at the presidencies, ib, ; supports motion for abolishing salt monopoly, ib. j renews motion for putting an end to Company's government in ten years, ib. ; seconds motion of Mr. Fergusson for hearing Company by counsel, ibi Humzee Khan, revolt of, against Shoojah Shah, 553. Huns, progress of their arms, 4. Hunter, Captain, forces and enters the gate of Tippoo Sultan's garden, takes post and waits for orders, quits garden, and rushes with his men into the river under a heavy fire, 207 ; makes his way to the reserve under Lord Cornwallis, ib. Huskisson, Mr., makes statement of trade with India subsequently to abolition of Company*a exclusive privileges, 498; opposes Directors of the East- India Company sitting on parliamentary committees, 600 ; objects to so many county members being placed on parliamentary committees, ib. ; contends that the Company have violated the law, ib. Hussein Ali (officer of Hyder All), attacked, defeated, and made prisoner by Colonel Hartley, 104. Hussein Reza Khan (minister of Oude), his meeting with Sir J. Shore, and results, 226; hia retention of office supposed to be a bar to satisfactory arrange- ment of the state, 264. Huzareh tribe, hostility of the, 546 { attack on the, ib. ; the chiefs declare in favour of the British party, 586. Hyder Ali concludes treaty with Lally, 76 ; his situation requires withdrawal of his troops from Pondicherry, ib. ; his origin and advance to manhood, 107 ; his time divided between the sports of the field and volup- tuous enjoyments, ib. ; joins his brother's corps as a volunteer, distinguishes himself, advances to the command of freebooters, iii. ; his predatory troops and resources increase, ib. ; nominated foujdar of Dindigul, ib. ; proceeds at bead of furce to suppress confederacy of polygars, and succeeds, ib. ; his scheme for enhancing the number of the apparently wounded, and apportionment of the money furnished to him, ib. ; his force augmented and assignments of revenue made for support of the increase, 108 ; special com* missioners deputed to inspect musters, and their vigilance frustrated by him, ib. ; suppresses mutmy in Mysorean army, attacks and defeats Herri Singh, presents guns and horses to his sovereign, and obtains district of Bangalore as a personal jaghire, ib. ; nomi- nated to chief command of field army, reduces the Mahrattas, and is received with distinction, ib. ; in- trigues against his benefactor, Nunjeraj, troops pro- ceed to his quarters and demand payment of arrears, engages to discharge arrears of troops, and obtains further assignments of revenue, 108, 109; conspiracy to reduce his power, 109 ;'is attacked and defeated, implores his patron to resume his place at the head of the state and receive his old eervanc, ib. ; his trea- cherous career, ib. ; defeats the army of Koonde Kow, takes him prisoner, and confines him in an iron cage, 110; created nabob of Sera by Basalat Jung, reduces Sera, ib. ; his cruelty, ib. ; penetrates to capital of Bednore, and obtains vast treasure, ib. ; conspiracy against him detected, ib. ; attempts con- quest of Malabar, ib. ; renders homage to new rajah of Mysore, 111 ; gives orders to lay waste the country, break down the reservoirs, poison the wells, burn the forage, bury the grain, and drive off the cattle, in order to check the advance of the Mahrattas on Mysore, 112; attacks Colonel Smith, and is defeated, 112, 113 ; pains possession of Tripatore and Vaniambaddy, 113, 114; Malabar chiefs revolt against him, 114; sum- mons principal landholders of Bednore to meet him, ib. ; his exactions, ib. ; takes different mode of levying contributions in Malabar, ib. ; enters Bangalore, 115 ; isdefeatedby Colonel Wood, with great loss, 115, 116; lays siege to Ooasoor, and gains possession of pettah, which he plunders and retires, ll6; encounters an English party under Captain Nixon, when his cavalry destroys the whole party, except Lieutenant Goreham, 1 17 ; instances of his treachery and want of faith, ib. ; appears suddenly before Madras with six thousand horse, lie ; sends letter to governor expressing desire for peace, terms of a treaty agreed upon. ib. ; plun- ders Porto Novo and Conjeveranij 157 ; despatches a. force under his son Tippoo to frustrate junction of Sir H, Munro and Colonel BailUe, and breaks up his camp before Arcot, ib. ; attacks Colonel Baillie with his whole force, who orders his troops to lay down their arms, 158 ; cruelty of his troops, ib. ; causes his prisoners to be paraded before him, and heads of. the slain to be deposi ed at his feet, ib. ; sufferings of his British prisoners, 158, 159; resumes siege of Arcot, and captures it, i6l ; attacked and totally defeated by Sir Eyre Coote, 164; his cause unpros- perous on coast of Malabar, ib.; joined by French force, withdraws towards Pondicherry, and is defeated by Sir E. Coote, ib. ; his death at an advanced age, 167 J measures taken thereupon to secure the throne to Tippoo, ib,; and treaties concluded with, 189, 200. Hyder Ali, commander of the jezailchees, killed, 584. Hyder Khan, governor of Ghuznee, his defeat and cap- ture, 543. Hyderabad, dissolution of the French force at, 235 ; symptoms of disaffection manifested by troops at, suppressed, 349, 350 ; outrageous rumours as to the intention of the English propagated and believed, 353; mutiny breaks out at, but subsides, 3fi3; treaties made at, 588 ; battle of, with the Beloochees, 504. lie du Passe, brilliant acquisition of, by parties from British cruisers, 367 ; intrusted to charge of Captain Willougbby, who uses the fort as means of conquering the Mauritius, ib. ; forlorn state of garrison there, they are compelled to surrender, 368. Imlack, Captain, his engagement with the main force of the French in the Isle of Bourbon, 364. Impey, Sir Elijah, his leniency towards contempt of court, when proceeding from governor-general and council, 141 ; made judge of the Sudder Dewanny Adawlut, ib.; suggests the necessity of fortifying Hastings's statement of facts by affidavits, 177 ; con- sents to receive affidavits in Oude, where he had no jurisdiction, ib. ; accused by Burke of being Has- tings's instrument in the murder of Nuncomar, 184. India, British, early history of, involved in obscurity, 1 ; manners and institutions of, Established long be- fore the Christian era, ib. ; origin of the inhabitants, 2 ; portion of, conquered by Persians, under Darius Hystaspes, ib.; invaded by Alexander, ib. ; Greek dominion there did not expire with his life, 3; its early and extensive commerce, ib. ; Mahometan inva- sion of, ib. ; brief sketch of the more striking parts of its history from the commencement of the eleventh to the middle of the eighteenth century, 3 — 16 ; first appearance of the English in, 16; British fleet despatched to ('1744), threatens Pondicherry, 17; Dupleix claims supreme auihority over French pos- sessions in, ib. ; excitement created at home by affairs of, 125, 179, ISO; gross ignorance respect- ing, prevalent in Europe during the eighteenth century, 146; position of British government in, on retirement of Lord Teignmouth, 230 ; observa- tions on the feelings of native troops towards the British government, 348; prevalence of system under which the sovereign is held in subjection by a minister, 36l; effects of opening the trade with, by act of 1813, 382 ; personal tax always regarded by the people with dislike, 413 ; not desirable to disre- gard claims of rank in, 451 ; annuity of ^630,000 to be charged upon its territorial revenues assigned for payment of the Company's dividends, 504 ; forma- tion of a uniform code of laws for, contemplated, 5*17 ; the bestigoverned of the dependent possessions of Great Britain, 912; usurious money-lenders in, 513, 514 ; liberty of the press established in, 522 ; her western frontiers often a subject of great anxiety, 528; ^ S 2 628 INDEX. consternation in, upon hearing of the annihilation of the British army, 571 ; military preparations in, for repairing the calamity, 571, 572; the governor- general's correspondence on Affghanistan and the Anglo-Indian armiea, 677 et see), j and his appre- hensions for the safety of the British forces, 581, 582 ; right of the government to interfere with turbulent neighbouring states, 602, 603. Indus, provinces bordering on, governed for two cen- turies by monarchs of Syrian and Bnctrian dynasties, 3 ; provinces of west side of, annexed to the domi- nions of Nadir Shah, l6 ; crossing of the, by the Anglo-Indian forces, 537; treaty for opening the, 688. Indus, Army of the, 537, 538 ; captures Ghuznee and Kabool, 542—544 ; breaking up of the, 645 ; honours conferred on the commanders, 546 ; its defeats and miserable position in Affghanistan, 560 et seq.; hor- rors of its march from, 566 et seq. ; its utter destruc- tion, 570 ; undertakes a second campaign, 571 ; and returns to India, after having inflicted signal ven- geance on the treacherous Afghans, 586. Innes, Colonel, proceeds into Cachar, 467 i sickness compels him to suspend active operations, ib. Ishoree Singh, rebellion of, 597- _ Isle of France, reports that emissaries had been sent thither from Travancore to solicit aid in artillery, 358. Istalif, capture and destruction of, 585, 586, Jacob, Captain, defeats Shere Mahomed, 506. , Colonel, commander of a brigade at Gwalior, 602. James I. (king of Great Britain) deputes Sir Thomas Roe ambassador to the Mogul court, 6. James, Commodore, aettacks and captures Severndroog and the island of Bancoot, pirate stations on coast of Concan, 41. Janssens, General, refuses to surrender island of Java to Sir S. Auchmuty, 374 ; defeated at Fort Cor- nelius, and with difficulty reaches Buitenzorg, 375 ; again refuses to surrender, 376; retires to Serondel, ib. ; his defeat and flight, ib. ; his submission, ib. Java, expedition against, 373 ; route of the expedition, 373, 374 ; its landing, 374 ; capture of Batavia, ib. ; progress of the English, 374 — 377 ; conquest of, com- pleted by defeat and deposal of sultan of Djoejocarta, and submission of other confederated princes, 379 ; expedition despatched from, against islands of Balli and Celebes, under General Nightingall, 410; ought to have been retained at the general peace, ib. Jeetgurh, General Wood attacks redoubt at, and re- tires, 399. Jehanara (sister of Aurungzehe), adjusts misunderstand- ing with the court of Persia, 14. Jehangir succeeds to the Mogul throne, 6 ; extraordi- nary history of his empress, 6, 7 ; visited by Sir Thomas Roe, an English ambassador, 7; death of, ib. ; is succeeded by his son Shah Jehan, ib. Jelalabad, Sir R. Sale's arrival at, 555 ; retained by Sir R. Sale in defiance of orders, 671 ; its heroic de- fence, 574 ; destructive earthquake at, ib. ; besieged by Akbar-Khan, who is signally defeated, 575; re- lieved by General Pollock, ib. ; Lord Ellenborough's correspondence respecting, 577, 5/8. Jenkins, Mr. (afterwards Sir Richard), secretary to the resident with Scindia, 327; performs duties of re- sident on death of Mr. Webbe, 328 ; demands ex- planation of Scindia's advance into territories of rajah of Berar, ib. ; continues to remonstrate against acts of Scindia, and threatens departure, ib. ; strikes his tents and prepares for departure, but induced, on application from Scindia, to postpone his march, ib. : after further communication with Scindia he departs without passports, 330 ; his difficulties and conten- tions, ib. ; baggage of the residency attacked and carried off by Scindia's Pindarries, ib. ; receives a visit from Scindia, 331 ; his reply to proposal from minister of Scindia to give his army safe conduct to Bhurtpore, .'J35 ; his further intercourse with Scindia and his ministers, 337 ; his communications with Scindia on the approach of Colonel Martindell, ib.; remonstrates against Scindia's visiting Holkar, 338 ; his repeated applications for permission to withdraw, 340 ; departs from Scindia's camp, 344 ; being re- sident at Nagpore perceives tendency of events there, 434 ; remonstrates against Appa Sahib com- municating with the Peishwa, ib. ; urges march of British troops towards Nagpore, 434, 435; refuses participation in the ceremony of Appa Sahib's in- vestiture, 435 ; sends for troops from cantonments, ib.; his interview with Appa Sahib interrupted by firing, ib. ; his animated conduct in the field, and its effect upon the troops, 436 ; consents to suspension of arms on conditions, ib. ; receives information of several proceedings of Appa Sahib, evincing hostility to British government, 445 ; arrests the rajah and his confidential ministers, ib. ; fixes the relations of British government by treaty, 486. Jenkins, Lieutenant, killed, 554. Jeswunt Rao Show, officer of Scindia, placed under care of Captain Caulfleld, continues to maintain in- tercourse with Pindarries, 443 ; his fiight, ib. Jeswunt Rao Lar, officer of Scindia, commanding at Asseergurh, commits direct act of hostility by firing on Company's troops, 452 ; is recalled from com- mand, and disregards orders of recall, ib. ; is attacked by General Doveton, and repairs to General Dove- ton's head-quarters to endeavour to procure terms, 454; garrison surrenders unconditionally, ib. ; his subsequent admission as to intentions of Scindia, ib. Jeswunt Singh, Rajpoot chief, defeated by Aurungzehe and Morad, makes his peace with the former and joins him against Shoojah, but at a critical moment retires with all his force, 10; falls suddenly on the rear of his allies, puts the women to the sword, and spreads panic through the imperial army, ib. ; plun- ders Aurungzebe's camp, and boasts of having de- feated the emperor, 11 ; opens a correspondence with Dara, intimates his intention of deserting Aurungzehe, and urges Dara to support his defection, ib. Jeypoor, engagements of rajah of, with the British government, 303. Jezailchees, defeat of the, 585, 586. Jhoo-joo-roo, surrender of, to a detachment of irregu- lars during Nepaul war, 388. Johnson, Mr., acting British resident in Oude, letter addressed by, to officer of the guard at Lucknow, 177. Johnston, Captain, assassinated at Kabool, 556. Johnston, Commodore, expedition despatched from England under him and General Medows to attack Dutch settlements at the Cape, I66; makes prize of Dutch vessels, and returns to England with three < < < << frigates, ib. Johnstone, Captain, attacks and drives from their works a party of Burmese advancing from Assam into Cachar, 46o. Johnstone, Mr., shares in the wealth bestowed on eleva- tion of the nabob Noojum-ad-Dowlah, and in opposi- tion to his formerly expressed opinions, receives two lacs thirty thousand rupees, 100 ; desirous of obtain- ing explanation from committee (consisting of Clive, Sumner, Sykes, Verelst, and General Carnac) on their powers, 101. Jones, General, receives at Oujein command of force brought thither from Guzerat under Colonel Murray to ace against Holkar, 319; joins General Lake at Bhurtpore, 321 ; instructed to proceed to Rampoorah, en route to Guzerat, 3-^9. Jones, Captain, 22nd native infantry, drives a large body of the Burmese from a fort at the point of the bayonet, 464. Jones, Sir Harford, negotiates a. treaty with Persia, 529. Joudpore, engagements of treaty of rajah of, with British government, 303 ; case of rajah of, 332 ; treaty concluded with rajah of, 441. JugduUuk, arrival of the British fugitives at, 570 ; strong force of the Ghiljies defeated at, 583. Juggut Seit, native banker, anxious for the support of the British council in aid of his influence with the nabob Noojum-ad-Dowlah, 100. Jyepoor, treaty with rajah of, 441. . Jyctuck, operations against in Nepaul war, and failure, 395 ; remarks on, 395, 396. K. Kabool (or Caboul), Captain Burnes*s mission to, 532 533 ; march of the Anglo-Indian army on, '543 • INDEX. 629 tTiumphantly entered by Shoojah Shah, ib, ; critical state of, 556 ; forces stationed at 555, 556 ; violent outbreak and massacre at, 556 ; commissariat fort at, lost and retaken, S57, 558 ; British defeats. 560 et seq. ; negotiations undertaken between the British and the Affghans, 563, 566 ; evacuated by the British, 566 ; horrors of the march from, 566 et seq. ; infatuation of the British authorities there, 573 ; General Pollock's recapture of, 584. Kahun, fruitless attempts to relieve, 547 J surrender of, 551. Kalunga, Major Gillespie marches on 393 ; unsuccessful attack upon, by the British, in which General Gil- lespie falls, 393, 394 ; renewed attack on, by Colonel Mawbey, vpho fails, 394 ; evacuated by the garrison, and taken possession of by Colonel Mawbey, 394 ; fort of, ordered to be destroyed, ib. Kama], plain of, Nadir Shah defeats the forces of the emperor there, and forthwith marches to Delhi, 15. Kamram, the AflFghan prince, murders Futteh Khan, 531 ; his expulsion, 532. Kandahar, Russian and Persian intrigues at, 533 ; occu- pied by the Anglo-Indian army, 538 j Shoojah Shah formally enthroned at, ib.; difficulties of the march to ; 538, 539 j course of events at, 571 ; attacked by the Affghans, who are defeated, 572 ; retained by General Nott in defiance of orders, 676 ; attacks on repulsed, ib. ; failure of relief to, ib. ; arrival of General England for relief of, 581. Karak, island of, occupied by the British, 533. Karical, expedition fitted out against, 75; surrenders to English, ib. Karta Soora (Java) surrenders to Sir S. Auchmuty, 376. Kay, Lieu ten ant- Colonel, death of, 146. Keane, Sir John, commander of the Bombay force sent to Afghanistan, 535; assumes chief command in Affghanistan, 537; issues a general order after the capture of Ghuznee, 543 ; at the court of Shoojah, 643 ; his difficulties at the Khyber pass, 545 ; created a peer, 546. Keating, Colonel, commands force destined to act in conjunction with Rugonath Row, and moves in direc- tion of Poonah, 144; action takes place, and termi- nates in favour of the English, but with dreadful loss, ib. Keating, Colonel H. S., despatched from India with force to island of Rodriguez, of which he takes pos- session, 364 ; proceeds to Isle of Bourbon, lands, gains advantages over enemy, and returns to Rodriguez, 364, 365 ; trains his men for renewed attack on Isle of Bourbon, 366 ; explains his views as to mode of ope- rations, ib. ; lands at Island of Bourbon, 367 ; island surrendered to, ib. Kelat, captured by the British, under General Willshire, 544, 545; fort of, recaptured by the enemy, 547; re-occupied by General Nott, 550. Kellett, Lieutenant (R.N.), destroys number of Bur- mese war-boats, 468, 469. Kelly, Captain, commands column at siege of Deeg, 318. - Colonel, dispossesses Nepaulese of position on the Hurryburpore hills, 409 ; successfully attacks two stockades near Dalla, 465. Kemendine, successful attack on Burmese position at, 4f)3 ; various attacks upon British posts at, 467< Kennedy, Colonel, left to follow Colonel Gillespie with troops and guns to Vellore, on occasion of mutiny there, 349 • Kenny, Lieutenant- Colonel, leads the main, attack at Gawilghur (Mahratta war, under Marquis Wellesley), 296. Kerjean (nephew of Dupleix) despatches a letter to Major Lawrence protesting against violation of French territory, 35 ; receives orders from Dupleix to follow the English under Major Lawrence, when he is attacked, defeated, and made prisoner, ib. Kerr, Lieutenant (of the 3Sth), killed at Rangoon, 462. Kerrowlah, rajah of, treaty concluded with, 441. Kerrut Singh, rana of Gohud, agreement of East- India Company with ; see Gohud. Kheir-o-Deen, brother-in-law of Mahomet AH, his re- luctance to offend Mflhrattas, 33 ; his extraordinary conduct in regard to the plan laid by Nunjeraj for obtaining possession of Trichinopoly, 34 ; bis answer to the demand of Nunjeraj for surrender of Trichino- poly, ib. Khelat-i-Ghiljie relieved by Colonel Wymer, 581 ; at- tacked by the Ghiljies, ib. Khilgy, house of, succeeds to the throne of Delhi, 3 ; terminates with a prince named Moharik, ib. Khirudmund Khan selected for office of manager of the affairs of Furruckabad, but refuses to accept without promise of support by British government, 272 ; his unfavourable representations of the young nabob, ib.; his communications with Mr, Henry Wellesley, ib. Khizi obtains the government of Delhi, and exercises it as the nominal vassal of Tamerlane, 5. Khoord, Kabool Pass, contests at the, 654. Khooshgul, surrender of, to the British, 195. Khoosrow Mullik (last prince of the Ghuzni dynasty) treacherously seduced into the hands of Mohammed Ghoory, 3. Khyber Pass, Colonel Wade's difficulties in proceeding through, 543 ; hostile attacks of the inhabitants, 545 ; terror of the Sikhs at the idea of passing, 571 • Khyrpoor, a state of Sinde, 587. Kilbooras, a tribe of Sinde, 587- Killianore (Travancore), batteries carried at, by British, 361. Kilpatrick, Major, despatched from Madras to Bengal with troops, on the government of the former presi- dency receiving news of the fall of Cossimbazar, 45 ; his detachment suffers dreadfully from long confine- ment on swampy ground at Fulta, 46; moves forward to attack French posts at battle of Plassy, 53 ; re- ceives from Meer Jaffier three lacs in addition to a previous present of one lac, 55. Kinneir, Major, proceeds to reduce Gingee, 34 ; his force unequal to attack the fortress, or maintain pos- session of passes, ib. ; retires to give the enemy battle, and is severely wounded, ib. ; his troops give way and retreat, ib. ; his death, ib. Kirkpatrick, Captain J. A., demands A'om the nizam full execution of article of treaty for disbanding French corps, 235, Colonel, appointed by Marquis Wellesley secretary to government in political department, 275 ; appointment rescinded by Court of Directors, ib. Kishindoss, son of the Dewan of governor of Dacca, finds refuge in Calcutta, 42; Sooraj-00-Dowlah re- quires him to be given up, which is refused, 42, 43. Kistna, Dupleix appointed by Mozuffar Jung governor of provinces south of that river, 21 . Kistnagherry surrenders to Colonel Smith during war with Hyder Ali, 115. Knox, Captain, compels the emperor to withdraw from Fatna, 85 ; attacked by the toujdar of Furneah, who is defeated, ib. '■, Colonel, takes post in Seriogapatam, 207; re- leases Europeans held in confinement, ib. Knuckunuddee Sewarree (Brahmin) advises General Wood to attack Jeetgurh, but disappears, 393, Kohistan, refractory spirit in, 54g. Kojuk pass traversed by the Anglo-Indian army, 538 — 540. Kojuks, the freebooters of Ghuznee, 544 ; destroyed by Major Maclaren, ib. ; sanguinary contest with the, 551. Koonde Row (Brahmin) aids Hyder Ali in the manage- ment of his predatory troops, 71 ; assists in removal of Nunjeraj from power, 108; negotiates With the rajah of Mysore with view of satisfying his clamorous troops, 109 ; directs fire of artillery upon Hyder*a troops, ib.; is alleged to have connived at Hyder's escape, ib. ; defeats Hyder, ib. ; deceived by Hyder, files in panic ; hia army attacked and defeated, 109, 110. Kooshailghur, Colonel nfonson arrives there in his re- treat, when he discovers a correspondence between some of his native officers and Holkar, 313 ; quits the place, ib. Kootb (sovereign of Golconda), his country invaded by an army of Aurungzebe, 8 ; his daughter married to Mohamed, son of Aurungzebe, ib. Kootb-ood-Deen makes Delhi the seat of a Mahometan government, 3 ; becomes independent on the death of Mohamed Goory, ib. ; series of princes commencing with, denominated slave-kings, ib. Korah ceded to vizier, 124. Kota, rajah of, declines to admit Colonel Monsou*s 630 INDEX. troops into the town, 312; treaty concluded with rajah of, 441. Kumaon, correspondence carried on by the British government and the chiefs of that province, 402; evacuated by the Nepaulese, 404 j province of, de- clared permanently annexed to British dominions, ib. Kummer-oo-Deen attempts to intercept Major Cuppage, when a severe action ensues, in which the English are victorious, 201, 202; Samoga retalien by, 200} provided for by assignments of jaghire, 247, Kunka, zemindar of, submits to the British authority, 319. Kurnool occupied by the British, and the rajah deposed, 572. Kurpa, detachment of nizam's force moved to ; recalled from, 224, Kurrachee, capture of, 538. Kurreem Khan, Pindarrie, account of, 422 ; flies to Nag- pore and joins Scindia, abandons Scindia's army in the Deccan, and offers his services to Holkar, ib.; offered an asylum by Ameer Khan, whom he dispos- sesses of certain districts, in which he is confirmed by Scindia, and made a nawaub, 422, 423; his ostenta- tious splendour, 423; solicits private favours from Scindia, by whom he is seized and imprisoned, ib.; pbtains his release and possession of more extensive territories, 424 ; his camp attacked and dispersed, he seeks protection of Ameer Khan, is inveigled to Hol- kar's camp, but effects his escape, ib. ; seeks mercy of the English, 455. Kutwah, town and fort of, taken possession of by Clive, 52. ^ Kutwal abandoned to the English by Meer Cossim, 94. La Bourdonnais, French squadron commanded by, ap- pears in Indian seas, 1 7 ; captures Madras, ib, ; treaty concluded by, with the English, declared null by Dupleix, 17, 18- Lahar attacked and taken by Captain Popham, 149. Iiaing, Lieutenant, killed, 56l. Lake, General (afterwards Lord Lake), affairs of Hin- dostan committed to, under Marquis Wellesley's plan of political and military operations, 285 ; marches from Cawnpore, 286 ; moves to attack of Perron's forre, which flies before him, ib. ; takes possession of Coel, and makes preparations for at- tacking Alyghur, 287; cause of delaying the attack, ib. ; Alyghur falls to him, ib. ; Perron applies for, and obtains from him, permission to retire to the British territories, ib. ; attacks and puts to flight force under Louis Bourquin, who surrenders, 288 ; emperor congratulates him, and solicits his protection, 289; has an audience of the emperor, ib, ; titles bestowed upon, by Shah Allum, 290 ; resumes his march, ib. ; summons Agra, when garrison surren- ders, 291 ; marches in pursuit of Mahratta force, attacks and entirely defeats them at Laswaree, 292; remarks on his battle, 293 ; various treaties concluded by, 303, 304 ; takes a position to enable him to restrain Holkar's operations, 310; his negotiation with Hol- kar, ib. ; receives orders to commence hostile opera- tions against Holkar, ib, ; sends a detachment, under Colonel Monson, to protect the city of Jyenaghur, and follows Holkar, ib.; provides a detachment, under Colonel Don, for attacking Tonk Rampoora, ib. ; de- termines to march his troops back into quarters, ib. ; his orders to Colonel Monson, and subsequent conduct, 314; arrives at Delhi, 3l6; resolves to proc«ed in pursuit of the enemy's cavalry in the Doab, ib. ; relieves Colonel Burn at Shamlee, ib.; breaks up Holkar's camp, and disperses his cavalry, 317; fol- lows Holkj^r across the Jumna, and arrives at Muttra, ib. ; instructed to remonstrate with the rajah of Bhurtpore, ib, ; takes town and fort of Deeg, 318; breaks up his camp before Deeg, and marches to Muttra, 319; marches to Bhurtpore, 320 ; commences siege of Bhurtpore, ib. ; failure of repeated attacks on that place, 320—324; enters into negotiation with rajah of Bhurtpore, 323; concludes treaty with the rajah, 324; quits Bhurtpore, 338; is elevated to the peerage, ib, , Lord , receives letterfrom Scindia, andhis answer, 338, 33p; instfucted to discontinue pursuit of Plolkar and Scindia, 339 ; again demands release of the mem- bers of British residency, 340 ; refuses to receive pro- posals from Scindia till the British residency is re- leased, 344 ; withholds from Scindia the letter from Marquis Wellesley, ib. ; remonstrates against abandon- ing native princes near the Jumna, 344, 345 ; concurs with Marquis Cornwallis with regard to rana of Go- hud, 345 ; defers transmission of declaratory articles annexed by Sir Gforge Barlow to treaty with Scindia, and remonstrates, 346; engaged in following the flight of Holkar into the Punjab, ib. ; remonstrates against declaratory articles annez.ed to treaty with Holkar, 347; presses claims of rajahs of Bhoondee and Jeypore, ib. ; is instructed to open negotiation for severing defensive alliances with rajahs of Bhurt- pore and Machery, ib. ; remonstrates with e£fect, ib. ; completes negotiations and quits India, 348. Lake, Major, wounded at the battle of Laswaree, 203. Lally, Count de, appointed governor-general of all the French possessions and establishments in India, 59 ; proceeds to Pondicherry, ib.; enters bounds of Fort St, David, ib, ; attacks the fort, which surrenders, ib. ; makes a triumphal entry into Pondicherry, 60 ; takes the field to enforce payment of a bond given to Chunda Sahib by king of Tanjore, ib, ; effects of his approach to the capital of Tanjore, ib. ; concludes treaty with government of Tanjore, ib, ; fresh misun- derstandings arise, ib. ; he threatens to transport hing and family as slaves to Mauritius, ib. ; erects batteries and makes a breach, ib. ; discovers that his army are nearly destitute of both ammunition and provisions, calls council of war, and makes prepara- tions for breaking up his camp, ib.; escapes the meditated treachery of Monackjee, ib. ; is informed that d'Ach^ determines to return immediately to the ls\e of France, and ineffectually endeavours to change his purpose, ib.; his expedition to Arcot, 61 ; puts force in motion for reduction of Madras, and gains possession of the Black Town, ib, ; casts blame on Bussy for not bringing up the governor's regiment to resist sally of the English, ib. ; erects batteries and commences firing against Madras, ib, ; is harassed by the English force without the walls, and despatches force to attack Major Calliaud, 62, 63 ; raises siege of Madras, 63 ; gives up command to Soupires, and retires to Pondicherry, 64; on hearing of departure of Major Brereton for Wandewash, leaves Pondi- cherry and advances to Coverpauk, ib. ; his distress and unpopularity, ib. ; retires into cantonments, ib.j fires a hundred guns in honour of the repulse of Major Brereton at Wandewash, and transmits ac- counts of it to every quarter, 70 ; believed by the soldiers to have amassed and secreted great wealth, ib. ; disburses considerable sum from his own chest to satisfy mutineers at Wandewash, ib. ; recalls troops from Seringham and other garrisons, 72 ; forms design of E^ttacklng Conjeveram, but is disappointed in finding no store of provision, ib. ; plunders and fires the houses, and proceeds to Trivatore, 72, 73 ; marches with part of his force for Wandewash, 73 ; attacks and takes the town, and commences opera- tions against the fort, 74 ; puts himself at the head of his cavalry, and attacks that of the English, but is repulsed, ib. ; defeated in general action by Colonel Coote, 75 ; is received at Pondicherry with invective and abuse, 76 ; concludes treaty with Hyder Ali for the service of a body of Mysorean Troops, ib. ; makes an attack on English before Poqdicherry, which fails, ib. ; gloominess of his prospects, threatened with famine, expels native inhabitants of Pondicherry, 77 ; sets free prisoners on parole on account of his inability to supply them with food, 785 sends flag of truce, with gasconading memorial, offering to surrender, ib. ; departs for Madras amidst insult and execrf^- tion, ib. Lambton, Captain, assumes command of Colonel Dun- lop's column at stojming of Seringapatam, 240, Lane, Rlajor, his defence of Kandahar, 576. Lansdowne, marquis of, moves rejection of report of committee of House of Lords on East-Indian resolu- tions (1813), 388 ; gives notice of motion in House of Lords for select committee on foreign trade, 497: presents petition from Manchester to House of Lords, praying the opening of the trade to the East Indies, 498 ; presents petition from Glasgow, praying for free trade to China c^^di India, 502 ; moves concur- INDEX. 