OforncU Uttioeroity Ilihratg 
 
 3tt)aca. New f arit 
 
 sAir. JV'/^//'/»<5tA 
 
Cornell University Library 
 F 1233.M46M37 
 
 Maximilian in Mexico.Tlie story of tiieFr 
 
 3 1924 020 431 734 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis bool< is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924020431734 
 
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MAXIMILIAN m MEXICO 
 
 THE STORY OF 
 THE FRENCH INTERVENTION 
 
 (1861-1867) 
 
 BY 
 
 PERCY F. MARTIN, F.RG.S. 
 
 AUTHOR OP 
 
 ' THROUGH FIVE RBPUBLIOS OP SOUTH AMERICA,' ' MEXICO'S 
 
 TREASURE-HOUSE,' 'MEXICO OP THE TWENTIETH CENTURY,' 
 
 'PERU OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY,' 'SALVADOR OP THE 
 
 TWENTIETH CENTURY,' ' GREECE OP THE TWENTIETH 
 
 CENTURY,' ETC. ETC. ETC. 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 153-157 FIFTH AVENUE 
 
 1914 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PJIOR 
 
 INTRODUCTION l 
 
 OJIAI'TER I 
 
 liirth of MttxiniiliHri -ParontaKO—Schonbrurm— Condition of Buropc 
 in 1832 — Kducatixin — Kiiondihip with J'rincc Albert — The 
 lirolhfirM — iJimpoHition of Franci* JoHoph — The Archducheng 
 flophitt— Karl y travolo abroad — Meeting with ]'riu(u;m Charlotte 
 of Bol(fimri I'lifiir raarriu><ft —Their home at Mirarriar— A pictur- 
 enque oiiutlo — M»xiniilian'8 fiivonritft room . . , . 21 
 
 CHAPTEJt I J 
 
 Vrincim Oljarlotte— Hirth and paronliu,'!!— Kin(,' Leopold r. of licl- 
 jfiiiin Ili« death— Queen Loiiiie-MSrie of Bourbon- Charlotte's 
 early trainifi(;-(Jrr«iL powers of judgment — Meetin;j with Maxi- 
 railiim — Their married life — Oharlotte'g dinpoiiition — Corre- 
 (•pondiMiL, convernationaluit, and critic -Iinperial ambitions — Her 
 linKuistic capabiliLioH— Ili:r ({real indn.itry and applicatir)n . 3B 
 
 CHAPTEIt III 
 
 Napoleon id. — lliH hirth and early life— Queen Hortcnse— Napo- 
 Idon'M lofly ideals— Hi« public services — The iJuc de Momy 
 — TIk! Joekei- affair — Napoleon's rcsponsihility — Beginning 
 of the French interv(^ntion— Do Morny's career- -Association 
 with Napoleon — Unsavoury reputation —M. iJuboiH do Baligny 
 — Napoleon deUirminos upon Mexican expedi lion -His pro- 
 fesdofl and r(!al object— J'lvidenco of selfish motives . . 44 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 The ox-Empress Eu(,'i'nio— Her birth and parentage — Her share in 
 the Mexican expedition — Activity in organising arrangements — 
 Sir Rdwftrd Blount's tostiinony-—martlessne«8 of conduct, towards 
 Maximilian and (Jharlotte — Unfriendly relations between herself 
 and Napoleon — llei' political ambitions . . . . 58 
 
 CITAfTEK V 
 
 Spanish ambition in Moxieo-jjord John Russell's ii|iinions — Con- 
 vention of London — Oonllictinj,' views of the Allies — Attitude of 
 the United States— Mr. Howard's despatches— Minister Thomas 
 
vi MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Corwin — French pretensions denounced — M. Dubois de Saligny 
 — Relations between Great Britain and the United States— M. 
 Thouvenel's policy— Admiral Jurien de laGravifere's instructions 
 — Arrival of allied forces in Mexico— First proclamation— General 
 Prim (Count Eeuss) 66 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 Attitude of the Allies— The troops move inland— French unpre- 
 paredness — General Zaragoza negotiates — Disunion among the 
 three Commanders — General Miramdn arrested — Failure of con- 
 ference — Meeting with Doblado — Convention of La Soledad — 
 General Almonte — The British and Spanish Commanders with- 
 draw — General Prim's policy — Lord John Russell's instructions 
 — French proclamation — President Benito Juarez issues a counter 
 manifesto— Warning by the United States — War begins . . 80 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 The rival armies — Landing of the French expedition— Admiral 
 Jurien de la Graviere — General Forey replaces the Admiral — 
 Rival forces engaged — Spanish contingent— British marines — 
 Mexican army — ^Imperialist troops — Bazaine's valuable assistance 
 — Frenchniggardlinesg andlack of funds— TheBelgian and Austrian 
 legions — ^The Liberal troops — Charges of cruelty against Juarez's 
 followers — General Miguel Mirami5n — His loyalty suspected . 93 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 War in earnest — Second French expedition compared with the first 
 — Napoleon's explanatory letter to General Porey — General de 
 Lorencez assumes command — Acultzingo taken — Move on Puebla 
 — Defeat of the French (5th May 1862) — Retirement upon 
 Orizaba — Mexican triumph — Bad advice of Almonte and de 
 Saligny — General Marquez joins the French — Arrival of General 
 Douay — Battle of Barranca Veca (18th May) — Defeat of Mexicans 
 — Difficulties of the French — Defence of Orizaba — Heavy French 
 losses — Napoleon's encouragement of de Lorencez — Public dis- 
 approval in France 106 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 General Forey in 'supreme command — Improved French arrange- 
 ments — ^Death of General Zaragoza — Investment of Puebla 
 (16th March) — General Douay's task — Battle of San Pablo 
 (5th May) — Surrender of Puebla (19th May) — Heavy capture of 
 Mexican prisoners — The Mexican par61e d'honneur — General 
 Porfirio Diaz — March upon Mexico City — Triumphal entry of 
 French troops — ^Proclamation of the Mexican Empire (10th July) 
 — ^Recall of General Forey — French losses up to date . . 115 
 
 CHAPTER- X 
 
 General Bazaine — Early career — Services in Algeria and the Crimea 
 — Condition of affairs in Mexico upon his arrival — Opposition of 
 
CONTENTS vii 
 
 the Church party — Quarrel with Archbishop Labastida — Arrest 
 of General Santa Anna — Juarez's increasing difficulties — General 
 Vidaurri — United States Government assists Liberals — Facilities 
 for importing arms — General CortiSas and the United States — 
 Secretary Seward's denials refuted — Assvwances to French 
 Government . 128 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 Political conditions in Mexico in 1860 — Preponderance of ignorant 
 Indians — Ex-President Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna — Attempts 
 at empire-buUding — Approach towards Imperialists repulsed — 
 Overtures to Liberals also declined — Santa Anna flies the country 
 — ^Landing at Vera Cruz — Arrest on United States vessel— Com- 
 mander Roe of the Virginia — Further arrest at Yucatdn — Pre- 
 sident Benito Juarez and the United States — Eepresentations to 
 Napoleon — Extreme nervousness at Paris — Hostility towards 
 Maximilian 141 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 Maximilian accepts the Crown of Mexico — His conditions — Historic 
 document confirming agreement — Reception of the Mexican 
 deputation — The delegates — Imposing ceremonial — Regents' 
 address read — Maximilian is fascinated — Is proclaimed ' Emperor 
 of Mexico' — Charlotte shares his enthusiasm — They take the 
 oath of allegiance — Francis Joseph visits his brother at Miramar 
 — ^Maximilian's first decree — Regency dissolved — Special envoys 
 carry intelligence to Foreign Courts — Deputation returns to 
 Mexico City 151 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 The journey to Mexico — Departure from Miramar — ^Affecting leave- 
 taking — Visit to Royal Family at Naples — Reception by the Pope 
 — Call at Gibraltar — Reception by General Codrington — Stay at 
 Jamaica — First impressions of Mexico — Cool reception — Al- 
 monte's initial blunder — Journey to Orizaba, Cordoba, and 
 Mexico City — Enthusiasm in the capital — ^Visit to the Cathedral 
 — Generals Bazaine and Negrete take part — Colonel Miguel 
 Lopez presents himself — Visit to the provinces — Triumphal pro- 
 gress — Return to the capital 159 
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 Maximilian's Court — The Imperial Palace — Noble orders established 
 — Court ceremonies and functions — Dinner invitations — The Im- 
 perial household — Banquet to Marshal Bazaine — The ordinary 
 palace-dinner — Empress Charlotte as hostess — Bazaine's difficult 
 position — Maximilian and Charlotte in retirement — The empress's 
 court — Her wardrobe — European customs introduced---Char- 
 lotte's charities and occupations — Liberal party opposition — 
 Empress in charge of state affairs — Imperial visit to Yucatdn . 170 
 
viii MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 CHAPTEE XV 
 
 PAOB 
 
 Maximilian's perplexities commence — Initial mistakes of policy — 
 Court appointments — Emperor's poor judgment of character — 
 General Leonardo Marquez — Unfavourable career — Father 
 Augustin Fischer — Bad influences upon Maximilian — Emperor 
 reconstructs his army — Financial problem — First loan issued in ty- 
 France — Pressing demands of Napoleon — Onerous conditions of '^ 
 the Convention of Miramar — Enormous indebtedness contracted 
 — Maximilian resists French demands for cession of Sonora . 186 
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 Bazaine's operations in the interior (1864) — Seizure of Mordlia and 
 Guanajuato — Guadalajara captured — Defeat of Liberals at Mate- 
 huala — Abandonment of Tuxpan, Minatitlan and San Juan 
 Bautfsta — Arrival of Maximilian and Charlotte — Bazaine's diffi- 
 culties increase — Mexican treachery — Two years' operations 
 reviewed — Negative progress — Liberal troops becoming more 
 confident — General Castagny — Manzanillo won and abandoned . 199 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 French forces in 1865 — Relations between Maximilian and Bazaine 
 — Emperor's bitter complaint — The ' Black Decree ' (3rd October 
 1865) — Execution of General Arteaga— Napoleon decides to 
 withdraw from Mexico — Admitted failure of French intervention 
 — Bazaine's pessimism — Abandonment of Chihuahua — ^Disaster 
 to French troops at Santa Isabel (1st March 1866) — Fall of 
 Matamoras — Monterey evacuated — Saltillo and Durango sur- 
 rendered 209 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 Financial complications increase — M. Corta's visit to Mexico — 
 M. Eouher confirms misleading statements — French subscriptions 
 to loans — Bad finance — ^Appointments of M. Friant and General 
 Osmont — Napoleon's anger — Convention of July 1866 — Maxi- 
 milian's ignorance of finance — Condition of treasury — Marshal 
 Bazaine's timely assistance — Desperate position of Imperial 
 ministers— Almonte's mission to France fails — Charlotte offers 
 her services — Visit to Europe decided upon — Lack of necessary 
 funds 221 
 
 CHAPTER XIX 
 
 Charlotte departs for Europe — Incidents of journey — Strange con- 
 duct causes comment and alarm — Reception at Vera Cruz — 
 Scene upon embarking — Ignorance in France respecting Empress's 
 movements— Arrival at Paris — Public excitement— Napoleon's 
 discomfiture — Journey to Saint Cloud — Strong language used — 
 Stormy interview — Charlotte upbraids Napoleon for his betrayal 
 — Coldness of the Empress Eugenie — Napoleon refuses further 
 assistance— Charlotte's despair — Departure from Saint Cloud . 234 
 
CONTENTS ix 
 
 CHAPTER XX 
 
 PAOB 
 
 Charlotte arrives at Rome — The Pope's attentions — Empress receives 
 much public notice — ^Visit to the Vatican — The public audience 
 — The private reception — The Pope refuses to intervene — 
 Empress's profound dejection— Return to hotel — Further evidence 
 of mental derangement — Second visit to the Vatican — Charlotte 
 loses all control — ^Distress of the Pope — Removal of afflicted 
 Empress — Count Philippe of Flanders arrives to take charge of 
 his sister — Dismissal of Empress's suite — Departure for Miramar 
 — Sad home-coming — Chateau de Bouchout .... 243 
 
 CHAPTER XXI 
 
 The Church in Mexico — Strained relations with Maximilian — Rea- 
 sons for Pope's desertion of Imperial cause — Liberal government's 
 confiscation of church property — The Papal Nuncio visits Mexico 
 — Machinations of Archbishop Labastida — Maximilian remains 
 firm — Cardinal Antonelli's threats — Debased condition of Mexi- 
 can clergy — Further trouble with Bazaine — The Emperor's posi- 
 tion becomes uutenable — ■Desertion by foreign legionaries — 
 Maximilian retires in poor health to Orizaba — Imperial towns 
 abandoned to Liberal troops 257 
 
 CHAPTER XXII 
 
 Porfirio Diaz continues operations in the south — Attack upon 
 Oaxaca — Career of Porfirio Diaz — Felix Diaz — Continuation of 
 siege — Oaxaca surrenders to Bazaine — Porfirio Diaz a prisoner — 
 His escape from custody — Forey denounces Diaz — Cruelty 
 charges justified — Imperial cause lost in hot-country— General 
 Mendez maintains standard — Fresh commands for Generals 
 M^jia, Miramdn and Marquez 275 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 Last days of French occupation — Bazaine counsels abdication — 
 Survey of Imperial position — Dangers indicated — Quarrel 
 between 1vra.Tfi Tni1i a.Ti and Bazaine — French Commander-in-chief 
 departs without seeing Emperor — Father Fischer's evil influences 
 — ^Bazaine's services in Mexico — Trying to serve two masters — 
 Maximilian's ingratitude — Viewof Bazaine's character— Charges 
 of corruption — Strange incident regarding treasure — Bazaine's 
 nephew Adolphe — Departure of last French troops — Bazaine's 
 reception in France — Cost of the French expedition to Mexico . 286 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV 
 
 Maximilian's reduced forces — Emperor leaves for Queretaro — Places 
 himself at the head of his army — His military incapacity— General 
 Marquez appointed Chief-of-staflf — Maximilian's entourage- 
 Dangers of his position— Public reception— Liberals remain unob- 
 trusive — General Mariano Escobedo — Imperial headquarters at 
 La Cruz — The convent — Preparations for defence — Colonel 
 
MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 FAOB 
 
 Miguel Lopez — His past career — Maximilian's infatuation — 
 Council of war — Marquez receives instructions .... 301 
 
 CHAPTER XXV 
 
 Maximilian's personal staff— Prince Felix zu Salm Salm — Romantic 
 career — His experiences in the United States — His American 
 princess — Efforts to serve Maximilian — ^Difficulties overcome — 
 His devotion to the end — Colonel von Khevenhiiller — Colonel 
 Koderlich — Financial stringency — Privations of the defenders — 
 Attempts to raise funds — Marquez Mission — He leaves Queretaro, 
 promising to return within fourteen days — Fails to bring relief 
 — Meditated treachery — Defeated by Porfirio Diaz — Imperial 
 disaster 312 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI 
 
 Liberals besiege Queretaro— Continued anxiety concerning Marquez 
 — Count Pototski — Prince zu Salm Salm attempts a sally — 
 Failure of the plan — Miramrin's blunders — Maximilian proposes 
 flight — AUows opportunity to pass — Horrors of siege increase — 
 Former plan to escape frustrated by Miramdn's stupidity — 
 Miguel Lopez betrays the town to the Liberals — Maximilian is 
 taken prisoner — Miramdn wounded — Escobedo's 'word of honour' 
 — Savagery of Liberal troops — Little improvement among Mexi- 
 cans of to-day 322 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII 
 
 Maximilian in prison — His custodians — General Kivas Palacios — 
 Brutal treatment by Emperor's gaolers — Eemoval to Santa 
 Teresita — Kenegade French officers — A 'black list' — Further 
 change in prison quarters — Maximilian's illness increases — 
 Princess Agnes zu Salm Salm — Her romantic career —Meeting 
 with her husband — Arrival in Mexico — First interview with 
 Maximilian — ^Antagonism of Porfirio Diaz — Journeys to Queretaro 
 and San Luis Pot(5si — Meeting with Juarez .... 338 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII 
 
 The Trial— Law of 25th January 1862— Personnel of Court — Maxi- 
 milian refuses to appear in person — Counsel for prosecution and 
 defence — Cases of Charles i. and Jefferson Davis are cited— 
 Attitude of the Judges — Accused's answers to charges — Verdict 
 and Sentence — Pleading for pardon by Princess zu Salm Salm 
 with President Juarez — Painful scene — Juarez's attitude con- 
 sidered — His character and career 348 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX 
 
 A multitude of counsellors — Blunders of diplomatic representatives 
 — Plans for escape again mooted — Liberal officers' services 
 enlisted — Cowardice of Baron von Lago causes failure of plan — 
 Betrayal to Escobedo — Close watch over prisoners — Baron von 
 Magnus appeals to Juarez — He devotes his time to condemned 
 
CONTENTS xi 
 
 PAQX 
 
 Emperor — Maximilian prepares for the end — His last corre- 
 spondence — ^Despatch to President remains unanswered — Touch- 
 ing farewell to the Empress Charlotte — The Emperor's last 
 hours 368 
 
 'chapter XXX 
 
 Morning of the execution — The Catholic Fete-Dieu — Early Mass — 
 Maximilian's last repast — Farewell greetings to Miramdn and 
 M6jia — Procession to the Cerro de la Campana — Popular emotion 
 — Grief of Father Soria — The faithful Tudos in attendance — 
 Ahsence of the Austrian Charg6 d' Affaires — The Emperor's final 
 address — The fatal volley — Miramcin's execution — The last 
 moments of M6jia — Ketum to the convent — Escobedo and the 
 sorrow of a Mexican woman — Embalming of the Emperor's body 
 — Brutality of the surgeons — Demand for the body of Maximilian 
 refused — A simple memorial — Austrian admiral takes Maxi- 
 milian home — Laid to rest with the Hapsburgs — EflFect of news 
 in Europe — The French court shocked — Eesponsibilities of 
 Napoleon and Eugenie 378 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI 
 
 Foreign representatives at the Court of Maximilian — The Prussian 
 Minister, Baron von Magnus— The English Minister, Mr. Scar- 
 lett — The Austrian Charge d'Affaires, Baron von Lago — The 
 United States Minister, Mr. Lewis Campbell and his mission — 
 Dilatory procedure — Correspondence with the State department 
 — Despatch of deputy to President Juarez — Lewis Campbell 
 resigns rather than proceed to Mexico City — Marcus Otterbourg 
 succeeds him — The latter's humanitarian services — A too-zealous 
 official soon superseded .... ... 395 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII 
 
 United States policy — William Henry Seward — Reply to the Allied 
 Powers — The Monroe Doctrine — Its origin and claims — North 
 American pretensions — Influence upon foreign nations — Can- 
 ning's views — Outraging the morals of the Doctrine — Harsh 
 treatment of Mexico in 1846 — ^President Lincoln's attitude— Mr. 
 Dayton and Napoleon's government — Explaining that the Doc- 
 trine means nothing in particular — Depreciating the resolution 
 of the House of Representatives — Seward's instructions to United 
 States Minister at Paris — Treatment of Maximilian . . . 413 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII 
 
 Friendliness of the United States to Liberal Government — Mutual 
 favours — The case of General Ortega — Delivery into the hands 
 of his enemies — Overtures by Maximilian rejected — Imigration 
 project ignored — Mr. W. H. Seward's opposition to the Empire 
 of Maximilian — The Emperor's special envoy refused an audience 
 — ^Irritation in France — Lincoln's Presidential Message — Presi- 
 dent Johnson and Mexican afiairs — Seward defines the United 
 
xii MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 PAOE 
 
 States position— The Secretary of State and Mexican prisoners 
 in France — Distrust of Napoleon — Mr. Dayton's successor at 
 Paris — Congress becomes bolder — Napoleon withdraws from 
 Mexico 421 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 I. Convention de Londres 436 
 
 II. Convention de la Soledad 438 
 
 [Translation] 
 Convention or la Soledad 439 
 
 III. Proclamation of Eear-Admiral Juribn de la GraviJire 
 
 AND M. DE SaLIGNT 441 
 
 IV. Convention de Miramar 442 
 
 [Translation] 
 Convention conclitded between France and Mexico, to 
 
 REGULATE THE CONDITIONS OF THE StAT OF THE FrBNCH 
 
 Troops in this last-named Country foe the purpose of 
 
 ESTABLISHING PbACE AND CONSOLIDATING THE NbW EmPIRB 445 
 
 V. Decree op 3rd October 1865 447 
 
 VI. General Santa Anna advocates the Monarchy — He 
 approves of Maximilian as Emperor — He addresses 
 Congratulations to Maximilian— Santa Anna's Pro- 
 clamation ... 451-54 
 
 VII. Correspondence between Prince Felix zu Salm Salm 
 
 and Colonel Miguel Lopez 458 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 463 
 
 INDEX . . 470 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Execution of the Emperor Maximilian and Gtenbrals 
 M&iA AND Miram6n .... 
 
 Maximilian : Group or Portraits at Various 
 AOES ....... 
 
 The Castle or Miramar 
 
 Ferdinand Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico . 
 
 Group of Maximilian's Family in 1860 (1) ; The 
 Emperor Francis Joseph and the Archdukes 
 Maximilian, Charles, and Louis (2) 
 
 Leopold i., King op the Belgians (1) ; The Arch- 
 duchess Sophia or Bavaria (2) ; Francis Joseph, 
 Emperor op Austria (3) . 
 
 The Empress Charlotte at Various Ages . 
 
 The Empress Charlotte in 1864 (I) ; upon her 
 Arrival in Mexico (2); in 1866 (3) 
 
 The Empress Eugenie at Various Ages 
 
 Marie - Charlotte - AmiiSlie - Augustine - Victoire 
 Cl£mentine-L]6opoldine, Empress op Mexico 
 
 The Late Queen Louise-Marie 
 
 Napoleon iil, Emperor of the French (1) ; Count 
 
 WaLEWSKI (2) ; THE Due DE MoRNY (3) . 
 
 The Late Count Philippe of Flanders 
 General Juan Almonte 
 
 Frontispiece 
 
 To face p. 24 
 32 
 40 
 
 48 
 
 
 56 
 
 
 64 
 
 R 
 
 72 
 
 
 80 
 
 
 86 
 
 
 94 
 
 T 
 
 102 
 
 
 110 
 
 
 113 
 
xiv MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 General (afterwards Marshal) FBANgois Achillb 
 
 Bazaine ...... To face p. 128 
 
 Senor Don J. M. Gutierrez de Estrada . . „ 136 
 
 Sbnora Maria BARRfo de Campj^ro (1) ; Senora 
 KocHA DE KoBLks (2) ; Senora Dolores db 
 Blouerro (3) ...... 152 
 
 Senora Dolores Pena del Hidaloo t TerAn (1) ; 
 Senora Dolores Quesada d'Almontb (2) ; Senora 
 DE Estrada (3) . . . . . „ 160 
 
 Senora Eafaela Munoz db Feraz (1) ; Senora 
 JosEFA DE Salas (2) J Senora Bosa Obregon db 
 Uraza(3) „ 168 
 
 SeiJora Concbpci6n Lizardi db Vallbz (1) ; Senora 
 OsBO DE Sanotres Navarro (2); Senora Manu- 
 ella Estrada de BarrIo (3) . . . „ 174 
 
 SbiJora Solbdad Vivanco de Cervantes (1) ; Senora 
 
 G0ADALOUPE DB MoRAN (2) ; SeNORA LdZ DE 
 
 KoBLi)S (3) ...... „ 182 
 
 Senora Francisca Escand6n t Landa (1); Senora 
 Carolina Barron de Escand6n (2); Senora 
 L01SA QuBJANO de Kinc6n Gallardo (3) . . „ 190 
 
 Don S. F. Mora (1) j M. Jules Favre (2) ; Don 
 
 Jos^ Salazar Llarrkgin (3) . . . j, 198 
 
 Monsionor Pelagic Antonio db Labastida y 
 
 Davalos ,,206 
 
 General Tomas MjSjIa (1) ; General BoBLlis (2) ; 
 
 General Leonardo Marqubz (3) . . . „ 212 
 
 General Josi Mariano Salas . . . 22O 
 
 Specimen of Maximilian's Caligraphy . , 228 
 
 The State Coach used by Maximilian and Charlotte 
 
 His Holiness Pope Pius ix. . 
 
 236 
 244 
 
 The ChAteau de Bouchout, in Brabant, Belgium . 254 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xv 
 
 'The Black Decree' op Octobee 3, 1865 Between pp. 262 and 263 
 General Miguel Miram6n .... To face p. 272 
 
 The Capture of Puebla, on April 2, 1867, by 
 
 General Porfirio Diaz . . . . „ 282 
 
 General Mariano Escobedo . . . . „ 290 
 
 The Town of Queretaro as it appeared in 1867 „ 298 
 
 The Convent and Chapel of La Cruz, Queretaro, 
 
 SHOWING Maximilian's Prison . . . „ 306 
 
 Interior of Governor's Palace at Queretaro . „ 314 
 
 Market-place at Queretaro . . . . „ 322 
 
 The Content of los Capuchinos at Queretaro . „ 338 
 
 Maximilian in his Prison at Queretaro receiving 
 
 his Attorneys ...... 346 
 
 Historical Room in the Museum at Queretaro 
 
 containing several Maximilian Eelics . . „ 354 
 
 Princess Agnes zu Salm Salm (1) ; Prince Felix 
 
 zu Salm Salm (2) . . . . . „ 360 
 
 Maximilian's Departure from his Prison on the 
 
 Morning of June 19, 1867 . . . „ 366 
 
 Adobe Wall, in Front of which the Execution of 
 Maximilian, Mieam6n, and M^jia took place 
 (1) ; Temporary Memorials marking the Place 
 of Execution (2) ..... „ 374 
 
 The Platoon of Liberal Troops which fired the 
 
 FATAL Volley at Queretaro, June 19, 1867 . „ 382 
 
 Another Sketch of the Execution of Maximilian „ 390 
 
 Memorial Church erected at Queretaro upon 
 THE Site where Maximilian, Miram6n, and 
 MifijiA were executed . . . . „ 398 
 
xvi MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Obiginal Extract from the 'New York Herald' 
 
 or July 2, 1867 ..... To face p. 406 
 
 Benito Pablo Juarez, President or Mexico during 
 
 THE Maximilian R:^gimb . . . . „ 414 
 
 Tomb of President Benito Pablo Juarez . . „ 422 
 
 William Henet Seward, United States Secretary 
 of State during the Maximilian Regime in 
 Mexico ....... 430 
 
 President Abraham Lincoln, Secretary of State 
 William Henry Seward, and other United 
 States Ministers at a Council Meeting . „ 434 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 ' L'histoire n'est que le tableau des crimes et des malheurs.' — 
 
 VOLTAIEB. 
 
 Dtjiung the completed century of Mexico's existence as an 
 independent sovereign power, there has been no sustained 
 period — ^if one except that of some two decades under 
 Porfirio Diaz, when peace was maintained by the sheer 
 weight of the sword — when it has been possible to say that 
 orderly and established government had prevailed. The 
 triumphs of parties and of personal aggrandisements of 
 individuals mainly marked the progress of its history, one 
 which even among the several turbulent Latin-American 
 States has stood out in bold relief against a lurid background 
 of rebellion, rapine, and revenge. 
 
 For the first fifty years of its being the Republic of Mexico 
 exhibited a spectacle fuU of sorrow to the friends of free 
 institutions throughout the world, and, especially, to the 
 numerous practical sympathisers to be found in England, 
 who had been the first to hold out a helping hand to the 
 young and struggUng State, just emerging, crippled but 
 courageous, from four hundred years of oppression under 
 the yoke of Spain. So far from realising the high aspira- 
 tions which had been formed among their friends abroad, 
 who looked for orderhness, mutual good-will and loyalty 
 among the citizens of the new State enjoying a common 
 cause, one language and one faith to bind them, the country 
 was made the scene of the exploits of a succession of 
 ambitious individuals, who, in search of riches or power 
 for themselves and their numerous partisans, plunged the 
 nation into a sea of furious internecine warfare. Many of 
 the agitators — ' patriots ' they were called when successful, 
 
 A 
 
2 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 ' rebels ' when they failed— lost their lives in the successive 
 upheavals, while others either were banished or disappeared. 
 
 The aspiring Iturbide was shot as early as 1824, thus 
 following the same fate as that of Morelos in 1815. Bravo 
 and Borragon were banished ; while Guerrero met with a 
 similar reward for his soaring ambition in 1831. Santa 
 Anna, one of the worst of Mexico's rulers, was imprisoned 
 and expelled upon more than one occasion, while he also 
 lost a leg, a misfortune which should have served to remind 
 him of the dangers attending revolutions. 
 
 Benito Juarez himself inew the meaning of political 
 persecution and imprisonment ; he very nearly met with a 
 violent end at the hands of one Captain Filomeno Bravo in 
 1858. Ruthless acts followed rapidly one upon another, 
 while the distraught country was laid waste as the result of 
 this almost perpetual disorder and rebellion. 
 
 Following the American war of 1846, had come the 
 second act of foreign intervention, that of France ; this 
 while it proved of longer duration, cost the yoiuig Republic 
 somewhat less in the end.^ The United States had re- 
 imbiu-sed itself by annexing nearly one-third of Mexico's 
 most valuable territory ; France, on the other hand, not 
 only left empty-handed, but considerably out-of-pocket. 
 
 To those who live under constitutional governments of 
 matured experience, it becomes difficult to realise the in- 
 tensity and the bitterness of the internecine struggles which 
 marked — and to-day, alas ! continue to mark — the contest 
 for power among the Latin races. With the former, 
 political strife comes and passes like a summer storm, 
 agitating the public mind for a few weeks or may be months, 
 but leaving Httle trace of rancotir and brotherly hatred 
 behind. Not so with the Spanish-Americans, whose deep- 
 seated enmities are passed on from father to son, and are 
 
 1 The American intervention commenced with the battle of Palo Alto 
 on May 8, 1846, peace being concluded on February 2, 1848. The French 
 intervention commenced with the arrival of the first transport at Vera 
 Cruz, January 7, 1862, and came to an end with the withdrawal of 
 Napoleon's troops in March 1867, 
 
INTRODUCTION 3 
 
 maintained with the enduring intensity and ruthlessness of 
 vendetta. 
 
 The first effort of a triumphant party is not directed 
 merely to crush but to completely exterminate its political 
 opponents. No measure of confiscation, exile, oppression, 
 or death is considered too severe, causing revenge to spring 
 up like a baneful upas tree, and to spread its poisonous 
 tentacles deep in the native soil, producing sentiments of 
 hate, distrust, intrigue, and revolution as difficult to over- 
 come as the putrid stream of the fable. 
 
 Those who would fondly hope that the feehngs described 
 would pass away with the flow of time must admit that such 
 confidence has become somewhat shaken and rendered 
 untenable in view of comparatively recent events in Mexico, 
 where a dispossessed, but constitutionally-elected president 
 and vice-president were ruthlessly assassinated in the pubhc 
 thoroughfares, by alleged order of their successors, and in 
 whose Capital for fifteen days and nights a bloody combat 
 was waged between the two contending political factions, 
 regardless of innocent human life and private property. 
 Wherein, some critics have asked, can any improvement be 
 said to have been manifested during the past half-century ? 
 How, they contend, is it possible to argue that poHtical 
 tolerance is practiced any more to-day than was the case 
 in the earhest period of the Republic's history ? Where, 
 they persist in demanding, are the boasted safeguards of that 
 free commonwealth recognised as so necessary to healthful 
 existence ? 
 
 Yet those who have resided among the people of Spanish- 
 America know them to be far from an uncivilised or a 
 demoraUsed race. The Spanish character is not lacking 
 in the nobler attributes of humanity — ^the new are no less 
 susceptible to lofty impulses than the older northern races. 
 There exists nothing in their disposition which renders them 
 incapable of exercising the rights, or of enjoying rationally 
 the benefits, of self-government. Those who complacently 
 ascribe the general failure of the Mexicans — among other 
 Latin-American nations — to a radical psychological defect 
 
4 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of the Spanish race, fall into a very pronounced, though 
 quite comprehensible, error. 
 
 Moreover, something — nay, a great deal — must be allowed 
 for the impulses which first led these people — ^forced by 
 centuries of merciless oppression and stinging injustice — to 
 wrest themselves free at all costs and by means of any 
 sacrifice from the hateful tyranny of their Spanish task- 
 masters. That they hated the Spaniards can well be 
 beheved ; these had come among them upon no errand of 
 mercy or altruistic invasion ; those steel-cased cavaUers 
 of ancient, proud, and intolerant lineage, the flower and 
 pride of Spain, were impelled by ambition and avarice, 
 sustained by the vainest monarch of the world, enjoying 
 the full sunshine of royal favour, followed and cheered on 
 by the thoughtless enthusiasts of a proselytising faith, in- 
 flamed by the wildest dreams of conquest, and a striving 
 for the dominion of the world. 
 
 What wonder that the tyranny and injustice of fotir 
 hundred years should have left its mark upon the present- 
 day descendant of their victims 1 How can it be reasonable 
 to expect that in little more than a single century the deeply- 
 rooted feelings of rancour and enmity can have been eradi- 
 cated ? The seeds which were so liberally sown by those 
 Spanish tyrants — among whom the highest incentives to 
 action were the favours of artificial and hereditary greatness 
 or the accumulation, by whatsoever means, of that wealth 
 by which favoiurs might be purchased — have not as yet 
 ceased to produce fruit. They have been proved to germinate 
 as generously under a republic as under a monarchy. 
 
 Remembering these things, we can to the same extent 
 understand — even if we cannot altogether pardon — ^the 
 successive deadly and uncompromising struggles between 
 different antagonistic parties, each fighting for a ' principle ' 
 which, when analysed, reveals httle else but self-interest and 
 the grasp of autocratic power. The spirit of intolerance 
 which to a large degree has no doubt been inherited from 
 the pernicious Spanish domination, still ranks as the main 
 cause of revolutions and counter-revolutions, such as have 
 
INTRODUCTION 5 
 
 distracted the Latin-American races from the earhest days 
 of their independence, occasioning desperate struggles for 
 ascendency if only for a limited term of four or six years. 
 Such had been the history of Mexico for the first half 
 of her centiury of independence ; of later years the 
 experience has threatened to be repeated in almost as 
 calamitous, if fortunately with a less-enduring, vehemence. 
 
 It was over these barely-emancipated, and as yet unformed 
 and hot-headed, people that the delicately-nurtured and 
 hitherto care-free Austrian Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian 
 was chosen, and consented, to rule. To any ripely-ex- 
 perienced and more elderly administrator such a task would 
 have appeared both difficult and forbidding. Ambitious 
 native rulers hke Augustin Iturbide and Vicente Guerrero, 
 and tyrants of the Santa Anna and Comonfort type, had 
 ventured upon the task of governing the Mexicans, with 
 results disastrous to themselves and misfortunes untold 
 to their victims. For the young and amiable European 
 prince, whose knowledge of the world had been confined 
 to the best and purest that it could offer, the imdertaking 
 was hopeless from the first. As well have set up a timid 
 mouse to rule over a kingdom of Kilkenny cats, or appoint 
 an innocent lamb to settle the greedy disputes of a colony of 
 ravening wolves. Lord John Russell, who had much to do 
 with regard to the Allies' expedition to Mexico in 1861, had 
 declared that ' it is of the utmost importance that a nation 
 should have a correct standard by which to weigh the 
 character of its rulers.' ^ It was the lack of this standard, 
 among other adverse circumstances, which spelled disaster 
 for Maximihan, even before he had set foot in his new and 
 turbulent empire. 
 
 Various reasons have been adduced for the collapse of the 
 movement which brought five years' continuous trouble to 
 Mexico, and to Maximilian of Austria an untimely death. 
 The fundamental cause may be found in the deep-seated 
 wish of Napoleon m. of France to defeat the influence of 
 
 * Introduction to the third volume of the Correspondence of the Dulse of 
 Bedford. 
 
6 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the United States in Latin-America, and to enrich himself 
 at their expense. It failed because he made it exclusively 
 French instead of being, as originally it was intended that 
 it should be, European. It had been found necessary to 
 consult together, to organise and to agree frankly upon a 
 common basis before acting — ^but this was not done. France, 
 accused, and accused justly, of secret intentions, was 
 suspected by England and Spain. Neither could they trust 
 the word of Napoleon. They beheved that he simply 
 desired to draw them as his allies into a war of intervention, 
 for purely French and monarchical interests, instead of com- 
 bining for the purpose of following a disinterested and 
 European policy ; this was the reason that they suspected 
 and at last abandoned France. 
 
 But one of two things was true ; either France was 
 sincere and wished to act in the common interest, and in 
 this case there ought to have been frank explanations in 
 advance and action only after a diplomatic and military 
 European agreement on an equal footing of force, which 
 would thus have removed any occasion for complaints of 
 reticence against the intervention ; or France, acting 
 alone, ought to have moved with a force worthy of herself, 
 and not have commenced by planting her protecting flag in 
 Mexico with a mere handful of heroic men, abandoned at 
 the outset by their auxiliaries, and insufficient for the ac- 
 complishment of the original conception. 
 
 In these facts lay the imperfection of the enterprise, and 
 the reasons why the people in France always failed to com- 
 prehend or approve of it ; why from its inception Spain 
 had distrust of it ; and why England had abandoned it. 
 
 The charges brought against France — some by non- 
 Frenchmen— regarding her entire course of action in this 
 expedition have been harsh, though not unduly so. One 
 may here recall the utterances of Mr. Jacob M. Howard, 
 a Senator from Michigan, U.S.A., who during a debate 
 expressed himself as follows : ' France has seized the ports 
 of Mexico ; she has confiscated her revenues ; she has 
 drenched the soil with blood ; she has made it necessary 
 
INTRODUCTION 7 
 
 for the republican government of Mexico to enter upon 
 obligations of indebtedness which must hereafter weigh 
 heavily and oppressively upon her people ; and notwith- 
 standing the gigantic efforts made by the Emperor of the 
 French to convert Mexico into a French province, he has 
 failed.' 
 
 The pleas put forward by Napoleon's advocates in his 
 defence were plausible but not very convincing, because the 
 hoUowness of the emperor's pretensions, apart from his 
 known dishonesty of purpose, forbade rehance being placed 
 upon the arguments advanced. Napoleon's own speech 
 to the deputies in the month of February 1867, deHvered 
 at the time that the last of the French troops were being 
 withdrawn from Mexico, contained many specious and 
 not even superficially-honest assurances ; they could have 
 deceived no one. ' We were,' he declared, ' obUged to have 
 recourse to redress legitimate wrongs ; and we endeavoured 
 to again raise up an ancient empire. The fortunate results 
 at first obtained were compromised by a deplorable con- 
 currence of circumstances. The idea which guided the 
 expedition to Mexico was a grand one ; to regenerate a 
 people ; to implant amongst them ideas of order and of 
 progress ; to open to our commerce vast outlets, and to 
 leave, as a trace of our passage, the memory of services 
 rendered to civilisation. Such was my desire, as it was 
 yours ; but on the day that the extent of our sacrifices 
 appeared to me to be beyond the interest which had called 
 to us from the other side of the Atlantic, I spontaneously 
 decided upon the recall of our army.' 
 
 If, as has very often been claimed by North American 
 writers and orators, the withdrawal of the French troops 
 was the direct result of the protests of the United States 
 Government, Napoleon would appear to have thought other- 
 wise. In the same speech as that already noticed, the 
 French emperor, after declaring that he ' spontaneously 
 decided upon the recall of our army,' added : ' The Govern- 
 ment of the United States comprehended that an attitude 
 of a non-conciliatory character could only have the effect 
 
8 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of prolonging the occupation and envenoming relations 
 which, for the advantage of the two countries, ought to 
 remain of a friendly character.' 
 
 M. Thiers, the great French statesman, who later on 
 became the head of the Provisional Government and 
 president of the Republic (1871-73), declared before the 
 Chamber of Deputies in July 1867, when speaking of the 
 tragedy of the previous month at Queretaro, that he had 
 always been opposed to Napoleon's Mexican expedition : 
 adding : ' it is not true that the losses suffered in Mexico 
 by oiu: compatriots were the motive for his expedition ; 
 it is equally untrue that at any time there was ever the 
 remotest chance of success.' 
 
 This was not the only public refutation entered against 
 Napoleon's assinrances ; M. Thiers had admitted that ' an 
 arrangement was come to with the United States as to the 
 period when the French troops should leave.' How then does 
 that statement compare with Napoleon's emphatic declara- 
 tion : ' I spontaneously decided upon the recall of our 
 army ' ? Moreover, why did M. Drouyn de I'Huys, 
 Napoleon's very subservient minister, trouble to telegraph 
 to the French Minister at Washington, on 11th October 1866, 
 as follows : ' The Emperor has decided that the French 
 troops shall quit Mexico in three detachments. You wiU 
 please inform the Secretary of State (Mr. Seward) ofl&ciaUy 
 of this decision.' It would certainly seem as if the clearly- 
 expressed wishes of the United States Government had borne 
 fruit. 
 
 It is no less clear that between these two powerful con- 
 tending elements the unfortunate Maximilian was sacrificed 
 — to the covetous greed of the French on the one hand, 
 and to the calculated obstruction of the United States on 
 the other. 
 
 There was no one from whom he could obtain advice 
 regarding his projected venture — ^no one who knew Mexico 
 and who might, therefore, warn him of the many pitfaUs 
 awaiting him. As a consequence, serious mistakes of policy 
 occurred at the outset, notably touching the Church. 
 
INTRODUCTION 9 
 
 Notwithstanding the position which Maximilian had 
 thought it his duty to assume with regard to the Church in 
 Mexico, and the consequent coldness which had arisen be- 
 tween him and the clergy, he remained, as always, a devout 
 and zealous Catholic, and no doubt it was his deep religious 
 faith which helped him to sustain with fortitude and resigna- 
 tion the cruel reverses of fortune which befell and eventually 
 overwhelmed him. 
 
 MaximiUan's convictions were indeed profoundly papistic, 
 as much by instinct as by association and education. The 
 tendencies of his devotions — as exemplified by copious 
 entries in his diaries — as a prince of the Imperial House of 
 Hapsburg inclined him towards mysticism, just as pride of 
 descent from the great Emperor Charles v. caused him to 
 proclaim that there was nothing superior to ' right divine.' 
 Before this right alone the young prince had bowed his head, 
 until he accepted from a wholly unreal and pretended 
 popular suffrage the crown which he had so often seen in 
 his dreams. Notwithstanding his timid shrinking from the 
 responsibiHties of so exalted a position, and his natural love 
 of a quiet and unostentatious hfe, there is no doubt that 
 MaximiUan imphcitly beheved that he was predestined to 
 wear a diadem, a behef which was further impressed upon 
 him by his yet more ambitious wife and mother. 
 
 His aspirations are breathed more than once in his own 
 memoirs. During his travels in Spain (1852) Maximilian 
 found himself one day contemplating in the cathedral of 
 Granada the magnificent insignia of Ferdinand the Catholic : 
 ' I handled the golden circlet and the sword once so power- 
 ful,' he writes in his diary ; ' my feelings were a minghng 
 of pride, of longing, and of melancholy. What a glorious, 
 briUiant dream would it be for a nephew of Hapsburg of 
 Austria to draw the sword of Ferdinand to reconquer his 
 own.' 
 
 His deep religious convictions were made to bear their 
 part in realising these ambitions, a fact which accounts for 
 the persistency with which he clung to his tottering throne 
 when every wise and prudent thought should have induced 
 
10 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 him to abandon it while his hfe was still secure. It also 
 partly explains some of the many acts of incredible folly 
 of which he was guilty at the instigation of his father-con- 
 fessor and evil genius, the unscrupulous Augustin Fischer, 
 a Catholic convert from the Lutheran Church, an immoral 
 and debased profligate, who subsequently became Imperial 
 Secretary with plenary powers. 
 
 There seems to have been no divergence of opinion among 
 those who came into personal contact with Maximilian 
 that in temperament he was one of the most agreeable of 
 men, no doubt possessing also that amiable weakness of 
 human nature, such as Gibbon condemns in his Decline and 
 Fall of the Soman Empire (chap, xiv.), and Henry Fielding 
 in Tom Jones (book x. ch. viii.). Prince Felix zu Salm Salm 
 tells us that the emperor easily forgave his enemies, and 
 ' not only with his lips but with his heart.' This was proved 
 upon many occasions, and notably when he was parting 
 from Baron von Lago, the neglectful Austrian Charg6 
 d' Affaires. Notwithstanding that Maximilian was per- 
 fectly cognisant of the Baron's treacherous conduct, of his 
 lukewarmness and faintheartedness, he wrote to him shortly 
 before his death a few kind lines that he might show them 
 on his retmrn to Vienna. 
 
 If Maximilian was not a fatalist, what was it that could 
 have induced him to choose as his Uterary companion in 
 his prison-cell a book entitled The History of King Charles I. 
 of England, a small volume in German, which he was found 
 to be reading when Prince Felix zu Salm Salm paid his 
 parting Adsit to the doomed emperor on 12th June 1867 ? 
 
 That prince records how, on the 24th of the previous 
 month, while walking in their paved prison-yard in the 
 Convent of the Capuchinos, the emperor ' stooped to pick up 
 from the ground a crown of thorns which had fallen from 
 the wooden image of Christ, recently used by some of the 
 irreverent Mexican soldiery for firewood. Raising the 
 crown to his own head, Maximilian observed : " Yes ; let 
 me wear it ; it suits well with my present position." ' 
 
 The emperor seems to have profited but little by his know- 
 
INTRODUCTION 11 
 
 ledge of men and their dispositions, despite his long and 
 diverse travels. Apparently he was not gifted with much 
 observation, and he judged his fellow-creatures either too 
 superficially or too leniently. He had but little conception 
 of wickedness and falsehood in others, which seems all the 
 more remarkable in view of his early experiences of the in- 
 triguing court of Vienna, and of the hostile attitude invari- 
 ably evinced towards him by his own brother, Francis 
 Joseph. It was difficult to convince Maximilian of dupHcity 
 in others, and this no doubt led to his own undoing in the 
 end. He could never permit himself to deUberately mortify 
 any one, nor to revenge himself in any way for a real or an 
 imaginary wrong. If by chance his speech or his action 
 had hurt any one his distress was both deep and genuine, 
 while his efforts to make handsome amendment were un- 
 restricted. AH faults were judged by him with extreme 
 mildness, and he would seek rather for the good and noble, 
 than for the bad, motives actuating his feUow-creatures. 
 
 How lovable a nature was that of Maximilian was proved 
 by the sometimes unwilling sympathy which he exacted 
 from others. His Mexican gaoler — Colonel ViUanueva, an 
 officer who latterly had charge of his person, and up to the 
 day of his death — declared subsequently to Prince zu Salm 
 Salm : ' he wished with all his heart that he had never 
 seen Maximilian.' ' I was his bitter enemy,' he averred, 
 ' but he won me altogether by his serene demeanour and his 
 amiabihty. When I saw him just before the end my heart 
 was breaking, and I am not ashamed to say that I went 
 aside and wept.' There were many others among the 
 Mexican officers and soldiery who surrounded the unhappy 
 sovereign in his last hours who were similarly drawn to 
 him, and who would have willingly spared him had it been 
 within their power to do so. 
 
 Laurence Ohphant, who met Maximihan at Trieste just 
 before the latter's departure for Mexico, gauged his character 
 very accurately ; he mentions in his Adventures in Central 
 America that ' when I heard the noble and lofty ambitions 
 which actuated the soul of the newly-crowned emperor, 
 
12 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 I foresaw the bitter disappointment in store for him, 
 although I could not anticipate the tragic end.' 
 
 Undoubtedly Maximihan's worst fault was his extreme 
 ficldeness — a failing never maliciously practised upon others, 
 for, indeed, he proved himself upon many notable occasions 
 a remarkably staunch and even quixotic friend — ^but a 
 fickleness in the sense of indecisive personal action, an in- 
 constancy of purpose, and an inability to adhere to a resolu- 
 tion once taken. That he could also practise deception of 
 an innocent kind was no less certain, for he tricked Marshal 
 Bazaine into providing ' an escort for the Empress Charlotte ' 
 on her pretended return to Mexico, when he knew perfectly 
 well that not alone was Charlotte then still in Rome, but 
 that she never would return to resume her place at court. 
 In two letters written and signed by MaximiHan, dated 
 from the Castle of Chapultepec, Mexico City, 11th and 19th 
 October 1866, he makes the same demand upon the same 
 shallow pretence, his real object being to secure protection 
 for his own person upon his then contemplated flight from 
 the country. He had not, however, the moral pluck to 
 tell the truth to Bazaine, nor the courage to make his 
 escape, when, his deception having succeeded in its object, 
 the means for flight were provided. 
 
 Maximilian's good-natured spirit was reflected in his 
 face, which bore upon aU occasions a kindly and friendly 
 expression. This cordiahty, however, was never displayed 
 in the guise of familiarity, for even with his most intimate 
 friends he maintained an easy and natural dignity. His 
 laugh was spontaneous and merry, while his wit was ready 
 and even sometimes brilliant. Naturally gifted as a speaker 
 and a writer, his conversation was always worth listening 
 to, more especially since he possessed a remarkably sound 
 memory which served him upon occasions to good effect. 
 His wide travel enabled him to recall readily numerous 
 incidents and occurrences, many of which he has recorded 
 in his diaries for our edification ; but others were reserved 
 for the ears of his confidants, and as passing events may have 
 suggested their recoimtment. 
 
INTRODUCTION 13 
 
 Moreover, he was a good listener, and he offered much 
 encouragement to those who could be induced to relate their 
 adventures and experiences, even when he guessed them to 
 be either untrue or exaggerated. No one ever found him 
 difficult to get on with, and those who were favoured with 
 his closer friendship possessed in him a firm and a loyal, if 
 not invariably a very wise, counsellor, but one as generous 
 as he was conciHatory, and as prompt to bestow as he was 
 ready to repay. Such a man was bound to fall a victim to 
 the cupidity and avarice of his encirclement, and while he 
 himself failed to maintain any recollection or to keep any 
 record of his innumerable generous actions, there have 
 been some who have borne witness to acts of liberality, 
 amounting, upon occasions, to reckless munificence. From 
 boyhood this propensity to give had distinguished him, and 
 it signalised his actions to the last. Almost immediately 
 before his execution, and upon alighting from the carriage 
 which had brought him to the place of death, Maximilian 
 approached each soldier of the firing party, offering his hand 
 and bestowing a Maximilian d'or (twenty pesos), saying : 
 ' Muchachos (boys), aim well, and aim right here,' pointing 
 his hand to his heart. 
 
 Among those who have testified to the great amiability 
 and general worth of Maximilian has been the late Queen 
 Victoria, who seems to have entertained an exceptionally 
 warm regard for him. Writing (16th June 1857) to King 
 Leopold I. of the Belgians, her majesty's uncle, the queen 
 says : ' The Archduke Maximihan (who is here since Sunday 
 evening) led me to the chapel,^ and at the luncheon I sat 
 between him and Fritz. I cannot say how much we like 
 the archduke ; he is charming, so clever, natural, kind and 
 amiable, so English in his feelings and likings, and so anxious 
 for the best understanding between Austria and England. 
 With the exception of his mouth and chin, he is good- 
 looking, and I think one does not the least care for that, as 
 he is so very kind and clever and pleasant. I wish you really 
 
 1 On the occasion of the christening of Princess Beatrice, now Princess 
 Henry of Battenberg. 
 
14 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 joy, dearest uncle, at having got such a husband for dear 
 Charlotte, as I am sure he will make her happy, and is quite 
 worthy of her. He may and wiU do a great deal for Italy.* 
 
 Her late majesty's ideas in this letter were weU founded, 
 for Maximilian succeeded in effecting much towards reconcil- 
 ing Italy to Austrian rule. Had he not thrown up the Vice- 
 royalty of the Provinces in disgust, there would probably 
 have been no Magenta or SoKerino. Likewise was reahsed 
 the other part of the good queen's prophecy, since during 
 the nine years of their wedded life which were passed 
 together (1857-66), the royal pair were as happy as two 
 human beings can ever hope to be. 
 
 Queen Victoria's high opinion of the Archduke Ferdinand 
 Maximilian was fully shared by his father-in-law, for King 
 Leopold, although by no means prone to pass favourable 
 judgments without mature consideration, and then only 
 after a ripe experience, has recorded his personal hking and 
 esteem for Maximihan. In the course of a letter addressed 
 to his niece Victoria, dated Laeken, 10th October 1856, 
 Leopold writes : — ' The Archduke is out at sea, and nothing 
 can well be heard before the 25th of this month. If the 
 thing (the engagement to his daughter Charlotte) takes 
 place, the emperor (Francis Joseph of Austria) ought to 
 put him at the head of Venice ; he is well calculated for it.' 
 In an earUer part of the same letter, Leopold declares : 
 ' The archduke has made a favourable impression upon 
 Charlotte ; I saw that much before any question of engage- 
 ment had taken place.' 
 
 Queen Victoria followed the fortunes of the imperial 
 couple right up to the time of their departure for Mexico, 
 but thereafter they seem to have passed more or less from 
 her recollection until the tragedy of 19th June 1867. Ten 
 years earlier (27th July 1857) we find the queen writing as 
 follows to her good gossip and ' only uncle ' King Leopold : 
 ' At this very moment the marriage is going on — the knot is 
 being tied which binds your lovely sweet child to a 
 thoroughly worthy husband, and I am sure that you will 
 be much moved. May every blessing attend her ! I wish I 
 
INTRODUCTION 15 
 
 could be present, but my dearest Half being there makes 
 me feel as I were there myself. I try to picture to myself 
 how all will be. I could not give you greater proof of my 
 love for you all, and my anxiety to give you and dearest 
 Charlotte pleasure, than in urging my dearest Albert to 
 go over — for you cannot think comhien cela me cowte and how 
 completely deroutee I am and feel when he is away. . . . We 
 shall drink the archduke's and archduchess's healths, and 
 I have ordered vnne for our servants and grog for our sailors 
 to do the same. , . . Vicky (the late princess royal, 
 Victoria, afterwards Empress of Germany), who is painting 
 in the alcove near me, wishes me to say everything to you 
 and the dear young couple, and pray teU dear Charlotte all 
 that we have been doing.' 
 
 The late queen's enthusiasm as here set forth, and always 
 expressed in italics, and with many other characteristic 
 imderlinings, reminds one of Syrus' maxim — aut amat avi 
 edit mvlier, nihil est tertium : ' a woman either loves or hates, 
 she knows no medium.' 
 
 The number of portraits of Maximilian which are still in 
 existence represent him at almost exactly the same age, 
 that is between twenty and thirty-five. In height he stood 
 just under six feet, the figure being slender and remarkably 
 graceful, shoulders square and the waist slim. His natural 
 movements, his gait, and especially his manner of greeting, 
 were characterised by much elegance and agreeableness. 
 The archduke's complexion was an uncommonly delicate 
 one for a man, the pale pinky skin usually flushing easily 
 imder excitement or agitation, while no less seldom would 
 the merry blue eyes become suffused with tears. Maximilian 
 had an abundant mass of fair, almost flaxen, hair, which he 
 wore carefully parted in the middle in a rather effeminate 
 style. A favourite habit was passing two thin well-shaped 
 fingers through the long strands, and brushing them back 
 from the eyes over which they were apt to fall with any rapid 
 motion of the head. His fair beard and whiskers were also 
 long and fleecy, being carefuUy parted in the centre of the 
 chin, and flowing upon either shoulder in the true Dundreary 
 
16 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 style. The moustache was cut or grew naturally short 
 just above the upper Up, leaving the mouth in full view. 
 This was Maximilian's worst feature. It was a weak mouth, 
 shaped somewhat like an arc above a slightly receding chin, 
 denoting the undoubted feebleness of his character. His 
 passing passions continually stamped their impress upon 
 his mobile face, each individual emotion having its own 
 expression. 
 
 Just as Caesar was enabled to detect the pretence of the 
 spurious Alexander by his rough hands and surface, so 
 any one of the Hapsburgs could have been recognised by 
 the easily-flushing faces and the nervous movements of 
 the hands towards the mouth and hair. The short upper 
 full red lip, suggesting animal passion, showed the well- 
 shaped teeth even when the face was in repose ; the same 
 characteristic may be traced in several existing portraits 
 of his ancestors — in Philip, son of Maximilian i., and of 
 Donna Juana of Spain ; in Ferdinand i., the weak-minded 
 but amiable prince who became head of the Austrian 
 dynasty ; and particularly in the case of Maximilian's 
 father, the Prince Francis Charles, who had renounced the 
 throne in favour of his eldest son, the present Emperor 
 Francis Joseph. Of the remarkable strength of character 
 possessed by his more famous ancestress Maria Theresa, who 
 founded the line of Hapsburg-Lothringen, there was no 
 trace. 
 
 There are many fanciful legends which have been handed 
 down by the ancients of Mexico, from the Toltecs who were 
 the earliest known settlers in Anahuac ^ to the Chilimecs 
 their successors, from them to the Nahuals and so again to 
 the Aztecs.2 There was one legend which told of the 
 coming of a great deity, god of the air, a saintly ruler and 
 civiliser — described as a ' taU and fair stranger of gracious 
 mien and of gentle speech,' the favom-ite god of the people, 
 
 * Mexico of to-day. 
 
 ' In language, customs, and physique the Aztecs represented a race of 
 men who flourished in pre-Homerio days, before the dawn of history 
 broke. 
 
INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 Quetzalcoatl. He was to arrive across the seas in a boat 
 from afar-off, accompanied by a ' beautiful female,' and 
 both were to be clothed in sumptuous raiment such as no 
 human eyes had ever looked upon. 
 
 The same legend set forth how, many centuries back, 
 before even Tenochtitlan ^ had been founded, Quetzalcoatl 
 had reigned among them, but had been banished from the 
 land by other gods because he had refused to countenance 
 war among the people of the earth. Before he quitted the 
 shores, however, Quetzalcoatl had promised his sorrowing 
 votaries that he would one day return to them, ' bringing 
 everlasting peace and plenty to the land, and for ever after 
 would he dwell among them.' 
 
 It was, then, but small matter for surprise that the 
 ignorant and intensely superstitious Mexican peasantry 
 should have identified MaximiUan with the mystic Quetzal- 
 coatl, and the beautiful female Charlotte as his lovely 
 goddess. Many Uthographic and highly-coloured portraits of 
 the imperial pair, clad in their coronation robes, had been 
 industriously distributed among the Mexican populace, and 
 it was, therefore, with almost a spirit of reverence and 
 religious awe that their advent to Mexico was awaited. If, 
 as it lucklessly transpired, MaximiUan was destined to bring 
 fire and the sword, destruction and desolation to the ex- 
 pectant people in place of that ' peace and plenty ' which 
 had been promised, at least physically he fulfilled all their 
 high expectations. His handsome features, his flaming 
 auburn beard, his kindly blue eyes, and his tall and graceful 
 figure appealed most strongly to the Indian peasant imagina- 
 tion, while the exceptional beauty of Charlotte, her dazzhng 
 complexion, her star-hke eyes and her girlish spirits, proved 
 irresistible. 
 
 Nothing could have been more promising than these first 
 impressions, destined, alas ! to be so completely destroyed 
 in the tragic history to be enacted. 
 
 Let us now follow the career of this unfortunate prince 
 
 1 Now called Mexico City. 
 B 
 
18 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 from the time that he departed, unwillingly enough, from 
 his beautiful home at Miramar, for the turbulent shores of 
 Mexico, where he was destined to find his early death. Let 
 us, gentle reader, trace step by step the adventiures of this 
 attractive, merry young Archduke of Austria, from the days 
 when, as a care-free, healthy, and generously dispositioned 
 lad, he was pursuing his studies and qualifying for that bright 
 naval career which he was so well adapted by temperament 
 to pursue. Let us follow him next upon his world-wide 
 travels, enjoying every day, every hour, of his untramelled 
 hfe ; revelling in the many beautiful things of the earth, 
 rendering thanks to the Supreme Being in whose all-wise 
 benevolence he so profoundly trusted ; shedding the light 
 of his own happy nature around him, and compelling the 
 affection and the admiration of his fellows wherever his 
 wandering footsteps led ; realising, in his pure and imselfish 
 mode of living, in his lofty sense of moral duty, those words 
 of Emerson : ' A great mind is a good sailor, as a great heart 
 is.' 
 