631 rence of Lords in resolutions relating to the arrange- ment with the East-India Company sent up from the Commons, 50/ ; affirms that counciU of subordi- nate presidencies are to be retained, 509 ; clauses of bill relating to council of subordinate presidencies omitted in committee on motion of, 51 1 ; moves that fifth member of council of lodia be excluded from Bitting or voting, except when making laws and regu- lations, ib. Lasselgong taken during the Mahratta war under Mar- quis Wellesley, 319. Latter, Captain Barr^, intrusted with defence of part of British frontier in Nepaul war, 392. Lauderdale, Earl, desire of the Fox and Granville admi- nistration that he should be appointed governor- general of India, sab ; found impossible to overcome objections of Court of Directors, 358 ; his violent speech against Court of Directors, 388. Laurence, Captain, assault on, at Kabool, 5S6, Law, M. (French commander), dissuades Chunda Sahib from surrendering to the English, 30 j demands from Monackjee hostages for safety of Chunda Sahib, ib. ; convinced that d'Autueil and his force had fallen into the handj of the British, he surrenders Seringham on terms, 31 ; holds command at Cossimbazar, 50 ; warns Sooraj-oo-Dowlah of disaflection of bis ser- vants, ib.; considered chief promoter of movement of the Shazada against Meer Jafiier, 80 ; joins em- peror with remnant of French force, 84, 85 ; made prisoner by Major Carnac, 88. Lawrence, Major, despatched with six hundred Euro- peans to aid Nazir Jung, 19 ; receives a message from M. d'Auteuil, ib.; his answer to M. d'Auteuil, ib. ; orders shot fired from French entrenchment to be answered from three guns, ib. ; returns to Fort St. David, 20; allows Clive to lead the attack at Tanjore, 22, 23 ; force destined for Trichinopoly placed under his command, 28 ; defeats a party of the enemy on his march thither, ib. ; adopts suggestion of Clive as to division of the British force, ib. ; is desirous that Clive should undertake command of separate body, ib. ; proposes that Chunda Sahib should be given up to the British, and confined in one of their settle- ments, 30 ; urges Mahomet Ali to proceed to com- plete the reduction of the Carnatic, 31 ; applies to presidency for instructions in regard to the engage- ment of Mahomet Ali with Mysore, ib. ; advises the seizure of Nunjeraj and Morari Row, which advice is rejected by authorities of the presidency, 34; opposed to attempt of Mahomet Ali to reduce Gingee, proceeds to Madras, his representations disregarded, 34 ; wisdom of his advice made appa- rent, ib. ; embarks with Swiss troops to rein- force English near Fort St. David, 85 ; numerical superiority of his army to that of the French, enemy retire to Bahoor, ib.; his orders forbid his entering limits of French territory, but he attacks an outpost, which the enemy abandon, ib, ; attacks and defeats French force under Kerjean, ib. ; makes Kerjean and thirteen of his officers prisoners, ib. ; his troops retire to winter quarters, 37 ; receives request from Captain Dalton for assistance at Trichinopoly, ib. ; his difficulties, ibt ; obliged to march his force to Fort St. David to escort supplies, 39 ; harassed by Mahratta troops, ib. ; arrives at Trichinopoly, 39 ; fatigues of his march, ib. ; fails in attempt to force enemy's position at Seringham, but establishes post at Golden Bock, ib. ; defeats the French party, and returns to camp in face of the enemy, 39, 40 ; pro- ceeds to Tanjore accompanied by Mahomet Ali, 40; object in marching to Tanjore effected, ib. ; ap- proaches Trichinopoly, and finds enemy disputing his return, ib. ; his gallant bearing retrieves the success of the day, ib. ; loses his palanquin, of which the French make an extraordinary use, ib. ; again engages the enemy and obtains a brilliant victory, when Astrue and other o£&cers are made prisoners, ib. ; takes up quarters near Trichinopoly, ib. ■ — Colonel, incapacitated by ill-health from taking command of expedition from Madras for re- capture of Calcutta, 45 ; approves Orme's suggestion of Clive as leader of the expedition, ib. ; proceeds to Madras to remonstrate against recall of British troops from the field, 64 ; ill-health compels him to abandon command, which ultimately devolves on M^or Brereton, ib. Lawrence, General, remonstrates against draft of force for expedition against Manilla, but is overruled, 106. Lawtie, Lieutenant Peter, reconnoitres position of Ummer Singh in Nepaul war, 397; suddenly at- tacked by party of enemy, whom he drives back, ib. Leslie, Colonel, force assembled by government of Bengal, to afford assistance to that of Bombay in the' Mahratta war, intrusted to his command, 146 ; his slow progress, recall, and death, 147, Leycester, Mr., member of council at Bengal, receives one lac twelve thousand five hundred rupees on ac- * cession of Noojum-ad-Dowlah, 100; desirous of obtaining explanation of the powers of committee appointed from home to restore peace and tranquil- lity in Bengal, 101. Light, Captain, receives from king of Queda the island of Pu'o Penang, as marriage portion with sovereign's daughter, 489 ; transfers the island to East-India Company, and is appointed governor, ib. Lindsay, Captain, at Seringapatam, pushes forward in hope of entering the gates with the flying troops of Tippoo, 207. Lindsay, Sir John, Court of Directors grant him a com- mission to act in Gulf of Persia, and secretly receives a royal commission granting further powers, 121 ; announces to governor and council of Madras that he is bearer of letters and presents from the Crown to Mahomet Ali, and invites them to attend their delivery, which they decline, 122; is disposed to support Mahrattas against Hyder Ali, ib.; is suc- ceeded by Sir Robert Harland, ib. ; his assurances from King of Great Britain referred to by Mahomet Ali, 151. Linois, Admiral, his squadron attacked and put to flight by fleet of homeward-bound East-Indiamen under Commodore Dance, 302. Little, Captain, endeavours, with British detachment, to reduce Dooradroog, 204 ; attacks and takes Hooly Onore, ib. ; proceeds towards Simorga, 205 ; attacks and entirely disperses the army of Reza Sahib, ib j prepares to prosecute siege of Simorga, which capitu- lates, ib. ■ - -— General, at the battle of Chonda, 605 ; his bravery, ib. Lodi refuses to acknowledge Shah Jehan, 7 i tenders submission, and receives pardon, ib. ; is ordered to proceed to court, and is ill-received there, ib. ; flies with his relatives, and is pursued by the emperor, ib. ; experiences innumerable disasters, ib. ; his death, ib. Logan, Lieutenant, falls before breach at Lahar, 149> Lohani merchants refuse to accompany the army in Alfghanlstan, 540. London, corporation of, petition House of Commons against East-India Bill, 126. Loraine's regiment, mutiny of, 70j charges regiment of Colonel Coote at battle of Wandewash, but falls back in disorder to regain the camp, 74, 75. Loveday, Lieutenant, made prisoner and murdered, 547, Lucan, Lieutenant, commanding body of Hindostanee cavalry employed in following Holkar, 311; assists in attacking force of Tantia (native chief), which sur- renders, ib. ; his cavalry cut to pieces, himself wounded and made prisoner, 312. Lucknow bankers, their claims on the kingdom of Oude, 514 ; their protracted contests, ib. Ludlow, Major, greatly distinguishes himself at Kalunga, 394 ; commands column in attack upon stockade near Jyetuck, 395 ; Bappojee Scindia placed under his care, 443. Luft Ali Beg, his despair on the fall of Nundedroog, 200 ; hia failure of success at battle of Arn^e, ib, ; is employed by Tippoo Sultan in diplomatic ser- vices, ib. Lushington, Major J. L., receives intelligence of Pin- darries entering and plundering peishwa's territories, 426 ; overtakes them by forced marches, surprises, and puts them to flight, ib. ; brilliant services of his brigade of cavalry at battle of Mahidpore, 440. Lyall, Mr. George, his evidence on the American trade with China, 497, 498 ; opposes in Parliament the limitation of the Company's tenure of govern- ment to ten years, 509 i opposes fourfold system of 632 INDEX. nomination to college at Haileybury, 510; his opinions respecting the appointment of governor- geneialjSlS. M. Macan, Captain, his representation of the effect of the destruction of detachment at RDmoo, 478. Macao, expedition fitted out against from Bengal, settlement occupied, Chinese stop trade, place abandoned, and displeasure of the Court of Di- ' rectors, 36l. Macartney, Lord, governor of Madras, arrives there, prevails on Sir E. Coote to endeavour to keep the army together, l65 ; his disputes vfith Sir Eyre Coote, 167; attacks Negapatam without consulting the latter, ib. ; opposes plan of Hastings for sur- rendering northern circars to the Nizam on con- dition of his furnishiDgabodyof cavalry, 171 ; obtains from Nabob of Arcot an assignment of revenues of the Carnatic for support of war, ib. ; his resistance to government of Bengal in various instances, ib. ; re- signs government of Madras, ib. ; arrives at Calcutta from Madras, and receives appointment of governor- general, which he declines, 1 B7 ; his arrival in England, ib. ; enters into communication with chair- man and deputy-chairman of East-India Company, ib. ; his representation of abuses, ib.; his views communicated to ministers, ib.; is invited to an interview with Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas, ib. ; his desire for English peerage, ib. Macaulay, Colonel, resident in Travancore, presses pay- ment of subsidy from rajah, 358; assailed at mid- night by armed force, 359 ; his suspension, 360 ; is requested to return to his duties, ib. Iifacbean, Major, joins Colonel Stewart at the siege of Malligaum, when their united attack obtains pos- session of the town, 440. - — ■ Colonel, his services in the Burmese war, 463, 464. McCasltill, General, bis march to Eabool, 583; cap- tures Istalif, 585. McCrae, Captain, killed, 559. McCreagh, General, conducts expedition against Chedula, effects landing, carries stockade, island surrendered, 464 ; left in Rangoon to abide further orders, 469. Macdonald, Colonel 'R., made knight companion of the Bath, 546. M'Dowall, General, dispatched on a mission to the court of Candy, 305 ; requests permission to con- struct a road through the king's territories, which is refused, ib. ; marches from Colombo with a force about two thousand strong, ib. ; concludes treaty with Mooto Sawmy in Candy, ib. ; agrees to invest Pelime Talauve with supreme authority, provision being made for Mootto Sawmy, 306; departs for Colombo, ib ; marches from Colombo, and arrives at Candy, 307 ; seized with fever and compelled to depart, ib. ; appointed commander-in-chief at Madras, but not to a seat in council, 362 ; endea- vours to extend iU.feeling in the army, 362; his violent conduct, and arrest of Colonel Monro, 363 ; embarks for Europe, leaving behind him infiamma- tory order, and formally removed from office of commander-in-chief, ib. ; lost on his passage to Europe, 364. M'Dowall, Major, surprises and puts to flight a large body of Findarries, 426. M'Dowell, Colonel, leads a party in attack on Watty- goon, and is shot through the head, 473. Macgregor, Captain, fall of, at Talneir, 444. M'Guire, Mr., after elevation of Meer Cossim to the musnud, receives present of 1,80,000 rupees and 5,000 gold mohurs, 88; influence of, employed in vain to induce Bam Narrain to render ac- counts, 89. Machery, stipulations in treaty with rajah, 303 ; portion of territory proposed to be assigned to rajah of, by Marquis Cornwallis, 343. Mackenzie, Captain, his bravery, 557. Mackerell, Colonel, death of, 559. Mackintosh, Captain, killed, 561. Maclarcu, Major, commander at Ghuznee, destroys the Kojuks, 544. Maclaren, Colonel, commander at Kandahar, 57^ ; defeats the invading enemy, 572. Maclean, Colonel, intrusted with authority to tender resignation ofWarren Hastings, J33; state of feeling on his arrival in England unfavourable to Hastings, ib. ; engaged in series of intrigues, ib ; addresses letter to Court of Directors tendering Hastings's resignation, ib.j is questioned as to his authority, professes to be leady to give Court satisfaction, and proposes to submit papers to inspection of three directors, ib. ; Mr. Roberts, Mr. James, and Mr. Beecher empowered to make requisite examination as to his authority, 134; his acts repudiated by Hastings, ib. ; his intriguing and unscrupulous character, 136. Macleod, Lord, represents to governor of Madras (Mr. Whitehill) the necessity of taking measures to oppose Hyder Ali, 156. Macleod, Colonel, sent by Sir Eyre Coote, to take com- mand of remnant of Colonel Humherstone's force, resists attack of Tippoo, and is joined by Sir Edward Hughes with reinforcement, 167. Macleod, Colonel Alexander, joins Colonel Gillespie at Palembang, 378. Macleod, Colonel William, dislodges enemy from vil- lages of Colar and Nagrecoil (Travancore), 36l ; car- ries fort of St. Denis (Isle of Bourbon) at point of bayonet, 366 ; detached to attack batteries in Mau- ritius, 370. Macleod, Major, his gallant conduct at Alyghur, where he is wounded, 287> M'Leodj Lieutenant, of Bengal engineers, 542. Mac Morine, Colonel, takes possession of fort of Chou- raghurh (Nagpore) and adjoining towns, 446. Macnaghten, Mr. W. H., envoy at the court of Shoojah Shah, at Kabool, 536, 543 ; created a baronet, 546. Sir William H., receives Dost Mahomed as a prisoner, 550 ; appointed to the government of Bombay, 553 ; his activity at Kabool, 558 ; his nego- tiations with the Affghans, and his assassination, 565. Mac Neil, Colonel, visits Azim-ul-Dowlah, 26O. McNeill, Mr., his treatment by the Persian court, 533. Macpherson, Mr. John, appointed writer on Madras establishment, 186;' is dismissed the service, ib. ; select committee of the House of Commons inquires into his appointment, ib. ; conflicting legal opinions on the effect of his dismissal, ib. ; appointed member of council of Bengal to supply vacancy caused by retirement of Mr. Barwell, and eventually becomes successor of Hastings, ib. ; his alleged secret service, 187; enforces necessary reforms, and restores credit of Company's government, ib. ; his character, ib. Macrie, Colonel, commands the force composing the storming party at Deeg, 318, Madeira, discovery of, 7- Madge, Captain, commander of Fort M'Dowall (Ceylon), on receiving intelligence of the massacre of the garrison of Candy, evacuates the fort, and retreats towards Trincomalee, 308. Madhoo Singh quarrels with his brother Doorjun Saul, attempts to s^eize fort of Bhurtpore and the person of his brother, "^481 ; retires to Deeg, repulses detach- ment sent against him by Doorjun Saul, and is joined by body of Mahrattas, ib. Madras, its establishment as a station of the East-India Company, 16; attacked and taken by the French, 17; possession of, promised to the nabob uf the Carnatic by Dupleix, ib. ; treaty concluded by LaBourdonnais on its surrender declared null by Dupleix, lb. ; pro- perty of the English seized, and those who refused allegiance to the French sovereign required to de- part, ib. ; governor and principal inhabitants marched to Pondicberry, ib. ; restored to the English by peace of Aix la Chapelle, IS; besieged by Lally, 61 ; garrison make a sally, ib. ; Lally raises the siege, 63 ; sudden appearance of Hyder Ali before it, 118; Mr. Dupr^, member of council, proceeds to camp of Hyder, and concludes treaty, ib. ; violent disputes at, and arrest of the governor. Lord Pigot, who dies under restraint, 152, 153 ; monstrous corruption there, 166, 161 ; dissa,tisfaction in the army, 362; dis- content inflamed by commander-in-chief, 363; re- marks on, 363, 364 ; presidency of, not deprived of council, 512. Madura (south of India), failure of Captain Calliaud in attempt tQ tc^ke it by surprise, 57 ; its 8u,rrender, S9 ; INDEX. 633 held in opposition to Mahomet Ali by Mahomet Isoof, 106; siege of, and fall, ib. Madura (Indian Archipelago), French fortress in, re- duced by Captains Harris and Pellew, 376 ; sultan of, joins the English, ib. Maha Nemiou CBurmese commander) carried in a litter from point to point to sustain the energy of his men, 473. Maharajah of Gwalior ; see Scindia, and Bhajeerut Rao. Maharajpoor, battle of, 605 ; losses-sustained, 606. Mah^, and dependencies on coast of Malabar, surrender ofj 79 i surrenders to Colonel Braithwaite, and fort blown up, 154, Maher Merza Khan (officer of Hjder Ali) attacks Arcot, and effects an entrance, I6I. Mahmood, Sultan, son of Subooktugeen, reigns at Ghizni in Affghanistan, and feecomes founder of Ghiznividian dynasty, 3; first Mahometan prince who established a solid power In India, ib. ; defeats the rajah of Lahore, enriches himself with plunder, and stipulates for payment of annual tribute, ib. Mahmood, the Affghan prince, 528, 531 ; establishes himself on the throne, 531 ; his cruelty, ib. ; his ex- pulsion, 532. Mahomed Ameen forms project of assassinating those administering the government of Hyder Ali after the death of that prince, and assumes that power in the name of his second son, I67 ; plot detected, and con- spirators seized, ib. Mahomed Bey, his plundering band destroyed and dispersed by General Campbell, 299) 300, Mahomed Esa, leads the insurgents in disturbances at Bareilly, 415. Mahomed Kooli, assists the Shazada, 80. Mahomed Reza Khan, selected for office of chief minister to the Nabob Noojum-ad-Dowlah, 99; ma- nifests his gratitude towards those to whom he owed his appointment, 101; complaints of nabob against, 102; exonerated from charges preferred against him, ib. ; reports prejudicial to character of, reach Court of Directors, 123; orders sent to seize him, ib. ; his acquittal after tedious inquiry, ib. ; Court of Directors, satisfied of his innocence, direct his restoration to office, 132; complaints against, by Mobarik-ul- Dowlah, 137; is removed from his charge, ib. ; dis- tribution of his salary by nabob, ib. ; is favourably noticed by Court of Directors, 138; his restoration an article in the compact between Hastings and Francis, 138, 139. Mahomed Sadig attacks General England at the Bolan Pass, 576. Mahomed Shereef's fort, abortive attack on, 558 ; cap- tured by the enemy, 564. Mahomed Ufzul Kban, son of the Ameer of Kabool, 542. Mahomet Ali Khan, government of Arcot transferred to, 20; his camp attacked by the French, and his precipitate flight, ib.; endeavours to make terms with the French, 22; small body of troops sent to his assistance by tbe British, ib. ; bis pecuniary distress, 26 ; his troops threatening to desert him, he applies to Mysore for aid, ib. ; rajah of Tanjore declares in his favour, and despatches troops to his assistance, 27 ; urged by Major Lawrence to proceed to reduction of unsubdued parts of the Carnatic, 31 ; objects to fulfil agreement for transfer of Trichinopoly to Mysore, ib. ; professes himself willing to give up Trichinopoly when placed in quiet possession of his other domi- nions, ib. ; his conference with Morari Row, ib, ; makes over to Mysorean general revenues of Sering- ham, and receives Mysorean troops into Trichinoijoly, 32; marches northward, accompanied by British force, ib.; succeeds in obtaining partial recognition of his authority, 34 ; applies to British authorities for additional force to reduce Gingee, when Major Kinneir is despatched for that purpose, but fails to efi'ect it, 34 ; congratulated by Mahrattas on successes against Kerjean, 35 ; makes application to the English for means of reducing Chingleput and Covelong, when a small force is furnished him, 36 ; his army broken up, 37; accompanies Major Lawrence to Tanjore, 39; English continue to aid him in collecting his re- venues, and reducing his vassals to obedience, 41 ; his embarrassments, 57 ; desirous of quitting Madras when Frencl^ appear before it, and departs with family to Negapatam, 62 ; arrives at British camp before Pon- dicherry, and concurs in the indulgence given to the fugitives from that place, 77', assisted by govern- ment of Madras in reducing rebellious vassals, 106 ; Madura held in opposition to him, attacked and taken, ib. ; his disputes with 'the sovereign of Tan- jore, 107, 122; peace concluded, 122; obtains aid of English in punishing certain polygars, ib. ; renewed war with Tanjore, ib. ; country conquered for him by the English, ib. ; his opposition to the restoration of Tanjore, 151 ; objects to negotiate with the nizam, and proposes to send a vakeel to Basalat Jung, 154 ; impoverished by purchasing services of Europeans, and bis army mutinous, 161 ; death of, 224; evidence of his perfidious correspondence with Tippoo Sultan found at Seringapatam, 256. Mahrattas, their origin and early history, 12, 15 ; English aid a prince of that nation in endeavouring to recover throne of Tanjore, 18; reduce Chunda Sahib, ib. ; body of, engaged to assist Mahomet AH, but re- main inactive during Olive's defence of Arcot, 24 ; arrive at Arcot, attempt to enter the town, have re- course to plunder, fire the houses, and retreat, 25 ; aid Clive against Rajah Sahib, 26; large body of, despatched from Trichinopoly to join the French, 35 ; hear of defeat of Kerjean by the British, and proceed to congratulate Mahomet Ali, ib. ; Hyder Ali suffers in contests with, 1 10 ; attack Mysore, and advance to Sera, 1 U ; thejr propose terms to Meer Sahib, which are accepted, ib. ; fort and district surrendered to, ib. ; Hyder AU purchases their retreat, ib. ; body of, taken into English service, 115; attack Hyder Ali, 122 ; Mahomet Ali disposed to favour them, ib. ; negotiations with, by Sir Robert Harland, ib. ; con- duct the emperor to Delhi, who transfers to them the districts allotted for his support by the British government, 124 ; Salsette, Bassein, Kenery, Hog Island, Elephanta, and Auranjee occupied by, 142 ; government of Bombay offer Broach and Fort Victoria to, in exchange, 143; reinforce the garrison of Tannah, ib. ; treaty concluded with, by government of Bombay, by which previous treaties are ratified, ib. ; refuse compliance with Colonel's Upton demand of Salsette and Bassein, 145; another treaty con- cluded with, when Salsette and the islands are con- firmed to the Company, ib. ; intrigues of the Cheva- lier St. Lubin with, ib. ; expedition from Bombay surrounded by, 146 ; convention concluded with, securing peaceable return of British army, 147; ^^'l' sette and all recent acquisitions from Mahratta states to be restored, ib, ; attack the rana of Gohud, who is assisted by a British force, 148, 149; seek destruction of Colonel Hartley's army, but are unable to gain any advantage, 149 ; spirits of, elevated by their success in compelling General Goddardto retreat, 150 ; treaty of peace with, ib. ; consent to the surrender of con- quests of Hyder Ali, from nabob of Arcot, 151; their right to chout, under treaty between the British government and the nizam, 17f^8, 189; attack and plunder the garrison of Darwar, retiring under stipu- lation, 195; junction of, with British army under Colonel Stuart (war with Tippoo), 198 ; fall upon fugitives from Hooliordroog, and plunder them, 199 ; their continued co-operation with the English against Tippoo secured by a loan, ib. ; their army, under Purseram Bhow, proceeds to attack Dooradroog, and fails, but marches to Chittledroog, and plunders gene- rally, 204 ; manifestations of their per&dy and bad faith at Samoga, 206 ; their demands for chout on Tippoo and nizam, 223 ; attack nizam, who is forced to purchase peace on Ignominious terms, ib. ; circumstances of, at the commencement of the ad- ministration of the Marquis Wellesley, 231 ; power of, at Surat, 251 ; defeat of, by General Lake, at Las- waree, 292, 293 ; war with, and observations upon the policy of the Marquis Wellesley, in reference to, 340 ; considerable body of, attracted to Bhurtpore by disturbances there, 481 ; their contests with the British in Gwalior, 605, 606. (See Appa Sahib, Bajee Row, Berar, Guicowar, Holkar, Nagpore, Peishwa, Sattara, and Scindia.) Maitland, Captain, drives enemy from covered way at Paligaut, and pursues fugitives, when the garrison, struck with panic, surrenders, 170. Maitland, Sir F., naval commander at Eurrachee, 538. 634 INDEX. I\Ialabar, piracy on the coast of, carried on by family of Angria, 41 ; Buppreasion of, ib. Malartic, General, governor of Mauritius, issues pro- 'clamation recounting proposal of Tippoo to furm an alliance with the French, and inviting volunteers to join him, 233. Malaatrie, in Mauritius, fort of, abandoned by the French, 370. Malavelly, grain found at, by army of Lord Cornwallis, 196. Malays resident in the kingdom of Candy permitted, by treaty with Mooto Sawmy, to proceed with their families to the British settlements, 306. Malcolm, Captain (afterwards Sir John), despatched to camp of Scindia, succeeds in effecting treaty of alli- ance, articles and conditions of, 302—304. - Colonel, opens negotiations with agents of Scindia, by authority from Lord Lake, 344 ; intrusted with negotiating treaty with Scindia, and successfully brings it to a close, 346. Sir John, engaged in series of operations against Chetoo and other Pindarries, 43S; ordered to proceed towards Oojein, effects junction with Sir T. Bislop, 43D; conducts negotiation with government of Holhar, ib. ; leads brigade of infantry at battle of Mahidpore, his successes, 440 ; receives overtures from the peishwa, who surrenders, 450; acts on his own responsibility, his defence of the arrangement made by him, 451 ; duty assigned to him at siege of Asseergurh, 453 ; suggestion of, as to subjects before parliamentary committee on affairs of East- India Company, 502; moves series of resolutions in general court ot East-India Company expressive of dispo- sition to accept generally the bargain proposed by ministers, 504 ; his unsuccessful mission to Persia, £28, 529. Maltia taken by English, 3?!. Malligaum, description of, 448; siege and surrender of, 448, 449. Malwa, Crlonel Camac penetrates into, 150. Mama Sahib, regent of Gwalior, 597 ; his dismissal, ib. ; supported by the British resident, 598. Manchester, petition from, on East-India trade, pre- sented to House of Lords by marquis of Lansdowne, 488. Blangalore falls into the hands of the English, 114; Hyder Ali suddenly appears before it, and English withdraw, ib. ; artillery and stores abandoned to the enemy, ib. ; capitulates to General Mathews, 1G8; besieged by Tippoo Sultan, and defended by Colonel Campbell, 169; included in armistice with Tippoo, ib. ; expected relief from Bombay not received at, ib. ; distress of the garrison becomes extreme, ib. ; negotiation opened, capitulation agreed upon, sup- plies of provisions arrive too late, 169, 170. Blanilla, expedition against projected by Crown, and aid of East-India Company invited, 106; government of Madras furnish force for, ib. ; taken by atorm, and all dependencies surrendered, 107 ; restored to Spain at general peace, ib. Manipur subjugated by the Burmese, 459. Manningbam, Mr. (member of government of Bengal), sent with Mr. Frankland to superintend embarkation of females on approach of Soojah-00-Dowlah, 43 ; refuses to return, ib.; objects to making Clive inde- pendent of council in military matters, 45. Mansfield, Earl, condemns East-India Bill (17G7) as an exertion of arbitrary power without precedent, 125. Marjoribanks, Mr., chairman of East- India Company, dissents from resolution of Court of Directors recom- mending compliance with the views of ministers, 505 ; again dissents from amendment of similar character, 511. Markham, Mr., arrests Cheyt Singh by order of Has- tings, 173. Marley, Major-General, commands division of army intended to advance against Eatmandoo, 392; his delay in joining the division, 400 ; waits for battering train, ib. ; displeasure of governor- gen era! with, 401 ; his hesitation between his instructions and the con- clusions of his own mind, ib. ; advances towards Pursah, but almost immediately retrogrades, ib. : his despondency increases, takes the opinion of cer- tain officers, is recalled, 402; is accused of miscon. struing his instructions, ib. Marryatt, Captain, becomes senior naval officer by retirement of Commodore Grant, 463 j fourteen pieces of artillery silenced by the fire of his squadron, 464 ; constructs bridge for passage of troops at Syriam, 465. Marshall, M^or-General D., reduces Hattrass and Moorsaum, 427 ; ordered to advance upon Mundela, 545; opens batteries, which are answered from enemy's works, ib.; his dispositions for storming Mundela, when the garrison surrenders, ib. Marshall, Colonel, defeats Nasir Khan, 550. Marteban, expedition against, under Colonel Godwin, 465 ; description of the place, and its capture, ib. Martindell, Colonel, advances towards Scindia, 337. Major-General, appointed to succeed General Gillespie, 395 ; unfortunate attack on stockade near Jyetuck planned by, 395, 396 ; army under, remains before Jyetuck, 402 ; displeasure of the governor- general, 405 ; difficulties of, increased by defection of irregulars, 406; his complaints of want of correct intelligence, ib.; desires to be relieved from com- mand, ib. Maskelvne, Captain, Clive engages in salt-trade for his benefit, 103. Masulipatam (on coast of Coromanclel), first settlement by the English East-India Company at, I6; part of scattered troops of Confians collected at, 65 ; falls to Colonel Forde, 66 ; discontent of officers of Madras army breaks out into open mutiny at, 363. Matheson, Lieutenant, his gallant conduct at Fursah during Nepaul war, 401. Mathews, General, despatched to relief of Colonel Hum- berstone at Paniani, and ordered to discontinue opera- tions on the coast and push for Bednore, when he obtains possession of Bednore, Mangalore, Anaiitpore, and other places, 1 68 ; marches with his garrison out of Bednore on conditions, which are violated, 169 ; charged with plundering the public treasury, ib.; murdered, with other British prisoners, by Tippoo, 171. Maule, Lieutenant, murder of, 560. Mauritius, preparations for attacking, 368, 369 ; landing of the British there, 370; their operations, ib. ; British ensign first planted there, ib. ; surrendered by the governor, lb. ; remarks on articles of capitula- tion, lb. Mawbey, Colonel, unsuccessful attempt of, on Ealunga, and causes of failure, 394 ; takes possession of Ka- lunga on its evacuation by the garrison, ib. Maxwell, Colonel, effects junction with General Medows, 193; attacks and breaks line of Tippoo's infantry, 197 ; despatched into Baramahal, takes the fort of Pcnagra, and sets fire to pettah of Kistnaghery, 200 : attack on fort fails, ib. ; leads attack at the Carigaut Hill, 206. May, Captain W., killed, 576. Meanee, in Sinde, batrleof, 594. Medows, General, appointed to supersede Mr. HoUond in government of Madras, 191 ; joins army assem- bled on plains of Trichinopoly, ib.; his announce- ment of his arrival and assumption of office to Tippoo, ib. ; purport of his answer to communi- cation ifrom Tippoo, ib. ; advances to Caroor, which is abandoned on his approach, 192; marches to Coimbatore, ib. ; informed by Colonel Floyd of the approach of Tippoo, ib. ; orders Colonel Floyd to maintain his position, ib. ; effects junction wiUi Colonel Floyd, 193; further reinforced by Colonel Stuart, he desires to bring Tippoo to general action, ib. ; effects junction with Colonel Maxwell, and arrives at Velout, ib. ; is superseded in chief com- mand by arrival of Lord Cornwallis, ib. ; his call to the troops at the siege of Bangalore, 194 ; commands column in attack on enemy's position at Seringa- patam, 206; his difficulties and disappointment, 207, 208; his disinterested condurt, 2l6. Meer Bohun, made prisoner, 550. Meer Cossira makes Sooraj-oo-Dowlah and his at- tendants prisoners, and takes possession of their effects, 55 ; aids in appeasing mutmy of Meer Jaffier's troops by becoming security for payment of their arrears, 85 ; aspires to the the throne, and obtains support of British government, 86 ; obtains per- mission of Meer Jaffier to visit Calcutta to arrange plan of campaign against the emperor, ib.; invested with executive authority, 87; is declared by Meer INDEX. 635 Jaflicr to be the fittest man to lend him aid in hia government, ib. ; is apprehensive of violence from the nabob, ib. ; is seated on the musnud, and receives con- gratulations from English authorities and natives, 8S ; his offer of twenty lacs to the select committee, ib. ; makes donation of five lacs to the Company, ib ; his large gifts to the select committee, ib. ; applies himself to replenish his treasury, ib. ; is jealous of the friendly intercourse between the emperor and the English, proceeds to Patna, is invested by the em- peror with a khcliiut, and undertakes to pay tribute, 89 ; demands settlement with Ram Narrain, ib. ; bent upon destruction of Ram Narrain, offers bribes to Major Carnac and Colonel Coote to aid his purpose, ib.; he seizes Ram Narrain, confiscates his effects, and subjects all his dependents to amercement, 90 ; refuses compliance with demand for payment of twenty lacs to- the Company, 91 ; disputes with, about private trade, ib. ; agrees with Mr. Vansittart on body of regulations, which he orders to be acted upon immediately, ib. ; engaged in an expedition against Nepaul, and retarna defeated, 92 ; orders cullection of all custom duties to cease, 93 ; is disinclined to receive deputation from council of Bengal, ib.; his guards stop boats laden with arms for British troops, which he refuses to return unless the troops withdraw from Patna, or Mr. Ellis be removed from the factory there, ib. ; endeavours to induce British troops to desert, and acts of hostility follow, ib. ; dismisses Mr. Amyatt, but detains Mr. Hay as hostage, ib. ; makes Mongheer his capital, but qulta it on approach of English, 94 ; murders Ram Narrain, the bankers Seit, and others, ib. ; threatens to put to death his European prisoners, and is threatened by Major Adams with the ven- geance of the British nation if the prisoners sustain harm, ib. ; murders his prisoners, ib. ; his army pursued by the English to the banks of Caramnassa, he crosses the river, and seeks refuge in territories of Oude, 95 ; reduces to obedience the dependents of Bundlecund, ib. ; he assumes habit of a devotee, but throws it aside at request of vizier, 97, gs ; his troops mutiny for pay, and he is compelled to appease them by compliance ; is plundered by the vizier, but secretes a number of jewels, 98 ; escapes from vizier, 101. Meer Futteh AH, of Sinde, 587 (see Futteh Ali). Meer Jaffier aspires to aoubahdarship, 50 ; selected by Sooraj-oo-Uowlah for command of large number of troops to reinforce his army near Plaasy, 51 ; afraid to decline command, proceeds to obey his orders, ib. ; returns to capital, gives audience to Mr. Watts, agrees to terms of treaty with English, and swears to observe it, ib.; is deprived of hia command by Sooraj-oo-Dowlab, charged with being engaged in conspiracy with the English against the soubahdar, 61, 52; is summoned by Sooraj-oo-Dowlah to con- ference, and refuses to attend, 52 ; exchanges pro- fessions of reconciliation and fidelity with Sooraj- oo-Dowlah, and swears to adhere to his engage- ment with him, ib, ; his dubious conduct causes anxiety to Clive, 52, 53 ; during battle of Plassy is sent for by Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, implored to forget differences, and conjured to defend the throne, 54 ; promises accordingly, and advises suspension of battle, ib. ; insists on recall of Mohun LaUs troops, ib. ; his division observed by Clive with suspicion, and on retreat they keep apart from soubahdar's army, ib. ; addresses letter to Clive, acguainting him with advice given to his master, ib. ; his endeavours to stand well with both parties, and his doubts as to hia reception by the English, ib. ; his fears allayed when introduced to Clive, ib. ; led by Clive to the musnud, in the hall of audience, at Moorshedabad, ib.,* his liberality to the members of the British government, 55 ; diflSculties of his government re- lieved by Clive, 79 ; confirmed in authority by sunnud from Delhi, 80 ; his court the scene of intrigues, ib. ; is menaced with invasion by the shazada, ib. ; his troops in a state of mutiny, ib. ; alarmed by advance of the shazada, ib. ; receives favours from the em- peror, 81 ; offended at the Dutch, and stops their trade, ib.; enters into private negotiation for the introduction into Bengal of a Dutch force, ib. ; ex- presses displeasure at the proposed armament, and Remands aid of the Engliab, 82 ; visits Olive at Cal- cutta, ib. ; receivea the Dutch authorities, and makes disingenuous communication to Clive, ib. ; concludes treaty with .the Dutch through mediation of Clive, 83 ; regards the approaching departure of Clive from India with alarm, ib. ; grants permission to Meer CoBsim to visit Calcutta to arrange plan for campaign against the emperor, 86; visits English governor (Vansittart), 87 ; confesses that age and grief inca- pacitate him from struggling with his difficulties, ib. ; declares Meer Cossim the fittest man to lend him aid, ib. ; is apprized of the views of the English, and threatens to resist and abide his fate, ib. ; is content to stipulate for preservation of life and an allowance for his maintenance, ib. ; declines the name of iirince when deprived of authority, and asks permission to retire to Calcutta, 88 ; council determine on hia restoration, 92 ; proclamation issued, declaring him sovereign of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, ib. ; dif- ferences occur in arrangement, but council disposed to yield in alight matters in regard to the nabob's concessions in respect of trade, ib.; conditions of treaty with, 93, 94 ; his death, 99 : competitors for his throne, ib. ; legacy bequeathed to Clive by, 104. Meer Niser Alee (Tittoo Meer), originator of disturb- ances in Baraset, 487. Meer Roostum, chief of the Ameers of Khyrpore, 592 ; surrenders his power, 593 ; flight of his family, ib. Meer Ufzul, his flight from G-huznee, 543. Meerpore, a state of Sinde, 567 ; ameer of, defeated, 594 ; Sir C. Napier takes possession of, 5Q5. Meerun devotes Sooraj-oo-Dowlah to death, 55; en- camps near Chinsura, to the terror of the Dutch, S3 ; receives Dutch deputies, and treaty agreed upon, ib. ; accompanies Colonel Calliaud for Patna with a nu- merous army, 84 ; refuses small body of cavalry to Colonel Calliaud for pursuit of the emperor, ib. ; again refuses the like assistance for pursuit of foujclar of Purneah, 85 ; is killed by lightning, ib. ; various vic- tims of his cruelty, ib. ; his death concealed from the army till its arrival at Patna, ib. Meester Corselis (Java), port of, assaulted by Colonel Gillespie, and taken, 375. Mehrab Khan, the ruler of Kelat, 544 ; his hostility to the British, ib. ; is slain at the storming of Kelat, 545. Melvill, Lieutenant, his relation of the sufferings of the British prisoners of Hyder Ali, 158. Melvill, Mr. J. C. (Secretary to the East-India Com- pany), his explanation of the commercial operations of the Company, 501 ; his lucid evidence with regard to claims of territory and commerce in the transac- tions of the Company, 503. Melville, Lord, moves for papers connected with re- moval of Sir George Barlow, 356. Mengee Maha Bundoola, his success in Arracan, and its effects on the court of Ava, 467, Menzies, Major, a volunteer at the first siege of Bhurt- pore, death of, S22. Mergui attacked and carried by Colonel Mills, 466. Metcalfe, Mr. (afterwards Sir C, and Lord), conducts negotiation, and concludes treaty with Runjeet Singhi 362 ; treaty with Ameer Khan negotiated by, 434 ; gives instructions to Captain Tod, for opening nego- tiation with Toolsee Bhye, regent at camp of Holkar, 438. Sir C, appointed to residency of Delhi, 481 ; reports and documents connected with affairs of Bhurtpore referred to, 482 ; elaborate statement of his opinions on general question of interference, and specific measures to be adopted with regard to Bhurt- pore, 482, 483 ; authorized to maintain the succession of the rightful heir at Bhurtpore, 484 ; his views as to final settlement of Bhurtpore adopted by govern- ment and embodied in resolution, 484 ; does not succeed in settling affairs of Bhurtpore by negotia- tion, ib.; his communication to governor- general concerning Doorjun Saul, and the causes of his find- ing support, ib. ; issues proclamation denouncing pretensions of Doorjun Saul, and declaring intention of the British government to support Bulwunt Singh, ib.; his interview with Lord Combermere, ib. ; does not allow communications of Doorjun Saul to interfere with the progress of tlie army, 484, 485 ; provisional governor of India, 517, 518, 522. Middleton, Mr., receives one lac twenty-two thousand five hundred rupees on the accession of Nujum-ad- 636 INDEX. Dowlah to the musnud of Bengal, 100 ; appointed British residentatcourtof vizier, 127; communications pass between him and the governor-general, which are not submitted by the latter to his colleagues, ib. ; recalled, and ordered to bring with him the whole of the correspondence, 128; brings fifteen lacs in pay- ment of part of the debt of the vizier, ib. ; re-ap- Eointed resident at Oude, but appointment resisted y Clavering and Francis, 132 ; again appointed, having been previously displaced in favour of Mr. Bristow, 177; obtains authority from vizier to seiae Kellah at Fyzabad, residence of begum, ib. ; relin- quishes office, his place supplied bv Mr. BrlstoWj 178. Miles, Colonel, despatched with expedition to coast of Tenasserim, 466 ; captures fort of Tavoy, ib. ; attacks and carries Mergui, and returns to Rangoon, ib. ; his forces defeat Burmese army near Rangoon, 467, 468. Minchin, Captain, commandant at Calcutta, his dis- graceful flight on the approach of Sooraj-oo-DowIahj 43. Minto, Lord, appointed governor- general, 358 ; his arrival at Calcutta, and state of the country, ib. ; proceeds to Madras in consequence of the disturb- ances in the army of that presidency, 363 ; crisis past before his arrival, ib.; his operations against the Mascarenha islands, 364, 370; his measures for reducing the Dutch settlements, and wise policy, 372 — 379; establishment of British power in the East without a rival the crowning act of his administration, 379 ; brief notice of various diplomatic affairs of his administration, ib, ; his resignation, return to Europe, and elevation to an earldom, ib.; his death, ib. ; remarks on his administration and character, 389 ; reference to his proceedings in regard to the Ne- paulese, 390. Mir Jumla, a Persian, becomes resident at the court of Kootb, sovereign of Golconda, and obtains the highest command there, 8 ; conducts wars in the Carnatic, ib. ; throws himself upon Aurangzebe, then com- manding for his father, Sbah Jehan, in the Deccan, ib. ; hi» desertion, followed by imprisonment of his son and confiscation of his wealth, ib. ; acquires the confidence of Aurungzebe, and exerts his influence to bring about a war with Kootb, ib. ; his nominal com- command of army invading Beejapore, 9> Mirza Mahmood (Sooraj-oo-DowlahJ succeeds Aliverdi Khan, 42. (See Sooraj-00-Dowlah.) Mobarik-al-Dowlah succeeds Syef-al-Dowlah as nabob of Bengal, 12S ; complains of conduct of Mahomed Keza Khan, claims to be admitted to the management of his own afl'airs, and reminds governor- general that the power of the Company is derived from his ances- tors, 137; liis request complied with, ib. ; informed of wish of Court of Directors for restoration of Mahomet Reza Khan to the office of manager, 138. Moffatt, Captain, of the Ganges, engaged in attack on French squadron under Admiral Linois, 302. Mogul empire, origin of, 4 ; in a state of dissolution in the early part of the eighteenth century, 16. Mohammed (eldest son of Aurungzebe), enters Gol- conda, 8 ; horrors perpetrated by him, ib. ; marries the sovereign's daughter, ib.; pursues Shooja, who flies in the direction of Bengal, U; enamoured of daughter of Shooja, ib. ; abandons the cause of his father, and passes over to Shooja, ib. ; disappointed in expectation of being followed by his army, ib. obtains the hand of Shooja's daughter, ib. ; is dis missed by Shooja in consequence of suspicions raised by Aurungzebe, ib. ; is placed in confinement at Gwallor, and dies in obscurity, ib. Mohammed Ghoory, his conquest in India, 3 ; leaves behind him incredible wealth, ib. Mohammed Toghluk carries off the whole of the in- habitants of Delhi to Dowlatabad (formerly Deogur), 4 ; resolved upon making Dovlatabad the chief seat of Mahometan empire in India, ib. ; Bengal revolts, and his possessions in the Deccan are wrested from him, ib. ; his cruelties, ib. ; his death, ib. Mohun Lai (dewan of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah) ordered, on suggestion of Mcer Jaffier, to recall troops to camp at the battle of Plassy, 54. Moira, Earl of, succeeds Earl Minto as governor- general, and his arrival at Calcutta, 389 ; his statement of the prospect of affairs on his arrival at Calcutta, 389, 390 i threatens rajah of Nepaul with immediate resort to hostile measures, 991 ; his instructions to Colonel Brad- shaw, ib. ; further attempt to effect settlement with Ne- paul without resort to arms, 391 , 392 ; takes measures tor commencing war, and his plan of operations, 392; proposes series of political arrangements in aidof mili- tary operations, ib. ; expresses discontent and surprise at failure of Colonel Mawbey at Kalunga, 394 ; his dissatisfaction with General Martindell, 395; orders the Terraie of Bootwul and Shiraz to he desolated, 400 ; his displeasure called forth by events befalling the division under General Marley, 401 ; his frequent attempts to corrupt the enemy's officers, 403 ; for- wards instructions to Colonel Bradshaw with reference to negotiations with Gujraj Misser, 407; makes further effort to restore relations of peace by letter to rajah of Nepaul, ib, ; his extreme disappointment at miscarriage of attempt to negotiate, ib. ; transmits project of treaty to Colonel Bradshaw, 408 ; declares his intention not to make any attempt to renew negotiations, ib. ; in a short time directs negotiations to be re-opened, ib. ; his anxiety for peace leads to proposed relaxation of terms, ib. ; ratifies treaty with Nepaul, and prepares at same time to make further concessions, 408, 409 ; elements of commotion every- where prepared when he undertakes the government of India, 4l6. (See Hastings, Marquis of.) Molle, Captain, his gallant conduct at storming of Seringapatam, 239. Monackjee (Tanjore officer) inveigles Chunda Sahib, and causes him to be murdered, 30; withdraws from Trichinopoly, 32 ; commands force in aid of Major Lawrence, 40; attacks French camp before Madras by treachery; fails, 60. Mongbeer (capital of Meer Cossim), advance of British army to, 94; quitted by Meer Cossim, ib.; cruelties of Meer Cossim there, ib. ; capitulates to the English, ib. ; news of its fall reaches Meer Cossim, who there- upon murders two hundred Englishmen, 94, 95. Monichund, governor of Calcutta, attacks English force under Clive, but is repulsed, and flies, 47; moves successively to Calcutta, Hooghly, and Moorshedabad, ib. Monro, Colonel (quartermaster-general, Madras), put under arrest by General McDowall, but released by government, 363. Monson, Major (afterwards Colonel), English force under, despatched from Corjeveram appears before Coverpauk, which compels garrison to surrender, 67 ; proceeds to Arcot, marches back to Conjeveram, and leaves garrison at Coverpauk, ib.; leads a division in attack on French in Wandewash, 69 ; receives com- mission of Lieutenant- colonel from government, 77* Colonel, proposes to retire to Madras, 77 ; com- mand of troops before Pondicherry surrendered to, by Colonel Coote, ib. ; his differences withColonel Coote, ib. ; attacks redoubts and French at Oulgarry, with partial success, ib. ; wounded and incapacitated for service, ib. ; appointed member of council of Bengal, 127; supports General Clavering in calling for corre- spondence of Hastings with Middleton, 128; suggests recall of Middleton, and is supported by Clavering and Francis, ib.; moves that Nuncomar be called before the board to substantiate charges against Hastings, 130; his death, 132. Monson, Captain, intrusted with attack on western hill of Savandroog, which is carried by storm, 203. Colonel, leads attack on Alyghur, and obtains possession of it, 287; detached by General Lake to protectthecity of Jyenaghur, 310; detachment under, keeps the field, 3U ; is joined by Colonel Doo, moves in the direction of Kotah, and is there joined by a body of troops in the service of the rajah, ib. ; advances to Mokundra pass, and thence to Hinglais- ghur, which he captures, ib. ; advances fifty miles beyond Mokundra pass, becomes alarmed, and deter- mines to retire to Mokundra pass, ib. ; hears of Hol- kar's attack on Lieutenant Lucan's cavalry, and forms in order of battle for their support, 312; learns that the cavalry are destroyed, resumes his march, and reaches Mokundra pass, ib. ; is attacked by Holkar, who is repulsed, ib. ; continues his retreat to Kotah, and thence to Tonk Rampoora, ib. ; is joined by rein- forcement despatched by coramander-in-chiei from Agra for his relief, ib.; continues retreat to Banas river, encounters the whole force of the enemy, whom he repulses, 313 ; resumes march on retreat, abandons INDEX. 637 baggage, and arrives at Kooshailghur, ib. ; discovers correspondence between native commiaaioned officers and Holkar, ib. ; marches to Biana pass, ib. ; those of his detachment who escape the enemy arrive at Agra, ib. ; command of the British troops at the victory of Deeg devolves on, ib. ; intercepts letters addressed to Holkar by the rajah of Bhurtpore and others, 318; commands party in one of the assaults on Bhurtpore, 322, MontresBor, Colonel, takes post at Sedasaeer, 236; his brigade surrounded by the army of Tippoo Sultan, ib. ; enemy put to flight by assistance of General Stuart, ib. Moobarik (last prince of the dynasty of KhUgy) mur- dered, 3. Moodeem Khan (oflBcer of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah) killed at battle of Plassy, 53. Moorhouae, Colonel, his death at attack on Bangalore, 194 J his high character by Colonel Wilks, and honours paid to his memory, ib. Moorsaum taken and dismantled, 427. Moorshedabad, British obtain possession of, 94. Mootejil, lines of, stormed by British, 94. Mootto Sawmy, lawful inheritor of the throne of Candy, escapes from prison, and claims protection of British government, 305 ; placed under the care of Colonel Barbutt, 306; arrives in capital of Candy, and con- vention concluded with, by British authorities, ib. ; deprived, by new arrangement with Pelime Talauve, of nearly all that had been professedly srcured to him, ib. ; accompanies British troops towards Trincomalee, 307 ; demand of Candian chiefs for his surrender, ib. ; is delivered up, marched to Candy, and put to death, ib. Morad (son of Shah Jehan) deceived by profesaions of bis brother Aurungzebe, junction of their forces de- termined on, 9; saluted as emperor by Aurungzebe, who solicits permission to make a pilgrimage to Mecca, 10; seized by Aurungzebe, and placed under restraint, ib. Morari Bow (Mahratta chieftain) consents to act as a mediator between Mahomet Ali and the government of Mysore ; conference, 31 ; produces treaty, and calls upon Mahomet Ali to fulfil his engagement, ib. ; is presented by Mahomet Ali with 50,000 rupees for his services, 32 ; solicits pardon of the men employed to assassinate Captain Dalton and Kheir-o-Deen, 33; departs for Pondicherry, 37; harasses British troops under Major Lawrence, 38 ; his camp attacked by HyderAli, 115. More, Captain^ watches motions of Basalat Jung, 72. Major, defeat of, by Mysorean force, 76. Mornington, Earl of (afterwards Marquis of Wellealey), appointed governor- general, 230 ; his qualifications for the office, ib. ; his arrival at Madras and at Bengal, 233 ; directs attention of General Harris, governor of Madras, to the collection of a force on the coast to meet any emergency, ib. ; concludes new treaty with Nizam, ib.; directs goi'ernment of Madras to raise detachment to co-operate with British troops at Hyderabad against the French force there, ib.; his attempts to restore triple alliance de- feated, 235; proceeds with operations against Tippoo, ib. ; addresses various letters to Tippoo, ib. ; arrives at Madras, and receives answers from Tippoo, ib. ; resolves to accompany negotiation by the movement of his army, ib.; appoints General Harris to com- mand the army about to march into Mysore, ib. ; capture of Seringapatam, death of Tippoo, and com- plete conquest of Mysore, ib. ; his disposal of the conquered country, 244 — 246 ; makes magnificent provision for the family of Tippoo, 245 ; principal chiefs and officers conciliated, ib. ; articles of par- tition treaty of Mysore concluded by, with nizam, 245, 246 ; explanation of his viecvs in undertaking the protection of the new state of Mysore, and reserving to East-India Company the powers of interposition in its affairs, 247 ; articles of subsidiary treaty of, with rajah of Mysore, 246, 247 ; having completed his great work, he returns to Bengal, 248 ; takes mea- sures for settling government of Tanjore, 249 ; places adopted heir of the deceased rajah on the throne, 250 ; assumes entire civil and military administration of Tanjore, splendid provison being made for the rajah, ib. ; treaty of Tanjore ratified by, ib. ; assumes civil and military administration of Surat, 252; created Marquia of Wellesley, 253. (See Wellealey, Marquis.) Morris, Colonel, gallant conduct of, at Bhurtpore, 321 . Morrison, General, army of 11, 000 men under command of, assembled at Chittagong, 471 ; his operations and difficulties, 471, 472 ; his capture of Arracan, 472; his official account of the attack, ib. Mostyn, Mr., appointed resident at Foona after Colonel Upton's retirement, 145; is embarrassed by the intrigues of the Chevalier St. Lubin, ib. Mozufi'ar Jung is supported by Chunda Sahib, 19; resolves to surrender himself to Nazir Jung, under promises of liberal treatment, 20 ; his person secured and treated with rigour, ib. ; on death of Nazir Jung is saluted viceroy of the Deccan, 21 ; bestows large sum of money and valuable jewels on Dupleix, ib. ; sets out for Golconda, escorted by French European and sepoy troops commanded by M. Bussy, ib. ; attacked by Patau nabobs, who, by aid of a few French troops, are defeated, ib. ; is killed in pur- suing the fugitives, ib. Mulwagul, possession of, obtained by the English, 115 ; returns into the hands of Hyder Ali, ib. Mundela, fort of (Nagpore), demand for its surrender evaded. 