 We see Maximihan in his Austrian home, pursuing his 
 favourite occupations, indulging in many and always in- 
 tellectual pastimes, sharing his joyous existence with the 
 beautiful young Belgian princess, Charlotte, as intelligent 
 and as talented as she was industrious and ambitious. 
 From their fair castle we may accompany them upon the 
 fateful voyage to their distant empire ; we shall witness 
 their temporary triumphs, their speedy disappointments, 
 their bitter delusions ; we shall also learn something of their 
 brilliant court, and of the manner in which the empress 
 assisted with the weighty affairs of government ; observe the 
 gradual decline of the royal influence, the many intrigues, 
 and the personal affronts to which the young sovereigns 
 were subjected ; the horrors of the prolonged war, as con- 
 ducted by the French on the one hand and by the Liberals 
 on the other ; the mistakes and misjudgments committed 
 by Maximihan under the maUgn advice of his counsellors ; 
 the final departm:e for Europe of his plucky consort, and the 
 rapid decline of his fortunes from that moment ; the mental 
 
INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 affliction which speedily overtook the empress, while still 
 engaged upon her difficult mission ; the humiliation to which 
 she was subjected at the hands of the treacherous Emperor 
 of the French, and the cold comfort administered by the 
 Holy Father ; the betrayal of Maximilian to his enemies ; 
 the mockery of his trial and his martyrdom at Queretaro 
 — all these facts are unfolded from their source to their 
 conclusion. 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 Birth of Maximilian — Parentage — Schonbrunn — Condition of Europe in 
 1832 — Education — Friendship with Prince Albert — ^The brothers — 
 Disposition of Francis Joseph — The Archduchess Sophia — Early 
 travels abroad — ^Meeting with Princess Charlotte of Belgium — 
 Their marriage — ^Their home at Miramar — ^A picturesque castle- 
 Maximilian's favourite room. 
 
 Among the beautiful surroundings of Vienna there is nothing 
 to be found more scenically attractive than Schonbrunn, 
 the ' Windsor ' of the Imperial Court of Austria. Here was 
 born, on 6th July 1832, Ferdinand MaximiHan, the second 
 son of the Archduke Francis Charles and the Archduchess 
 Sophia of Bavaria, as had been his brother Francis Joseph. 
 The palace of Schonbrunn, with its many apartments and 
 galleries, its wide-spreading haUs and iimumerable staircases, 
 formed the earliest playground of the three young princes — 
 Francis, Ferdinand, and Charles. The difference in their 
 ages was not great, there being but two years between 
 Francis and Ferdinand and one year between Ferdinand 
 and Charles. Except for their nurses, tutors and gover- 
 nesses, they were left very much to their own devices, 
 but contemporary writers describe them as having been 
 quiet and well-behaved boys, serious beyond their years, and 
 easily amenable to control. To a great extent this would, 
 no doubt, be due to the troublous times in which they were 
 bom, when thorns beset the crown of Austria, and dreadful 
 scenes — which could not be kept wholly from the knowledge 
 of the boys — were of daily occmrence, scenes which induced 
 two emperors in succession to renounce their imperial pomp, 
 Ferdinand v., who abdicated 2nd December 1848, and 
 Francis Charles who refused to succeed, on the same date. 
 
 21 
 
22 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Both Francis Joseph and Ferdinand MaximUian were 
 bom into the world just about the period that the long- 
 esdsting peace of Europe, unbroken since the defeat and 
 exile of Napoleon in 1815 — a peace fraught with innumerable 
 blessings to the distracted and exhausted states — came to 
 an end. Then followed the swing of the pendulum. The 
 people of one country were dreaming of the past ; others 
 were speculating on the future : most were dissatisfied with 
 the present. The monotony of fifteen years' peace was 
 becoming unbearable, and France was the first to feel the 
 effect of the general sentiment. The Revolution of 1830 
 synchronised with the birth of Francis Joseph, and important 
 consequences attended aU the countries of the Continent in 
 a greater or less degree, the march of revolution being 
 irresistible in Western Europe, while an entire change 
 was effected in the institutions and dynasties on the 
 thrones of the principal States. The Russian Czar in fuU 
 march towards Paris was arrested on the banks of the 
 Vistula ; the Orleans family was clinging — and with success 
 — ^to the throne of France ; Belgium was revolutionised, 
 torn from the monarchy of the Netherlands, and the Ooburg 
 family placed in possession of the crown ; the monarchies 
 of Spain and Portugal were overturned, and a revolutionary 
 dynasty of queens established on their thrones, in direct 
 violation of the Treaty of Utrecht ; in the eastern part of 
 Europe, the last remnants of Pohsh nationality were ex- 
 tinguished only after a gallant resistance to restore their 
 precious nationaHty. Austria and Prussia were too much 
 occupied in suppressing the seething discontent within their 
 own borders to think of renewing the crusade of 1813. 
 
 Thus the young princes of the House of Hapsburg were 
 quickly inducted into political turmoil, and by the time 
 they were approaching man's estate they had gained the 
 experience of a frightful civil war which rent the Austrian 
 provinces from end to end of those vast dominions. The 
 Sclavonians revolted in Bohemia, the Lombards in Italy, 
 the Magyars in Hungary, and, but for the powerful Russian 
 force in the close vicinity, the Poles would have joined the 
 
EARLY IMPRESSIONS 23 
 
 rebellion in Galicia. It seemed, indeed, as if the whole 
 Austrian Empire must be broken up never again to be 
 reunited. 
 
 The young Ferdinand Maximilian, under the care of his 
 professors, devoted the greater portion of his time to studies, 
 being kept as far as possible away from the scenes of seething 
 political turbulence. He astonished his tutors by his ready 
 application and the keen appreciation which he displayed 
 for his work, his industry and dihgence having been remarked 
 upon as altogether unusual for a boy of his age. Being 
 destined for a naval career, his attention was more particu- 
 larly devoted to maritime matters, of which he soon acqtiired 
 a remarkably complete knowledge. 
 
 Almost as soon as Francis Joseph ascended the throne 
 of Austria the war in Hungary recommenced under Prince 
 Windischgratz in 1848, and the exciting experiences at the 
 time of the insurrection at Vienna were often referred to by 
 Maximilian in after days. The impressions left upon his 
 mind by the second insurrection, which resulted in the 
 assassination of Count Latour, the Minister of War ; the 
 flight of the Emperor Francis Joseph the day afterwards ; 
 the bombardment of Vienna by Windischgratz and Jel- 
 lachich ; its capitulation {30th October), and the distressing 
 time which followed, were indehbly fixed upon the mind of 
 the young archduke. He was but sixteen years of age at 
 this time, and extremely susceptible. How deep was the 
 impression created upon Maximilian's mind by the terrible 
 chaos which reigned in Austria is shown by the entry in his 
 own diary while sojourning upon the beautiful island of 
 Madeira some years afterwards (7th July 1853). He 
 writes : ' I thought silently to myself that if I had known 
 Madeira before 1848, I should have known where to 
 find for myself in extremis a peaceful retreat from all the 
 
 world.' 
 
 The Archduchess Sophia, a princess of the House of 
 Bavaria, after seeing her elder son crowned as emperor, 
 devoted a great part of her attention to the future of 
 Maximilian, and it was mainly through her instrumentality 
 
24 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 and advice that he subsequently jnelded to the dangerous 
 temptations offered by Napoleon in. 
 
 The name of Maximilian had been a distinguished one in 
 her own family, and it is probable that she foresaw for her 
 favourite son a brilliant and prosperous reign when inducing 
 him to accept the crown of Mexico. Perhaps, also, the fact 
 that certain members of the Princess's own family had 
 received — at least upon one occasion — substantial advan- 
 tages from France, even if its members subsequently had to 
 suffer many penalties, influenced the archduchess's ambition 
 regarding MaximiUan's destiny. 
 
 In 1805 Maximilian Joseph of Bavaria had been the firm 
 ally of France, receiving, as his reward from Napoleon i., the 
 title of king and several important additions to his terri- 
 tories. The alliance continued until 1813, when the 
 opportunist Maximilian Joseph turned against France and 
 rejoined the Allies, only, however, after receiving the solemn 
 assurance that what Napoleon had bestowed upon him 
 should be confirmed by his new friends. This was done, 
 and to the assistance rendered by the Bavarians no doubt 
 Napoleon greatly owed his ultimate defeat. Three years 
 after Waterloo, Maximilian Joseph gave his people a Con- 
 stitution, and in 1825 he died, being succeeded by his son 
 Louis. Then, upon the latter 's abdication in 1848, came 
 another MaximiHan, who, again, in 1864, gave place to a 
 second Louis. At this time Maximilian of Austria was 
 about to leave Europe for his new empire in Mexico, urged 
 to the last by his mother and by his wife, the Princess 
 Charlotte of Belgium, whom he had married in Brussels 
 on 27th July 1857. 
 
 The lack of affection between the two brothers Francis 
 Joseph and Ferdinand Maximilian was early noted by 
 their mother, although she seems to have been but little 
 distressed by the fact. The sentiments exhibited by the 
 elder were those of unreasoning jealousy, and the apparent 
 fear of the greater popularity which the younger brother 
 seemed to attract spontaneously wherever he went. While 
 nothing in Maximilian's manner or speech had ever suggested 
 
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BROTHERLY RELATIONS 25 
 
 that he entertained any desire or idea of succeeding — and 
 certainly not of superseding — Francis Joseph, the latter 
 appeared to entertain continual suspicion of his brother's 
 good faith. He succeeded in rendering the young arch- 
 duke's sojourn at court as unattractive and as uncongenial 
 as possible. He welcomed, with altogether suspicious 
 alacrity, Maximilian's proposal to undertake a journey 
 around the world, and when the prince finally consented to 
 start upon this — his first — long round of travel, which com- 
 menced 30th July 1857,and terminated on 19th January 1860, 
 the emperor speeded him on his way with cheerfulness, and 
 witnessed his departure with unconcealed satisfaction. 
 
 Additional proof of the jealousy with which the Emperor 
 Francis Joseph regarded his younger brother, and which 
 feehng must have dictated his desire to see him settled in 
 Mexico — ^trusting that events would, as indeed they did, 
 keep him there — is afforded in a letter which was addressed 
 to Maximilian (then emperor) at Mexico City by his wife's 
 faithful friend and loyal servant M. Eloin, the Belgian 
 councillor and devoted friend of the Princess Charlotte. 
 In the course of his somewhat lengthy epistle, dated Brussels, 
 17th September 1866, M. Eloin says : ' When I was travel- 
 ling through Austria I was enabled to ascertain the general 
 discontent which is prevaihng there. Nothing is yet done. 
 The emperor (Francis Joseph) is disheartened ; the people 
 are becoming impatient and pubHcly demand his abdication. 
 A sympathy for your majesty is visibly spreading through- 
 out the territory of the empire. In Venetia there is a party 
 ready to welcome their former governor.' 
 
 Sadowa goes even further in his revelations concerning the 
 feeling of animosity cherished by Francis Joseph against his 
 brother. The Austrian emperor is said to have forwarded 
 to Baron von Lago, his ambassador at Mexico, ' strict in- 
 junctions to prevent MaximiUan from setting foot upon 
 Austrian soil if he returned to Eiu'ope bearing the title 
 of emperor.' The tragedy of 19th Jtme 1867 must have 
 brought rehef to the over-anxious Austrian monarch in one 
 respect at least. 
 
26 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 This feeling of unnatural suspicion, amounting to morbid 
 jealousy, had been displayed by the Emperor Francis Joseph 
 towards Maximilian while the latter was fulfilling his duties 
 as Viceroy of the ItaUan Provinces. Sir Horace Rumbold 
 bears testimony to the popularity of the archduke — a 
 popularity which seems to have annoyed the emperor at 
 Vienna as much as the facts that Maximihan had won golden 
 opinions from all classes and that by his wide and hberal 
 methods he was in a fair way towards finally reconciling the 
 mass of the population to Austrian rule. But Giulay was 
 sent by the emperor to Milan as adlatus, instructed to check 
 Maximilian's mild proceedings, with the result that the 
 archduke threw up his viceroyalty in disgust, and the 
 government fell back at once into its old and vicious ruck, 
 and the people to their customary misery and discontent. 
 
 But little correspondence — and this of a far from affection- 
 ate character — ^passed between the two brothers during these 
 two and a half years ; neither did Maximihan's return to the 
 court at Vienna some time in the following February seem 
 to have awakened any exhibition of joy or satisfaction, 
 except perhaps among those few to whom the handsome 
 and merry young prince had become something more than 
 a name. 
 
 Of the avidity with which the Emperor Francis Joseph 
 endorsed the suggestion put forward by Napoleon, offering 
 the crown of Mexico to the Austrian archduke, a matter 
 already referred to, there exists no doubt. It was regarded 
 as an unexpectedly good opportunity of again, and this time 
 permanently, getting rid of the archduke and his dazzlingly 
 beautiful but somewhat difficile archduchess ; without 
 further demur Francis Joseph gave his consent, and the 
 last lingering feeling of hesitation upon the part of the 
 innocent victim of Napoleon's ambition was overcome. 
 
 Speaking of the part which Francis Joseph bore in this 
 unworthy trafficking with a noble and generous character. 
 Prince Felix zu Salm Salm ^ says : ' Though the necessities 
 of policy compelled the brother of Maximilian to join his 
 
 1 Maximilian's aide-de-camp and faithful companion in prison. 
 
TRAVELLER AND SCHOLAR 27 
 
 hand to that of Napoleon, still there is above us a Power that 
 wiU not forget that by this hand the blood of a noble and 
 good man was spilt at the fort Cerro de la Compana.' 
 
 It would be difficult to the ordinary mind to conceive, 
 and still less to excuse, any ' policy ' which could call for 
 the deliberate sacrifice of a young and gallant life, and that 
 the life of a brother. None could have imagined in what 
 dread tragedy the action of the two plotting sovereigns cotild 
 result ; but there is little reason to doubt that both Francis 
 Joseph and Napoleon were perfectly well aware that danger 
 of some kind awaited the experiment, and, indeed, of its 
 possibility and probabihty both had been amply warned. 
 Of this warning, however, Ferdinand MaximiHan was per- 
 mitted to learn nothing. 
 
 When little more than eighteen years of age, Maximilian 
 undertook a lengthy journey to Greece, a country for which 
 he had always entertained the deepest sympathy, as much 
 for its gallant struggles against Turkey in 1821 as for its 
 fascinating ancient civiUsation. The archduke was a 
 brilliant Greek scholar, and well versed generally in classical 
 literature. 
 
 From quite an early period of his life, probably on account 
 of his exalted position, Maximilian had been his own master. 
 Even in material points he had been allowed by his parents 
 and his tutors to remain almost entirely unfettered by the 
 usual restrictions placed upon minors. For a young man 
 possessed of the ordinary disposition this complete freedom 
 might well have meant an exhibition of selfishness and, 
 perhaps, of presumption ; but Maximihan seems to have 
 taken no other advantage of his Mberty than the determina- 
 tion to enjoy Hfe in a manly and rational manner. He was, 
 as already indicated, of a naturally cheerful temperament, 
 and we find him writing in his diary, on the occasion of his 
 coming of age : ' I was twenty years old to-day (6th July 
 1852). If there be any prophetic warning in the manner 
 in which one's birthday is spent, then the year to come will 
 indeed be gay, bright, and free from care ; for never did I 
 pass this anniversary in so joyous and so enchanting a 
 
28 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 manner.' At this time, Maximilian was in Madeira, of 
 which he wrote with his usual enthusiasm : ' Favoiired 
 island I that can produce a sample of all that is beautiful 
 in every quarter of the world ! ' 
 
 Maximilian, although a brilliant linguist, scarcely ever 
 referred to his accomphshments in this direction. On one 
 occasion, however, an Enghshman, who could speak no 
 tongue but his own, not an unusual characteristic of the 
 Briton abroad, apologised to the emperor for his short- 
 comings in this respect, when Maximilian modestly observed 
 that ' Spanish was the tenth language which he had 
 acquired,' adding : ' it was so long since he had spoken 
 English that he had almost forgotten it,' and that ' he did 
 not like conversing in a language with which he was not 
 thoroughly famihar.' Afterwards he extended his travels 
 to Italy, Spain, Portugal, the island of Madeira, Tangier, 
 and Algiers. In this African territory, where the dominion 
 of Rome ceased to count and Islamism commenced to assert 
 itself, and where France had recently gained several im- 
 portant victories, the young archduke found great attraction, 
 especially in the more mountainous regions. He made the 
 ascent of Mount Atlas, selecting the most difficult and one 
 of the most lofty of the peaks — Mount Henleb, near to the 
 Algerian frontier — while he also traversed the difficult and, 
 at that time, dangerous country as far as Media, in Persia. 
 
 In 1854 this young and intrepid traveller, usually alone 
 except for a couple of attendants, one of whom was an 
 European, explored the httoral of Albania and Dalmatia, 
 while in charge of the corvette Minerva. Upon this ex- 
 pedition Maximilian's wanderings were suddenly checked ; 
 he was summoned to return to Vienna in connection with 
 his naval duties ; but he again went forth upon his wander- 
 ings in the summer of the following year, this time being in 
 command of the ScJi/wartzembourg, and accompanied by a 
 flotilla of seventeen sails. This time he directed his path 
 to Candia, afterwards visiting Beyrouth and ascending 
 Mount Lebanon, returning by the coasts of Palestine. He 
 passed many days in Jerusalem, a place which had a great 
 
MEETING WITH CHARLOTTE 29 
 
 fascination for him, and in after years he declared that in 
 no part of the world, and at no time in his life, had he felt 
 more touched than when wandering alone among the sacred 
 precincts of the Holy City. 
 
 From this part of the Near East Maximilian journeyed to 
 Egypt, visiting Cairo, the Pyramids, and the ancient city of 
 Memphis. He took a special interest in the Canal at Suez, 
 the construction of which had just been authorised by the 
 Viceroy (1856), although the concession to M. de Lesseps 
 was not granted until ten years later, at a time when 
 Maximilian, who had hoped to have witnessed the com- 
 pletion of the enterprise, was within one year of his death. 
 From Suez he journeyed across the desert, terminating 
 this expedition with a visit to the island of Sicily. 
 
 This same year (1856) Maximilian travelled extensively 
 through Germany, Belgium, and Holland ; afterwards he 
 visited France, where he remained for some time as the guest 
 of the Emperor Napoleon at Saint Cloud. In the following 
 year his wanderings extended to the Rhine, Lombardy, 
 Central Italy, and finally to England. 
 
 A strong friendship existed between Ferdinand Maximilian 
 and the Prince Consort, while the Prince and Princess of 
 Wales (afterwards King Edward vn. and Queen Alexandra), 
 as well as the late Princess Eoyal (afterwards the Empress 
 Frederick of Germany) and her ' baby ' (now the Emperor 
 William of Germany), were aU remarkably good friends. 
 
 After a few days' stay among friends in this country, 
 including a particularly pleasant visit paid to Queen Victoria 
 at Windsor, MaximiUan returned to Belgium, and upon 
 this occasion, while a guest in the palace of King Leopold i., 
 he met his future wife, the Princess Charlotte. 
 
 After their marriage, Maximilian and Charlotte pursued 
 their wanderings in company for a time. Both were 
 enthusiastic travellers, and as they were also accompHshed 
 Unguists, were quite young, were possessed of excellent 
 health, and had an abundance of energy and good spirits, 
 their journeys through many different countries of the world 
 proved for them one unalloyed delight, upon which both 
 
30 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 dwelt often in converse in later years. Together they 
 visited the lesser-known parts of Spain, the Canary Islands, 
 and Madeira, in which latter island Charlotte elected to pass 
 the winter (at the villa of her sister-in-law, the Empress 
 Elizabeth of Austria), while Maximilian pursued alone his 
 more perilous journey to the Brazils. Here he made 
 several important scientific excursions up the Amazon river 
 and through some of the dense Amazonian forests ; fear of 
 yellow fever, a disease which was very prevalent in these 
 regions in those days — if somewhat less to be apprehended 
 in ours — had no effect in diminishing his ardour ; a splendid 
 constitution and an irrepressible optimism carried him 
 immune everywhere. 
 
 From the Brazils, the archduke found his way to other 
 states of South America, then, as for some years later, in 
 the throes of sanguinary pohtical revolutions, while residence 
 there, for however short a time, could have been anything 
 but attractive from a sanitary point of view. Maximilian's 
 intimate knowledge of the Portuguese and Spanish tongues 
 carried him through these countries with great facility, and 
 everywhere he was received with manifestations of respect, 
 and that open-hearted hospitality which is characteristic 
 of Latin-Americans. Many of his experiences are set forth 
 in his diaries, published under the title of Recollections of 
 My Life, but unfortunately, owing to careless editing, it is 
 impossible to follow the route with any great certainty, nor 
 is it easy to understand some of the references which are 
 made to places and individuals. 
 
 The first Gterman edition of these diaries was issued from 
 the pubHshing house of Duncker & Humblot, of Leipzig, 
 in August 1867, two months after the death of the illustrious 
 author. This edition consisted of four volumes, which were 
 followed by three others in the month of October of the same 
 year. The English edition, which is but an indifferent 
 translation, and, as mentioned, very confusing in regard 
 to dates, was pubhshed in August of 1868, in three volumes. 
 The diary starts from 30th July 1851, but the journeys were 
 actually commenced one year previously. 
 
CASTLE OF MIKAMAR 31 
 
 When at length their travels about the world were ter- 
 minated, the archduke and archduchess settled down for a 
 period of rest and peaceful contentment in their Austrian 
 home, the beautiful Castle of Miramar which, together, 
 they had planned and built. 
 
 The Castle of Miramar lies about one league distant from 
 the important port of Trieste. The road leading to it is 
 dehghtfully attractive, following the coastUne of the Adriatic 
 which indents and encircles it at numerous points and 
 bordering it for nearly the whole distance, forming, indeed, a 
 delicate framework with an irregular border of white, lace- 
 like foam thrown up by the blue wavelets upon the shore. 
 When the waves are calm — which is not always the case — 
 the witching beauty of the scenery cannot be excelled. 
 Then the soft and rippUng waves appear to be of a perfectly 
 transparent cerulean hue, so clear that objects can be 
 discerned at several fathoms' depth beneath the surface. 
 
 Surrounding the incomparable bay there have been built 
 a number of ptu-e white villas ; these are inhabited by the 
 more wealthy of the citizens, and many are occupied by 
 business men who visit Trieste daily and find this delightful 
 suburb a pleasant retreat after office hours. The whole 
 scene is semi-tropical in appearance ; the marble porticos 
 and handsomely ornamented balconies of the viUas peep 
 pleasantly from behind dense masses of heavy foliage, 
 waving palms, and other non-deciduous trees. 
 
 At the extreme end of the sea-road, occupying a 
 picturesque promontory, the Castle of Miramar comes into 
 view, its embattled towers and massive style of architecture 
 completely dominating the sea, and producing an almost 
 melancholy effect upon the beholder, by reason of the 
 structure's close resemblance to a gigantic fortress. 
 
 When the Archduke Maximilian decided to build for him- 
 self this lordly pleasure-house, he possessed no knowledge 
 of his impending appointment to the post of Governor of 
 the Lombardo-Venetian Provinces. He had barely com- 
 menced the construction when he was compelled to abandon 
 the superintendence of the work, and depart for his new 
 
32 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 location. His appointment, however, lasted but a short 
 while, and with his withdrawal from active political life in 
 Austria he found himself enabled to again continue the 
 erection of his future home. 
 
 The Archduchess Charlotte evinced fully as much pleasure 
 in the completion and arrangement of the castle, and in a 
 few years' time they had gathered around them a unique 
 collection of costly furniture, statuary, and pictures which 
 served to distinguish this home from all others by the refine- 
 ment and sumptuousness of its internal arrangements. The 
 gardens which gradually grew up around the castle became 
 veritable wonderlands of beauty, and for some years the 
 merry young couple preferred the deUghtfiil retreat which 
 these exquisite grounds afforded them to aU the gaiety and 
 excitement which were to be found either at the capital 
 or in Trieste. 
 
 The open-handed hospitality dispensed by the imperial 
 owners of Miramar became proverbial ; any one, no matter 
 what his station, nationality, or creed, was welcome not only 
 to enter the groxmds and to wander at his full pleasure 
 through the park and flower-gardens, but to gain admission 
 to the castle itself, wherein, if it was his good fortune to 
 encounter either the archduke or archduchess, he would be 
 courteously invited to partake of refreshment, visit the 
 picture-galleries, or listen to an impromptu organ recital 
 given by the talented young prince, who was both a gifted 
 musician and an accomplished performer. Small wonder 
 that MaximiUan was considered the most popular man in 
 Austria in those days, as his wife was justly considered the 
 most beautiful woman. 
 
 The prince's private cabinet and the small alcove leading 
 to it were an exact reproduction of the quarters which had 
 been occupied by Maximilian on the imperial frigate Novara, 
 of which he was the commandant, and on board which 
 vessel he had made a complete tour of the world. In his 
 sleeping apartment there hung but a single picture — an oil 
 painting of the Archduchess Charlotte. The library was 
 particularly rich and complete, containing a representative 
 
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INTERIOR OF MIRAMAR 33 
 
 collection of the best authors in all languages — German, 
 French, English, and Spanish, for Maximilian was a pro- 
 ficient in all of these, as in at least four or five other tongues. 
 Even the difficult Slavonic, Czech, Magyar, and other 
 Hungarian dialects were known to him, and one of the many 
 reasons for his intense popularity among the masses of his 
 brother's subjects was his readiness to chat with any peasant 
 or other humble person with whom he might meet in the 
 latter's own patois or peculiar native dialect. 
 
 Among the more notable statuary in this luxurious home 
 were handsome busts in marble and bronze of some of the 
 archduke's favourite authors — Homer, Dante, Goethe, 
 Shakespeare, and others. The window of the cabinet over- 
 looked the blue Adriatic, affording widely-extending views 
 of the distant harbour of old Trieste, as weU as of the new 
 with its extensive modern moles and breakwaters, and far 
 beyond to the barren but picturesque Korst Hills and the 
 borders of the Adriatic Sea. 
 
 In the handsome dining saloon, which had been con- 
 structed entirely from the design drawn by Maximilian him- 
 self, were hung portraits of the Emperor Francis Joseph, his 
 elder brother, and of the latter's handsome wife the Empress 
 Elizabeth ; while, in an alcove, were placed portraits of 
 Napoleon in. and the Empress Eugenie. The beautiful but 
 small chapel of the castle was constructed upon a model of 
 the Chapel of the Holy Sepulchre erected by the pious 
 Greeks in Jerusalem in 1810. 
 
 Upon the first floor of the castle there was — and stiU is, 
 so far as the present writer knows — to be found a fine 
 exhibition of paintings, many of them being by the most 
 celebrated European masters, as well as a very complete 
 collection of photographs relating to the different coimtries 
 which had been visited by the archduke, many of them 
 excellent pictures, the work of his own hands. Striking 
 portraits of the Pope (Pius ix.) and of the Queen Isabella of 
 Spain, and near by the original writing-table belonging to the 
 unfortunate Queen Marie Antoinette, together with a sacred 
 portrait from the hand of Rafael, were among other treasures. 
 
 
 
34 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 The walls of the dining-room were almost completely 
 covered by pictures in oil, chalks, and water-colours, depicting 
 the Castle of Miramar, together with some of the surrounding 
 grounds and scenery portrayed from several points of view ; 
 and this site dated its stormy history from the time of the 
 Romans. Another famous drawing showed the public 
 reception accorded to King Leopold i. of Belgium upon the 
 occasion of his State visit to Trieste. Yet another illustrated 
 the scene of the departure of Maximilian and Charlotte for 
 Mexico on 24th April 1864. 
 
 The grand staircase of the castle, built in the Grerman 
 gothic style, presented a splendid example of elaborate 
 wood-carving, while a number of complete sets of mediaeval 
 armour and several life-sized marble statues lent an improv- 
 ing and decidedly attractive appearance to the lofty hall 
 from which the staircase led to the upper apartments. 
 
 By the magic of his splendid taste, his great wealth, and 
 his ardent love for beautiful surroundings, Maximilian had 
 turned the bare rock which commanded the Adriatic into a 
 veritable human paradise. The colour scheme, rich and 
 sometimes bizarre, the ponderous nature of the building, 
 and the fairy-like surroundings of park, terrace, and 
 brilliantly-hued gardens, made up a picture almost unique 
 of its kind in Europe. Small surprise that the fortimate 
 owner, who had raised up this ethereal domain out of a 
 practical waste-land, should have craved for it again and 
 again, that his eyes should instinctively have turned in the 
 direction of his peaceful and beautiful home during those 
 stormy and stressful days in far-off Mexico. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 Princess Charlotte — ^Birth and parentage — ^ICing Leopold i. of Belgium — 
 His death — Queen Louise-Marie of Bourbon — Charlotte's early 
 training — Great powers of judgment — ^Meeting with Maximilian — 
 Their married life — Charlotte's disposition — Correspondent, conver- 
 sationalist, and critic — Imperial ambitions — ^Her linguistic capabilities 
 — Her great industry and application. 
 
 Maeie Chaelottb Amelib Atjgfstinb Victoirb Cl^imbn- 
 TiNB LiioPOLDnsTE — commonly called ' Charlotte ' — is the 
 second daughter of Leopold i., King of the Belgians, and 
 of his second wife, Louise-Marie of France. She was born 
 at the Palace of Laeken, near Brussels, on 7th June 1840, 
 so that she was eight years younger than her future husband 
 Maximihan, born 6th July 1832. 
 
 Charlotte's father was formerly Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, 
 whose German origin and connections were thought by the 
 Belgians Ukely to conciliate the powers of that country. 
 This beUef, no doubt, influenced them in offering to Leopold 
 the crown which had been denied to Prince Otho, second 
 son of the King of Bavaria ; to the Duke of Leuchtenburg, 
 owing to the objections raised by the French Government ; 
 and to the Duke of Nemours, who was prevented by Louis 
 Phihppe from accepting it. 
 
 The princess's father was undoubtedly one of the most 
 remarkable men of his time, and much of his strength of 
 character, brilliancy of conversation and affectionate nature 
 were reflected in his favourite child, his daughter. To 
 EngUshmen he was particularly simpdtico, since not only 
 was he uncle to our good Queen Victoria (he was the fourth 
 son of Francis, Duke of Saxe-Coburg-SaaKeld), but he 
 married in May 1816, as his first wife, the much-loved 
 English Princess Charlotte, only child of the Prince Eegent 
 
 3S 
 
36 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 (afterwards King George iv.), and who, to the great grief of 
 the whole British nation, died one year after her marriage. 
 Leopold had previously been made a peer of the British 
 realm under the title of Duke of Kendal. As the widower 
 of Princess Charlotte, Leopold enjoyed a jointure of £50,000 
 per annum from the British Government, and up to the 
 time of his death, in 1865, he remained one of the most 
 intimate of Queen Victoria's ad-dsers, and one of the most 
 trusted and devoted among her relations. 
 
 Leopold had always a keen eye to the main chance ; just 
 as he had refused the acceptance of the Grecian crown in 
 1830, because the island of Candia was excluded from the 
 limits of the new kingdom of Hellas, so had he hesitated 
 about assuming that of Belgium in 1831, until the Court of 
 St. James had reassured him upon the matter of Limburg 
 and Luxembourg. After the trouble in Holland and the 
 defeat of Leopold and his wretched army of undisciplined, 
 raw levies, first at Hasselt and then at Louvain, an event 
 which was followed by Leopold's imprisonment there by the 
 victorious Dutch, things altered for the better owing mainly 
 to the good sense of the King of Holland. He saw clearly 
 that he could make no further headway in the face of the 
 Powers' determination to put an end to this war, and the 
 Treaty of 15th November 1831 therefore was entered into. 
 At home the king had to contend with the bitter and long- 
 continued disputes between the Liberal and the Cathohc 
 Parties, which finally terminated in the anti-clerical riots 
 and elections of 1858. The triumph of the Liberals all 
 through these parhamentary struggles could not have been, 
 however, wholly unwelcome to Leopold, since his Lutheran 
 principles inspired distrust and disUke of the Roman 
 Catholics. To his queen and her Cathohc children the 
 position was, however, rendered very painful, especially 
 when the prominent members of their faith were publicly 
 insulted and hooted whenever they showed themselves 
 abroad. 
 
 After a reign of thirty-four years, Leopold died on the 
 10th December 1865. Notwithstanding the stormy ex- 
 
CHARLOTTE'S PARENTS 37 
 
 periences through which he had passed, there can be no 
 doubt that Leopold was very deeply loved by his people, 
 and much respected by the other sovereigns of Europe. To 
 Queen Victoria, as already intimated, he was particularly 
 dear, and he greatly influenced her by his great-mindedness 
 and erudition. He was for some years a resident in England 
 (at Claremont), where the Princess Charlotte, his wife, had 
 died. For many years after he had left otir shores he kept 
 up a close correspondence with the late Queen Victoria, and 
 paid her visits at frequent intervals. In September 1843 
 Queen Victoria paid a return visit to the Belgian royal 
 family. 
 
 Leopold had shown by his gallantry in the war against 
 HoUand that he was as brave a soldier as he was shrewd a 
 statesman. Some historians have not hesitated to refer to 
 him as a ' model ruler.' 
 
 Charlotte's mother. Queen Louise-Marie of Bourbon- 
 Orleans, was no less remarkable as a woman, being known 
 throughout Europe as the ' Holy Queen.' A daughter of 
 Louis Philippe, who before his accession to the throne of 
 France was the Duke of Orleans, she had been brought up 
 in the strictest seclusion and reKgious training. Both she 
 and her sister, the Princess Marie (afterwards Princess of 
 Wiirtemburg), were of very pious disposition and endowed 
 with every feminine virtue, resembling, indeed, those saintly 
 characters which, during the violence and bloodshed of the 
 Middle Ages, revealed the blessed effect of higher influences. 
 The death of the Princess Marie in 1839, shortly before the 
 birth of Charlotte, undoubtedly brought on the mental 
 malady from which the queen, her mother, died subse- 
 quently. The two sisters had been devotedly attached to 
 one another, and, indeed, the young princess's untimely 
 end was acutely felt by the whole of the royal family of 
 France, by whom she was extremely beloved, although the 
 people as a whole showed the most complete indifference to 
 the sad event. 
 
 We are told by contemporary historians that her funeral 
 cortege traversed all France, from Mont Cenis (she had died 
 
38 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 at Pisa, Italy), to the place of sepulture at the Chateau 
 d'Eu, in Normandy, without one expression of condolence 
 or sorrow either upon the part of the legislature or the 
 people. 
 
 Such an event as this, coupled with the troublous times 
 through which her family were passing politically, produced 
 an extreme feeling of melancholy upon the Belgian queen, 
 and it is somewhat remarkable that the young Princess 
 Charlotte should have completely escaped the effects of 
 this sombre influence, as she seems to have done. In 1850 
 the queen, who had then been for many years a confirmed 
 invalid, died, and the princess, ten years old, found herself 
 at the head of her father's household. The strict court 
 etiquette and queenly dignity, amounting almost to austerity, 
 which had been so constantly instilled into the young brain 
 and heart, while no doubt making a lasting impression, were 
 not permitted to interfere with her natural capacity for 
 enjojing life. At this time, while still under the tutelage 
 of her governesses and professors, Charlotte knew and 
 practised thoroughly the involved but inviolable rules of 
 court precedence and ceremonial, most of which she carried 
 into rigorous effect during her brief rule over the imperial 
 court of Mexico. 
 
 After her mother's death Charlotte became the constant 
 companion of her father, for whom she entertained the 
 deepest affection and reverence. Nothing that transpired 
 in the stormy history of Belgium at this period escaped her 
 attention or evaded her always shrewd criticism. Leopold 
 frequently told her — half seriously and half jokingly — ^that 
 she should have been a boy instead of a girl ; it is a fact that 
 she displayed far more acumen than either of her brothers, 
 Leopold, who was five years, or PhiUppe, Count of Flanders, 
 who was three years her senior. 
 
 Charlotte was sixteen years old when the Paris Conference 
 (1856) took place, by which the peace with Russia was 
 settled. A great impression was made upon her mind by 
 the attitude of Count Walewski towards the court of 
 Belgium, which he held responsible for the flood of insulting 
 
MARRIAGE 39 
 
 brochures and newspaper articles which appeared at this time 
 holding up the government of France to ridicule and con- 
 tempt. By reason of her French origin Charlotte felt 
 acutely the offensive references which were made, and the 
 strained relations between her father's adopted people 
 and those of her mother were not, unnaturally, a source of 
 considerable trouble to her. Then, again, the violent dis- 
 cussions which took place between the Liberal Party and 
 the Roman CathoUcs on the question of the administration 
 of charities throughout the kingdom caused great mental 
 distress to the princess, whose reUgious convictions and 
 training at the hands of her saintly mother influenced her 
 intensely throughout her own hfe. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fact that King Leopold had been 
 married on 9th August 1832, to Princess Louise-Marie, by the 
 Protestant minister, according to the rites of the Lutheran 
 Church, to which Leopold himself belonged, the Bishop of 
 Meaux held a second ceremony according to the Roman 
 ritual, the queen being a strict member of that Church. It 
 was in the Roman Catholic faith that her three children 
 were brought up, and from which not one among them 
 deviated in after hfe. 
 
 The year of 1857 was destined to prove the happiest in 
 the life of Charlotte, for it was then that she met, and was 
 won by, the young and fascinating imperial prince, Ferdinand 
 Maximilian, Archduke of Austria, who alone among the 
 many suitors who sought her hand attracted her attention. 
 After a comparatively brief courtship, but one almost free 
 from anxiety as to the ultimate issue, Ferdinand Maximihan 
 and Charlotte were married with great ceremony in the 
 historic cathedral of Sainte Gedule, at Brussels, on 27th July. 
 At this wedding Prince Albert, the Consort of Queen Victoria, 
 was present, and a description of the ceremony was published 
 in aU the principal London newspapers of that day. 
 
 At one time Charlotte's father had purposed giving her 
 hand in marriage to King Pedro v. of Portugal, in which 
 arrangement Queen Victoria took a prominent part. Writ- 
 ing to her uncle from Balmoral, on 19th September 1856, her 
 
40 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 late majesty said : ' For Portugal an amiable, well-educated 
 queen would be an immense blessing, for there never has 
 been one. I am sure you would be more hkely to secure 
 Charlotte's happiness if you gave her to Pedro, than to one 
 of those innumerable archdukes or to Prince George of 
 Saxony. Pedro should, however, be written to, if you were 
 favourably inclined towards him.' It was Charlotte, how- 
 ever, who was disinclined, and whereas she married in the 
 following year the man of her own choice — ' one of those 
 innumerable archdukes ' to wit — ^Pedro of Portugal in 
 the same year was married to the Princess Stephanie of 
 HohenzoUem. 
 
 During the seventeen years that she passed in her father's 
 palace, Charlotte displayed every personal grace and 
 feminine charm that a high-spirited but affectionate girl 
 could possess ; her brothers adored her, while her father, 
 although but Uttle given to affectionate demonstrations, 
 both openly admired and petted her ; among the members 
 of the court there was hardly one but who would have made 
 any sacrifice for her ; the pubKc learned to love her for her 
 physical beauty, her natiural charm, and her ever-ready 
 sympathy with aU who were in trouble or suffering. 
 
 Beyond these not unusual womanly attributes, Charlotte 
 gave evidence of possessing a sound, shrewd judgment upon 
 matters of poUcy which astonished her father and deeply 
 impressed his advisers. There is no estabUshed record of 
 the princess having been consulted by either the one or the 
 other upon any important matter of state, but her con- 
 temporaries have placed it beyond doubt that Charlotte 
 was regarded as an exceptionally brilliant correspondent, 
 conversationalist, and critic. This, indeed, is clearly proved 
 by her two published works descriptive of A Winter in the 
 Island of Madeira, written in Prench during her residence 
 there in the winter of 1857-58, when she was but eighteen 
 years of age, and one year after her marriage, and Souvenirs 
 of a Voyage on board ' La Fantasie.' 
 
 This book was published somewhat later, and those who 
 may have read it wiU have observed the evidences of deep 
 
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POLITICAL INFLUENCE 41 
 
 thought which pervade its pages, such as one would hardly 
 look for from the pen of a young and unsophisticated woman 
 whose connection with the outside world had been necessarily 
 restricted, and whose earlier years had been passed in an 
 atmosphere almost conventual. 
 
 The fund of common seuHc and capacity for clear reason- 
 ing which the royal authoress herein displays seems to 
 have aided her, moreover, on occasions in later times : the 
 power of weighing difficult situations whereat she was merely 
 a spectator was apparently unweakened when it came to 
 playing a prominent part personally. Throughout her diary, 
 however, Charlotte affords abundant evidence of her pro- 
 found sympathy for human suffering, and this charitable 
 feeling permeated her attitude all through her brief reign 
 in Lombardy and subsequently in Mexico. No princess 
 before or since ban evinced higher principles of genuine 
 womanhood as slio wn in numerous acts of kindness and 
 charities dispensed. 
 
 Some historians, not even waiting with becoming decency 
 until death shall have closed the singularly unhappy story 
 of this lady, liavo described Charlotte as an ambitious and a 
 proud woman, of indomitable obstinacy and of exaggerated 
 ideas concerning her authority and political influence. 
 Even the severest of her critics, however, and for the most 
 jjart these have been found in Austria where she had never 
 been popular, and especially at the court of Vienna where 
 her extraordinary beauty and pride of bearing seemed to 
 have made many enemies among her own sex, have been 
 compelled to admit that she possessed peculiar endowments 
 of ability, great political sagacity, unusual mental culture, 
 and strong womanly character in the most impersonal 
 and incidental manner. It was undoubtedly her strict 
 training, her dominant spirit, and her constant insistence 
 which enabled her to prevail over the weak, vacillating and 
 easily-influenced Maximilian. If it was her ambition to 
 become an empress and to control a court, at least she made 
 a dignified and an upright ruler, as well as an indulgent and 
 a considerate mistress. When it is remembered that court 
 
42 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 etiquette and queenly dignity were instilled into her mind 
 from her girlhood, both by her mother, who, as has been 
 seen, was a woman of extreme austerity and severity in the 
 management of her children, and later by her father, a no 
 less strict observer of decorum, it is not surprising that 
 Charlotte should — upon her part — have insisted upon the 
 most scrupulous observance of ceremonious procedure and 
 social customs at the court of Mexico. But she was some- 
 thing more than a beautiful figurehead, and if she could 
 play the role of imperial hostess to perfection, she could 
 also, when occasion required, direct the trend of political 
 affairs with a generally firm hand, and upon occasions with 
 an unerring inteUigence. 
 
 It is as unreasonable and unfair to accuse Charlotte of 
 having been the indirect cause of Maximilian's misfortunes 
 on account of an overweening ambition, as it is absurd to 
 reproach her for not having divined that, had she but waited 
 patiently for the coveted imperial diadem, it would have 
 devolved upon her by the drama of circumstance. How 
 was she, or any one else, to imagine that that tragedy of 
 30th January 1889, when the Crown Prince Rudolph of 
 Austria took his own life, would place Maximilian in the 
 direct line of succession ? 
 
 It has been by some critics ignorantly averred that 
 Maximilian must have succeeded ; ignoring the fact that 
 the Emperor Francis Joseph had, in 1863, insisted that 
 Maximilian, before he took his departure for Mexico, should 
 sign a deed of renunciation of the Austrian throne if it 
 became vacant, an act which showed more clearly than 
 anj^hing that had preceded it the spirit of jealousy which 
 the Emperor Francis Joseph entertained towards his younger 
 and more popular brother. It is true that the Emperor 
 Francis Joseph offered, at the time that Maximilian was in 
 the hands of his enemies and under sentence of death, to 
 re-instaU him in his position as heir to the throne ; but the 
 offer meant little, since Maximilian was no longer able to 
 profit by it. 
 
 The ' haughty reserve ' of which Charlotte has been no 
 
ACCOMPLISHMENTS 43 
 
 less unjustly accused was probably nothing more than her 
 intense love of meditation and her unconscious preoccupa- 
 tion. During the years of childhood her delight in solitary 
 study and her joy in the company of books conduced to this 
 exhibition of aloofness and independence : but it was fully 
 compensated for by her earnestness of purpose and intense 
 honesty. Her intimates, such, for instance, as the Countess 
 Paula Kollonitz, who acted as her lady-in-waiting from the 
 time of the departure of the imperial pair from Trieste 
 {14th April 1864) until the end of the following November, 
 has described the empress as ' capable of mastering with 
 extraordinary quickness whatever she had read': as 'dis- 
 playing a stern industry and a point of abstract attention 
 which was much assisted by an excellent memory.' She 
 was declared to be very quick at languages, writing and 
 speaking German, English, Italian, and Spanish grammatic- 
 ally and with exceptional fluency. 
 
 During the long and monotonous voyage to Mexico 
 (14th April-28th May), the newly-crowned empress put in 
 the greater portion of the time at her writing-table, pre- 
 paring for the future by working out the arrangements of 
 the court and household, and in other useful employments 
 which she cheerfully accepted from the hands of Maximilian. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 Napoleon m. — His birth and early life — Queen Hortense — ^Napoleon's 
 lofty ideals — ^His public services — ^The Due de Momy — ^The Jecker 
 affair — ^Napoleon's responsibility — ^Beginning of the French inter- 
 vention — ^De Morny'a career — ^Association with Napoleon — Un- 
 savoury reputation — Dubois de Saligny — Napoleon determines upon 
 Mexican expedition — His professed and real object — ^Evidence of 
 selfish motives. 
 
 The Mexican expedition was but one of the several failures 
 which distinguished the eighteen years' reign of Napoleon in., 
 failures nearly all of which were brought about by his own 
 incapacity as an administrator and his propensity for falling 
 under the worst possible influences. 
 
 Notwithstanding his briUiant prospects from the time of 
 his birth, Louis Napoleon can hardly be said to have passed 
 a happy youth or a more contented manhood. The only 
 surviving son of Louis Napoleon, King of Holland for a few 
 short and troubled years, he was the direct heir and repre- 
 sentative — since the death of the unhappy Due de Reich- 
 stadt — of the great name and boundless inheritance of his 
 celebrated uncle, Napoleon i. His mother was the Queen 
 Hortense, who was known also as the Duchesse de St. Leu, 
 and by her Louis Napoleon was immensely encouraged in 
 the several and eventually successful attempts to create a 
 revolution against Louis PhiUppe and in his own immediate 
 favour. 
 
 For some years Napoleon and his mother had Hved in 
 Switzerland, and their residence, the Chateau d'Arenenburg, 
 in the canton of Berne, was the centre of all the Napoleonic 
 party, just as the ductiesse's saloons in Paris had been the 
 chief rendezvous of the Imperial party. A portion of the 
 Republican party, by no means inconsiderable, also rallied 
 
BECOMES EMPEROR 45 
 
 around the dashing young prince and his ambitious mother ; 
 indeed, everything promised well for them and their projects. 
 Within this privileged circle Napoleon was free to plan his 
 attack and to dream his dreams of future grandeur, although 
 he was not destined to see reaUsed the more lofty ideals 
 of government which he at one time entertained. 
 
 Writing in his Reveries Politiques, we find him declaring : 
 ' Je voudrais un gouvemement qui procurat tous les avan- 
 tages de la RepubUque sans entrainer les memes inconveniens, 
 un Gouvemement qui fut fort sans etre despotique, libre sans 
 anarchie, ind^pendant sans conquetes — ^le peuple ayant la 
 souverainet6 r^elle et organisee comme source Elective, comme 
 controle, et comme rectification de tous les pouvoirs ; deux 
 Chambres composant le pouvoir legislatif, la premiere elue, 
 mais I'une exigeant certaines conditions de services rendues, 
 ou I'experience de la part des eligibles.' ^ 
 
 Such were the fixity of ideas and moral revolution 
 cherished by Louis Napoleon, ideas which were undoubt- 
 edly characteristics of greatness and the heralds of either 
 success or of ruin in this world. He gave many evidences 
 of possessing the most exalted and noble sentiments, but his 
 irresolute nature prevented him from putting them into 
 practice even when favourable opportunity presented itself. 
 
 After six years of imprisonment in the castle of Ham and 
 his escape therefrom (25th May 1846) to England for the 
 second or third time, we learn of his offering his services to 
 the Provisional French Government, only, however, to be 
 snubbed and requested to immediately leave the country 
 from which he had been previously banished ; then of his 
 sUnking back, this time to be permitted to remain and even 
 to stand as a pohtical candidate ; of his subsequent election 
 as President of the French Republic, and eventually as its 
 second emperor, for the empty role played by the young 
 Due de Reichstadt does not rank. In all three of these 
 exalted positions Napoleon failed — ^failed to rule honestly, 
 failed to redeem his promises to his friends ; failed to retain 
 a single minister who was strong and capable ; failed to 
 
 1 Riveriea Politiques, 27, 49. 
 
46 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 inspire the smallest amount of personal affection or confi- 
 dence, and failed to leave upon the pages of history the 
 impress of any one really great or noble deed, any memor- 
 able national service which could be considered as thoroughly 
 successful and, at the same time, universally beneficial. 
 
 Such prestige as attaches to his name rests more in con- 
 nection with the beautifying of Paris than contributing 
 to the stability or aggrandisement of the country. It is 
 true that he built some magnificent thoroughfares in his 
 capital, that he contributed indirectly to the increase of 
 wealth and the influence of the manufacturing and com- 
 mercial classes, and that he expended huge sums of public 
 money upon court gaiety and spectacular splendour ; 
 perhaps, even, he may be thanked for having promoted 
 the important commercial treaty made between France 
 and this country in January of 1860, an act which rendered 
 him at least very popular over here. But against all this 
 had to be recorded his weak and inconsistent attitude in 
 connection with the Danish War of 1864 ; his undignified 
 and fruitless truckling to Bismarck in connection with the 
 struggle between Prussia and Austria in 1865 ; his ill-judged 
 interference in Mexico and his unforgivable desertion of 
 Maximilian, and his crowning absurdity — ^the war with 
 Germany in 1870. 
 
 In reference to the Due de Morny, Napoleon's illegitimate 
 brother, it has been proved that the first idea of the Mexican 
 expedition originated in the fertile brain of that disreputable 
 person, who saw a chance of making an enormous profit out 
 of the undertaking ; his death prevented his scheme from 
 reahsation, at least in part. Napoleon was not a difficult 
 subject to convince, and de Morny had always great influ- 
 ence — and that for bad — over him. M. de Saligny, ap- 
 pointed French Minister to Mexico, was one of de Morny's 
 creatures, and enthusiastically supported the project. 
 Additionally, the Empress Eugenie, always an ardent 
 votary of romantic missions and an advocate for the 
 Spanish descendants of Mexico, lent her invaluable aid to 
 the suggestion, which was later put into execution. 
 
DUG DE MORNY 47 
 
 It may be justly urged that Napoleon knew nothing of 
 de Momy's sordid arrangements with the Swiss banker 
 Jecker, by which the former was to receive thirty per cent, 
 of the amounts recovered from the Mexican President. 
 Had he been as enlightened as he was ignorant, however, it 
 is difficult to believe that he would have resisted the com- 
 bined pressure of his bastard brother, of his plausible wife, 
 and of his cunning minister. Anyhow he closed his eyes to 
 the consequences of this dangerous undertaking, and con- 
 soled himself with the reflection that he was fighting for the 
 Church of Rome and for her privileges, which had been out- 
 raged by Juarez and his Liberal Government. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fact that the Due de Momy died 
 two years before the end of the monarchical regime in Mexico, 
 this dishonourable and dissolute Frenchman had wielded 
 great influence over Maximilian's career. Just as he 
 correctly prophesied of Eugenie after he had seen her for 
 the first time — ' she wiU be Empress of the French,' so 
 had he determined that, in spite of the first objections, 
 Maximihan should be Emperor of Mexico. 
 
 The interest which de Momy displayed was accounted for 
 by the fact that the Swiss adventurer, named Jecker, had 
 advanced several miUions of francs to Miram6n, the then 
 President of Mexico, at an usurious rate of interest, and 
 when his successor Juarez refused (or was unable) to repay 
 the amount, this precious scamp appealed to de Momy for 
 assistance and advice. It was then that they conceived the 
 idea of a Mexican expedition, which, if it did not result in 
 the repayment of Jecker's loan, would at least afford 
 opportunity for acceptable commissions and ' pickings ' out 
 of the heavy expenditure which would be involved. De 
 Momy, therefore, added one more disgraceful act to his 
 already sombre record. 
 
 That the Mexican Grovemment under Benito Juarez was 
 justified in refusing to recognise the bonds which had been 
 issued by Miram6n during his ephemeral administration as 
 President, seems clear enough when the terms of the con- 
 tract entered into between the latter and the usurer Jecker 
 
48 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 are recalled. Miram6n, desperately pressed for money, 
 agreed to the terms, burdensome though they were, because 
 he could obtain the much-needed financial help from no- 
 where else. He consented to give Jecker national securities 
 to the amount of fourteen millions of francs, in the form of 
 Treasury-bonds, in order to obtain an advance of less than 
 four millions of francs ; he, at the same time, replaced the 
 Internal Mexican Debt Bonds by other bonds issued by 
 Jecker, and amounting, according to Sir Edward Blount, 
 who had a perfect knowledge of the transaction, to some- 
 thing like eighty million francs. Of the enormous amount of 
 ' plunder ' attached, the Due de Momy was to receive his 
 thirty per cent., providing he used his influence with his 
 imperial brother. Napoleon m., to give his support. And 
 this, as we know, he did. 
 
 It is worthy of note that the French Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, M. Thouvenel, regarded this transaction in a 
 wholly imfavourable light ; he refused, notwithstanding the 
 emperor's repeated representations and requests, to interest 
 himself in the collection of the amoimt claimed from Mexico. 
 Upon the retirement of M. Thouvenel from the department 
 of Foreign Affairs, he was succeeded by M. DroujTi de I'Huys, 
 who proved himself more pliable, acting entirely as the 
 creatttre of M. de Morny and his partner Jecker in this 
 discreditable affair. Lord John Russell did not conceal 
 his disgust at the action of these individuals, while Sir 
 Charles Wycke, the British Minister in Mexico, was equally 
 emphatic in denouncing both the character of the claim 
 and the methods adopted by the French Government for 
 enforcing it. 
 
 Unfortunately for the French Government, which had 
 endeavoured to conceal the real nature of the Jecker claim, 
 a highly important letter came into the possession of the 
 United States Government (how, it is unnecessary to inquire), 
 this being an intercepted communication addressed to 
 Jecker by his nephew, Luis Elsesser. In this communica- 
 tion, which is dated 'Paris, October 27th, 1862,' the writer, 
 in addressing his ' Dear Uncle,' discloses the whole nature 
 
GROUP OF MAXIMILIAN'S FAMILY IN i860 
 
 THE EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH AND THE ARCHDUKES 
 
 MAXIMILIAN, CHARLES, AND LOUIS 
 
 Taken at Miramar 
 
JECKER BONDS 49 
 
 of the conspiracy which had been concocted between Jecker 
 and the Due de Momy, while he also mentions, Tinder but 
 thinly-disguised initials, the chief actors in the sordid drama, 
 not excepting even the emperor himself. Considerations 
 of space alone prevent the reproduction in full of this 
 letter ; but it exists in the archives at Washington, and can 
 be referred to with great facility. Before dismissing the 
 odious Jecker from further consideration, it may be added 
 that he was pubHcly shot, in 1874, by the Communists of 
 Paris, who held him as hostage. 
 
 The discreditable transaction entered into with Jecker 
 was by no means the only unworthy exploit of which de 
 Momy was convicted, for even in his diplomatic capacity 
 he could not resist scandalous actions. Prince Bismarck, 
 who had some acquaintance with the due, described him as 
 having been specially ingenious in making money in every 
 possible way under the Empire. As an example he gave an 
 account of de Morny's proceedings in St. Petersbmrg while 
 acting as Special French Ambassador. 
 
 ' He appeared there,' we are told, ' with a whole string 
 of elegant carriages, some forty-three of them altogether, 
 and all his chests, trunks, and boxes were full of laces, 
 silks, and feminine finery, upon which, as ambassador, he 
 had to pay no customs dues. Every servant had his own 
 carriage, and every attache and secretary had at least two. 
 A few days after his arrival he sold o£E the whole lot by 
 auction, clearing at least 800,000 roubles. He was a thief, 
 but an amiable one.' ^ 
 
 While recording the circumstances of the Jecker loans. 
 Sir Edward Blount deems that it was improbable that de 
 Momy ever made any such terms as those quoted ; yet 
 there are other authorities who insist that he not only made 
 such an agreement with Jecker, but that the letter, of 27th 
 October 1862, which fell into the hands of the Washington 
 authorities — ^intercepted by the postal department of the 
 United States — ^and which was addressed to Jecker by his 
 
 1 Bismarck; Some Secret Pages of his History, Dr. Moritz Busoh 
 p. 503. 
 
 D 
 
50 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 nephew, Luis Elsesser, amply proves it. Had Sir Edward 
 Bloiint known of the existence of this communication he 
 would, in all probabihty, have recorded an entirely different 
 opinion. 
 
 The Comte (afterwards Due) de Morny was an illegitimate 
 son of Queen Hortense Beauharnais (Queen of Holland) and 
 of General Comte de Flahault de la BiUarderie, and con- 
 sequently a bastard brother of Napoleon in. At the time 
 of the Mexican expedition, de Momy was already fifty 
 years of age and immensely rich, as a result of his specula- 
 tions in railways, land, and receiving heavy illicit com- 
 missions. But he yearned for more ; and this Mexican 
 expedition seemed to afford exceptional opportunities for 
 further enriching himself. 
 
 Thus the man who had planned and carried out the coup 
 d'etat of December 1857, who, as a reward for his un- 
 scrupulous conduct then, was made Minister of the Interior 
 by his grateful friend and relative Napoleon, who had been 
 elected to the post of President of the Corps Legislatif (a 
 position which he held to the last day of his Hfe), and who 
 acted as special ambassador at the coronation of Czar 
 Alexander n. in 1857, descended to the sordid trick of in- 
 ducing Napoleon to undertake this, from the first, hopeless 
 and thankless Mexican task in order that he (de Morny) 
 might profit to the extent of several millions of francs. 
 
 Contemporary historians have denounced de Momy as 
 one of the most corrupt and despicable of the many un- 
 worthy creatures who surrounded Napoleon. That the 
 latter was perfectly cognisant of his brother's character, and 
 condoned his conduct again and again, there can be no 
 doubt ; on the other hand, as already pointed out, it is 
 pleaded in his favour that he was unaware of the true 
 object which de Momy had in view when he so strenuously 
 advocated the Mexican expedition. 
 
 It has been alleged by more than one writer who knew de 
 Morny personally, that he had fittle hesitation in admitting 
 that he was the illegitimate son of Queen Hortense. When, 
 as a result of his extravagance, display and colossal assur- 
 
DE MORNY'S CAREER 5i 
 
 ance, he obtained the hand of the Princess Troubetskoi (the 
 reputed daughter of Czar Nicholas) in marriage, he jokingly 
 observed : ' / am a queen's son and an emperor's brother ; 
 she is an emperor's daughter. It is aU quite natural.' 
 
 De Morny has been described as having been the real 
 creator of the third empire in France. It was he who, 
 when Louis Napoleon was still President of the RepubUc 
 which he had called into being, suddenly started the cry — ■ 
 ' Vive I'Empereur ! ' This was the case at Lyons, where 
 Marechal CasteUane was governor, the man who was so 
 eccentric that ' he was in the habit of giving audiences while 
 in his bath and with his baton lying across him.' ^ 
 
 De Morny appears to have been almost as much hked 
 by some as he was cordially hated by others. He is credited 
 with having materially promoted the beet-sugar industry 
 of France, and there is no doubt that he originated the now 
 fashionable resort of DeauviUe, near to Trouville ; he was 
 the founder of the Railway Club, of which he became the 
 first president, and thus he became known to and apparently 
 much hked by Sir Edward Blount. The latter seems to 
 have judged the due by his social quahties alone — quahties 
 which were undoubtedly of a very high order, a fact which 
 made his other peciiliarities aU the more glaring. 
 
 In spite of his reputation, his admitted dishonesty and his 
 notorious mode of Hving, de Morny was created due by 
 Napoleon. But he hved to enjoy the title for three years 
 only. He died, as a result of dissipation, in 1865, mourned 
 by few and honoured by none. Readers of Victor Hugo's 
 L'Histoire d'un Crime will recall the vivid and scathing 
 sketch which he gives of de Morny, of whom the great 
 French writer says : ' He combined a certain Uberty of ideas 
 with a readiness to accept useful crimes : he was dissipated, 
 yet weU concentrated ; ugly, good-humoured, ferocious, 
 weU-dressed, fearless ; wilhng to leave under lock and key 
 one brother in prison, but willing to risk his head for another 
 upon the throne ; conscienceless, irreproachably elegant, 
 infamous and amiable — ^at need a perfect duke.' 
 
 1 Recorded in Memoira of Sir Edward Blount, K.O.B., 1815-1902, Bee 
 p. 154. 
 
52 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 At no time was Napoleon's Mexican policy popular -with 
 the great mass of the French people, and he received many 
 warnings of the seriousness of his action, had he but chosen 
 to heed them. But Napoleon seldom devoted much con- 
 sideration to the opinions of others, and stiU less to the 
 wishes of his people ; all the grandiloquent professions to be 
 found set forth in his pubUcations, Reveries Politiques, Des 
 Idees Napoleoniennes, and other treatises, composed at a 
 time when he was still struggHng for political power and to 
 supplant Louis Philippe, were completely forgotten when he 
 once became emperor. Then, again, his jealousy of the 
 part played by England and Spain in Mexico prompted 
 him to join them, notwithstanding the hollowness of the 
 claim put forward by France, and to continue the project 
 alone after they had withdrawn. 
 
 As might have been expected, the Mexican question 
 formed a fruitful and endless subject for the French news- 
 papers while it lasted ; looking back through the columns 
 of the leading joiimals of those days, journals which have 
 long since ceased to exist, one is impressed with the 
 absolutely unconscionable statements which were given 
 currency without the shghtest hesitation, and the numerous 
 discreditable trickeries which were resorted to in order to 
 deceive the public. Some of the most celebrated writers 
 of the time lent themselves and their influential names to 
 this unworthy business ; we constantly come across palpably 
 inspired and no doubt liberally paid-for effusions in favour 
 of the emperor's Mexican policy from the gifted pens of 
 M. Paul de Cassagnac in L'Opinion Nationale, of M. Clement 
 Duvernois in La Liberie, as well as of MM. Ad. Gueroult, 
 H. Pessard, and Arthur Arnould. 
 
 The idea of a French expedition first appeared openly 
 in a despatch from M. Dubois de Sahgny, French Minister 
 to Mexico, dated Mexico City, the 18th of April 1861. This 
 despatch was as follows : 
 
 ' In the state of anarchy, we might say of social decom- 
 position, in which we find this unfortunate country, it is 
 very difficult to foresee the turn events wiU take. One 
 
NAPOLEON'S RESPONSIBILITY 53 
 
 thing seems certain to me : it is impossible to remain in 
 statu quo. Everything indicates that we are approaching 
 a new revolution. In this situation it seems to me absolutely 
 necessary for us to keep a material force upon the Mexican 
 coast sufficient to protect our interests under all circum- 
 stances. 
 
 ' It is only a question of a protective demonstration, some- 
 what negative, as is plainly to be seen, that diverts inter- 
 vention rather than invites it.' 
 
 In his despatch of the 12th of June 1861, M. Dubois de 
 Saligny intensifies his thought, making it more decisive. It 
 is no longer a question of simple ' protection,' but one of 
 reclamation by force. This despatch says : 
 
 ' It remains for me to add, that I have little confidence in 
 the new administration ; that the position of this govern- 
 ment appears to me so precarious that I believe more than 
 ever in the necessity of taking immediate precautions to put 
 ourselves in a condition to support by force, in case of need, 
 the justice of our claims.' 
 
 Napoleon's personal responsibility for the Mexican ex- 
 pedition and its disastrous mismanagement has, as already 
 stated, never been denied. Nor, indeed, could it have been 
 in view of the overwhelming evidence which exists regarding 
 the direction of affairs from day to day by the emperor 
 himself. The voluminous documents which are available, 
 relative to both official and private correspondence, bear 
 unmistakable evidence of the feverish haste with which 
 the expedition was conceived and carried out, and the fixed 
 determination in the emperor's mind, when once he was 
 convinced that he was not destined to realise either his 
 dreams of colonial expansion or the restoration of the power 
 of the Church of Rome in Mexico, to withdraw from the 
 entanglement at any cost, even that of betraying the gallant 
 young prince who had put his faith in his pledged word, and 
 had entrusted his life into his hands. No one can peruse 
 the many and often verbose communications which passed 
 between the Courts of Versailles and Mexico in the period 
 between 1863 and 1867 without experiencing a sentiment 
 
54 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of something like revulsion at the palpably false and sancti- 
 monious expressions which peered forth from beneath the 
 French imperial professions of national necessity. 
 
 Many of the disingenuous despatches from Versailles 
 might be cited as affording an indication of the emperor's 
 anxiety to clothe his premeditated action of betrayal with 
 as decent an exterior as possible. On 31st May 1866, after 
 Maximilian, through many weary months of odious ex- 
 perience and bitter disillusionment, had ascertained de- 
 finitely that he had all along been deahng with a trickster, 
 and after he had despatched his special envoy. General 
 Almonte, to Paris to present his case once more before 
 Napoleon's consideration, a lengthy reply was sent to 
 Maximilian's petition, in which we find such a sentence as 
 this : ' However desirable might be the establishment of 
 such a government (the monarchical), we, most of all, could 
 not think of imposing it upon others, and we have always 
 disavowed any such design.' 
 
 This expression came strangely from the man who per- 
 sisted in the face of the withdrawal of both England and 
 Spain, and their resolve not to force any foreign sovereign 
 upon the Mexicans, unless these latter were unanimously 
 in favour of it ; from one of the two signatories of the Treaty 
 of Miramar which stipulated for the placing and the main- 
 taining of an Austrian prince upon the throne of Mexico. 
 It needed a Bonaparte to frame such a thoroughly false 
 sentence as this, one which could have deceived no one either 
 in regard to its appropriateness or its honesty. 
 
 Again, in the same communication, the French emperor, 
 after refusing to afford any further help either of a financial 
 or a military nature to maintain Maximilian upon his totter- 
 ing throne, consoles him with the empty assurance : ' He 
 knew that he would not want for our help in aiding him to 
 realise a work profitable to the whole world.' Words, 
 words, not even sane words, but betrajang the hypocrite 
 and the dissimulator in every one of them. 
 
 It is interesting to recall some of the opinions entertained 
 in Germany regarding the Mexican expedition and the im- 
 
HIS DUPLICITY 55 
 
 pressions occasioned by the subsequent desertion of Maxi- 
 milian by the French emperor. Prince Bismarck denounced 
 the war in Mexico and the attitude adopted in 1866 as 
 ' blunders.' He added : ' Doubtless in storming about as 
 they do at present, the French feel conscious that they have 
 committed yet another blunder.' PubHc opinion was re- 
 flected later in an article which appeared in the columns of 
 the German newspaper National Zeitung, of 11th September 
 1870, which contained the following comment : ' Eegard- 
 ing our conduct towards the vanquished and imprisoned 
 Emperor of the French (Napoleon in.), we take the liberty 
 of asking by what right are we to punish him for the 2nd of 
 December, the law of public safety, and the occurrences in 
 Mexico, however much we may disapprove of these acts ? ' 
 If it is difficult to realise the nature of a man like 
 Napoleon ni., who, while deliberately following a certain 
 undeviating course, persistently disclaimed such poMcy. 
 Throughout the long correspondence which passed between 
 Paris and Washington upon the subject of the Mexican 
 intervention, the French emperor, both by personal assur- 
 ances and by means of solemn utterances upon the part of 
 his ministers, declared that no idea of territorial acquisition 
 from, or any desire to force a particular form of government 
 upon, the Mexican nation had entered, or would enter, his 
 mind. 
 
 With the same pen he inscribed to his representative at 
 Washington instructions to convey these assurances to the 
 United States Government (which, however, never beheved 
 in them) and composed detailed orders to his commander- 
 in-chief in Mexico to treat for the cession to France of certain 
 rich territories located in the State of Sonora, as well as 
 orders to ' compel the Mexicans to accept the imperial 
 form of government instead of the republican.' There can- 
 not have been two interpretations of these instructions, any 
 more than there can have been two ideas of the emperor's 
 real intentions. 
 
 We find Napoleon writing, over his own signature, in 
 September of 1862, to General de Lorencez (then in com- 
 
MEXICAN POLICY REVEALED 57 
 
 Marquis de Moustier, wrote : ' General de Castelnau has for 
 his mission to make it well understood that the limit of our 
 sacrifices is reached, and that if the Emperor Maximihan, 
 thinking to find in the country itself a sufficient support, 
 may wish to endeavour to maintain himself there, he cannot 
 in the future count upon any succour on the part of France. 
 This seems to us to be destined to be received in the United 
 States with real satisfaction.' It certainly was. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 The ex-Empress Eugenie — ^Her birth and parentage — ^Her share in the 
 Mexican expedition — ^Activity in organising arrangements — Sir 
 Edward Blount's testimony — ^Heartlessness of conduct towards 
 Maximilian and Charlotte — ^Unfriendly relations between herself and 
 Napoleon — ^Her political ambitions. 
 
 Marie EugiSnie db Guzman y de Porto-Carrbro, Condesa 
 de Teba and Marquesa de Moya, was born at Granada, 
 Spain, on the 5th of May 1826. The empress was married 
 to Napoleon m. in January of 1853, and, as he explained at 
 the time, she was not of royal birth, although the daughter 
 of an illustrious house. As a fact, Eug6nie is a descendant 
 of noble Scottish and Spanish families, and, equally by reason 
 of her high qualities, personal attractions, and aristocratic 
 lineage, she was deemed worthy of sharing a throne. 
 
 While there has never been the remotest doubt concerning 
 the personal responsibility of Napoleon m. for the betrayal 
 of Maximilian and, as a consequence, for his tragic fate at 
 the hands of his enemies, some uncertainty has existed 
 as to the precise amount of culpability which should be 
 apportioned to the ex-Empress Eugenie. It is said that in 
 1862-63 serious differences existed between Napoleon and 
 his wife, and that for long periods they were hardly upon 
 speaking terms ; but there is no question that Napoleon 
 consulted with Eugenie concerning the Mexican expedition 
 and the offering of the crown to Maximilian. 
 
 An entirely independent and dependable witness respect- 
 ing the responsibility of the Empress Eugenie for the 
 Mexican affair is found in Sir Edward Blount, the dis- 
 tinguished Enghshman who effected so much for British 
 commercial interests in France over a period of sixty 
 years. He mentions that, just before the outbreak of the 
 
 58 
 
EUG]^NIE'S RESPONSIBILITY 59 
 
 Mexican War, two bishops from the Republic called upon 
 him, having letters of introduction from a close personal 
 friend of the Empress Eugenie. They told him that they 
 had come because ' he had succeeded in raising several 
 large sums of money in years gone by for the Papal Govern- 
 ment.' 
 
 ' They wanted to know,' continues Sir Edward, ' whether 
 it would be possible to obtain from my clients who had 
 subscribed to such loans, subscriptions to a Mexican loan, 
 to aid an invasion of Mexico by the French in order to put 
 Maximilian, the younger brother of Francis Joseph, Emperor 
 of Austria, upon the throne. This scheme, which was 
 favoured by the idea that, if Mexico was conquered, French 
 interests — ^and therefore Cathohc power — would be pre- 
 dominant, had the strong support of the Empress Eugenie. 
 I was convinced that no satisfactory reply would be got 
 from the subscribers for the Papal loans, and therefore 
 declined the invitation to finance the expedition.' ^ 
 
 It is not without importance to recall that practically 
 every other independent contemporary writer, of French 
 or other nationaUty, has held Eugenie responsible for 
 the consequences attending the Mexican campaign. If 
 Napoleon was seeking for pecuniary gain or pohtical kudos, 
 Eugenie was no less zealous on behalf of the CathoHo Church 
 and the re-estabhshment of its tj^annical dominance in 
 Mexico — a dominance from which the Liberal Govern- 
 ment under Benito Juarez and his prodecessors had almost 
 succeeded in rescuing it. 
 
 With the masses of the French people the Mexican War 
 was distinctly unpopular, and perhaps for this very reason 
 Eugenie, with her naturally perverse disposition, the more 
 warmly espoused it. M. Rouher, the famous minister of 
 Napoleon rn. and also the devoted toady of Eugenie, 
 commonly known in France as the ' Vice-Emperor,' de- 
 scribed the Mexican adventure as ' the greatest enterprise 
 of his reign,' but other and more reliable statesmen have 
 denounced it unsparingly. 
 
 1 Memoirs oj Sir Edward Blount, K.G.B., 1815-1902, pp. 150 ct eeq. 
 
60 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Two sinister influences combined to damage the 
 enterprise in public opinion. The Church party and the 
 speculators, for whom the Due de Morny acted, were its 
 chief supporters ; and from the time that the French 
 expedition parted company with the Spaniards and the 
 English, and made war to establish a CathoUc empire in 
 the place of the Spanish repubhc, they alone defended 
 it. The Empress Eugenie was even then blamed very 
 severely for the eager and thoughtless support which she 
 lent to this project, until failure appeared inevitable. Then 
 she withdrew from any active encouragement, brushed 
 from her memory all her own and Napoleon's faithful 
 promises to the too-credulous Maximilian and his ambitious 
 wife, and forbade any one to mention the subject of the 
 French withdrawal in her presence. 
 
 During the earher period of acrimonious discussion be- 
 tween the Court of Versailles and Mexico, when Maximilian 
 was painfully awakening to the deep-laid treachery of his 
 quondam friend Napoleon, the Empress of the French was 
 amusing herself and pursuing her triumphal and extravagant 
 coxirse through Europe. After her meteoric appearance in 
 1863 at the Court of Spain, Eugenie returned to Paris, only 
 to set off the following year (1864) for Schwalbach (Germany), 
 ostensibly for the benefit of her health — ^which, however, 
 was thoroughly sound — ^but really to escape from the 
 importimities of the Mexican sovereigns who were address- 
 ing anxious communications, both official and private, to 
 Napoleon respecting the position of their finances and the 
 more faithful observance of the Treaty of Miramar. Indeed, 
 the subject of finance began at this time to be a question of 
 life and death to the infant empire, and neither Napoleon 
 nor Eug6nie ever Uked being asked for money. 
 
 MaximiUan, like most other men who feU beneath the 
 speU of Eugenie's beauty and rare charm of manner, 
 thoroughly believed in her good faith, and when the severe 
 measures emanating indirectly from the Tuileries became 
 known to him, he addressed a letter of frank remonstrance 
 to the French empress, a remonstrance which met with no 
 
POLITICAL INFLUENCE 61 
 
 acknowledgment and attracted no other attention. Even 
 
 as late as 9tli January 1867, Maximilian appears not to have 
 
 altogether abandoned his confidence in Eugenie's sympathy 
 
 and goodwill towards him, and a private letter exists which 
 
 shows that at this date he had received renewed promises 
 
 of an encouraging nature from the French empress, which, 
 
 however, merely served to deceive him further. Of this 
 
 letter Maximilian spoke upon several occasions to his 
 
 intimates, observing that its receipt ' had greatly comforted 
 
 him.' In this Eugenie wrote nothing concerning the insane 
 
 Charlotte, and made no reference to the imfortunate and 
 
 painful interview at Saint Qoud, the issue of which had been 
 
 influenced — ^if not directly incited — ^by Eugenie herself. 
 
 As has been mentioned, while imcongenial relations 
 had existed for some time between Napoleon and Eugenie, 
 they had long been of the same mind concerning the Mexican 
 expedition, and were frequently in consultation respecting 
 the safeguards to be determined upon by France. In 1866 
 the French sovereigns became better friends, especially 
 after Napoleon's return from Algeria ; during his absence 
 Eugenie had acted as Regent for the second time. 
 
 It was then that the growing influence of the empress in 
 French pohtics manifested itself. She was suspected of 
 preparing for a future in which Napoleon would have Httle 
 part. If his increasing infirmities necessitated an early 
 retirement from public life, Eugenie, it was thought, might 
 naturally expect to hold the Regency imtil the majority 
 of her son. Physically and moraUy the emperor was a 
 worn-out man, but she was stiU in her prime. Sometimes 
 at the Cbuncil Board she embarrassed the ministers by 
 expressing opinions directly opposed to her husband's. 
 M. de Persigny, the intimate aUy of the Due de Momy, sent 
 to Napoleon a letter in which he earnestly remonstrated 
 against ' this feminine interference,' a letter which — as iU- 
 luck would have it — ^feU into the hands of the empress, and 
 occasioned one of her periodical outbursts of hysterical anger. 
 Thus it is clear that for what took place in Mexico, 
 Eugenie must be held as culpable as Napoleon himself — ^if 
 
62 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 not more so, since hers was the master-mind which directed 
 the policy of withdrawal of the French troops, the stoppage 
 of fm^ther financial aid to the impoverished court and the 
 refusal to afford that State aid for which the unhappy- 
 Charlotte had pleaded so piteously at Saint Qoud. 
 
 It is not difficult — when one remembers the peculiar 
 disposition of the Empress Eugenie — ^to understand why the 
 misfortunes of Maximilian and the importunities of Charlotte 
 commenced to weary her, nor why she banished both from 
 her consideration. Dr. F. Barthez, physician to the young 
 Prince Imperial, who had passed many years at the French 
 Court, and knew the empress perhaps better than any of his 
 contemporaries, has told us in his book entitled The Empress 
 Ev/genie and her Circle, that her majesty had a horror of 
 any physical or mental suffering, and always shunned it. 
 ' It also happens,' he adds, ' that she sometimes gets carried 
 away by a double feehng, and then she becomes unjust, and 
 forgets humanity and goodness which are really hers.' 
 
 An example of Eugenie's curious temperament is then 
 afforded. The same authority declares : ' I have heard her 
 breathing flames and perdition against a man who thought 
 of presenting to Biarritz an establishment for the treatment 
 of poor scrofulous children. " Did you ever hear such an 
 idea ? " she cried, " a nice advertisement for my poor Biarritz ! 
 Who would ever come here if at every step we were to meet 
 lame or disfigured invahds 1 " I, myself, was vigorously 
 reproved for having had the audacity to say that the col- 
 lection of bathing-huts was inconvenient and unhealthy, 
 and that it should be improved. It was nothing to her that 
 Biarritz should be a healthy and beneficial locality in which 
 invahds might come in search of health. . . . She has the 
 egoism of pleasure as she has the horror of suffering.' 
 
 If these observations are foimded upon fact, they would 
 serve to explain the cold and repellent attitude adopted by 
 Eugenie to her suffering sister Charlotte, both at the time 
 of her appeal to Napoleon for succour and, subsequently, 
 when her mental sufferings had produced insanity. It is not 
 upon record that, from the hour that Charlotte had rushed 
 
ANOMALOUS CHAEACTER 63 
 
 demented from the presence of Napoleon at Saint Cloud 
 Eugenie had expended a single thought upon her, or had 
 made the slightest inquiry concerning her sad condition. 
 
 The strangely diverse susceptibilities which actuated 
 Eugenie were never more clearly exemphfied than in the 
 early months of 1867. Both she and Napoleon were visit- 
 ing the north of France at this time : cholera was raging in 
 Amiens and the surrounding districts. Nothing could have 
 been more noble or devoted than Eugenie's conduct at this 
 trying period, and never during her seventeen years' as 
 Empress-Consort had she come nearer to the hearts of the 
 French people. Wherever she went she was greeted with 
 cries of : ' Vive la Soeur de OhariU : ' — ' Vive VMrdine 
 d' Amiens ! ' 
 
 And yet this same tender-hearted woman had only a 
 short time previously turned a deaf and unsympathetic 
 ear to the pleadings of her unfortunate sister, Charlotte of 
 Mexico, and whom she had witnessed plunge from the height 
 of ambitious hope into the abyss of mental despair as the 
 consequence of her treatment at the hands of the Court of 
 the Tuileries. Assuredly never were the vagaries of woman 
 and the uncertainty of her temperament more vividly 
 illustrated. 
 
 The year of 1867 — a year which proved so fatal to all the 
 hopes and to the very existence of Maximilian — was the 
 year of the Great Exhibition of Paris. Eugenie and 
 Napoleon were reigning over a world capital, and receiving 
 the mightiest monarchs of Europe as their guests. What 
 recked they of the Empress Charlotte, demented by her 
 griefs and trials — of the imperial prisoner of Queretaro, 
 whose days were even then fast running out as the sands in 
 the time-glass ? 
 
 AH through April and May the festivities went on in the 
 gay city — aU through those months the peril for Maximilian 
 was becoming greater and greater. Yet hardly a Paris 
 night in June but witnessed its glittering public pageant, 
 its dazzHng court ceremony, its sumptuous imperial ball. 
 
 Even the alarming and xmexpected attempt upon the hfe 
 
64 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of the Russian Sovereign, as he drove with his two sons 
 through the Bois de Boulogne, did not disturb for long the 
 serenity of this gala time. Strange that the assassin's 
 shots which rang out in Paris upon that eventful day, when 
 the Emperor Alexander so nearly lost his life, were so soon 
 to be followed, many thousand miles away, by the rattle of 
 musketry which was to pronounce an end to the imperial 
 regime in Mexico. 
 
 But it was destined that this grim tragedy was to be 
 brought home to its real authors dramatically yet. While 
 a profound gloom was settling over the Austrian Court — at 
 last awakened to the danger of the Emperor Maximilian, a 
 danger in which his relatives and their entourage for so long 
 affected to disbeheve — ^while the sounds of revelry were at 
 their loudest in Paris — came the stunning news that Maxi- 
 milian had actually been shot. 
 
 On 14th June, amid demonstrations of popular enthusiasm, 
 the King of Prussia had taken his departure from the French 
 capital, into which he was destined to enter once again as its 
 conqueror some three years later. Five days afterwards 
 the tragedy of Queretaro was enacted. Then remorse — 
 ' that heU within him ' as Milton has described it — came to 
 Napoleon, and presumably, if in a lesser degree, to his wife 
 Eugenie. Consternation seized the Court of Versailles, and 
 notwithstanding that there remained many distinguished 
 guests to be entertained, including among them the Sultan 
 of Turkey, Abdul Asiz, a certain display of imperial com- 
 miseration and grief had to be exhibited. But it was too 
 late either to remedy the evil or to countermand the many 
 pubhc ceremonies which had been arranged in connection 
 with the Paris Exhibition, the crowning event, the distribu- 
 tion of prizes, being imderUned for the day of 1st July. 
 
 Loud and deep were the murmurings of horror and re- 
 proach when the public became aware at length of the tragic 
 end of the Emperor MaximiUan. Every one recognised how 
 completely and how basely he had been betrayed by 
 Napoleon and his servile creature the Minister, Drouyn de 
 I'Huys, who had also been used by the emperor to deceive 
 

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POPULAR CONDEMNATION 65 
 
 Charlotte, upon her seeking for an interview with Napoleon, 
 first by false assurances that ' his majesty was too ill to 
 receive her,' and then that ' he had left Saint Cloud ' — ^both 
 of which statements were entirely untrue. 
 
 The expressions of popular anger at this evidence of 
 Napoleon's treachery were characteristically French in their 
 irresponsibiUty. Whereas the greater part of the Cabinet 
 had been opposed to the French troops remaining any 
 longer in Mexico, and clamoured for their return — ^thus 
 leaving Maximihan at the mercy of the Liberals in that 
 country — ^they were now among the first to express dismay 
 and indignation when the consequences of that demand 
 were found to have entailed the sacrifice of Maximihan's hfe. 
 
 The whole of Europe also at last recognised that the 
 Austrian archduke had been the dupe of the French 
 emperor : France blamed Napoleon no less strenuously for 
 the sacrifice of six thousand of her sons who had left their 
 bones to bleach upon Mexican soil. The War Minister had 
 grandiloquently declared one day in the Chamber : ' Our 
 soldiers do not count their enemies before they go into 
 battle, and after the battle they do not count their dead,' a 
 statement which drew forth from the aged Berryer the 
 reply : ' No ; our soldiers cotmt not their dead, but there 
 are here in France many bereaved mothers, wives, and 
 daughters who have counted them with bitter heart-rend- 
 ings.' 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 Spanish ambition in Mexico — ^Lord John Russell's opinions — Convention 
 of London — Conflicting views of the Allies — Attitude of the United 
 States — Mr. Seward's despatches — Minister Thomas Corwin — ^French 
 pretensions denounced — ^M. Dubois de Saligny — Relations between 
 Great Britain and the United States — M. Thouvenel's policy — 
 Admiral Juiien de la Gravifere's instructions — ^Arrival of allied 
 forces in Mexico — ^Mrst proclamation — General Prim (Count Reuss), 
 
 It is not difficult to divine the real cause of Spain's co- 
 operation in this Mexican undertaking, since she must have 
 entertained some ulterior hope of regaining possession of 
 Mexico among other of her former American colonies, which 
 one by one had been lost to her. Foreseeing an ultimate 
 mihtary success, and relying upon the natural preference 
 among the Spanish-speaking people of Mexico for a Spanish 
 ruler' — ^if any foreigner had to be accepted — Queen Isabella's 
 Government entered readily into the operations contem- 
 plated, Seiior Mon, the Spanish Ambassador to France, 
 exhibiting the keenest interest in the carrying-out of this 
 project from the day when it was first mooted, that is to say 
 as far back as 1858. 
 
 On the 24th November of that year, the Spanish Ambas- 
 sador addressed a ' feeler ' to Count Walewski, the French 
 Ambassador, upon 'the necessity of establishing a strong 
 power and government in that country.' At this time the 
 Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs was Senor Calderon 
 Cervantes, who was no less hopeful of the result of the ex- 
 pedition ; he assured Senor Mon, who was pressing him to 
 take active steps, that, 'while he shared his views, moral and 
 purely diplomatic means were sufficient.' Senor Mon was 
 instructed to proceed to Paris in order to sound the French 
 
 CO 
 
LORD JOHN RUSSELL 67 
 
 Government upon the matter, and he had Uttle difficulty in 
 inducing M. Thouvenel, the French Premier, that force 
 alone would be likely to secure any result. So easily was 
 the argument won, that Senor Calderon Cervantes was able 
 to reconsider his panacea in the simple form of ' moral and 
 purely diplomatic means ' ; he now entered boldly into a 
 scheme for armed interference, which he forthwith 
 despatched to Paris and London (24th May 1860) for con- 
 sideration. While the French Cabinet received the sugges- 
 tion with favour, the Enghsh Government regarded it as 
 premature, and Lord John Russell, the Foreign Secretary, 
 absolutely refused his consent. 
 
 Lord John RusseU was at no time very enthusiastic re- 
 garding this enterprise, and in his despatch to the Spanish 
 Grovemment of 23rd September 1861, he requested that no 
 definite action should be commenced before France and 
 Germany had further considered the matter and notified 
 their acquiescence. Then, again. Napoleon's great idea re- 
 garding the estabUshment of a second empire in Mexico 
 with an Austrian prince as the sovereign by no means pleased 
 the Queen Isabella of Spain, although this view was not 
 actually presented until some time later. It was desired 
 that the choice of a monarch should be made by the Mexicans 
 themselves, and this in effect was said to have been brought 
 about by the diplomatic manceuvrings of M. de Sahgny, as 
 we shall see proved in due com-se. 
 
 The Spanish Minister-Plenipotentiary in London (Don 
 Xavier de Isturiz y Montero, who afterwards signed the 
 Convention of London, of 31st October 1861), after seeing 
 Lord John Russell upon the matter, wrote to the Spanish 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs (Senor Calderon Cervantes) as 
 follows : 
 
 ' In effect to-day (27th April) Lord John Russell, asked 
 as to the kind of assistance which might be expected from 
 England, laconically informed me that while he did not repel 
 our proposal, he could not entertain any idea that force 
 should enter into the execution of the project. In a second 
 interview, I insisted upon some more definite assurances, 
 
68 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 when Lord John explained to me that, on their part, England 
 will exact the fullest protection for those professing the 
 Protestant religion, to which I replied that in that case 
 England must not expect any co-operation upon the part 
 of Spain.' 
 
 Even from the French Cabinet there came subsequently a 
 more cautious and peaceable rejoinder to the Spanish pro- 
 posals. M. Barrot, when French Minister to Spain, writing 
 to the Premier in the name of his Government, stated : ' It 
 is understood that the measures in question shall have an 
 entirely friendly character, and that they shall exclude the 
 idea of recourse to any means of material coercion.' 
 
 It is reasonable to assume that, but for the feeling of 
 jealousy which existed between England and France at 
 the Coxurt of Madrid, the former, notwithstanding the 
 justice of her claim for compensation and a settlement of 
 the outstanding debt, would not have joined in the Mexican 
 expedition at all. Just as this sentiment had prompted 
 England to throw her weight into the Radical scale in 1840 
 in order to counteract the growing French influences with 
 Queen Christina (Regent of Spain during the minority of 
 her daughter Isabella i.), so did it dictate Lord John 
 Russell's hitherto irresolute poUcy regarding this occasion. 
 
 In a communication addressed to his Government at 
 Washington (15th March 1862) by Mr. Horatio J. Perry, 
 the United States Minister to Spain, he points out that the 
 Spanish Court were endeavouring to bring about a marriage 
 between the Count of Flanders (younger son of Leopold i., 
 King of the Belgians) and the eldest daughter of the Due 
 and Duchesse de Montpensier, the latter being a sister of 
 Queen Isabella, with the idea that the throne of Mexico 
 should be offered to them. On 31st January previous, 
 Lord Grampton, the British Minister at Madrid, had in- 
 formed Lord John Russell that he had been approached 
 upon the subject, and had been asked whether the Prime 
 Minister ' was disposed to entertain the candidature of the 
 Count of Flanders,' to which Lord John Russell cmrtly 
 replied that ' he entertained the candidature of no one.' 
 
ENGLAND AND SPAIN 69 
 
 It may be questioned whether, had Lord John Russell 
 (he became 'Earl' in 1861) been in power at the time of 
 the Mexican debacle, his efforts to save the life of Maximilian 
 would have proved successful. It will be remembered that 
 this great statesman's last term of office proved to be very 
 brief, for whereas he formed a cabinet in October 1865, 
 upon the death of Lord Palmerston, his ministry was 
 defeated in the following June (1866) on the Reform Bill 
 which had been introduced, and that he then retired per- 
 manently from public hfe. His successor, Lord Derby, 
 appeared to be far from sympathetically inchned, while the 
 Foreign Secretary, Edward Henry Stanley (afterwards the 
 fifteenth Earl of Derby) was even less so. Both the British 
 and the Spanish governments determined that they would 
 render no assistance in forcing a monarchical government 
 upon the Mexicans against their will, and thus Maximilian 
 was regarded by them as an intruder. 
 
 Napoleon was unable to realise that any government 
 imposed upon the Mexican people by a foreign Power must 
 prove transitory, or that the wholehearted co-operation of 
 the Mexicans themselves was hkely to prove the only basis 
 upon which a stable administration could be built-up and 
 maintained in that country. Both England and Spain 
 adopted this view, and thus it was that France was finally 
 allowed to pursue her adventure alone. 
 
 The Convention of London ^ (signed on the 31st of October 
 1861, as already mentioned) was a tripartite agreement 
 entered into between France, Spain, and England, and 
 which had been determined upon to compel Mexico to 
 fulfil the obhgations already ' solemnly contracted,' and 
 to give a guarantee of a more efficient protection for the 
 persons and property of their respective countrymen. It 
 consisted of five articles, and bore the signatures of General 
 the Comte de Flahault, representing France ; Don Xavier 
 de Istmriz y Montero, representing Spain ; and the Earl 
 Russell, who signed for England. 
 
 The governments who were parties to the Convention 
 
 * See Appendix i. 
 
70 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 undertook to despatch both land and marine forces to the 
 coast of Mexico, sufficiently powerful to seize and occupy 
 different military positions, and certain fortresses on the 
 littoral, situated either upon the GuK of Mexico or the 
 Pacific Ocean, and to take any steps which they considered 
 necessary to assure the safety of foreign residents. It was 
 stipulated that in carrying out these measures no terri- 
 torial seizure was to be made, nor would any particular 
 advantage be seized by any one among the three Powers, 
 nor any interference be made with the interior affairs of 
 Mexico. The whole Treaty appears in the end to have 
 been drawn up and signed in a desperate hurry, for nothing 
 definite in regard to action is specified, the conditions being 
 particularly vague and of an altogether indeterminate 
 character. The Allied Powers were not agreed before the 
 signatures were attached, and they openly disagreed after- 
 wards. Apparently they were of opinion that once the 
 Expeditionary Corps had reached Mexico, matters would 
 arrange themselves ; and inasmuch as each of the three 
 had reserved the right of individual action and hberty, the 
 vague terms in which the Convention was framed had been 
 adopted probably by both England and Spain with but 
 little desire to carry them into execution. 
 
 So far as the justice of the claims made by the three 
 Powers against Mexico is in question, it may be as weU to 
 recall the views of Mr. Thomas Corwin, the United States 
 Minister in Mexico, who, in the course of an official letter, 
 dated 20th March 1862, addressed to Mr. W. H. Seward, 
 United States Secretary of State, says : 
 
 ' I speak from a very careful investigation made by 
 myself when I say that the money demands of England 
 are in the main, if not altogether, just. I am not surprised 
 that her patience is exhausted. Those of France are com- 
 paratively small, very smaU, so far as they arise out of pre- 
 vious treaties, and those depending on claims of more 
 recent date^ — ^and not included in former treaties — ^are as 
 presented so enormously unjust as to be totally inadmis- 
 sible as to the amounts claimed. The Treaty with Spain 
 
FRENCH CLAIMS 71 
 
 made by General Almonte is said to be an outrageous fraud, 
 but I know nothing of the facts except from a report too 
 vague to be relied upon.' 
 
 It wiU have been observed that, according to Mr. Thomas 
 Corwin, the demands which had been advanced by 
 France were deemed ' abnormally unjust,' and that 
 some of the amounts claimed for compensation to French 
 subjects who had been injured were ' totally inadmissible ' ; 
 it will, therefore, be necessary to examine more closely into 
 some of these claims as set forth by M. de Saligny, the 
 French Minister to Mexico, upon instructions from his 
 Government. 
 
 Those for whom compensation was claimed included a 
 tailor in Mexico City, who had been wounded before the 
 door of his house by a dagger thrust ; a bootmaker who 
 had been assailed by some individual and seriously wounded 
 because he refused to deliver up the money which he 
 carried ; the relatives of a Frenchman who was assassinated 
 at Puebla, and whose murder was attributed to the Mexican 
 police ; a hotel-keeper who had been robbed upon two 
 occasions at Palmar, and a number of other French subjects 
 who had been robbed, tortured and iU-treated at various 
 times and in various parts of the Republic. 
 
 Even M. de Sahgny, while officially preferring these 
 claims upon behalf of the victims, had written to his Govern- 
 ment in Paris to the effect that he considered some of them 
 trivial, ' and such as should not be made the subject of 
 diplomatic representations,' inasmuch as they were mostly 
 the result of the acts of brigands, for which the Mexican 
 Government could and should not be held responsible. 
 
 Nevertheless the French Government demanded from 
 Mexico compensation to the extent of no less than 12,000,000 
 pesos, a figure which was afterwards reduced to 10,000,000 
 pesos, an estimate which even the French Minister for 
 Foreign Affairs, M. Thouvenel, in a letter which he 
 addressed to M. de SaUgny (28th February 1862), considered 
 ' exaggerated.' 
 The suspension of the foreign debt payments by Juarez's 
 
72 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 impoverished Government had afforded the opportunity 
 sought for ; and here the three debtors — ^France, England, 
 and Spain — ^had common cause for active interference, 
 notwithstanding the existence of the Monroe Doctrine 
 which, at this time, was not very seriously considered by 
 any one among them. Acting together by prearrangement, 
 the allied Powers instructed their respective Ministers 
 (M. de SaUgny for France, Sir Charles Wycke for England, 
 and Greneral Prim for Spain) to leave Mexico simultane- 
 ously unless immediate satisfaction was afforded. 
 
 After the Convention of London had been signed by 
 the three representatives of Great Britain, France and Spain, 
 the Powers despatched their expeditions to Mexico. These 
 were composed as follows : — Great Britain contributed at 
 first a naval force of two ships, four frigates, a proportional 
 number of vessels of a Ughter class, and a detachment of 
 seven hundred marines as a landing-party. The British 
 forces at first were under the command of Vice-Admiral 
 Mihies. 
 
 The Spanish expedition under General Prim (the Count 
 Reuss) numbered six thousand, and the French pre- 
 liminary force of three thousand was under the command 
 of Rear-Admiral Jurien de la Graviere. 
 
 It may be here pointed out that while Great Britain and 
 France were each separately represented by a miUtary or 
 naval leader as well as by a diplomatic envoy, Spain found 
 one representative, charged with a dual authority, suffi- 
 cient. . Sir Charles Wycke as the British Minister, and 
 M. Dubois de Saligny as the French Minister accredited to 
 Mexico, had their functions clearly defined, so as not to 
 allow them to interfere with the duties which had been 
 specially allocated to the expeditionary commanders, 
 Vice-Admiral Mihies and Rear-Admiral Jurien de la 
 Graviere respectively. 
 
 M. Dubois de Sahgny had been armed with extensive 
 powers, but he grossly misused them. He brought more 
 trouble to the French arms by his dehberate lying and mis- 
 directions than even the Mexican enemy could have effected ; 
 
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BRITISH CO-OPERATION 73 
 
 especially was he to blame for the misfortunes attending 
 the first attack upon Puebla by the French troops, an 
 offence for which neither the emperor nor the luckless 
 General de Lorencez — ^the direct victim of M. de Saligny's 
 unfounded optimism — ever forgave him. 
 
 Lord John Russell, who had entered into the project of 
 the expedition with manifest reluctance, issued very clear 
 instructions through Sir Charles Wycke to the Commander 
 of the British Force, these directions bearing date 1st Novem- 
 ber 1861. The Foreign Minister wrote : — ' You wiU observe 
 with the utmost rigour the articles laid down in the Con- 
 vention which contain the undertaking to refrain from any 
 interference in the internal affairs of Mexico, nor attempt 
 to in any way deprive them of the right to choose their own 
 form of government.' 
 
 When he learned that the French Commander's instruc- 
 tions contained the order to advance upon Mexico City, 
 Lord John, in a further letter, dated 1 5th November, 
 reminded the British minister that no such directions were 
 contained in the instructions sent to the British expeditionary 
 corps, and no operations of this kind were to be permitted. 
 With this provision, the EngUsh commander was to act 
 in co-operation with the French and Spanish commanders, 
 and all representations made to the Mexican Government 
 should be in the joint names of the three Powers. 
 
 It was about this time (7th November) that the over- 
 zealous action of an American naval officer, in taking the 
 Confederate envoys, Mason and Slidell, out of a British 
 mail-steamer saihng between two neutral ports, almost 
 precipitated a collision between the United States and Great 
 Britain. Although the envoys were eventually given up, 
 all' precedents being against the United States, a very sore 
 sentiment was occasioned, and Lord John RusseU was very 
 anxious to avoid rendering the ill-feehng between the two 
 nations still more acute by any unnecessarily aggressive 
 action in Mexico. Before the expedition reached Mexico, 
 therefore, he materially altered its strength and formation, 
 diminishing the number of ships and keeping Vice-Admiral 
 
74 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Milnes at his post on the North American Station, replacing 
 him by the appointment of Commodore Hugh Dunlop, 
 who was given charge of the now much reduced British 
 expeditionary force. 
 
 Lord John Russell's continued hesitation and uncon- 
 cealed disincUnation regarding the Mexican expedition were 
 fully shared by the Prime Minister, Lord Palmerston ; 
 both deeply distrusted Napoleon, and not without reason. 
 In relation to another matter, Lord Palmerston had but 
 recently declared that ' the French emperor's mind seemed 
 as full of schemes as a warren was fuU of rabbits ' ; and 
 while allowing for the deep-rooted prejudice which Lord 
 Palmerston always entertained against, and took no 
 pains to conceal from. Napoleon and his representative 
 at the Court of St. James, there seems to have been sound 
 justification for the Prime Minister's adoption of these 
 views. Moreover, his opinions regarding both the French 
 emperor and his Mexican enterprise were well understood 
 by Juarez, who did not fail to profit by his knowledge. 
 When England, in conjunction with Spain, withdrew from 
 the expedition, Juarez was in no way surprised, since he 
 had counted upon this and had moulded his pohcy upon 
 such a development from the commencement of the negotia- 
 tions. 
 
 The French Minister for Foreign Affairs at this time was 
 still M. Thouvenel, and it was he who chose Rear-Admiral 
 Jurien de la Graviere to take charge of the French expedi- 
 tion. The Admiral's instructions were not very full, 
 among them being contained the following negative clause : 
 ' The AQied Powers decline any interference in the domestic 
 affairs of the country, and especially any exercise of pres- 
 sure on the will of the population with regard to their choice 
 of a government.' 
 
 It is as well at the outset to recollect these instructions, 
 because, as the history of the French expedition is unfolded, 
 it wiU be seen that neither de la Graviere, nor any other 
 among the French officers from first to last, seems to have 
 regarded the instructions as of serious import ; nor, indeed, 
 
FRENCH PRETENSIONS 75 
 
 would it have been possible for the expedition to have 
 effected any decided result in Mexico had such instructions 
 been acted upon hteraUy. Without the exercise of ' pres- 
 sure ' upon the Mexicans, it would have been a physical 
 impossibihty to impose any kind of government upon the 
 people other than that of a Repubhc, and the inclusion of 
 this direction in the Admiral's orders could only have been 
 intended as a mask to conceal the secret aim of the French 
 intervention. 
 
 Rear-Admiral Jurien de la Graviere's instructions were 
 framed in and issued from the Tuileries, and bore date 
 11th November 1861. They directed him to occupy the 
 Mexican ports and to hold them until the outstanding 
 questions between the Repubhc and the three Powers had 
 been completely settled. The customs houses were to be 
 seized and the revenues appropriated in the names of the 
 AUies. In the event of the port authorities offering no 
 resistance, or the Mexican Govermnent dechning to treat, 
 the troops were not to allow themselves to be foiled by any 
 such expedient, but were to land, and, after a few days' stay 
 at the port, to remove up-country so as to avoid the deadly 
 danger arising from the fever-laden atmosphere of Vera 
 Cruz. These instructions, after confirming the British 
 stipulation as to non-interference with the rights of the 
 Mexican nation to elect its own government in its own 
 manner, concluded with the ominous words : ' The French 
 Government admits that it may become necessary to 
 advance the troops to Mexico City.' 
 
 No such timidity or reluctance as that displayed by Lord 
 John RusseU characterised the action of the Spanish 
 Government. Immediately the suggestion emanating from 
 the Tuileries, that the French troops should advance to 
 Mexico City, was received, the Spanish Cabinet gave its con- 
 sent, and through Coimt Walewski, the French Ambassador 
 to the Court of Madrid, expressed its satisfaction and 
 approval. (6th November 1861.) 
 
 In the instructions sent to General Prim, the same cautious 
 remarks were made respecting the danger of remaining for 
 
76 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 any length of time upon the miasmic coasts of Mexico, and 
 recommending an early advance up-covintry. The Spanish 
 commander was told ' to go and find the Mexican Govern- 
 ment ' and ' impress upon it the necessity of complying 
 •with the demands of the Powers,' an ultimatum from Spain 
 having been lodged with the Juarez Cabinet as far back as 
 the 11th of September. General Prim was also confiden- 
 tially informed of the true intentions of the Tuileries 
 Cabinet (he admitted this later in a forcible speech which 
 he dehvered before the Cortes in 1863), namely the estab- 
 lishment of a monarchy in Mexico with a nominee of the 
 Emperor Napoleon on the throne. This apparently was 
 Napoleon's idea of ' permitting the Mexicans to elect their 
 own government in their own way.' 
 
 The first meeting of the three commanders took place 
 on the 17th December 1861, at Havana, Cuba. On the 
 2nd January 1862 the French and the remainder of the 
 Spanish expeditions left the island for Vera Cruz, Com- 
 modore Dunlop having sailed a few days previously. Five 
 days afterwards the three forces arrived opposite the port ; 
 the French troops were the first to disembark, although, 
 as already mentioned, a portion of the Spanish corps had 
 landed some days before. 
 
 This was a particularly bitter blow to the patriotic 
 Mexicans, who were gaUingly reminded of the old colonial 
 days, when Spain was still complete mistress of the Latin- 
 American countries, and a cruel, tyrannical ruler she had 
 proved herself. The fact of French and Enghsh troops 
 landing upon Mexican soil was bad enough ; but the pre- 
 sence of their ancient enemies and heavy oppressors, the 
 Spanish, was doubly hard to bear. 
 
 Immediately after their assembly before Vera Cruz, the 
 three commanders met in conclave, M. de Saligny and Sir 
 Charles Wycke being summoned by General Prim to take 
 part in the conference. 
 
 Conjointly they drew up a flamboyant and lengthy 
 manifesto addressed to the Mexican people, of which the 
 following is a translation. The original, in the Spanish 
 
ALLIES' PEOCLAMATION 77 
 
 language, was composed by General Prim, a Catalonian by 
 birth. 
 
 ' Mexicans ! ' (it begins). 
 
 ' The representatives of England, France, and Spain are 
 but fulfilling a sacred duty in making known to you their 
 intentions at this moment of entering the territory of your 
 RepubUc. The treaty rights which have been trampled 
 under foot by your different governments, which have of 
 late succeeded one another rapidly in this country, the in- 
 security of your compatriots who are placed in continual 
 peril, have rendered this expedition indispensable. You 
 have been deceived, however, by those who have dared to 
 teU you that behind our just and reasonable demands there 
 lurk any ideas of conquest, of inspired restoration, or of 
 forcible intervention in your pohtical and administrative 
 interests. The three Powers which have loyally accepted 
 and acknowledged your independence have the right to ask 
 that they should not be suspected of any illegitimate or 
 unworthy mental reservation, but rather that you should 
 be inspired by their noble sentiments of magnanimity and 
 nobihty towards you. 
 
 ' The three nations which we have the honour to repre- 
 sent, and whose sole object it may seem to you is to obtain 
 redress for the injuries which have been inflicted upon 
 them, have an ambition far loftier — ^to adopt a course of 
 action both useful and generally beneficial. They come to 
 offer the hand of friendship to a people who they perceive 
 with sorrow are wasting their strength and destroying 
 their vitality in the melancholy pursuit of civil war and 
 perpetual convulsions. 
 
 ' This is the truth, and those whose mission it is to let 
 you hear it have no wish to raise the cry of war, to utter 
 any menaces ; but they do wish to help you to reconstruct 
 the grandeur of your nation. To you, and to you alone, 
 without the interference of any foreigner, belongs the right 
 of re-estabhshing your constitution upon a soUd and a 
 lasting basis. Your work should be a work of regenera- 
 tion, such as every one would respect, because every one 
 
78 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 will have contributed to it — you materially, we by our 
 moral assistance and support. The wrong has been great, 
 the remedy is urgent ; now or never can you assure your 
 future welfare ! 
 
 ' Mexicans ! Listen to the voice of the Allies, who bring 
 to you a sheet-anchor at this time of perpetual storm and 
 stress, and which is exhausting you. Trust in their good 
 faith, in their benevolent and loyal intentions towards you. 
 Do not fear anything from turbulent and troublesome 
 spirits ; if these attempt to annoy you, your courageous 
 attitude and resolution will serve to frustrate them, while 
 we, on our part unmoved, will stand by and witness the 
 magnificent spectacle of your regeneration only to be 
 finally achieved by means of order and liberty ! 
 
 ' This will be, we feel assured, the view to be adopted by 
 the Mexican Government also in time : thus our mission 
 is already being construed by the illustrious and intelligent 
 men of this country, among whom are those we are now 
 addressing. These lofty spirits must recognise that the 
 time has now arrived when they may — ^and should — ^lay 
 down their arms, and appeal to pubUc reason solely by 
 argument and pubhc opinion — ^those two triumphant 
 sovereigns of the nineteenth century ! ' 
 
 The Mexicans, hke all other Spanish races, are too much 
 accustomed to the rodomontade utterances of pohticians 
 and patriots to be much influenced by a sentimental and 
 obviously deceptive composition of this character ; and 
 while it may be that the effect upon the general reader 
 must have been then, as it is now, one of unrestrained con- 
 tempt for the author or authors of this proclamation to 
 the Mexicans, it conveyed to the general pubHc to whom 
 it was addressed Uttle more than a fiu^her attempt — ^and 
 a very clumsy one — ^to compel them to yield peaceably to 
 the demands which the Allies were too timid to exact by 
 force. 
 
 The employment of Greneral Prim as author of this 
 precious composition was no doubt well conceived, for 
 among his allies at least he was known as a clever but 
 
GENERAL PRIM (COUNT REUSS) 79 
 
 utterly unscrupulous man, one who had little conception 
 of the word ' honour,' and who had probably never heard 
 of the attribute of integrity. The unworthy part which 
 he played in the Turkish campaign of 1853-54, and his 
 discreditable adventures in Morocco in 1860, just before 
 he had been selected by the Spanish Government as its 
 representative in the Mexican expedition, have been 
 chronicled by the German military author of Spanisch und 
 Marokanisch Krieg (published in Leipzig in 1863). 
 
 General Prim (Count Reuss) had risen from the ranks 
 through sheer impudence and audacity, and while no one 
 could deny his cleverness, it was impossible to place the 
 slightest reliance upon his sense of honour or his probity. 
 The barefaced assurance of the document above quoted, 
 and the hardihood with which is denied the very intention 
 which brought the expedition to Mexico, may have been 
 lost upon the dull Mexican intellect ; but it has not been 
 — ^and cannot be — overlooked by the more discriminating 
 critic and student of history. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Attitude of the Allies — ^The troops move inland — ^French unprepared- 
 ness — General Zaragoza negotiates — Disunion among the three 
 Commanders — General Miramdn arrested — ^Failure of conference — 
 Meeting with Doblado — Convention of La Soledad — Gteneral Almonte 
 — ^The British and Spanish Commanders withdraw — General Prim's 
 policy — ^Lord John Russell's instructions — ^French proclamation — 
 President Benito Juarez issues counter manifesto — Warning by the 
 United States — ^War begins. 
 
 When once war appeared to be inevitable, and the Allies 
 had landed their troops upon Mexican soil, the Liberal 
 Government, which had shown every desire to arrange 
 matters peaceably if at aU possible, declared the port of 
 Vera Cruz ' closed to commerce,' and thus effectually 
 stopped at once the collection of the customs' revenues 
 which the Allies had regarded as certain to faU into their 
 hands. Nor was this all. The States of Mexico were 
 notified that the Republic had been invaded by a foreign 
 enemy, and the citizens were summoned to arms. There 
 was reason to beHeve that at least fifty thousand men would 
 answer to the call, but as a matter of fact less than one-third 
 of this number were found responsive. Later, the number 
 actually under arms amounted to fully seventy thousand 
 men. 
 
 The ad captandum proclamation issued at the instiga- 
 tion of General Prim, and which bore the signatm-e of all 
 three representatives of the AUies, was at once followed by 
 a counter manifesto, signed by Benito Juarez, Li this, 
 having denounced the attitudes of the three Powers in 
 combination, but particularly that of Spain, which, it was 
 said, was attempting to regain possession of her lost colony, 
 he declared that ' force would be met by force,' that while 
 
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JUAREZ'S MANIFESTO 81 
 
 the Government were still disposed to recognise every just 
 and reasonable claim, ' they would accept no conditions 
 which were offensive to the dignity of the nation or com- 
 promised its independence.' 
 
 In this proclamation, which as a literary composition stood 
 upon a decidedly higher plane than the singular effusion 
 put forth by the AUies, Juarez concluded his appeal to his 
 countrymen in the following words : — ' Mexicans ! if it is 
 still sought to distort our intentions, and it is decided to 
 hunuhate us as a nation, to dismember our territory, to 
 interfere in our internal affairs — ^perhaps even to break 
 up our very nationahty — ^I appeal to your patriotism ; I 
 conjure you to forget all your hatreds and jealousies, to 
 sacrifice your fortunes, and to shed your blood ; rally 
 round your government for the defence of your common 
 cause — ^the most sacred and grandest cause known to man 
 as it is to an united people — ^the cause of one's country. In 
 this war into which you have been provoked, I implore you 
 to strictly observe the laws and usages of humanity, such 
 as are recognised among aU civiUsed beings. Leave un- 
 touched those of your enemies who do you no active harm, 
 and even offer them, if necessary, your hospitahty ; hve 
 peacefully in the assurance that the laws of your country 
 wiU protect you.' 
 
 Although Juarez possessed but a shght acquaintance 
 with Englishmen, his knowledge of their character being 
 hmited to his experience of those subjects of her Britannic 
 Majesty who had hved in Mexico or in the United States 
 of America, he was shrewd enough to appreciate that an 
 appeal to patriotism, such as that above quoted, would not 
 fail to make an impression in Great Britain. Nor did it. 
 He soon recognised also that it was neither the EngUsh nor 
 the Spanish from whom he had most to fear, and all through 
 the protracted negotiations and lengthy diplomatic corre- 
 spondence Juarez refrained from employing a single word 
 of abuse, or from evincing any distrust, of the British Govern- 
 ment, of the inherent honesty of whose purpose he seems 
 to have entertained not the sUghtest doubt. 
 
82 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Moreover, although he suspected that Spain might 
 attempt out of this embroglio to regain possession of a 
 part, at least, of Mexico, he knew that Great Britain would 
 adhere to her professed intention to refrain from any terri- 
 torial aggrandisement at the expense of that Republic. 
 No less positive was this penetrating President that the 
 whole design of France was, and had from the beginning 
 been, a mercenary one. Thus it was to meeting the French 
 aggression that he devoted his closest attention, and directed 
 the whole of his administrative powers of opposition. 
 
 The campaign commenced inauspiciously enough for the 
 AUies. The French Admiral had left France without 
 either the animals or vehicles required for his transport 
 service, no doubt trusting to obtain both in Mexico. But 
 he was soon disillusioned, as was the Spanish General, 
 for all supplies of this nature were rigorously withheld as 
 the result of the direct instructions of Juarez. Later on 
 one of the French vessels, Le Bertholet, returned to Cuba, 
 in order to collect aU the transport animals that could be 
 purchased, and in this way the French secured 254 mules 
 and 89 horses. They seem to have cost a high price, 
 however, for in the account which the Admiral rendered to 
 the French Minister of Marine on 2nd January 1862, the 
 following items are recorded : ' To the cost of 89 horses, 
 96,936 frs.; 264 mules, 200,838 frs. ; cost of keep and atten- 
 tion, 11,205 frs., or a total of 308,979 frs.,' which worked out 
 at over 900 frs. (£36) for each of the 343 animals. 
 
 Notwithstanding that neither his artillery nor his camp 
 equipment (which were on board La Meuse and La Sevre) 
 had yet (11th January 1862) arrived, Jurien de la Graviere 
 determined not to linger at Vera Cruz. In agreement with 
 General Prim and Commodore Dunlop he marched his men 
 to the small village of Tejeria, situated about twelve kilo- 
 metres (say 7| miles) from Vera Cruz. This village was at 
 the time occupied by a small party of Liberal troops under 
 General Uruaga, who, upon the French Admiral sending to 
 him a 'courteous request for permission to occupy it,' 
 tacitly consented by retiring from the village. 
 
ALLIES' NEGOTIATIONS 83 
 
 Even the short prehminary march between Vera Cruz 
 and the adjacent village proved exceedingly trying for the 
 European troops. The heat was intense, and the men, 
 unaccustomed to so torrid an atmosphere, continually fell 
 out of line, many lying down by the side of the road in 
 order to sleep. After an eight hours' march, a halt was 
 called, and coffee was served out to the perspiring, exhausted 
 men and officers. 
 
 Upon the following day (12th January) the three repre- 
 sentatives returned to Vera Cruz in order to receive in 
 audience Greneral Zaragoza, Minister of War, and a confer- 
 ence einsued between him and the delegates. General Prim 
 acting as interpreter. The only absentee from the assembly 
 was M. de Saligny, the French Minister, who had fallen sick 
 almost as soon as he arrived at Vera Cruz. 
 
 The result of the first conference was the issue of an 
 ' Ultimatum,' addressed to no one in particular, and con- 
 sisting of ten Articles, in which the claims of the Allies 
 were once more set forth in detail, the most prominent — 
 since they were the first mentioned — demands being those 
 of France for the payment by the Mexican Government of 
 twelve million francs in connection with the terms of the 
 Convention of 1853. 
 
 Against this preposterous demand the English repre- 
 sentative at the second conference strongly protested. He 
 later on refused his assent to an aggressively-composed 
 communication intended for President Juarez, ' demanding 
 access for the Allies' troops to the plateau of Jalapa, and, in 
 the event of a refusal, threatening to make a way for them 
 by force.' This suggestion emanated from the fertile brain 
 of M. de Sahgny, who, although too ill to attend the first 
 conference, was present at the second, which was held on 
 the day following. 
 
 The Spanish and English representatives were in favour 
 of discussing verbally with the Liberal Government the 
 question of the troops proceeding into the interior. The 
 French Admiral, however, insisted upon sending a second 
 demand, and threatening reprisals if it were not conceded. 
 
84 MAXIMIIJAN IN MEXICO 
 
 It was subsequently decided that a small deputation — con- 
 sisting of Captain Milans of the Tatham and the captain of 
 the frigate Thomasset — should proceed to Mexico City, with 
 a formal request addressed to the Government for per- 
 mission to remove the troops of the Allies to a healthy 
 locaUty during the progress of the negotiations. 
 
 From the village of Tejeria the two officers were attended 
 by a Mexican escort, while General Uruaga entertained them 
 with great courtesy and hospitality at his private resi- 
 dence, before allowing them to proceed upon their long 
 journey to the Capital. 
 
 This fact, however, had no influence upon the representa- 
 tives, who knew the Mexican character too well to place any 
 value upon the outward display of cordiahty. Sir Charles 
 Wycke, writing to Lord John Russell on 25th Jime 1861, re- 
 minds the Foreign Minister that the Mexican Government 
 could not be trusted, and urges him to give his consent to the 
 British marines taking ' active steps.' Later on, however, 
 the tenour of this Minister's despatches show that he was 
 in favour of more peaceful measures, a view in which his 
 Spanish colleague. General Prim, also professed to share. 
 The three representatives had upon no occasion been of one 
 mind upon any one subject since they first came together, 
 the British and Spanish representatives being usually 
 arrayed against the French Admiral, although occasionally 
 it was a case of the Spanish and French being in opposition 
 to the British. 
 
 The iU-feehng long existent between the British and 
 French representatives was still further accentuated by 
 Commodore Dunlop deciding to arrest General Miramon 
 when he arrived at Vera Cruz on 27th January, owing to the 
 latter having seized from the British Legation at Mexico 
 City, during the brief time that he was acting as President of 
 the Repubhc, a considerable sum of money which had been 
 deposited, and intended to be employed in part payment 
 of the overdue English debt. Admiral Jurien de la Graviere 
 having protested against Miramon's arrest at Vera Cruz, 
 where the French flag was then flying. Commodore Dunlop 
 
STRAINED RELATIONS 85 
 
 had caused the General to be seized before he left the 
 steamer (a British vessel) upon which he was then a passenger. 
 Miram6n was subsequently sent to the Bermudas, but 
 eventually he was released ; this unpleasant incident con- 
 siderably widened the breach between the representatives 
 of the Allies. 
 