445 ; storming and surrender of, ib. Munny Begum appointed guardian of infant nabob ot Bengal by Warren Hastings, 123; examination of her receipts and disbursements, and large sum un- accounted for, charges Warren Hastings with re- ceiving money from her, 129 ; suspended from office of guardian, and charge conferred on Goodias, 130 ; share of Mahomed Reza Khan's salary allotted to, 137. Munro, Major, succeeds Major Carnac in command on the frontier of Oude, and finds the army in a state of mutiny, 95, 96; his strong measures, 96; prepares to take the field, ib. ; dispatches Major Champion to dislodge party of the enemy, ib. ; marches towards Buxar, arrives there, is attacked, when the enemy give way and retire, 96, 97 ; his humanity after the battle, 97; receivealetter from emperor congratulating him, and solijciting protection, ib. ; emperor seeks an interview with him, ib. ; marches in direction of Benares, when the emperor constantly pitches his tent near British encampment, ih. ; refers the offer of emperor to Calcutta, ib. ; his instructions, ib. ; arrives at Benares, and receives envoy from vizier with proposals of peace, 98 ; insists upon Meer Cossim and Sumroo being delivered up, ib. ; large sum offered by vizier if demand be abandoned, ib. ; besieges Chunarghur, fails in two assaults, converts siege into blockade, retires to Benares, relinquishes his command, and quits India, 99. General, advances against Pondicherry, cuts oil communication with surrounding country, breaks ground and opens fire, 154; capitulation proposed and accepted, ib. Sir Hector, retained at Madras to secure the benefit of his military judgment, 157 ; arrives at Conjeveram, takes command of force five thousand strong, to be joined by detachment under Colonel Baillie, ib. ; informed of Colonel Baillie's doubt of being able to effect a junction, despatches to Colonel Biiillie a detachment under Colonel Fletcher, ib. ; defers moving to the support of Colonel Bailiie till too late, 16O ; returns to Conjeveram, and arrives at Chingleput, ib. ; is joined at Chingleput by Captain Cosby, and compelled by deficiency of food to make a forced march to St. Thomas's Mount, ib. ; proposes delay in acting on orders suspending Air. Whitehill, governor of Madras, I6I. Munro, Major-General Sir T., his sentence upon the ill-judged parsioaony of Madras government, igo, 191 ; his account of the conduct of Tippoo's infantry at the battle of Arikera, 190 ; remarks on the attempt of Dhoondia Waugh, and its possible results, 253. Munro, Brigadier-General, occupied in reduction of peishwa*s country, south of Kistna, 442. Murray, Colonel, directed to march from Guzerat to co- operate against Holkar, 310 ; becomes suddenly alarmed, and resolves to retreat, 312; arrives at Oujein, and takes possession of the whole of Holkar's territories in that quarter, 319; resigns his command to Major-General Jones, ib. Murray, Colonel Macgregor, his statement as to the conduct of the Arabs at Talneir, 444 ; passes the INDEX. wicket at Talneir, 444 j his danger, ib. j is rescued covered with wuunds, ib. Murteza Khan selected by Dupleix for nabob of Arcot, 38 ; his previous life and hia avarice, ib. ; proceeds to Pondicherry, and is installed in his new dignity, which he in a short time abandons and retires to Vellore, ib. Murzafa Beg defends Conjeveram, surrenders, and is slain by Mahomet Isoof, 64. Muscovy, in early history a petty and obscure prince- dom, 530; her rising importance under Peter the Great, ib. Mustapha Beg offers solitary instance of fidelity in the garrison of Vellore, 350 ; his statement of the designs of the conspirators disregarded, and massacre fol- lows, ib. Uluttra abandoned by the British, 315 ; reoccupied by a force under Colonel Don, ib. ; Colonel Monson retires to, 317 ; the wounded at the battle of Deeg, and the ordnance therein captured, deposited at, ib. Mysore, its rulers afford aid to Mahomet AU, 27 ; dis- closure of the price at which the aid was purchased, 31 ; means by which Hyder AH rose to supreme power there, 107; conquest of, by the British, completed, 243 ; infant prince of the ancient house of, placed on the throne, 245 ; articles of partition treaty and subsidiary treaty with the rajah, 245 — 248. (See Hyder All Khan, and Tippoo Sultan.) Nadir Shah, his origin, 15 ; falls suddenly upon the forces of the Emperor of Delhi, puts them to flight, and enters the capital, 15 ; inhabitants rise upon invaders, when scenes of tumult and violence ensue, ib. ; gives orders to his troops to slaughter, when 8,000 periah, and the city is pillaged and set on fire, ib. ; seizes the imperial treasures, and levies contributions on the inhabitants, ib.; annexes to his dominions the provinces on the west side of the Indus, l6; with- draws from Delhi, ib. Nadir Shah, the regenerator and sovereign of Persia, 530. Nagore and its dependencies purchased by the Dutch, 122 ; arrangement made for its surrender, ib. Nagpore, a powerful Mahratta kingdom, l6 ; hostility of the rajah (Appa Sahib) to the British, 434 ; pro- bable motives of his conduct, ib. ; rajah's intrigue.i with the peishwa, 434, 435 ; he attacks British, and is defeated, 435, 436 ; seeks to negotiate, and sur- renders himself, 436 ; capture of guns at by the British, and evacuation of the ciiy, 436, 437 ; provisional en- gagement with rajah of, 437; continued success of British arms in, 437, 438; narrative of progress of events resumed, and diplomatic proceedings with Appa Sahib, 444 ; affair at Mundela in, 445 ; con- tinued treachery of the rajah, who is ariested and de- posed, ib. ; Mundela surrenders, ib. j surrender of Chouragurh in, 446. (See Appa Sahib, Berar, and Pursagee Bhooslay.) Nagrakote and Somnaut, temples of, destroyed by Mahmoud, 2. Nahun falls to the English, 395. Nalagurh, surrender of fort of, and depdt established at, 396. Nannee, arrival of the Anglo-Indian army at, 540. Nanning (Malacca), dispute of the British government with Pangholoo of, 491 ; Fangholoo subdued, and tranquillity restored there, ib. Napier, Sir Charles, assumes chief military command of Sinde, 5QI ; his summary proceedings and new re^iula- tions, ib. ; defeats the ameers of Smde, 604 ; enters the capital of Lower Sinde, ib. ; his contests with vShere Mahomed, ib. ; everywhere victorious against the Sindians and Beloochees, 505, 596. Nash, Lieutenant, ordered to Coimbatnre, 201 ; is wounded, 202 j summoned to audience with Tippoo, and released on mission to British commander-in- chief, 210, 211. Nasir Khan, defeat of, 550. Nassau, Fort (Java), surrenders to the English, 373. Nattes, Lieutenant, killed in the breach at Malligaum, 449. Nawaub Jubbur Khan, his proposals at Ghuznce re- jected, 643. Nawung Thurin (Prince of Sunset) defeated by Sir A. Campbell, seeks safety in the jungle, 474, 475. Naylor, Mr. North (Company's solicitor at Calcutta), rule against granted by Supreme Court, and made ab- solute, 140 ; he is committed, ib. Nazir Jung (second son of Nizam-ool-Moolk), seizes his father's treasure, and is recognized as his suc- cessor, J9; enters the Camatic, and seeks assistance of the English, which is afforded, ib. ; differences between him and the English, 20 ; proceeds to Arcot, ib. ; takes the field, and procures supplies with diffi- culty, ib. ; sickness in his camp, and intrigues fomented by the French, ib. ; force under command of M. de la Touche, advances from Gingee upon his camp, 21 ; falls by the hands of a treacherous de- pendent, ib . ; Hyder Ali benefits by confusion ensuing on his death, 107- Nearchus despatched with about ten thousand Greeks and Phenicians to explore the navigation between the Indus and Euphrates, 2. Neave, Mr., his striliing description of Toree, 491. Negapatam taken by the English, l65. Nellorc, Colonel Forde proceeds to, in aid of Mahomet Ali, 57. Nepaul, unsuccessful expedition to, projected by Verelst, 122 ; dispute with, 389 ; various encroachments from, 389,390; negotiations, 391; further outrages, ib. ; preparations of governor- general for war with. 391, 392; renewed overtures for negotiation, and attempts to corrupt Nepaulese commanders, 393 ; various events of the war, 393—406; negotiations and conclusion of treaty, 406 — 409 ; court of Katmandoo refuse to ratify treaty, 409 ; renewal of hostiUties, ib. ; treaty rati- fied, ih.; review of the origin and operations of the war, ib. Nerbudda, force stationed permanently on the, in con- sequence of movements of Ameer Khan, 371. Nerungin Lall, agent of Holkar, seized at Muttra, 318. Nesbitt, Lieutenant. Colonel, commands storming party on Sevandroog, 202. Newport, Sir J., recommends delay (renewal of Com- pany's term of government 1813), 387. Newton, Major Thomas, commanding on Sylbet fron- tier, attacks Burmese with success, 460 ; withdraws his troops from Cachar, ib. NichoU, Captain, attacked by body of troops belonging to Scindia, 313 ; disappointed of storming Scindia's battery by retreat of the enemy, ib. Nicolls, Colonel, successfully attacks the heights and town of Almorah, 403. General, ordered to march to Bhurtpore, 484 ; leads column of attack at Bhurtpore, 485. Sir Jasper, commander-in-chief, 576, 577, 580. Nightingall, General, succeeds General Gillespie in chief command in Java, and commands expedition against rajahs of Bielling and Boni, 410. Nixon, Captain, with small force encounters Hyder Ali, and entire party destroyed with exception of one oflScer, 117. Nizam Ali, his enmity to Bussy, causes dewan of Bussy to be murdered, 67 ; takes the field, advances to Hy- derabad, ib. ; restored to government of Berar, ib. ; negotiations of English with, in regard to the north- ern circars, HI; advances to attack Mahomet Ali, retires, and makes friendly overtures to British governor, ib. ; advances to form junction with Eng- lish on frontier of Mysore, is bought off by Hyder Ali, deserts the English, and unites his forces with Hyder Ali, 1 12 ; defeated by Colonel Smith, takes to flight, 113; opens secret communications with Colonel Smith, ib. ; moves northward, sends an officer to the English camp, and treaty concluded, U4 ; arrangement made with, for transfer of northern circars, 154; called upon by government of Madras to compel his brother to dismiss the French from his service, ib. ; mission to, from government of Madras, and its results, 155, 156 ; his dissatisfaction with ne- gotiations between British government and Basalat ■Tung, 156 ; proceedings of Lord Comwallis for effec- tive settlement with, in respect of Guntoor, 188} engaged in war with Tippoo Sultan, and receives proposal from Tippoo for uniting families by inter- marriage, ib.; new engagements with, precluded by law, 189; arrangement with, made by Lord Corn- INDEX. 639 wallii, lb. i his army asaemblcB near Hyderabad, to co-operate with English against Tippoo, 194 ; terri- tories restored to, by treaty with Tippoo, 216; attacked by Mahrattas, and compelled to purchase an ignominious peace, 223 ; dispenses with services of English battalions, 224 ; his attachment to the French, ib. ; rebellion of his son Ali Jab, ib. ; Eng- lish adventurers encouraged to enter his service, ib. j effects of Mahratta intrigues with regard to, ib. J his anxiety for closer connection with British govern- ment, 234; new treaty concluded with, by Earl Mornington.ib, ; state of French force in his service, ib. ; his hesitation to comply with demand for dis- persion of French force, 235 ; ultimately consents to take necessary measures for the purpose, ib. ; conclu- Bion of new treaty with, 260, 26l. Nizam-ooUMoolk, death of, IQ; his power gained by usurpation, ib. Noojum-ad-DowIah, second son of Meer Jaffier, raised to the throne of Bengal, 99 ; unfavourable report of the conduct of those who placed him on the throne made to the Court of Directors, 102 ; holds apoonah, at which Clive assists, 104; dies of malignant fever, and his brother, Syef-ad-Dowlah, succeeds, ib. Noor Jehan, her extraordinary history, 6, 7, Noor Mahomed, Ameer of Sinde, 590 ; his death, 591. Norman, Lieutenant, falls in attempting to scale works at He du Passe, 367. Noton, Captain, left with detachment at Bamoo, to vpatch the enemy (Burmese war), 466; makes a movement in advance, ib. ; various disasters attend his progress, ib. ; retires to Kamoo, ib.; his difficul ties, ib. ; finds it necessary to retreat, 467 i his troops throw away their arms and disperse, ib. ; he and nearly all his officers killed, ib. Nott, Major-General, commander of brigade in the Affghanistan campaign, 635 ; left in command of the Bengal force, 544 ; recaptures Kelat, 550 ; maintains pOBsesBion of Kandahar in defiance of orders, 576 ; governor- general's instructions to, 678 et seq.; his victorious march to Ghuznee and Kabool, 584 ; his conflicts, ib.; recaptures Ghuznee, and effects its destruction, 586. Nufoosk pass, 647, 548* Nugent, Captain, killed, 583. Nuncomar bought by Omichund for the English, 60 ; Meer Jaffier's attachment to, 98 ; power committed to, ib. ; his power transferred to Mahomed Beza Khan, ib. ; influence of his station, his cunning and activity, ib. ; applies to emperor for sunnuds to con- firm Noojum-ad-Dowlah in the succession, ib. ; means adopted by Warren Hastings to conciliate him, 123 ; prefers charge of bribery against Hastings, 129, 130 ; proceedings instituted in Supreme Court against, for conspiracy, 130; apprehended on a charge of forgery, found guilty, and hanged, ib. ; excitement occasioned by his fate, ib. ; his deport- ment after sentence, and at the time of execution, 131 ; remarks on his case, and on the supposed con- nection of Hastings with it, 1 31, 132 ; said by Burke to have been murdered by Hastings through the hands of Sir E. Impey, 184. Nundedroog, attack on and capture of, by the Enghsh, 200; disaffected feeling amoog the troops sta- tioned there, 354. Nunjeraj (Mysorean commander) demands Trichino- polyfrom Mahomet Ali, 31 ; his confirmed design to obtain possession of Trichinopoly, 32 ; attempts to corrupt Mahomet Ali'a troops, ib. ; pursues his ob- ject, and projects assassination of Captain Dalton and Kheir-o-Deen, 32, 33 ; denies all knowledge of the meditated assassination, and interposes for the pro- tection of his instruments, 33 ; renews attempts to corrupt the fidelity of the garrison of Trichinopoly, ib.; his agents seized and executed, ib. ; seeks assistance of a Neapolitan, named Poverio, who apprizes the British commander in the fort, ib. ; his meditated attempt on Trichinopoly frustrated, 34 ; removes his camp, and endeavours to revenge himself on Poverio for his disappointment, ib. ; for- mally demands surrender of Trichinopoly, ib.; his messengers reproached with the treachery of their mas- ter, ib. ; makes professions of friendship for the Eng- lish, but intercepts their supplies, 37 ; treated as an enemy, and camp attacked by Captain Dalton, ib. ; attacks British troops^ and cuts to pieces nearly all the troops defending it, ib. ; his cruelty, ib. ; hia complimentary reception of Hyder Ali, 108; gains knowledge of intrigues of Hyder Ali, and shrinks from contest with him, ib, ; makes arrangement for descent from power, presents himself to troops, and informs them that misfortunes of his government had determined him to retire, ib.; is visited by Hyder as a suppliant, and consents to make common cause with him, lOg. Nurunjee, her influence, 597. Nusseer-ood-Dowlah, king of Oude, 523. Nusseer-oo-Deen Hyder, king of Oude, 523. Nutford, Captain, death of, at battle of Deeg, 31/. 0. O'Brien, Major, proceeds to Mundela fNagpore war), 445; his communications with the killadar, ib.; is attacked and fired upon by a detachment from the garrison of Mundela, ib. Ochterlony, Colonel (afterwards Sir David), left at Delhi as resident, 290 ; endeavours to provide for the defence of the city, 316 ; his remarks on the merits of Colonel Burn and his troops, 316; division of army destined to act against Nepaul committed to his command, 392 ; doubts expediency of governor- general's political arrangements, ib. ; furnished with draft of proclamation declaring intentions of Bri- tish government with regard to the chieftains of ancient hill principalities expelled by Goorkhas, ib. ; proceeds to Roopoor, ib. ; receives frequent com- munications from Ummer Sing Thappa, 393 ; receives secret instructions from British government to en- courage advances of Ummer Sing Thappa, ib. ; re- ceives further instructions of like character, acts upon them, and is repelled, ib.; his opinion as to the probability of Ummer Sing retreating, and on other points connected with the war, 396; advances on enemy, and makes preparations for attack, 397; his force strengthened, 398 ; his movements and those of the enemy, ib. ; perseverance and energy with which he pursued his purposes, ib. ; passes the river Gumber, and takes up position on its right bank, ib. ; steady and satisfactory progress of his arms, ib. General, pursues substantial and brilliant career of success, 404 ; particulars of hia movements, ib. ; signs convention, 405 ; suspension of arms by, ib. ; ordered to take command of division before Jye- tuck, 406 ; his services rewarded with grand cross of the Bath, 409. Sir David, advances towards Muckwan- pore, 409 ; his arrival there, ib. ; his move- ments against the enemy, ib. ; agrees to accept ratified treaty, ib. ; reserve assembled under, near Bewaree, 431 ; his investiture with grand cross of Bath by marquis of Hastings, 456; reports accession of Buldeo Singh to musnud of Bhurtpore, and his application for investiture of his son, 478 ; his urgency in supporting the wish of rajah, 479 ; removes doubt as to relationship to Buldeo Singh of the proposed successor, ib.; apprizes government of his intention of complying with wishes of rajah, and carries inten- tion into effect, ib. ; adopts measures for assembling force to maintain the rights of the young rajah of Bhurtpore, ib. ; hia acta disapproved by governor- general, ib. ; ordered by governor-general to recall his proclamation, ib. ; charged by government with actmg on imperfect and unsatisfactory information, 479, 480 ; receives mission from Doorjun Saul, 480 ; his answer requiring the transfer of the infant rajah to his care, ib. ; his warmth of reply to government, ib.; receives proposals from mother of Buldeo Singh, ib. ; returns to Delhi, ib. ; his conversation with a priest from Bhurtpore, ib. ; proposes three condi- tions to Doorjun Saul, and receives counter-pro- posals, 480, 481; modification made with regard to his office, 481 ; his death, ib. Odell, Mr., his gallant conduct at attack upon Lahar, 149. O'Donoghue, Colonel, attacks and carries pagoda stockade, 469< O'Keefe, Major, fall of, in the Mauritius, 370. Oldham, Colonel, takes Eroad, and joins Colonel Floyd, 192, 640 INDEX. .Oliver, Colonel^ killed, 561. Omdut-ul-Omraii, son of Mahomet Ali, succeeds his father, 255; his ruinous policy, ib.; absence of friendly feeling towards the English on the part of, ib. ; refuses to consent to any modification of treaty of 1792, 256 ; his application to share in the domi- nions conquered from Tippoo Sultan, ib.; evidence of his perfidy found in Seringapatam. ib. ; narrative of his intrigues with Tippoo, 256, 257 ; labouring under mortal disease, communication of orders dis- Scssessing him of the government withheld from im, 257, 258; precautions taken by Lord Clive to guard against danger on his decease, ib. ; his death, ib.; proceedings consequent on his death, 258— 260. Omercote, fort of, abandoned by the enemy, 595. Omichund, treasury of, falls into hands of Suoraj-oo- Dowlah, 46 ; apprizes British deputies of their danger, 48; buys Nuncomar for the English, 50 ; employed by British agent to ascertain views of Yar LDOttief,ib. ; his many services to the cause of the English, 56 ; not at first intrusted with secret of conspiracy against Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, ib. ; subsequently apprized of it by Watts, ib. ; his representations of the danger to which he was exposed, and of his claims to advan- tage, ib. J requires five per cent, on all money in trea- sury and portion of jewels, ib. ; Clive's suggestions for disarming his hostility, ib. ; mock treaty drawn up to deceive him, ib. ; keeps the secret of the con- spirators, ib. ; remarks on his character and conduct, ib. ; attends a meeting of parties concerned in revo- tiou, 57; treaty produced, and his agitation on dis- covering the fraud committed on him, ib. ; his future life a state of idiotcy, ib. ; the preservation of his name in history a blot on the reputation of Clive, 105. * Oosoor taken by the English, 115 ; besieged by Hyder All, 116. Oostradroog summoned to surrender, 1 99 ; ofBcer who accompanies fiag of truce is fired upon, 203 ; fort attacked and surrenders, ib. Orchard, Colonel, attacks fort Fishoot, 546. Orme, Mr., maintains necessity of sending a large force to Bengal to recover Calcutta, and his advice prevails, 45 ; suggests Clive as leader of expedition, and sug- gestion adopted, ib. ; his determination of the value of Anunderauze's army, 65. Orton, Captain, trusts to promise of Hyder AH, and re- pairing to his tent, is detained, 117; refuses to sign order for surrender of Groad, but consents the next day, ib. Oude, government of, usurped on dissolution of Mogul empire, 16; emperor marches in direction of, 89; Mr. Bristow appointed resident at, 129; treaty con- cluded, ib. ; affairs of, in a distracted state, 174 ; em- barrassments of vizier of, ib. ; new treaty with, con- cluded by Hastings, lb. ; proceedings of the vizier, aided by Hastings, to extort money from the Begums, 176; proceedings of Hastings with regard to re- sidency at, ib. ; proceedings of Sir John Shore with respect to succession in, 182, 185; state of, on Marquis Well esley's arrival in India, 261 ; views of the Marquis Wellesley respecting, 26I, 262 ; en- deavours of the governor-general to reform military and civil establishments in, 263 — 271 ; new treaty concluded with vizier, 271 ; further endeavours of governor- general to promote reform in, 271, 272; va- rious transactions of marquis of Hastings with, 455 ; treaty concluded with the king of, 486 ; misgovernment of, during administration of Lord William Bentinck, 404; state of, in 1833 and 1834, 513; claims made upon the king of, ib. ; misgovernment and financial embarrassments of, ib. ; claims of the Lucknow bankers on, 514 ; proceedings in the law-courts and in parliament respecting, 515, 5l6 ; order of succession to the throne of, 523 ; state of the succession on death of Saadut All, 523; resident seats the rightful heir on the throne, ib.; numerous claimants for the throne of 525. (See Saadut All, Shoojah-ad-Dowlah, and Vizier Ali.) Oudeypore, engagement made with the rajah of, 441. Outahnulla, defeated army of Meer Cossim fly to, and take shelter in, 94; English attack and obtain pos- session of fort and cannon, ib. Outram, Captain, his bravery at Ghuznee, 542. Colonel, political agent in Sinde, 591 ; his opinion of the Ameers, ib.j attack upon his re- sidence, 593. p „ .. , . Ovans, Colonel, receives from the rajah of Sattara his final decision, 527* P. Paget, Sir E. (commander-in-chief), means taken by, for suppressing mutiny at Barrackpore, 477 ; records his opinion in favour of the interference of the British government as to the succession in Bhurtpore. 481 ; succeeded by Lord Combermere as commander-in- chief, 484. ^,. , Palagaut, English officer commandmg at, obliged to save himself and garrison from massacre by secret flight, 117; sustains vigorous siege, but submits to the English, I/O; defence of, intrusted to Major Cuppage, 200. Palambang, sultan of, murders Dutch resident and every male person belonging to the factory, and de- stroys' fort, 377 ; British mission to, and its reception, ib. ; ambassadors from, arrive at Batavia, ib. ; expe- dition despatched against, ib. ; its arrival, ib. ; attempts of sultan to negotiate, ib. ; sultan flies, leaves palace and city in dreadful disorder, ib. ; city, fort, and batteries occupied by the British, 378. Palamow, pergunnah of, in a state of insurrection, 491. Palmacotta, several native officers dismissed at, 354. Palmer, Colonel, compelled to surrender Ghuznee, 573. Palmer, William, and Co., pecuniary transactions of, 455, 456. Pangholoo, chieftain of Nanning, resists British go- vernment, but is subdued and tranquillity restored, 491. Papanaveram, fort of, surrenders to Colonel Macleod (war in Travancore), 36l. Parker, Colonel, gallantly attacks and carries the Bhore Ghaut, 160. Pateeta taken by storm, by Major Popham, 173. Paterson, Captain, examines leeward side of Port Louis, 369. Patna, besieged by the shazada, 80, 81 ; Mr. Ellis ap- pointed chief of factory there, 90 ; his acts disagree- able to nabob, ib. ; military force employed by council at, in defence of trade, 92 ; one of nabob's collectors made prisoner, and body of horse des- patched to release him, ib. ; they arrive too late, but commit certain acts of violence, ib. ; commencement of hostilities at, 93 ; sudden attack of the English places the city in their possession ; they are subse- quently driven from it and from their own factory, and all destroyed or made prisoners, ib. ; murder of English prisoners at, by Meer Cossim, 94 ; taken by storm by the English, ib. ; proceedings of Supreme Court with regard to persons concerned in proceed- ings of provincial council there, 139 ; state of country resulting therefrom, ib. Paton, Captain, made prisoner at Oude, 524 ; effects his escape, ib. Patterson, Lieutenant, mortally wounded at Corygaum, 442. Patton, Major, attacks and completely routs enemy to north-west of Almorah, 403. Paull, James, justifies removal of Sir G. Barlow, 357. Peat, Captain, of Bombay engineers, 542. Peddapore, battle at, French defeated, 64. Peel, Mr. (afterwards Sir R.), moves for select com- mittee to inquire into the affairs of India, his state- ment, 500 } objections made to list of committee proposed by, ib. Sir R., his speech on the affairs of Oude, 517 ; on Lord Heytesbury's appointment to India, 522. Pegu, seriesof successes obtained by people of, against the Burmans, 457 > Peguers obtain possession of Ava with its sovereign, ib. ; short duration of their dominion, ib ; invaders of Ava from, totally defeated by Alompra, assisted by French from Pondicherry, ib. ; capital of surrenders to Alompra, ib.; proceedings in, 476. Feishwa, origin of authority of, 16 ; disputes respecting the succession to the office of, IS7. Feishwa, Bajee Rao, bis evasions and intrigues, 277; surrounded with difficulties, proposes to subsidize British troops, ib. ; his indifference to the communi- cation by the British resident of a modified assent to his proposal, 278 ; quits Foona on approach of Holkar, INDEX. 6^1 ib. ; flies to Singurh, after defeat of hia" army by Holkar, ib. ; his continued flight and ultimate arrival at Baasein. ib. ; consents to the proposals of British government, ib. ; concludes treaty, 279 ; reseated on the musnud at Poona, 281 ; his differences with the guicowar, 4l6; his faithlessness and falsehood, 417; change of his conduct towards Gungudhur Shastry, ib. ; proceeds on pilgrimage to Nassuck, ib,; Gun- gudhur Shastry invited to accompany him to Punder- pore and murdered, 418 ; returns to Poona, mani- festations of alarm, 419; evades giving audience to the British resident, ib.; inadequacy of the steps taken by, towards detection and punisliment of the murderers of the Shastry, ib. ; refuses to allow arrest of Trimbuckjee Dainglia without previous investi- gation, 420; yields to the representations of the resident, and surrenders Trimbuckjee, 421 ; intrigues of, against British power in India, 427 ; auspicious circumstances in his conduct, 428 ; continues Trim- buckjee*a friends and family in favour, ib. ; extra- ordinary changes in his habits, his piety and seclusion, and his warlike preparations, ib. ; one of his forts taken possession of by insurgents, ib. ; invites Mr. Elphinstone to a conference, but refuses to enter into any engagement, 429 > accepts the con- ditions proflFered by Mr. Elphinstone, ib. ; issues proclamation offering reward for apprehension of Trimbuckjee Dainglia.ib. ; new treaty concluded with, and its important provisions, ib. ; his dissatisfaction at the treaty, 430 ; prepares for hostile proceedings, ib. ; endeavours to corrupt British troops, ib. ; pushes forward his troops, and hostilities actually commenced by, ib. ; his flight, ib. ; prime instigator of hostile feeling to the British in India, 434 ; intrigues of rajah of Nagpore with, ib. ; transmits a khelaut to rajah of Nagpore, 435 ; is joined by Trimbuckjee, 442 ; move- ments of after defeat at Poona, ib. ; his army attack Captain Staunton, ib. ; varies his course on approach of his pursuers, and arrives at Sholapore, ib. ; sur- renders to the British government, 450 ; his dominions being annexed to British territories, he becomes a pensioner upon British government, ib. (See Bajee Rao.) Pelime Talauve, his intrigues, 305 ; places usurper on throne of Candy, ib. ; his atrocious proposals to British government rejected, ib. ; carries on a deceit- ful correspondence, under the mask of friendship, with British commander, 306 ; overtures of, receive a favourable answer, ib. ; invested with supreme au- thority in Candy, ib. ; desires an audience with the British governor for the purpose of arranging a definitive treaty of peace, ib. ; is received by the British governor, ib. ; requests that General M'Dowall may be sent to Candy to negotiate with Mootto Sawmy, 307 ; attempts to entrap British commander, 320 ; recommencement of war, ib. Fellew, Captain, assists in brilliant service of reducing French fortress in Madura, 376. Pemberton, Lieutenant, accompanies Gumber Singh to Manipur, and returns with him to Sylhet (Burmese warj, 471 • Pennington, Mr., his investigation of accounts of Com- pany and report, 503. Pepper, Colonel, stationed with force in Pegu to protect the province from irruptions, and occupies Shoe-gein, 475 ; dispatches Colonel Conry to reduce Burman post, in which he fails, ib. ; attacks and carries works of Sitang, and wounded in the attack, ib. Peron, M., succeeds M. Baymond in command of French force in the service of the Nizam, 234. Perron, M., his origin, 286 ; succeeds to chief command of force formerly under De Boigne, and increase of his authority, ib. ; designs of, aided by circumstances, ib. ; his cunning, activity, and influence, ib. ; his overtures to General Lake, 287 ; bis retirement, ib. ; ' effects of his retreat, 288. Persia, fears apprehended from, on the western frontier of India, 528 ; a treaty negotiated with, by Sir J. Malcolm, ib. ; her suspicious conduct, ib. ; receives a French mission, ib. ; treaties, offensive and defensive, negotiated with, 629; their conditions, ib.; at war with Russia, 530 ; conditions of the treaty with Eng- land remodified, ib. ; her increasing weakness, ib.; Russian and Aflfghan encroachments on her territory, ib. ; resuscitated by Nadir Shah, who regains her lost territories, ib. ; renewed rupture with Russia, 631; her insulting conduct to the British mission, 633;^ hostilities against, ib. Persse, Colonel, made knight companion of the Bath, 646. Perthee Saul Singh, Rajah of Palpa, driven from the hills by Ghoorkhas, his engagements with the British, imprisoned and put to death by Ghoorkhas, 389. Pesh Boolah, fort of, abandoned, 660. Peshawur, its occupation by Runjeet Singh, 533 ; its recovery sought by Dost Mahomed, ib. Peter the Great of Russia, his extraordinary energies, 530 ; his designs on Persia and Turkey, ib. Petrie, Mr., holds government of Madras provisionally, 362 ; unceasingly opposes Sir George Barton, ib. ; removed from council, 364. Phillips, Captain, attacks and carries battery at Am- boyna, 372. Pickersgill, Lieutenant, discovers part^ of Goorkhas, 402; is attacked, ib. ; enemy retreat, are pursued, and cut to pieces, ib. ; ascends the breach at Mun- dela to ascertain the effect produced by the batteries, 445. Pigot, Mr. (afterwards Lord), accompanied to Trichino- poly by Clive, in charge of recruits and stores, S3 ; returning with Clive from Trlchinopoly, is attacked by hostile party, ib. ; saved by the fleetness of their horses, ib. ; conducts defence of Madras with con- siderable skill and spirit, 61 ; demands delivery of Pondicherry to the presidency of Madras as having become the property of the East-India Company, 79- — — Lord, returns to government of Madras, 151 ; his instructions with respect to Tanjore, ib. ; proceeds to Tanjore and issues proclamation, ib. ; demands evi- dence of the claims of Paul Bendeld on the revenues of Tanjore, &c., ib. ; proposes Mr, Russell as British resident at Tanjore, 162 ; his charge against two members of board, ib. ; declares refractory members of board suspended, and orders Sir Robert Fletcher into arrest, ib. ; arrested by the opposing party in council, and appeals to Sir Edward Hughes for protection, ib.; his death, ib. ; remarks on the pro- ceedings relating to, ib. ; mode in which the proceed- ings against were regarded at Calcutta, ib. ; proceed- ings at home relating to, 153 ; his opposition to cor- ruption, and its fatal consequences to himself, 16I. Figou, Lieutenant, attacks Fort Pishoot, 546 ; killed, 551. Pindarries, character and conduct of, 421 ; charaaters of their leaders, 421 — 424 ; their indiscriminate plunder, their ai^gressions in British dominions, and their mode of warfare and government, 424 — 426 ; party of attacked and dispersed by Major Lushington, 426 ; large body of put to flight by Major M'Dowall, ib. ; unanimous opinion of governor- general and council in favour of vigorous measures for their suppression, 426, 427 ; invited b^ rajah of Nagpore to bring down force to attack British, 435 ; their habits of flight described by Colonel Blacker, 442 ; their dispersion and ultimate fate, 465. Piper, Captain, drives back party of Burmese, 467. Pishoot, fort of, attacked, 546'; evacuated, ib. Pitt, William, becomes the head of new ministry, finds an intractable House of Commons, and moves for leave to bring in a bill for better government of affairs of East-India Company — bill lost, 181 ; new bill brought in and passed, ib. ; declares intention to vote against Hastings on the charge relating toCheyt Singh, 183 ; effects of his death upon the adminstra- tion of which he was the head, 355 ; his definition of the powers of the Court of Directors, 520. Pocock, Admiral, arrival of at Calcutta, 49 ; takes to his barge in order to share in the attack on Chander- nagore, ib. ; return of English squadron under, and action with French squadron, 59 ; arrival of at Madras, with reinforcements, 63 ; returns with his fleet from Bombay, and sails for Trincomalee, 68 ; commences action with French fleet under D'Ach^, who makes sail and bears away, ib. Pohlman, Captain, pursues fugitives defeated by Cap- tain Royle. 