 The two officer-delegates returned from Mexico City on 
 29th January, but they had succeeded in obtaining no more 
 than an evasive reply to their request for permission to 
 move the troops to some healthier place than Tejeria. In 
 fact, the negative result of their invasion was precisely 
 what Sir Charles Wycke had foreseen. 
 
 A second and more peremptory demand was then sent, 
 addressed upon this occasion to the Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, Senor Doblado ; in response to this missive, on 9th 
 February there was received a still more equivocal rejoinder, 
 which irritated the representatives excessively. A third note 
 was despatched reiterating the demand for a better posi- 
 tion to which the troops could be removed, and suggesting 
 that the Minister for Foreign Affairs should himself come 
 to meet the representatives at Purga (situated about half 
 way between Tejeria and La Soledad) in order to discuss 
 the matter face to face. 
 
 Meanwhile President Juarez was becoming impatient, 
 and he gave it as his opinion that the time for further 
 parleying had almost expired. He recalled the amiable 
 General Uruaga in charge of the Eastern Army — ^who had 
 been far too complaisant in his dealings with the AUies — 
 and replaced him by Greneral Zaragoza, a declared enemy 
 of all foreigners, and uncompromisingly opposed to any 
 intervention by the Powers being recognised or tolerated. 
 
 The first act of General Zaragoza was to address an in- 
 sulting letter to Greneral Prim, whom he elected to regard 
 as the chief of the three representatives, notifying him and 
 his two colleagues that any advance made by their forces 
 into the interior of Mexico would be construed as an act 
 of aggression and resented accordingly. The Spanish 
 Commander was deeply mortified at the tone of this com- 
 
86 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 munioation, but he found little sympathy from either Sir 
 Charles Wycke or Commodore Dunlop. Admiral de la 
 Gravidre, on the other hand, hesitatingly advocated imme- 
 diate reprisals, and both he and the Spanish commander 
 commenced preparations to march inland. The latter, 
 however, was not very enthusiastic concerning this move- 
 ment, and when his wife, the Countess Reuss (a near 
 relation of one of Juarez's Ministers), arrived at Vera Cruz 
 (14th February) his zeal for the march became noticeably 
 less. He had learned, moreover, that General Zaragoza 
 really intended to forcibly prevent the foreign troops from 
 proceeding further towards the capital, and to this end 
 he had established himself at Orizaba, a large town situated 
 almost midway between Vera Cruz and Mexico City, occupy- 
 ing a strong position upon the only road available for the 
 troops to pass over. 
 
 It was, therefore, with some relief to their trying situa- 
 tion, affording a dignified escape from the impasse into 
 which they had fallen, that the three representatives received 
 a note from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, dated 18th 
 February, in answer to their last communication of the 
 10th, in which he accepted their suggestion for a confer- 
 ence, naming the town of La Solodad as the rendezvous, 
 and appointing the 19th February as the date. 
 
 The meeting duly took place and iijxjn the day arranged ; 
 after many hours' discussion, Horaotimos acrimonious, at 
 others conciliatory, the disputants arrived at an under- 
 standing which was embodied in the ' Convention of La 
 Soledad,' consisting of six short articles, a transcription of 
 which will be found in Appendix ii. 
 
 By Article 3 of this Convention, the troops wore to be 
 allowed to occupy quarters in the towns of Orizaba, Cordoba, 
 and Tehuacdn, all three being situated at a considerable 
 elevation above the sea, and therefore more suitable than 
 the low-lying town of Tejoria, or the pestilential port of 
 Vera Cruz, for the accommodation of the European invaders. 
 
 Clause 4, however, stij)ulatod clearly and very emphati- 
 cally, that if the negotiations which were about to be entered 
 
MAk'll'; ('IIAI:l,(i'l Ih: A MM, 1 1', A I u ;| i! ; M N I'', VK 'I ( il 1; I', ( 1 ,1' MI'.N'riNIO 
 
 ij'i ii'( ii.iMNi',, i',Mi'i-i-,;,;i I >i' Mi'.:-;i'(i 
 
GENERAL ALMONTE 87 
 
 upon should — as it was abundantly evident they would — 
 prove abortive, the Allies' troops should at once vacate 
 the more favourable positions accorded to them, and retire 
 towards the coast, namely to the Paso-Ancho on the Cor- 
 doba road, and to the Paso de Ovejas on the Jalapa road. 
 
 Both the Mexican Commander and the French Admiral 
 availed themselves of the time occupied by the conference 
 by preparing for the encounter which it was obvious to 
 them must result, no matter what might be the issue of 
 the discussions : the frank confession made by General 
 Almonte ^ to the effect that it was the intention of the 
 French emperor to estabUsh a monarchy in Mexico, ren- 
 dered all chance of a peaceful settlement impossible. 
 President Juarez had caused the interrogation to be put 
 very definitely in a letter addressed to the AUies by his 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, dated 19th February ; the 
 reply was just as explicit upon the part of Greneral Almonte, 
 who now spoke for the Allies. 
 
 The selfish and aspiring character of the French project, 
 
 * General Almonte was a natural son of the famous priest Mor^loB, one 
 among the many heroic and patriotic churchmen who fought and gave 
 their Uves for the liberation of Mexico from the Spanish yoke. His mother 
 was an Indian woman of obscure birth, and who had been confined of him 
 while hiding from enemies in the mountains. Almonte was possessed of 
 a particularly pleasing countenance and very charming manners. During 
 the brief presidency of General Miramon, he had helped to negotiate a 
 treaty between Spain and Mexico, particularly favourable to the former, 
 but which, upon the arrival of the French expedition in the country, was 
 ignored by Juarez, who regarded Almonte as a traitor to his native land. 
 The most bitter feelings were engendered between him and the Liberals 
 when he threw the whole weight of his influence — which was at that 
 time considerable — into the scale against his own people, and in favour 
 first of Spain and then of France. Both the British and the Spanish 
 Ministers to Mexico objected to the prominence with which Almonte 
 thrust himself forward in all negotiations undertaken, and especially to 
 his presence among the French troops, of whom he cunningly contrived 
 to make use as an escort when travelling through the country ; so much 
 was he hated by the Liberals, that they made several attempts to seize 
 his person even at the point of the French bayonets which were protect- 
 ing him. Later on General Ahnonte was sent as Mexican Imperial 
 Minister to France in place of Don Jos6 Maria Hidalgo, whom Maximilian 
 had recalled on accovmt of the indifferent manner in which he had repre- 
 sented the interests of Mexico at the Tuileries. 
 
88 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 as conceived and about to be carried out, stood clearly re- 
 vealed to the British and Spanish Governments ; their 
 representatives in Mexico expressed themselves as entirely 
 opposed to its execution, and while awaiting more definite 
 instructions from London and Madrid, Commodore Dunlop 
 and General Prim decided to withdraw their respective 
 forces from the temporary positions which they had been 
 allowed to occupy under the terms of the Convention of 
 La Soledad. A further and final meeting was arranged 
 between the three Powers' representatives, whereat both 
 the EngUsh and the Spanish commanders expressed the 
 opinion that by acting in further conjunction with the 
 French Admiral in this matter they would be violating the 
 terms of the Convention of London. 
 
 Sir Charles Wycke seems to have been of a very uncertain 
 mind throughout, and to have wavered considerably in 
 regard to the correctness oi the attitude adopted by Com- 
 modore Dunlop and General Prim. That the British 
 Minister's conduct created a decidedly unfavourable impres- 
 sion upon the minds of others is shown by a letter written 
 to the IVench Foreign Minister at Paris by Herr Wagner, 
 the Prussian Minister to Mexico, wherein he referred to 
 Sir Charles' ' vacillation and irresolution.' 
 
 However hesitant the British Minister may have proved 
 up tiU now, his ill-health may have offered some excuse. 
 During the whole of the month of February 1862 Sir Charles 
 Wycke had been sick, and while at Orizaba he had suffered 
 intensely. He was unable to receive, or to discuss matters 
 with, either of the Liberal Ministers of Finance and Justice 
 when they arrived on the 20th of that month ; and he was 
 considerably worried respecting the re-embarkation of the 
 British troops, who had been ordered to be withdrawn by 
 Lord John Russell so soon as the transports could arrive 
 from England. 
 
 General Prim, in the course of a letter which he addressed 
 to the Emperor Napoleon, on 17th March, attempted to 
 show that the English were offended at the arrival from 
 France of an additional brigade of troops under General 
 
ENGLAND WITHDRAWS 89 
 
 de Lorencez ; but this statement, like others which had 
 preceded it, was merely an example of Gteneral Prim's 
 mendacity, for, as a fact, the despatch of further French 
 troops to Mexico had absolutely no influence upon the 
 actions of the British Foreign Office, which long before had 
 made up its mind to abandon the Mexican expedition at 
 the earhest opportunity. 
 
 Lord John Russell, in two different letters addressed to Sir 
 Charles Wycke (23rd February and 30th March), had pointed 
 out that it never had been part of the policy of her Britannic 
 Majesty's Government to ' interfere in favour of those who 
 had lent their money to foreign governments, while, at 
 the same time, measures would be taken to see that inter- 
 national obhgations — such as charges upon the customs' 
 revenues which had been hypothecated by agreement — 
 should be faithfully observed.' 
 
 The exact expression employed by Lord John Russell 
 in connection with the early Mexican expedition was 
 ' towards the purification and welfare of Mexico ' (see letter 
 of instruction dated 30th January 1862). The forcible estab- 
 lishment of a monarchy at the bidding of the French emperor 
 bore no relation to this idea, and, therefore, the British 
 Government, upon learning of it, withdrew its small force 
 from further co-operation. ' Let Mexico work out her own 
 salvation, if she can,' wrote the British Minister, ' under 
 the administration of Senor Doblado ; the British Gtovern- 
 ment asks nothing better. But it does not wish to interfere.' 
 (Lord John RusseU to Sir Charles Wycke, 1st April.) 
 
 Thus England definitely withdrew from the Mexican 
 enterprise, while the Spanish troops, which had also been 
 withdrawn from Orizaba on 18th April, had Ukewise 
 vacated Mexican territory by the 24th of that month, 
 leaving the French forces, amounting now to considerably 
 over twenty-eight thousand men, to fight their battles 
 unaided. 
 
 The French Government was so hopelessly compro- 
 mised, that no other course than that of pursuing a war 
 which it had quite unnecessarily provoked was possible. 
 
90 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 The fact need hardly be emphasised that the disagree- 
 ment between the Allies' representatives as to the inter- 
 pretation of a certain clause in the Convention of London 
 proved very acceptable to Benito Juarez and the members 
 of his government, who perceived in this, to them, extremely 
 fortunate circumstance a welcome release from the difficulties 
 of their position. The fact of the disagreement was loudly 
 bruited abroad, especially in the United States, and exploited 
 among the citizens of the Mexican Repubhc for aU that it 
 was worth. Convinced that the war with France could 
 not under any circumstances be avoided, it came as an 
 immense reUef to the citizen president to find that he had 
 but one powerful nation to fight instead of three. 
 
 The conduct of England and Spain was loudly acclaimed, 
 and Senor Doblado went out of his way to pay a tribute 
 to the ' nobiUty of these nations in adhering strictly to the 
 letter of the Convention of London as weU as to the Con- 
 vention of La Soledad.' There is no doubt that the French 
 commander must have felt the falsity of his position ; 
 he must have been perfectly cognisant that he appeared 
 in an unpleasant light to his colleagues as well as to the 
 whole of the Mexican people. But Admiral Jurien de la 
 Graviere, by nature a perfectly honourable man, was cast 
 for the thankless part of agent provocateur, and was com- 
 pelled to play out his discreditable role at the bidding of 
 his exacting master at the Tuileries. 
 
 On the 16th April the representatives of France (M. de 
 Saligny and the Admiral) issued yet another of their singular 
 manifestoes to the people of Mexico (Appendix m.) one 
 which was as full of platitudes, expressive of false sentiment 
 and of faithless protestations, as any that had preceded it. 
 This proclamation virtually amounted to a declaration of 
 war against Mexico, but the wily Juarez, whose plans for 
 resistance were not as yet fuUy matured, decUned to so 
 regard it, thus securing for himself further precious time 
 in which to meet the situation. Moreover, many facts 
 which were becoming known to him lent encouragement. 
 It was now within his cognisance that with many millions of 
 
JUAREZ'S COURAGE 9i 
 
 the French nation the Mexican expedition was a decidedly 
 unpopular movement ; he was no less aware that the 
 subject had divided the French Cabinet itseK, while his 
 alert European diplomatic representatives kept him well 
 informed of the opinions which were entertained in other 
 capitals respecting Napoleon's latest venture. He recog- 
 nised that however heavy might be the sacrifices which 
 were called for upon the part of the Mexicans, those exacted 
 from the French would prove hardly less real. A spirit 
 of optimism he never completely abandoned. Even when 
 he was pursued with feverish energy from town to town 
 and chased from refuge to refuge by the French columns, 
 until at length he had reached more than once the extreme 
 Umits of his own country and was compelled to seek tem- 
 porary shelter across the border of the United States, 
 the indomitable and resourceful president refused to acknow- 
 ledge defeat ; five years of imceasing pursuit and conse- 
 quent anxiety failed to shake his beUef in the eventual 
 triumph of his cause. 
 
 But the most powerful stimulant was his firm beHef in 
 the counteracting influence of the United States. The 
 jealousy with which the action of the Powers was viewed 
 across the border, the character of the diplomatic corre- 
 spondence which had passed — and week by week was 
 passing — ^between the accredited representatives at Washing- 
 ton and Paris were perfectly well known to this vigilant 
 and well-informed president. The archives concerning 
 this period of Mexican history, which exist to-day, prove 
 conclusively that Juarez's intelligence department was 
 both admirably organised and efficiently served. 
 
 He now made a stirring final appeal to his people, one in 
 which he ordered aU men between the ages of twenty-one and 
 sixty to take up arms under the penalty of being denounced 
 as traitors. AU Frenchmen Uving in the country were to be 
 protected and placed under the direct charge of the authori- 
 ties ; but any Mexican citizen or soldier who was foimd supply- 
 ing provisions or armaments to the enemy would, upon con- 
 viction, be at once put to death as a betrayer of his country. 
 
92 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Benito Juarez, whose twenty thousand troops were con- 
 centrated in three divisions — San Luis Potosi, (Gruanajuato, 
 and Guadalajara — ^found himself confronted by a powerful 
 opposition among his own countrymen (many of whom 
 were principally influenced by personal reasons such as 
 hatred of the ruHng president and his ministers, or by 
 hopes of deriving individual advantage), who declared them- 
 selves in favour of the French intervention. Again, there 
 were to be found some high-minded and patriotic Mexicans 
 who had become wearied of the unceasing internal struggles 
 of their countrymen, and whose firm beUef it was that a 
 strong foreign hand was much needed to put an end to the 
 long-sustained reign of anarchy and disorder. As to the 
 particular form of government to be decided upon, they 
 were perhaps the more disposed to try a monarchy on 
 account of the long series of failures which had marked 
 the Republican administration from the date of the first 
 constitutional president in October of 1824 to the advent of 
 Benito Juarez in 1859. 
 
 Finally, when the last shadow of doubt as to the in- 
 tentions of France had been dispelled and war between 
 that country and Mexico was proclaimed. President Juarez 
 issued a further pronunciamento, and by the beginning 
 of the month of May 1862 the rupture between the French 
 and Mexican governments was complete, and hostilities 
 were in full swing. 
 
 The commencement of war was characterised by a pre- 
 liminary breach of faith upon the part of the French, for 
 notwithstanding the stipulation, contained in the Con- 
 vention of La Soledad, that if, and when, hostilities broke 
 out all the foreign troops should leave Orizaba and retire 
 beyond the line of the Chiquihuite, the French refused to 
 comply. This civilised people therefore inaugurated, a 
 campaign, which was intended to teach the Mexicans the 
 significance of the word ' honour,' by a dehberate violation 
 of a solemn undertaking. The Mexicans were not slow 
 to profit by this experience of the probity of their foreign 
 enemy. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 The rival armies — ^Landing of the French expedition — ^Admiral Jurien de 
 la Gravi^re — General Forey replaces the Admiral — Rival forces 
 engaged — Spanish contingent — ^British marines — ^Mexican army — 
 Imperialist troops — ^Bazaine's valuable assistance — ^French niggard- 
 liness and lack of funds — ^The Belgian and Austrian legions — ^The 
 Liberal troops — Charges of cruelty against Juarez's followers — 
 General Miguel Miram(5n — His loyalty suspected. 
 
 It was at first intended that the Expeditionary Corps, to 
 be despatched to Mexico under the command of Rear- 
 Admiral Jurien de la Graviere in 1861, should consist of 
 marines, and the regiments selected were : one battalion 
 of Infantry, one battery of Artillery, and a landing-party of 
 Bluejackets. But a few days after the Treaty of London 
 had been signed, it was decided to add a battaUon of 
 Zouaves and a company of Chasseurs d'Afrique. The 
 Minister of War also added a train detachment, together 
 with a corps of engineers and mechanics. The complete 
 force then consisted of the following : 
 
 One Regiment of Marine Light Lifantry, under Colonel Hennique. 
 One Battalion of the Second Zouaves, under Commandant 
 
 Cousin. 
 One Battalion of Marine Fusiliers, under Captain Allegre. 
 One Company of Chasseurs d'Afrique, under Second-Lieutenant 
 
 Paplore. 
 One Battery of Marine Artillery with 4 rifled guns, under 
 
 Captain Mallat. 
 One Battery of Mountain Howitzers, served by Marines, under 
 
 Naval Lieutenant Bruat. 
 One Section of 12 rifled guns, served by Marines. (This section 
 
 was eventually discarded on account of its incompleteness.) 
 One Detachment of Sappers and Miners. 
 One ArtiUery train. 
 One Equipment train. 
 
 93 
 
94 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 A landing-party of Bluejackets. 
 A Hospital Corps. 
 
 And a detachment of Gendarmerie under Captain de Chavannes 
 de Chastel. 
 
 The first portion of the expeditionary force, composed 
 of 2400 men and 250 horses, sailed from Toulon in eleven 
 ships between the 12th and the 29th of November 1861, 
 and arrived at Vera Cruz between the dates 7th of January 
 and 16th of February 1862. 
 
 The second portion, consisting of 4711 men and 643 
 horses, imder General de Lorencez, left France in eleven 
 ships between the dates 28th of January and 8th of Feb- 
 ruary, arriving at Mexico between the 5th of March and 
 the 17th of April 1862. 
 
 The third portion, consisting of 431 men and 120 horses, 
 under General Douay, which left between the 24th of 
 March and the 24th of April, in three ships, arrived at its 
 destination between. the dates 15th of May and 20th of 
 June. 
 
 The fourth section, consisting of 3416 men and 820 
 horses, under General Forey, and accommodated in nine 
 vessels ; the fifth section, composed of 5824 men and 848 
 horses, accommodated in seven vessels (1st Convoy), 525 men 
 with 219 horses in five vessels (2nd Convoy), 1064 men and 
 352 horses in seven vessels (3rd Convoy), 2086 men with 
 611 horses, in seven vessels (4th Convoy), 3351 men and 431 
 horses, in seven vessels (5th Convoy) ; and the sixth section, 
 composed of 6326 men with 388 horses, conveyed in eight 
 vessels, left France during the first days of August, arriving 
 at Vera Cruz at various dates in the following October. 
 
 Further despatches of troops took place up to the 
 25th of June 1865, the total number amounting to 38,493 
 men and 5724 horses. 
 
 The Spanish army imder General Prim (Coimt Reuss) 
 consisted of 7000 men, while England merely despatched 
 a single company of Marines. In view of the insignificant 
 part which the Spanish and English troops took in the 
 subsequent proceedings, it is unnecessary to refer with 
 
THE LATE QUEEN LOUISE-MARIE, SECOND WIFE OF 
 
 LEOPOLD I., KING OF THE BELGIANS 
 
 Parents of the liMPKESs CiiAHLorii; 
 
FRENCH FORCES 
 
 95 
 
 any greater fulness to the composition of these two expedi- 
 tionary forces. 
 
 By the 1st of December 1862, when General Forey 
 arrived in Mexico to take command in place of Rear- 
 Admiral Jurien de la Gravi^re, the distribution of the 
 various commands was as follows : 
 Commander-in-Chief : General Forey. 
 Chief of the General Sta£E : Staff Colonel d'Auvergne. 
 Commandant of Artillery : Brigadier - General Vemhet de 
 
 Laumiere. 
 Chief of the Artillery Staff : Major de LajaiUe. 
 Commandant of Engineers : Colonel ViaUa. 
 Chief of the Engineer Staff : Major Corbin. 
 Chief of the Administrative Service : MiUtary Commissary 
 Wolf. 
 
 First Infantry Division. 
 Divisional General Bazaine. 
 Chief of Staff : Lieutenant-Colonel Lacroix. 
 fl8th Battahon of 
 mandant Lamy. 
 1st Regiment of 
 
 Brincourt. 
 81st Regiment of the Line : Colonel de 
 la Canorgue. 
 
 '20th Battalion of Chassems : Com- 
 mandant Lepage de Longchamps. 
 
 95th Regiment of the Line : Colonel 
 JoUvet. 
 
 3rd Zouaves : Colonel Mangin. 
 
 Algerian Sharpshooters : Commandant 
 Cottret. 
 
 Second Infaniry Division. 
 
 Douay, Provisional Commandant of the 
 
 1st Brigade : 
 General Baron Neigre. 
 
 Chassem's : Com- 
 
 Zouaves : Colonel 
 
 2nd Brigade : 
 General de Castagny. 
 
 Brigadier-General 
 
 Division. 
 Chief of Staff : Major (Captain), Acting. 
 
 '1st BattaUon of Chasseurs 
 
 1st Brigade 
 Colonel L'Heriller, 
 Commanding Pro- 
 visionally. 
 
 99th Regiment of 
 
 L'HeriUer. 
 2nd Regiment of 
 
 Gambler. 
 
 the Line : Colonel 
 
 Zouaves : Colonel 
 
96 
 
 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 2nd Brigade : 
 General de Berthier. 
 
 7th Battalion of Chasseurs : Comman- 
 dant Albici. 
 
 51st Regiment of the Line : Colonel 
 Gamier. 
 
 62nd Regiment of the Line : Colonel 
 Baron Aymard. 
 
 Cavalry Brigade. 
 
 Brigadier-General Mirandol. 
 
 1st Regiment : Colonel de Br6mond d'Ars. 
 
 2nd Regiment : Colonel du Barail. 
 
 Marines. 
 
 Battalion of Marine Fusiliers : Naval Lieutenant Bruat. 
 2nd Regiment of Marine Infantry ; Colonel Hennique. 
 
 In spite of the rapid progress which had been made in 
 the organisation and despatch to Mexico of the French 
 troops, they were outstripped by the Spaniards. Much 
 to his surprise, upon his arrival at Havana on the 27th of 
 December 1861, Admiral Jurien de la Graviere found that 
 the Spanish troops had left for Vera Cruz on the 17th of 
 that month, and had already occupied the port. Upon a 
 protest being lodged. General Prim (Count Reuss), in com- 
 mand of the Spanish force, expressed great regret at any 
 misunderstanding having occurred in regard to the actual 
 date of departure of his army, and intimated his desire to 
 await the arrival of the French and English squadrons 
 before making any further demonstrations before Vera 
 Cruz. 
 
 Even in those early days disagreements arose between 
 the three representatives, for whereas Admiral Jurien de la 
 Graviere and General Prim both declared that their in- 
 structions called for an immediate advance into the interior 
 of Mexico, Commodore Dunlop, in command of the British 
 marines, read his instructions as forbidding him to make 
 any movement into the interior. The dispute threatening 
 to become acute, and thinking to avoid any further friction, 
 Commodore Dimlop telegraphed to England for instructions, 
 and when these arrived they were found to confirm the 
 
MEXICAN ARMY 97 
 
 previous views of the Cabinet, which were 'to adhere 
 strictly to the Convention of London,' which had been 
 signed on the 31st October 1861. 
 
 The Mexican army devoted to the imperial cause was 
 at this time in a very bad state of discipline, and practically 
 without either uniforms or equipment. In regard to pay, 
 until the French came into the coimtry and guaranteed 
 the defrayment, there had been no distribution among the 
 rank and file for many months, while the pay of the officers 
 was several months in arrear. The number of Mexican 
 troops under French and native command amounted to 
 20,285 men, but their ranks were continually being depleted 
 by desertions to the Liberals, although fresh levies, made 
 occasionally among the peasantry, resulted in some of the 
 vacancies being filled. 
 
 The Mexican troops owning fealty to the emperor were 
 apportioned as follows : — Under General Marquez (MoreUa 
 and neighbourhood, Jalapa, and Perote), 6099 men ; under 
 General Mejia (San Luis Potosi, Venado, and Matehuala), 
 5270 men ; under Brigadier-General Vicario (Cuemavaca, 
 Iguala, etc.), 1876 men ; under Colonel Flon (Puebla, 
 Tepejo, etc.), 236 men ; under Colonel Trujeque (Puebla, 
 Acatlan and Athxco), 419 men ; under Colonel Arguelles 
 (Cordoba), 304 men ; under Colonel Galvez (Orizaba), 291 
 men ; under Colonel Valdez (Toluca), 871 men ; imder 
 Colonel Navarette (Toluca), 356 men ; under Colonel Cano 
 (Pachuca), 99 men ; under Colonel Antonio Dominguez 
 (Pachuca), 205 men ; under Colonel Piguerrero (Vera Cruz), 
 153 men ; under Commandant Ribeira (San Martin and 
 Texmelucan), 66 men ; imder Commandant Jose de la 
 Pena (Tula), 107 men ; under Commandant Murcia (La 
 Soledad), 100 men ; under Colonel Chaves (Aguascahentes), 
 625 men ; under Colonel Zermeno (Lagos), 318 men ; under 
 Colonel Cuellar (Guadalajara), 329 men ; under Colonel 
 Renteria (also at Guadalajara), 582 men ; under Colonel 
 CasteUanos (Tepatitlan), 106 men ; under General Velarde 
 (La Barca), 562 men ; under Colonel Santiago CasteUanos 
 (Guadalajara), 87 men ; under Colonel Dugain (at Tampico 
 
 G 
 
98 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 and district around), 848 men, while there were further 
 272 men in the ambulance and hospital corps. 
 
 The task of elaborating a scheme for the reorganisation 
 of the Mexican army was entrusted by Maximilian, who 
 personally knew very little about military matters while 
 having an intimate and practical knowledge of naval affairs, 
 to General Bazaine. On 26th January 1865 the emperor 
 signed the mihtary code of laws which was submitted to 
 him. A complete reorganisation of the Ministry of War 
 was undertaken at the same time, and henceforth the re- 
 sponsible minister had to deal personally with aU questions 
 which concerned the national army. Neither Maximilian 
 not Bazaine, however, was able to find any French or 
 Mexican officer who either would or could undertake the 
 detail work of reorganisation, and failing these the emperor 
 appointed the Austrian Gteneral, Coimt de Thiin, to under- 
 take the task. This distinguished officer found immense 
 difficulties confronting him at every turn, for few Mexicans 
 presented themselves who were worthy of confidence, 
 while the civil functionaries in many instances opposed 
 themselves strenuously to the interference of foreigners, 
 refusing to accept orders from them, and discouraging those 
 of their countrymen who clung to the empire. 
 
 The Mexican army in favotir of the empire reckoned 
 in its ranks — ^without taking into consideration a weU- 
 equipped body of artillery — ^some 35,650 foot soldiers, horse 
 and artiUery, with 11,073 horses, this total including, how- 
 ever, both regulars, irregulars, and municipal troops. The 
 foreign legion comprised about 1325 Belgians and 6545 
 Austrians, with 1409 horses. Thus Maximihan's total 
 forces stood at an efficient streE^h of 43,520 men and 
 12,482 horses. Such a force, commanded by capable 
 French officers, was undoubtedly powerful enough to have 
 firmly and effectively established the empire in Mexico, 
 notwithstanding the large number of Liberal troops opposed 
 to them. But apart from the general ill-feeling which 
 prevailed among the imperial force, owing to jealousy of 
 the foreigner and the lack — ^at a later date — of their pro- 
 
BAZAINE'S ASSISTANCE 99 
 
 mised pay, dissensions broke out between the French and 
 Mexican officers and, again, between Frenchman and 
 Frenchman and Mexican and Mexican. 
 
 Bazaine had sufficient experience of the Mexicans to fear 
 them when their bellies were empty and their pockets un- 
 ffiled. Those who suffered the most turned themselves 
 into robbers and highwaymen, and found the occupation 
 far more profitable and scarcely more hazardous. Upon 
 numerous occasions the whole of the imperial troops would 
 have remained unpaid, as they were frequently unfed, but 
 for the Marshal taking upon his own shoulders the respon- 
 sibiUty of authorising the French Paymaster-Greneral to 
 make an advance . Upon one occasion this advance amounted 
 to five miUion francs (£200,000). It was this act upon 
 the part of Bazaine which drew from Maximilian the 
 appreciative letter of 5th February 1866, in which he 
 wrote : ' I have just learnt of the valuable service which 
 you have rendered to my Gtovernment by coming to its 
 help at the time of a difficult financial crisis. Be pleased 
 to receive my most sincere thanks for the discretion and 
 kindness which you have exercised in this delicate matter, 
 which to me doubles the value of the service.' 
 
 Although Maximihan was prompt and gentiine enough 
 in the expression of his thanks, Bazaine's timely ' service ' 
 was iU received in Paris, Napoleon causing a lengthy and 
 admonitive communication to be addressed to his Com- 
 mander-in-chief, warning him against any fiurther acts of 
 the kind, and instructing him to categorically refuse any 
 further advance to the Mexican army. 
 
 Notwithstanding these commands, received direct from 
 the Tuileries, Bazaine did, upon at least one other occasion, 
 consent to an advance — ^for the sum of 2,500,000, francs — 
 to the exhausted treasury, a sum for which Maximihan 
 had pleaded at an imperial council. Both Sefior J. M. A. 
 de Lacunza, the President of the Council, and the Minister 
 for War, had supphcated in vain. The French Minister, 
 M. Dano, and M. de Maintenant, the French Inspector 
 of Finance, had refused, while Marshal Bazaine expressed 
 
100 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 himself as impotent in the matter. Then Maximihan, for 
 once asserting himself strongly, exclaimed : — ' Doing away 
 with all detail, the question may be summed up in a very 
 few words — it is either the bankruptcy of the empire or 
 the hope of saving it. If the personages who represent 
 France at this council are not wiUing to take the respon- 
 sibility of spending a few millions, they must take that of 
 having allowed bankruptcy to intervene, which assuredly 
 would not be the desire of the Emperor Napoleon, who has 
 always shown himself to be the friend of the Mexican 
 empire.' 
 
 In view of the lack of funds necessary to clothe, equip, and 
 feed the imperial troops, it is little surprising that their 
 numbers should have continued to suffer diminution, and 
 that widespread dissatisfaction should have prevailed 
 among those who still remained faithful to Maximilian's 
 cause. It was not alone the Mexican troops who were 
 suffering, for the Austro-Belgian legion were in equally 
 sad straits. According to the provision of the Convention 
 of Miramar (clause 3) the foreign legion were to remain 
 under the command of French officers but in the service 
 of the Mexican emperor for ' six years after all the other 
 French troops had been recalled.' The French Grovemment 
 were nevertheless compelled to find the money necessary for 
 the maintenance of these troops — some eight thousand in 
 all — since their disbanding would have broken up the entire 
 imperial forces and have left the empire at the mercy of 
 the republicans. 
 
 Owing to the fact that the majority of the Austrian 
 Legion — composed of Poles and Croatians — ^spoke nothing 
 but their own language, and the Belgians little else than 
 their native Flemish, the French and Mexican officers found 
 the utmost difficulty in making themselves understood, 
 since all orders were given in Spanish. Even the officers 
 who were Austrians and Belgian-born had great trouble in 
 explaining themselves satisfactorily. Very few of the French 
 officers could speak Spanish, Bazaine being one of the excep- 
 tions, while Captain J. J. Kendall, an Englishman formerly 
 
LIBERAL TROOPS lOi 
 
 in the 44th and 6th Regiments of her Britannic Majesty 
 was another. 
 
 The Liberal or Republican army may be estimated at 
 numbering 70,000 men, but sometimes their ranks were 
 more full than at others, desertions and fresh accessions 
 about equalising. The commands were distributed as 
 follows : — ^Under General Escobedo, 6000 ; First contingent 
 of Durango, San Luis Potosi, and Zacatecas, 400 ; Con- 
 tingent at Guanajuato, 4000 ; Army of the Centre, 8200 ; 
 Army of the West, 8000 ; Army of the South, 5000 ; Army 
 of the East, 15,000 ; under Leiva and Altamarino, 2200 ; 
 guerillas in different portions of the Republic, who were 
 mainly robbers and cut-throats in the pay of the Liberals, 
 for the mere pm-pose of harrying the imperial troops, about 
 10,000 ; garrisons left in charge of reconquered or evacuated 
 towns, 6600 ; and the small army, acting imder the com- 
 mand of Antonio Carabazal, about 1000. 
 
 According to Captain KendaU, whose name has already 
 been referred to, and who has left a record of his experi- 
 ences in Mexico under Maximilian, the RepubUcan army 
 had no nulitary organisation anterior to the arrival of the 
 French troops in Mexico. The army, such as it was, had 
 been formed and disciplined within a period of three months. 
 Captain Kendall has attributed this remarkable feat to 
 the assistance rendered surreptitiously, but none the less 
 effectively, by the United States. That evidence of this 
 material support exists there is no doubt whatever, and 
 it will be adduced in its proper sequence. 
 
 Those who would sneer at the heterogeneous assembly of 
 ill-equipped tatterdemalions, who for the most part com- 
 posed the Mexican Liberal forces, should also remember 
 that they succeeded, through five years of hard-fought 
 battles, in not alone defending themselves against the immea- 
 surably superior French army, but also against the not 
 inconsiderable imperial forces, which enjoyed the advan- 
 tage of foreign instruction and, at the commencement of 
 the campaign at least, of foreign financial resources and 
 equipment. 
 
102 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 It is little less than astonishing that the Liberals should 
 have succeeded as weU as they did — ^without clothes, without 
 food, without equipment, sometimes provided merely with 
 pikes, sometimes with sticks and sometimes with stones — 
 in defending themselves, and occasionally in leading the 
 attack, against the splendid soldiery of France, against the 
 Marshals Bazaine and Forey, against the Generals de 
 Lorencez, Douay, Neigre, de Castagny, and de Potier, with 
 their canons rayes, their rifles, their serried ranks, their 
 discipline, and their perfected commissariat. When the 
 shivering Mexicans were starving, the French soldiery were 
 feasting ; while the luckless Liberals were fighting for 
 months without having received a single centavo of their pay, 
 the French troops were able to transmit from their savings 
 and looting considerable sums to their relatives in the 
 homeland. 
 
 The Mexican soldiery have been accused of perpetrating 
 numerous and unheard-of barbarities during the period 
 of their five years of struggle ; and no doubt they did. 
 It is the nature of the average Mexican, almost full-blooded 
 Indian that he is, to revenge himself in a gross and brutal 
 manner. Civilisation has had but little influence in chang- 
 ing his naturally savage disposition ; one, therefore, ap- 
 proaches the consideration of the charges brought against 
 him with calmness and circumspection. 
 
 But it has to be remembered that the French troops were 
 likewise proved guilty of nameless acts of cruel retaliation, 
 of inflicting needlessly savage punishment, wreaking im- 
 placable revenge, and as often committing ferocious deeds 
 of outrage. The complete account of the French attack 
 upon Puebla, of the oppression to which innocent women 
 and children were subjected, of the inhuman treatment 
 meted out to the luckless men who fell into their hands as 
 prisoners of war, of their hunting from their concealment 
 with faggot and sword those who had hidden themselves, 
 of the number of illegal and unwarrantable private execu- 
 tions of civil prisoners, untried and undefended, history 
 has preserved no record. 
 
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MIGUEL MIRAM6N 103 
 
 The catalogue of Buch acts remains, however, deeply 
 buried in the memories of the children and of the 
 children's children of the survivors; many a harrowing 
 account, with circumstantial evidence in abundance, has 
 been related to me. 
 
 The Imperial army was not very well supplied with 
 experienced and capable officers, but among the latter 
 there was to be foimd at least one remarkable man. 
 
 Miguel Miram6n, who had a considerable portion of 
 French blood in his veins and stiU more of the Gallic dis- 
 position in his character, was born in Mexico the same year 
 that witnessed the birth of Maximilian' — 1832 — and in the 
 month of September. He was little more than a youth 
 when, in 1847, he helped to defend the old castle of Chapul- 
 tepec — ^formerly the palace of Moctezuma (rebuilt by the 
 Spanish Viceroy of Mexico, Don Matias de Galvaez) — when 
 it was attacked by the troops of the United States tmder 
 Gteneral Winfield Scott. From this day Miramon, hke so 
 many Mexican soldiers, cherished an abiding hatred for 
 the Yankees, who, according to the Mexicans' ideas, were 
 bound some day to become their complete masters. Yoimg 
 Miram6n distinguished himself greatly by his coxirage upon 
 this as upon many other occasions, such as in 1853, when 
 he proved his valour as a soldier by his splendid services 
 in the defence of Puebla, before the town was captured by 
 the French. 
 
 From the army he drifted into active poUtics, and from 
 having supported the presidential candidature of Felix 
 Zuloaga as a rival ' Chief Magistrate ' against the preten- 
 sions of both Comonfort and Alvarez and the constitutional 
 President Benito Juarez, and having succeeded in secur- 
 ing the former's election, Miramon himself accepted presi- 
 dential honours. In 1859 Zuloaga, who then had had 
 enough of the presidency after eighteen months' experi- 
 ence, resigned in favour of Miram6n, but the latter likewise 
 was destined to enjoy but a brief period of authority ; after 
 serving for a few months he retimied the comphment by 
 resigning in favotu" of Zuloaga now wishful to return. 
 
104 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 At this time the whole country was in a state of seething 
 revolution, and all kinds of excesses were being perpetrated. 
 A violent attack was made upon the British Legation at 
 Mexico City, while the Conservative and Liberal forces 
 were locked in a deadly struggle for the reins and sweets 
 of office. Finally the latter triumphed, and, following the 
 capitulation of Guadalajara, Miramon was compelled to 
 flee from the country and to go into hiding. He remained 
 abroad, first in the United States and later in Europe, where 
 he conducted a vigorous campaign against President Juarez, 
 and ardently advocated foreign intervention. 
 
 Miram6n was considered a remarkably handsome man; 
 for a Mexican, he was unusually fair skinned. He was gifted 
 with a great amount of natural eloquence and grace of 
 manner, being a ready and agreeable conversationahst and 
 extremely witty upon occasions. He was precisely the 
 kind of individual who was calculated to favourably impress 
 Maximilian. He made friends almost at sight, and yet 
 he was of rather a cynical nature, and at certain times gave 
 rise to doubts as to his complete sincerity. His smile, 
 though described as 'charming,' was often sinister, even 
 while his words may have been suave. Certain historians 
 have accused him of harbouring treacherotis thoughts 
 towards Maximilian, but the latter coxild never be induced 
 to believe aught but what was good of him, and he lived 
 and died under the firm conviction of Miram6n's implicit 
 loyalty. At least Miramon suffered for and with him ; 
 side by side they faced the platoon which ended their young 
 and promising lives. 
 
 By Count Emile de Keratry, who professes to have had 
 the original accusatory correspondence in his possession, 
 Miram6n is bluntly accused of having been a traitor to 
 his adopted sovereign. He says : ' Miramon's head Avill 
 never wear the martyr's halo of glory. Our government ^ 
 is generally too well informed of all that goes on in Paris 
 not to have known that the former president (Miram6n) 
 of the Republic of Mexico used often to say in certain salons 
 
 > That of France. 
 
MIRAM6N'S character 105 
 
 that he was only returning to Mexico to reascend the presi- 
 dential chair after the downfall of the monarchy. If he 
 had been successful in his northern campaign, it is a matter 
 of certainty that he would have turned his arms against 
 his sovereign.' 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 War in earnest — Second French expedition compared with the first — 
 Napoleon's explanatory letter to Gteneral Forey — General deLorencez 
 assumes command — ^Acultzingo taken — ^Move on Puebla — ^Defeat of 
 the French (5th May 1862) — Retirement upon Orizaba — Mexican 
 triumph — Bad advice of Almonte and de Saligny — Gteneral Marquez 
 joins the French — ^Arrival of General Douay — Battle of Barranca 
 Veca (18th May) — ^Defeat of Mexicans — ^DiflSculties of the French — 
 Defence of Orizaba — ^Heavy French losses — Napoleon's encourage- 
 ment of de Lorencez — ^Public disapproval in France. 
 
 The Mexican expedition imdertaken by France in 1862 
 was very different in character from, and reflected much less 
 honour upon the French arms than, the campaign of 1839. 
 This latter had gone far to raise the prestige of the kingdom 
 in the eyes of foreign nations. Particularly was this the 
 case with regard to the successful bombardment of San 
 Juan d'Ulloa, an island fortress near Vera Cruz, by a French 
 fleet commanded by Admiral Baudin, and under whose orders 
 the king's youngest son, the Prince de JoinviUe, made his 
 first essay in arms. 
 
 In connection with this earlier trouble between France 
 and Mexico, the government of the first-named had become 
 involved in a serious dispute in consequence of some piratical 
 acts committed on French subjects by Mexicans, who, 
 since the day of their revolt against Spain, had been in a 
 state of continual anarchy, and as a consequence of a refusal 
 upon the part of the Mexican Government to admit the 
 French to the privileges enjoyed by other nations. Negoti- 
 ations having failed to produce any effect upon the obstinate 
 republicans, who were as ignorant of the strength of their 
 enemies as they were incapable of developing any of their 
 
 own, a squadron consisting of three line-of-battle ships — 
 
 los 
 
GENERAL FOREY 107 
 
 La Nereide, La Oloire, and L'Iphigenie — the Creole frigate, 
 and two bomb vessels, approached Vera Cruz ; having 
 failed to bring the Mexican authorities to terms, Admiral 
 Baudin prepared for an immediate attack on the fort of 
 San Juan d'Ulloa, which commanded then, as it commands 
 now, the entry to the town. Such was the vigour of the 
 cannonade that in foiu: hours the white flag was hoisted 
 upon the fort, the walls of which had been reduced to a 
 mere heap of ruins. The Admiral landed a strong body of 
 marines under the command of the Prince de Joinville, who 
 advanced on the city of Vera Cruz itself and soon reduced 
 it to submission. Thus the French not only won their 
 battle, but secured the privileges for which they had fought. 
 In 1862, however, their cause was not so just a one, and 
 their experiences in the contest waged proved decidedly 
 less successful in the end. 
 
 That Napoleon had other than philanthropic motives in 
 sending his legions to Mexico, is practically admitted in 
 the letter (given below) which he addressed to General 
 Forey. 
 
 ' FoNTAiNBLEAiT, July 5, 1862. 
 
 ' My dear General, — ^There will be people to ask you why 
 we waste so many men, and spend so much money, in establish- 
 ing a regular government in Mexico. 
 
 ' In the present state of the civilised world, the prosperity of 
 America is not indifferent to Europe, for America supports our 
 manufactories and keeps alive oiu" commerce. We are in- 
 terested in keeping the United States a powerful and prosperous 
 republic ; but it will not be interesting to us if it takes posses- 
 sion of the whole of the GuK of Mexico, and governs the West 
 Indies and South America, thus controlling the entire produce 
 of the New World. We now see by sad experience how pre- 
 carious an industry is that which is compelled to seek its raw 
 material in a single market, the changes of which so seriously 
 affect it. 
 
 'Now if Mexico preserves its independence and maintains 
 the integrity of its territory ; if a firm government is established 
 there by the aid of France, we shall give to the Latin race beyond 
 the ocean its ancient strength and power ; we shall have guaran- 
 
108 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 teed the security of our own and the Spanish colonies in the 
 West Indies ; we shall have extended our benevolent influence 
 to the centre of America, and that influence, while it makes a 
 market for our fabrics, secures us the material indispensable 
 to our manufactures. 
 
 ' Mexico, thus regenerated, will ever be favourable to us, not 
 only from gratitude, but also because its interests will coincide 
 with ours, and because it will find a support in its relations with 
 European powers. Napoleon,' 
 
 The first of the expeditionary forces put into the field by 
 France was one of seven thousand three hundred men under 
 the command of General de Lorencez. This distinguished 
 oflficer felt so confident of his troops, all of whom were at 
 this early stage in excellent health (with the sole excep- 
 tion of the men of the first column who had not completely 
 recovered from their first experiences), that in a letter to 
 the Minister of War in Paris, dated 26th April 1862, the 
 General had written : 
 
 ' We have such an enormous superiority over the Mexicans 
 in point of discipline, organisation, and morale, that I beg 
 you will assure the Emperor that at the head of six thous- 
 and men I would undertake to become complete master of 
 Mexico.' 
 
 His first move was on the town of Puebla, called by the 
 Mexicans the ' City of the Angels ' (Puebla de los Angeles), 
 a name conferred upon it by the pious Spanish builders of 
 1532. Active operations commenced on 27th April. The 
 town was at this time occupied by General Zaragoza, a 
 brave soldier but a very brutal governor, a man, moreover, 
 who cordially detested all foreigners and had a particular 
 loathing for the French, whom he remembered with much 
 bitterness in the year of 1839. The Mexican General had 
 command of about twelve thousand men, divided into five 
 brigades of infantry, two hundred horsemen, and six pieces 
 of cannon. Among his officers was Colonel Escobedo, who 
 was destined to play so important a part against the Maxi- 
 milian regime, while among other commanding officers 
 were General Arteaga and General Negrete. 
 
ATTACK ON PUEBLA 109 
 
 It was in this memorable encoimter that General Porfirio 
 Diaz again distinguished himself greatly by following up 
 some previously-won successes against a number of Mexican 
 officers — among whom was General Marquez — who were 
 carrying on an active revolutionary movement against 
 the established government of Benito Juarez. 
 
 General de Lorencez, as a preliminary, took possession 
 of the small neighbouring village of Acultzingo, and here 
 he established his camp. From this point he intended to 
 march on the town of Puebla, and imagined an easy task 
 awaited him. He neither knew how many men were 
 opposed to him nor anything regarding their disposition, 
 and the first surprise which awakened him to the danger of 
 his position was a furious fusillade directed against a 
 company of Zouaves which he had sent to climb some 
 heights in order to obtain some idea of the town and its 
 defences. 
 
 For several horn's the French troops endeavoured to 
 enter the town through the passage of ' La Cumbres,' but 
 it was too strongly held by the enemy. The 29th and 
 30th of April passed without any advantage being secured 
 by either side, heavy rains rendering operations extremely 
 difficult and disagreeable for the French besiegers. Puebla 
 was then — as now — ^an open town, with regularly-built 
 streets at right-angles to one another, each block of build- 
 ings forming a sort of square fortress, well protected by 
 barricades. The many religious houses, convents, monas- 
 teries, and seminaries were armed and served by civilian 
 volunteers, so that General de Lorencez found his arrival 
 well prepared against and a stout resistance offered. 
 
 The attack upon the town was made on 5th May 1862. 
 At daybreak the French forces had left their night-quarters 
 which had been pitched at the village of Amozoc, and by 
 half-past nine they were before the walls of Puebla, con- 
 fronting the 12,000 men under General Zaragoza's command. 
 It was almost dark before hostilities were suspended for 
 the day, and by that time the French commander had lost 
 476 men killed, missing, and wounded. Only two fell into 
 
no MAXIMILIAN IN MMXKK) 
 
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 hil>t(>i', H.'l moil IiimI Ihhmi klllml, iiml \',\'2 wimiiiiIihI, wlilln 
 12 \v(>i'n t'it|iorli(Ml iiiImnIiik, 
 
 'riit^ l<'i'(^ii(tli litul IiimI niiHIiiIi^iiIj llgliliiig lur Mm Mum Imliig, 
 II 11(1 OdiiM'iiil till liiii'i>ii(<n/, (loliiM'iiilimil III) I'l^MiHi iifj;iiilii III) 
 (h'i/jiiliiii, lui n|iiM'aiiiiii wlilnli Im (MuritMl oiili in |ii^i'l'ooli (ii'i|iii>, 
 h'lii' (iwn (liiyH iiJlcrwiu'iln Mut IVlnxi<iiuiH wi'i'o iiJ'i'iiilil lio leoivn 
 Mi(t Idwji'h hIioHiim', I)iiI< on Mm NMi iil' May Mii\v (iiimi'Ki^il, tuiil 
 iliulinij; Mm <uiimI, t\\m,y hiviiI, ii|i IhikI piuiuiN iil' vlnliiiry. 
 'I'liniiiKlKiiili Mm Mii^piililid Mioy hoiili iimNNiiii)((<i'H in pi'oiiliiiini 
 Mil) ' iiiHliiiiiniliiig NiiuiioNN III' Mio lU'iUM III' Mm iiliililmn ol' 
 AmiI/Iiiiihi ovnr Mm Huldiitm nl' Mio JIi'nIi puwiM' In illQ woi'lil.' 
 •liiiU'it/< iiiViUinil liiiiiHi^ll' III' Mm piiHHiiiK itnMiiiNliiiHin Iid iniliiim 
 CiingrnHH, wliinli wiM iiJioiir liii imIJoiii'II, Iio jiliiiit) I'lill 
 iMliniiiiHlj'iiiMvd piiworN in IiIn IiiiiIhIn, 
 
 (Uiiii'I'mJ (In iiiiriiiiiHt/,, will) IiimI liiuni Juiimij liy Nnvitnil 
 MiixiniMi iniiJ(ioiil<i<iil/H, iimllicliilM (liiiiincl liiipi</. imiiI tiliuiili 
 (,wiilv<t oMmi'M, Jiow roMi'i'il hMII I'liiilmr I'l'uni Mm tiiwiw of 
 liJH iiiin tlnl'iMii, litiiving ()ri/jiJ)iii nil OMi Miiy I'm' ii, Ntinniiil 
 Hliii.y III/ Aiiin/oi), wimi'o Im IiimI Imnn iinmui'imI liy IVI. <ln 
 Mii'liKiiy iuhI OiiimniJ Alitiniilio hIiI'ihik rnJiiriirnoiimnlM wiiiiM 
 ir.iMili liiiii I'i'nin Ommml IVIiu'ipm/,. Nnim, linwiwni', lurlvml, 
 iuhI Mm niMi'iiip; iiiovitiimiil/ WMN, MiKnirmn, (iniiMiiiiidl l;i) 
 'ropmiDii, (llMi May), A<)iilt/,lii|u;n (laMi May), g,imiilii)liMi 
 (i:iMi Miiy), l'iUiriiu'(HMi Mii,y), and l-ii, (lalliidH, (IrtUi Mii.y). 
 Ai raliiiar, ol' Mm miiii/Ji Imdy nl' Miixlmui f^iirrilliw, who 
 IiimI Iii;i;ii liiuniKnitig Mm i'Vitimli l/i'nnpH I'oc hniim dii.yt^, 
 ii/liniil, iwonl/y l/Wo wiii'n iiM/anlntd and liapMirnd. 
 
 On Mm l7Mi, Miu'ijim/. luid hiN navalry Moop (lionipoMiid 
 nl 2700 tnon iukI hormiH) jniimd Mm i'Viinnli I'mni Mid/ainnra«. 
 On Mm I'nilowltig dii.y n. i'lirMmr mtiinim itn(/,a^,itnii-iiil/ inoli 
 plaiM) l)nl,wi'/<)n Mm oppnHJnjj! I'nicuM, Mm ni«ull/ ol' wllloli WIIM 
 u cnniplol/ii d<tl'nal/ nl' f/lm Mifxl'iann, wlin )n«l, a lianimr and 
 1200 prinnni'-m (iiniludinK 400 liomnnmn), wiMi idiniil, 100 
 l<ill<id and 200 wounditd. 'I'lio HVdiidIi loxt \ntl I'nw iimn, 
 l)ul/ ol' Mii'/ir Muxiisan nUlo« adnul/ 200 wi iv. niMmr killiid or 
 woiinikid. 'I'liiM onoounl,!!!' want Unnwn um Mw liiiMJo of ' Mm 
 J>ry '/iilly ' or ' ol IJanunisa Voua.' 
 
Rft>~'T»fs .tf IMS. i^iri,!^^ i>; Vic; >>TM. vM Xii \-i>\^ 
 
GENERAL DOUAY ill 
 
 General de Lorencez was far from feeling appeased at 
 the triumph above recorded, for the disaster at Puebla 
 was still fresh in his mind. He held M. de Saligny, the 
 French Minister to Mexico, entirely responsible for that 
 misfortmae, since it was upon his misrepresentations, both as 
 to the unpreparedness of the town for an attack and the 
 kind of welcome which the inhabitants would be likely to 
 extend to the French troops, that General de Lorencez 
 had been induced to undertake the assault. All his efforts 
 were now devoted to re-estabUshing his connections with 
 his base at Vera Cruz, which had been interrupted. The 
 utmost difficulty had hitherto been found in obtaining the 
 necessary supplies for his troops, and recourse had had to 
 be made to seizing whatever supphes of food, hay, corn, 
 and other commodities could be found at the surrounding 
 haciendas and villages. The inhabitants of Vera Cruz 
 became more and more hostile to the French, and finally 
 refused to sell to them anything in the way of food or 
 supplies, while even the French residents proved themselves 
 imfriendly. 
 
 On 16th May General Douay, who had been appointed 
 second in command of the expeditionary force, arrived at 
 Vera Cruz, bringing with him 300 men from different corps, 
 who were urgently needed to replace that portion of the 
 garrison which had become incapacitated through repeated 
 attacks of yeUow fever. In the course of a few months 
 over 180 French officers and men had died from this terrible 
 disease. 
 
 In the meanwhile. General Zaragoza, flushed with the 
 triumph of his arms at Puebla and greatly reinforced by 
 the accession of 6000 of the best troops of the RepubUc 
 under General Ortega, the Governor of Zacatecas, deter- 
 mined to take the offensive against the French and 
 besiege them at Orizaba. On the 12th of June, when the 
 town was first being threatened, the French preparations 
 for defence were far from complete. The garrison had 
 been much reduced by the departure of General Marquez 
 and his troops, and. to meet the 16,500 Mexicans who con- 
 
112 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 fronted them the French were not able to put up more 
 than 2800 men. The firing of the former was, however, 
 bad, since, as a result of 1200 shots launched against the town, 
 but one soldier was killed and six were wounded. On the 
 other hand, the Mexicans themselves lost 14 men killed 
 and wounded, among the latter being General Tapia, 
 who was very seriously injured. 
 
 During the weeks that passed between the beginning of 
 June and the end of August, the French troops at Orizaba 
 suffered great privations, and from the ravages of yellow 
 fever. Several sorties had been made for the purpose of 
 escorting parties in search of food and provender ; these 
 were collected with great difficulty and at much peril from 
 the surrounding enemy from such distant places as La 
 Soledad and .Vera Cruz. Several hundred men, Mexican 
 and French alike, died of disease in the interval, and the 
 position of the invaders, who were themselves now being 
 attacked in real earnest, became daily more and more 
 serious. 
 
 In the meantime fresh reinforcements arrived from 
 France, while among the impedimenta were a number of 
 transport wagons which ought to have been sent out many 
 months previously, but which had become either lost or 
 damaged. The early disaster which had attended the 
 French arms at Puebla (5th May) had, not unnaturally, 
 caused a very unpleasant impression in France, and 
 Napoleon determined to obviate anything of the kind 
 recurring by sending out a sufficiency of men to meet what 
 he considered the but temporarily adverse conditions. 
 By General Forey was assumed the command of an 
 additional 30,000 men, all of whom had arrived in Mexico 
 without incident at Vera Cruz by 26th July 1862. But it 
 was a considerable time before many of them could pro- 
 ceed up country to join General de Lorencez, principally 
 on account of the interruption which had occurred to his 
 line of communication. 
 
 Napoleon put as good a face, outwardly, upon the Puebla 
 matter as he could manage, and he wrote an encouraging 
 
GENERAL JUAN ALMONTE 
 Maximilian's Special Envoy to Napoleon III 
 
GENERAL DE LORENCEZ lis 
 
 letter to General de Lorencez (15th June), in the courae of 
 which he observed : ' It is the fortune of war to be success- 
 ful one day and unfortunate the next ; but do not allow 
 that to distress you. The honour of the country is at 
 stake, and you wiU be supported by all the reinforcements 
 that you can call for. TeU the troops that although I 
 am far away from them, I am watching their movements 
 with the greatest solicitude.' 
 
 This was the form of the emperor's private communica- 
 tion to General de Lorencez ; but, officially, he wrote, 
 through the Minister of War, Marshal Eandon (30th June), 
 that ' he totally disapproved of the Puebla affair, and 
 especially of the employment of artillery at a distance of 
 2500 metres from the fortifications.' The general was 
 further advised to cease quarrelling with M. de Saligny, 
 and to cultivate more friendly relations with General 
 Almonte and other French general officers. The stiff and 
 formal letter concluded by intimating that General Forey 
 would soon sail to take supreme command, and that until 
 that time arrived and he (de Lorencez) had been relieved of 
 his duties, he had better endeavour to reorganise his powers 
 of resistance and look after his provisioning arrangements 
 a little more carefully. 
 
 The receipt of this typically Napoleonic communication 
 aimoyed General de Lorencez so much that he demanded 
 permission from the Minister of War to return to France ; 
 his application, bearing date 9th August, was granted. 
 Marshal Randon, who had been an intimate friend of the 
 general, attempted to pour oil upon the troubled waters, 
 but the affair had gone too far. Not only was the fact that 
 the emperor had expressed his displeasure with the conduct 
 of the war by General de Lorencez known and pubUcly 
 commented upon in the principal French newspapers, and 
 in a spirit entirely unfavourable to the general, but the 
 disagreements between the latter. General Almonte, and 
 M. de SaUgny, had likewise become subjects of pubUc dis- 
 cussion. In spite, therefore, of the soothing advice tendered 
 • by Marshal Randon to General de Lorencez to remain in 
 
 H 
 
114 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Mexico, he still pressed for permission to return; and 
 following the disembarkation bf Greneral Forey at Vera 
 Cruz on 24th September, General de Lorencez left that 
 port for France (10th November), to the infinite regret of 
 his officers and men, who entertained for him feelings of 
 the warmest affection and regard. Greneral de Lorencez 
 may be regarded as forming the first, but only one, among 
 the many gallant and capable Frenchmen who were 
 sacrificed upon the altar of Napoleon's overweening ambi- 
 tion, combined with his ignorance regarding military 
 matters, whether conducted at home or in foreign lands. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 General Forey in supreme command — Improved French arrangements — 
 Death of General Zaragoza — ^Investment of Puebla {16th March) — 
 General Douay's task — Battle of San Pablo (5th May) — Surrender 
 of Puebla (19th May) — ^Heavy capture of Mexican prisoners — ^The 
 Mexican parole d'honneur — General Porflrio Diaz — ^March upon 
 Mexico City — Triumphal entry of French troops — Proclamation of 
 the Mexican Empire (10th July) — Recall of General Forey — French 
 losses up to date. 
 
 The second phase of the Mexican campaign, from the 
 autumn of 1862 to the 1st of October 1863, was conducted 
 under the auspices of Napoleon's much-esteemed officer 
 General (afterwards Marshal) Forey. The troops employed 
 consisted of two divisions of infantry, one brigade of cavalry, 
 and two regiments of marines. General Forey (General 
 of Division) was in supreme authority and in command of 
 the first division of infantry, which comprised the eighteen 
 battalions of light infantry (chasseurs a pied), the 1st 
 regiment of Zouaves, and the 81st regiment of the line. 
 
 The troops accompanying the Commander-in-Chief 
 numbered altogether 8000 men and 900 horses, while the 
 whole effective expeditionary force then in Mexico, including 
 the new arrivals, up to the 1st January 1863, amoimted 
 to 29,146 men, with 5845 horses and 529 mules, a total which 
 may be compared with that of 3310 which, under Admiral 
 Jurien de la Gravi^re, had been considered sufficient to quell 
 the dissenting Mexicans when the French intervention was 
 first put into execution in the month of January of the year 
 before. 
 
 It was perfectly clear that Napoleon had not in the least 
 modified his ideas regarding the subjugation of Mexico, and 
 before General Forey left France he was the recipient of a 
 
116 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 very lengthy and complete list of instructions regarding 
 his mission (dated from Fontainebleau, 3rd Jtdy 1862), 
 signed by the emperor himself. 
 
 Napoleon took good care that Greneral Torey should not 
 have to meet and overcome similar difficulties to those 
 which confronted and finally overwhelmed General de 
 Lorencez, by being placed under the instructions of and, 
 therefore made subservient to, the French Minister in 
 Mexico. Not so, however, with General Almonte, con- 
 cerning whom and his form of ' government ' ad interim 
 Napoleon has issued no instructions. The first step taken, 
 therefore, by General Forey was to publicly denounce the 
 ' government ' — ^if it can be so considered — of General 
 Almonte, and to repudiate any and every act which it had 
 promulgated. Following the usual methods, he also issued 
 a flamboyant proclamation to the Mexican nation, which, 
 eloquently as it breathed of the ' peaceful intentions ' 
 actuating the French emperor, and accentuating as it 
 sought to do the ' love which he bore for Mexico and the 
 gallant Mexicans,' was received with the same display of 
 popular indifference, and provoked the same ridicule among 
 the foreign settlement, as had characterised the reception 
 accorded to similar effusions upon the part of the three repre- 
 sentatives (General Prim, Admiral Jurien de la Graviere, 
 and Commodore Dunlop), and of General de Lorencez, 
 when issued by them upon earlier occasions. 
 
 Even in France, where the latest composition was soon 
 afterwards published, an unfavourable opinion was created, 
 and the gallant author received his first official snub in 
 the form of a letter from the Minister of War,^ disapproving 
 of the manifesto, and counselling the general ' not to abuse 
 the privilege of issuing proclamations.' 
 
 The fiery General Zaragoza having died in September 
 of his wounds received during the attack upon Puebla, the 
 command of the Mexican army had now fallen to General 
 Ortega (formerly Governor of Zacatecas). General Forey, 
 therefore, thought that it would be the proper thing to 
 
 1 Letter from Marshal Kandon to General Forey, 30th December 1862. 
 
PUEBLA INVESTED 117 
 
 send a copy of his latest proclamation, with a covering 
 letter, to the Mexican General ; but, much to his mortifi- 
 cation, both letter and enclosure were returned to him within 
 a few hours, accompanied by an intimation from the re- 
 cipient that ' such communication, on account of its char- 
 acter and language, could not be allowed to remain among 
 the archives of the Mexican Government.' 
 
 Perceiving that nothing was to be obtained from the 
 Mexican chiefs by flattery or further fulsome expressions of 
 good-will. General Forey set about the task of disposing 
 his various troops to the best advantage for the more com- 
 plete occupation of the country. Some five thousand four 
 hundred men under General de Berthier left Vera Cruz to 
 take up different positions, the town of Jalapa, formerly the 
 capital of Vera Cruz State, being among those thus occupied. 
 Another expedition was despatched to Tampico, the second 
 most important port in Mexico (Vera Cruz being the first), 
 while General Douay marched towards the town of Puebla 
 which, for the second time, was to be besieged by the French. 
 The ultimate idea was to concentrate the whole of the three 
 sections of the expeditionary force before the walls of the 
 town, and by the middle of March 1863 these had assembled, 
 with the determination to bring the place into subjection. 
 
 The investment of Puebla commenced on 16th March, 
 and the first encounter of any consequence between the 
 opposing forces was the battle of Cholula, which took place 
 on the 22nd, when two hundred Mexican troops were killed 
 and fifty were taken prisoners. The French troops (the 
 second regiment of the Une), who had fought with great 
 bravery under the leadership of Colonel du Barail, lost but 
 three men killed and nineteen wounded, the latter including 
 two officers. 
 
 Then followed — one week later — ^the capture of the fort 
 of San Javier (29th March), the indecisive battle of Atlixco 
 (14th April), the attack upon the convent of Santa Inez 
 (on the 25th,) and the battle of San Pablo on the 5th May, 
 exactly one year, to the day, since the French had experi- 
 enced their first reverse, and had been repulsed, before the 
 
118 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 walls of the same town. On the 8th was fought the battle 
 of San Lorenzo, when the French troops under General 
 Bazaine struggled through the whole night and far into 
 the next day against the Mexicans who were under the 
 command of General Comonfort, and whose splendid resist- 
 ance elicited the fullest admiration of the enemy. 
 
 The results of this combat were many and important. 
 Terminating in the retreat of the Mexicans, who lost eight 
 hundred men killed and wounded, practically all of the 
 convoy and most of the equipment fell into the hands of 
 the victorious French^ commander, including three flags, 
 eleven pennons, eight pieces of cannon, and eleven hundred 
 prisoners, of whom seventy-one were officers. On the side 
 of the French the losses proved much less severe, amounting 
 in fact to but one officer and ten men kiUed, and nine officers 
 and eighty men wounded ; while among the allied troops 
 (the Mexicans fighting under the command of General 
 Marquez) the losses amounted to five men killed and eighteen 
 wounded. 
 
 Notwithstanding the heavy losses sustained by the 
 Liberals, the town of Puebla remained untaken. But 
 Comonfort, in retreating, left the road open to further 
 attacks upon the forts, and these were renewed with un- 
 relenting vigour. The French troops worked at the trenches 
 night and day between the 12th and 17th of May, when, 
 the forts of Totimechuacan, Carmen, and Los Remedies 
 having been reduced almost to ruins. General Mendoza, now 
 in charge of the troops defending the town, demanded an 
 armistice during which negotiations could be entered into 
 for its surrender. 
 
 To this General Bazaine assented ; but when it was 
 suggested that the garrison should be permitted to march 
 out with their arms and with the fuU honours of war, he 
 point-blank refused. General Mendoza then returned to 
 the town, and shortly afterwards a number of terrific 
 explosions ensued. By the directions of Greneral Ortega 
 the troops were blowing up their stores of ammunition, 
 destroying their cannon and levelling the forts. The 
 
PUEBLA TAKEN 119 
 
 general subsequently addressed a letter to General Bazaine 
 (18th May) yielding the town and submitting himself, his 
 officers, and troops as prisoners of war. The following day 
 two flags were hoisted over the town, the French upon the 
 right towers of the cathedral, and the Mexican upon the 
 left. General Bazaine, at the head of his victorious troops, 
 then entered the conquered town, being received at the 
 doors of the town by the Mexican clergy, who solemnly 
 performed a Te Deum in the cathedral, but whether out of 
 gratitude or as an act of penance it is difficult to determine. 
 
 The French commander now found himself with an 
 altogether embarrassing number of prisoners upon his 
 hands. These comprised 26 generals, 303 senior officers, 
 1179 officers, and 1100 non-commissioned officers and men. 
 He had also secured 150 pieces of canon. 
 
 How to deal with and feed this immense body of hostile 
 guests became a difficult question. It was partially solved, 
 however, by one thousand of the rank and file being enrolled 
 among the forces of General Marquez. It is not usually a very 
 complex matter to persuade a Mexican to fight against the 
 side upon which he had previously been engaged, nor to 
 induce him to abandon ' the sacred cause of freedom,' and 
 ' the glorious constitutions of the fatherland,' for a more 
 or less remunerative engagement with the opposition. 
 
 Among the captured officers there were a considerable 
 number who were granted their Uberty on parole ; these 
 had promised to report themselves at Puebla on the 13th 
 June. Of the 1508 who thus solemnly pledged their word, 
 but 950 kept to it, these latter including 22 of the 26 
 generals, 228 of the 303 senior officers, and 700 of the 1179 
 subordinate officers. By the time the prisoners — still on 
 parole — ^had reached Vera Cruz, their number had further 
 diminished to 500 ! This exempUfied the standard of moraUty 
 attained by the Mexican officer in 1863. How much it has 
 improved since has been proved by affairs of more recent 
 occurrence in the same country. 
 
 The spirit of loyalty is more cultivated among the higher 
 ranks of the Mexicans, a fact which was proved in a striking 
 
120 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 manner in the month of February 1913, at the time of the 
 revolution organised against President Francisco Madero. 
 After that unfortunate Chief Magistrate had been assassinated 
 — ^it is charged by the orders of his successor General Huerta 
 ' — ^ninety-one of Madero's officers, who had been offered 
 the choice of recognising the new government or being 
 executed as ' rebels,' without a single exception chose death. 
 One by one they were led out and shot in cold blood, most 
 of them hkewise declining to have their eyes bandaged, and 
 facing their executioners with the utmost bravery. The 
 remainder of the men were sent to labour in the railway 
 workshops as prisoners of war, and without pay. 
 
 The siege of Puebla has been condemned upon several 
 grounds by competent authorities, of those as of later days. 
 It has been described as a mihtary blvmder of a bad descrip- 
 tion, and as reflecting but httle credit upon the victors. 
 Count Emile de Keratry, writing in 1868, has pointed out, 
 for example, that the siege ought not to have lasted for 
 sixty-two days' — ^three days longer than that of Sara- 
 gossa ; that but for the fortunate attack upon the fort of 
 Totimechuacan, which caused the final fall of the town, the 
 siege would probably not have been over for many months, 
 and that the French troops must then inevitably have passed 
 the winter in front of the entrenchments — deluged with 
 the daily torrents of rain which visit the country at these 
 seasons. Further, the supply of cannon was altogether 
 inadequate ; but this point was not noticed until after the 
 siege had actually commenced, when it became necessary 
 to send Commandant Bruat to procure rifled guns of large 
 calibre from the fleet stationed at Vera Cruz. 
 
 General Foray, according to this same French critic, 
 ought to have avoided Puebla altogether, and have devoted 
 his whole attention to the taking of Mexico City, which, 
 owing to the troops tarrying unnecessarily on the road, had 
 almost completed its preparations for a long and vigorous 
 defence, while the State-capitals, instead of being afforded 
 time for putting themselves into an excellent condition of 
 resistance, influenced by a quick and effective reduction 
 
FRENCH LOSSES 121 
 
 of the capital, wotdd thus have saved the French much 
 heavy expenditure and the loss of numerous lives in sub- 
 duing them later on. As it was, the Southern States 
 became so many hotbeds of insurrection, and continued in 
 this condition, more or less, so long as the French troops 
 remained in the coimtry. 
 
 The principal defender of Puebla had been General 
 Porfirio Diaz, and the French were particularly anxious to 
 secure his arrest. But Porfirio, aware of the heavy price 
 that had been placed upon his head, managed to escape to 
 the South, and, in conjunction with his brother Felix, shut 
 himself within the city of Oaxaca, the capital of the State 
 of that name, which he proceeded to place in an admirable 
 state of defence. It was his own native town, for there in 
 a humble cottage and of poor but honest Indian parents, 
 Porfirio had been bom thirty-three years previously. 
 
 For almost two years General Diaz successfully defied 
 the French army, and so formidable proved his resistance 
 that General Bazaine (who, it may be here observed, enter- 
 tained a sincere admiration for the gallant Mexican officer 
 who so successfully resisted his utmost efforts to effect his 
 capture) despatched one of the largest forces which he 
 could spare, together with an imposing train of siege 
 artillery, against the town of Oaxaca. Nevertheless it 
 was only on 5th February 1865 that Diaz was obliged to 
 capitulate. 
 
 Up to the taking of Puebla, the French troops had 
 encountered considerable losses. From the commence- 
 ment of the campaign, 18 officers and 167 men had been 
 killed ; 79 officers and 1039 men had been wounded (and 
 many of the latter subsequently died of their injuries). 
 There certainly had been but small occasion for that out- 
 burst of unrestrained joy upon the part of the French popu- 
 lace when the news of the fall of Puebla became known 
 in Paris, nor yet for the exultant letter which was addressed 
 by Napoleon to General Forey (12th June 1863). The 
 emperor's hysterical congratulations later on became more 
 rare ; on the other hand, his letters of blame and criticism 
 
122 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 were not only more frequent but much more virulent. 
 Few could withstand defeats and disappointments with a 
 worse grace than Napoleon, nor resist the temptation to 
 exult imduly when fortune favoured his cause. 
 
 Puebla having at length fallen and been occupied, the 
 steps of the French army were next directed to the capital. 
 By the first day of June the troops were within a distance 
 of seven leagues of the city of Mexico, and General Forey, 
 following the custom of other French commanders through- 
 out this campaign, promulgated a flowery declaration 
 setting forth the amiable intentions of his august master 
 the emperor towards the Mexican people. In other direc- 
 tions his emissaries within the city's gates worked well for 
 his cause, succeeding in producing a certain amount of 
 enthusiasm among the Indian population, which, when 
 liberally supplied with pvique (the native rum), as was the 
 case upon this occasion, will do anything for anybody. As 
 a well-known Parisian author had pointed out, however, 
 ' the French paid ready cash ' for these demonstrations in 
 their favour, an exhibition of pubUc confidence which they 
 evidently thought it worth while to secure. 
 
 Notwithstanding the ' popular manifestations ' in Mexico 
 City, intended to impress the dissentient portion of the 
 inhabitants and to create abroad a favourable opinion of 
 the intervention, both Napoleon and the Archduke Maxi- 
 milian felt satisfied in their own minds that the great bulk 
 of the population were inimical to the establishment of a 
 monarchy. This point of view is clearly revealed by the 
 contents of a letter which was addressed to General Bazaine 
 by M. Drouyn de I'Huys, the French Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, bearing date 17th August 1863, wherein he 
 observes : 
 
 ' Nous avons accueilli avec plaisir la manifestation des 
 notables de Mexico en faveur de I'^tablissement d'une 
 monarchic et le nom du prince appele h I'Empire. Cepen- 
 dant, ainsi que je vous I'indique dans une prec^dente 
 depeche, nous ne saurions considerer les votes de cette 
 assemblee que comme un premier indice des dispositions 
 
FRENCH ENTER MEXICO CITY 123 
 
 du pays. Avec toute I'autorit^ qui s'attache aux hommes 
 qui la composent, 1' Assemble recommande a ses concitoyens 
 I'adoption d'institutions monarchiques et elle d&igne un 
 prince a ses suflErages.' 
 
 On 4th June the French troops were before the gates of 
 the capital, with General Bazaine at their head, while on 
 the 10th he had triumphantly entered the city. Another 
 manifesto, consisting of nearly four thousand words, was 
 issued and placarded throughout the capital ; it commenced 
 with an abundance of fair promises, as usual, and con- 
 cluded with dire threats, also as usual, against any one and 
 every one who refused to accept the French troops as their 
 savioTU's and masters, and who failed to regard the estabUsh- 
 ment of a monarchy as their future government. The 
 Commander-in-Chief lost no time in organising the local 
 authority (which acted entirely under French supervision), 
 estabhshing by decree a Superior Committee of twenty-five 
 members, and a second body composed of two himdred and 
 fifteen members, who were selected with great discrimination 
 and Uttle likely to offer any opposition to the proceedings of 
 their new rulers. The press were warned not to indulge 
 in any unfavourable criticism under pain of punishment ; 
 the new rulers of Mexico declared in force the same drastic 
 regulations respecting newspapers which were then existent 
 in France. Courts-martial were estabhshed with the 
 fullest powers, and there could be no appeal from their 
 summary judgments. 
 
 On 10th June the Imperialists, composed of the Con- 
 servatives or Church party, known as the ' Mochos ' 
 (' cropped '), and who had always been deadly opponents 
 of the Liberals, forined a provisional government of their 
 own, with Teodosio Lares as president, with Jose Maria 
 Andrade and Alejandro Arango y Escand6n as the Ministers. 
 The fuU executive body was subsequently completed by 
 the appointment of the Archbishop of Mexico (Monsignor 
 Pelagio de Labastida), General Jos6 Mariano Salas, General 
 Almonte, Senor Juan B. Ormalchea, the Bishop of Tulancingo, 
 and the lawyer Ignacio Pavon as additional members. 
 
124 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 On the 11th July (1863) the ' Proclamation of the Empire ' 
 was issued, after which the provisional government adopted 
 the title of ' Regency of the Empire.' Maximilian, Arch- 
 duke of Austria, was pronounced the first emperor, and this 
 new important step in the destiny of Mexico was initiated 
 with ' great rejoicings ' upon the part of the pubhc — so 
 weary of governmental changes that one form of adminis- 
 tration appeared to them as acceptable or as detestable as 
 another. A way was thus paved for the arrival of Napoleon's 
 nominee in his new kingdom. 
 
 By the first days of July there had been established ' la 
 Junta Superior,' or Supreme Council, consisting of thirty- 
 five persons who had been chosen from a list of two hundred 
 and fifteen foimd fit and wiUing to serve. By the 8th, the 
 first assembly had been called, and the new government 
 was thus formally inaugurated. The first decree to be 
 issued bore the date 11th July, and had reference to the 
 estabhshment of the second monarchical form of govern- 
 ment since Mexico won her position as an independent 
 State, the first having been created in 1822 when Augustin 
 Iturbide declared himself emperor, and whose career 
 terminated with his expulsion in 1823, and, shortly after- 
 wards, with his execution as a result of having returned to 
 Mexico when he had been forbidden to do so. 
 
 The Decree of 11th July 1863, which consisted of four 
 short clauses, read as follows : 
 
 1. ' The Mexican Nation adopts as its form of government 
 
 a moderate, hereditary monarchy under a Catholic Prince. 
 
 2. ' The sovereign wiU take the title of Emperor of Mexico. 
 
 3. ' The Imperial Crown of Mexico is offered to his Imperial and 
 
 Royal Highness Ferdinand Maximilian, Archduke of 
 Austria, for himself and his descendants. 
 
 4. ' If, owing to circumstances impossible to be foreseen, 
 
 (Ferdinand) Maximilian should not take possession of the 
 throne offered to him, the Mexican Nation throws itself 
 upon the benevolence of His Majesty Napoleon, Emperor 
 of the French, begging that he may designate some other 
 Catholic Prince.' 
 
DEPUTATION DEPORTS 125 
 
 This Decree was accompanied by another bearing the 
 same date, nominating a regency pending the arrival of 
 the new emperor in his dominions. The name of ' Regency ' 
 had been substituted for that of the ' Provisional Govern- 
 ment,' while its personnel remained unchanged. 
 
 One of the first acts of this body was to nominate a Cora- 
 mission charged to proceed to Europe, in order to personally 
 present a petition to Maximihan begging him to accept 
 the crown of Mexico, and to make the necessary arrange- 
 ments for his journey thither as soon as possible. The 
 eight members of the Commission chosen were : Jose M. 
 Gutierrez de Estrada, Jose Hidalgo, Antonio Escand6n, 
 Tomas Morphy, General WoU, Ignacio Aguilar, Joaquin 
 Velasquez de Leon, Francisco Miranda, and Angel Iglesias, 
 the last acting as secretary. 
 
 Senor Jose M. Gutierrez de Estrada had for many years 
 advocated the restoration of the monarchy as the only 
 solution for Mexico's poUtical troubles, and he had, as a 
 consequence, incurred the hostility of the Republicans, 
 and, under the presidency of Bustamente, suffered much 
 persecution. 
 
 The first four members of the Commission sailed upon 
 15th August from Vera Cruz for various parts of Europe, 
 in order to propitiate foreign opinion in favour of the new 
 government, while the others left on 16th August via 
 San Nazario for Trieste, Austria, where they arrived early 
 in the month of October. 
 
 In the meantime the Republican government under Benito 
 Juarez, no matter how much it was declared to be ' officially 
 dead ' by the French general, continued its existence and 
 maintained its authority at the considerable town of San 
 Luis Pot6si, the capital of the State of the same name, 
 and located at a safe distance from the city of Mexico of 
 three hundred and sixty-two miles. 
 
 Greneral Forey soon found that the greater part of the 
 population still recognised the Juarez government and that 
 government alone ; to its treasury was paid the direct 
 taxation which could be enforced at this difficult period, and 
 
126 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 to its members were addressed the diplomatic commmiica- 
 tions received from most of the other nations of the world. 
 The United States ignored the IVench-instituted and pro- 
 tected imperial administration from the first, refusing all 
 overtures to accredit a representative to the court of Maxi- 
 milian. On the other hand, the Envoy Extraordinary and 
 Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States (Mr. Thomas 
 Corwin), recognised the administration of Juarez as the 
 one and only constitutional government in the State. 
 
 Thus things continued until the month of October 1863, 
 when Marshal Forey, who had now been promoted to the 
 higher rank by his appreciative sovereign, was recalled to 
 France, and General Bazaine was appointed to succeed him 
 as Commander-in-Chief of the French army in Mexico. 
 
 The authority conferred upon the latter was greater, 
 inasmuch as there devolved upon him the performance of 
 the diplomatic duties hitherto entrusted to M. de SaUgny, 
 who speedily followed Marshal Forey on his return home. 
 Neither of these high officers quite understood the reason 
 of their recall, and neither wished to leave Mexico until 
 some practical results of their work there had been enjoyed. 
 
 The unfortunate M. de Saligny, whose whole diplomatic 
 career in Mexico had proved a complete failure, endeavoured 
 vainly to obtain a change in his instructions ; but these were 
 repeated in an even more emphatic manner, M. Drouyn de 
 I'Huys (the Minister for Foreign Affairs) having notified him 
 upon three different occasions that his services were no 
 longer required, the last letter of recall intimating that 
 even if the Minister to Mexico resigned his position, he was 
 still to leave the country and at once, not even pausing to 
 await the arrival of the Marquis de Monthalon, who had 
 been appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to Mexico in his 
 place. 
 
 Three weeks after handing over his command to General 
 Bazaine, Marshal Forey sailed (24th October) from Vera 
 Cruz. 
 
 The return journey was not made without adventure. 
 Accompanying the general were Baron de Beaulieu and a 
 
MARSHAL FOREY LEAVES 127 
 
 considerable suite. While proceeding on their way from 
 Mexico City to Vera Cruz, the whole party were attacked 
 by brigands, one of the officers — Baron d'Huart, who was 
 attached to the service of the Comte de Flandres (brother 
 of the Empress of Mexico) — ^being killed. Marshal Forey 
 was also wounded, and some of his staff were considerably 
 injured. The whole party had to return to Mexico City 
 in order to receive proper medical attention. 
 
 Before we dismiss Marshal Forey from the pages of this 
 history and take up the record of the Mexican campaign 
 under the command of General Bazaine, we may perhaps 
 be permitted to recapitulate the details of the actual cost 
 to France in men (employed both upon land and sea), that 
 is to say, from the date upon which the first portion of the 
 expedition sailed from France — November 1861 — ^to the 
 first day of October 1863. 
 
 The battle losses incurred by the army amovmted to 47 
 officers and 283 men killed ; 40 officers and 1370 men had 
 died of sickness and injuries : total army deaths, 1740. 
 The losses in the navy had proved even more considerable, 
 the total number amounting to 2017 entered as ' dead or 
 missing.' 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 General Bazaine — ^Early career — Services in Algeria and the Crimea — 
 Condition of affairs in Mexico upon his arrival — Opposition of the 
 Church party — Quarrel with Archbishop Labastida — Arrest of 
 Gteneral Santa Anna — Juarez's increasing difSculties — General 
 Vidaurri — ^United States Grovernment assists Liberals — ^Facilities 
 for importing arms — General Cortinas and the United States — 
 Secretary Seward's denials refuted — ^Assurances to French Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 FRANgois AcHTLLE Bazaine was born on the 11th February 
 1811, at a time when Europe was still smarting from the 
 long struggle with Napoleon i. whose aggressive career was 
 soon destined, however, to draw to a close. Like most young 
 Frenchmen at that period, the thoughts of Bazaine were 
 centred upon a miUtary career, and it needed but little 
 encouragement or persuasion to make warfare his pursuit. 
 At the age of twenty he entered the army as a private 
 soldier, and, two years afterwards (1833), one year after 
 Maximilian of Austria was bom, Bazaine received his first 
 commission as a sub-lieutenant. 
 
 France was at this date engaged upon one of her periodical 
 encounters with the North Africans, a struggle which had 
 commenced as far back as 1617, when a French fl.eet, under 
 Beaulieu, had been despatched to Algeria to put down the 
 piracy which had become a standing menace to Europe. 
 Young Bazaine soon distinguished himself by his great 
 bravery as well as by his undoubted abiUty as a military 
 leader, his exploits equalling, if they did not excel, in 
 brilliancy those of his predecessors, Duquesne, Duperre, and 
 Bourmont. He won the Cross of the Legion of Honour^ — 
 which had been established by Napoleon Bonaparte, in 
 1802 — ^and which, in those days, meant a great deal more 
 
 128 
 
GENERAL (AFTERWARDS MARSHAL) FRANgOlS 
 
 ACHILLE BAZAINE 
 
 Commander-in-Chief of the French Forces in Mexico 
 
 October 1863-February 1867 
 
BAZAINE IN AFRICA 129 
 
 to the recipient than it does to-day — ^while he also was 
 promoted Ueutenant. 
 
 From Algeria, Bazaine accompanied his regiment to 
 Spain, where (1837-1838), he took part in the war against 
 the Carhsts, returning to Africa once more in 1839, soon 
 after the defeat of the French at the hands of the Emir. 
 Here he remained for the next ten years, playing a promi- 
 nent role in the spring campaign of 1840, when over eighty- 
 five thousand French troops were gathered in Algiers ; he 
 was present at the destruction of Tekedemt, the principal 
 stronghold of Abd-el-Kader, the capture of Mascara, and 
 the demolition of the Saida fort. Then followed the taking 
 of Tlemcen (1842) and Tafna and the gradual pacification 
 of the now terrified country. Bazaine throughout these 
 operations maintained his reputation as a briUiant soldier, 
 a reputation which he gained under the generalship of 
 the Due d'Aumale, who in 1842 came out to take command, 
 under Marshal PeUssier and in conjunction with General 
 Lamoriuere. There are some historians who would attach 
 to Bazaine a portion of the blame cast upon this above- 
 named officer (PeHssier) for his act of brutaHty in ordering 
 to be buried ahve — or suffocated by smoke — ^in June of 1845 a 
 band of five hundred Arabs who had, in fleeing from the 
 French, sought refuge in the mouth of a cave. While there 
 is no question that this barbarous deed was performed, and 
 that among the tribe immolated were many women and 
 children, there is no evidence which convicts Bazaine of 
 any participation in the crime. Purposeless cruelty was 
 certainly no trait of this great soldier's character, although 
 a certain amount of obstinacy might be more truthfully 
 laid to his charge. 
 
 Bazaine's other notable exploits were performed in the 
 Crimea (1853-1856), where he commanded a brigade and 
 distinguished himself greatly in the trenches of Sebastopol. 
 When the south side was captured (8th September 1855), 
 mainly by his efforts and strategy, he received the weU- 
 deserved reward of the governorship of that naval station, 
 and at the same time he was promoted general of division. 
 
 I 
 
130 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 We next hear of Bazaine's great military services in 
 Lombardy in 1859, and here, again, his reputation as a 
 successful organiser and a skilful handler of large masses 
 of troops was weU sustained. He arrived in that dis- 
 tracted country soon after Radetsky had defeated the King 
 of Sardinia and had regained Lombardy for the Austrians, 
 and during his stay he witnessed its imion with Italy, to 
 be followed by that of Venice in 1866. 
 
 Although Bazaine must have arrived in Lombardy 
 almost at the time that Maximihan and Charlotte, who had 
 reigned there for two years (1857-1859), were leaving it, 
 there is no proof that the three — ^who were destined to play 
 so important a part in the life of each other — ^met. Bazaine 
 led a very strenuous existence in the Austrian (Lombardo- 
 Venetian) provinces, being seriously wounded while in com- 
 mand of the third division of the &st corps in the attack 
 upon Melegnano, while he also took a conspicuous part in 
 the battle of Solferino, 24th June 1869, where he shared 
 the honour of the day with Macmahon and Niel, his portion 
 of the rewards, which were distributed broadcast, being the 
 then much-coveted Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour. 
 
 When General (afterwards Marshal) Forey received the 
 command of the corps d'armie operating in Mexico (1862), 
 General Bazaine accompanied him, and, later on, when 
 his superior was recalled to France in October of the follow- 
 ing year, Bazaine took over the command-in-chief, at the 
 same time assuming the functions which had hitherto 
 devolved upon M. de Saligny, who Kkewise was ordered 
 to return to France with Forey. 
 
 There can be no question that the period at which Bazaine 
 found himself in full charge of the French army of occupa- 
 tion was a highly critical one. Although dispersed and 
 defeated time after time, the Juarist forces reformed them- 
 selves and rettimed again and again to harass the invader, 
 as often as not in wholly unexpected places ; hundreds of 
 bandits infested the country, while the roads leading to 
 the principal towns, and aU of the coach routes conducting 
 to the coast, were swarming with Mexican cut-throats, among 
 
ARRIVAL IN MEXICO 131 
 
 whom were to be found a sprinkling of Europeans — deserters 
 from the French, Belgian, and Austrian legions, as well as 
 some ' mean-whites ' of United States nationahty — and 
 aU of whom maintained a constant and merciless warfare 
 with the regular troops. Additionally, the results of 
 Marshal Forey's wavering and unpopular pohcy regarding 
 those Mexicans who had so loyally supported the French 
 when they first came to the country, were visited upon his 
 successor, and Bazaine foimd himself ahenated from the 
 strongest party of the day and bound to the least dependable 
 but most exacting, that of the Church, which, led by the 
 intriguing Monsignor Labastida, Archbishop of Mexico, con- 
 tinually played for its own ends, indifferent ahke to the success 
 of the new imperial regime and the dictates of patriotism. 
 
 On the other hand, Bazaine's great reputation as an 
 organiser and an intrepid fighter had preceded him, and he 
 soon won the hearts of the Mexican soldiery, as much upon 
 this account as for his strong personal charm of manner, 
 his proverbial good-humour, and his readiness to grant 
 reasonable concessions where asked for. Moreover, Bazaine 
 spoke Spanish with remarkable fluency, although he wrote 
 it with less facihty. He had made a close study of the 
 language during the last Spanish war (1837-8) ; it is one which 
 few Frenchmen find difficult owing to its close affinity in 
 all but pronunciation with their own. Thus the commander- 
 in-chief was enabled to enter into direct communication 
 with the Mexican rank and ffle, to make a more complete 
 study of their idiosyncracies, and to learn more about their 
 secret plottings than would otherwise have been possible. 
 While the native officers no doubt disHked Bazaine as an 
 individual and a foreigner, they entertained for him a very 
 profound respect as a gallant soldier. Marquez, M6jia, 
 Miramon, as well as Juarez, Diaz, and Espinoza (Liberal 
 officers) have all testified to this sentiment. 
 
 General Bazaine subsequently married a wealthy Mexican 
 lady, a near relation of President Juarez, a circumstance 
 which naturally enough gave rise to suspicions regarding 
 his loyalty to MaximiUan and the imperial cause. 
 
132 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 From the time that he took over the command of the 
 French forces in Mexico (1st October 1863), Bazaine's 
 position, as we have said, was an exceedingly difficult one. 
 He was saddled with aU the duties of a soldier in charge of 
 an unpopular occupation as well as with the mission of a 
 diplomat representing the dignity of France. While in- 
 structed, as had been his predecessors in office, ' not to 
 interfere with the internal government of Mexico,' his 
 commonest duties continually called for opposition to the 
 acts of the native government. In fact, he had to plan 
 out a pohcy almost entirely different from that which the 
 ImperiaHsts had hitherto been pursuing, and to see that 
 the numerous abuses which existed, as well as the wide- 
 spread official corruption which prevailed, were suppressed 
 as much as possible. He could never have hoped to over- 
 come them entirely. 
 
 His associates in the provincial government, General 
 Almonte and General Salas, while not proving difficult to 
 work with as coadjutors, evinced but httle desire to incur 
 individual responsibility, preferring to leave all initiative 
 to Bazaine, and thereafter to bitterly criticise his mistakes 
 and ridicule his misfortunes. From the date of the return 
 to Mexico of the archbishop, Monsignor Labastida, who 
 had been travelling in Europe in connection with the 
 Mexican Mission to Miramar, Bazaine's difficulties became 
 greatly accentuated. In his dual capacity of temporary 
 Minister of Justice and Minister of the Interior, the arch- 
 bishop possessed ample power and abundant opportunities 
 to oppose any new legislation of which he disapproved, and 
 he availed himself of such powers to the fullest extent. In 
 the end, Bazaine found it absolutely necessary to remove 
 the archbishop from his administrative positions, an act 
 which drew upon him the execration of the whole Church 
 party, and ehcited the most determined opposition to his 
 every enactment or proposal. 
 
 The respective duties of these assistants were clearly 
 defined, and their offices as expUcitly indicated. The arch- 
 bishop had insisted upon holding the double portfolio of 
 
QUARREL WITH ARCHBISHOP 133 
 
 Minister of Justice and Minister of the Interior, and no 
 sooner had he been installed in his new position than he 
 commenced to run foul of his colleagues, who, at the sug- 
 gestion and with the assistance of General Bazaine, expelled 
 the archbishop from his offices. The latter, upon being 
 refused admission to the councils of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment, publicly declared that ' any acts passed or measm'es 
 put into force without his consent were to be considered 
 as null and void.' 
 
 The effect upon the public mind of these early dissensions 
 was of the worst description ; and finding it necessary to 
 do something to bring about, at any rate, an outward show 
 of peace. General Bazaine induced Generals Almonte and 
 Salas to publish a decree to the effect that, ' pending the 
 arrival of the sovereign in Mexico, the legal enactments 
 which were introduced during the rule of Marshal Forey 
 shall continue in force.' 
 
 From this time may be said to have dated the bitter 
 opposition offered by the Church party to the French inter- 
 vention. They had been ready enough to welcome it when 
 it was believed that Napoleon's poUcy included the restora- 
 tion to the Church of the enormously rich landed and other 
 properties which the Liberal Grovernment of Mexico — ^under 
 several successive presidents — ^had compelled them to 
 relinquish. All efforts to reconcile the archbishop to the 
 situation, and to induce him to refrain from opposing 
 French actions in Mexico, failed ; Monsignor Labastida 
 proved an implacable and unscrupulous opponent, and the 
 unfortunate position in which Maximilian found the country 
 when he eventually arrived in June of 1864 was mainly 
 attributable to this scheming and unprincipled churchman. 
 
 Grcneral Bazaine at this time was compelled to leave the 
 capital in order to take personal command of the expedi- 
 tionary columns into the interior, where their presence was 
 required in order to overcome the determined and fast- 
 spreading agitation of the Liberals against the institu- 
 tion of the monarchy and further intervention by the 
 French. He left the Provisional Government in the weak 
 
134 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 hands of Grenerals Salas and Almonte, whose every act was 
 countered by the irreconcilable archbishop, thus producing 
 a situation both ridiculous and extremely dangerous. 
 
 It was towards the end of November 1863 that the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief left Mexico City with his first division, 
 consisting of 9750 men ; the remainder of the French troops 
 in Mexico, who now numbered in all 47,667, and of whom 
 42,000 were under arms, were distributed throughout the 
 country, some being quartered in the tierra-caliente (the 
 hot country), where many were dying rapidly from heat and 
 disease. 
 
 Early in January of 1864 Bazaine retvimed to the capital, 
 only to find it in the same hopeless condition, politically 
 and civilly, as that in which he had left it. AH the way 
 thither he had had to fight the numerous guerrilla corps 
 which harassed his steps, and in this manner he lost a great 
 many of his men, and others from exhaustion and sickness. 
 He summoned General Miram6n from Guadalajara, where 
 he had been resting, and he also got into communication 
 with General Antonio Santa Anna, who had arrived in the 
 country from exile. Both Miram6n and Santa Anna had 
 served as Chief Magistrate of the Republic, the former for 
 a few months only, the latter from 1833 to 1844, and again 
 from 1846 to 1847, when he voluntarily resigned. His bad 
 record was well known to Bazaine, who, notwithstanding 
 the fervid protestations on the part of Santa Anna respect- 
 ing his devotion to the monarchical cause, dechned to bestow 
 any kind of office upon that cruel and cordiaUy-hated ex- 
 president. On the other hand, as soon as Santa Anna com- 
 menced a political crusade upon his own account, Bazaine 
 ordered his arrest and deportation upon a I^ench man-of- 
 war to the safe distance of the island of Cuba. 
 
 While Bazaine thus found himself plunged in a veritable 
 sea of difficulties, the French troops failed to make any 
 real headway in pacifying the country, since no sooner had 
 they taken one town at considerable trouble and loss of 
 life than it was reoccupied by the Liberals almost before the 
 last French bayonet had disappeared. The persistent 
 
JUAREZ'S DIFFICULTIES 135 
 
 obstruction of the Church party, and the numerous fraternity 
 of priests whose influence then, as now, upon the ignorant 
 mind was enormously powerful ; the obstinate attitude 
 adopted by the municipal authorities in the States, which 
 had outwardly encouraged the monarchical form of govern- 
 ment, but strenuously objected to yield obedience to the 
 French officials — all these and cotmtless other embarrass- 
 ments occupied Bazaine's closest attention and every waking 
 hour. Colossal was the task which Napoleon had thought- 
 lessly cast upon him ; accustomed though he was to handle 
 men and to exact submission, the very multitude of his 
 servitors, and the persistency with which they obstructed 
 him, were proving more than he could control or endure. 
 
 But if Bazaine's situation was a trying one, that of 
 President Juarez proved hardly less so . Continually pursued 
 by the French columns sent against him, Juarez was hunted 
 from pillar to post, estabUshing his ' government ' at San 
 Luis Potosi only to have to disband it, and to flee at a few 
 hoiws' notice to Real del Catorce, and from there to retreat 
 as precipitately to some other temporary refuge, approach- 
 ing always nearer and nearer to the American border and 
 receding further from his own capital. 
 
 To carry on an effective administration under such con- 
 ditions was manifestly impossible. He would have settled 
 at Monterey, the capital of the State of Nuevo Leon, one 
 of the most orderly and best-governed of the Mexican 
 provinces ; but he was politely invited by the governor. 
 General Vidaurri, to ' pass on,' since Monterey, was in- 
 clined to become an imperial stronghold, and the Liberal 
 president would naturally prove persona non grata. For 
 this act of loyalty to the cause of Maximilian, General 
 Vidaurri was made to pay a terrible penalty later on. 
 
 Some historians have presented Vidaurri in an altogether 
 unfavourable light, accusing him of attempting to play a 
 double game, in other words, with endeavom-ing to sell 
 himself to the side which would pay the most : I can, how- 
 ever, find no greater justification for this hostile view than 
 the fact that when Bazaine, deeming Vidaurri (from his act 
 
136 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of repulsing Juarez) to be an ardent devotee of the monarchy, 
 invited him so to ' declare himself,' the general protested 
 that he would neither do nor say anything definite until 
 he had taken the individual opinions of the people of the 
 State. With this view he ordered a plebiscite, inviting 
 every man and woman to record his or her vote, ' yea ' or 
 ' nay,' in favour of or against the imperial government. 
 
 Before his project could be put into execution, however, 
 Juarez once more approached the town of Monterey, 
 which, this time, fell before him, and Vidaurri was com- 
 pelled to fly for his hfe, taking refuge in the neighbouring 
 North-American State of Texas with his heutenant, Quiroga. 
 Later on Vidaurri enhsted definitely under the banner of 
 Maximihan ; but Bazaine never forgave him for what he 
 beheved to have been an act of duphcity in abandoning 
 the important town of Monterey, together with an immense 
 amount of military equipment, ready money, and very 
 valuable State documents, to President Juarez. 
 
 The capture of Monterey proved, as may well be under- 
 stood, of great moment to the president, who found in its 
 fuU coffers and well-stocked store-houses exactly what he 
 most grievously lacked — ^funds with which to pay his men 
 their long over-due wages, and food to fiU their empty 
 stomachs. Further, the State documents which fell into 
 his hands proved very advantageous, since they disclosed 
 a great deal of information which Juarez had most desired 
 to learn. 
 
 But his troubles, even if somewhat alleviated, remained 
 stiU considerable. Among his own entourage there were 
 powerful malcontents ; Doblado, his Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, continually urged Juarez to resign the presidency 
 in favour of General Jesus Gr. Ortega, formerly President 
 of the Supreme Court, while intrigues and plots were being 
 formed and carried out aU around him. His life was not 
 infrequently in danger from the knife of the assassin, although 
 no attack was ever made upon him ; but with that per- 
 tinacity characteristic of the half-breed Indian, he clung 
 to his post, allowing nothing to shake his determination. 
 
SENOR DON J. M. GUTIERREZ DE ESTRADA 
 Who headed the Deputation to Maximilian at Miramar 
 
RIVAL ARMIES 137 
 
 The principal French forces operating in the interior of 
 the country immediately anterior to the arrival of Maxi- 
 mihan and Charlotte (June 1864) were at this period com- 
 posed as foUows : On the French and imperial side were 
 General de Castagny, commanding one column of the 17th 
 and 20th battahons of Chasseurs, the 3rd Zouaves, the 
 57th and 95th regiments of the line, and two squadrons 
 of cavalry : a second column, under General Douay, was 
 composed of the 1st battalion of Chasseurs, a battahon of 
 Algerian sharpshooters, a battalion of the 62nd regiment 
 of the line, one of the 99th regiment of the line, the 2nd 
 regiment of Zouaves, and three squadrons of cavalry. 
 
 The native troops fighting upon the imperial side were 
 commanded by General Marquez (acting with Greneral de 
 Castagny), who had about 4500 cavalry and infantry, and 
 General M^jia (who was acting with General Douay) with 
 about 2300 men. Thus the total forces operating in the 
 interior of the RepubUc represented some 14,000 French 
 and 17,000 Mexicans. 
 
 On the other hand. President Juarez could account for 
 between forty and fifty thousand men and a considerable 
 armament, his principal officers including the — even at 
 that time — celebrated General Porfirio Diaz, General Negrete, 
 General Uruaga, General d' Alvarez, Colonel Valdez, and 
 others, some of whom left an indelible record of bravery 
 among the annals of the RepubHc. 
 
 While MaximiHan's government was practically bankrupt 
 and knew not where to look for money with which to carry 
 on the administration or to pay the army, Benito Juarez 
 became more fortunately placed. Apart from the fact 
 that he enjoyed the revenues, such as they were, derived 
 from the port dues and customs houses at all but three 
 of the ports of the RepubUc, and was also enabled to extract 
 from Liberal supporters much larger financial contributions 
 than they would have felt disposed to pay to a foreigner, he 
 was being secretly financed by the United States, just as 
 he was surreptitiously supplied with arms from the same 
 quarter, and offered temporary refuge whenever he found 
 
138 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 it convenient to cross over the border. Nor did such assis- 
 tance stop there. A large number of American citizens, 
 especially men from Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona, 
 enlisted in the Mexican ranks, serving in many cases without 
 regular pay, and depending for their reward upon the amount 
 of loot which they might be sufficiently fortunate to meet 
 with. General Porfirio Diaz was allowed to purchase 
 from the United States a complete park of American 
 artillery, which he used with remarkably good effect upon 
 the town of Puebla on the 3rd April 1867, being enabled, 
 by the destruction then occasioned, to afterwards take 
 possession of it. 
 
 The Juarists had entered into long and intricate negotia- 
 tions with certain American capitalists, a fact not unknown 
 to the United States Grovemment, for a loan of $50,000,000, 
 and to obtain this large amoimt they offered to transfer 
 the considerable province of Lower California (Upper 
 California had already passed under the ample folds of 
 the Stars and Stripes in 1846), and the future plans of the 
 Liberals were based upon the successful issue of this trans- 
 action. Gonzales Ortega, with ten thousand fihbusters 
 (among them being many citizens of the United States), 
 armed with one hundred thousand muskets, forty pieces 
 of artiUery, and a large quantity of stores, was to enter the 
 territory of Mexico by Piedras-Negras, so as to be able to 
 attack the imperiahst town of Zacatecas ; Cortinas was to 
 assail Monterey and SaltiUo, while Negrete was commis- 
 sioned to take Tamaulipas and to penetrate as far as La 
 Huesteca ; and, finally, Corona was instructed to move 
 down upon Culiacan. 
 
 The United States Government had, as mentioned, a 
 complete knowledge of all these arrangements, which, 
 indeed, were openly completed by the French consul at 
 San Francisco ; while General Miller, the United States 
 Collector of Customs in that important city, officially 
 authorised the transit and embarkation of the arms and 
 stores which were being sent almost undisguisedly to the 
 Mexican Liberal troops by Juarez's local agent. 
 
ACTION OF UNITED STATES 139 
 
 When Greneral Cortinas, one of the Liberal leaders (who 
 afterwards deserted to Maximilian's side), crossed the Rio 
 Grande on 18th September (1864), in order to escape from 
 the French forces operating from Bagdad, he was notified 
 by the United States commanding officer at Bragos San- 
 tiago, that upon stirrendering his arms and ammunition 
 his party would be received as refugees, and that ' his pre- 
 sence in the territory of the United States as an armed 
 enemy of a neutral power could not be tolerated.' 
 
 This perfectly proper attitude upon the part of the United 
 States commanding officer compares somewhat strangely with 
 the numerous undisguised and regular Mexican raids which 
 were made by United States citizens hving in New Orleans, 
 who had formed themselves into a society known as ' the 
 Defenders of the Monroe Doctrine (D.M.D.),' for the express 
 purpose of transmitting contraband arms and ammunition 
 towards the Mexican frontier at Brownsville on the Rio 
 Grande, in open violation of the United States profession 
 of neutraUty. 
 
 The American authorities located near the border were 
 accused of becoming participants in the acts and sharers 
 in the not inconsiderable profits, General Herron, com- 
 manding at Brownsville, having, for instance, been publicly 
 accused of taking the hon's share. Mr. Seward's subse- 
 quent official denial of the facts when they were brought 
 to his notice by no means disproved the truth of the original 
 statements. The Secretary of State, however, could hardly 
 have acted otherwise, since he was in no position to put a 
 stop to the proceedings, however wishful he might have 
 been to do so. 
 
 Later Mr. Seward was made to appear extremely foolish, 
 or, at least, deplorably ignorant, when, following his 
 official denial of the 28th May 1864 (addressed to the 
 Mexican Minister, M. L. de GteofEroy), wherein he had 
 categorically stated ' there have been no violations of the 
 United States professions in New Orleans,' a report was 
 sent and pubUshed on 21st June from Major-General Banks 
 (in command of the United States forces west of the Missis- 
 
140 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 sippi) admitting that ' goods have been seized upon the 
 supposition that they were destined for a contraband trade 
 with Mexico.' Moreover, General Herron, against whom 
 the complaint of participation had been lodged and refuted 
 by Mr. Seward, was on the following day (22nd June) re- 
 moved from his authority at Brownsville, and transferred 
 to the 13th corps, of which he was given the command in 
 Louisiana. 
 
 The amicable relations existing between the Juarez 
 government and the United States thus remained unbroken. 
 
 Writing to the United States Minister in Paris (Mr. WiUiam 
 L. Dayton) on 21st Jime 1862, the Secretary of State (Mr, 
 William H. Seward) said : ' We do not desire to suppress 
 the fact that our sympathies are with Mexico, . . . nor 
 do we in any sense, for any purpose, disapprove of her 
 present form of government or distrust her administration.' 
 Napoleon meanwhile was partly conciliated by the Washing- 
 ton Government, which refused to allow the open recruitment 
 of men in the United States for Mexico, notwithstanding 
 that upon a former memorable occasion the French autho- 
 rities had permitted the shipment of a crew for the piratical 
 vessel Flcyrida when lying in a French port, this vessel 
 being intended for the Confederate forces then at war with 
 the Federal Government of the United States of America. 
 
 That the definite intentions of the Washington Cabinet 
 were not clearly understood by the Cabinet at Paris seems 
 probable, from the fact that, when Mr. Dayton visited the 
 French Minister for Foreign Affairs (M. Drouyn de I'Huys) 
 on 22nd April 1864, he was point-blank asked the ques- 
 tion, ' Do you bring us peace or do you bring us war ? ' 
 Mr. Dayton assumed some surprise at the question, an 
 attitude which compared poorly with the resolutions passed 
 by the Congress of his countrymen a few weeks previously, 
 and the tenour of which had not unnaturally aroused the 
 deepest suspicions of the French Government, whose extreme 
 sensitiveness was only alleviated after Mr. Dayton had 
 subsequently (2nd May) explained away the supposed 
 serious news of the congressional proceedings. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 Political conditions in Mexico in 1860 — Preponderance of ignorant 
 Indians — ^Ex-President Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna — Attempts at 
 empire-bioilding — Approach towards Imperialists repulsed — Over- 
 tures to Liberals also declined — Santa Anna flies the country — 
 Landing at Vera Cruz — ^Arrest on United States vessel — Commander 
 Roe of the Virginia — ^Further arrest at Yucatan — ^President Benito 
 Juarez and the United States — Representations to Napoleon — 
 Extreme nervousness at Paris — ^Hostility towards Maximilian. 
 
 Maximilian's arrival in his newly-adopted country was 
 now due, and it may be advisable to consider briefly the 
 conditions of the different parties whom he had undertaken 
 to govern. 
 
 While it is impossible to deny that the political conditions 
 existing in Mexico to-day are still unnerving, and may yet 
 cause a second serious war between that country and the 
 United States, in the early 'sixties the state of affairs was 
 infinitely worse. Whereas to-day the greater part of the 
 Republic's troubles may be traced to the socialistic teach- 
 ings of anarchists, and to the provocative press of the 
 Barcelona school, in the days of the Second Empire the 
 Indians, who formed then, as they form now, seven-tenths 
 of the entire population, were whoUy illiterate and pos- 
 sessed absolutely no idea of the duties appertaining to 
 citizenship in a modem democratic community. They 
 were, moreover, under the complete dominion of the priests. 
 To-day they are somewhat more advanced, since education 
 has undoubtedly effected some slight improvement ; under 
 peaceful and settled conditions it might effect even much 
 
 more. It is estimated that there are still about 10,000,000 
 
 141 
 
142 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 illiterate Indians out of the 15,000,000 souls who compose 
 the Republic's total population. 
 
 It will be recognised how responsive such material 
 becomes in the hands of the demagogue and the socialist, as 
 well as of the professional bandit and assassin. In regard 
 to the facility with which revolutionary movements are 
 organised, ' causes ' created, and followers obtained, there 
 is very little to choose between the Mexico of 1860 and the 
 Mexico of 1913. 
 
 The agitator may wear a frock coat instead of the poncho 
 or zerape, and a silk hat may replace the sombrero, but his 
 methods are the same, the results of his teachings are as 
 poisonous. There is to-day the same lack of strong, earnest, 
 and seK-sacrificing men to lead as existed in the time of 
 the Second Empire, the intellectual minority being now, 
 as then, swamped and rendered ineffective by the number 
 and the natiu-e of the rabble. 
 
 How hopeless, therefore, was the task which Maximilian 
 had set himself, in all his ignorant enthusiasm, to perform, 
 can be best realised by remembering the fact that the 
 Mexicans, if they are an improving race at aU, and as many 
 of us would like to believe, improve so very slowly as to 
 present the outward appearance of being almost hopeless 
 laggards. 
 
 Periods of internecine struggle have often produced great 
 deeds in action and thought, but throughout the Franco- 
 Mexican contention of 1861-7, one may search the record in 
 vain for evidence of any single incident of heroism, for any 
 exhibition of self-sacrifice, or for any ennobUng deed which 
 deserves the distinction of being chronicled. Apart from 
 the participation of the French, it was a war between indi- 
 viduals of the same nation, speaking the same language, 
 and practising the same religion. It was conducted with 
 great brutality upon both sides, proving, indeed, one of 
 the most savagely-waged of the many internecine struggles 
 which characterised Latin-America during the first fifty 
 years of its evolution. 
 
 Bismarck, one of the greatest authorities upon war, as 
 
GENERAL SANTA ANNA 143 
 
 he was one of the greatest of warriors, declared that the 
 real mass of the population is never inclined for war if the 
 actual sufferings of heavy oppression have not provoked 
 them. This cannot be said to have been the case in Mexico 
 at the time that the French invaded it, for the disturbances 
 were always more or less local, and order would no doubt 
 have automatically re-established itself, as it had done many 
 times before, and has done as many times since. 
 
 As early as January 1854, there had been a poUtical 
 movement organised in Mexico for the re-establishment of 
 an empire. A document, bearing the title of ' The Plan of 
 Guadalajara,' was drawn up and circiilated among the 
 different poMtical departments and towns, declaring that 
 • on account of the continued plots of the enemies of pubHc 
 tranquillity and of the constant threats of the United States, 
 and inasmuch as experience demonstrated the hostiMty of 
 the Mexican people to the decrease of power on the part of 
 the government, the term originally fixed as the limit of 
 dmration of the executive power should be prolonged for 
 such time as the president (General Santa Anna) might 
 think necessary.' 
 
 The tyrant General Antonio Lopez de Santa Aona was 
 himself the author of this document, and he believed that 
 the time was almost ripe for the putting into execution 
 of his long-conceived idea of proclaiming himself emperor 
 of Mexico. Undeterred by the fate of his ambitious prede- 
 cessor, Augustin Iturbide, whose violent death ensued as 
 a result of a similar movement, Santa Anna continued his 
 preparations, and, as a preUminary act, had issued a decree 
 (10th December 1853) declaring 'that the power of the 
 president should be prolonged at his own pleasure, that he 
 should have the right to designate his successor, and that 
 his official title should be changed from " Excellency " to 
 " Most Serene Highness." ' 
 
 A week afterwards he issued a further manifesto, rehears- 
 ing the circumstances which had induced him to return to 
 office from exile, and declaring that his determination 
 to retire at the end of his term 'had been overcome by 
 
144 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the unanimous wish and fervent prayer of his Council of 
 State.' In deference to them, therefore, he had resolved 
 to make a fresh sacrifice, simply because he believed it to 
 be ' in the interest of the people and to the benefit of order 
 and prosperity of the nation.' 
 
 Santa Anna had by now advanced his plans for a coup 
 d'itat sufficiently to allow him to announce his intention of 
 assuming the title of ' Emperor Antonio i.,' but the con- 
 tinued protests against his oppressive authority — ^notwith- 
 standing ' the unanimous wish and the fervent prayer of 
 his Co\mcil of State ' — successfully and permanently checked 
 his final act of declaring for an empire with himself as the 
 occupant of the throne. 
 
 Things became infinitely worse in Mexico as the year 
 wore on. AH through the final months of 1854, and up to 
 the month of August 1855, the country remained in a 
 state of continual convulsion, every conceivable crime 
 and atrocity being perpetrated by roaming hordes of 
 peasantry who had turned themselves into guerrillas ; out- 
 rages were committed openly upon foreigners, especially 
 upon the citizens of the United States, whose consulate 
 flag at Tehuantepec was torn down and pubUcly insulted, 
 while the finances of the country became chaotic. 
 
 On the 9th of August Santa Aima, realising that he was 
 still the most-hated and most-distrusted man in Mexico, 
 and that he stood in imminent peril of assassination at the 
 hands of any one among his entourage, resolved upon flight. 
 Under the pretext of quelling a fresh revolutionary out- 
 break against his authority in the State of Vera Gruz, but 
 really as a protection against an organised attack upon 
 his person, he left Mexico City with four hundred men upon 
 whose fealty he beUeved he could rely. But his coward 
 heart later on misgave him ; for, upon reaching Perote, 
 a smaU town (now served by the Interoceanic Railway of 
 Mexico) situated at a distance of two hundred and sixty-six 
 kilometres from Mexico City, he suddenly changed his 
 plans. From here he issued a proclamation resigning the 
 presidency, and depositing the reins of government in the 
 
MONARCHY PROCLAIMED 145 
 
 hands of a triumvirate. In the dead of night he slunk away, 
 entirely unattended, to Vera Cruz, a further distance of 
 two hundred and eight kilometres, where he arrived on the 
 15th of August. Two days later he boarded a government 
 steamer and took his way to Havana, Cuba, arriving there 
 on the 20th, only, however, to again leave within forty-eight 
 horn's for Caracas, Venezuela. 
 
 The subsequent part which General Antonio Lopez de 
 Santa Anna played in the Maximilian affair was as mean 
 and as discreditable as any of which that worthless individual 
 has been convicted during his long political career. It may 
 be recalled that in the month of July 1854 he had been the 
 first to introduce the idea of a second monarchy, and 
 after issuing a characteristically flamboyant manifesto,^ 
 he had despatched to Europe a special deputy — Seiior Jose 
 Maria Gutierrez de Estrada, — ^commissioned to approach 
 different royal heads with the purpose of tendering the 
 crown of Mexico.^ This he did in his capacity of President, 
 
 ^ ' Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, well-merited of the country. General 
 of Division, Grand Master of the National and Distinguished Order 
 of Guadaloupe, Knight of the Grand Cross of the Royal Distin- 
 guished Order of Charles iii., and President of the Mexican 
 Republic, to All who may see these presents, Greeting : 
 ' Being authorised by the Mexican nation to constitute it under the 
 form of government I may think most convenient to assure its territorial 
 integrity and national independence, in the most advantageous and per- 
 manent manner, according to the full powers with which I am invested, 
 and considering that no government is more suitable to a nation than 
 that to which it has been accustomed for centuries and which has formed 
 its peculiar customs ; 
 
 "Therefore, to this end, placing full confidence in the patriotism, 
 inteUigenoe, and zeal of Don Jos6 ITaria Gutierrez de Estrada, I confer 
 upon him by these presents, the full powers necessary to enter into 
 arrangements, and make the proper offers, near the Courts of London, 
 Paris, Madrid, and Vienna, to obtain from those governments, or from 
 any one of them, the establishment of a Monarchy, derived from any of 
 the royal races of those powers, under qutflifications and conditions to be 
 established by special instructions. 
 
 ' In faith whereof, I have caused these presents to be issued, signed by 
 my hand, authorised by the Seal of the Nation and countersigned by the 
 Minister of Relations, aU under the proper reserve, in the National 
 Palace of Mexico, on the first of July, eighteen hundred and fifty-four. 
 
 'A. L. DE SANTA ANNA.' 
 2 See Appendix vi. 
 
 K 
 
146 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 or rather 'Dictator,' of the 'Republic,' and in flagrant 
 violation of his constitutional oath. 
 
 Secondly, he recognised and supported the intervention 
 which the Emperor of the French brought to Mexico. His 
 numerous proclamations, replete with the false and exagger- 
 ated expressions common to the class of ' patriot ' of which 
 he was a shining example, breathe the most fulsome devo- 
 tion to the, indeed to any, royal candidate, no matter who 
 he might be or whence he might come. When the choice 
 fell upon Maximilian of Austria, we find the delectable 
 Santa Anna at once endorsing the selection ; ' the candi- 
 date is unexceptionable, and of course I hasten to give him 
 my approbation,' he wrote at the time. 
 
 But he went further, for he addressed a letter to the 
 prince himself, dated the 22nd of December 1863, in which 
 he expressed his great admiration for him personally, and 
 made protests of submission of such a nature that they 
 might serve as a model of epistolary style for despotic 
 governments. In the following year he was still of the 
 same mind regarding the blessings of a monarchy for 
 Mexico, and he is found writing to Senor Juan de Diaz 
 Peza, the emperor's Under Secretary of War and Marine, 
 offering to ' co-operate as much as I can in the consoUda- 
 tion of the government created by the intervention.' 
 