324. Police establishment at Bareilly, account of, 412, 413. Pollock, Captain, totally defeats the Candians at Hang- well, 308, Pollock, General Sir G., appointed to the command of the second campaign in Affghanistan, 571 ; reaches Jelalabad, 675 ; account of his march from Peshawur 2 T 642 INDEX. through the Kyber pais, 576 j the governor-general's suggestions to, 577 ^t seq. ; leaves Jelalabad, and marches on Kabool, 583 ; his recapture of Kabool, 684 ; the avenger of British dishonour, ib. Pondicherry, threatened by British fleet, 17 j nabob of Arcot interferes to protect the French possession of, ib. ; governor and principal inhabitants of Madras inarched thither under an escort, ib.; attacked by English, they fail, 18 ; British force return from, with loss of more than one thousand men, ib. ; wife and sons of Chunda Sahib take refuge in, and are treated with great respect by Dupleiz, 19 ; money coined at, to be current in the Carnatic, 21 ; durbar, or court of Dupleix, held at, ib. ; boats with English troops seized in passing, 35 ; French garrison fromChingle- put march to, 37 ; French authorities at Chanderna- gore dependent upon government of, 49 ; French troops landed at byM. Bouvet; squadron disappears, 58; Lally retires to, from ill-health, 64; French fleet under M. D'Ach^ arrive at, after action with Admiral Pocock, 68; discontent and dissensions in, on tally's arrival there, 76 ; English approach the place, ib. ; attack upon French posts at, 77 ; inhabitants of ex- pelled by Lally, ib. ; operations of English against, 78 ; storm at, ib. ; post carried by English, and re- taken by the French, ib.; enemy surrender, ib. ; advance against, by General Monro, and capitulation of, 154 ; correspondence opened by French party in the Deccan with French prisoners at, 224. Foolajee, town of, 548. Poole, Miyor, his bravery, 594. Poona becomes seat of a Mahratta government, under chieftain called the Feishwa, 16; East- India Com- pany seek and obtain permission for residence of an English agent at, 142 ; government of Bengal resolve to open negotiations with authorities of, 144 ; Colonel Upton appointed their representative, ib.; councils of, distracted by intrigues, 145; government of Bom- bay disposed to co-operate with the party supporting Kugonath Kao, ib. ; capture of, byHolkar, and flight of peiahwa, 278 ; arrival of General Wellesley there ; flight of Holkar's commander, 281 ; peishwa returns to, and takes his seat on musnud, ib. ; atrocities committed at, in making levy upon rich inhabitants for benefit of Scindia, 325 ; British residency there plundered and burnt, 430; occupied by the Eng- lish, ib, ; auxiliary force of, in Affghanistan, 535. (See Bajee Rao, and Peishwa.) Poonamalee, Company's fort at threatened with at- tack, 27. Popham, Captain, troops under, assigned for service of Bana of Gohud, 148 ; enters Mahratta districts, at- tacks Lahar, and carries it by storm, ib. ; attacks and captures Gwalior, and is promoted to rank of major, 149. - ■ ■ Major, takes Pateeta by storm, and his success alarms Cheyt Singh, 173 ; advances towards Bidzeghur, ib. ; on his approach, Cheyt Sing withdraws, leaving his wife and mother, ib. ; place surrenders, ib. ; treasure appropriated by military, ib. ; act disapproved by, ib. - Colonel, commands column at siege of Chanda, 447. Porlier, Major (commanding ofiicer at Fort St. David), exonerated by court of inquiry from cowardice in re- gard to surrender of fort, but his defensive arrange- ments condemned, 60 ; mortally wounded during siege of Madras, 61. Portland, Duke of^ opposes adjournment of House of Lords, and adverts to extraordinary rumour circu- lated as to feelings of the king with regard to the East- India Bill of the coalition ministry, 181. Fort-Louis, its origin, 369 ; measures of the French for its defence, ib. Porto Novo, plundered by Hyder Ali, 157. Portuguese, their discoveries, 7 ; their arrival in India, and departure, ib. ; they return, attack Calicut with- out success, but capture Goa, which becomes their capital, 8 ; claim dominion of the Indian seas, extend their commerce, and establish factories and forts, ib. ; their factory at Hooghly attacked by order of Shah Jehan, which is courageously but inef- fectually defended, ib. ; lives of the defenders spared, but their images destroyed, ib. ; their movements alarm Mahrattas for the safety of Salsette, 143 ; their fleet appears off Bombay, and the commander delivers a protest against conduct of British authorities in regard to that place, ib. ; exempted from the general prohibition of European traders forming establish- ments within Mahratta dominions, 151 ; expedition fitted out from Bengal against their settlement of Macao, 361. Pottinger, Captain (assistant to British resident at Poona), on murder of Gungudhur Shastry instructed to provide for safety of surviving parties connected with the Baroda mission to Poona, 418. Colonel, treaties concluded by, with Khypoor and Hyderabad, in Sinde, 494 ; created a baronet, 546 ; his negotiations with Stnde, 588. Pottinger, Major, political agent in Kohistan, 559; driven from his post, ib. ; his objections to the Afi- ghan proposals overruled, 666 ; nominates a new governor of the province of Huzareh, 586. Poverio, Clement, a European commanding company in service of Mahomet Ali, receives overtures from Nunjeraj for assistance in obtaining possession of Trichinopoly, 33 ; proceeds to Captain Dalton, com- municates all that passed with Nunjeraj, is instructed to return to the camp, and avow his willingness to undertake the required task, ib. ; makes terms with Nunjeraj to receive 23,000 rupees, to seize on the gate nearest to the Mysorean camp, and to hoist signal for their army to move, 33, 34 ; his plan to entrap Nunjeraj defeated by Mahomet All's brother-in-law, 34. Powell, Lieutenant- Colon el, joined by Himmut Ba- haudur, enters country of Bundlecund, and reduces the forts, son. Powys, Mr., takes a conspicuous part in debate of House of Commons on East- India Bill of coalition ministry, 180. Praed, Mr., his motion respecting the revocation of Lord Heytesbury's appointment to the governor- generalship of India, 520. Press, liberty of in India granted by Lord William Bentinck, 522. Preston, Major, takes Theagur from the French, 79- Price, Mr., commissioned from Ava to ascertain terms of peace, 474 ; returns to Ava to procure ratification of treaty, 475. Prince Regent (afterwards George IV.) admits officers of the East-India Company's service to the order of the Bath, 456. Pritzler, General, obliges peishwa to change his course, 442; proceeds to reduce forts and strongholds of Poona ; rajah of Satara and family fall into his hands, ib. Frome, advance upon, by Sir A. Campbell, 469 ; who takes possession thereof, 470. Province Wellesley, territory on main land ceded by king of Queda, so called, 489. Pulo Penang, transferred to East-India Company by Captain Light, and called Prince of Wales Island, 489. Punniar, battle of, 606. Purneah, foujdar of, takes the field on eastern bank of Ganges, with the supposed intention of joining the ahazada, 83; he is apparently appeased, 84. PuTsajee Bhooslah succeeds his father, Rughoojee Bhonsley, as rajah of Nagpore, 434 ; his weakness of mind, and death, ib. ; evidence of his having been murdered by Appa Sahib discovered, 445. Pursaram Thappa killed in personal encounter with Lieutenant Boileau, 400. Purseram Bhow, commanding Mahratta army, joined by English detachment, moves to attack Darwar, which ultimately surrenders, 195; his army, with British detachment under Captain Little, proceeds to attack Dooradroog, 204 ; marches towards Chittadroog, which is deemed too strong for attack, ib. ; arrives at Hooly Onore, which is attacked and taken, ib. ; his admira- tion of the humane conduct of a British officer, 205 ; instead of joining Lord Corawallis, prefers plundering expedition into Bednore, 206; alarmed at approach of Kummer-oo-Deen, ib. Purwan, battle of, 549, 650 ; leads to the surrender of Dost Mahomed, 550. Pym, Captain, opens fire upon enemy's ships in har- bour of St. Paul's, Isle of Bourbon, which cut their INDEX. 643 cables and drift ashore, 365; recaptures Windham Eaat-Indiaman, and attacks French squadron in the harbour of Port Sud-Est, Mauritius, without success, Queda, possession of, secured to Siamese by treaty with English, 477 ; repeated engagements of British government to king of, 489 ; Captain Light receives Pulo Penang from the king of, and transfers it to East- India Company, ib. ; arrangements made with king of, for payment of annual sum in compensation of loss of revenue from transfer of the island, ib. ; further cession of territory made by king of, and consequent increase of annual payment, ib. ; king of, expelled by the Siamese, takes refuge in Prince of Wales Island, subsetjuently removes to Province Wellesley, but is prevailed on to return to Prince of Wales Island, ib. ; remarks on conduct of British government in relation to king of, 489,* 490 ; opinion of Lord William Ben- tinck on his treatment, 490 ; Siamese expelled from capital of, ib. ; remarks on conduct of British autho- rities in respect to the attack on, ib. ; disputes of the king with British government, and his removal to Malacca, 490, 491 ; British resident aids Siamese in recapture of, 491 ; his conduct disapproved by go- vernment of Bengal, who forbid British authorities to interfere, ib. ; prohibition arrives too late, ib. ; Si- amese repossess themselves of, ib. ; observations by Court of Directors on the subject, ib. Quetta, town of, 537, 538 > General England arrives at, 581 ; and leaves it for Kandahar, ib. E. Raffles, Mr., first suggests reduction of Dutch settle- ments to Lord Minto, 373; appointed lieutenant- governor by Lord Minto, 377 ; proceeds to court of sultan of Djoejocarta, his reception, treaty concluded, 378. Bainer, Admiral, requested to proceed to Trincomalee, 253 ; refuses to co-operate m attack on Mauritius, 254. Raitt, Captain, slain, 548. Rajah Sahib, son of Chunda Sahib, with 150 French from Pondicherry joins detachment of 4,000 sepoys sent by his father to act against Clive at Arcot, 24; his terror at a ball passing through palace at Arcot, ib. ; intelligence reaches him of the communications between Clive and the Mahrattas, becomes apprehensive of the result, and sends a flag of truce with proposals for surrender of the fort, 25 ; Clive's reply, ib. ; surprises the camp of the Mah- rattas, 26; makes a forced march to join reinforce- ments from Pondicherry, ib. Rajahmundry, M. Conflans flies thither after his defeat by Colonel Forde, 65. Rajpoot states, treaties concluded with, 433. Rajpootana, duties of allotted to Sir Charles Metcalfe, 481. Bam Dos (son of Ummer Sing} intimates his father's desire to negotiate, 405. Bam Narrain (governor of Behar), on approach of the Shazada's army, marches out of the city, and en- camps under its walls, 84 ; is warned by Colonel Calliaud not to come to action, disregards the warn- ing, and is totally defeated, ib. ; is distrusted by Meer Jaffier, who seeks to assassinate him, and assured by Clive that if he present himself to the nabob, and acknowledge his authority, he will be continued in government, 89 ; tenders his submission to nabob, and is confirmed in appointment, ib.; evades demand of Meer Cossim for settlement of accounts ; designs formed against his power and life by Meer Cossim, ib. ; promises accounts, but does not produce them, ib. ; renders accounts, which are unsatisfactory, 90 ; is seized, and his efiects con- fiscated, ib. ; is eventually murdered, ib. ; place and manner of his death, 94. Bamgurh, surrender of, 398. Rangoon entered by the English, 462 ; fired by the Burmese, 468. RatcliflF, Major, commands column at siege of Deeg, 318. Raymond, M., his indefatigable labours to increase the influence of the French in the Deccan, 324 ; puts down rebellion against the Nizam, takes prisoner Ali Jah, who destroys himself by poison, ib. ; his death and character, 234; is succeeded by M. Peron, ib. Read, Captain, offers to put Nizam in possession of the lower fort of Goorumconda if allowed the manage- ment of attack, 203 ; his offer accepted, ib. ; carries the fort and delivers it to Nizam, 205. Lieu ten ant- Colonel, appointed to escort sup- plies to army advancing on Seringapatam (last war with Tippoo), 236. Reeves, Captain, killed, 5S4. Bevell and Glass, two British officers, spared by French from massacre of their companions, near Conjeveram, and made prisoners, 26 ; required to write to Clive, informing him that if the pagoda of Conjeveram were attacked, they would be exposed on the walls, ib. ; they desire that no regard for them may induce Clive to discontinue his operations, ib. Re;pnell, General, commands column of attack at second siege of Bhurtpore, 485. Reza Saib, army of, defeated and dispersed by Captain Little (Lord Cornwallis's war with Tippoo), 205. Richards, Major, his success in attack upon position of the enemy near Jyetuck, 395; attacks and puts to flight a body of enemy in Nagpore, 446. Colonel, clears Assam from Burmese 470 ; advances u|ion Rungpore, carries stockade and various posts (Burmese war), ib. ; Buddhist priest admitted to conference with, and surrender of Rungpore, 470, 471. Brigadier-General, succeeds in attack upon enemy's right, at Arracan, 472. Richmond, Duke of, reads, in House of Lords, an article from a newspaper, announcing prevalence of report that the king had withdrawn his approbation from the India Bill of the coalition ministry, and also his confidence from its authors, 180, 181. Rika Bashee fort, surrender and re-capture of, 558, 559- Roberts, James, and Beecher, Messrs., appointed by Court of Directors to make inspection of Colonel Maclean's papers, with reference to his authority to tender Hastings's resignation, 134. Roberts, Lieutenant, despatched with Major Hearsey to confer with Mooftee during Bareilly riots, 415. Roberts, Lieutenant- Colonel, appointed to command detachment from Madras to co-operate at Hyderabad with British troops against French force at that place, 239. Roberts, Colonel, commander of brigade in the Aff- glumistan campaign, 536 ; captures Meer Shah Maho- med, 596. Robinson, Captain, surrenders at Vaniambaddy under parole, breaks his parole, obeys orders of Captain Orton to surrender Eroad, and perishes in a dungeon at Seringapatam, 117> Robinson, Captain W., despatched with summons to General Janssens to surrender Dutch possessions in Java, and the answer, 374. Roe, Sir Thomas, arrives at the Mogul court, deputed by James I., 7- Rohilcund, curious particulars of state of society in, 411; remarkable and characteristic feature in cri- minal statistics of, ib. ; crimes by which distin- guished, ib. ; grievances and discontent of the people, 412; fanatical attachment of the people to their chiefs, and their fidelity, ib. Rohilla chiefs, fears entertained of insurrection of, 231. Robillas, vizier desirous of attacking the, 124 ; defeat of, by the English brigade, 125; their origin and conquests, ib. Rose, Lieutenant, storms Holkar's battery before Delhi, gains possession of it, spikes the guns, and retreats with small loss, 315. Ross, Lieutenant, gains possession of heights above Belaspore, after defeating body of Kuhloora troops, 388 ; makes proposals to three sirdars commandiug enemy's troops, who accept them, and pass with their troops into his rear, 404. Roughsedge, Major, dispatched to reinforce Colonel Bradshaw, 400. RouEsel, Colonel, fourteen officers, and a number of troops, made prisoners by Colonel Forde, near Chin- surah, 83. 2 I 2 644 INDEX. Bowley, Commodore, ordered to blockade French islands in Indian seas, 364 ; makes unsuccessful descent on Island of Bourbon, ib. ; appoints a vessel with cartel flag to convey widow and children of General Dea Brusels to Mauritius 365 ; sails with squadron to resume blockade of Mauritius, takes General Abercrombie with him, and proceeds to Rodriguez, 368, 369. Boydooloob (dewan of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah) engaged in conspiracy against his master, S3 ; advises Sooraj-oo- Dowlah to retire to Moorshedabad, 54 ; is alienated from Meer Jaffier, 79* Boyle, Captain, commands a detachment from Agra, falls in with the cavalry of Bappoogee Scindia, and totally routs it, 323 ; attacks and defeats Hernaut Singh, 324. Bughoojee Bhonalah frajah of Nagpore) invariably resists attempts of British government to establish subsidiary alliance with state of Berar, 434 ; is suc- ceeded by his son Pursajee Bhonalah, ib. Bugonath Row, negotiations with, by the English, 143 ; succeeds to office of peishwa, and engages in war with Nizam Ali, ib. ; makes peace with Hyder Ali, who engages to pay tribute to bim, and relinquishes his design upon Carnatic, ib. ; commences march towards Foonab, but returns, lb.; his difficulties and distress, ib. ; concludes treaty with the English, and East- India Company agree to aid him on certain conditions, 143, 144; is bound not to make war in Carnatic, to assist ships of East-India Company, and protect cargoes, 144 ; defeated, and his forces dispersed, ib ; effects junction with Colonel Keating, ib. ; action takes place, and ends in favour of the English, ib. ; required by treaty between English and Mahrattas to disband his army, which he refuses, 145 ; new agreement made with, under which he is to be regent only, 146 ; seeks to stimulate his European allies, ib. ; committee of field deputies become despondent, and open negotiations with authorities of Poonah, ib. ; his surrender being demanded by Foona ministers, he provides for his own safety, 147; escapes from Scindia, with whom he had taken refuge, and is re- ceived by Colonel Goddard with little cordiality, 148. Bumbold, Mr. (afterwards Sir Thomas), appointed president and governor of Madras by Court of Direc- tors, 154 ; complains that French troops are enter- tained in Guntoor notwithstanding nizam's promise to procure their removal, 155. ^ " — ■■— Sir Thomas, proposes recall of Mr. Hollond from court of nizam, and quits India, leaving minute recommending Mr. Hollond's suspension from the service, 166; his recommendation carried into effect fay Mr. Whitehill, ib. ; assures Court of Directors that everything was quiet in Carnatic at the time of his departure from India, ib. ; is succeeded by Mr. Whitehill, ib. Bungpore, possession of, obtained by Colonel Richards ; his justification of the concessions granted to the in- habitants, 471* Runjeet Singh, British government first become con- nected with, by treaty, 362 ; gradually extends his power and influence over whole country between the Sutlege and Jumna, 483 ; difficulties of throwing his power back beyond the Sutlege, ib. ; seizes Feshawur, 532, 533; treaty with, 534; directs his military force against Affghanistan, 535; death of, 54u ; called the " Lion of the Punjab," ib. Bunjore Sing Thappa recommended to put himself in communication with Colonel Bradahaw, 393. Bussell, Mr., proposed as British resident at Tanjore by Lord Pigot, 152. Bussell, Lieutenant- Colonel, his brilliant service at battle of I^Iahidpore, 440. Bussia at war with Persia, 630 ; her rising power, and her encroachments on the Persian and Turkish territories, 530, 531 ; her insidious policy, 531 ; her intrigues with the Affghana, 533 ; and with the Persians, ib. Ruttenpore, military preparations at, by rajah of Barar 327. Ryaecottah surrenders to Major Gowdie, 399 ; its strength, ib. Rj'an, Lieutenant- Colonel, proceeds to attack gateway to left of principal battery at Bhurtpore, 320 ; alterca- tion of, with Colonel Maitland as to relative situation of breach and trenches, ib. ; compels enemy to quit their post, but is prevented by a deep drain from pur- suing his successes, ib. Ryves, Captain, frustrates attempts of enemy to drive British vessels from the station at Rangoon by fire- rafts, 467. S. Saadut Ali ; see Vizier Saadut, and Oude. Sadleir, Mr., communicates with Tippoo Sultan, and is ready to assent to demand of Tippoo's agent for sur- render of Mangalore previously to release of English prisoners, 170. •Sadrass and Pulicat taken by the English soon after arrival of Lord Macartney in India, 105. St. David, Fort. (See Fort St. David.) St. Denis (Isle of Bourbon), captured by British force, 367; ordnance found at, and loss sust^ned in conquest of, ib. St. Leger, Colonel, march of cavalry under, 286 ; his brilliant success in Travancore,360; his reprehensible conduct in regard to the discontent in the army of Madras, 362 ; suspension of, 363. St. Lubin, Chevalier, his intrigues, 146. St. Paul's (Isle of Bourbon), ordnance found at, 367. St. Susanne, Colonel (commandant in Isle of Bourbon), escapes with difficulty, 367; allowed to depart to France or Mauritius on parole, ib. Salabut Jung chosen by the French as new ruler of the Deccan, 22 ; removes his brother by poison, 38 ; forges edict of emperor confirming Dupleix in office of nabob, ib. ; assistance rendered him by M. Bussy, 41 ; advance of, demands Mogul's tribute, ib. ; ap- plied to by M. Conflans for assistance, 65 ; advances to Hyderabad, ib. ; commands Anunderauze to quit the English and repair to his lawful master, 66 ; in- telligence of his advance received by the English, ib. ; is disposed, by fall of Masulipatam, to negotiate, and concludes treaty, 6? ; seeks to prevail on Colonel Forde to grant assistance against Nizam Ali, which is refused, ib. ; after unsuccessfully contending for sovereignty of the Deccan, becomes prisoner of Nizam Ali, 111. Sale, Major (afterwards Sir Robert), the flrat man who appeared on the top of the works at Kemendine, 463 ; kills Burmese chief of high rank in single combat, 465 ; leads detachment against Burmese intrench- ments, 467 ; leads column of attack on Burmese army, ib. Colonel, wounded in boat at Melloon, 474. General, commander of brigade in the Affghan campaign, 534 ; commands the assault at Ghuznee, and is wounded, 542 ; left in command of the Bengal force, 544 ; made knight commander of the Bath, 546. Sir Robert, his desultory contests in Affghanistan, 549 i his march to Jelalabad, and his difficulties at the Khoord Kabool pass and other places, 654 ; his arrangements at Jelalabad, 555 ; refuses to evacuate the place, 555, 571 ; his heroic defence, 574 ; signally defeats Akbar Khan, and is relieved by General Pollock, 575 ; Lord EUenborough'a correspondence respecting, 577, 578 ; leaves Jelalabad, and marches on Kabool, 583 ; occupies the Urghandee pass, and receives the British prisoners, 586, Sale, Lady, wounded, in the Boothauk pass, 668 ; de- livered up as a prisoner, S69; restored to liberty, 686. Saleh, Mahomed Khan, transfers the English prisoners to the British general, 586. Salsette and Caranja fall into hands of English, 143; capture of, a questionable act, 145; possession of long desired by East-India Company, ib. ; restored by convention with Mahrattas, 147. Samoga taken, possession of by Captain Little, and cruel treatment of prisoners by Mahrattas, 205, 206 ; retakeft by Kummer-oo-Deen, 206, Sanford, Mr., commissioned from Ava to ascertain terms of peace, 474. Sarun, serious disturbances at, created by the Nepau- lese, 390, Sattara becomes the residence of the Mahratta rajah, and principal seat of Mahratta power, 14 ; falls into the hands of Aurungzebe, ib, ; explosion of a mine at, destroys two thousand of the besiearers, lb. ; Chunda Sahib made prisoner and marched there, is ; but INDEX, 645 obtains his freedom and departs from, ig : affairs of, 552. Sattara, rajah of, falls into hands of EngliBh, 103 ; mo- tives of governor-general for restoring him to sove- Teignty, 460 ; portion of territory assigned to him, ib. ; the nomiaal head of the great Mahratta confederacy, 525 ; his treacherous conduct, ib. ; Sir J, Carnac's views respecting, 625, 526; his interviews with Sir J. Carnac, and his obstinacy, 627 ; his deposition, ib. ; his numerous agents in India and England, 527, 52S. SattimuDgul taken by Colonel Floyd (Lord Cornwallis'a war with Tippoo), 192. Savandroog, conduct of siege of, intrusted to Colonel Stuart, 202 ; taken by storm, 202, 203. Scheenaas (station of pirates infesting Persian Gulf) stormed and carried by English, 371. Scindia, his influence, 147 ; agreement concluded with, ib. ; aided fay Holkar, 148 ; his friendly professions towards the English, ib.; negotiation commenced and broken off, ib.; is attacked by General Goddard with success, ib.; his army approaches Colonel Carnac's camp at Sere nge, and cannonades it, 150; harasses Colonel Camac's retreating force, but is attacked and^ defeated, treaty concluded with, pro- mises his influence to procure peace with peiahwa, ISO, 151 ; his predominant influence at Poona, 231 ; his forces, combined with those of the peiahwa, de- feated by Holkar at Poona, 278 ; meets evasively over- tures of British resident, addresses governor- general, announces his march towards the Deccan, 281 ; his letter to Colonel Close, ib. ; his reply to Colonel Collins, refers discussion of communication to per- sonal conference; meeting of Colonel Collins, 282; declares his surprise at conclusion of defensive alli- ance between British government and peishwa, ib. ; points pressed on his notice by Colonel Collins, 283 ; his dislike to march of British troops to Poona, ib.; grounds of suspicion against, ib. ; required to disavow imputation of confederacy with Holkar and rajah of Berar, ib. ; admits that treaty of Bassein