 But the ImperiaUsts distrusted General Santa Anna as 
 deeply as the Trojans ever distrusted the Greeks ; his 
 offers were decUned, and he was invited to leave that part 
 of Mexican soil which happened to be in the possession of 
 the Maximilian government as speedily as possible. The 
 emperor went so far as to order the sequestration of Santa 
 Anna's property, which he had for the most part stolen 
 from the people at the time that he ruled as Dictator over 
 them, thus acting both as a traitor and a thief. 
 
 Then it was that this truly despicable creature decided 
 to tender his services to the Liberals, completely revers- 
 ing his loudly-proclaimed and oft-repeated sentiments of 
 loyalty to the emperor, and now crying ' Down with the 
 Monarchy ! ' ' Long live the Republic ! ' He sent through 
 
OVERTURES TO UNITED STATES 147 
 
 Sefior Matias Romero, the Mexican Liberal Minister to 
 the United States, an offer to serve the Republic ' in any 
 capacity.' In a lengthy communication from the Foreign 
 Minister (Seiior Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada), dated 6th 
 July 1866, his services are once again incontinently re- 
 jected. The fact that the RepubUc as well as the Monarchy 
 discarded his offers shows conclusively that both parties, as 
 well as aU who knew anything of his disreputable career, 
 doubted his good faith and feared his defections. No one 
 could deny that he had afforded abundant cause for such 
 distrust. 
 
 When he had been thus repudiated by both sides in the 
 Mexican struggle, Santa Anna, who had conducted his 
 voluminous correspondence from the safe distance of 
 EUzabethport, New Jersey, or New York, in the United 
 States of America, determined to start a revolution of his 
 own, notwithstanding his ' patriotic ' sentiments and his 
 love of peace. He was warned by the Mexican Minister 
 at Washington of his peril in so doing, and that in the event 
 of his being arrested he would be treated Uke a common 
 criminal. 
 
 In the month of August 1866 Santa Anna endeavoured 
 to get into correspondence with Mr. Seward, the Secretary 
 of State, and addressed to him one of his flowery and syco- 
 phantic letters, in which he referred to the democratic 
 American citizen as ' your excellency,' begging for the re- 
 cognition by the United States of his ' wish to save my 
 country and assist in the expulsion of the last foreign 
 bayonet,' the bayonet which he had been among the very 
 first to summon. 
 
 But Santa Anna had little to hope for, and it was but 
 Uttle that he received, from the upright and manly American 
 Secretary of State. To his request that he might be accorded 
 a personal interview, or, at the least that his representative 
 (Mr. J. N. Lake, of New York) might be received by Mr. 
 Seward, the latter, addressing the ex-Dictator of Mexico 
 in the third person, replies, under date the 16th August 
 1866; 'The distinguished gentleman is hereby informed 
 
148 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 that insomuch as his attitude towards the Republican 
 government of Mexico, with which the United States 
 maintain diplomatic intercourse, is pronounced by the 
 President of Mexico to be unfriendly towards the govern- 
 ment of the Republic, a reception of the general in any 
 character at the present time by the Secretary of State 
 would be incompatible with the settled practice and habits 
 of the Executive Department of the United States.' 
 
 The unhesitating rejection of Santa Anna by aU whom 
 he approached with an offer of his services would have 
 overwhelmed any ordinary individual with humiliation 
 and mortification. Not so this irrepressible person, how- 
 ever, for in the face of these repeated snubs and insults he 
 continued to proffer his duties, and to utter threats when — 
 as invariably proved the case — they were repelled. 
 
 On 3rd June General Santa Anna, having induced, some 
 credulous and speculative individuals in the United States 
 to advance him the necessary money, landed at Vera Cruz 
 from the U.S. steamer Virginia, which also carried a 
 number of American fihbusters and quantities of ammuni- 
 tion and munitions of war. He declared that he was pro- 
 ceeding to Mexico ' under the protection of the United 
 States ' ; this was a gross untruth, by no means an unusual 
 expedient for this unscrupulous agitator to adopt. He was, 
 however, seized by the Mexican authorities, and put back 
 forcibly on board the Virginia, after they had assembled in 
 solemn meeting to hear his proposals for another rising. 
 
 The American commander, F. A. Roe, was the instrument 
 employed, and he undoubtedly did well to detain the fire- 
 brand Santa Anna before he had had the opportunity of 
 committing further mischief. The enraged Mexican stormed 
 and fumed uselessly ; the American commander treated 
 him with every consideration, but he would not allow him 
 to again land at Vera Cruz. Santa Anna threatened to 
 report Roe to his government at Washington for the 
 ' outrage ' inflicted upon him. The commander merely 
 smiled, raised his cap, and wished his captive ' good evening.' 
 When the United States government finally learned of the 
 
SANTA AKNA ARRESTED 149 
 
 incident, it approved in toto, as might have been antici- 
 pated by all but General Santa Anna, and Commander Roe 
 lost nothing in the estimation of his countrymen by his 
 prompt and vigorous action. 
 
 In the Washington House of Representatives, on 8th July 
 1867, Mr. Fernando Wood, of New York, had introduced a 
 resolution concerning ' the forcible abduction ' of Santa Anna, 
 and wishing to know ' whether the law of nations had not been 
 violated ' ; while Mr. WiUiam Mungen, a talkative lawyer 
 from Ohio, brought up another and more lengthy resolu- 
 tion upon the same subject. Little arose out of these 
 discussions, however, and on the whole the press and 
 public of the United States would seem to have approved 
 of the action of the Virginia's commander in thus stifling 
 at the outset the further attempt to convulse Mexico in 
 bloody revolution. 
 
 The ridiculous ' Free and Sovereign State of Yucatan,' 
 which Santa Anna had conjured up out of his imagination, 
 died before it was bom. When later on he landed at 
 Campeche, in the State of Yucatan, he was seized by the 
 Liberal Governor-General Peraza, and held a prisoner at 
 the disposal of the President of the Repubhc. Again Santa 
 Anna had Med most audaciously, because in a letter which 
 he had sent to a supporter he had declared that he was 
 about to land ' at the invitation of the governor.' 
 
 In the month of November another Antonio Lopez de 
 Santa Anna, claiming to be the nephew of the general of 
 the same name, endeavoured to ' draw ' the U.S. Secretary of 
 State into a correspondence upon the plea that ' his uncle 
 might lose his reputation, his fortune, and even his life in 
 a mistaken enterprise,' and asking if it was true that the 
 U.S. Government was treating with the general upon the 
 subject of Mexico. To this Mr. Seward rephed very briefly 
 that 'this government has not recognised any other 
 Mexican authority, or held any correspondence, or entered 
 into any negotiations with any other than that of President 
 Juarez.' Thus the nephew succeeded in obtaining no more 
 than had the uncle from the astute American secretary. 
 
150 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 The whole Santa Anna family were regarded — ^and justly 
 so — as about as delectable and as reputable as a nest of rats. 
 
 Santa Anna was now an elderly man, having been bom 
 in 1798 ; but up to the time of his death, in 1874, he con- 
 tinually interfered in Mexican politics, and as continually 
 proved the cause of disturbance. In 1867 he had taken 
 part in the ' pronunciamientos,' for which offence he had 
 been once more exiled, but five years afterwards (1872) he 
 was permitted to retiu'n to Mexican soil, for even then he 
 was a djdng man. 
 
 The reader is referred to the Appendix for further en- 
 lightening correspondence upon the character of General 
 Santa Anna. It proves him to have merely changed his 
 political role from that of a cruel despot to that of a 
 double-faced and luiconscionable traitor. 
 
 Napoleon meanwhile was trying to propitiate the Wash- 
 ington Government. He had certainly provoked some act 
 of retaliation upon the part of the Americans, since, in spite of 
 the constant protest of the United States he had recognised 
 the Confederates as a ' naval beUigerent,' notwithstanding 
 the fact that they had no established political existence, 
 having no port in that country. It has generally been 
 accepted by nations as a principle that a military force 
 which is destitute of ports or of ships of war cannot by 
 right be considered as a ' naval belligerent.' Napoleon 
 was well aware of this, but it served his purpose to ignore 
 it in relation to the United States. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 Maximilian accepts the Crown of Mexico — His conditions — ^Historic 
 document confirming agreement — Reception of the Mexican deputa- 
 tion — ^The delegates — ^Imposing ceremonial — Regents' address read 
 — Maximilian is fascinated — ^Is proclaimed ' Emperor of Mexico ' — 
 Charlotte shares his enthusiasm — ^They take the oath of allegiance 
 — Francis Joseph visits his brother at Miramar — Maximihan's 
 first decree — ^Regency dissolved — Special envoys carry intelligence 
 to Foreign Courts — ^Deputation returns to Mexico City. 
 
 The proposal put forward by Napoleon to Maximilian that 
 he ehould accept the crown of Mexico when it was offered 
 had been under consideration for fuUy eight or nine months 
 before a definite reply in the affirmative was given. 
 
 Had the Austrian archduke but consulted his own con- 
 venience and feelings in the matter, it is certain that, not- 
 withstanding his long-dreamt-of ambitions to wield full 
 imperial power, he would have declined the proposition ; 
 but the plausible argument advanced by Napoleon, the 
 strong personal influence exercised by the Empress Eugenie, 
 for whom Maximilian entertained a profound regard, and 
 the encouraging support lent by the Archduchess Charlotte 
 proved irresistible. The negotiations between Paris and 
 Miramar therefore ended in Maximihan's reluctance being 
 overcome, and in the despatch of a letter, addressed to 
 Senor J. M. Gutierrez de Estrada, the authorised Mexican 
 confidant and intermediary then in Paris, declaring that 
 he would accept the throne of Mexico upon the condition of 
 securing some guarantees, by which he meant that France 
 and England should support him with their moral and 
 material guarantee both upon land and upon sea. The text 
 of the archduke's acceptance was as follows : 
 
 ' Gentlemen, — I am deeply touched by the wishes which 
 
152 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 were expressed by the assembly of notables at Mexico, at their 
 sitting of the 10th of June, and which you have been charged 
 to bring to me. It can only be flattering to our house that, at 
 the first mention of the word "monarchy" the eyes of your 
 countrymen were at once turned to the race of Charles v. 
 Although the task of assuring the independence and well-being 
 of Mexico, by means of durable and free institutions, is a very 
 noble one, still I must acknowledge in fuU understanding with 
 his Majesty the Emperor of the French, whose glorious initiative 
 makes the regeneration of your beautiful country possible, 
 that the monarchy cannot be restored, on legitimate and lasting 
 foundations, unless the whole nation, of its own free will, ratifies 
 the wish of the capital. Therefore, I must make my acceptance 
 of the throne which is offered to me depend, first, on a result 
 of a vote of the entire country. On the other hand my com- 
 prehension of the sacred duties of the ruler over the restored 
 empire makes it necessary for me to ask for some guarantees 
 which are indispensable to protect it from the dangers which 
 threaten its integrity and independence. Should the assurances 
 of a well-grounded security in the future be obtained, and should 
 the universal choice of the noble people of Mexico faU upon me, 
 I shall be ready to accept the throne supported by the acqui- 
 escence of the high chief of my family, and confiding in the pro- 
 tection of the Almighty. In case that I should be called by 
 Providence to the high mission of civihsation connected with 
 this crown, I must, gentlemen, declare to you, even now, my firm 
 determination, following the wise example of my imperial 
 brother, to open to the coimtry the path of progress founded on 
 law and order, by means of a constitutional government, and as 
 soon as the whole realm has been restored to peace, to seal the 
 fundamental fact with the nation by my oath. Only in this 
 way could a new and truly national policy be called into life, in 
 which aU parties, forgetting their ancient enmities, would help 
 to raise Mexico to that conspicuous rank among the nations to 
 which she would seem to be destined under a government which 
 held as its highest principle to let moderation and law govern. 
 
 ' Gentlemen, will you communicate to your countrymen these 
 resolutions, which I have freely imparted to you, and strive that 
 it may be made possible to the nation to declare what govern- 
 ment it wishes to see estabhshed ? ' 
 
 This document of tentative acceptance, occupying two 
 

MEXICAN DEPUTATION 153 
 
 sides of a large sheet of manuscript paper, and couched in 
 the Spanish language, was forwarded by the recipient, Seiior 
 Gutierrez de Estrada, to Don Licenciado ^ Aguilar, who, 
 upon his part, communicated its contents to the Imperiahst 
 party in Mexico. The principal members of a European 
 Commission — which included Seiior Hidalgo, General Al- 
 monte, and General Miram6n — with Senor Gutierrez de 
 Estrada came later to Paris, while the Archbishop of 
 Mexico, Monsignor Labastida, also came over to use his 
 influence at Rome against the Liberal Government, of which 
 Benito Juarez was the chief, and in favour of the estabhsh- 
 ment of a monarchy with a CathoUc prince at the head. 
 
 The members of the deputation from Mexico were enter- 
 tained with becoming hberahty and magnificence by the 
 hospitable Maximilian, who accommodated them at Mira- 
 mar during the few days that they remained in Austria. 
 They were as deeply impressed by the lavish welcome 
 extended to them as by the outward beauty of the palace 
 wherein their chosen prince habitually resided. Accustomed 
 as they were to attractive scenic surroundings, for Mexico 
 is a remarkably captivating country, the fairness of the 
 Miramar estate, situated upon the deep blue waters of the 
 Adriatic, its innumerable lofty trees and glowing flower- 
 gardens, and, above aU, the stately residence with its 
 castellated towers and sweeping marble terraces, eUcited 
 their profound admiration. 
 
 The formal reception of the delegates who brought with 
 them the offer of the imperial crown of Mexico took place 
 on a Sunday. It had been so arranged that the fullest 
 number of people might be present, numerous distin- 
 guished individuals coming from the city of Trieste for the 
 occasion. The Marquis Corio, grand master of ceremonies 
 to the Archduke Maximihan, received the members of the 
 deputation at the principal door of the palace, where they 
 had assembled, and conducted them to the imperial audience 
 chamber, a large and handsome hall where dances and 
 concerts were usuaUy held. To reach this it was necessary 
 1 Licenoiado means barrister, licentiate, or doctor-in-law. 
 
154 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 to pass through a long suite of apartments comprising the 
 dining-room, ante-room, and library. In the ball-room 
 Maximilian and Charlotte took up their positions upon 
 a dais erected at the head of the salon, beneath a magni- 
 ficent canopy of rose-silk, embroidered in gold. Two chairs 
 of state, highly gilded and upholstered in crimson silk, 
 occupied this space, and seated thereon were the arch- 
 duke and archduchess, handsomely dressed, awaiting their 
 visitors. MaximiUan had assumed the becoming uniform 
 of an Austrian vice-admiral, and wore the orders of the 
 Golden Fleece and Grand Cross of San Stephen. The arch- 
 duchess wore a superb robe of crimson silk, trimmed with 
 quantities of Brussels lace (an inheritance from her mother, 
 the late Queen Louise of Belgium), an archducal crown, 
 coUar and ornaments composed of diamonds, and the Black 
 Ribbon of the Order of Malta. The scene, when aU the 
 gaily-attired company had assembled and the handsome 
 haU was full, was described by a contemporary Mexican 
 scribe as ' one of the most impressive and solemnly effective 
 that had ever been witnessed.' 
 
 How could Maximihan know of the successful conspiracy 
 which had been organised in distant Mexico by Marshal 
 Forey, Napoleon's emissary, in order to obtain the adhesion 
 of certain notabilities who should offer him, upon the part of 
 the imperialists, the throne of Mexico ? How should he 
 have divined that the so-called ' spontaneous call ' was 
 merely the obedient act of a number of lesser lights in the 
 political world who had no authority beyond their own to 
 proclaim an empire ? The act of the Junta which took upon 
 itself that responsibility has been denounced by historians, 
 such as the Count E. de Keratry, as ' a deplorable example of 
 an outrage against the truth.' This same critic, himself a 
 Frenchman, has also written : ' We have had to pay for the 
 apparel of some of the " notables," just as one had to pay 
 for the flowers which were thrown under the feet of the 
 French troops upon their entry into Mexico City (July 1863).' 
 
 Standing where he did in the full flush of his life's ambi- 
 tion, with the Mexican delegation bowing low before him. 
 
IMPOSING CEREMONY 155 
 
 Maximilian could not possibly imagine that he was being 
 cruelly misled, nor, indeed, did those well-meaning and 
 doubtless honest-minded gentlemen who formed the deputa- 
 tion, and who so disinterestedly proffered him the crown, 
 believe for a moment that they were exceeding their privi- 
 leges. They had the encouragement of the French military 
 occupants of Mexico, and that was deemed by them to be 
 adequate. They had, however, considered it imnecessary 
 to conduct any preUminary canvass of pubUc opinion in 
 Mexico, nor had they concerned themselves at aU with the 
 feelings of their numerous political opponents. Never- 
 theless, the summoning of the Junta by Marshal Forey, 
 of which body they themselves had formed members, 
 proved so glaringly imconstitutional that it might have 
 occiured to their minds, had they thought about the matter 
 at all, that the deUberations and conclusions of such a body 
 could not possibly prove binding upon the rest of the nation. 
 To Maximilian they explained that they were acting for 
 ' the great majority of the Mexican people ' ; as a fact — 
 although the archduke coiild neither know nor guess it — 
 they did not in this matter speak for one tenth of the people. 
 The recent events before the walls of Puebla should alone 
 have convinced them and their dupe of this. Fere libenter 
 homines id, quod volunt, credunt. 
 
 Inunediately behind the archduke stood General Frossart, 
 aide-de-camp to the French emperor, and the Special 
 French Envoy, M. Herbet, both of whom had been sent by 
 Napoleon to lend additional iclat to the proceedings. The 
 archduchess's ladies-in-waiting, who occupied places immedi- 
 ately behind her chair, included the Princess Mettemich, 
 the Marquise de Ville, the two Countesses Zichy (sisters), 
 the Countess Paula KoUonitz (who subsequently accom- 
 panied Charlotte to Mexico), the Minister of Belgium to 
 Austria, M. Monier, the captain of the imperial frigate 
 Themis, and other important personages. 
 
 Having approached to the foot of the dais and formed 
 themselves into a semi-circle, Senor Jos6 M. Gutierrez de 
 Estrada read the address from the Regents of Mexico, in 
 
156 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 which they presented the resolution arrived at regarding 
 the estabKshment of a monarchy in place of a republic, and 
 described, in the picturesque language of Spain, the yearn- 
 ing of the people for a peaceful and progressive govern- 
 ment, and ' for a high-minded and noble prince to rule over 
 them.' As he listened, fascinated and enraptured, to the 
 eloquent phrases contained in the lengthy address, Maxi- 
 miUan was reaUsing the dream of years, and achieving at 
 length the ambition which had so often dazzhngly presented 
 itself as within his destined attainment. No shadow of 
 doubt entered his mind that the tender of the imperial 
 diadem of Mexico could be anything but the unanimous 
 proffering of the entire Mexican people ; no suggestion of 
 any divergence of opinion could be gleaned from the flowery 
 and flattering appeal presented to the Austrian archduke, 
 nor from the several rhetorical speeches delivered by the 
 individual members of the deputation after the reading 
 of the address. Among the speakers were one or two 
 notable Mexican orators, such as the distinguished lawyer 
 Don Pablo Martinez del Rio and Don Francisco de P. 
 Arrangoiz y Berzabal. 
 
 The archduke, much moved by the evident sincerity of 
 his petitioners no less than by the solemnity of the occasion, 
 signifying for him and for his young wife, who stood radi- 
 antly beside him, so heavy a responsibility and so complete 
 a change in their hitherto careless and happy Hves, returned 
 a favourable answer ; whereupon Seiior Jose M. Gutierrez 
 de Estrada, approaching the feet of the archduke, knelt 
 before him and did homage to his new sovereign. Taking 
 the prince's hand within his own, the president of the 
 deputation solemnly proclaimed him ' Emperor of Mexico,' 
 exclaiming aloud after the Spanish custom : 
 
 ' Dios salve a S.M. Maximiliano 1° Emperador de Mejico 1 ' 
 after which every Mexican in the room repeated : ' God 
 bless His Majesty Maximilian the First, Emperor of Mexico.' 
 
 The same ceremonial was carried out in respect to Char- 
 lotte, who was proclaimed ' Empress ' amid demonstrations 
 of unparalleled enthusiasm. This was the day of her life. 
 
TWO EMPERORS 157 
 
 and very beautiful she looked as she bowed her grate- 
 ful acknowledgments of the altogether momentous and 
 impressive manifestation. 
 
 The venerable Abbot of Lacroma, wearing his mitre and 
 carrying his crosier, attended by Father Tomds Gromez, of 
 the Spanish Order of San Francisco, and by Dr. Ignacio 
 Montesdeoca, a Mexican priest, then administered the oath 
 of allegiance to Maximilian and Charlotte, both of them 
 swearing to adhere to the laws of the country, to faith- 
 fully observe and administer its ordinances, and at all 
 times to rule according to the Church's precepts, conclud- 
 ing by placing their hands reverently upon the Book of the 
 Gospels which was presented to them by Dr. Montesdeoca. 
 
 Formed into a procession, the entire company now pro- 
 ceeded to the private chapel of the castle, where a solemn 
 Te, Deum was sung, following which some further introduc- 
 tions to their new emperor and empress were made of 
 Mexican notabihties, including Senor Joaquin Velasquez 
 de Leon, Minister of State, General Woll, aide-de-camp, 
 and Senor Angel Iglesias, the new Secretary of the 
 Cabinet. 
 
 The day previous to these ceremonies had witnessed the 
 arrival at Miramar of the Emperor Francis Joseph and two 
 of his brothers — the Archdukes Charles Louis and Louis 
 Victor — who came to congratulate Maximilian upon his new 
 honours. They remained but a few hours and then re- 
 turned to Vienna ; but it was noticed that the parting 
 between the two emperors was so afEectionate that it 
 might have been imagined a final separation was being 
 gone through. As a matter of fact this proved to be the 
 case, for Maximihan left Miramar a few days later for 
 Mexico, and the two brothers never met again. 
 
 Upon the same day that he formally accepted the crown 
 of Mexico, Maximihan issued his first decree as elected 
 sovereign. This was dissolving the regency which, hitherto, 
 had carried on the government of the country, and nominat- 
 ing the General Juan N. Almonte as the emperor's repre- 
 sentative charged with full plenary powers. Senor Joaquin 
 
158 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Velasquez de Leon was, at the same time, confirmed 
 in Ms appointment as Minister of State. 
 
 This occasion was distinguished likewise by the ceremoni- 
 ous signing of the ' Convention of Miramar,' made between 
 the Emperor of the French and the new Emperor of Mexico, 
 the signatures being respectively those of M. Herbet for 
 the former and Don Joaquin Velasquez de Leon for the 
 latter. The Convention, consisting of eighteen Articles, and 
 which forms the subject of innumerable references and of 
 much correspondence dealt with in subsequent pages of this 
 volume, will be found reproduced in the Appendix in exienso. 
 
 Special envoys conveying the tidings of Maximilian's 
 acceptance of the crown were despatched to the courts 
 of Paris, Vienna, Rome, Brussels, London, and Madrid. 
 Having confirmed and extended the provisions of the Order 
 of the Guadaloupe, first created at the time of the Regency, 
 in October of 1863, the emperor conferred the decoration 
 upon a number of those who had assisted at the ceremonies 
 of Miramar. 
 
 The deputation, which had performed its allotted com- 
 mission under conditions of the greatest splendour and in 
 a manner which afforded general satisfaction, now withdrew 
 and shortly afterwards returned to Mexico, there to super- 
 vise the arrangements for the important ceremonies and 
 public rejoicings which it was decided should mark the 
 arrival of the new sovereigns within their dominions, and 
 their actual coronation in the cathedral of their capital 
 city. Maximilian and Charlotte, in taking temporary 
 farewell of their new subjects, promised that they would 
 follow them to Mexico with aU possible expedition. In 
 Uttle less than one month from that date they had 
 embarked upon the voyage which was destined to end 
 for them with such tragic consequences. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 The journey to Mexico — ^Departure from Miramar — ^Affecting leave-taking 
 — ^Visit to Royal Family at Naples — Reception by the Pope — Call 
 at Gibraltar — Reception by General Codrington — Stay at Jamaica — 
 First impressions of Mexico — Cool reception — ^Almonte's initial 
 blunder — Journey to Orizaba, Cordoba, and Mexico City — ^En- 
 thusiasm in the Capital — ^Visit to the Cathedral — Generals Bazaine 
 and Negrete take part — Colonel Miguel Lopez presents himself — 
 Visit to the provinces — ^Triumphal progress — Return to the Capital. 
 
 The 14th day of April 1864 was a glorious one climatically. 
 The sun shone forth with all the accustomed splendour 
 and genial warmth of the favoured Adriatic shores, and 
 never had Miramar, with its stately castellated walls, its 
 broad turreted towers, and its many windows, presented a 
 more attractive aspect. The sun glanced upon its sweep- 
 ing terraces, its superb gardens, and its numerous lofty trees ; 
 the brilliance of the semi-tropical flowers and shrubs in 
 their well-ordered beds was only equalled by the exquisite 
 tint of the blue waters of the Adriatic which washed and 
 lapped the marble steps which led down to them. Maxi- 
 miUan had built Miramar upon the bare rough crags, and 
 had surrounded it with the fairest gardens that man could 
 design. No one who saw Miramar upon a day such as this 
 could fail to be moved by its appeahng splendour, its utter 
 restfulness, and its complete isolation from a noisy and 
 troubled world. 
 
 Such were Maximihan's feelings, when, for the last time, 
 he wandered through the familiar rooms and passages ; 
 glanced longingly at his particular retiring-room where, 
 smoking his favourite tobacco, he had dreamed of imperial 
 magnificence — yet furtively hoping that it might not be 
 
 159 
 
160 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 realised ; visited once again the well-known shady walks in 
 the beautiful groimds, and lingered lovingly over certain 
 flower-beds, and beneath the shade of the noble trees. All 
 these he was to leave, and he felt the parting intensely, as a 
 nature as sensitive as his was bound to do. 
 
 This 14th day of April, so momentous for Maximilian 
 of Austria, had already passed into the calendar as a day 
 to be remembered. Upon this same date Philip, grand- 
 son of Louis XIV., called to the throne of Spain by the wiU 
 of the preceding monarch Charles i., made his entry into 
 Madrid in 1701. Between Philip and Maximilian there 
 was this point of resemblance — both were good-hearted, 
 honest, and humane in their dealings. Whereas the first- 
 named voluntarily resigned the crown which had brought 
 him nothing but melancholy and mortification, the latter 
 was only relieved of the weight of his by death. 
 
 The deep affection in which Maximilian and Charlotte 
 were held at Miramar was only equalled by the love which 
 existed between them during the nine years of companion- 
 ship which were vouchsafed to them. They were known 
 to every man, woman, and child in the district, while their 
 benefactions were as liberal as they were indiscriminate. 
 Although generally abstaining from active poUtics, Maxi- 
 milian had, upon occasions, stood between the Crown and 
 the people during the period of transition from absolutism 
 to constitutionalism. The fact that he stood so near the 
 Throne, while acting as the cause of his cold reception at 
 court, endeared him to the people who longed for the time 
 when he might become their sovereign. Had the Emperor 
 Francis Joseph listened to Maximilian's proposals regard- 
 ing reform in Lombardy and Venetia, these provinces might 
 never have been lost to Austria. But just as Vienna had 
 regarded with suspicion the advice of the Archduke Reiner, 
 who during the second quarter of the last century was 
 Governor of Milan and viceroy of the Lombardo-Venetian 
 kingdom, so had it mistrusted the influence of Maximilian 
 when occupying a similar official position, blind to the need 
 of a just and liberal policy towards the Italian provinces of 
 
D 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 w 
 
 H 
 
 O 
 
 J 
 
 In 
 O 
 
 
EMBARKATION 161 
 
 Austria then as it is to the Serbo-Croatian provinces to-day. 
 Just as the Archduke Eiciner had had to leave his post in 
 1848, so was Maxinulian compelled to depart and abandon 
 the civilising and pacifying work which he had but barely 
 commenced in 1859. 
 
 Shortly before their departure MaximiUan and Charlotte 
 received a deputation from the town of Trieste, whose 
 members came to bid them god-speed. The meeting — as 
 did the partit^ — proved very touching, and both Maximihan 
 and his loyal adherents were much moved. The love which 
 existed between the handsome young archduke and the 
 good people of Trieste was undoubtedly profound, and 
 when the Bmrgomaster presented the memorial which bore 
 the signatures of some ten thousand of the inhabitants, 
 Maximihan burst into tears. Flowers were strewn at his 
 feet, and with true peasant enthusiasm many threw them- 
 selves before the young emperor, imploring him to remain 
 among them. ' He beckoned his thanks and regrets with 
 streaming eyes and convulsively heaving bosom, but no 
 word could pass his Hps,' we are told by one who was among 
 his entourage. 
 
 The crowd accompanied the imperial pair to the embarka- 
 tion steps ; their moist eyes followed them anxiously on 
 their journey in a small boat which was to convey them to 
 the government corvette, the Novara, awaiting to bear 
 them to their new possessions. The Austrian frigate 
 BeMona and the French frigate Themis thundered forth 
 their salutes, the forts at Trieste took up the parable noisily, 
 and the Novarra steamed away slowly towards the distant 
 shores of the new empire. 
 
 The joiuTiey was broken first at Civita Vecchia, which 
 was headed on 19th April, and from this port a short visit 
 was paid to the Italian royal family at Naples, while a 
 second was paid to Rome. Every honour was conferred 
 upon the imperial travellers, who were received with the 
 full state and ceremony rendered to reigning sovereigns ; 
 the Pope (Pius Ninth) had previously received the emperor 
 and empress with the greatest readiness, and afterwards 
 
162 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 returned the visit in person, calling upon them in fuH state 
 at the Palazzo Marescotti where they were lodged. 
 
 The next stop was at Gibraltar, where the sovereigns 
 were received by the governor. General Codrington. Two 
 days passed in a series of entertainments and amuse- 
 ments designed by the governor and his daughter, during 
 which both MaximiHan and Charlotte appeared to be as 
 joyous as two children. In after years Miss Codrington fre- 
 quently referred to the Ughtheartedness and spontaneous 
 merriment of this young and happy couple. 
 
 While most of the suite apparently suffered intensely 
 on the voyage from seasickness, neither Maximilian nor 
 Charlotte seemed much inconvenienced. Both had travelled 
 in earher days, the archduke having passed several years 
 voyaging around the world, while together or alone they had 
 visited Madeira and the other Canary Islands upon three 
 separate occasions ; Charlotte had lived upon the island 
 for several months. MaximiUan's sister-in-law, the Empress 
 Ehzabeth of Austria, had at this time a small viUa at Madeira 
 located on the water's edge, amd completely surrounded by 
 superb gardens. 
 
 In a sixteen days' voyage the imperial travellers had 
 landed three times — at Civita Vecchia, at Gibraltar, and 
 at Madeira, but between this island and the port of Vera Cruz 
 (Mexico) there were to be but two more land expeditions. 
 Madeira was left behind on 30th April, and on 9th May 
 the island of Martinique was reached and quitted on the 
 following day. Jamaica was made on 12th, and here every 
 attention was shown to the imperial visitors by the Admiral 
 of the North-American station fleet, Sir James Hope. At 
 Port Royal the military governor, General Ashmore, and 
 the Civil Governor, Mr. Edward John Eyre (of the ' Gordon 
 Riots ' fame), devoted many hours to showing Maximilian 
 and Charlotte the curiosities of the place, a kindness which 
 was much appreciated by the recipients. 
 
 On the 25th May the shores of Mexico drew near, the 
 Novarra saihng into the Gulf of Mexico between the penin- 
 sula of Yucatan (a name afterwards to be bitterly remem- 
 
VERA CRUZ 163 
 
 bered by Maximilian) and Cape San Antonio, on the island 
 of Cuba. It was now over forty days since the voyage 
 commenced, and all the travellers alike were glad enough 
 that its end was near. Three days later, 28th May, Vera 
 Cruz was reached, and the imperial vessel cast anchor at 
 two o'clock in the afternoon. 
 
 First impressions of their new empire proved hardly 
 encouraging. At the best of times Vera Cruz is a dismal 
 and unattractive place. In fine weather the heat is intense, 
 and the air miasmac. Even to-day, when so much has 
 been effected to purify the town and to purge the surround- 
 ings from their foul conditions, the odours are sickening. 
 The long rows of flat-roofed, stucco-faced houses of the 
 town, the painfully straight streets all of one uniform 
 pattern set in a framework of yellow sandy waste, relieved 
 here and there by groups of wind-tossed cocoanut palms, 
 strike a kind of terror to new arrivals. 
 
 For many — nay, for most — days of the year, moreover, a 
 violent and most irritating hot wind, known as the ' Norther,' 
 blows continuously, sometimes for four or five days, and 
 seldom for less than two, without an hour's cessation. It 
 was upon such a day that the imperial pair first saw the 
 town, and to make matters more unpleasant the arrival 
 of the Novara seemed to have met with absolute indiffer- 
 ence upon the part of the town authorities. Although 
 the Themis had preceded the imperial vessel by some hours 
 in order to announce the sovereigns' arrival, not a sign of 
 any pubUo or private reception was manifested. This was 
 subsequently explained by the fact that General Almonte, 
 who had been deputed to receive the emperor and empress, 
 was still up-country (at Orizaba), whither he had proceeded 
 to escape from the yeUow fever raging at Vera Cruz. 
 
 Several hours after the Novara had cast anchor, and as 
 the emperor and empress were wondering what could be 
 the meaning of this cold and unfriendly reception, Rear- 
 Admiral Bosse, accompanied by an aide-de-camp, both of 
 whom were in a very bad temper, rowed out to the imperial 
 vessel. 
 
164 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Later on in the day General Almonte himself appeared, 
 accompanied by General Salas and many of the notables of 
 Vera Gruz. The town by their instructions was illuminated 
 at dusk. At 5 a.m. on the following morning, 29th May, 
 Maximilian and Charlotte disembarked, and shortly after- 
 wards set foot for the first time upon Mexican soil. 
 
 The public demonstration which had been confidently 
 expected proved of a very disappointing character. The 
 imperial procession — the first for over forty years — com- 
 posed of the distinguished travellers, their European suite, 
 and the French and Mexican military escort, proceeded 
 slowly and silently through the streets without exciting 
 the slightest enthusiasm among the stoUd, staring inhabi- 
 tants, who nevertheless, in later days, proved their loyalty 
 to the empire when the whole of the rest of the country had 
 practically abandoned it. 
 
 The newly-built railroad — known then as it is to-day 
 as the 'Mexican Railway' — carried the court as far 
 as Tomalto, with a few hours' stoppage for breakfast 
 at La Soledad, after which the journey was continued by 
 carriage to the town of Cordoba. It had been intended to 
 proceed as far as Orizaba, but, owing to delays upon the 
 road, this was found to be impossible. As it happened, 
 Cordoba itself was only attained a little before midnight ; 
 Orizaba was reached at 10 a.m. on the following day. Then, 
 after many impleasant incidents upon the way, Puebla was 
 reached, and on 7th June the cortege arrived at Santa Maria 
 de Guadaloupe, a small town situated on the outskirts of 
 Mexico City. From here it was intended to make the 
 royal entry into the capital, and this took place some five 
 days later. 
 
 The inhabitants had been well prepared for the event, 
 and they had not failed to show their interest ; triumphal 
 arches and well-decorated house fronts, many garlands of 
 natural flowers and numerous coloured draperies floating 
 from the windows, testified to the good feeling aroused, and 
 the emperor and empress now tasted of that display and 
 popular enthusiasm which had hitherto been so lamentably 
 
AT MEXICO CITY 165 
 
 lacking. The imperial carriage used upon this occasion 
 was one which Maximilian had had expressly made for this 
 service by an English firm ; how well it was constructed 
 was proved by the manner with which it stood the journey 
 over the shockingly bad roads which had to be traversed 
 between Vera Cruz, where the conveyance had been landed, 
 and Mexico City. Maximilian and Charlotte had occupied 
 it aU the way from La Soledad. The ponderous vehicle, 
 which is heavily and even garishly ornamented with brass 
 mouldings, now reposes among other imperial relics in the 
 National Museum at Mexico City. 
 
 At the church of San Guadaloupe, where they had heard 
 early mass on the morning of 11th of June, the emperor 
 and empress were met by an escort of mounted men and 
 ladies in carriages, who had come from Mexico City to 
 conduct the two sovereigns into their capital. The entire 
 route of between seven and eight miles was lined by cheering 
 crowds, which became more and more dense as the city's 
 precincts were reached, those most distant. faUing-in behind 
 the procession, and thus helping to swell the moving throng. 
 
 In the city itself the people had left nothing undone that 
 could lend additional importance to the occasion ; the 
 streets through which the cavalcade had to pass were 
 spanned by arches of exquisite flowers, while quantities of 
 blooms culled that morning from suburban gardens were 
 flung beneath the horses' feet and around the royal carriage 
 as it made its way slowly through the congested thorough- 
 fares. Loud shouts of welcome greeted the smiling emperor 
 and his radiant wife as they came into view, and no royal 
 progress could have been more gratifying than theirs upon 
 this memorable occasion. 
 
 The procession stopped at the cathedral gates, where the 
 imperial pair and their suite ahghted to attend a solemn 
 Te deum, sung before the cavalcade again moved on to 
 the imperial palace, which Maximilian and Charlotte now 
 beheld for the first time. Here was held a reception of the 
 notabilities and many of the French officers, the ceremony 
 lasting for several hours. 
 
166 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 The evening and a portion of the night were devoted to 
 feasting and merrymaking. At the state banquet which 
 was held at the palace as well as at a large number of private 
 dinner-parties given for the occasion, the toast to the health 
 of the emperor and empress was received with considerable 
 enthusiasm. Speeches breathing fervid loyalty and devo- 
 tion were deHvered and were as generously replied to ; 
 while at the close of this memorable day there was witnessed 
 as briUiant a display of pyrotechnics as ever had rejoiced 
 the hearts of these readily-amused and good-natured people. 
 
 General Bazaine and Greneral Baron Neigre had both 
 been present in the street procession, and now performed 
 the pleasant duty of presenting their officers to the new 
 sovereigns. The ceremony at last completed, Maximihan 
 and Charlotte showed themselves from the balcony of the 
 palace to the assembled multitude, by whom they were 
 received with every demonstration of delight and fervid 
 loyalty. 
 
 For many years these people had been accustomed to 
 see and to Usten to black-coated, loud-voiced, and wildly- 
 gesticulating Mexican orators and poUticians, who, occupy- 
 ing the same balcony, had shrieked to them of ' honour and 
 patriotism,' denouncing in terms of hatred and recrimina- 
 tion their pohtical enemies and rival candidates for office. 
 To-day, however, they were gazing spellbound at a pair 
 of physically attractive and handsomely apparelled beings 
 of royal birth, who seemed to visuaHse the longed-for and 
 firmly beheved-in Aztec deities, Quetzalcoatl and his wife, 
 who had been banished from the land thousands of years 
 before. It seemed all quite natural to the Indian mind, 
 this big blonde man, with light blue eyes and yellow flowing 
 hair, attired in brilliant uniform, and, close by his side, this 
 exceedingly beautiful young woman apparelled in magni- 
 ficent robes of scarlet velvet, of gracious mien and bewitch- 
 ing smile. Undoubtedly they were Quetzalcoatl and his 
 wife, reincarnated, and it would have gone hard with any 
 one in the crowd who had ventured to declare the contrary. 
 At the head of the military escort had ridden Colonel 
 
POPULAR RECEPTION 167 
 
 Miguel Lopez, the same individual who a few years later 
 was destined to cover his name with everlasting infamy, 
 and earn the honest loathing of his feUow creatures. To-day 
 he had looked handsome and debonair, as he managed, with 
 perfect grace, his mettlesome charger, and led his lancers 
 in a half-trot upon either side of the gorgeous imperial 
 carriage. This regiment had met the illustrious travellers 
 half-way upon the Vera Cruz road, and escorted them to 
 the village of Gua'daloupe. 
 
 The triumphal entry into Mexico City was shortly after- 
 wards followed by Maximilian's almost equally imposing 
 reception at Jalapa, the ancient capital of the State of 
 Vera Cruz, and a place of considerable importance even 
 in the days of Cortes. The welcome which this town — 
 typical ' Old Mexico ' — had prepared for the young sovereign 
 was particularly hearty, and he was as much pleased with 
 the evident sincerity of the people as he was enchanted by 
 the exquisite scenery amid which the town of Jalapa nestles. 
 Several days were passed here, receptions, entertainments, 
 and pubHc processions occupying every available hour. 
 The illuminations at night vied with those of the capital 
 city itself for magnificence and beauty. The only un- 
 pleasant incident to occur was an accident to the emperor's 
 private secretary, Senor Montalba Pohakovitz, who, during 
 the day, had been thrown from his horse and hurt, his 
 arm being fractured in the fall. 
 
 Undoubtedly the friendly reception accorded the new 
 arrivals at Mexico Qty greatly pleased and encouraged 
 them, and atoned for the frigid ceremonies at Vera Cruz ; 
 the almost childish pleasmre which showed itself upon the 
 beautiful face of Charlotte, and the proud look of happiness 
 upon that of her handsome consort, attracted general atten- 
 tion. Thus auspiciously, to them at least, commenced 
 their entry into the possession of their new kingdom. No 
 cloud appeared at this time to be looming anywhere near 
 the horizon. 
 
 Prom Jalapa MaximiUan and Charlotte, who had joined 
 him there on the last day of his stay, her Majesty having 
 
168 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 been detained in Mexico Gty in consequence of a slight 
 indisposition, proceeded to Puebla, the city which had been 
 captured in 1821 by Iturbide, the first emperor of Mexico ; 
 occupied by the North Americans under General Winfield 
 Scott in 1847 ; successfully defended, after a severe struggle, 
 by Zaragoza in May of 1862 ; and conquered for Maximihan 
 by the French, after one of the most desperate battles which 
 have been fought in Latin-Amercia, in May of 1863. Once 
 again it was destined to stand a siege, for in the month of 
 April 1867 it fell to the prowess of General Porfirio Diaz, 
 who, upon a former occasion, had been confined as a prisoner 
 within its fortified walls. 
 
 One of the first acts performed by Maximilian upon enter- 
 ing Puebla was to order the release of all the prisoners there 
 incarcerated, including even a round half dozen ruffians 
 who were under sentence of death for murder. Accord- 
 ing to the terms of Clause 17 of the Convention of Miramar, 
 it was agreed that the French government should set at 
 liberty all Mexicans in prison on the day that the emperor 
 entered into his kingdom. 
 
 Yet another act of grace, which elicited as great if not 
 greater pubHc satisfaction, was the ceremonious conferring 
 of the much-prized Grand Cross of the Order of Notre Dame 
 de Guadaloupe upon Sister Louisa, of the Order of Car- 
 melites, and one of the noblest and most-beloved of women. 
 
 In Puebla also Maximihan met for the first time the 
 French Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 
 M. Alphonse Dano, who was later on destined to play an 
 important part in the emperor's life in Mexico. He had 
 but recently arrived to replace the Marquis de Monthalon, 
 who, on his part, had succeeded the unfortunate M. de 
 SaUgny, who had been recalled to France. The new 
 minister was charged by Napoleon to express his cordial 
 good wishes towards the Mexican sovereigns, and, in order 
 to do honour to the occasion, their majesties accorded the 
 plenipotentiary the fullest measure of diplomatic honours. 
 
 Before leaving the city of Puebla Maximilian held a 
 grand review of the Austrian troops who had accompanied 
 
D 
 
 O 
 
 u 
 
 W 
 f- 
 H 
 O 
 
 u 
 o 
 w 
 
COLONEL KODOLICH 169 
 
 him from Europe, under the command of General Count 
 de Thiin and Lieutenant-Colonel Kodohch. The latter 
 proved himself a devoted adherent of the emperor through- 
 out his brief three years' reign, and more particularly during 
 the times of trouble which followed. Resourceful as he 
 was reliable, Kodohch's services stand out in bold contrast 
 to the pusillanimous conduct of most of the other Austrian 
 officers and men who had accepted service under Maximilian. 
 Nearly all of them in the end deserted him, while in his last 
 sad hours the part played by the Austrian Charg6 d' Affaires, 
 Baron von Lago, will never be forgotten, nor can it ever be 
 explained. 
 
 From his triumphal progress through a portion of the 
 friendly provincial towns, Maximilian, accompanied by 
 Charlotte, returned to the capital to commence the serious 
 part of his imperial duties. 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 Maximilian's Court — ^The Imperial Palace — ^Noble orders established — 
 Court ceremonies and functions — ^Dinner invitations — ^The Imperial 
 household — ^Banquet to Marshal Bazaine — ^The ordinary palace- 
 dinner — ^Empress Charlotte as hostess — Bazaine's difficult position — 
 Mazimihan and Charlotte in retirement — ^The empress's court — ^Her 
 wardrobe — ^European costumes introduced — Charlotte's charities and 
 occupations — ^Liberal party opposition — ^Empress in charge of state 
 afiairs — ^Imperial visit to Yucatan. 
 
 The Imperial Palace (now known as the National Palace, 
 one of the edifices which were considerably damaged by 
 the artillery fire of General Diaz in the revolution of February 
 1913) is an enormous block of white stucco buildings, the 
 whole of the south and west sides of which in 1864 con- 
 sisted of the imperial apartments, the north and east portions 
 being used as pubhc offices ; the museum and national 
 picture gallery then, as in later days, were located in the 
 north wing. Maximilian expended a considerable sum of 
 money upon endeavouring to improve the naturally plain 
 exterior of the building, and he added an interior court, 
 surrounded by a handsome corridor, while he constructed 
 a new and imposing staircase leading to his own and the 
 empress's private apartments. The emperor built a magni- 
 ficent banqueting-hall and a ball-room ; but while he 
 superintended their beginning he was destined neither to 
 see their completion nor to utihse them. 
 
 At the head of the grand staircase of the palace upon 
 state occasions were found the sentinels of the ' Guardia 
 Palatina,' a magnificently disciplined and uniformed body 
 of picked men, a hundred strong, not one among whom was 
 under six feet in height. To them was committed the per- 
 
 170 
 
IMPERIAL ORDERS 171 
 
 sonal care of the imperial family. They formed the ' Corps 
 of Gentlemen-at-Arms,' and were commanded by Colonel 
 Count Bombelles, a captain, and two lieutenants, who had 
 respectively the ranks in the Mexican army of colonels, 
 lieutenant-colonels, and ' commandantes ' (majors) ; they 
 deemed it a great favour to serve their majesties in this 
 capacity. 
 
 In January of 1865 Maximilian established the Order of 
 the Mexican Eagle, the highest of all ranks, and having for 
 its chief the Grand Master, the reigning sovereign. The 
 symbol adopted was the spread eagle holding in its beak a 
 serpent — ^typical of discord and evil — ^and bearing above its 
 head the imperial diadem, together with the transverse 
 swords of equality and justice. The blue silk ribbon bore 
 the inscription : ' Equidad en la Justicia ' (Equality of 
 Justice). Of this order there were six classes — ^knights, 
 officers, commanders, grand officers, grand cross, and grand 
 cross with coUar. The insignia were composed of various 
 precious metals, the number of recipients being limited in 
 all but those of the first class. Thus there were to be but 
 two hundred officers, one hundred commanders, fifty grand 
 officers, twenty-five grand cross, and twelve grand cross with 
 collar. Although this latter decoration was intended 
 primarily for foreign crowned heads, Maximihan, in his 
 proclamation of 1st January 1865, reserved several of the 
 decorations for Mexicans who displayed ' special civic and 
 distinguished services,' or who had in any way contributed 
 de una manera senalada a la prosperidad yd la gloria del pais. 
 
 In the following April the emperor instituted the Order 
 of Guadaloupe of which he also assumed the head. Of this 
 class there were five grades, knights (unhmited in number), 
 officers (500), commanders (200), grand officers (100), and 
 grand cross (30). No foreigners were admitted to this 
 last order. 
 
 A third order, instituted by the emperor upon behalf of 
 the empress, was for ladies, and known as the Order of San 
 Carlos (San Carlos Borromeo), and of which the empress 
 was the supreme head. Great discretion was used at first 
 
172 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 in admitting members, but as later on the spirit of jealousy 
 was aroused among the large number of Mexican ladies 
 who were necessarily excluded, Charlotte broke away from 
 her strict rules and bestowed the order more freely. It 
 was only a few weeks before his death that Maximilian 
 made the wife of Prince Felix zu Salm Salm a 'lady of 
 the order.' 
 
 The San Carlos Order consisted of two classes — ^the grand 
 cross and the small cross. Of the former the members 
 were limited to twenty-four ; of the latter the recipients 
 were unlimited. Except in special cases this order was 
 conferred upon two annual occasions only — 4th November, 
 the day of the Patron Saint, and 7th June, the birthday of 
 the empress. 
 
 There was also established the Order of Merit, which had 
 been first created in October 1863, the members of which 
 were composed of officers in both branches of his Majesty's 
 service, and who were awarded distinctive medals in three 
 classes, the medals being composed of either gold, silver, 
 or bronze. 
 
 In 1841, under the presidency of General Antonio Lopez 
 de Santa Anna, there had been instituted the Order of 
 the Cross of Constancy (La Cruz de Constancia), and this 
 MaximiUan confirmed and approved by special decree of 
 10th April 1865. He, however, introduced two modifi- 
 cations — one being that the order should not consist of more 
 than two classes, and the other that no one should receive 
 the first-class unless he could show at least fifty years of 
 service, nor the second class under twenty -five years' service. 
 
 Upon the occasions of state dinners at the palace, the 
 guests were assembled in the fine suite of drawing-rooms 
 which stretched the whole width of the building, consist- 
 ing of at least five rooms, communicating by means of 
 folding doors. Costly silks and satins had been imported 
 from Europe wherewith to decorate the walls and drape 
 the windows, while the chairs and carpets, which had been 
 sent out from France, were of the very latest design and 
 luxurious manufacture. The guests usually included some 
 
THE COURT 173 
 
 members of the ministry, heads of the military departments, 
 and a generous sprinkling of French and Mexican officers, 
 accompanied by their ladies. The number of equerries, 
 chamberlains, aides, and secretaries swelled the party to 
 considerable proportions. Upon most nights the assembled 
 company exceeded forty. 
 
 The ordinary invitations to dine with their majesties 
 were neatly engraved upon stiff cards, measuring 6x4^ 
 inches, and bore the following : 
 
 De Orden del Emperador, la Secritaria de las 
 Ceremonias tiene la honra de inniar & 
 
 Senor 
 
 & comer con Su Majestad en el Palado Imperial 
 
 de Mexico, el de 186.. d 
 
 las de la tarde. 
 
 Traje : 
 
 Para los Senores de manana 
 
 Para las Seiioras 
 
 When aU were gathered the folding doors of the last 
 room were thrown open ; then the imperial host and hostess, 
 preceded by two chamberlains and accompanied by their 
 chaplain (Father Fischer), entered the salon arm-in-arm. A 
 tour was made through the lane of guests, and aU were bid 
 welcome with that charm of manner so characteristic of 
 Maximilian and his wife, both of whom displayed the most 
 complete savoir-faire and royal grace of demeanour. With 
 the emperor and empress at the head the company then 
 passed through the suite of rooms to the banqueting-haU, 
 which was situated upon the same floor. The emperor, 
 having ceremoniously conducted Charlotte to her place at 
 the centre of the large oblong table, took his seat immedi- 
 ately opposite. A card bearing the imperial cipher in 
 gold, with the name of each guest printed thereon, was on 
 the plate placed for him or her ; after the formality of a short 
 grace and the pious act of ' crossing ' by each guest, the 
 feast was served. 
 
 For the first year of court life, the outlay upon maintain- 
 
174 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 ing the imperial household was unrestricted. It was only 
 with the difficulties which eventually ensued, regarding the 
 foreign payments into the exchequer, that the high cere- 
 monial and elaborate service feU away. Neither Maxi- 
 milian nor Charlotte had ever had to consider the question 
 of expense in connection with their household management, 
 and consequently carte blanche was permitted in the arrange- 
 ments. At the state banquets there were usually between 
 fifteen and twenty different varieties of wines and liqueurs 
 served, varying from the light vintages of the Rhine and 
 the Rhone to the more costly seals of Prince Mettemich, 
 Veuve diquot and Roderer. The emperor had hkewise 
 brought out with him among his impedimenta a large collec- 
 tion of the finest Hungarian wines, both white and red, 
 while, being a great connoisseur of liqueurs, he had furnished 
 his cellars with some of the finest and most expensive brands 
 that the world could supply. 
 
 Concerts were held during the course of most of the 
 State entertainments, and the subjoined programme shows 
 the cathoMcity of taste possessed by the emperor and 
 empress in musical selections. 
 
 
 PROGRAMA 
 
 
 
 DEL DIA 27 DE ABEIL DE 1865 
 
 
 N. 
 
 1. Marcha, por .... 
 
 Satierthal. 
 
 N. 
 
 2. Orpheus (Abertura), por 
 
 Offenbach. 
 
 N. 
 
 3. CeUonen (Valso), por . 
 
 Strauss. 
 
 N. 
 
 4. Un ballo di mascbera (CuadriEa), por . 
 
 Verdi. 
 
 N. 
 
 5. Waldroslein (Mazurka), por . 
 
 Fahrhach. 
 
 N. 
 
 6. La Zingara (Divertissement), por 
 
 Balfe. 
 
 N. 
 
 7. La Campana (Habanera), por . 
 
 Delgado. 
 
 N. 
 
 8. Demclirer (Polka), por . 
 
 Strauss. 
 
 N. 
 
 9. Laxenburger (Scbottisch), por . 
 
 Eaulich. 
 
 N. 
 
 10. Marcha, por . 
 
 Sauerthal. 
 
 The time of duration which the State banquets occupied 
 seldom amounted to less than three hours, and often ex- 
 tended beyond. They commenced usually at 3.30 in the 
 
o 
 
 w 
 
 H 
 H 
 O 
 
 < 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 w 
 
ENTERTAINMENTS 175 
 
 afternoon. The menus were carefully prepared under the 
 personal supervision of the empress, who put herself to 
 great trouble in order to please her guests and to create a 
 good impression. The following menu of the State dinner 
 offered on 29th March 1865 by the emperor to General 
 Bazaine, to celebrate his elevation to the rank of Grand 
 Marshal,^ will be of interest. The original, which is in the 
 possession of the author, is printed upon stiff paper in black 
 ink, bordered by elaborate ornamental scroll-work, but 
 bears upon its face neither the imperial cipher nor any 
 address. 
 
 Mexico, 29 Maes 1865 
 
 MENU DU dInEE DU GKAND MAEECHAL 
 
 Potage Brunoise 
 „ Tapioca. 
 
 Eelev^s 
 
 Bouch^es aux hultres 
 Poisson aux fines herbes 
 Filet brais^ sauce Eichelieu. 
 
 Ente^es 
 
 CStelettes jardiniere 
 Vol-au-vent financiers 
 Saumon k la Tartare 
 CaiUes P^rigueux. 
 
 PtTNCH 1 LA EOMAINE 
 
 E6ts 
 
 Dinde au cresson 
 
 Selle d'agneau. 
 
 Enteemets 
 
 Pois h. la frangaise G4teau d'abricots 
 
 Asperges hoUandaise Pudding diplomate 
 
 GeWe au marasquin Glace a la Vanilla 
 
 2 Pifeces mont^es. 
 
 1 5th November 1834. 
 
176 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Another palace dinner menu of more ordinary proportions 
 was the following : 
 
 COMIDA DEL DIA 27 DE ABRIL DE 1865 
 
 Sopa k la Sevign6 Los lomos a, la parisienne 
 
 Las croqu^tas a la Mazarin Las truchas a la genov^sa 
 
 Las riselas con estiones Las costillas jardinera. 
 
 Los pat^s con aceituna 
 
 Los filfetes de gallinas k la tolosa 
 
 Los pastMes de Strasburgo 
 
 Los cliicharos k la francesa 
 
 Los coliflores 
 
 Asados : Los polios con trufas 
 
 Las godornices 
 
 Unsaladas 
 
 Pudding de Sago 
 
 Crocets de aroz 
 
 Cr^ma de todas frutas 
 
 Conserves de peras 
 
 Queso y MantequiUa 
 
 Helados de fresas y leche 
 
 Frutas y pastries. 
 
 At the end of the dinner the emperor and empress would 
 rise from the table, the whole of the guests following, and 
 leave the banqueting-hall in precisely the same order as 
 that in which they had entered it. Assembled once more 
 in the brilliantly illuminated salons, formal presentations 
 to their majesties were made, the guests remaining stand- 
 ing grouped in a semicircle around the imperial pair, who, 
 afterwards separating, and each accompanied by a chamber- 
 lain, made a tour of the rooms, Maximilian commencing 
 at one end and Charlotte at the other. 
 
 The invitations distributed among those attending the 
 empress's parties were very plainly printed and couched 
 in the following terms : 
 
 El Gran Chambelan de la Emperatriz tiene la 
 honra de invitar de orden de Su Majestad 
 
 al Senor 
 
 y Senora 
 
 para la tertulia que tendrd lugar en el Palacio 
 de Mexico el — de Fehriro de 1865 d las 8 de 
 la noche. 
 
ENTERTAINMENTS 177 
 
 It was here that the exceptional powers of diplomacy 
 and easy adaptation to her surroimdings possessed by the 
 Empress Charlotte were clearly manifested. Stopping and 
 exchanging a few sentences of greeting with each person 
 she passed, addressing them in their own language, no 
 matter what it might be, this gifted lady managed invari- 
 ably to say the correct thing, and to touch upon some 
 subject nearest to the national pride or private interest of 
 her hearer. So tactful were her observations, and with 
 so much sincerity were they uttered, that the dehghted 
 guest would feel both flattered and charmed beyond behef , 
 being convinced that her Majesty was not only the most 
 beautiful and most affable of women, but took a particular 
 and exclusive interest in this individual's private affairs. 
 No woman of her day more completely reahsed Milton's 
 conception in his Paradise Lost — ' grace was in aU her steps, 
 heaven in her eyes ! in every gesture dignity and love.' 
 
 Musical evenings were much in vogue when the court was in 
 residence at Mexico City or at Chapultepec, both the emperor 
 and empress being great admirers of the ItaUan opera. 
 From among a number of programmes in the possession of 
 the author, the following is selected as an example of the 
 entertainment which was offered. 
 
 PEOGEAMA DEL CONCIEETO 
 Peimeba Parte 
 
 1. Seeenata de Fausto — Gounod — Cantada por el Sr. Biaclii. 
 
 2. MoN FiLS, EoMANZA DEL Peofeta — Meyerbeer — Cantada por 
 
 la Senorita Sulzer. 
 .3. La Donna ii Mobile — Verdi — Cantada por el Sr. Mazzolenni. 
 
 4. Fantasia Beillante paea el Violin, dedicada & S. M. el Eey 
 
 Leopoldo y ejecutada por su compositor el Sr. Jehin-Prume, 
 con acompanamiento de la Orquesta. 
 
 5. Teeceto de los Lombaedos — Verdi — Cantada por la Senorita 
 
 Ortolani y los Sres. Mazzolenni y Biachi. 
 
 Segunda Paete 
 
 6. Aeia del Baebeeo de Sevilla — Rossini — Cantada por el Sr. 
 
 Orlandini. 
 
 M 
 
178 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 7. Eeoueedos de Chateaubeiakd — por Quidant — Ejecutado en 
 
 el Piano por el Sr. L6on. 
 
 8. Aria de la Traviata — Verdi — Cantada por la Senorita 
 
 Ortolani. 
 
 9. Brindis de Luceecia — Donizetti — Cantada por la Senorita 
 
 Sulzer. 
 
 10. Elegie, compuesta para el violin por Ernst y ejecutado por el 
 
 Sr. Jehin-Prume, con acompanamiento de Piano. 
 
 11. QuARTETo DE RiGOLETTO — Verdi — Cantada por las Sras. 
 
 Ortolani y Sulzer y los Sres. Mazzolenni y Orlandini. \ 
 
 The novelty of the imperial entertainments soon ceased, 
 however, to attract the fickle and capricious Mexicans, 
 some of the diversions organised by the emperor and empress 
 for the amusement of these people and the French officers' 
 famihes being only sparsely attended. Other leaders had 
 followed the example of the imperial pair for a time, Marshal 
 Bazaine having, for example, converted the covered court- 
 yard of his magnificent house into a sumptuous ball-room, 
 where he entertained lavishly; among his guests, upon 
 frequent occasions, were the emperor and empress. But the 
 social breach which had been created between the principal 
 Mexican famiHes and the French officers — especially such 
 of them as had been accompanied by their women-folk 
 ' — ^gradually widened, and the peace was maintained with 
 the utmost difficulty, calling, indeed, for the exercise of 
 the greatest diplomacy and vigilance upon the part of both 
 sovereigns. 
 
 The position of the commander-in-chief was hkewise 
 rendered a particularly trying one. Having married a 
 Mexican lady, his inclinations and obligations were naturally 
 drawn towards the society of which she was a distinguished 
 member ; on the other hand, he was bound to retain close 
 social relations mth his own countrymen, for whose general 
 ill-manners and occasionally insultingly provocative be- 
 haviour, however, he found himself continually called upon 
 to apologise. The Countess Paula KoUonitz, to whom we 
 are indebted for a very sympathetic picture of the court 
 of Maximilian, has told us that the position of the emperor 
 
LADIES-IN-WAITING 179 
 
 with respect to the French was beset with difficulties and 
 much unpleasantness ; it was ill-defined and unnatural, 
 and but few of the French authorities, to whose direction 
 the diplomatic, financial, and mihtary affairs were en- 
 trusted, had the tact and the deUcacy to soften for the 
 emperor the feehng of dependence upon French aid. This 
 circumstance, the same observant writer has declared, was 
 probably found harder to bear than all other difficulties 
 combined. 
 
 In the privacy of their own apartments the imperial pair 
 maintained but little ceremony, preferring to remain by 
 themselves, enjoying each other's society, untrammelled by 
 inquisitive and not always very kindly or sympathetic 
 eyes. The empress had for her ladies-in-waiting only 
 Mexicans. The Countess Paula Kollonitz, who had accom- 
 panied her Majesty from Austria in April 1864, was com- 
 pelled to leave the imperial service in the following Nov- 
 ember, and she was never replaced by any other European 
 attendant. The principal ladies of the court were, in addi- 
 tion to the Countess KoUonitz, the Seiiora Luz Blanco 
 de Robles ; Senora Soledad Vivanco de Cervantes ; Senora 
 Guadaloupe Cervantes de Moran ; Senora Manuela de 
 Plaizora ; Seiiora Dolores Peiia del Hidalgo y Teran ; 
 Senora Dolores Quesada d' Almonte ; Seiiora Ana Rosa 
 de E.inc6n Gallardo ; Senora Maria Barrio de Campero ; 
 Seiiora Francisca Escand6n y Landa ; Seiiora Rosa Obregon 
 de Uraza ; Senora Mufioz de Peraz ; Senora Carolina 
 Barron de Escandon ; Senora Dolores Grermandin de Elguerro ; 
 Senora Rocha de Robles ; Senora Luz Robles de Bringas ; 
 Senora Josefa Cardefia de Salas ; Seiiora Luisa Quejano de 
 Rincon Gallardo ; Seiiora Concepcion Lizardi de Vallez ; 
 Seiiora Manueha Gutierrez Estrada de Barrio ; Seiiora 
 Oseo de Sanotres Navarro ; and Senora de Estrada. 
 
 These twenty-one ladies were drawn from the ranks of 
 the leading Mexican famiUes, while some of the other 
 members were found to be strong adherents of the Liberals. 
 They were aU married women, residing in their own houses, 
 and they attended the court in relays. 
 
180 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 There were those among them who formed a lasting 
 attachment to their royal mistress, for Charlotte very 
 readily won the confidence and affection of her attendants. 
 She was invariably kindly in her manner towards the 
 members of her suite, even as she was gracious to the lowliest 
 servant in the imperial household. 
 
 Several of the old and tried domestics of the emperor and 
 empress, who had accompanied them from Europe, were 
 dismissed and sent home in order to placate the hostile 
 critics among the RepubHcan party, who complained of the 
 imperial favouritism and extravagance. When their places 
 were filled, it was invariably by Mexicans. So far, how- 
 ever, from satisfying their enemies, this action upon the 
 part of the emperor and empress seemed to elicit little but 
 contempt, while the dismissed attendants not unnaturally 
 deeply resented the injustice of which they were the victims. 
 The one servant who absolutely refused to leave, and who 
 showed so much resolution to remain that Maximilian was 
 compelled to submit, was his Hungarian cook, Tudos, who 
 was with him through his short life of pomp and circum- 
 stance, who followed him upon his imprisonment, and cheer- 
 fully shared his captivity so that he might better minister 
 to the emperor's small and simple wants ; he also stood 
 devotedly near at hand upon the place of execution. 
 
 How pathetically does the wiUing service of this poor and 
 ignorant peasant compare with the cowardly and despic- 
 able conduct of the high-born Baron von Lago, the un- 
 worthy Austrian Charge d'Affaires, who not only neglected 
 his prince while in prison, but completely deserted him at 
 the time of his impending dissolution. Nevertheless, it was 
 this same craven diplomat who was made the recipient of 
 distinguished honours at the hands of the Emperor Francis 
 Joseph when he once more found himself safe upon Austrian 
 soil. 
 
 Charlotte was distinguished at the court of Mexico not 
 alone for her great personal beauty but for the usually per- • 
 feet taste in which she was costumed, a taste which never 
 failed to command approval. Her arrival in Mexico was 
 
CHARLOTTE'S COURT 181 
 
 preceded by that of a number of first-class French and 
 Belgian milliners, whose effort it was to induce the Mexican 
 ladies to adopt the European fashions of the day in defer- 
 ence to her Majesty's wishes. The result, however, was 
 very ridiculous, since many of the Mexican women, unused 
 to the large bonnet and the clumsy crinoline of the '60's, 
 found the utmost difficulty in adapting these garments to 
 daily use. 
 
 Instead of retaining the mantilla, one of the most graceful 
 of feminine garments, and the reboso, another very becoming 
 article of woman's attire, these silly women attempted to 
 conceal their heads in hideous Parisian creations of straw 
 adorned with yards upon yards of ribbons and with moun- 
 tainous erections of feathers and flowers. It is said that 
 upon their first appearance at court in these grotesque 
 foreign acquisitions, which covered their usually lank, 
 black hair, forced into unnatural-looking curls, frizettes 
 and fringes, the effect was so ludicrous that the Empress 
 Charlotte almost choked with suppressed laughter. A 
 contemporary writer even declares that ' some of the ladies 
 wore their bonnets back to front.' 
 
 State ceremonies appealed very strongly to Charlotte's 
 womanly mind ; accustomed as she had been to the full 
 ceremonial of the courts of Europe, and to those of Belgium 
 and Austria in particular, it was but natural that she should 
 have given attention to such matters at the court of Mexico. 
 
 Writing upon this subject the Countess Paula Kollonitz 
 says : ^ 
 
 ' Her Majesty dearly loves state magnificence on her appear- 
 ance in public. She could not require much at first in this matter 
 from her suite, but she herself had a childish joy in showing herself 
 upon great occasions to the astonished multitudes in her diadem 
 and gold-embroidered robe, with its long and highly-adorned 
 red velvet train hanging from her shoulders.' 
 
 The immense variety of Charlotte's wardrobe, with its 
 costly robes of state and superb imperial jewels, seems to 
 
 1 The Court of Mexico, by the Countess Paula Kollonitz. 
 
182 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 have excited much annoyance among the austere Liberals, 
 who pubhcly commented with bitter irony upon ' the 
 imperial extravagance.' 
 
 Undoubtedly in the early days of the court, before the 
 stringency of the financial situation was experienced — ^and 
 this had already commenced to assert itself while Charlotte 
 still remained in the country — ^a great deal of prodigaUty 
 was indulged in. Charlotte enjoyed imrestricted access to 
 the imperial treasury, and having been habituated all her 
 life to unlimited means for the purpose of dress, she in- 
 dulged in every wild whim of fashion, without pause or 
 thought. Her personal wardrobe appears to have com- 
 prised an extraordinary and endless diversity of costume, 
 a variety which must have recalled to memory WiUiam 
 Allen Butler's ' Nothing to Wear ' lady : 
 
 ' Dresses for breakfast, and dinners, and balls ; 
 Dresses to sit in, to stand in, and walk in ; 
 Dresses to dance in, and flirt in, and talk in ; 
 Dresses in wHch to do nothing at all ; 
 Dresses for winter, spring, summer, and fall ; 
 All of them diflferent in colour and shape. 
 Silk, muslin, and lace, velvet, satin, and crape ; 
 Brocade and broadcloth, and other material 
 Quite as expensive, and much more ethereal.' 
 
 A social innovation which Charlotte had endeavoured to 
 introduce into Mexico proved a fiasco. A perfect horse- 
 woman, accustomed to the saddle from her youngest days, 
 and acknowledged as one of the most graceful riders of her 
 period, the empress tried to popularise equine exercise 
 among her entourage. But in vain. Although Mexican 
 men are celebrated for their splendid equitation, and fre- 
 quently command admiration by their fearless grace in the 
 saddle, Mexican women are, and always have been, excep- 
 tionally awkward upon horseback. In the end Charlotte 
 abandoned the effort, and she had to content herself with 
 an exclusively male escort when she went abroad upon her 
 much-loved rides. 
 
a; 
 D 
 O 
 u 
 
 H 
 H 
 
 o 
 
 < 
 
 u 
 
 o 
 
 W 
 
 3 
 <: 
 
DAILY PURSUITS 183 
 
 As soon as she had settled comfortably in the imperial 
 residence of Chapultepec, a beautifully located but out- 
 wardly impretentious building, located about three miles 
 from Mexico City, and erected upon the original site of 
 Moctezuma's palace (rebuilt by one of the Spanish viceroys), 
 the empress took daily exercise on horseback through the 
 surrounding country. Upon these expeditions she was 
 accompanied by Count BombeUes and one other gentleman- 
 in-waiting. Her favourite form of morning recreation 
 finished, the empress would usually set out for the city, and 
 there, seated by the side of Maximihan — Cleaving again only 
 when he left — she would devote herself assiduously to the 
 afEairs of state. The emperor made frequent use of Char- 
 lotte's ready pen, while he deferred gladly to her advice, 
 especially upon matters relating to pubUc charity and 
 education ; here her keen intellect stood them both in 
 good stead, and even experienced statesmen marvelled at 
 her shrewdness and firmness, and at her clear powers of 
 reasoning. 
 
 When not actually engaged in State affairs, Charlotte 
 made a point of visiting public institutions, schools, and 
 hospitals, where her influence was paramount and her pre- 
 sence ever found most welcome. These imperial visits 
 were not, however, regarded with approval by the clergy, 
 since the assiduity with which the empress looked after 
 the poor and the sick was accepted as a tacit reproach to 
 the members of the Church, who usually displayed an almost 
 complete indifference to, and neglect of, such charitable 
 duties. 
 
 The bitter jealousy with which these efforts upon the 
 part of the kind-hearted Charlotte were regarded is proved 
 by the action of the Mexican clergy immediately after the 
 empire and its adherents had been swept away. 
 
 In the Times newspaper of 14th October 1867 may be 
 found the following significant paragraph : 
 
 'The Mexicans have determined upon abolishing all the 
 charitable institutions which were opened under the late 
 Emperor Maximihan. A school, conducted by Sisters of 
 
184 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Charity, has been closed, and another, tinder the patronage of 
 the Eepublic of Mexico, is about to be opened.' 
 
 At such times as Maximilian was called away from his 
 capital — and he passed many months travelling in those 
 portions of his riotous empire where the presence of the 
 French troops rendered it possible^ — ^the affairs of State 
 were left entirely in Charlotte's hands. She was endowed 
 with the full powers of regent ; she presided at State 
 Councils and held pubHc audiences, which had been insti- 
 tuted as a regular feature of the monarchy ; she was also 
 consulted in every important matter by the ministers. 
 These duties she performed — ^httle more than a girl, though 
 she was, even at this period — with a punctihousness, a 
 patience, and a fearlessness altogether remarkable. 
 
 At this time, also, the empress took up her chief resi- 
 dence in the Imperial Palace at Mexico City, a vast and 
 ugly barrack-hke building, altogether comfortless and now 
 known as the ' National Palace.' She was attended there 
 during the day by the Mexican ladies of the court — ^married 
 women in aU cases, after the custom of the French and 
 Belgian courts — who, however, resided habitually with 
 their famiUes. General Almonte was also deputed by 
 Maximilian to take up his abode in the palace for the 
 purpose of more closely watching over the empress's 
 safety, and that amiable and gallant soldier, with his wife, 
 became among the most intimate among Charlotte's 
 entourage. 
 
 During Maximilian's long and frequent absences from 
 the capital, Charlotte remained a good deal in the palace, 
 shut within her own apartments, engrossed in State affairs, 
 or in reading and writing. Her devotion to her imperial 
 duties, her readiness to listen to any personal complaints, 
 to redress any wrong, her invariably sweet disposition and 
 her splendid heroism under the strain of many severe trials 
 and disappointments, endeared her to aU her attendants, 
 and caused them to regard her almost as a goddess. Once 
 again to quote the testimony of the sjTnpathetic Countess 
 KoUonitz : ' Her love for all that is right and good must 
 
JOURNEY TO YUCATIN 185 
 
 have excited the deep veneration of every one who was 
 ever in personal contact with this noble woman.' 
 
 Towards the end of 1865 the Empress Charlotte under- 
 took a journey to Yucatan, the southern peninsula of 
 Mexico, and the great henequen-producing region of the 
 world. To the unitiated it seemed difficult to understand 
 the special reason for selecting this scenicaUy-uninterest- 
 ing part of the country for an excursion, since the greater 
 portion of Yucatan is a flat, almost bare, plain, with 
 numerous rugged mountain ranges, and not a single river 
 in the whole thirty-five thousand square miles of its terri- 
 tory. Moreover, the country was inhabited by the wildest 
 and most disorderly Indians, who had always proved 
 troublesome subjects to deal with. 
 
 But a visit to the district had been promised by Maxi- 
 milian shortly after he entered Mexico, and he had always 
 intended to undertake it in company with Charlotte. The 
 continued distressful condition of the rest of the country, 
 however, and the strained relations existing between the 
 sovereign and the commander-in-chief, precluded the 
 emperor from undertaking the journey, and consequently 
 at his request the empress made it alone. 
 
 The journey to Vera Cruz and her reception in that town 
 proved extremely agreeable, and her experiences were in 
 marked contrast to the chilling greeting extended upon 
 the occasion of their Majesties' arrival in May of 1864. 
 The royal carriage was drawn in triumph by the people 
 through the streets, and the same frantic welcome was ex- 
 tended to her Majesty in Yucatan, the inhabitants having 
 declared themselves almost unanimously in favour of the 
 empire since Navarette had conquered Campeche in the 
 month of February 1864. 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 Maximilian's perplexities commence — ^Initial mistakes of policy — Court 
 appointments — Emperor's poor judgment of character — General 
 Leonardo Marquez — Unfavourable career — ^Father Augustin Fischer 
 — Bad influences upon Maximilian — ^Emperor reconstructs his army 
 — ^Financial problem — First loan issued in France — Pressing demands 
 of Napoleon — Onerous conditions of the Convention of Miramar — 
 Enormous indebtedness contracted — Maximilian resists French 
 demands for cession of Sonora. 
 
 The glamour of their new position having lost something of 
 its intensity, both Maximihan and Charlotte commenced, 
 upon their return from their provincial trips, to realise the 
 seriousness of the new role which they had so lightly under- 
 taken, and appreciated to a fuller extent the responsi- 
 bilities attaching to it. No sooner were they installed at 
 the palace, which they found by no means a sumptuous 
 nor even a convenient residence for a royal prince, than the 
 emperor was approached by Napoleon's minister and enter- 
 prising ' collector,' the Marquis de Monthalon, who had been 
 strictly enjoined to press for a settlement of the French 
 claims at the earliest opportunity. He acted upon his 
 instructions with rather too much zeal to please Maxi- 
 milian, who, now that he was enthroned and was finding the 
 demands upon his time and his attention greater than he 
 had either anticipated or appreciated, displayed but small 
 anxiety to meet even the earliest of his financial engage- 
 ments. 
 
 Nor was this all. In settling his palace and cabinet 
 appointments, Maximilian unwisely overlooked the claims — 
 not always pressed, but nevertheless existent — of many of 
 
 those who had notably assisted to procure the intervention 
 
 isa 
 
COURT CHANGES 187 
 
 and his own election — members of the conservative and 
 clerical party. No doubt he was guided by a desire to 
 conciliate the Liberal party, of whose animosity and deter- 
 mined opposition he was well aware, and hoped by blend- 
 ing the representatives of the two factions in his entourage 
 to bring about a satisfactory and well-balanced adminis- 
 tration. But he acted without any knowledge of the 
 intensely jealous nature of the Mexican and his inabihty to 
 understand magnanimity upon the part of an opponent. 
 Such overtures are invariably construed as a sign of weak- 
 ness, and ehcit neither gratitude not respect. Thus his 
 earhest efforts proved doubly unsuccessful. 
 
 The French members of the court were especially neglected, 
 for Maximihan considered that ofEence would be occasioned 
 to his new subjects if any evidence existed of his depend- 
 ence upon foreign advice and influence. He dismissed, with 
 as much grace as he could assume, a number of French 
 officers from their positions — positions which many of them 
 had occupied with satisfactory results from the beginning 
 of the intervention — and replaced them by Mexicans. 
 On the other hand, several prominent Mexican officers, 
 notably Colonel La Pena of the Gendarmerie, Colonel 
 Galvez, and Colonel Arguyes, were removed in favour of 
 certain French and Belgian officials. Even some distin- 
 guished generals were overlooked when the redistribution 
 of positions was under consideration, while the personal 
 influences of General Almonte and Senor Velasquez de Leon 
 were permitted to make themselves felt in the preferment 
 of their favourites. 
 
 At one time it was contemplated to remove General 
 Mejia, the man who had fought so gallantly for the imperial 
 -cause at San Luis Potosi, and to replace him by an alto- 
 gether inferior and untried foreigner. Maximihan was 
 saved from making this crowning blunder, however, a 
 reality which he learned to appreciate at its fuU value in 
 later years. The emperor's incapacity for judging men's 
 characters, his poor experience of human attainments and 
 defects, his unfortunate readiness to pronoxmce upon good 
 
188 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 qualities and to ignore bad — ^but above all, his easy capitu- 
 lation to a good-looking man or an attractive woman, irre- 
 spective of any mental or moral recommendations — ^resulted 
 in a selection of worthless and treacherous occupants for 
 some of the most onerous and important positions, among 
 such being General Marquez, Colonel Lopez, Father Fischer 
 and others. 
 
 Greneral Leonardo Marquez, however, was extremely re- 
 pulsive in appearance. Small in stature, very wizened in 
 features, he possessed a scowling and ill-favoured expres- 
 sion, the uncomehness of which was considerably accen- 
 tuated by the loss of one eye. This defect had been 
 occasioned during a street fight in one of the many Mexican 
 revolutions, an opponent having fired upon Marquez from 
 an open window as he passed triimiphantly through the 
 streets at the head of his troop. He had also received a 
 shot woimd in his face which had left a lurid scar, usually 
 concealed by a ragged beard ; whenever he shaved, how- 
 ever, the scar stood out Uke a livid blood mark. Not- 
 withstanding his unpleasing exterior, Marquez was gifted 
 with great intelligence and remarkable powers of dis- 
 cernment. He spoke but seldom, but Ustened with intent, 
 and httle or nothing escaped his notice. A certain old- 
 world courtesy and a quiet, well-modulated voice, hkewise 
 helped to counteract to some extent the mifavourable 
 impression which his physical appearance would be Likely 
 at first to create. 
 
 Prince Felix zu Salm Salm, who sometimes allowed his 
 personal prejudices to blind him to any good or bad points 
 that may have existed in an opponent, declared that in the 
 Mexican War Marquez was known as ' The Alva of Mexico,' ^ 
 a reputation which, he adds, ' he most richly deserved.' 
 
 Owing to his natural disposition for harshness Marquez 
 
 * The Duke of Alva (1508-83) was known throughout Europe for his 
 inhuman cruelties during the war of Charles v. and Philip ii. of Spain. 
 In December 1573, upon returning home accompanied by his son, he 
 made the infamous boast that during the course of six years, besides the 
 multitudes destroyed in battle and massacred after victory, he had con- 
 signed eighteen thousand persons to the executioner. 
 
MARQUEZ'S BRUTALITIES 189 
 
 was also generally given the sobriquet of 'The Tiger,' a 
 nickname which he earned principally on account of the 
 number of prisoners who, by his order, were put to death 
 surreptitiously as well as openly. The execution of the 
 venerable Grsneral O'Horan, upon a perfectly false charge, 
 for example, was but one among a number of similar 
 episodes which distinguished his savagery of temper ; and 
 so intensely was he hated by his subordinate officers that 
 during the siege of Mexico City, in the month of May 1867, 
 a meeting of aU the foreign officers was held, at which it 
 was determined unanimously no longer to serve under 
 General Marquez. The main complaint made against him 
 had been his cowardly desertion of his command at San 
 Cristobal, in consequence of which two -thirds of the foreign 
 regiments co-operating with him had been lost, while his 
 bestial cruelties in other directions had completely dis- 
 gusted his former companions in arms. General Porfirio 
 Diaz, who had learned of Marquez's atrocious acts, allowed 
 it to become known that should that individual faU into 
 his hands, his Ufe, under any circumstances, would he forfeit. 
 The Liberal Government also offered $10,000 for his body, 
 ' dead or aHve.' It is said by the Princess zu Salm Salm 
 in her Memoirs that an American once told her that he 
 knew quite well where General Marquez was hiding himself, 
 but he would not reveal the place to the government, 
 ' because he felt sure that they would not pay.' 
 
 A no less undesirable appointment was that of the adven- 
 turer Augustin Fischer, who proved himself so great an 
 incubus upon Maximihan's fortunes. 
 
 Augustin Fischer was of German origin, but he spoke 
 Enghsh and French with complete facihty. Indeed, when 
 corresponding with Maximihan he generally chose the 
 former language, and the facsimile letter addressed to 
 Fischer (16th Jan. 1867), which will be found elsewhere, 
 shows how admirably the emperor also both understood 
 and corresponded in otit language. 
 
 In the year 1845 Fischer had joined a body of colonists 
 proceeding to Texas ; after serving in a humble capacity 
 
190 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 both there and subsequently in California, where he soon 
 deserted his office emplojmaent in order to join in the wild 
 search for gold, he determined to renounce the Protestant 
 religion in which he had been strictly raised, in order to 
 accept service under the Roman CathoUc Church. His 
 first post was that of private secretary to the Mexican 
 Bishop of Durango, but his conduct proved anything but 
 satisfactory ; he was soon banished from the episcopal 
 palace on account of his profligate tendencies, but by reason 
 of his ready wits and plausible manner he found other and 
 more congenial employment in the house of Senor Sanchez 
 Navarro, by whom he was subsequently presented to 
 Maximilian. 
 
 With his extraordinarily — as in this case — unfortunate pro- 
 pensity to yielding to an outwardly-pleasing manner and 
 plausible tongue, the emperor soon fell under the spell of 
 Fischer's personality, and from the occasion upon which he 
 first met with him until within a few days of his own end 
 Maximilian remained Fischer's dupe and victim. 
 
 To this deceptive priest and false friend was entrusted 
 a dehcate diplomatic mission to the Holy See ; but, how- 
 ever much Fischer may have impressed the emperor in 
 Mexico, he failed signally to elicit the slightest sympathy 
 at Rome. He returned from his mission whoUy imsuccess- 
 ful. So far from blaming him, however, Maximihan extended 
 his deepest sympathy, accepting Fischer's highly-coloured 
 explanation of his failure without a moment's doubt or 
 displeasure. Another ecclesiastical post was soon found 
 for him ; he was promised the bishopric of Queretaro. 
 But here the Archbishop of Mexico found it possible to 
 thwart the wishes of Maximilian and to snub the ' heretic ' 
 Fischer at the same time ; the anointment of the bishop- 
 designate never took place. He was consoled, however, 
 by being appointed by the emperor to a far more influential 
 post, that of Chief of the Imperial Cabinet, in company 
 with other, reactionaries — ^Lards, Marin, Campos, Tavera, 
 Osmont, and Friant. Not one of these appointments could 
 be considered as having been judiciously bestowed, and. 
 
H 
 ai 
 D 
 O 
 
 H 
 H 
 O 
 
 s 
 
FATHER FISCHER 191 
 
 indeed, Maximilian seemed at this time determined to com- 
 mit political suicide by selecting such men as these for his 
 chief advisers. Their preferment occasioned as much sur- 
 prise in Mexico as they excited indignation in France. 
 
 Bitterly hostile to the French, and a determined enemy 
 in particular of Marshal Bazaine, Father Fischer neglected 
 no opportunity of empoisoning Maximilian's ear against 
 them. He deceived and disobeyed the emperor when- 
 ever he wished to bring about anything which was opposed, 
 or forbidden, by Maximihan. Thus when his Majesty had 
 twice refused to pardon a notorious malefactor named 
 Rosada, who had been tried, convicted, and sentenced by 
 a French court martial, Father Fischer, who was personally 
 interested in the culprit, did not hesitate to despatch a 
 forged order from the Imperial Cabinet, ordering Rosada's 
 release. As Imperial Secretary he was enabled to do this 
 without the fact becoming known even to Maximilian. 
 
 Convinced that with the fall or abdication of the empire 
 his own fast growing authority would come to an end, the 
 whole of Fischer's persuasive powers were devoted to en- 
 couraging the emperor to persevere with his apparently 
 hopeless and thanMess task. In July 1866, shortly after 
 the empress had left for Europe, and again in October (of 
 the same year) following an especially severe quarrel with 
 Marshal Bazaine, and the receipt of a further damaging 
 communication from the French court, Maximilian had 
 determined, so far as a weak and vacillating mind like 
 his could be brought to determine upon anything, to 
 abdicate. He ordered the necessary preparations for his 
 departure to be made, and part of the imperial baggage was 
 taken on board the Austrian frigate Dandolo, then lying 
 in the harbour of Vera Cruz. But while pretending to 
 acquiesce and assist in the arrangements, the wily Fischer 
 was using his utmost endeavours to induce the emperor 
 to pass a few days of rest at Orizaba ' before proceeding 
 upon the long and tedious journey to Europe.' 
 
 He gained his point. Once lodged at Orizaba, that restful 
 and healthful resort which occupies one of the most attrac- 
 
192 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 tive locations in Mexico, Father Fischer resumed complete 
 control without difficulty over the weak-minded sovereign. 
 He found it but a simple task to imbue him with fresh ideas 
 of imperial ambition, while he assiduously misrepresented 
 the pohtical conditions of the country, declaring them to 
 be growing absolutely peaceful, when as a fact they were 
 becoming more confused and more chaotic than ever. 
 MaximiUan again jielded, and when almost his last chance 
 of quitting Mexico ahve had passed. There was destined 
 to occur but one more such opportunity, and that was 
 doomed also to be lost by reason of a similarly deplorable 
 display of irresolution and impotence. 
 
 So pronounced had become the ascendancy of Father 
 Fischer that he succeeded in inducing Maximilian to promise 
 a complete reversal of his former attitude towards the Church 
 party, by restoring to them their forfeited properties, and 
 reinstating them in their honours and privileges. His 
 solemn refusal to tolerate any further pohtical dominance 
 by the clergy given at the time that the Papal Nuncio, 
 Monsignor MegUa, was in the country, was entirely for- 
 gotten ; the weU-practised diplomatist at his side, who held 
 him in the hollow of his hand, had assured his party that 
 Maxinuhan ' would carry out this pohcy,' and but for the 
 circumstances which were now fast hurrying the entire 
 imperial regime to a sudden and complete collapse, there 
 is but httle question that such might well have proved to 
 be the case. 
 
 The most important early project undertaken by Maxi- 
 miHan was the reconstruction of the entire military system 
 under the orders of Marshal Bazaine, a man who was both 
 by temperament and experience eminently fitted for the 
 task. Here, at least, Maximihan displayed good judg- 
 ment. Unfortunately, Bazaine's heavy undertaking in 
 pacifying the country with the help of his own troops, and 
 the rigidly restrictive instructions from France upon which 
 he was acting, compelled him to point out to the emperor 
 that while he was at aU times desirous of fulfilling his 
 behests, ' he could not accede to all his demands.' 
 
DIFFICULTIES INCREASE 193 
 
 Neither could he spare his own men for the purpose of 
 permanently protecting all the Mexican towns which asked 
 for them ; the inhabitants must, he insisted, be instructed 
 to defend themselves. But Bazaine promised to furnish 
 them with arms, and to help them in the organisation of 
 their own protection. How little the majority of the 
 people profited by this assistance is proved by the corres- 
 pondence which passed between the palace and the French 
 commander-in-chief. One communication in particular, 
 bearing date 24th September 1864, addressed by General 
 Bazaine to the Empress Charlotte, dtiring the time that 
 she was acting as regent in the absence of the emperor, 
 may be referred to. In this letter Bazaine complains of 
 the ineptitude and the carelessness of the civil authorities, 
 with whom, according to his instructions from his govern- 
 ment, he was forbidden to interfere. Already serious dis- 
 sensions had arisen between the palace officials, the civil 
 authorities, and the French commander ; but they were 
 destined to become more and more acute as time went on. 
 
 For a long time Maximihan regarded these indications 
 with comparative indifference ; at any rate he took but 
 little trouble to appease the growing discontent, or to curb 
 the hostile obstruction in evidence around him. He had 
 thought out a certain line of poHcy to pursue while still 
 sojommng at Miramar, before he had even set eyes upon a 
 single Mexican peon, and without knowing anything of the 
 actual situation in the country which he was going out to 
 govern. His budget of laws was conceived upon his hmited 
 experiences in Europe ; and nothing could alter his deter- 
 mination to do a thing in his own way, when once it had 
 been decided upon. Thus, at the outset, he had found 
 himself in a most difficult position. 
 
 Having set in motion — ^without really achieving anything 
 approaching a permanent result — ^the personnel of his admini- 
 stration and the reorganisation of his army, the emperor 
 was compelled to turn his attention, all unwillingly, to 
 the pressing matter of finance. This question, at any rate, 
 had formed small part of his home-studies, for Maximilian 
 
 N 
 
194 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 had always been indifferent to the consideration of money, 
 and never having had to earn any he possessed but a hazy 
 idea how or where it was obtained, and how best to utilise 
 it when acquired. He would appear to have imagined 
 that in a reputably rich country Uke Mexico it must be an 
 easy matter to amass all the funds necessary for the carry- 
 ing on of the government, and for his own purposes^ by 
 levying taxes. He had made no sufficient study of the 
 economic question, and he knew little or nothing of the 
 existing burdens of the people, nor of the impossibility of 
 extracting money from them at this time — ^impoverished 
 as were all, and ruined as were many — ^after several years' 
 exhausting political struggles which had left the country 
 bare and the treasury empty. 
 
 No sooner, indeed, had Maximilian arrived in Mexico 
 than, at the suggestion of his French advisers, he authorised 
 a first loan purporting to yield a revenue of near ten per 
 cent. It was issued in London and Paris simultaneously ; 
 the French Government, with a view to inspire confidence — 
 in other words as a bait to the ignorant — subscribed to the 
 amount of fifty-four million francs ' on account of its 
 own claims in Mexico.' In spite of this high patronage 
 the loan proved a public failure. In his annual report of 
 1865, the Director of the Credit Mobiher, referring to this 
 unfortunate flotation, observed : ' We have shrunk from no 
 sacrifice to better the condition of our clients, but we regret 
 to say that our efforts have brought us nothing but a 
 serious loss.' 
 
 The French loan was issued by the Comptoir d'Escompte 
 de Paris, notwithstanding the fact that the Comptoir was 
 debarred by its statutes from offering subscriptions of the 
 kind ' without the special authorisation of the Minister of 
 Finance.' The receivers-general throughout France were 
 therefore authorised by the minister, whose immediate 
 subordinates they are, to receive subscriptions. The 
 Mexican Finance Commission, under the presidency of 
 M. de Germiny, a senator and a former Minister of Finance, 
 took charge of the funds collected, and of the payment 
 
FINANCES 195 
 
 of interest — so long as it lasted — and during the time that 
 the subscription lists were open the confidence of the public 
 was continually nourished and sustained by the most 
 laudatory accounts of the position of affairs in Mexico, 
 which appeared in the subsidised columns of the Moniteur, 
 the principal Parisian organ supporting the government. 
 
 When aU of the immense svuns due to one hungry creditor 
 and another, commissions, perquisites, and expenses had 
 been deducted from the amounts of the subscriptions 
 received from the investing public, exactly 246,000,000 
 francs remained out of an issue of 272,000,000 francs. This 
 balance was then submitted to further deductions for 
 reserves, premiums, and lotteries, with the result that Mexico 
 received for her share no more than 34,000,000 francs out of 
 272,000,000 francs, the amount for which she was rendered 
 responsible. This was a fair specimen of French finance 
 under the regime of the Emperor Napoleon in. 
 
 Maximihan's monetary troubles commenced upon the 
 day that he landed at Vera Cruz, and they never left him — 
 they were never more than temporarily alleviated — during 
 the whole course of his reign. In order to assist him in the 
 conduct of his financial affairs, a competent staff of clerics 
 and accountants had been sent out from France. The 
 members were distributed throughout the country immedi- 
 ately they arrived, in order to carry out the supervision of 
 the collection of the taxes, and even to control the customs 
 receipts ; the Mexican officials were instnicted to assist 
 them in their duties, and every preparation was made for 
 handling a revenue which, unfortunately, failed to accrue. 
 The local officials, however, refused to work with the French 
 accountants, and nothing effective resulted from their 
 presence in the country. 
 
 The first official intimation which reached Maximilian 
 of the serious condition of the coimtry's finances, which 
 had become more and more involved since the commence- 
 ment of the French intervention, was on 25th November 
 1864 ; it was conveyed in the form of a pohte but exceedingly 
 fijm demand that ' the French claims should receive atten- 
 
196 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 tion.' Unfortunately the limited returns which the Imperial 
 Government was able to wring from the impoverished 
 country and from the customs revenues, which were being 
 scandalously mismanaged and robbed by both French and 
 Mexican officials, was mainly devoted to the payment for 
 the French troops. Maximilian was unable to offer any 
 objection. 'Clause 10' of the 'Convention of Miramar,'^ 
 which he had signed so hght-heartedly, exacted that the 
 imperial treasury was to find one thousand francs (£40) per 
 annum for each French soldier in Mexico, and there were 
 over thirty thousand of them. 
 
 Pressed though he was for ready money, Maximihan, 
 with characteristic generosity and improvidence, wished to 
 bestow a very large sum of money upon Marshal Bazaine 
 as a wedding gift, when, in June of 1865, he was married to 
 an already wealthy Mexican lady, a near relative of President 
 Juarez, the avowed enemy of the imperial regime. The 
 exact sum was a hundred thousand piastres (500,000 francs), 
 and this, in addition to a beautiful residence known as the 
 Palace of Buena Vista, including some handsome furniture 
 and several acres of gardens, formed the gift of Maximihan 
 and Charlotte to the marshal and his wife. It is greatly 
 to the credit of Bazaine that he gracefully dechned the 
 money gift, while accepting the remainder of this very 
 princely dowry. He had also declined to accept the offer 
 of the emperor to create him ' Duke of Mexico.' 
 
 The Convention of Miramar was framed almost entirely 
 in favour of France ; although Maximihan may have re- 
 ceived the advice of some disinterested parties before giving 
 his final consent, he must have been of a peculiarly trustful 
 and pliable nature to have accepted the entire provisions 
 of this onerous agreement. Had it been possible for the 
 Mexican Government under the empire to have paid the 
 immense amounts stipulated, France would have emerged 
 from the enterprise, not only without suffering any financial 
 loss but probably having gained an actual profit. That is 
 to say, Napoleon would have been enabled to indulge his 
 ^ See Appendix. 
 
IMPERIAL RESPONSIBILITIES 197 
 
 ambition and to pose as a great coloniser and, at the same 
 time, materially benefit from the different speculations— 
 the schemes of de Morny and others — ^which originated the 
 expedition and without the undertaking having cost him 
 a sou. 
 
 It was barely possible, however, that the young empire 
 could have hoped to pay anything approaching the sums 
 agreed to by Maximilian without bankrupting an already 
 impoverished treasury ; Mexican national credit could 
 hardly be said to exist upon the European markets at that 
 time. 
 
 For the privilege of support by the Trench troops, Maxi- 
 milian's Grovernment agreed to find an amount of no less 
 than 270,000,000 francs (£10,800,000) up to the 1st July 
 1864, after which date the payment was to be at the rate of 
 1000 francs (£40) per man per annum, and since there were 
 estimated to have remained in Mexico, from the date men- 
 tioned, at least 30,000 men, the annual charge upon the 
 country's restricted revenue would have amounted to a 
 further 30,000,000 francs (£1,200,000). Thus the young 
 empire was saddled with a solid debt of £10,800,000, upon 
 which it was to pay an annual interest at the rate of 
 three per cent. (£324,000), and find an annual payment 
 of £1,200,000 for the use of the French troops after 1st 
 July 1864. 
 
 Nor was this all. The Mexican Government undertook 
 to defray the expenses of provisioning and equipping the 
 French troops from Europe, and to this end provide for a 
 bi-monthly transport service between France and Mexico 
 (Vera Cruz) at the rate of 400,000 francs each voyage (out 
 and home), or, let us say, it had to meet an additional 
 annual expenditure of 2,400,000 francs (£96,000). How was 
 it at aU possible 1' 
 
 Even these exorbitant terms, however, did not appa- 
 rently satisfy the cupidity of the French emperor, for we 
 learn that he requested Maximilian to ratify a former agree- 
 ment which had been made between the Marquis de 
 Monthalon, the French Minister to Mexico, and Seiior Luis 
 
198 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 de Arroyo, who represented the Regency of the Empire of 
 Mexico, by the terms of which the immensely rich mineral 
 province of Sonora, comprising 198,496 square kilometres, 
 was to be ceded permanently to France. To his credit 
 be it recorded, Maximihan emphatically refused to consent 
 to any such spohation, and this fact was very properly 
 but ineffectually urged in his defence at the time of hia 
 trial before the court-martial of Queretaro. 
 
 It will not be overlooked by the intelligent critic that in 
 this matter the French emperor once again demonstrated 
 how small was his ' disinterestedness ' in sending the ex- 
 peditionary force to Mexico ; also how dishonourably he 
 had endeavoured to evade the engagements entered into 
 in the Convention of London by which, in common with 
 Spain and England, France had agreed not to appropriate 
 an acre of territory belonging to Mexico. Had Napoleon 
 had to deal with any less high-minded a man than Maxi- 
 milian, he would have enriched himself at this time, only, 
 probably, to be d?.spossessed later on by the United States 
 of America. 
 
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CHAPTER XVI 
 
 Bazaine's operations in the interior (1864) — Seizure of Morelia and 
 Guanajuato — Guadalajara captured — Defeat of Liberals at Mate- 
 huala — Abandonment of Tuxpan, Minatltlan and San Juan Bautista 
 — Arrival of Maximilian and Charlotte — ^Bazaine's difficulties increase 
 — ^Mexican treachery — ^Two years' operations reviewed — ^Negative 
 progress — ^Liberal troops becoming more confident — General Castagny 
 — ^ManzaniUo won and abandoned. 
 
 The French expeditionary columns left Mexico City, their 
 headquarters, on 9th November 1863, General Bazaine 
 joined them on the 18th, while General Douay, carrying 
 out a quick and successful movement, reached and occupied 
 Queretaro on the 19th. General de Castagny took Acam- 
 baro on the 24th, and he was joined there by General 
 Marquez on the 27th. The division commanded by General 
 Berthier, consisting of four thousand six hundred and ninety- 
 two men, occupied the town of Moreha on the 30th. General 
 Marquez met with a particularly hostile reception at Acam- 
 baro, one of his junior officers being assassinated in the 
 streets as the troops passed by. 
 
 Following the seizure of MoreHa, Bazaine set out for the 
 rich mining district of Guanajuato, one of the oldest and 
 most productive sHver-mining provinces of Mexico. He 
 secured possession of the town with little trouble on 8th 
 December, when, taking with him the greater portion of 
 General Douay's division as well as that of General de 
 Castagny, he set out in pursuit of Doblado. His success, how- 
 ever, was not very great, for no sooner did the French army 
 arrive anywhere near the resting-place of Juarez's astute 
 Foreign Minister, than the latter promptly departed, thus 
 leading Bazaine's troops a profitless chase over nearly one 
 
 199 
 
200 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 half of the Republic . In the end the pursuit was abandoned. 
 General Douay was no more happy in his efforts to secure 
 the person of the same slippery individual. On the other 
 hand the body of Liberals, under General Uruaga, was un- 
 expectedly encountered, and on the 17th December a fierce 
 engagement ensued between these troops and the forces 
 under General Marquez, near Piedra-Gorda, and here it was 
 that Marquez was wounded in the face, while forty-five of 
 his men were killed and eighty-eight were injured. This 
 proved to be the first occasion upon which the Mexicans 
 serving in opposite camps had found themselves face to 
 face without the French troops being present : they fought 
 each other like wild cats, all the fierceness of their Indian 
 blood rising to the surface, and causing them to use tooth 
 and nail when unable to handle their weapons further. 
 
 General Uruaga, after fighting long and desperately, was 
 compelled to fall back from before the onslaught made by 
 General Marquez, who, whatever may be said to his per- 
 sonal discredit or his moral degeneracy, was certainly a 
 brilliant soldier and a fearless fighter. During the entire 
 campaign he showed great resourcefulness, and it was his 
 inherent power of adaptation to existing circumstances 
 which, no doubt, induced him to abandon his imperial 
 master when he once was convinced that the cause of the 
 latter had become hopeless. 
 
 General Mejia, another brave and resourceful Mexican 
 Imperialist officer, who had been left in command at Guana- 
 juato by General Bazaine, after the latter had taken his 
 departure, had later on been despatched to San Luis Potosi, 
 a French force being sent to occupy the mining town of 
 Guanajuato in his place. General Mejia, although he had no 
 more than two thousand five hundred men at his orders, 
 managed, by exerting his great personal influence, to secure 
 possession of the town of San Luis, General Negrete, who 
 had held it for the Liberals, giving way to him without 
 firing a shot. On 27th December the Imperial troops took 
 possession. 
 
 A few days afterwards, however. General Negrete repented 
 
FRENCH SUCCESSES 201 
 
 of his action ; being now reinforced to the extent of several 
 thousand men from Zacatecas, he attacked the town from 
 three sides, but was repulsed by the plucky Mejia who 
 secured over eight hundred prisoners, the whole of Negrete's 
 artUlery, and all of his equipment. On the other hand, the 
 losses among his own men did not exceed fifty killed and 
 sixty-five wounded. The captured Liberals, with their usual 
 indifference to the justice of the cause for which they fought 
 so strenuously and died so heroically, at once joined Mejia's 
 forces, and thereafter they battled just as fiercely against 
 their former brothers-in-arms, and upon the side of the 
 Imperialists. 
 
 On the 5th January 1864 the important town of Guadala- 
 jara, capital of the State of Jalisco, fell to the arms of General 
 Bazaine, so that by this time the Imperialists had taken 
 possession of at least eight of the principal cities in Mexico 
 — Queretaro, Moreha, Guanajuato, Leon, Aguascalientes, 
 San Luis Potosi, and Guadalajara. But even so they were 
 a very long way from having ' conquered Mexico.' The 
 whole of the northern and southern States had yet to be 
 subdued or won, and, at the rate of progress which the 
 expeditionary forces were showing, this would occupy 
 another five years at least to complete. French troops had 
 been in the country since the early days of January 1862. 
 and this was the sum total of their achievements at the end 
 of two years (5th January 1864). 
 
 During the following months of February and March a 
 number of minor engagements took place between the two 
 now thoroughly embittered parties, the death-roll upon 
 both sides being rapidly swelled, while disease was pre- 
 valent in both camps — but especially virulent in that of 
 the French, who were stiU unacclimatised and unable to 
 sustain the violent changes between a great heat and an 
 intense cold, which had to be faced in the inequitable 
 temperature of Mexico. A considerable portion of the 
 French troops had to be detailed to meet the even more 
 daring attacks of bandits and guerrillas, with whom the 
 whole country was swarming. These desperadoes neither 
 
202 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 gave nor received any quarter, and both sides alike, the 
 Imperialists and the Liberals, executed summary justice 
 upon all who were caught with arms. Terrible reprisals 
 were carried out, on the other hand, upon any of the Liberal 
 or French troops who were unfortunate enough to fall into 
 the power of these roaming bands ; every conceivable 
 barbarity was perpetrated upon them, acts far too horrible 
 to chronicle in detail. 
 
 The Liberal forces sustained their second great defeat 
 at Matehuala on 17th May, when the French, under Colonel 
 Aymard, and the Mexicans, under General Mejia, rendered 
 an excellent account of themselves. A good many were 
 killed and wounded upon both sides, and, cornered at last, 
 Doblado, with his six thousand men, or what were left of 
 them, were compelled to fly for their Hves. So deeply did 
 Doblado feel the disgrace of his defeat, that soon after- 
 wards he quitted Mexico and sought refuge in the United 
 States, where he died on 19th June 1865. 
 
 Tampico, which ranks as the most important Mexican 
 port after Vera Cruz, had been occupied by the French on 
 11th August 1863, but owing to the ravages of yellow-fever, 
 more than one-half of the garrison had died. No further 
 supply of men could be well spared to replace those who 
 were left, and as nearly every man among them was found 
 to be suffering from ague in a greater or less degree, in view 
 of the importance of holding the place. General Bazaine 
 found it necessary to send a company of five hundred French 
 veterans, men who had been accustomed to a bad climate, 
 and to all descriptions of rough campaigning, together with 
 a contingent of three hundred Mexicans, to hold the town 
 for the Imperialists. The smaller port of Tuxpan, however, 
 was abandoned. 
 
 On the 28th March Minatitlan was also vacated, originally 
 having been won after a desperate struggle ; a few days 
 later the town of San Juan Bautista, in the State of Tobasco, 
 was likewise abandoned. The French were thus dropping, 
 one by one, the several towns and ports for which they had 
 fought so strenuously, and had won at so heavy a sacrifice 
 
PORTS TAKEN AND LOST 203 
 
 of human life. At this period, in addition to the larger 
 towns previously mentioned, the Imperial flag flew from 
 but three ports on the coast of Yucatan — Carmen, Alvarado, 
 and Vera Cruz. The two others, which had been abandoned 
 (Tampico and Tuxpan), had made five out of about twenty, 
 the whole of the remainder still being in the hands of the 
 Liberals. 
 
 In the month of June, however, the port of Acapulco, 
 upon the Pacific coast, was won for the empire, while General 
 Lozada seized San Bias. Both of these stations were (and 
 still are) very unhealthy, and the French troops who were 
 sent to occupy them were hterally consigned to their graves. 
 
 It will be recognised that very little had been effected 
 to ensure that ' peaceable inheritance ' for Maximilian 
 which had been so ghbly promised, and to which, with mis- 
 placed confidence, he had been looking forward. His 
 arrival in his distracted kingdom was imminent, yet not 
 more than a small portion had declared itself in his favour, 
 and that part of the population which had acclaimed him 
 as their emperor had been artificially inspired, and as 
 fictitiously schooled by their French monitors, who held 
 them, as they had first secured them, at the point of the 
 sword. 
 
 The actual arrival of Maximihan and Charlotte in their 
 new dominions occasioned absolutely no difference to the 
 conduct of the war which was being carried on between the 
 Imperialists and the Liberals. While the emperor and 
 empress were still following their triumphal progresses 
 through Puebla, Jalapa, Cordoba, Orizaba, and other towns, 
 the French columns were pursuing the fleeing enemy through 
 out the country. Maximihan learned of and saw only as 
 much of the actual conditions as his French tutors and their 
 Mexican allies thought it expedient that he should be 
 allowed to hear and see. Thus, while fierce opposition was 
 being encountered from the whole official element and the 
 inhabitants, three-fourths of whom were antagonistic to 
 the French intervention and the imposition of a monarchial 
 form of government, Maximilian, who had just returned to 
 
204 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the capital, caused to be published in the Journal Officiel 
 a letter which he had addressed to Seiior Velasquez de 
 Leon, wherein he gave his impressions of the political con- 
 ditions prevailing, adding the extraordinarily self-deceptive 
 statement, ' je suis convaincu de I'adhesion a I'empire de 
 I'immense majorite du pays.' 
 
 General Bazaine's most difficult task was stUl, as it 
 always had been, to estabhsh and maintain his communica- 
 tions between his bases and his troops. He was travelling 
 further and further from Vera Cruz in one direction, while 
 his generals were separating gradually from Tampico in 
 another. It wiU be remembered that these formed the only 
 two ports, the principal ones, in the country which were 
 favourable to the Imperial cause, and one of them, Tampico, 
 had subsequently to be abandoned. The bad faith of the 
 French was no less of an obstacle to progress, since Mexicans, 
 who are usually suspicious of the foreigner, had, unfortu- 
 nately, placed some dependence upon the solemn agree- 
 ment of the Gallic invaders when, as a return for local 
 support and assistance, they consented to remain in the 
 towns when captured and not to evacuate them. 
 
 As in San Andres and Tehuacan, so in numerous other 
 instances they were basely betrayed. No sooner had the 
 French left these places, which they did almost as soon as 
 they had occupied them, than down came a body of revenge- 
 ful Liberal troops who slaughtered the unfortunate inhabit- 
 ants, robbed their homes, and committed every possible 
 excess, their victims having no means whatever to defend 
 themselves, since the French had left them neither arms 
 nor sufficient garrison to protect them. Thus instead of 
 the French troops being heralded as ' the saviours of the 
 country,' as M. Billault,^ in Paris, had been telling the 
 Chamber of Deputies was the case, their arrival in a town 
 was regarded as a sure indication that it would speedily 
 
 ^ M. Billault was one of the ministers of the Emperor Napoleon with- 
 out a portfolio. He was the mouthpiece of the emperor, but neverthe- 
 less carried great weight in the Chamber of Deputies, where his most 
 able and eloqiient opponent was Maitre Jules Favre, the distinguished 
 advocate. 
 
INDETERMINATE WAR 205 
 
 become the prey of the Liberal forces who would soon be 
 free to rob, murder, and punish as Juarez had repeatedly 
 warned his compatriots would be the case wherever and 
 whenever a Mexican was found offering the sUghtest 
 encouragement or a particle of food to the invaders. The 
 French troops were neither numerically strong enough nor 
 expected to afford protection to the Mexicans in the villages, 
 nor to the owners of the haciendas which they visited in 
 order to replenish their provisions and to rest their horses. 
 In every case where the owners had, willingly or unwUHngly, 
 assisted them in this manner, they were penalised by the 
 Juarist troops, either immediately afterwards or at some 
 future time. 
 
 The several advantages which were gained one day by 
 Bazaine and his generals, who were conducting the war in 
 different parts of the country, were completely lost upon 
 another, no real or permanent progress was or could be 
 made, and while, as already shown, the French had been in 
 Mexico as belligerents for over two years, they had practi- 
 cally accomplished nothing definitive. 
 
 On the 1st August 1864 took place the important battle 
 of Candelaria, between the French force rnider Colonel 
 Tourre and the Liberals under General Ugalde, It was 
 hoped by the Liberals that the French would be caught in 
 the dangerous defile of Candelaria, which proved, indeed, 
 to be the case ; and that although there were but eight 
 hundred of the Liberal troops engaged they would be able, 
 on account of their superior position and intimate know- 
 ledge of the country, to wipe-out the entire French force. 
 But the latter, as always, fought their way gallantly, and 
 under terrible difficulties, the heat proving insupportable, 
 while every vantage comer and natural eminence was 
 already occupied by the Mexican sharpshooters. It was 
 literally a defile of disaster ; and while the French emerged 
 triumphant, it cost them eight men, suffocated by the 
 intense heat, one officer and three men killed, and thirty- 
 three wounded, many of the latter subsequently succumb- 
 ing on account of the terrible atmospheric conditions. And 
 
206 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the net result proved absolutely barren. They had fought 
 thus bravely in order to occupy the town of Ajutla, and 
 when at length they entered it, they found it completely 
 deserted. 
 
 In the meanwhile the Juarists were becoming more 
 numerous and more daring. They now numbered at least 
 13,000 ; General Patoni (Governor of Durango) commanded 
 3000, General Ortega another 2500, General Negrete 
 (Minister of War) commanded 4000, including a full park 
 of artUlery which had been obtained from the United States ; 
 while General La Garza (Governor of TamauUpas) boasted 
 of over 3500 well-equipped men. These troops among them 
 secured the control of, and consequently the customs revenues 
 from, the towns of Matamoras, formerly the capital of the 
 State of Tamaulipas, and situated on the boundary-line 
 of the United States ; Mazatlan, one of the most important 
 ports upon the Pacific ; and Guaymas, the chief seaport 
 of the State of Sonora. 
 
 But the French, with their superior discipline and splendid 
 fighting material, continued to sweep the Mexicans before 
 them, even though these latter returned to their positions 
 almost before the last gleam of the French bayonets had 
 disappeared from view. Notwithstanding the Governor of 
 Durango's boasted bravery, the Liberals departed quickly 
 enough from before the city of Durango, on 4th July, when 
 it was occupied by General L'Heriller, without meeting 
 with any resistance. Neither General Ortega with his 2500 
 nor Governor Patoni with his 3000 men felt inclined to 
 face the cold steel of the Frenchmen, and disappeared 
 at the earliest opportunity. 
 
 General de Castagny was, at this period, operating 
 in the northern States, several smaU towns and villages 
 being occupied quite uselessly since they were neither 
 fortified nor garrisoned, and as a consequence, almost 
 immediately after being vacated by the French they became 
 again Liberal possessions. Similarly ' successful ' and 
 similarly valueless occupations ensued of Saltillo (the 
 capital of the State of Coahuila) on 20th August, and of 
 
/^?:^-, 
 
 MONSIGNOR PELAGIO ANTONIO DE LABASTIDA Y DAVALOS 
 Archbishop of Mexico 
 
GENERAL URUAGA 207 
 
 Monterey (the capital of Nuevo Leon) on 26th August. 
 The inhabitants of both towns proved decidedly hostile 
 to their ' saviours,' as the French insisted upon regarding 
 themselves. But in Monterey they fortunately found a 
 considerable amount of spoil in the form of fifty-five pieces 
 of cannon of different calibre, 150,000 rounds of ammunition, 
 and 150,000 bullets. This discovery, at least, proved that 
 President Juarez was being weU supphed with ammunition 
 from some source not very far distant. The United States 
 border is but two hundred and fifty miles from Monterey. 
 
 In the month of September the town of Matamoras was 
 occupied by the French, without a shot having been fired. 
 At this time the prospects of the Imperiahsts had seemed 
 to have decidedly brightened. Benito Juarez, hard pressed, 
 had crossed over the border into the United States terri- 
 tory, where he was permitted, notwithstanding the offi- 
 cially professed ' neutrality ' of that RepubUc, to carry 
 on his campaign in perfect freedom, escaping any imposi- 
 tion of disarmament. In the south-west, also, some 
 Imperialistic victories were taking place. This wide 
 district had hitherto been allowed to remain, almost un- 
 molested, in the hands of the Liberals, under the command 
 of General Uruaga, a gallant and courteous Mexican, who 
 had travelled much in European countries. Although an 
 ardent Republican, Uruaga, was not personally inimical to 
 the French, for whose military prowess and social culture 
 he entertained a high regard. It was he who had sent a 
 polite communication, written in very good French, to 
 General Bazaine, in April 1864, in which he observed : ' la 
 monarchic perdrait le Mexique et coiiterait cher a la France,' 
 words which came to be very true. 
 
 The operations in the State of Jalisco had resulted in 
 the French occupying the capital, Guadalajara, while in the 
 month of November the neighbouring State of Colima had 
 yielded up its capital of the same name. Colonel Clinchant 
 won a smart victory at Jiquilpan on the 22nd of that month, 
 while two or three days before General Marquez had taken 
 possession of the town and port of Manzanillo, situated 
 
208 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 about sixty miles from the capital, Colima. Unfortunately, 
 it was not found practicable to retain this port, when won ; 
 since orders had been received by Marshal Bazaine direct 
 from France to the effect that Mazatlan was to be aban- 
 doned, it was deemed by him useless to retain the other 
 Pacific port of ManzanDlo. On the 14th December the 
 port of Acapulco, the finest harbour on the west coast of 
 Mexico — and, indeed, the second finest port of the world — 
 was also abandoned. 
 
 Thus at the end of 1864, after a sojourn of twenty-four 
 months in the country, the French intervention had resulted 
 in the nominal winning over, by force, of a part only of 
 Mexico to the Imperial cause. I say ' nominal ' advisedly, 
 for it was perfectly well recognised by every one, the French 
 troops in particular, that immediately the latter were with- 
 drawn the whole fabric of the monarchy — so laboriously 
 but so unsubstantially constructed — ^would fall to pieces. 
 But there stiU remained the task to overcome the resistance 
 of the State of Michoacan ; Juarez — ^who had come back 
 after his last flight across the protected border of the United 
 States — ^had also to be hunted once more out of Chihuahua ; 
 the ports of the Pacific had to be occupied again, and finally 
 the town of Oaxaca, in which the gallant Porfirio Diaz was 
 still holding out bravely, had to be subdued. 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 
 French forces in 1865 — Relations between Maximilian and Bazaine — 
 Emperor's bitter complaint — ^The ' Black Decree ' (3rd October 1865) 
 — Execution of Gteneral Arteaga — ^Napoleon decides to withdraw 
 from Mexico — ^Admitted failure of French intervention — Bazaine's 
 pessimism — ^Abandonment of Chihuahua — ^Disaster to French troops 
 at Santa Isabel (1st March 1866) — ^Fall of Matamoras — Monterey 
 evacuated — SaltiUo and Durango surrendered. 
 
 By the month of April 1866 the imperial troops operating in 
 Mexico under the command of Marshal Bazaine amomited to 
 some 63,800 men, of whom over one-half were soldiers of the 
 line. They included likewise 20,000 Mexicans, 8500 ' rurales' 
 (or mounted police), 6000 Austrian volunteers, and 1300 
 Belgian irregulars. The troops were very much dispersed, 
 however, and Bazaine conceived the idea of concentrating 
 them upon an entirely new plan, a determination which was 
 entirely disapproved of by Maximilian. 
 
 Indeed the relations between the sovereign and the 
 French commander-in-chief were becoming more and 
 more strained, and a furious attack upon the French army, 
 published simultaneously in the principal native journals 
 supporting the monarchy, not unnaturally led to the belief 
 that Maximilian was designedly seeking a quarrel with the 
 Marshal with a view to his recall. The only immediate 
 result, however, of this move was the arrest and punish- 
 ment, by fine and imprisonment, of the offending journalists, 
 proceedings which the emperor was compelled to counte- 
 nance iti order to avoid an open rupture with the commander- 
 in-chief. The evil influences of Father Fischer, the Imperial 
 Secretary, were to be traced in this unfortunate and unwise 
 action as in so many others, for which Maximilian had been 
 held to blame. 
 