contains nothing at variance with his rights, but de- clines promising not to disturb it until after the con- ference with the rajah of Berar, 284 ; his insulting remark at the close of the conference with Colonel Collins, lb.; his meeting with rajah of Berar, ib. ; his continued evasions and insulting conduct, ib. ; de- cline of his local authority in Hindostan, 286; enter- tains suspicions of Perron, 288 ; rescues the emperor. Shah AUum, from Gholaum Eaudir, 289 ; with rajah of Berar enters territories of Nizam, 290; confede- rates retire, and are joined by budy of infantry under French officers, ib. ; his Deccan Invincibles entirely defeated by General Lake, 291 ; makes overtures of negotiation to General Wellesley, and suspension of arms agreed upon, 294 ; withholds compliance with terms of armistice, 296 ; is attacked and defeated by General Wellesley at Argaum, ib. ; treaty of peace concluded by, 298, 299 ; treaty of alliance signed by, 302 — S04; promises to adopt measures suggested by General Wellesley, 310 ; his aid called for in support of the common cause of the allies, ib. ; agrees to re- ceive British force for protection, 324 ; demands re- storation of fort of Gwalior and country of Gohud, ib. ; discussion with British government on claim, 325 ; engages to lend all aid in his power for prosecuting war against Holkar, to renounce his pretensions, and confirm treaties with minor states, ib.; suggestions offered to, on part of British government, and de- claration of his ministers in reply to suggestions, ib.; his proposed reliance on British government for pe- cuniary assistance, and arrival in his camp of Shirzee Rao Ghatgay, ib.; narrative of his marriage with daughter of Shirzee Rao Ghatgay, and its circum- stances, ib. ; dismisses Shirzee Rao from employ- ment, and causes him to be arrested, 326, 326 ; great Influence of Shirzee Rao over, ib. ; marches from Borhampore, ib. ; marches in direction of Bhopal, 327 ; his design to levy contributions on nabob of Bhopal, ib.; his advance into territories of rajah of Berar, 328 ; his answers to the resident's inquiries as to his views, ib. ; new grounds of remonstrance with, ib. ; advances to andinvests the fort of Saugur, and as- sumes tone of arrogance and defiance towards British representative, 329 ; applies to the resident to post- pone his departure, and makes solemn promise of prosecuting his march to Oujein, ib. ; his dismay at departure of Mr. Jenkins, and entreaties for his re- turn, 330; his vacillating and treacherous conduct towards Mr. Jenkins, ib. ; his Pindarries attack and plunder the British camp, ib. ; his hypocrisy and audacity, 331 ; remarkable history of letter from to governor- general, ib. ; his abuse of Mr. Webbe, 333; conclusion of his letter to Marquis Wel- lesley, ib. ; answer to complaints of, 332, 333 ; expresses regret at continuance of war between Holkar and English, 335 ; his plan for putting an end to it by marching to Bhurtpore, and assuming character of mediator, ib. ; further illustrations of his duplicity, ib. ; communication of one of his servants to Colonel Close, 336; professes pacific feehngs, and retires to Subdulghur, 337; one of his ministers waits on Mr. Jenkins to announce movement of Shirzee Rao towards Bhurtpore, ib. ; an audience demanded of by resident, which is granted, and explanations and professions offered, ib.; repeats request to Mr. Jenkins that hostilities may be sus- pended with Holkar, ib. ; requests removal of Colonel Martindell, ib. ; renews his request for the removal of Colonel Martindell, 338 ; visit of to Bappoogee Scindia, ib. ; his visit to Holkar, ib.; his letter to Lord Lake and answer, 338, 339 ; receives memorial from British resident, and suddenly retires to Shoo- pore, ib. ; letter to and from Lord Lake, and his further communications with British resident, 340 ; sacrifices to, proposed by Marquis Cornwallis, 343 ; becomes less indisposed to peace, 344 ; successful negotiation with, and treaty concluded by Colonel Malcolm, 346 ; transfer of Gwalior and Gohud to, ib. ; personal allowance to be paid agreed to by East- India Company, and jaghires assigned to his wife and daughter, ib. ; extraordinary article of treaty, by which he agrees never to admit Shirzee Rao to his councils, &c., ib. ; disappoints policy of Sir George Barlow by not consenting to accept Tonk Rampoora in place of pension, 347 ; his treatment of Kurreem Khan Pindarrie, 423 ; makes treaty with Cheeto Pindarrie, 424; assents to passage of British troops through his territories, 431 ; his correspondence with Nepaul detected, ib. ; treaty concluded with, by Captain Close, 431-433 ; his collusion with Pindarrie leaders, and his waverings, 438; recalls Jeswunt Rao Lar from Asseergurh, but his order disregarded, 452 ; presses for the punishment of Jeswunt Rao Lar without reducing fortress of Asseergurh, 453 ; evi- dence of his perfidy discovered in Asseergurh, 454 ; history of the house of, after the death of Dowlut Rao Scindia, 596 et seq.; the government assumed by his widow, and afterwards by a boy of the Scindian family, who is succeeded by Bhageerut Rao, ib.; difficulties of the reigning family, 599, 6OO. (See Gwalior and Bhageerut Rao.) Scott, Major, overtures made to, by Ducaral on behalf of Francis, for reconciliation with Hastings, 138 ; procures a seat in Parliament, and presents peti- tion from Hastings to be heard in defence, 182, 183. Colonel, succeeds Mr. Lumsden as resident at Lucknow, suggests preparation of statement of number and expense of troops, &c., 263 ; his opinion, on state of the country (Oude), 264 ; suggests that, by following his advice, the affairs of the country might be administered for the benefit of the people and the reputation of the prince, 265 ; his report to governor-general, 266 ; his appeal to the vizier, 267 ; his construction of vizier's intentions of appropriating the property of Bho Begum acknowledged to be true, 268, 269 ; exposes avarice and dishonesty of the vizier, 269; desires that suspected persons may be pointed out, but condemns vexatious and indis- criminate accusation, ib. ; his injudicious conduct with regard to certain aumils, 270. Scott, Colonel Hopetoun, measures taken by, in Nag- pore, 436; attacked by Arabs at Seetabiildee, and general action follows, ib. ; attack on city of Nagpore conducted by, 437 ; appointed to command storming party at Chanda, 447. Scott, General, commander of brigade in Affghanistan, 533 ; made knight companion of the Bath, 546. Scott, Lieutenant, effects his escape, severely wounded, from slaughter of British force at Ramoo, 467. Scrapton and Walsh, Messrs., appointed deputies to 6i6 INDEX. Sooraj-00-Dowlah, searched for concealed arms, called upon to part with their swords, refuse, and deliver their proposals, 48. Scrapton, Mr., exerts himself to divest of suspicion the mind of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, 51 ; receives two l&cs for services to Meer JafSer, 56 ; undeceives Omichucd as to his reward, 57. Sebee, chief place of the Eojuks, attacked and aban- doned, 551. Seetabuldee, battle of, 434; hill of annexed to British residency, 486. Seiks, treaty with the, 534 ; their military force against Affghaniatan, 535 ; refuse to enter the Khyber Pass, S71. Selim, only son of Akbar, after a brief struggle ascends the throne, 6 ; assumes the name of Jehangir, Con- queror of the World, ib. (See Jehangir.) Senior, Mr., receives one lac twenty-two thousand rupees on elevation of Noojum-ad-Powlah to muanud ot Bengal, 100. Sepoys, their ineffectual attempt at escape from Ghuz- nee, 574. Seringapatam, Tippoo retires with his main army to, 191; advance of Lord Gornwallis upon, 195; plan and operation of attack upon by Lord Gornwallis, 19S,197j its strength. &c., 206 ; closely invested on Its two principal sides, 206—210 ; retirement of British army from, 216; British army under General Harris appear before, 237; taken by storm, 238; account of con- quest, 238, 239 ; account of loss sustained in capture, 243 ; permanent command of, intrusted to Colonel Wellesley, ib. ; fortress and island of, transferred to East-India Company, 246 j documents and evidence of secret intercourse between Tippoo, Mahomet Ali, and son, found there, 257 ; advantage of conquest of, 280 ; discontent at, 363. Seringham, French abandon their posts, and retreat thither with loss, 29 ; taken possession of by Captain Dalton, and French troops marched to Fort St. David, 31 ; D'Auteuil retires to, 58 ; taken by Crillon, 75. Sevajee, Mahratta leader, son of Shabjee, 12 ; Aurung- zebe opens a correspondence with, 12, 13; proposes submission to Aurungzebe, 13 ; a Brahmin despatched to confer with him, ib. ; embraces the plan proposed by the Brahmin for getting rid of his employer, ib. ; treacherously kills Afzoul Khan, ib. ; succession of disasters compels him to submit to Aurungzebe, invited to Delhi, and permission promised him to return to the Deccan, ib. ; proceeds to Delhi, but the emperor declioes seeing him, ib. ; placed under re- straint by Aurungzebe, but effects his escape, ib.; apphes himself to establish his power and influence, ib. ; procures from Aurungzebe recognition of his title of rajah, ib.; resumes his warlike habits, takes several important places, and plunders Surat, ib.; fits out a powerful fleet to cO' operate with his troops by land, and determines to assume the style of an independent prince, ib. ; enthroned with the reverence and grandeur of eastern potentates, ib.; continues his predatory system of warfare, Beejapoor and Golconda chief sufferers, 14 ; dies, and is succeeded by his son Sumbhajee, ib. ; throne of restored by marquis of Hastings, 451. Severudroog (pirate fort on coast of Concan) attacked and captured by Commodore James, 41. Shaftesbury, Earl of, proposes to move that East-India Company be heard by counsel at bar of the House of Lords, 511, Shah AUum (son of Aurungzebe) ordered with an army to Concan to reduce Mahratta forces on sea-coast, 14 j his army suffers from pestilence, and he is com- pelled to return, ib. ; succeeds to the throne of his father, 15. Shah AUum (Emperor) defeats Ram Narrain at Patna, 84 ; defeated by Colonel Calliaud, marches for Bengal, returns to Fatna, which he attacks without success, and is compelled to withdraw by arrival of Captain Knox, 84, 85 ; defeated by Major Carnac, 88 ; and accepts over- ture from him, 89 ; confers khelaut on Meer Cossim, ib. ; saved by Major Carnac from death during insur- rection in his camp, ib. ; marches in direction of Oude, ib. ; in camp with vizier at Allahabad, 95 ; ad- dresses a letter to Major Muaro soliciting protection, 97; marches in same direction with Enghsh, and pitches his tent every night within short distance of British detachment, ib. ; seeks interview with Major Munro, and renews request, ib. ; is received under British protection, ib.; name of, employed by vizier to extort money from Meer Cossim, ib. ; takes up his residence at Allahabad, 101 ; Clive meditates set- tlement with, 102; transfer of vizier's dominions to, contemplated, but disapproved by Clive and Court of Directors, ib.; compelled to abandon his claim to jaghire and arrears of tribute, ib. ; bestows dewanny of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa on East-India Com- pany, ib. ; his applications to English for assistance ta enable him to march to Delhi meet with refusal, 124 ; receives aid from the Mahrattas, ib. j transfers to Mahrattas districts assigned for his support by British government, and British government resume the dis- tricts, ib. ; payment of tribute to, by British govern- ment, discontinued, ib. ; territories of, ceded to vizier, ib. many years a suffering captive, 289 ; his audience with General Lake, ib. ; his wretched state and for- tune, 290. Shah Bay Khan (Pindarry) attaches himself to service of Scindia, 462. Shah Jehan. succeeds to the throne, 7 ; his cruelties, ib. ; prosecutes war in the Deccan, takes possession of several fortresses, and extorts monJiy or an acknow- ledgment of supremacy from various princes, ib. ; his intercourse with the Portugese, 8 ; bis revenge of the insult received from the Portuguese commander at Hooghly, ib. ; carries on warlike operations on a large scale, and takes measures for subjugation of the Deccan, ib. ; immense force collected, ib. ; delivers up country and people of the Deccan to fire and sword, ib. ; one hundred and fifteen towns and castles taken, ib.; compels the kings of Beejapoor and Gol- conda to propitiate him by the most humiliating sub- missions, ib. ; grants commissions to kings of Beeja- poor and Golconda, after reducing them from the rank of sovereign, ib. ; afflicted with illness, government devolves upon Dara, his seal to he considered as valid as that of the emperor, 9 ; recovers, and Dara returns the government into his hands, ib. ; victory of Aurungzebe and Morad excites alarm in the court of, ib. ; made prisoner by Aurungzebe, ib. ; his death, 12 ; suspicion entertained as to cause, ib. Shah Mahomed, compelled to submit to Sir Charles Napier, 596. Shakespear, Lieutenant, at Oude, 524. Sir R ,, advances with the Kuzzulback horse to Bameean to release the British prisoners, 586. Shamlee arrival of Colonel Burn there, who takes possession of a mud fort, 316; his gallant defence, ib. Shamrow Madik, his designs in bringing Toolsee Bhye to notice of Jeswunt Rao Holkar, 438. Shapooree, disputes with Burmese respecting, 459. Shazada, Patna besieged by, 80. Sheer, obtains imperial throne, 5 ; public works at- tributed to him, lb. ; death of succeeded by a struggle for the crown, 6. Shelton, Brigadier- General, defeats the insurgents of the Nazeem valley, 551 ; appointed coadjutor of Lord Elphinstone at Eabool, his bravery, 558, 559 ; his in- effectual attack on the village of Behmauroo, 560 ; causes of his failure, 561, 562 ; his judicious manage- ment of retreating forces, 569, 570. Sheoraj lands in dispute with Nepaulese occupied by British government, 391. Shore Mahomed defeated by Sir C. Napier, 494 ; his hostile spirit, 596 ; his defeat and flight, ib. Shiel. Mr., moves a clause for extending support in India to Roman Catholic Church, 510. Shikarpoor, captured by the English from Dhowndia Waugh, 248 ; arrival of Shoojah Shah at, 537. Shirzee Rao Ghatgay, his atrocious character, and his appointment as Scindia's dewan, 325, 326; dismissed and arrested by Scindia, 326 ; his new career of in- trigue and crime, ib, ; his vengeance, and pursuit of plunder, ib. ; repairs to Poona, sits in dhurna at the door of the minister, is inveigled into the house for the purpose of seizing him, but escapes, ib, ; his in- fluence over Scindia, ib ; attacks Cheonee, 327 ; his inveterate hatred of the British government, 335 ; marches towards Bhurtpore, 336 ; intimates to Lord Lake that he is despatched to Bhurtpore to negotiate at request of British resident, 337 ; solicits conference with rajah of Bhurtpore, which is declined, ib. ; returns INDEX. 647 to Weir, and is joined by Holkar. ib. ; Scindia pre- cluded by treaty from employing him, 346. Shitabroy accompanies Captain Knox to Patna, 85 ; apprehended by Warren HaatingB, but acquitted, 123 ; his death, and its presumed causes, ib. Shooja, son of Shah Jehan, administers the government of Bengal, 9 ; advances towards the capital to claim the crown, ib. ; disbelieves report of the emperor's recovery, continues to advance, is met by a force com- manded by Soliman, son of Dara, and defeated, ib. ; besieged by Soliman, ib. ; reinstated in government of Bengal, under promise of fidelity, ib. ; solicits from AuTungzebe commission continuing him in the government of Bengal, 10 ; takes the field at the head of a numerous army, marches on the capital, passes Allahabad, takes up a position thirty miles from that city, and waits the approach of Aurungzebe, ib. j engages united army of Aurungzebe and Mohammed, and is defeated, ib. ; report that he had fallen, 11 ; flight becomes universal, ib. ; files in the direction of Bengal, pursued by Mohammed, ib. ; bestows his daughter on Mohammed, son of Aurungzebe, ib. ; Mohammed passes over to, after abandoning the cause of his father, ib. ; his affections alienated from Mohaoamed by the detestable policy of Aurung- zebe, lb.; has no belief in protestations of Mo- hammed, ib.; suffers Mohammed to depart with his wife and vast amount of wealth, ib. ; compelled to quit his dominions, seeks safety in Arracan, ib. ; murdered with two sons, and his wife and two daughters destroy themselves, ib. Shoojah-ad-Dowlah, remark of Major Munro on his generalship, 97; emperor's complaint against, ib. ; his treatment of Meer Cossim, 97, 98 ; refuses to surrender Meer Cossim to the English, gs ; proposes to withdraw protection from Meer Cossim, and allow his escape, refuses to surrender Sumroo, butsuggests a scheme for his assassination, 98i 99 i endeavours to get in rear of British army, attempt unsuccessful, continues to approach, 99 ; agrees to pay fifty laci of rupees for indemnification of war, 1 02 ; is desirous of obtaining aid of English government in invading Dooab and attacking Rohillas, 124 ; his indecision of conduct, lays claim to assistance of British govern- ment, his dastardly pusillanimity, refuses Colonel Champion use of cannon, and urges him to decline the fight, 125 ; promises to assist Colonel Champion, but remains inactive till news of the enemy's defeat reaches him, then pushes into the camp, and carries off immense plunder, ib. ; placed in possession of conquered territory, ib.; begins to diminish his debts, 128; bis death, ib.; is succeeded by his son Azoff-al-Dowlah, ib. (See Oude, and Vizier.) Shoojah Shab (Ool-Moulk) ascends the Affghan throne S28-531 ; enters into a treaty with the English, 528 ; is dethroned, and takes refuge in the British domi- nions, 531 ; supported by the British government, 534 ; treaty with, ib. ; aided by the British, 534 — 536 ; his military forces, 535 ; formally enthroned at Can- dahar, 638; his offers to the Gbiljie chiefs rejected, 540 ; his fanatical opponents, 542 ; triumphantly enters Ma capital of Kabool, and exercises the functions of sovereignty, 543 ; general resistance to his government, 549 et seq. ; manifestation of open revolt against, 553 ; murdered, 576. Shore, Mr,, recommends inquiry before declaring land settlement in Bengal perpetual, 219. Sir John, succeeds Lord Cornwallis as governor- general ; bis character, &c., 223 ; his attention di- rected to circumstances and position of the nizam and the Mahrattas, ib. ; his policy as governor- general, 223, 224; the effects of his ultra pacific policy, ib. ; dispatches assistance to put down re- bellion of Ali Jah, ib. ; his fear of offending the Mahrattas, ib. ; compelled to depart from his ordi- nary policy, and interposes to put down rebellion following the death of Fyzoolla Khan, 225 ; recog- nizes title of Vizier Ali to musnud of Oude, ib. ; re- port reaches him hostile to claims of Vizier Ali to the throne of Oude, 226 ; proceeds to Oude, his meeting with Hussein Reza Khan, and results of meeting, ib. ; result of his investigations of claims of Vizier Ali, ib. ; effect produced on his mind by evidence ■which he collected relative to birth of Vizier Ali, 226, 227 ; presumed causes of his apathy to the question of the right of succession to the throne of Oude, 227 ; his account of the succession of intrigues which fol- lowed the death of Azo£F-a!-Dowlah, 227, ,228 ; cha- racteristic remark of, as to his own inclinations, 228 ; his views as to the government of Oude, ib. ; dis- cussion by, of the question of supporting the claim of Saadut Ali, 228, 229; bis personal objection to acting against Vizier Ali overcome by sense of public duty, 229 J is elevated to Irish peerage by title (rf Lord Teignmoutb, and quits India, ibi Shuldham, General, attempts to march force through Cachar and Manipur to the Burmese frontier, under- taking abandoned, 471. ShumsheerBahaudur, submission of, 301 ; articles and conditions of his submission, 301, 302. Shums-ood-Dowlah, second son of Saadut Ali, king of Oude, 525. Shumsoodeen Khan, nephew of Dost Mahomed, re- captures Ghuznee, 573, 574; defeated by General Nott, 685. Siamese, treaty concluded with, by British government^ 476 ; illustration of the jealousy of, 47", 477 ; pos- session of Queda secured to Siamese by treaty con- cluded with Lord Amherst, 489; territories of king of Queda invaded by, and quickly subdued, ib. ; ex- pelled from capital of Queda by Tuanko Kudir, 490 ; cruelty and oppression of, excite universal hatred, ib.; aided by blockading force of English, repossess themselves of Queda, 491 ; measures taken by British government and its agents to conciliate, ib. Slbbald, Captain, killed at siege of Seringapatam (Lord Cornwallis'a war with Tippoo), 209. Sibley, Captain, killed in Nepaul war, 401. Simonich, Count, Russian ambassador at Tehran, 533; his recall, 534. Simpson, Major- General, commanderof Shoojah Shah's forces in Afghanistan, 535. Siode, Ameers of, 538 ; state of, 587; historical review of, ib. ; different treaties with, 587, 588, 590 ; open- ing of the Indus, 538; political relations with, 588, 589 ; unfriendliness of, to the Anglo-Indian army, 690 ; occupied by British troops, 590 ; reduced by treaty to a dependency of Great Britain, 591 ; Sir Charles Napier assumes the chief military command, and adopts new regulations, 59 1 ; the ameers de- feated by Sir Charles Napier, who enters the capital, and reduces them to subjection, 594. Sinfray (French officer in service of Sooraj-00-Dowlah) advances with guns at battle of Flassy, 63 ; finding himself unsupported, retires, ib. Singapore, rights of Dutch government there ceded to English, 485 ; its commercial advantages, ib. ; its situation under native rule, ib.; factory erected at by English, ib.; cession to East-India Company of rights of native princes in, 466. Sirdars, territory of Herat transferred to the, 533. Skinner, Captain, his interview with Akbar Khan, 570 ; killed, ib. • Sleeman, Colonel, appointed resident at Gwalior, 604 ; his letters on the state of feeling there, ib. Sleigh, General, intercepts the escape of, and secures Doorjun Saul (second siege of Bhurtpore), 485. Smith, Adam, his claim to the discovery of the prin* ciples usually ascribed to him, 380 ; remarks of Mr. C. Grant on his objection to the union of governor and merchant, 386. Smith, Captain, his answer to D'Auteuil'a demand of surrender of Trichinopoly, 67 ; draws out part of the garrison of Trichinopoly to protect reinforcement, ib. ; takes Gingee, 79. Smith, Colonel A., supports Clive in repressing muti- nous movement, 104. Smith, Colonel Joseph, his suspicions of Nizam Ali, and his opinion of the intentions of Nizam Ali and Hyder Ali, 112; his want of acquaintance with the country subjects him to surprise, ib. ; attacked by Hyder Ali, whom he defeats, moves to Trinomaly, is joined by Colonel Wood,' his expectation of finding stores disappointed, removes his troops eastward, ib. ; dis- covers stores Bubterraneously concealed, efficiency of his troops increased, attacked by the enemy, struggle ensues for possession of a hill, 112, 113; half- encircled by Hyder All's force, turns his guns upon enemy's cavalry, who fiy in confusion, forty-one pieces of artillery captured, 113; follows Hyder Ali, who retires, ib. ; secret communication opened with, by Nizam Ali, 1 14 ; surrender of Kistnagherry to, 1 1 5 ; 648 INDEX. takes meani for effectually meeting an expected attack of Hy der Ali, which are rendered unnecessary by Hyder'a retirement, M5 ; proceeds to the pre- sidency* 116; lays before government M^or Fitz- gerald's report relating to Colonel Wood, ib. ; returns to the field, and watches moTements of Hyder Ali, 118. Smith, Mr., voted acting president at Madras, I6l. Smith, Mr. Culling, receives one lac thirty thousand rupees after elevation of Meer Cosaim^ 88. Smith, General Lionel, British army reinforced by his arrival at Bhurtpore (first siege), 320 ; his pursuit of Ameer Khan, 321 ; summoned by Mr. Elphinstone, arrives at Pouna, 430 ; resolves upon reducing Sattara and effecting junction with General Fritzler, which objects are effected, 442; resumes pursuit of peishwa, ib. ; defeats peishwa's army, ib. Smith, Cornet, charges round base of hill at battle of Seetabuldee, 436. Smith, Lieutenant-Colonel, attacks pagoda of Kyloo without success (Burmese war), 465. Smith, Lieutenant J. C, killed, 595. Sneyd, Captain, with govern or- general's body-guard, charges amongst elephants (Burmese war), 469. Snodgrass, Major, his account of the critical situation of the British army at Rangoon, 468. Soliman, son of Dara, with a force, meets Shooja, and defeats him, 9 ; besieges Shooja, ib. ; marches to effect a junction with Dara, advancing against Aurung- zebe and Morad, ib.; unable to effect the junction with Dara, 1 ; abandoned by greater part of his army, ib.; falls into the hands of Aurunpzebe, 12. Soolabgur falls into the hands of the English, 76. Sooraj-oo-Dowlah succeeds Aliverdi Khan as soubahdar of Bengal, 42 ; his unhappy character and education, ib. ; his hatred of the English, ib. ; addresses letter to president of Calcutta requiring Ki&hindusa to be given up, and messenger dismissed without answer, ib.; requires the English to desist from strengthening their fortifications, ib. ; enraged by the answer re- ceived, ib. ; presents himself in arms before English factory at Cossimbazar, which surrenders, 43 ; ad- vances on Calcutta, refuses to accept sum of mone}' tendered to induce him to retire, ib. ; enters Calcutta, assures Mr. Holwell that no harm shall come to the prisoners, 44; confines one hundred and forty-six personsin the Black Hole, results, ib. ; his subsequent conduct, 45 ; his absurd conception of the importance of his conquest, 46 ; his disappointment as to booty, ib. ; leaves garrison in Calcutta and departs, sends hostile messages to French and Dutch to replenish his treasury, ib. ; receiving news of approach of Eng- lish force, orders his whole army to assemble at Moor- shedabad, ib.; advances towards Calcutta after its recapture by the English, desires deputies from Eng- lish camp to be sent to him, 48 ; attacked by Clive, re- tires ; negotiations, and treaty concluded, ib. ; forbids advance of British force against French settlement of Chandernagore, ib. ; bis answer to letter from Admiral Watson, 49; assumes an appearance of coi-diality towards the English, sends letters of congratulation to Clive and Watson on the success of the English at Chandernagore, but protects the French, 50 ; corre- sponds with Bussy, and urges him to repair to the relief of his countrymen, ib. ; his unfriendly conduct towards the English, and attempt to evade the pecu- niary provisions of the treaty, ib. ; his universal un- popularity, ib. ; reinforces large division of his army lying at Plassy, 51 ; hesitates to withdraw his arm;, but finally yields, ib. ; prepares to attack palace of Meer Jafiier, abandons hostilities, invites Meer Jaffier to a conference, and is satisfied of his fidelity, 52 ; addresses a letter of defiance to Clive, and orders his whole army to assemble at Flassy, ib. ; his army dis- covered in motion, 63 ; general cannonading com- mences from his artillery, ib. ; sends for Meer Jaffier and implores his assistance, receives from him advice which he follows, 54 ; flies with rapidity, ib. ; wanders through the country, ib.; made prisoner by Meer Coasim, is taken to Moorshedabad, treated with great indignity and cruelty, and finally murdered, 66. Sotbeby, Mr., assistant at Nagpore, his noble conduct and honourable death at the battle of Seetabuldee, 436. SoupirpH, Marquis de, holds chief military command in French expedition, 68; receives command of French force from Lally, and remains inactive, 64. Souter, Captain, a survivor of the Affghan slaughter of the British forces, 5^0. Spain, Manilla restored to, at general peace, 106. Spencer, Mr., occupies the chair at Calcutta in place of Mr. Vansittart, 100 ; his fortune improved thereby, ib. ; ceases to be head of British government at Bengal, 101. Spiers, Colonel, British resident at Gwalior, sgo ; super- seded, and appointed resident at Nagpore, 602. Stables, Captain, proceeds to vizier's camp, rejects the proposal of vizier for murder of Sumroo and the offer of a bribe to himself, Q8. Stack, Major, hia brilliant charge, 5Qi. Staunton, Captain, attacked by peishwa's infantry at Corygaum, and his gallant defence, 442 ; compels enemy to abandon village, and retires to Seroor, which he enters with drums beating and colours fly- ing, ib. Staunton, Sir George, motion of, relating to .Chma trade, 442. Stedman, Lieutenant J. O. (afterwards Captain), drives a large body of enemy from stockade (Burmese war), 464; killed in attack upon Sitang, 475. Stephenson, Brigadier-General, commander of brigade in AfiFghanistan, 535. StewartfMr., vouches for Colonel Maclean's authority to tender Hastings's resignation, 134. Stewart, Captain, death of in the expedition from Bombay in support of Rugonath Row, 146. Stewart, Colonel, succeeds in attack at siege of Malli- gaum, is joined by Major Macbean, and their united force obtains possession of the entire town, 449. Stevens, Admiral, arrives at Fort St. David, 168. Stevenson, Colonel, ordered to march to Gardoor, 260 ; takes Asseergurh, 291 ; marches for Assye, and ob- tains possession of several fortresses, 294 ; prejjares to attack Gawilghur, marches to Ballapoor, and joins General Wellesley at Parterly, 294 ; breaks ground, and erects batteries against Gawilghur, 296. Strachey, Mr., curious particulars respecting state of society in Rohilcund communicated by, 4U, 412; views of confirmed by report of commissioners, 412. Stratton (member of Madras government) suspended by Lord Pigot, 152; prosecuted by attorney-general, and convicted, 153, 154. Stuart, Colonel, supported by majority of board for ap- pointment as British resident at Tanjore, in opposi- tion to the governor. Lord Pigot, and disputes con- cerning, 152; detached to attack Palligaut, falls back without effecting object, attacks Dindigul, which sur- renders to him, 192; returns to Coimbatore, again despatched to attack Palligaut, which capitulates, ib. ; prepares to resist Mahrattas, mistaken for Tippoo's cavalry, 199; lays siege to Savandroog, which is car- ried, 202 ; assumes command of all British troops on the island of Seringapatam, 209 ; attacked by enemy, ib. Stuart, General, command of army of Madras devolves on, by departure of Sir Eyre Coote, I67 ; refuses to march against enemy after death of Hyder Ali, 168; his differences with Lord Macartney, and points in which they agreed, ib. ; attacks French under M. Bussy with success, ib. ; requests that corps under Colonel Fullarton be placed under his orders, which is complied with reluctantly, ib. ; gives instructions to Colonel Fullarton which are at variance with those of the government, ib. ; his conduct gives offence at presidency ; he is summoned to repair thither, and dismissed ; expresses intention to retain command of king's troops ; is arrested and kept prisoner till sent to England, 169 ; ascends into Coorgwith army from coast of Malabar, 236; despatches battalion to strengthen brigade of Colonel Montresor, ib. ; marches to aid Colonel Montresor, and defeats divi- sion of enemy, 237 » marches with Bombay army from Seringapatam, 243 ; his instructions from Lord Clive as to march of British troops into Mahratta country, 280. Stuart, Honourable Frederick, proposed as resident at Oude by Hastings, when majority of council refuse to concur, 132, Stuart, Mr. John, his testimony to fairness of report of committee of House of Commons on affairs of East- India Company, 501. INDEX. 649 Sturt, Captain, assault on, at Kabool, 556. SturC, Lieutenant, hia bravery, 664. Sufirein, M., French fleet under, encountered by Sir E. Hughes, who captures six vessels } lands at Porto Novo three thousand men, overtaken by Sir Edward Hughes, and sanguinary battles. 166— 1 69; takes Trincomalee, ib, ; another indecisive engagement 166; returns to Cuddalore, ib.; his character as a naval commander, ib. ; proposes cartel for ex- change of prisoners to Lord Macartney, 16? ; pro- posal referred to Sir E. Coote, who wishes English prisoners in custody of Hyder All to be included, ib. ; proposal rejected, ib. ; lands prisoners at Cuddalore, and transfers them to Hyder Ali, ib. ; his country- men interpose in vain, ib.; has another; action with English fleet without decided advantage to either party, l68. Suftur Jung, son of Shoojah Shah, 572 ; joins Akbar Khan, ib. Sumbhajee succeeds Sevajee, 14; receives Akbar with distinction after his flight, ib. ; Mahratta power de- clines in his hands, ib, ; abandoned to sensual in- dulgence, ib. ; plan laid to obtain possession of his person executed with success, ib. ; he is tortured and publicly beheaded, ib. Sumner, Mr., after elevation of Meer Cossim, receives two lacs tweuty-four thousand rupees, 88; ques- tioned as to circumstances of country when payment of Meer Cossim's bounty was made, and his answer, ib. Sumroo undertakes the murder of the European pri- soners of Meer Cossim, 94 ; his delivery demanded by the English as a condition of peace with vizier, 95 ; heads the mutinous troops of Meer Cossim, 98 ; re- fuses to furnish cannon, arms, and accoutrements demanded hy Meer Cossim, and enters service of vizier, ib. ; his assassination proposed by vizier, 98, 99 ; the formal infliction of the punishment of death upon, demanded by British government, 101; seeks a new service upon the vizier's flight before the English, ib. Surat taken by Sevajee and plundered, 13; station at, established by East-India Company for the trade of the Indian continent, l6; superseded as Company's station by Bombay, ib. Surat, Nabob of, claims tribute from nabob of Broach, 142; commercial importance of, 251 ; inhabitants of, invite English to take possession of castle and fleet, ib. ; defence of, transferred to English, ib. ; British government determine to assume entire civil and military administration of, 252 ; abuses prevailing there, ib. ; review of events there, ib. ; new arrange- ments at, embodied in treaty, ib. Sutherland (Englishman of that name) commands brigade of French force under De Boigne in service of Scindia, 286; aspires to succeed De Boigne in chief command, ib. Sutledge, hostile troops in its vicinity, 6oi. Swaiaston, Lieutenant, wounded at victory of Cory- gaum, 442. Swanston, Mr,, assistant to collector at Midnapore, rule granted against by Supreme Court of Calcutta, 140. Swanston, Captain, takes Trimbuckjee Dainglia pri- soner, 451. Swartz (missionary) requested to assist British com- missioners at camp of Tippoo Sultan as interpreter, 171; his remark to Colonel Fullarton respecting Tippoo, ib. Swayne, Major, his ineffectual attack on the village of Behmanroo, 56o. Sydenham, Captain, his statement of the conduct of the Pindarries and the governments they serve, 422, Syed Ahmed (Mahometan reformer), his doctrines, and effects of their propagation, 487. Syef-al-Dowlah succeeds his brother Noojum-ad- Oowlah as nabob of Bengal, 104; death of, 123; succeeded by Mobarik-al-f)owlah, ib. Symes, Colonel, his mission to Ava, 458. Symmonds, Ensign, at Cawnpore, advances to recon- noitre, is challenged by the enemy, answers in French, and being mistaken for a French officer is suffered to pass, 27, 28; makes necessary observa- vations, returns, and rejoins his detachment, 28; results of his information, ib. Syud Hoshien, the refractory chief, 646. Syrian and Bactrian dynasties, monarchs of, governed the provinces bordering on the Indus for two cen- turies, 2. T. Tag^pore, party of British sepoys at, attacked by body of Meer Cossim's horse, 02. Talneir, fort of attacked (Pindarrie and Mahratta war), 443 ; ambiguity of circumstances attending the attack, 444 ; fort taken, garrison put to the sword, ib. ; killadar of, hanged by order of Sir T. Hislop, ib. Talpoors, a tribe of Sinde, 687> Talyne, fort of, attacked and captured by Captain J. Grant (Findarrie and Mahratta war), 439* Tanjore, throne of, claimed by Mahratta prince, who solicits the aid of the English, which is granted, 18 ; British expedition despatched against, ib. ; difficul- ties and disasters, ib. ; British troops return to Fort St. David, ib. ; new expedition fitted out, ib. ; Devi Cottah taken, and arrangement made with the reign- ing sovereign, ib. ; invaded byChunda Sahib, and re- lieved by advance of Nazeer Jung, 19; Lally approaches to enforce payment of a bond, 60 ; treaty concluded, and fresh disputes, ib. ; city of, besieged by Lally, ib. ; retreat of French from, ib. ; involved in hostili- ties with government of Madras, 122 ; war with, and rajah made prisoner, ib. ; the country transferred to Mahomet Ali, ib.; conquest of, and deposition of rajah, condemned by Court of Directors, 151 ; Lord Pigot instructed to restore the rajah, ib, ; disputed succession to the throne of, 249, 250 ; adopted heir of deceased rajah placed on the throne by earl of Morn- ington, 250 ; British government assume entire civil and military administration of, ib. Tannah taken by storm by the English, 143. Taragurh, capture of (Nepaulwar), 396. Tatta, Sir J. Keane's arrival at, 537. Tayler, Mr., arrives at Calcutta to represent to govern- ment of Bengal necessity of giving support to govern- ment of Bombay, in the war undertaken in support of Rugonath Row, 145. Taylor, Colonel, defeats the Ghiljies at Tazeen, 583. Tazeen valley, contests in the, 554; arrival of the retreating British troops at, 569 * severe contests at the, 583. Tegnapatam, purchased by Company from a native prince, and fortified, becomes an important station , under the name of Fort St. David, I6. Teignmouth, Lord, retires from the office of governor- general, and is succeeded by Lord Mornington, 230 ; his view of the position of the British government in India, ib. (See Shore, Mr. and Sir John.) Tellicherry, brave defence of, reinforcements arrive, and the siege is raised, 166. Temple, Earl, admits in the House of Lords, that the king had honoured him with a conference in which he gave certain advice that he would not divulge, the result of which is the defeat of the coalition ministry on the India Bill, 181 ; seals of office delivered to, ib. Terapleton, Lieutenant, his gallant conduct and fall, at the siege of Bhurtpore, 322, Terraie, ravaged by and falls into hands of enemy, 40 1 . Thackeray, Lieutenant, gallant charge made by, to cover retreat of British force from unsuccessful attack on stockade near Jyetuck, 395 ; his death, ib. Thackwell, Colonel, made knight commander of the Bath, 546. General, at the battle of Chonda, 605. Thakia Woongyee, despatched to take chief command of Burmese army, with distinct orders to attack the British, 463. Thiagur, capitulates to Major Preston, 79* Thirst, horrors of, in India, 539, 548. Thompson, Lieutenant- Colonel W, A., movement of, leads to the abandonment by the enemy of all posi- tions to left of Kamgurh, 389. Thompson, Mr. Powlett, his remarks in Parliament on the conduct of Mr. Bright un the East-India ques- tion, 500 ; defends duties imposed in Great Britain on productions of India, 510. Thomson, Captain, cummander of eogineers in Aff- 650 INDEX, phanistan, 535 ; hia account of the fortifications of GhuEnee, S4l. Thorn, Major, hia remark on the effect of Lord Lake's surprise of Holkar's camp, 317. Thornton, Mr. B,, opposes motion of Lord Castlereagh for substituting select committee for committee of whole house, on affairs of East-India Company, 364. Tierney, Mr., his observations on the privileges of the East-India Company, 387- Timany, summoned by Clive to surrender, yields, 26. Timour, his origin, 4 ; crosses the Indus, advances towards Delhi, ib. ; puts to death, in cold blood, nearly one hundred thousand prisoners, ib. ; enters Pelhi, and proclaims himself emperor, 5 ; massacre and pillage follow, ib. ; returns to the capital of his Tartar dominions, ib. ; his authority virtually ceases on hia departure, ib. Timur, son of Shoojah Shah, 535. Tinley Pass, seizure of by Colonel G. Carpenter, 393. Tippoo Sahib, sultan of Mysore, 157 ; force despatched under, by Hyder Alt, to frustrate junction between Sir H. Munro and Colonel Baillie, ib. ; attacks Colonel Baillie unsuccessfully, ib,; makes assault upon Arcot, and is repulsed, l6l ; renews siege of Wandewash, fails, and decamps, l64 ; surrounds army of Colonel Braithwaite, which he destroys, 166; compels Colonel Humberstone to retreat, l67; hia sudden departure eastward caused by death of Hy- der Ali, ib. ; his arrival in his father's camp, and assumption of sovereignty, ib. ; returns from Carnatic, and obtains possession of Bednore by capitulation ; charges English ofiScers with plundering, and marches them off in irons ; besieges Mangalore ; embar- rassed by loss of his French allies, consents to armistice, l68, 169 ; disregards stipulations of conven- tion, I6g; British commissioners proceed to court of, to negotiate, 170 ; agents of, demand that surrender of Mangalore should precede release of English prisoners, ib.; Mr. Staunton refuses to comply, ib.; murder of General Matthews and British prisoners by, 171 ; arrogance and insolence of, encouraged by the timid submission of Madras government, ib. ; treaty signed with, ib. ; atrocious treatment of Eng- lish prisoners by, ib. ; Captain Rumley, Lieutenant Fraser, Lieutenant Sampson, General Matthews, and many others, perish in captivity, ib. ; treaty with, dis- approved by government of Bengal; reasons, ib. ; receives favourably the proposal of nizam for alli- ance, and requires the connection to be cemented by intermarriage, which nizam refuses, 188; excluded from list of British allies delivered to nizam, 189; affords grounds for apprehension to the British government, ib. ; meditates conquest or dismember- ment of Travancore, ib. ; endeavours to prevail on the zamorin of Calicut to invade Travancore, in pro- secution of antiquated claims, ib. ; seeks assistance of the rajah of Cochin, and instigates him to reclaim territory on which lines of Travancore formed, ib. ; is warned that any act of aggression upon Travan- core will be regarded by English government as vio- lation of treaty, and professes desire to maintain relations of amity, 190; commences march in direc- tion of Travancore, ib. ; remonstrates against transfer of two forts from the Dutch to the rajah of Travan- core, ib. ; .falsehood of the grounds of remonstrance, ib. ; marches to attack lines of Travancore, when a sudden attack throws the assailants into confusion and disorderly flight, ib. ; he is thro'wn down in the struggle, but is rescued by his followers, ih. ; arrival and assumption of office as governor of Madras by General Medows formally announced to, igi ; his correspondence with General Medows, ib.; retires with his main army to Seringapatam, ib. ; his cha- racter, jgi, 192; cruelty exercised on the Nairs by, 192; defends with his army the pass of Guge- hutty, ib. ; action of, with English, 192, 193; with- draws hit army, but on Colonel Floyd's retreat orders his troops to be put in motion for pursuit, 193; hears of death of Burkhar-00-deen, and draws off his army, ib. ; evades general action, and repossesses himself of Sattimungul, Eroad, and Daraporam, ib. ; alarmed by progress of English army in Bramahal, despatches force there, ib. ; makes overtures of nego- tiation, and seeks assistance from French governor at Pondicherry, ih. ; moves to defence of passes into his territories, ib. ; astonished and irritated at result of attack on Bangalore, gives orders to killadar of fort to recover possession of the pettah at all risks, 194; unsuccessful attempt for the purpose, ib. ; encounters army of Lord Cornwallis, and with difficulty effects his escape, IflS; his apprehension at approach of Lord Cornwallis, 196 ; orders removal of treasure, harem, and families of officers to Chittledroog, and abandons intention on advice of his mother, ib. ; causes caricatures of English in Seringapatam to be obliterated, and murders twenty English youths and other prisoners, 196 j attacked and defeated by Lord Cornwallis, 197, 108 ; good conduct of his infantry, ib. ; rapid movements of his cavalry, ib. ; his troops in- tercept messengers despatched to Colonel Stuart, ib. ; further proofs of his perfidy and cruelty, igpjhis mission to Constantinople, and results of the mission, 200 ; congratulates his officers on the infatuation of the English in attacking Savandroog, 202; learns that his camp is penetrated by the English, files into the city, his narrow escape, 208 ; desertions from him of natives and Europeans, 20g ; greatly disappointed by his ill success, passionately demands if he has no faithful servants to retrieve his honour, ib. ; convenes his principal officers, exhorts them to make a bold effort to drive English from the island of Seringa- patam, and recover the tomb of Hyder Ali, 210; resolves to renew attempt at negotiation, and employs English prisoners as instruments of appeal to go- vernor-general, 210, 211 ; sends letters to governor- general by Lieutenants Chalmers and Nash, 211 ; forcibly dispossesses Lieutenant Chalmers of counter- part of articles of capitulation of Coimbatore, ib. ; attempts to deprive the English camp of water, 212 ; submits to the demands of the allies, 213 ; his appeal to his officers, whether it should be peace or war, ib. ; signs articles and despatches them to Lord Corn- wallis, ib. ; disregards stipulation for cessation of hostilities, ib. ; his two sons despatched as hostages to the British camp, 214; their reception by Lord Cornwallis, and graceful appeal of head vakeel, who accompanied them to the British general, ib. ; orders royal salutes to be fired in testimony of his satisfac- tion at the reception of his sons, ib. ; forwards crore of rupees in partial payment of the sum stipulated in preliminaries, ib. ; his rage on learning the demand of the English for the surrender of Coorg, 215 ; his insolent answer to the remonstrances of Lord Corn- wallis against his continuance of hostile operations, in violation of subsisting arrangements, ib. ; remon- strates against breach of armistice by Mahrattas, ib. ; ratifies the treaty, 2l6; his shameful infraction of former treaty in regard to inhabitants of Coromandel, ib. ; his vengeance and mutilation of prisoners, ib. ; his plans to provide for contributions required by treaty, ib. ; restoration of hostage princes to, 217; his councillors' opinion on admittance of British officer to his presence, ib. ; his reception of his sons, ib.; seeks means for regaining his lost power and influence, 231 ; his intrigues, ib. ; despatches an em- bassy to Prance, and hia mission fails, ib, ; disgraces his ambassadors, and makes communications through agency of government of Blauritius, ib. ; overture to, from master of French privateer, and his arrange- ment, 232 ; his credulity, ib. ; despatches embassy to Mauritius, ib. ; reception of his ambassadors, 233 ; his letters transferred from Mauritius to France, ib. ; his probable disappointment at the number and cha- racter of the force received from the Mauritius, ib. ; encourages Jacobin club, and becomes a member of it, ib. ; his disputes with rajah of Coorg, 235 ; gover- nor-general addresses letters to, ib. ; his assent to mission of a British officer to his court, 236 ; attacks the British line at Sedasseer, and is defeated, 237; his efforts directed to resist advance of General Harris, ib. ; is defeated by General Harris at Mallu- velly, and retires, il3. ; is deceived by route taken by General Harris, ib. ; he demands the determination of his principal officers, ib. ; his tardy overture to negotiate, 238 ; purport of his letter to General Harris, with reply to, ib. ; articles of negotiation proposed to, by General Harris, ib. ; returns no answer to demands of General Harris, ib.; despatches reply to General Harris's proposals, ih. ; offers of General Harris, ib.; passes through an agony of grief into silent stupor, ib. ; continuation of opera- tions against, ib. ; his capital taken, and discovery of INDEX. 651 his lifeless body, ib. ; circumstancea of his death, 242; his burialj 242, 243; his library and private papers fall into the hands of captors, 243 ; distribu- tion of his conquered dominions, 244, 245 ; his intrigues with Mahomet All and Omdut-ul-Orarah, 256, 2&7 ; extravagant revenue placed at disposal of his sons, 351 ; two of hli sons implicated in atrocities at Vellore, 352 ; family of. removed to Bengal, and retrenchment of their allowances, 354. Tittoo Meer (see Meer Niser Alee), 48/. Tod, Captain, instructed to open negotiation with Toolaee Bhye, 438. Tondiman, men furnished by, iu aid of the cause of Mahomet Ali, at Trichinopoly, 57. Tonjolly, Monsieur, his action with Sir E. Vernon, is put to flight and takes refuge in Pondicherry, escapes from and leaves Pondicherry to its fate, 154. Tonk Rampoora, attack of, by Colonel Don, 310, 311, Toolsee Bhye (miatress of Jeswunt Rao Holkar), early histor^r of, 438 ; succeeds to regency on Holkar becoming insane, ib.; adopts Mulhar Rao Holkar, ib. ; her secret message expressing desire to place him under British protection, ib. ; she is arrested and beheaded, 4S9. Toone, Brigadier-General, posted near Ooctaree, 431. Toree, description of its condition, by Mr. Neave, 491. Trant, Mr,, expresses hope that parliamentaiy com- mittee would especially consider Indian affairs with reference to natives, 501. Travancore, connection of East-India Company with, 358; scandalous misgovernment of, and remon- strances of British resident, ib. ; communications between dewan of the rajah of, and Americansi, fol- lowed by overtures to rajah of Cochin, ib. ; extensive military preparations in, ib. ; government of Fort St. George takes measures for commencing hostilities, which are subsequently countermanded, ib. ; house of resident surrounded by armed men, and his escape, 359 ; atrocious murder of a party of Europeans in, ib. ; various operations in, 359, 360; advance of troops destined for service in, 360 ; defeat of dewan's troops in, by Colonel Chalmers, ib. ; storming of lines of Arumbooly by Major Welsh, acting under command of Colonel St. Leger, 360, 301 ; enemy dislodged from Colar and Nagrecoil by Colonel Mac- leod, when the dewan flies, 3oi ; further successes of the British troops in, negotiations commenced, ib. ; affairs return to former state, ib. ; dewan destroys himself, ib. ; general remarks, ib. Tremwith (a British officer), to save Clive from death drags him aside, but is shot through the body by the man whose aim he had defeated, 24. Trevor, Captain, his dangerous position, 557 » assassi- nated, 565. Tricalore, falls into the hands of English, 76, Trichinopoly, rajah of, dies (1732J, 18; his first wife aspires to succeed to the government, and is opposed by commander-in-chief, ib. ; queen seeks assistance from nabob of Arcot, who despatches an army to her assistance under the command of his son, aided by Chunda Sahib, ib. ; queen dethroned and imprisoned by perfidy of Chunda Sahib, ib. ; Mahomet Ali, younger son of nabob of Arcot, flies thither, 19; British troops engaged in aiding Mahomet Ali take refuge under walls of, 22 ; detachment under Clive and Clark arrive safe at, after a skirmish with French force, 23; British troops march from, to establish authority of Mahomet Ali in other parts of the Car- natic, 32 ; return thirher, ib. ; again march, leaving garrison under command of Captaii^ Dalton, ib. ; disputes at, 34 ; supplies for, intercepted by Nun- jeraj, 37 ; menaced by force of D'Auteuil, amount of his force, 57 ; amount of English force in, ib. ; bom- barded, and surrender of, demanded by D'Auteuil, ib. ; relieved by arrival of Captain Calliaud, 57, 58. Trimbuckjee Dainglia, intrigues of, and character, 4l6 ; reported to have seized Gungadhur Shastry, and his avowid to the shastry, 417, 418 ; his answer to request for inquiry into assassination of the shastry, 418, 4ig ; takes extraordinary measures for his own safety, 419; strong guards placed at his house, ib. ; grounds of suspicion against, 419, 420; his profligate character and notorious hostility to the shastry, 420 ; his scan- dalous services to the peishwa, ib. ; sent off to Wat- suntghur, and his unqualified surrender to British government insisted on, 420, 421 ; delivered to a British detachment, conducted to Bombay, and placed in strict confinement in fort of Tannah, 421 ; his es- cape, 427 ; reward offered for his apprehension, his property confiscated, and his guilt and the obligation to punish him admitted by article of treaty with the peishwa, 429 ; joins peishwa with reinforcements, 442; retires and conceals himself near Nassick, is taken without resistance, sent to Tannah, and lodged in fort of Chunar, 451. Trincomalee, added to conquests of the English, l65 ; assemblage of troops at, 254. Trinomaly, and other forts, acquured by the French, 59. Tripasore, surrenders to Sir E. Coote (war with Hyder Ali), 164. Trivatore, garrison of, surrenders to Major Brercton, 69. Trivelanore, falls into hands of English, 76. Tuanko Kudir, expels the Siamese from capital of Queda, 490. Tucker, Captain, holds chief command of naval force employed in redaction of Amboyna, 372. Tucker, Mr., records his dissent from certain parts of letters addressed to president of Board of Commis- sioners by Court of Directors, 504 ; his defence of Lord Heytesbury, 519. Turkey, Russian encroachments on territory of, 530> u. Ummer Sing Thappa (Nepaulese general) makes com- munications to Colonel Ochterlony, 393 ; his supposed disaffection to Nepaulese government, ib. ; his scorn- ful rejection of the invitation of Colonel Ochterlony, ib. ; fresh communications with, ib.; apprehension of his designs to retreat with his army to the east- ward, 396 ; concentrates his force on the heights of Uamgurh, and is enabled to draw supplies from rajah of Belaspore, 397 ; marches to Malown, leaving gar- risons in Ramgurh, &c. 338 ; conditions of conven- tion signed by, 405. Upton, Colonel, despatched to Poona by government of Bengal, reaches that place, and enters on the busi- ness of his mission, 145 ; is instructed to stipulate for possession of Salsette and Bassein, ib. ; his re- fusal, ib. ; demands final determination of ministers at Poona, to which the answer is war, ib. ; prepara- tions of Bengal government in consequence, ib. ; treaty concluded and accepted, ib. ; first learns at Poona that Bassein is not in possession of the Eng- lish, ib. ; vague terms of treaty concluded by, ib.; his retirement from Poona, ib. ; is succeeded by Mr. Mostyn, ib. V. Valdore, falls into hands of English, 76> Valiant, General, commander of the reserve force in Affghanistau, 538 ; at the battle of Chonda, 605 ; his bravery, ib. Vansittart, Mr. (governor of Fort William), adopts the views of Mr. Holwell as to change in Bengal government, 86 j letters addressed to, by Meer Cossim, ib. ; undertakes mission to Meer Jaffier, arrives at Cossimbazar, and receives a visit from nabob, 87 ; hastens to the palace on Colonel Cal- liaud taking possession of the gates, and assures Meer Jaffier that his person is safe, and his govern- ment, if he so pleased, &c. 88; receives from Meer Cossim offer of a note for twenty lacs of rupees for the use of the members of the select committee, which is declined, ib. ; solicits donation of five lacs for the Company, which is granted, and applied in aid of operations against Pondicherry, ib.; consents to receive five lacs for his private use, ib. ; part of his policy to make terms with the emperor, 89 ; though disposed to support Meer Cossim, not disinclined to protect Ram Narrain, ib. ; his denunciation of Mr, Ellis, 90 ; his remarks on the mutually hostile feelings of the British and the nabob, ib. ; proposes special mission to Meer Cossim be intrusted to Hastings, to which the council consent, 90, 91 well 652 INDEX. dispoaed to abate evils arising from the private trade, 91 ; applies himself to bring about compromisef ib. ; proceeds to Moorshedabad to try his personal in- fluence with nabob, ib. ; body of regulations agreed upon, ib. ; spirit in which his colleagues meets his views of accommodation, 92 ; complaints to, from the nabob, of breach of the regulations, ib, ; retires from government of Fort William, and is succeeded by Mr. Spencer, 100 ; proceeds with Mr, Scrofton and Colonel Forde on commission to Bengal, but the ship in which they sail is never heard of, 121 . Yansittart, George, present when instructions given to Colonel Maclean by Hastings, 134, 136. Vasco de Gama, sails from Lisbon, reaches Calicut, and returns to Portugal^ 7* Vasacrot, Captain, arrives at Major Calliaud's camp with treasure, 62 ; his danger and escape, 63. Vellore, insubordination in the garrison of, and its causes, 348, 349 ; report of commanding officer at, announcing re- establishment of discipline, conveyed to commander-in-chief, 349 ; mutiny breaks out at, when native troops rise against and massacre Euro- pean soldiers, ib, ; Colonel Gillespie arrives at, and re- stores legitimate authority, ib. ; events which preceded mutiny at, information given by Muley Beg, and con- sequent inquiry, 350 ; chief conspirator at, questioned by commanding officer as to objection to new turban, 351 ; the seat of deep and dark intrigues, ib. ; resi- dence of Bona of Tippoo, ib, ; 3,000 Mysoreana settled in the town and its vicinity subsequently to its becoming residence of Tippoo*s sons, 352 ; vast number of servants and retainers of the princes, and increase of general population, ib.; authority at, too much divided, ib. ; two of Tippoo's sons implicated in atrocities at, ib. ; mutiny at, characterized by baseness, treachery, and murderous cruelty, 353; differences between governor and commander-in- chief as to treatment of the mutineers, ib. ; further disputes between governor and commander-in-chief; ib. ; change consequent upon mutiny at, 354 ; Tip- poo's family removed to Bengal, ib. ; conduct of native officers at, ib. Vellum, fortress of, attacked and taken, 122. Ventura, General, commander of the Seik forces, 535. Verelst, Mr., succeeds Clive in government of Bengal, 122 ; interferes to protect emperor and vizier from invasion by Abdalee Shah, projects unsuccessful ex- pedition to Nepaul, and concludes treaty with vizier, 122, 123; is succeeded by Mr. Cartier, 123. Vernon, Sir Edward, opposed by French squadron under M, TronjoUy, whom he defeats and puts to flight, 154. Vickovich, the Russian agent in AfFghanistan, 533. Vigie, M., commander of European corps of Tippoo Sultan, leads attack upon British post at Seringa- patam, 209 ; he seeks safety in flight, ib. ; his narrow escape through British columns, ib. Vikkur, town of, 537. Villapore, fort of, falls into possession of English, 76* Vizagapatam, French gain possession of, 58. Vizier Shooj^-ad-Dowlah entertains designs of in- vading the Dooab and attacking the Rohillas, but is desirous of assistance of English government, 124 ; grounds for invasion, ib. (See Sboojah-ad-Bowlah.) Vizier Azoff-ad-Dowlah, succeeds Shoojah-ad-Dowlah, 128, 129; death of, 225. Vizier Ali succeeds Azoff-ad-DowIah, and is recognized by the British government, 225 ; inquiry into his title, 226, 227 ; recommends withdrawal of elder begum to Fyzabad, 227 ; beav;^ complaints made against by Almas, ib. ; series of intrigues connected with his succession, and proposed deposal, 228 ; views of governor- general (Sir John Shore) in regard to his claim to the throne, ib. ; compelled to withdraw to a private station with an allowance for his support, ib. ; allowed to reside at Benares, but governor-general determines to remove him from thence, 262 ; his un- wilUngness to depart, ib, ; his hatred to Mr. Cherry, the British agent, whom he assassinates with Captain Conway, ib. ; his attempts upon the life of Mr. Davis, jud^e and magistrate, ib. ; flnds refuge with rajah of Bhotwul at Nepaul, and is hospitably re- ceived, ib.; quits Bhotwul, advances into Goruck- pore, and arrives at Jyneghur, where he is placed under restraint, ib. i negotiations for his surrender. which takes place on conditions, ib. ; he is plundered by the rajah of Jyneghur, ib. ; minister and tem- porary ruler of Oude, 513, 514. Vizier Saadut Ali, reputed the legitimate successor to the throne of Oude, 226 ; his parsimony and unpopu- larity, ib. ; ascends the throne of Oude, 229 ; receives letter from vice-president of Bengal on necessity of military reform, and avows concurrence in its views, ib. ; the abuse and extortion of his government, 263; his mysterious deportment, 263, 264 ; disputes with part of troops, 264 ; declares advantage of military reform strongly impressed on his mind, ib. ; com- munication of governor- general with, ib. ; state of his army, ib. ; communicates to Colonel Scott his de- sire to retire from the cares of government, 265; removes treasure of former vizier, and declines to write to governor- general, 266; rejects proposed con- dition of abdication, and retains charge of govern- ment, ib. ; intimates probability of tailing in his engagements with the British government, ib. ; ad- mits the miserable condition of his revenue admini- stration, 267 ; draft of proposed treaty submitted to, ib. ; his reception of it, ib. ; displays repugnance to relinquishing government to the Company, ib. ; his neglect of the advice of Lord Cornwallis to his predecessor, ib.; refers to his own punctuality of payment, and objects to proposed demand for se- curity, 268; formally and distinctly rejects both alternatives submitted to him, the relinquishment of the government, or the assignment of^ territory as security for claims of British government, ib. ; his pretended expectations of bringing the country into a flourishing condition, ib. ; proposes conditions and stipulations, 268, 269; overtures rejected by governor-general, 270 ; his declaration on being ap- prized of determination of govern or- general, ib,; expresses desire to go on pilgrimage, and that one of his sons should be invested with office of deputy during his absence, ib, ; further grounds of difference with British resident, ib. ; memorial presented to, by Mr, Wellesley, recounting motives and determination of governor-general, 270, 271 ; further discussion with, and new difficulty interposed, 271 ; treaty w ith con- cluded and ratified, ib, ; its conditions, ib.; re- marks on proceedings of British government towards him, ib. ; meets governor- general at Cawnpore, ib. ; various communications of, with governor- general, 272; succeeds his brother on throne of Oude, 514 ; his death, 523; his descendants, ib, (See Oude.) W. Wade, Colonel, commander of the Seik forces, 5S5 ; his difficulties in proceeding ihroufph the Khyber pass^ 543 ; arrives at Jelalabad and Kabool, 644 ; knighted, 546. Wahab, Major, destroys stockade at Negrais, and brings away guns and ammunition (Burmese war), 464, Walker, Major, his successful attack on the enemy near Rangoon, 467 ; his death, ib. Walker, Lieutenant, killed, 56l. Wallace, Colonel, engaged in successful attack on Ga- wilghur, 296 ; ordered to move with detachment from peishwa's subsidiary force, to join Colonel Haliburton in the neighbourhood of Arungabad, 319; moves from Foona, crosses the Godavery, and storms a small fort called Lasselgong, ib. ; occupies Chandore without opposition, ib. ; arrives before Galna, takes possession of the pettah, when garrison surrenders fort, ib. ; Holkar thus deprived of all his possessions to the southward of the Taptee, proceeds to take up a position at Borenaire, ib. ; commands subsidiary force at Foona, 336 ; his successful conflicts with the Ghiljies, 547. Wallajahbad, symptoms of insubordination of battalion stationed there, and native soubahdar summarily dis- missed the service, 349 ; symptoms of disaffection at, suppressed, 349, 350 ; dismissals at, 354. Walli of Kooloon, chief of the Uabegs, 349. Walsh, Mr., appointed to proceed with Mr. Scrofton on deputation to Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, 48 ; called upon to part with awords, but refuse, ib. ; deliver proposals, lb. ; receives five lacs from Meer Jaffier, 55. Wandewabh, fired by the English. 58 ; attack, on medi- INDEX. 663 tated by British government, 69* unsucceesfully attacked by Major BrereCon, ib. ; town of, taken possession of by Major Brereton, almost without resistance, 71 ; fort of taken by Colonel Coote, ib. ; town of, attacked and taken by Lally and fort assailed, 73 ; Colonel Coote advances to relief of, 74 ; great battle, in which English are victorious, ib. ; Lieutenant Flint despatched for defence of, and finds ramparts manned with troops, and gates shut, I62 ; extraordinary means by which he obtains admittance for himself and his detachment, 162, l63 ; invested by HyderAli, l63 ; failure of stratagem by ,and successful sally of British garrison, ib. ; siege raised, ib. j siege renewed by Tippoo, l64 ; failure of escalade, ib. ; Tippoo decamps, ib. Warburton, Mr., complains in Parliament of the impe- diments thrown in the way of Europeans desirous of visiting India, of the want of sufficient protection for the natives against such persons, and of the consti- tution of the Board of Commissioners, 499. Ward, Mr., his remarks in Parliament on the report and evidence on the affairs of the East-India Company, 601. Ware, Major- General, with detachment from Futtyghur, joins army of General Lake, 286. Warren, Major, at the storming of Ghuznee, 543, Warren, Ensign, surrenders the fort of the commiBsariat near Kabool, S57. Water, horrors attending the want of, in India, 539, 548. Watling, Lieutenant, takes possession of heights near St. Denis, Isle of Bourbon, 366 ; services of, in capture of He du Passe, 367. Watson, Admiral, fleet of, employed in suppressing system of piracy carried on by family of Angria, 41 ; sails with his fleet to attack Gheriah, aided by Clive, when the place falls into their hands, lb. ; co-opera- tion of his squadron requested, in aid of recapture of Calcutta, granted, 45 ; forwards to nabob's command- ing officer ia Calcutta letters addressed to Sooraj-00- Dowlah, 46 ; his tenacity of his rights, and of those of the naval service, 47; appoints Captain Coote governor of Calcutta, ib. ; on Clive's suggestion he comes on shore and takes the command, which he subsequently resigns to Clive, ib. ; opposes attempt at settlement of disputes between East-India Com- pany and Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, without recourse to arms, 48 ; opposes giving effect to any treaty with French at Chandernagore till treaty confirmed from Pondicherry, 49 ; is unwilling to attack the French without permission of Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, ib. ; his bold and menacing letter to the nabob, ib.; refuses his signature to mock treaty, prepared to deceive Omichund, 56 ; his name attached by another hand, ib. Watts, Mr., secret conference requested of, by Yar Lootttef, 50 ; new overture for dethroning Sooraj-oo- Dowlah made to, ib. ; communicates overture to Clive, 51 ; conducts negotiation with Meer Jaffier on behalf of British government, ib. ; sudden departure of, and its effect on Sooraj-oo-Dowlah, 52 ; receives eight lacs from Meer Jaffier, in addition to his share as one of the committee, 65 ; apprizes Omichund of confederacy of English with Meer Jaffier, 66; declines complying with Omichund's demands to their full extent, ib. Webbe, Mr., and Colonel Close, intrusted with exami- nation of documents discovered at Seringapatam, 267 ; insist on seeing the will of Omdut-ul-Omrah, ib. ; - conferences of, with the khans, 258 ; Mr. Webbe's remarks upon explanation by Scindia of his designs as to nabob of Bhopal, 327 ; death of, 328 ; his duties devolve on Mr. Jenkins, ib. ; Scindia's abuse and complaints of, 332. Welch, Captain, despatched to bring in a convoy of provisions on its way from Muttra, attacked by Ameer Khan, 321 ; takes possession of village, and keeps off assailants till arrival of Colonel Need, ib. ; enemy defeated with loss of guns and colours, ib. Wellesley, Colonel (afterwards general, Sir Arthur, and duke of Wellington), commanding in the trenches at Seringapatam, dislodges enemjr from exterior en- trenchments, 238; iotrusted with permanent com- mand of Seringapatam, his vip;orous exertions to restrain excess andrestore tranquillity, 243 ; takes the field against Dhoondia, 252 ; defeats and disperses army of Dhoondia, 253. Wellesley, General, selected by Lord Clive fof command of army assembled in Madras territory, 280 ; his repu- tation and influence among Mahratta chieftains, ib. ; commences his march to Hurryhur, and effects junction with force from Hyderabad under Colonel Stevenson, ib. ; Holkar retreats before him, ib. ; continues march towards Poona, and receives intel- ligence leading to apprehension for the safety of the city, 280, 281 ; advances to relief with British cavalry, and takes possession of Poona, ib. ; requests Scindia to separate his army from the rajah of Berar, and retire, 284 ; affairs of Deccan committed to, 285; his march from Poona. ib.; under authority conferred upon him by governor-general exercises general superintendence over diplomatic intercourse with Scindia and rajah of Berar, ib ; gives orders for attack of Scindia's fort of Baroach, issues pro- clamation explaining grounds of hostilities, ib. ; de- mands surrender of Ahmednnggur, ib. ; killadar refuses, ib. ; pettah attacked and taken, ib. ; fort surrenders, ib. ; receives intelligence of the capture of Baroach, ib. ; progress of British arms under, 290 ; attacks enemy at Assye, and gains complete victory, ib. : his share in labours and dangers of conflict ; two horses killed under him, ib. ; his rapid and harassing marches, 294 ; arrives at Aurungabad in pursuit of rajah of Berar, ib j overtures of negotiation to, fi-om Scindia, ib. ; arrival in English camp of mission from that chieftain, ib. ; letter received dis- avowing the mission, ib. ; his opinion on Mahratta diplomacy, ib. ; qualified powers produced by mem- bers of mission, ib. ; suspension of arms agreed upon, ib. ; general rule laid down by, as to cessation of hostilities ; reasons for deviating from it, 296 ; descends the ghauts, ib. ; his reply to vakeel's en- treaty to retrain from attacking force of rajah of Berar, ib. ; is joined at Parterly by Colonel Steven- son, ib.; attacks enemy at Argaum, and gains signal victory, ib. ; determines to proceed to siege of Gawilghur, 296 ; his description of the place, ib. ; his plan and operations at siege, ib.; its fall, 297 ; concludes treaty with rajah of Berar, articles of treaty, 297, 298 ; concludes treaty of peace with Scindia, conditions of treaty, 298, 299 ; his views and remarks on the power, reputation, and military resources of Scindia as compared with- those of Holkar, 299; receives orders to commence hostile operations against Holkar both in Hindostan and the Deccan, 310; receives menacing letter from Holkar, demanding cession of certain provinces in the Deccan as the condition of peace, ib. ; his habitual caution and forethought, ib. ; places the troops under his command in a state of equipment for active service, and reinforces corps in Guzerat, ib. ; directs Colonel Murray to march in aid of commander-in-chief, and calls for aid from Scindia against Holkar, ib. ; re- signs political and military powers which he had exercised in the Deccan, 319 ; suggests to the resi- dents at Poona and Hyderabad a plan of operations against Chandore and other possessions of Holkar, and his partisans in the Deccan, ib, ; makes admi- rable arrangements for securing supplies of money and provisions, for the use of the detachments marching against Holkar in the Deccan, ib. ; plan formed by, containing various suggestions for effec- tive co-operation of Scindia, 324 ; return of, to Madras, 336. - Sir Arthur, anxious to proceed to Europe, and causes of his anxiety, 336 (see Wellington, duke of). Wellesley, Honourable Henry, arrives at Lucknow, presents memorial to vizier, 270 ; intrusted with settlement of government at Furruckabad, his views ; proposes transfer of dominions to Company; nabob reluctant, but yields, 292; remarks on his mode cf dealing with nabob of Furruckabad, 293 ; performs duty of settling provinces ac(^uired from vizier, and departs for Europe, ib. ; declmes offer of Himmut Bahaudur for surrender of Bundlecund, SOO. Wellesley, Marquis (see Mornington, Earl of), pro- poses to concentrate strength of squadron in Indian seas with military force at Trincomalee, 253; medi- tates despatch of expedition against Mauritius, 254 ; relinquishes design in consequence of refusal of Admiral Banier to co-operate, ib. ; his elaborate 654: INDEX. answer to Admiral Rainier's objection, 254 ; his views turned to Batavia, ib. ; suggests employment of force from India against French in Egypt, ib. ; expedition despatched thither, 255 ; his vain attempts to obtain consent of nabob of Arcot to necessary reforms, 255 ; further communication with nabob of Arcot on the subject, 255, 256 ; communicates to Lord Clive his determination as to final adjustment of aiFairs in the Carnatic, 257 ; decides that Company should assume government of Carnatic, ib. ; addresses letter to nabob, referring him to Lord Clive for information, ib. ; concludes treaty with nizam, effect of, and benefits secured by, 260, 26l ; his views of affairs in Oude at commencement of his administration, 26 1; determines to remove Vizier All from Benares, 262 ; views of, previously propounded to the resident at Lucknow, directed to be pressed upon attention of vizier, 263 ; his conclusion as to the necessity of mili- tary reform in vizier's dominions, ib.; his answer to representations of resident in Oude as to the ad- vancing ruin of the country, 264 ; necessary military reform, the great object of his solicitude in Oude, ib. ; represents to vizier the Company's obligations to defend his dominions, ib. ; the insufficiency of the force within them, ib.; the danger of invasion, and the necessity of additional troops, ib. ; intimates immediate addition of force, ib. ; remarks on his measure for the defence of Oude, 264, 265 ; transmits instructions and draft of treaty to Colonel Scott, resident in Oude, 266 ; represents to vizier the evils of his government and the cause of the wretched state of the country, ib. ; instructs Colonel Scott to prepare draft of treaty with Oude, on model of that concluded with Tanjore, and in case of its rejection to demand territorial securityfor payments to British government, 267; addresses letter to vizier tendering again former proposals for his acceptance, and answering objections 268 ; rejects conditions proposed by vizier, 269, 270 ; despatches Mr. Henry Wellesley to Lucknow to co- operate with Colonel Scott, 270 ; ratifies treaty with vizier, 271 ; his progress through northern provinces, met at Cawnpore by vizier, private conference with vizier, and subsequent interview, 271, 272 ; intimates his desire to resign office, and his reasons for this step, 273, 274 ; various grounds of difiTcrence with Court of Directors, 275, 276 ; minute of, on education of civil servants, 276 ; proposes and establishes a col- lege at Calcutta, 277 ; rules for, ib.; college abolished by order of Court of Directors, ib. ; requested by Court of Directors to prolong his stay for a year, and he consents to remun, ib. ; his invitation to peishwa toco-operatein war against Tippoo, ib.; his proposal to bestow on peishwa part of conquered dominions, lb. ; receives proposals from peishwa which he deems to require considerable modification, 27S ; engage- ment of peishwa transmitted to, and ratified by, ib, ; approves arrangements of Colonel Close with respect to the peishwa, 279 i ratifies treaty with peishwa, ib. ; his labours to procure accession of principal Mahratta states to great confederation, of which the British government in India was the head, 281 ; his doubts of existence of Mahratta confederacy against British government, and his instructions to Colonel Collins, 283 ; makes preparations for hostilities, 285 ; his plan of operations, lb. ; his remarks on combined results of Scindia's absence in the Deccan and Holkar's suc- cess, 286 ; bis views as to Bundlecund, 300 ; receives first intelligence of war with Candy from proclamation in Ceylon Gazette, 308 ; measures taken by, for strengthening the British power in Ceyion, 309 > answers of, to complaints of Sclndia, 333—335 ; takes measures for frustrating designs of Scindia, and gives instructions to commander-in-chief, 336 ; resolves to invest Colonel Close with same powers as General Wellesley, ib. ; suspends further operations against Mahrattas, and cause of change of policy, 340 ; signs his last despatch to secret committee of Court of Directors, ib. ; superseded in his functions by arrival of Marquis Cornwallis, 340, 341 ; remarks on his character, 341 ; his lot contrasted with that of Mar- quis Cornwallis, 344 ; motion of, in House of Lords, 384 ; delivers opinions favourable to privileges of East-India Company, ib. ; importance of his testi- mony, ib.j compelled to declare treaty with Nepaul dissolved, 389 ; his apprehension of danger to our western frontiers of India, 528. Wellineton, Duke of (see Wellesley, General), chairman and deputy-chairman of East-India Company invited to an interview with, BOI ; suggests probability of Company bein^ permitted to retain government of India, but deprived of monopoly of China trade, 501, 602; resignation of his administration, 502; mode of supplying deficiency by reduction of expenditure ■ vaguely hinted to chairman and deputy- chairman of East-India Company by, ib.; his opinion upon the plan brought forward by Earl Grey's ministry for the government of India, and on the merits of the East- India Company, 608, 509- Welsh, Major, storms the lines of Arumbooly, 360. Colonel, brings rajah of Colapore to submission, 485. Westmacott, Captain, killed, 659. Weyconda, rapture of, courage and devotedness of both European and native troops at, 40. Wheeler, Mr., nominated to vacant seat in council of Bengal, 133; arrival of, takes seat in council, affects to maintain neutral part, but almost invariably sup- ports Francis against Hastings, 137; proposes to suspend acting upon the application of Mobarik-ul- Dowlah to be admitted to the exercise of the rights of nabob till decision of Court of Directors obtained, ib. ; motion carried in absence of Barwell, but re- scinded on his joining council, ib.; objects to mode suggested by Mobarik-uI-DowIah for disposing of salary of Mahomed Reza Khan, and to addition pro- posed to be made to amount of expenditure, 138 ; dead at time of Hastings's resignation, 186. Wheeler, Colonel, attacked in the Khyber pass, 545 ; his desultory contests in AfTghanistan, 549 et seq. Whetan, Lieutenant, murder of, 660. White, Captain F., bravery of, 585. Whitehill, Mr., adopts and carries into efil'ect recom- mendation of Sir Thomas Rumbold, and suspends Mr, Hollond, 166; his want of vigilance, and apathy on approach of Hyder Ali, ib. ; informs the select com- mittee that he thought, in case of any disputes in the Carnatic, the detachment under Colonel Baillie should recross the Kistna, lb. ; his calm reply to Lord Macleod's representations of the necessity of taking measures to oppose Hyder Ali, ib. ; re- ceives intelligence of Hyder Ali having plundered within fifty miles of Madras, 1 57 ; governor-general and council resolve to suspend him, I6O; announce- ment of his suspension received at Madru, I6I; he protests against it, and calls upon his colleagues in council to support him, ib. ; a majority vote against him, ib. Whitmore, Mr., his motion in parliament for inquiry into trade with India and China negatived, 498 ; his opinion that enough was known to enable the house to take steps for laying ^pen the China trade, 502 ; complains that Directors of East-India Company had thrown impediments in the way of obtaining informa- tion, ib. ; is charged by Mr. Astellwith causing con- fusion, ib. ; presents petitions to House of Com- mons from British and native inhabitants of Calcutta, 603. Wigram, Mr., deputy-chairman of the East-India Com- pany, dissents from resolution recommending com- pliance with the proposal of ministers for regulating the trade and government of India, 505 ; again dis- sents, 511. Wilbraham, Mr., submits a motion in favour of abolish- ing salt monopoly, 510. Wilkinson, Colonel, takes possession of defile of Arma- gawal, and occupies passes of Shincottee and Achin- coil (war in Travancore), 36l. Wilkinson, Lieutenant, dangerously wounded at Ke- mendine (Burmese war), 462 ; capture of number of war-boats and large quantity of arms by division of flotilla under, ib. Wilks, Colonel, high character of Colonel Morehouse, given by, 194; bis views on the extraordinary con- duct of Nizam Ali'a cavalry at battle of Arikera, 198 ; his remarks upon Lord Cornwallis's success before . Seringapatam, ib. ; his description of the proceedings of the French Jacobin adventurers in the service of Tippoo Sultan, 233. William Illi, projects for supporting the government of, 16 ; his creation of new East-India Company, ib. Willoughby, Captain, occupies battery, and opens fire upon shipping in harbour of St. Paul's, Isle of Bour- INDEX. 655 bon, 365 ; brilliant exploit achieved by, in Mauritius, ib. ; assists in renewed attacks on Isle of Bourbon, 366; receives charge of He du Passe, 367; storms and carries Pont du Diable, puts to rout strong party which attacks him, and blows up the works, ib. ; fortitude and courage displayed by himself and his crew in attack upon French squadron in Port Sud- est, Mauritius, 368; is dreadfully wounded, but refuses to abandon his ship or strike his flag, ib. ; his whole crew either killed or wounded, ib. Willshire, Major-General, commander of infantry in AflFghanistan, 535; his capture of Kelat, 544,545; made knight commander of the Bath, 546. Wilson, Captain, receives orders from Clive to demand from Dutch commodore restitution of English per- sons, vessels, and property seized and detained by him ; on refusal he attacks the enemy, and Dutch commodore strikes his colours, 82; extraordinary number of prisoners taken, 83. Wilson, Colonel, his conflict with the Eojuks, 551; his death, ib. Windham East-Indiaman captured by the enemy, 368 ; recaptured by Captain Pym, ib. Wombwell, Mr., chairman of East-India Company, intimates intention of submitting series of resolu- tions on events at Madras, 153 ; carries a motion that the powers claimed by Lord Figot were neither known in constitution of the Company, nor autho- rized by charter, nor warranted by orders or instruc- tions of Court of Directors, ib. ; moves further that the proposition to send Mr. Russell to Tanjore was not warranted by the orders of the Company, nor necessary for carrying them into execution, but the motion lost, ib. Wood, Captain, enters Arcot without opposition, takes possession of nabob's palace, remains several days, anticipating arrival of Colonel Coote, 72 ; makes pre- parations for attack on forts, but retires on approach of Bussy, ib. ' Colonel, advances with British troops from Trichinopoly to form junction with Colonel Smith, 112; deceived as to number of passes into Mysore; his astonishment at advance of bodies of horse, 114; ascends from BS.ramah&l to join Colonel Smith, 115 ; his imprudence in firing a salute in honour of Colonel Smith's approach frustrates design of the latter against Hyder All, ib. ; makes a movement to relieve Mulwagul, and is repulsed with loss, ib, ; forces a passage through the enemy, and is compelled to retreat, ib. ; relieved by stratagem of Captain Brooke, foils repeated attacks of enemy, and remains in pos- session of the field, 1 16 ; incautiously moves to relieve OosBoor, and the unhappy consequences, ib. ; re- turns to Oosoor, and resumes his march, ib. ; assailed by Hyder Ali, but enemy withdraws on approach of Major Fitzgerald, ib. ; ordered to proceed under arrest to Madras, ib. Wood, General George, appointed to aucceed General Marley in command of division of army against Ne- paul, 402 ; marches eastward to Goruckpore and back without seeing an enemy, and suspends opera- tions for the season, ib. Wood, General John Sullivan, commands division of army against Nepaul, 392 : political negotiations com* mitted to, ib. ; arrives at Goruckpore, ib. ; proceed- ings of division of army under, 399 ; led into error by unfortunate advice of a Brahmin, ib. ; his pro- ceedings and operations before Jeetgurh, ib.; his advance, partial success, and retreat, ib. ; proceeds in a westerly direction, and his progress arrested by the enemy, 399, 400; avows his inability to carry on oficnsive operations, solicits instruction for bis guid- ance, and receives answer, 400 ; marches upon Boot- wul without producing any efi'ect, ib. ; retires towards Goruckpore, ib. ; his army is attacked by sickness, and breaks up precipitatelyi ib. Woodagherry, fort of, surrenders to Colonel Macleod, 361. Woodburn, Captain, his defeat of the Ghiljies, 552 ; his detachment surprised and annihilated, 560, Major, captures the fort of Omercote, 595. Woodington, Colonel, captures Baroach, 285; in- structed to take measures to defend Guzerat from invasion, and attacks forts and possessions of Scin- dia, 336, 337. Worsley, Brigadier- General, commander of brigade in AfFghanistan, 355. Wortley, Stuart, Mr., defends report of committee of House of Commons on East- India affairs, 501 ; pro- poses question to Mr. C. Grant, on functions of sub- committees, 503. Wyld, Colonel, prepares to march through the Khyber pass, 571 ; but is compelled to retreat, ib. Wymer, Captain, his contests with the Ghiljies, 551. Colonel C. P., defeats the Affghan cavalry. 576; relieves the garrison of Khelat-i-Ghiljie, and destroys the works at, 581. Wyuch, Mr., removed from government of Madras by Court of Directors, and is succeeded by Lord Figot, 161. Wynne, Mr. Williams, President of Board of Com- missioners, approves of opening China trade, but wishes further change in mode of governing India, 506 ; protests against any comparison between go- vernment of India and government of colonies by European nations, ib. ; objects to conflning patronage of India to Directors, ib. ; further remarks of, on ministerial bill, ib. ; moves clause relating to patron- age to be added by way of rider to the India bill, which is negatived, 510; moves amendment to dis- pense with necessity of candidates for writerships passing through Haileybury, 511. Yar Loottief requests secret conference with Mr. Watts, 50 ; opens his views as to a meditated revolution in Bengal to Omichund, 50, 51. Yates, Major, gallantry of British force under, at Kem- mendine (Burmese war), 467. Yekbal, an ambitious and intriguing omrah, succeeds to the imperial throne, 5. Yemen-ood-Dowlah, his pretensions to the throne of Oude, 525. Yorke, Captain, division of European troops led by, at the siege of Masulipatam, 66; joins division under Captain Fischer, ib.; his gallantry, generosity, and clemency, ib. ; his men run back, but his firmness recalls them to duty, ib. Young, Lieutenant Fred., takes command of irregular troops raised bj^ Mr. Eraser at Delhi, 392 ; marches to intercept reinforcement of enemy proceeding to Jyetuck, but hia troops fly, 405, 406. Zamorin, rajah of, receives Portuguese admiral, Vasco de Gama, 7; Portuguese aid the king of Cochin in opposition to, 8; exhorted by dewan of rajah of Travancore to rise against British, 360. Zehseen Ali Ehan, his evidence as to the spurious birth of Viaier Ali, 227. Zemaum Shah (Affghan prince) in communication with Tippoo, 231 ; danger to be apprehended from, urged on vieier, 263, 264 ; menaces the frontier of British India, 528 ; his dethronement, ib. Zemindars, in the Doab, attempt of rajah of Bhurtpore to prevail on, to intercept the supplies forwarding to the English army, 318. LONDON: cox and wyman, printers, great queen street, lincoln's-inn fields.