 
 
210 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Maximilian was desirous of seeing General Douay, whose 
 return from Europe (where he had been on a short vacation) 
 was daily expected, placed in command vice Marshal Bazaine; 
 the latter had recently become engaged to be married to 
 Senorita de la Prena, a young Mexican lady of good birth, 
 and closely connected with the president (Benito Juarez), 
 through her mother. Maximihan encouraged this union, 
 thinJjing that thereby the commander-in-chief might wish 
 to take his newly-wedded wife abroad ; but in this he was 
 again destined to be disappointed. The marriage took 
 place on 26th June 1865, in the imperial chapel, and the 
 emperor was not only present at the ceremony, but he had 
 generously bestowed upon the young bride the charming 
 residence, called a ' palace,' of Buena Vista, in which the 
 commander-in-chief had resided since Maximihan had been 
 in Mexico. It was stipulated in a formal deed which trans- 
 ferred this residence to the Marshal, that in the event of his 
 leaving Mexico, the house should be repurchased by the 
 State for the sum of $100,000. When, however, the 
 monarchy fell, the Repubhcan Government took pos- 
 session, refusing any compensation to the absent Marshal 
 or his wife. 
 
 Notwithstanding his outward display of courtesy and 
 friendliness towards Marshal Bazaine, Maximihan con- 
 tinued to foster inimical sentiments towards him, and to 
 disapprove of his methods of handhng the French troops 
 in Mexico. A letter of some length, written by the emperor 
 on 18th July (dated from the Castle of Ghapultepec) throws 
 a strange hght upon the relations existing between the 
 sovereign and the commander-in-chief. 
 
 ' I do not complain against the French as a whole ' (writes 
 Maximilian), ' I complain of those Frenchmen who serve 
 their emperor but poorly, and still less conduce to the 
 honour of their flag. I speak of those high functionaries 
 who expend immense sums of money and shed the blood 
 of Mexicans uselessly, who continually intrigue against me 
 and defeat aU my efforts to form a strong national army ; 
 who insist upon sending the troops away from their posts 
 
MAXIMILIAN'S COMPLAINTS 211 
 
 without the permission or the approval of their sovereign, 
 and in violation of the most solemn rights ; who permit and 
 encourage sacrilege and theft, and who by their general 
 conduct are conducing to the entire demoralisation of the 
 army. ... If I do not complain more openly, if I fail to 
 show my great displeasure, it is on account of my sincere 
 regard for my great friend the Emperor Napoleon, and 
 my deep respect for the great nation over which he rules. 
 I submit to the gross injustice and humiliations such as I 
 have never experienced in all my hfe, because of my love 
 for my new country and of my friendship for France. I 
 pretend to be deceived because of the future ; but, as you 
 know, I never deceive any one, and am not easily deceived 
 by others ; unfortunately, I have rather too good a memory, 
 and I recollect too well the many promises which have been 
 made to me, and the lies which have been told to me during 
 the past fourteen months. Not one of these promises has 
 been redeemed, and I repeat that the military position 
 to-day is even worse than was the case last year, all of which 
 I can prove by documentary evidence and from the reports 
 which are made to me — reports which it is true do not reach 
 me from those quarters from which they ought properly 
 to come, but which are none the less authentic and rehable 
 on that account.' 
 
 Things must have, indeed, drifted dangerously to have 
 occasioned so bitter a lament as this from Maximihan, 
 usually of so placid and easy-going a disposition. 
 
 The emperor and Marshal Bazaine eventually agreed 
 upon a fresh organisation of the Mexican army, and it was 
 arranged that two additional divisional commands should be 
 estabHshed. San Luis Potcsi was to be one, and Durango 
 the other. Upon General Douay, who had now returned to 
 Mexico from his trip to Europe, was conferred the command 
 of the first division, while the second was entrusted to 
 General de Castagny. MaximDian then desired that a 
 third divisional command should be created and given to 
 General L'Heriller ; but to this. Marshal Bazaine was com- 
 pelled to refuse his assent, on account of the great distance 
 
212 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of the southern states (of which Michoacan was the principal) 
 from his strategic base in the north. Nevertheless it was 
 in the State of Michoacan that the Liberal forces were most 
 powerful, being admirably organised in five brigades under 
 General Regules and General Rivas Palacios, with General 
 _Vrteaga in supreme command. 
 
 A sharp encounter occurred in this State, at a place called 
 Tacambaro, on 14th April 1865, between the Belgian brigade, 
 supported by some Mexican Imperial troops, and the 
 Liberals, with the result that the Belgian troops obtained 
 a complete victory, securing two hundred prisoners and 
 leaving about fifty Liberal oificers and men dead and 
 wounded upon the field. Another engagement was fought 
 on the 23rd, but this ended in the repulse of the Belgian 
 troops serving under Colonel de Potier. Numerous further 
 combats took place throughout the months of May, June, 
 and July. In the last mentioned a second battle was 
 fought at Tacambaro (11th July), when the Belgians secured 
 a brilliant revenge against the Liberal troops, putting three 
 hundred of General Arteaga's men Jtors de combat, and cap- 
 turing six pieces of cannon, a complete park of artOlery, six 
 hundred rifles, and one hundred and sixty-five prisoners. 
 This victory proved a serious blow to Arteaga, who was 
 prevented from taking the field again for several weeks. 
 The success achieved by the Belgian Legion, under Colonel 
 de Potier, was particularly gratifying to the Empress Char- 
 lotte, who shortly afterwards sent for her gallant country- 
 man in order to congratulate him upon his triumph. 
 
 In the following October (the 13th) was decided the well- 
 contested struggle between General Arteaga (who had now 
 recovered from his serious defeat above referred to) and 
 Colonel Mendez, an Imperialist. This time the punish- 
 ment inflicted upon the Liberal troops was even more 
 severe ; Generals Arteaga and Salazar, ten staff officers, forty 
 junior officers, and four hundred men fell into the hands of 
 the triumphant Mendez. But a foul blot rested upon his 
 victory. 
 
 It was but a few days before (the ever-memorable 3rd 
 
EXECUTION OF ARTEAGA 213 
 
 October), that Maximilian had committed the worst blunder 
 and most unpardonable act of his short but troublesome 
 reign. I refer to the promulgation of the ' Black Decree,' 
 the terms of which placed beyond the law all Mexicans who 
 were found bearing arms against the monarchy, and who 
 declined to lay them down. 
 
 Acting upon this barbarous measure, Colonel Mendez 
 had shot in cold blood, and without the semblance of a 
 trial, the two generals, Arteaga and Salazar, as well as three 
 colonels, who had become his prisoners. 
 
 The ugly history of the five years' internecine Mexican 
 war contains many sad and harrowing incidents, but few 
 more touching in its simple pathos than the following letter 
 from General Arteaga, written to his mother upon the eve 
 of his death : 
 
 •Urtjapan, October 20, 1865. 
 
 ' My adored Mother, — I was taken prisoner on the 13th 
 instant by the Imperial troops, and to-morrow I am to be shot. 
 I pray you. Mama, to pardon me for aU the suffering I have 
 caused you during the time I have followed the profession of 
 arms, against your wiU. 
 
 ' Mama, in spite of all my efforts to aid you, the only means 
 I had I sent you in April last ; but God is with you, and He will 
 not suffer you to perish, nor my sister Trinidad, the little Yankee. 
 
 ' I have not told you before of the death of my brother Luis, 
 because I feared you would die of grief ; he died at Tuxpan, in 
 the State of Jalisco, about the 1st of January last. 
 
 ' Mama, I leave nothing but a spotless name, for I have never 
 taken anything that did not belong to me ; and I trust God will 
 pardon all my sins and take me into His glory. 
 
 ' I die a Christian, and bid you all adieu — you, Dolores, and 
 all the family, as yom: very obedient son, 
 
 ' Josi Mabia Arteaga. 
 
 'Doiia Apolonia Magallanes de Arteaga, Aguas Calientes.' 
 
 This composition recalls to mind a similarly touching 
 valedictory epistle sent by a drummer boy to his fond and 
 only parent, upon the night before his execution by the 
 instructions of Wellington — & sentence passed as a punish- 
 
214 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 ment after being caught inditing a letter to his mother 
 subsequent to the order of ' lights out.' 
 
 For whatever reprisals which followed, and they proved 
 to be many in number and horrible in detail, the Liberals 
 could plead good cause and excuse. In fact, some among 
 the Liberal leaders showed remarkable forbearance by not 
 taking any immediate revenge. 
 
 General Regules, for instance, who had been the intimate 
 friend and brother-in-arms of General Arteaga, could have 
 shot a number of Imperialist officers who had fallen into 
 his hands ; but he was far too gallant a soldier to wreak his 
 revenge upon innocent heads. Nevertheless, in order to 
 show their disgust for Maximihan, through whose terrible 
 "decree the above-named atrocities had been perpetrated, 
 the Liberal chiefs refused to hold any further direct 
 communication with the Imperial staff. The inter- 
 change of prisoners was thereafter arranged through the 
 medium of the French officers, who felt fuUy as in- 
 dignant with the author of the ' Black Decree,' as did the 
 Mexicans. 
 
 During the remainder of the year 1865 operations con- 
 tinued, but without any definite results accruing either to 
 the Imperialists or to the Liberals ; the Austrian Legion 
 were in the State of Oaxaca, General Brincourt was in Chihu- 
 ahua, Colonel Garnier was struggling ineffectually against 
 superior numbers in Sonora, while General M6jia, in Tamau- 
 lipas, was confronted by an enemy continually protected 
 and occasionally assisted by United States officials, in 
 spite of the repeatedly expressed neutrality of the North 
 American Government. Mejia had no more than three 
 thousand five hundred men, and he found it impossible to 
 make any effective movement in a territory which com- 
 prised the whole of Matamoras, Tampico, and Monterey. 
 Against him was operating the resourceful Liberal chief. 
 General Escobedo, to whom was rendered valuable aid in 
 many ways by General Weitzel, of the United States army, 
 who commanded on the border, and to whom urgent protests 
 were addressed, quite unavailingly, by both General Mejia 
 
FRENCH BECOME WEARY 215 
 
 and Captain Clone, who was in command of the French 
 Gulf squadron. 
 
 Finding that his denials of having rendered assistance to 
 the Liberals were ineffectual in satisfying the Imperialist 
 officers, General Weitzel lost his temper and addressed to 
 Captain Cloue a letter, 17th November 1865, which read : 
 ' He (General MejJa) and I have already had more corre- 
 spondence than was pleasant to me. I do not wish to write 
 letters. It is not my profession, and I was not sent here 
 by my government to write letters. I would, therefore, 
 again repeat that either you or General Mejia alone take 
 charge of aU correspondence with me.' 
 
 General Sheridan, commanding the district of New Orleans, 
 proceeded to the extremity of sending a menacing and in- 
 sulting telegram to General Mejia, which the latter, how- 
 ever, refused to accept. Nevertheless he was fearful of 
 leaving his position at Matamoras on account of the pro- 
 bability of it being rushed and captured by American 
 fiUbusters. 
 
 The opening of the year 1866 witnessed the first practical 
 demonstration of Napoleon having tired of the Mexican, 
 expedition, and of his determination to withdraw as soon 
 as possible from a situation which was proving as costly as 
 it was ludicrous. Although the inspired French journals 
 continued to write of the enterprise as ' la plus glorieuse de 
 son regne,' the general public were equally weary of the 
 strain upon the country's resources, and of the absolutely 
 negative results of the campaign after four years' conduct. 
 It was, therefore, decided to withdraw the French troops 
 from Mexico in three detachments — ^the first to depart in 
 the month of November of 1866, the second in March of 
 1867, the third in November of the same year. But events 
 transpired which precipitated the abandonment of the 
 Mexican empire before the latest date mentioned, and as 
 a consequence, by the month of June of 1867, the whole 
 fabric, built upon the shallow egotism and rank bad faith 
 of Napoleon iii., had crumbled to ashes amid the blood and 
 the tears of his innumerable victims. 
 
216 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 The French arms had encountered at Leipzig stubborn 
 resistance and little glory ; at Moscow a brave and self- 
 sacrificing enemy and less glory ; in Spain they had found an 
 united and persistent foe, and again no glory ; at Waterloo 
 they had met the British — and defeat. In Mexico, hoping 
 to easily crush within a few months a weak, exhausted, and 
 disunited nation, they had been faced by an unyielding and 
 resourceful people, whose methods of warfare were as difficult 
 to counter as their loyalty to a shadowy government was 
 difficult to understand. 
 
 And at the end of four years, what had been accomplished 
 either for Mexico or for themselves 1 What had been done 
 with the many millions of good French money, beyond 
 securing an immeasurable amount of profitless slaughter 
 and the making of many hundreds of maimed and fever- 
 stricken victims ? Had these French interlopers advanced 
 in any way the happiness of the people in whose govern- 
 mental affairs they had so unwarrantably and aggressively 
 interfered ? Had they estabUshed any new principle, 
 struck any fresh path of progress of national prosperity ? 
 Had they healed any old wounds, created any new and 
 abiding friendships, estabUshed any confidence in them- 
 selves as a civilising influence — ^in a word, had they in any 
 shape or form advanced by one sohtary act or measure the 
 lofty motive put forward by their emperor in his famous 
 letter addressed to General de Lorencez, in September of 
 1862, the then commander-in-chief of the French troops 
 operating in Mexico 1 In this despatch the French emperor 
 had declared : ' It is contrary to my interest, my origin, and 
 my principle to impose any kind of government whatever 
 on the Mexican people ; they may freely choose that which 
 suits them best.' And he had expended so far 274,698,000 
 francs, and sacrificed over four thousand French Uves to 
 aUow the Mexicans ' to freely choose ' their own form of 
 government ! Could the enormity of hypocrisy have pro- 
 ceeded further ? 
 
 It was once said by General Ulysses Grant that the war 
 made by the United States against Mexico 1846-8, as a 
 
BAZAINE'S DIFFICULTIES 217 
 
 consequence of which the latter lost nearly one-third of her 
 territory, was 'the most unjust and wickedest war ever 
 waged by a strong nation against a weak one.' What judg- 
 ment did the hero of Vicksburg and the commander-in- 
 chief of the American army of the Potomac pass upon 
 Napoleon's campaign against the same harassed and dis- 
 traught country ? 
 
 It having been determined to gradually withdraw the 
 French troops from Mexico, it became necessary for Maxi- 
 milian to form forthwith a sufficiently strong and well- 
 organised army of his own, composed of Mexicans loyal 
 to the empire and Belgian and Austrian volunteers. To 
 bring about this reorganisation, the emperor was bound, 
 though much against his wiU, to solicit the co-operation of 
 Marshal Bazaine. The latter at once offered his services, 
 and would doubtless have carried out his plans with some 
 success, but for the numerous obstacles which confronted 
 him — the scarcely veiled suspicion and barely suppressed 
 hostility of the sovereign, the open defiance of the Belgian, 
 Austrian, and Mexican subordinate officers, and the entire 
 insufficiency of funds. No man, however willing, however 
 capable and however earnest could hope to make headway 
 against such a combination of adverse factors as were here 
 presented. And Marshal Bazaine was compelled to admit 
 a failure. 
 
 However, he endeavoured to establish some semblance 
 of orderliness and discipline among the mixed companies 
 which he was asked and expected to mould into an effective 
 and homogeneous army. He proposed the creation of 
 several battalions of cazadores, foot-soldiers who may be 
 compared with the French chasseurs a pied ; two such 
 battalions were formed, known as the ' 7th ' and ' 8th ' 
 companies of the Foreign Legion. At first they were paid 
 out of the French budget, the amount being debited to the 
 account of the Mexican Government, as had been all sums 
 expended for a similar purpose and a very great many others 
 which had served no Mexican purpose at all. 
 
 At the commencement of the year 1866, the native 
 
218 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Mexican (Imperialist) army comprised — ^besides the two 
 battalions of cazadores above referred to — a considerable 
 and well-equipped body of artillery, 35,650 foot and horse 
 soldiers, with 11,073 horses. The Belgian Legion numbered 
 1324 and the Austrian 6535 men, and these possessed 1409 
 horses between them. Thus Maximilian could count upon 
 an effective force of over 43,500 men and 12,400 horses, 
 while, as mentioned previously, the entire Liberal strength 
 did not exceed 60,000 men and 14,000 horses. 
 
 Under efficient French command and working loyally 
 together, such a force as MaximiMan could count upon 
 ought to have at least held the monarchy together ; but 
 with the elements of obstruction, ill will and mutual mis- 
 trust which were prevalent among the officers and the rank 
 and file alike, the handling of this large but unwieldy body 
 of men became impossible. 
 
 The city of Chihuahua was abandoned by the French 
 troops on 31st January (1866), it is said by express instruc- 
 tions from the French Government in order that a con- 
 siderable force of French troops might at once be released. 
 General BiUot was in command, and, therefore, had no 
 option but to obey ; but the senselessness of the order 
 issued, after the expenditure of treasure and human lives 
 in occupying the town, was apparent. A small Mexican 
 garrison, composed of some five hundred men, had been 
 left to guard the town, and on the 25th March it was 
 attacked by General Luis Terrazas. He secured an easy 
 victory, since one-half of the garrison was defeated at once, 
 and the Imperialist commander then abandoned the posi- 
 tion. Chihuahua, thus recaptured, proved the first of many 
 towns which were conquered by or surrendered to the 
 Liberal army during the ensuing months. The fortunes 
 of war swayed first towards the one side and then towards 
 the other ; but the heart of the French soldiers was no 
 longer in their work, for it had become known that the 
 troops were to be withdrawn as soon as possible, and they 
 knew that henceforth their efforts to secure a stable founda- 
 tion for the Mexican empire, which they had been repeatedly 
 
IMPERIAL DISASTERS 219 
 
 told by their emperor and by his ministers was all ' for the 
 glory of France,' must prove ineffective. 
 
 A severe disaster had attended the French arms at Santa 
 Isabel, where, on 1st March, an entire Franco-Mexican 
 column under General de Brian was cut to pieces. On the 
 15th of the following June another fierce engagement was 
 fought at Camargo, when the losses of the Imperialist 
 troops included 251 Mexicans and 145 Austrians kOed, 121 
 Mexicans and 45 Austrians wounded, and 858 Mexicans 
 and 143 Austrians taken prisoners. The Liberals emerged 
 less disastrously, their losses comprising 155 killed and 
 78 wounded. Among the few who came triumphantly out 
 of this battle were found a number of North American 
 fiUbusters. 
 
 On the 23rd of the same month General Mejia, who had 
 not more than 300 men all told, was compelled to capi- 
 tulate at Matamoras to General Mariano Escobedo, who 
 permitted him to retire with all his baggage and arms, 
 excepting 43 pieces of cannon. For this act of clemency 
 Escobedo was soundly rated by President Juarez, and 
 narrowly escaped a court-martial. The hatred borne 
 by Juarez for Mejia was intense ; upon no occasion did 
 he ever show him the barest courtesy or consideration, 
 and yet Mejia was the only Mexican general known to 
 history who died faithful to his party. 
 
 The fall of Matamoras proved a severe blow to the Imperial 
 cause. On the other hand, taken in conjunction with 
 several previous successes, it gave heart to the Liberals 
 who became more and more united, and daily more formid- 
 able opponents of the monarchical regime. 
 
 Marshal Bazaine had transferred his headquarters to San 
 Luis Potosi, in order to be better enabled to control the 
 protection of the French columns operating in that district. 
 In July (26th) he decided upon the evacuation of Monterey, 
 while SaltiUo was abandoned on the 5th August. As a 
 set-off against these surrenders the French troops (Chas- 
 seurs d'Afrique), under Colonel du Preil, surprised and in- 
 flicted a severe defeat upon a number of Liberals at Noria 
 
220 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 de Custodio on 8th August, leaving eighty-five men dead 
 upon the field, the remainder being dispersed in disorder 
 after abandoning their horses. Then followed a concentrated 
 movement by the Liberal troops upon the town of Durango, 
 one of the best fortified and best defended cities still loyal 
 to the Imperialists. It was an undertaking upon which 
 the Juarist troops entered with some hesitation and con- 
 siderable doubt as to the results ; first they occupied all 
 the surrounding positions, which gave them considerable 
 advantage. They were, moreover, materially assisted by 
 the Indian guerrillas who, to the number of some five thou- 
 sand, haunted the neighbourhood, committing irritating 
 assaults upon the French troops whenever occasion offered, 
 and finally cutting their communications between Durango 
 and Fresnille. Durango was defended by Colonel Cottret, 
 who had been given command when General de Castagny 
 left (5th August),changing his headquarters to Leon. Colonel 
 Cottret, with the last of the French troops, withdrew from 
 the town on 13th November, and four days afterwards the 
 Liberals once more entered upon possession, their first act 
 being to impose upon the inhabitants a fine of $200,000 as 
 a punishment ' for having harboured the French.' 
 
GENERAL JOSE MARIANO SALAS 
 
 One of the three Regents ok Mexico who governed pending the 
 
 ARRIVAL of Maximilian and Charlotte 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 Financial complications increase — M. Corta's visit to Mexico — M, Rouher 
 confirms misleading statements — French subscriptions to loans — 
 Bad finance— Appointments of M, Friant and General Osmont 
 — Napoleon's anger — Convention of July 1866 — ^Maximilian's ignor- 
 ance of finance — Condition of treasury — ^Marshal Bazaine's timely 
 assistance — Desperate position of Imperial ministers — Almonte's 
 mission to France fails — Charlotte offers her services — Visit to Europe 
 decided upon — Lack of necessary funds. 
 
 In the meanwhile the finances of the young empire were 
 going steadily from bad to worse. In order to comprehend 
 the position which had now to be faced, it is necessary to 
 glance backward to the course of events immediately pre- 
 ceding the arrival of Maximihan in Mexico. 
 
 In the early months of 1864 the French Minister of 
 Finance had despatched a special envoy to Mexico to study 
 the situation, and to find out the best arrangement that 
 could be made to lighten the difficult position of the Imperial 
 treasury. The selection fell upon M. Corta, a Deputy of 
 the Legislative Body, and his instructions caused the pre- 
 paration of a definite plan for the settlement of the indem- 
 nities claimed by French creditors, an amicable agreement 
 respecting the Jecker bonds, and provision for taxing the 
 future revenues of the Imperial Government. 
 
 After a sojourn of several weeks in Mexico, M. Corta 
 returned to Paris, ' dazzled,' as he declared, ' by the brilli- 
 ancy of the prospects which that country afforded to 
 investors.' He proposed the issue of a loan in Paris, not- 
 withstanding the low current quotations prevaihng on the 
 Bourse for the previous Mexican emission. Addressing the 
 Legislative Chamber at a later date (9th and 10th April 
 1865), M. Corta drew a glowing picture of the riches of 
 
 221 
 
222 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Mexico, and the marvellous future that attended the com- 
 merce, industry, and agriculture of that country. ' Under 
 the wise and prudent government of the Emperor Maxi- 
 milian,' he averred, ' the whole future of that rich and 
 productive land is assured.' This enthusiastic view was 
 supported in every way by M. Rouher, Minister of State, 
 in the course of a very pompous speech, who added ac- 
 counts, mostly inaccurate and conjured from his own fertile 
 imagination, of fabulously rich iron mines, petroleum weUs, 
 and other sources of wealth as yet unexploited. He pro- 
 mised to aU subscribers to the loan the full moral guarantee 
 of the French Government, concluding his oration with the 
 declaration : ' Our object must be attained, the pacifica- 
 tion of the country mvst be complete, and the army of 
 France must not return to these shores until its work has 
 been successfully accomphshed, and all opposition to its 
 achievements has been definitely removed.' 
 
 A few days later the second Mexican loan was floated in 
 Paris ; it was fathered by a strong syndicate formed among 
 thirty-five weU-known bankers, and no fewer than two 
 hundred subsidiary financial houses. The result, as might 
 have been anticipated, was an over-subscription, and in 
 less than three days the lists were closed, and the scrip was 
 quoted on the Bourse at a substantial premium. The 
 accumulated savings of the thrifty French investors were 
 again entirely swallowed up in this new bottomless pit, 
 wherein the pohtical prestige and the military reputation 
 of France were already finding a dishonoured grave. 
 
 The most pressing needs of the Mexican Imperial treasury 
 were thus temporarily satisfied ; but when the heavy 
 expenses and colossal commissions payable to the bankers 
 and their friends had been deducted from the proceeds of 
 the loan, there remained for the Mexican Government but 
 fifty miUions of francs out of the original one hundred and 
 seventy miUions. The prime mover in this gigantic swindle 
 was again the Duo de Morny, President of the Council, and 
 who it will be remembered had been the principal agent in 
 the notorious Jecker bonds issue. 
 
FINANCIAL CHAOS 223 
 
 It is not difficult to understand how, with such methods 
 of financing, the position of the ah-eady greatly-impoverished 
 country was rendered worse instead of better, and that it 
 was gradually but surely being propelled over the brink into 
 national bankruptcy. It was in vain that M. Bonnefons, a 
 distinguished French economist, was also sent out to 
 Mexico in February 1865, to put the finances upon a sounder 
 and firmer basis ; his utmost efforts, as had been those of 
 the staff of French clerks despatched at the time of Maxi- 
 milian's first arrival in the country, proved wholly un- 
 availing, and things continued to drift. The demands 
 made by the rapacious French Government, and their 
 parasites the Parisian bankers, were crushing the young 
 monarchy, and although Maximilian was compelled against 
 his better judgment to consent to the exacting and extor- 
 tionate terms of these harpies, the country itself was quite 
 unable to yield one tithe of the revenue necessary to meet 
 the interest as it feU due. How much less could any portion 
 of the principal repayment be found ! M. Bonnefons, 
 having fallen ill, was replaced by M. Langlais, a Councillor 
 of State ; but he also succumbed to the deadly climate of 
 Mexico, and died after a short illness. At the end of 1865 
 the finances of the monarchy were at their lowest ebb. 
 
 The annual expenditure to which MaximiMan, without 
 a thought as to how the fxmds to meet it were to be pro- 
 vided, had committed himself, amounted to over $36,000,000 
 {pesos). This immense disbursement may be analysed as 
 follows : 
 
 International (mainly French) obligations . . $12,781,000 
 
 Interest upon the Home Debt .... 1,200,000 
 Maximilian's Privy Purse ..... 1,500,000 
 
 Empress's Privy Purse 100,000 
 
 Expenses of the Imperial Household . . . 100,000 
 
 Clergy and PubHc Worship .... 5,000,000 
 
 Army, allowing for 40,000 men with the same pay 
 
 as the French 8,000,000 
 
 CiAril List, including pensions, rewards, annuities, 
 
 secret service fund, etc. etc. .... 8,000,000 
 
 Total $36,681,000 
 
224 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Had this enormous revenue been realisable, it would 
 have entailed a fe.r ca'piia, impost of over $7.00 upon the 
 5,000,000 nominal partisans of the empire. Under no 
 possible conditions, however, could the revenue have 
 exceeded $16,000,000 (and, indeed, it failed even to reach 
 this amount during the last year-and-a-half of the exist- 
 ence of the monarchy), so that the deficit would have been 
 no less than $24,000,000 under the most favourable circum- 
 stances. Writing upon the subject of Mexican finance in 
 La Accion (a Saltillo newspaper), of 18th June 1864, a 
 prominent journalist, Senor Francisco Zarco, said : ' The 
 empire of the Austrian begins with a deficiency of 24,680,000 
 pesos; therefore it is bom weakly, sickly, and paralytic. 
 It cannot live without continuous loans, which are impos- 
 sible. , . . Such is the condition of the question of finance 
 in the new empire.' 
 
 Maximilian could act shrewdly upon occasions, and he 
 gave evidence of possessing no small amount of shrewdness 
 when he invited two of Napoleon's officers — General Osmont 
 and M. Friant, both of whom had distinguished themselves 
 as members of the expeditionary corps — to enter his cabinet, 
 the former as his Minister of War, and the latter as his 
 Minister of Finance. The emperor no doubt imagined that 
 with these French officers acting as his advisers, Napoleon 
 would hardly feel inclined to withdraw his troops as early 
 as he had threatened ; but Maximilian failed to aUow for 
 the equal shrewdness of his ' dear friend ' Napoleon. No 
 sooner did the latter receive intelligence of the said appoint- 
 ments than he forbade the new ministers to retain their 
 portfolios, and caused a severe reprimand to be published 
 concerning their acceptance in the pages of the official 
 Moniteur. Marshal Bazaine was at the same time ordered 
 to secure the cancellation of the appointments. 
 
 Maximilian nevertheless profited by the brief tenure of 
 office by these two complaisant ministers to bring to a con- 
 clusion the arrangements already commenced for a new 
 treaty, drawn up in accordance with the note of 31st May 
 1866. By the terms of this note, the Mexican Government 
 
IMPERIAL ECONOMIES 225 
 
 agreed to make fresh arrangements for the payment of 
 interest at the rate of three per cent, upon the two Mexican 
 loans which had been raised in Prance. The deed — known as 
 ' The Convention of 30th July 1866' — was signed by Maxi- 
 milian four days after General Osmont became Minister of 
 War and M. Friant had entered upon his duties as Minister 
 of Finance. But the treaty had yet to be signed by Napoleon, 
 and the latter had for some time past arrived at the con- 
 clusion that not only must no more money be loaned by 
 France to Mexico, but that all efforts must be limited to 
 securing the repayment of the sums already advanced. 
 
 In order to minimise expenditure upon the household as 
 closely as possible, Maximilian had insisted upon quitting 
 the palace at Chapultepec, his favourite residence, situated 
 within easy reach of his capital (about three miles) ; he then 
 took up his abode in the small Hacienda de La T6ja, a very 
 modest country cottage, such as any modern well-to-do 
 Mexican tradesman would to-day consider beneath his 
 notice. The hacienda was situated a few miles from Mexico 
 City, upon the spot where some of the French troops 
 (Chasseurs d'Afrique) had encamped the day before they 
 had entered the capital. 
 
 Even the receipts of the customs house at Vera Cruz, 
 or such portion as had escaped the ravening hands of the 
 numerous dishonest officials who controlled them, Mexican 
 and French alike, had latterly been unobtainable. On 
 21st November 1866, Maximilian found it necessary to 
 address a protest concerning this matter to Bazaine, in 
 
 which he stated : ' I now inform you that M. threatens 
 
 to prevent by force the collection of duties carried on at 
 the customs house. I hope that you will put a stop to 
 this illegal step.' The only satisfaction vouchsafed by 
 the marshal was an assurance that the emperor's complaint 
 would be referred to the French Inspector of Finance (one 
 of the Emperor Napoleon's most odious creatures, dis- 
 tinguished as always inimical to the Imperial cause), who, 
 having received explicit instructions regarding his attitude 
 from the French Minister of Finance at Paris, was little 
 
 r 
 
226 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 likely to heed any protest from Maximilian. And no 
 attention was paid. 
 
 Early in January of the following year Maximilian had 
 invited Bazaine to visit him at La Teja, so that they might 
 have ' a friendly and informal chat upon the situation,' 
 the emperor hoping, no doubt, to induce the marshal to 
 authorise yet further advances to the treasury by the 
 French Inspector of Finance. 
 
 Even had Bazaine possessed the influence, which was 
 certainly not the case, to instruct the French Inspector to 
 this effect, he would have refrained from exerting it in face 
 of the direct and unmistakable instructions to the contrary 
 which he had received from the French emperor at Paris. 
 Already, as we have seen, he had broken through these 
 restrictions upon two occasions, only to be severely repri- 
 manded by his always dissatisfied imperial master ; to 
 repeat the offence of countenancing further donations to 
 the Mexican Treasury would have been to invite his own 
 complete undoing. Therefore, the ' chat ' proved unfruitful. 
 
 Among the many false statements which had induced 
 Maximilian to reconsider, for the twentieth time, his deci- 
 sion to abdicate, was one covering an assurance upon the 
 part of the members of the Junta (Council) that a suffi- 
 ciency of funds could be depended upon, irrespective of 
 French grants. It was obviously to the interest of his 
 ministers, who were drawing salaries of considerable dimen- 
 sions though aU other payments from the Treasury were 
 in arrears, that the emperor should not resign, and thus 
 bring the monarchy abruptly to an end. The Junta had 
 informed Maximilian that ' the Ministry of War and the 
 Ministry of Finance possessed the one 250,000 pesos in cash, 
 the other 11,000,000 pesos, of which 8,000,000 were at his 
 immediate disposal.' There was no foundation whatever 
 for this optimistic assertion, which nevertheless weighed 
 with Maximilian, who, in consequence, withdrew the deed 
 of abdication which he was on the point of signing and 
 handing to Marshal Bazaine for transmission to France. 
 
 In view of this fresh exhibition of obduracy, which 
 
DILEMMA OP TROOPS 227 
 
 completely defeated Napoleon's newly -formed policy, 
 namely that of abandonment of the throne by Maximilian, 
 fresh pressure was brought to bear upon the Mexican Govern- 
 ment, instructions being sent to the French officials who 
 were in charge of the customs revenues at Vera Cruz, to 
 retain every centavo which was collected for the purpose 
 of repaying to the French treasury somethiag of its heavy 
 advances, and not to allow any part of the receipts' to 
 reach MaximiUan's empty coffers. 
 
 The final, and perhaps most unworthy, deed of aU was 
 the action of the French commissaries upon leaving the 
 country. Notwithstanding the notorious poverty of the 
 Imperial Government, a poverty which alone prevented it 
 from meeting its financial obhgations incurred to Napoleon, 
 these officials demanded payment for the wagons, vehicles, 
 military clothing, and some guns (all of which had been 
 found too cumbersome and valueless to take back to France), 
 threatening to destroy these effects rather than leave them 
 in the hands of the ImperiaHst forces. 
 
 Let it be remembered that at this time many of Maxi- 
 milian's troops were UteraUy in rags, and some few almost 
 naked, their uniforms having fallen to pieces from lack of 
 repair or replacement. Nevertheless the French Inspector 
 of Finance refused to allow any of the abundant surplus 
 suppUes of French uniforms to be drawn upon, and pre- 
 ferred to destroy them in the absence of the utmost value 
 being received in cash. Towards the end sufficient funds 
 were scraped together to purchase the clothuig, but the 
 rest of the supphes were destroyed as had been threatened. 
 
 It is related by some historians that by demoHshing their 
 heavy projectiles, both hollow and sohd, the French com- 
 mitted no great act of wastefulness, nor did this act show 
 any lack of generosity towards the Mexicans, since the ammu- 
 nition was useless to the latter, whose smooth-bore cannon 
 could not be loaded with the rifled shot. This may well 
 be so ; but the same excuse does not apply to the reckless 
 destruction of powder belonging to the expeditionary corps, 
 and which General de Castlenau ordered to be thrown into 
 
228 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the river Sequia rather than leave it in the possession of 
 the Mexicans. 
 
 On the other hand there can be no question that Marshal 
 Bazaine, upon his arrival at Vera Cruz, en route for France 
 (February 1867), made over to Maximilian's representative 
 a considerable store of cartridges, one hundred muskets, and 
 about thirty-three hundredweight of powder, all of which 
 had been unloaded from the French fleet which was about 
 to sail. The same thoughtfulness upon the part of Bazaine 
 had induced him to pass as a final order the completion of 
 the port's fortifications — ^and he himself inspected the work 
 during its progress — so that Maximilian, should he even- 
 tually carry out a retreat to Vera Cruz, would be sure of a 
 safe asylum until he could quit the distressful country for 
 good. 
 
 Maximilian devoted much time and patience to attempt- 
 ing to understand the complicated Mexican system of local 
 taxation, and to improve it. In this matter he was entirely 
 dependent for both information and administrative assist- 
 ance upon the honesty and the goodwill of Mexican officials ; 
 and he found neither. His own limited acquaintance 
 with the properties of numbers or even the rudiments of the 
 science of arithmetic, gifted and well educated though he 
 was, prevented him from exercising even the smallest 
 control over the situation. Nevertheless he plodded per- 
 sistently and patiently through the numerous dossiers of 
 municipal and federal taxes, customs, house dues, loans, 
 railroad grants, telegraph expenditure and revenues, public 
 works, the postal service, the unity of weights and measures, 
 the control of public funds and other complex subjects. 
 The most valuable assistance which was rendered to him 
 in his studies emanated from his clever wife, for Charlotte 
 was a skilled mathematician, and her own accounts v/ere 
 wonders of correctness and orderly arrangement. 
 
 Of the two loans which had been floated in Europe for 
 the establishment of the Mexican empire, and which ex- 
 ceeded a total of 500,000,000 francs (£20,000,000 sterling), 
 the emperor's government received no more than 60,000,000 
 

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 ==-. 
 
 SPECIMEN OF MAXIMILIAN'S CALIGRAPHY 
 
 Part of a Letter in English addressed to Father Fischer, 
 
 THE Imperial Secretary 
 
ACUTE FINANCIAL POSITION 229 
 
 francs (£2,400,000) ; nevertheless it was called upon to 
 defray the interest upon the entire capital sum. It is 
 scarcely surprising that, even to this day, the Mexican 
 Government refuses to recognise the French claims, not- 
 withstanding the repeated efforts, over a period of fifty 
 years, which have been made to secure some kind of a settle- 
 ment through the medium of the still existent ' Committee 
 of Protection of Mexican Bondholders.' 
 
 At the end of 1865 the Mexican Treasury had been in a 
 very poor condition, an enormous deficit being the inevit- 
 able consequence of the unskilful administration of the 
 government's financial department. No attempt was 
 undertaken to make the amount of expenditure balance the 
 revenue ; at this period the disbursements amounted to 
 150,000,000 pesos, irrespective of the demands of the sink- 
 ing fund as against an income from all sources of less than 
 90,000,000 pesos. While urgent demands for the payment 
 of overdue salaries, interest upon loans and current indebted- 
 ness were ignored, huge sums were freely devoted to the 
 embellishment of the capital, remodelling and refurnishing 
 the castle of Chapultepec for the Imperial occupation, and 
 upon other superfluous and wholly unproductive purposes. 
 
 By the beginning of 1866 the financial situation had 
 become acute, and Maximilian could no longer afford to 
 shelve its consideration. The treasury was completely 
 empty, and the credit of the government's various depart- 
 ments considerably overdrawn. The army pay was gravely 
 in arrears, even the French officers being without their pay 
 for over two months. The Mexican troops sought to recoup 
 themselves by committing thefts and undertaking con 
 certed marauding expeditions throughout the country : it 
 was apparently impossible to restrain them, no matter how 
 severe the punishment inflicted. 
 
 At this time Marshal Bazaine, reaUsing the danger arising 
 from such proceedings, and feeling assured that when the 
 men received at least ' something on account ' they would 
 not continue their plundering and spoliation, induced the 
 French Paymaster-General to advance a sum of 5,000,000 
 
230 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 pesosi to be devoted to the payment, of the Imperialists. 
 For this act Maximilian expressed his thanks in a short but 
 charming letter which he addressed to the Marshal from 
 the palace at Mexico, 6th February 1866 : 
 
 ' My dbab Mabshal,' the note ran, ' I have just learnt of the 
 valuable service which you have rendered to my govemmesnt 
 by coming to its help at the time of a difficult financial crisis. 
 Be pleased to receive my most sincere thanks for the discretion 
 and kindness which you have exercised in this delicate matter, 
 which to me doubles the value of the service. — Your very 
 affectionate Maximilian.' 
 
 Among several touching documents existing among the 
 voluminous archives connected with the French interven- 
 tion in Mexico, there was a letter addressed to Marshal 
 Bazaine by Senor J. M. A. de Lacunza, the President of the 
 Council of Ministers, one of the few honourable and devoted 
 men among Maximilian's advisers. The communication, 
 a somewhat lengthy one, and bearing date 28th April 1866, 
 draws a heartrending account of the conditions of the 
 country on account of its financial embarrassment, 
 begging — nay supplicating — for prompt and efEective assist- 
 ance. Before a man of Senor de Lacunza's high integrity 
 could have brought himself to pen such a distressingly 
 humihating appeal to a foreigner, and that foreigner an 
 ' invader,' the situation must have become, indeed, a severe 
 one. He demanded a monthly contribution from the 
 French treasury of 5,000,000 francs ; but the Inspector of 
 Finance (M. de Maintenant), an austere and unfriendly man, 
 well calculated to render his master the Emperor Napoleon 
 still more unpopular in Mexico, refused the request point 
 blank, and he was supported in this denial by the French 
 Minister, M. Dano, as well as — more reluctantly, perhaps, 
 — by the commander-in-chief. In the end, one-half of 
 the sum was grudgingly advanced, but it proved of little 
 value in stemming the fast-oncoming tide of financial 
 disaster. 
 
 By now the whole of the 60,000,000 francs (out of the 
 proceeds of the second French loan which had been 
 
NAPOLEON UNMASKED 231 
 
 received by the Imperial government had been expended, 
 in addition to another 8,000,000 francs which Maximilian 
 had brought with him as his private fortune when he first 
 entered the country. Nevertheless it was at this time 
 especially that the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
 M. Drouyn de I'Huys, considered it advisable to ' dun ' 
 the Mexican Government for overdue interest and part 
 repayment of principal. VeUed threats were indulged in 
 regarding the consequences of non-compUance, but they 
 proved of no effect. The resources of the Mexican adminis- 
 tration, like those of its imperial head, were completely 
 exhausted. 
 
 Matters reached a crisis when, in June 1866, Maximilian 
 received through the hands of General Almonte, his special 
 ambassador despatched to Paris, a peremptory and almost 
 insolent reply to his letter addressed to Napoleon. This 
 was written at his dictation in the third person, positively 
 refusing to advance, or to permit to be advanced, to the 
 Mexican Government any further sums of money, and inti- 
 mating that, in neglecting to repay what had already been 
 furnished, ' MaximUian had acted dishonourably.' This 
 lengthy and offensive communication concluded with the 
 staggering announcement that the French emperor had now 
 determined to withdraw his troops altogether from Mexico, 
 having come to the sudden conclusion that ' prolonged 
 foreign protection is a bad school, and a source of perils : in 
 'domestic matters it habituates people not to reckon on 
 themselves, and paralyses the national activity.' 
 
 The studied insolence of the whole letter, confirming the 
 designed betrayal of the Emperor Maximilian and his cause, 
 was characteristic of Napoleon iii., assuredly one of the 
 most perfidious, as he was one of the most unmindful, rulers 
 who ever occupied a throne. 
 
 Charlotte had abstained for some months from taking 
 any share, direct or indirect, in the political situation, con- 
 fining her work — and she was always busily engaged — ^to 
 deeds of charity and acts of mercy. But when she perceived 
 that the throne, which had been accepted under promises 
 
232 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of ample support upon the part of France, was in imminent 
 danger, she formed the idea of performing a pilgrimage to 
 Europe to save it from collapse. Maximilian at first 
 demurred, viewing with alarm this delicately - nurtured 
 woman travelling during the worst months of the year 
 through the fever-stricken tierras calientes, and having to 
 meet in, as he believed, unequal contention, the dishonesty 
 of M. Drouyn de I'Huys, the French Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, and the fickle assurances of Napoleon in. All 
 opposition, however, was overcome. Maximilian was no 
 match for his clever, determined wife when she had arrived 
 at a definite line of action. On 8th July Charlotte's pre- 
 parations were complete, and the following day she left 
 Mexico City upon her return to Europe. 
 
 The one essential lacking was sufiicient funds. Both 
 Maximilian and Charlotte had by now exhausted their own 
 private fortunes in maintaining the fuU state which they 
 considered necessary in the capital ; Marshal Bazaine and 
 the Minister of Finance suggested that the empress should 
 pawn her jewellery ; but this Maximilian would not allow, 
 neither was Charlotte willing. The only other means avail- 
 able was to annex a sum of $30,000 from the fund known 
 as the ' Inundation Tax,' which had been instituted for 
 regular works intended to preserve Mexico City from 
 inundations. 
 
 It was at first decided to keep secret the fact that the 
 empress was leaving Mexico ; but with so many busy 
 tongues and inquisitive eyes surrounding her, this was 
 found to be impossible. The Official Gazette, of 7th July 
 1866, therefore, was instructed to pubHsh a paragraph 
 reading : ' The Empress is proceeding at once to Europe, 
 charged with a special mission relating to the affairs of 
 Mexico.' 
 
 Both the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Marshal Bazaine 
 had been kept in ignorance of this event, and the notice 
 which appeared in the government organ proved the first 
 intimation to reach them. The marshal at that time was 
 at San Luis de la Paz. One of his officers in Mexico City 
 
CHARLOTTE'S AID 233 
 
 had telegraphed to him there the news which had been 
 published by the Official Gazette. Bazaine at once sent to 
 him instructions, by secret code, to make the French 
 Government acquainted with the information through the 
 medium of the commander of the French squadron at Vera 
 Cruz. It was only on the day following Charlotte's depar- 
 ture that the emperor consented to receive the French 
 Minister M. Dano, in order to acquaint him officially with 
 the news. Thus it happened that Charlotte was enabled 
 to arrive at Saint Nazaire on 10th August, almost as soon 
 as the official note announcing her departure from Mexico 
 had been received at Paris. 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 
 Charlotte departs for Europe — ^Incidents of journey — Strange conduct 
 causes comment and alarm — Reception at Vera Cruz — Scene upon 
 embarking — Ignorance in France respecting Empress's movements — 
 Arrival at Paris — PubUo excitement — ^Napoleon's discomfiture — 
 Journey to Saint Cloud — Strong language used — Stormy interview 
 — Charlotte upbraids Napoleon for his betrayal — Coldness of the 
 Empress Eugenie — ^Napoleon refuses further assistance — Charlotte's 
 despair — ^Departure from Saint Cloud. 
 
 Shortly before daybreak on the morning of the 9th of 
 July 1866, Charlotte quitted Mexico City for Europe. Her 
 travelling companions were Senor Martin Castillo (Minister 
 for Foreign Affairs), Count del Valle (Grand Chamberlain), 
 the Marques Neri del Barrio (one of the Junior Chamber- 
 lains), Marquesa del Barrio and Seiiora Manuella Gutierrez de 
 Estrada (Ladies-in- Waiting), Count de Bombelles (Comman- 
 dant of the Guardia Palatina), Senor Kulachevich (Imperial 
 Treasvu:er), Senora Kulachevich (Lady of the Bedchamber), 
 Dr. Bouslaveck (physician), and Senor Jose Luis Blasio, who, 
 acting as private secretary to the empress, subsequently 
 returned to Mexico in order to occupy a similar post in the 
 Cabinet of Maximilian. Two Spanish and two Austrian 
 serving-women were also of the party. Maximilian accom- 
 panied the empress as far as the town of Ayotla, about two 
 kilometres from Mexico City, where they parted from each 
 other with great emotion, destined — ^though they knew it 
 not — never to meet again. 
 
 The first portion of the journey terminated at Puebla, 
 208 kilometres from the capital, where, notwithstand- 
 ing the late hour of arrival, the empress was made the 
 recipient of a fervid reception upon the part of the people. 
 In spite of the cold attitude adopted by the clergy towards 
 
 231 
 
CHARLOTTE'S JOURNEY 235 
 
 the imperial couple, many of the people broke through 
 the restrictions imposed upon them by the priests, who 
 ruled Puebla with a rod of iron, and offered an affectionate 
 greeting to the young empress, who had always been the 
 object of their admiration and regard. Seiior Esteva, 
 prefect of the town, placed his fine house at her disposal, 
 but his offer was somewhat rudely declined. It was upon 
 this occasion that the mental weakening of Charlotte was 
 first observed. 
 
 The prefect, who had come to meet the empress and to 
 place himself at her orders, was at a complete loss to under- 
 stand the meaning of his hostile reception. From Mexico 
 City had also arrived the Marquesa de Guadaloupe and her 
 companion the Condesa del Aguilar. To both of these 
 ladies Charlotte appeared to be more graciously inclined, 
 for she accepted the offer of the former to pass the night 
 at her house. 
 
 Arrived there, however, Charlotte insisted upon being 
 immediately shown to her room and left alone, refusing to 
 take any refreshment or to allow any one to attend upon 
 her but her own servant Mathilde. Towards midnight, when 
 the family were about to retire, the empress suddenly 
 determined to pay a visit to the prefect, the Senor Esteva 
 whom she had so unnecessarily slighted, and nothing could 
 induce her to postpone her journey until the following day. 
 
 Her sudden resolution appeared to have been the outcome 
 of a wild kind of dream through which she had just passed, 
 and the details of which, although related with much circum- 
 stance to her attendants, failed to make themselves clear 
 to their more ordered minds. 
 
 The midnight visit was paid in company of the Marquesa 
 de Guadeloupe, but it led to nothing except the idle chatter 
 of the gossips, and to further scandalous reports promoted 
 and amplified by the priests of Puebla. 
 
 Utterly exhausted, the empress returned to her hostess's 
 house in the early hours of the morning and was finally 
 soothed into a heavy sleep. The same day she continued 
 her journey without makiag any further reference to the 
 
236 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 night incident ; she was accompanied for part of the way 
 to Orizaba by the prefect, and her kindly hostess the 
 marquesa. Her whole conduct had appeared most extra- 
 ordinary to her courteous hostess, who, however, humoured 
 her whim for occupying an inferior suite of rooms when 
 more luxuriously furnished apartments had been hastily 
 prepared for her reception. While the empress's strange 
 behaviour attracted considerable comment, no one seemed 
 to have imagined that it was but the preliminary indica- 
 tion of a complete loss of reason. 
 
 It was at ten in the morning that Charlotte departed 
 from Puebla ; the second night was passed at Orizaba, and 
 thence the imperial traveller made her way to Cordoba, 
 reaching that place on the third day, much later than 
 anticipated, owing to torrential rains which had fallen 
 almost unceasingly from the hour that Mexico City had been 
 left behind. The journey occupied thus more than forty 
 hours, instead of but fourteen or fifteen as upon ordinary 
 occasions. 
 
 Irritated by the continual stoppages en route, occasioned 
 by the execrable condition of the roads which prevented 
 the carriages from proceeding at more than a snail's pace, 
 Charlotte wished to continue the journey on horseback, 
 and she was only prevented from following such an un- 
 usual and unwise course by her chief of escort pointing 
 out to her that no time would be saved in the end, since 
 her majesty's suite and all of the baggage would have to 
 travel in the vehicles and would necessarily be several hours 
 behind the others, even if they succeeded in arriving at 
 Vera Cruz in the most expeditious manner. With much 
 reluctance the excitable empress gave way. 
 
 At daybreak on the morning of the fourth day the imperial 
 traveller arrived at the Paso del Macho, at which point 
 the railway at that time connected with Vera Cruz. It 
 is situated at a distance of 76 kilometres from the port, 
 and several hundred kilometres from Mexico City. 
 
 The reception accorded the empress at Vera Cruz was 
 hardly as sympathetic as that met with at Puebla, Cordoba, 
 
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CHARLOTTE'S EXCITABILITY 237 
 
 and Orizaba. Unfortunately also the increasing irrita- 
 bility of the illustrious traveller manifested itself clearly 
 to those who were about her, and a violent fit of hysterical 
 anger upon her part attracted general attention and 
 astonishment. 
 
 This was occasioned by an incident which occurred upon 
 the arrival of the party at the embarkation stairs at Vera 
 Cruz, in order to take a small boat to the steamer awaiting 
 them in the roads. 
 
 Observing that the small boat in which she was invited 
 to take a seat was flying the French flag, Charlotte protested 
 strongly against the occurrence, loudly scolding the officials, 
 including the captain of the port, who were standing by, 
 and emphatically resisting their inducements to enter the 
 boat. She demanded that the French flag should be 
 instantly replaced by the Mexican. 
 
 Before this could be effected, however, the consent of 
 the prefect of the port. General Tomas Marin, had to be 
 obtained. Although at first disposed to discuss the matter 
 with the other authorities, the outraged official perceived 
 that this was not the best time to argue before an angry 
 woman, more especially as the departure of the mail steamer 
 had already been delayed several hours in order to accom- 
 modate her. The French officers, also, upon this occasion 
 behaved with great courtesy and consideration towards 
 Charlotte, notwithstanding the aggressive and offensive 
 manner in which she — ^poor, irresponsible lady — had con- 
 ducted herself. The remainder of the small boats convey- 
 ing the suite and the personal impedimenta were neverthe- 
 less allowed to carry the French flag upon the short passage 
 between the port and the steamer. 
 
 Until the French had been replaced by the Mexican flag 
 the empress flatly refused to continue the journey ; but this 
 alteration having been carried out to her satisfaction, she 
 entered the boat and was transported amid a gloomy silence 
 to the larger vessel L'Imperatrice Eugenie, a French packet 
 which awaited the imperial passenger. Here her Majesty, 
 already considerably mollified, took farewell of the com- 
 
238 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 mandante of Vera Cruz, Captain Cloue, to whom she ex- 
 pressed her intention of returning to Mexico within three 
 months from that date. At 6 p.m. L'lmperatrice Euginie. 
 had left her moorings, and Charlotte had taken her last 
 glimpse of Mexico. 
 
 Albeit the empress's departure from Mexico had formed 
 a topic for general comment in that country, no one seems 
 to have telegraphed the news officially to France. Some 
 private information upon the subject had been received, 
 but this was universally disbelieved when first put into cir- 
 culation, and so little knowledge did the authorities possess 
 regarding the empress's movements, that those Paris publi- 
 cations which derived their inspiration from the Quai 
 D'Orsay protested strongly against the mere report of her 
 Majesty having left Mexico for Europe. Le Memorial 
 Diplomatique, for instance, observed that ' They were 
 authorised to denounce as arrant calumny the supposi- 
 tion that the Empress of Mexico was on her way to 
 Europe.' TechnicaUy this statement was correct, for the 
 empress had arrived in France upon the previous evening. 
 
 On the 10th August the packet cast anchor at Saint 
 Nazaire. The imperial traveller proceeded at once to 
 Paris, allowing no time for any official objections, and declin- 
 ing, when at length it was offered, all official or imperial 
 hospitality. Charlotte had crossed the seas at the worst 
 time of the year for no other purpose than to bring the 
 Emperor of the French to declare a definite policy towards 
 Mexico, and until she had obtained his ' yea ' or ' nay ' 
 to her demands, she was determined to accept no favours 
 from his hands or from those of his representatives, and to 
 brook no delay. 
 
 Charlotte upon her arrival at the capital, with as little 
 ceremony as possible, alighted at the Grand Hotel. She 
 thereafter lost no time in despatching a messenger to 
 Napoleon, asking for a private and immediate interview. 
 At that season of the year the French capital was practi- 
 cally deserted, the month of August in Paris proving usually 
 one of the most quiet and uneventful in the social calendar. 
 
NAPOLEON'S SUBTERFUGES 239 
 
 Even the unexpected news of the empress's sudden appear- 
 ance upon the scene did not induce many of the beau monde 
 to hurry away from the cool haunts of their country retreats 
 to languish in the hot and dusty streets of the capital. 
 
 The court was lodged at Saint Cloud, the former beauti- 
 ful summer palace of Napoleon i., Charles x., and Louis 
 Philippe, and now the favourite residence of the man whom 
 Charlotte had travelled so far and so determinedly to see — 
 the arbiter of her own and of Maximilian's fate — ^the Emperor 
 Napoleon in. 
 
 When the intelligence of Charlotte's unwelcome arrival 
 had at length been communicated to Napoleon and her 
 peremptory note demanding an interview had been delivered 
 into his hands, a sudden desire to avoid at all costs a per- 
 sonal and painful contest with this remarkable woman 
 possessed him. Perhaps this feeling arose from his coward 
 conscience, or, again, from his conviction that he could not 
 now, even if he would, retreat from the plans which he had 
 completed, and which would inevitably prevent him from 
 leaving a single French soldier in Mexico after the end of 
 the year. But whatsoever the reason the emperor, at last 
 brought to bay, sought every pretext to avoid the inter- 
 view. His minister, M. Drouyn de I'Huys, was instructed 
 to put off the importunate lady with any excuse ; that crafty 
 and resourceful agent certainly did his best in this direc- 
 tion. He pleaded that his imperial master was Ul, that he 
 was absent for a few days, that he could not possibly receive 
 such an illustrious caller for some httle time — but to all 
 and every pretext Charlotte returned the same answer, 
 ' I will see the Emperor.' 
 
 Finding all subterfuges unavailing, Napoleon at length 
 reluctantly consented to the much-dreaded meeting. On 
 the day appointed an imperial carriage was awaiting the 
 Empress of Mexico as she stepped from her hotel, and, 
 entirely alone, she proceeded to attend the fateful confer- 
 ence at the palace of Saint Cloud. 
 
 The journey thither by road occupies about one hour, the 
 distance from Paris scarcely exceeding eight miles, and the 
 
240 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 way leads through some of the most attractive suburbs of 
 the French capital which, upon that glorious autumn day, 
 must have presented a peaceful and pleasing appearance, 
 in marked contrast to the sun-baked streets of Paris, filled 
 with the hideous reeking odours of an over-populated city. 
 
 It is to be feared that the magnificence of the royal park, 
 through which the empress now hurriedly drove, could have 
 made but little impression upon her excited, confused mind. 
 At most periods Charlotte was deeply susceptible to beautiful 
 scenic surroundings, and intensely responsive to the call of 
 Nature. At any other time the superb sweeping avenues 
 of trees, stately, venerable, and towering, the many pictur- 
 esque views, would have challenged her enraptured gaze 
 and elicited her warmest admiration ; to-day, however 
 she passed them by without noting either their quiet 
 grandeur or their sylvan repose. Her thoughts were centred 
 upon the one man in the whole world who, at that time, 
 could relieve the situation of extreme danger with which 
 she and the being whom she loved best on earth were faced 
 in a foreign and hostile country. Napoleon could either 
 become her deity or her destroyer. 
 
 Charlotte was now in her twenty-seventh year, and not- 
 withstanding the severe mental trials through which she 
 had passed during her two strenuous years' reign in Mexico, 
 she was still one of the most beautiful of women. No man 
 could look upon her without experiencing a feeling of deep 
 admiration ; even to the jaded, dissipated eyes of Napoleon 
 III., the physical attractions of his imperial visitor must 
 have made a strong appeal. 
 
 It was impossible that this woman, notwithstanding the 
 justice of her cause, entirely alone and dependent upon her 
 own resources of diplomacy and persuasion as she found 
 herself, could have avoided a feeling of intense nervousness, 
 a sensation which became more acute when, towards the 
 end of the interview, her rival and antagonist, the Empress 
 Eugenie, entered the room. She had now two wary, 
 merciless opponents to face, both of whom, in this instance, 
 at least, were working together, mutually determined to 
 
CHARLOTTE PLEADS 241 
 
 resist all appeals either to their feelings of humanity or 
 to their sense of honour in observing the terms of an agree- 
 ment solenmly entered into and as deliberately violated. 
 
 Vehemently, passionately, at times perhaps almost in- 
 coherently, Charlotte urged the cause of her consort Maxi- 
 milian. She drew an exact picture of the position which 
 the Imperialists occupied, owing to the pertinacity of the 
 hostile Liberals in Mexico, of the emptiness of the treasury, 
 and the difficulties of raising fresh taxes from an already 
 impoverished and overburdened people ; of the indiffer- 
 ence shown by Napoleon's officers (doubtless from instruc- 
 tions received from Paris, but entirely unsuspected by the 
 fair suppliant), whUe she portrayed in eloquent terms the 
 deadly peril which would inevitably await the emperor if 
 the French troops were withdrawn, as was being threatened. 
 Desperately, and perhaps irascibly at times, she pleaded for 
 further financial assistance and maintenance of the French 
 army in Mexico, for at least one year more. 
 
 The unresponsive, chilling silence of her auditors struck 
 a note of terror to the unhappy woman. Glancing appre- 
 hensively from one hard face to the other, she appreciated 
 at length that she had been pleading to stones ; herself of 
 royal blood, she was realising the significance of the bibhcal 
 injunction — ' Put not thy trust in princes.' 
 
 Her efforts at last exhausted, Charlotte was made to 
 understand the wiU, the final, irrevocable resolution, of 
 the French emperor. No variation in the definite arrange- 
 ments which had been determined upon, and which called 
 for the gradual withdrawal of the French arms from Mexico, 
 could possibly be entertained. The Emperor of Mexico 
 had not fulfilled the obligations entered into, and which 
 comprised the repayment to France of sums of money 
 already advanced ; it was not desirable that the young 
 empire in Latin-America should be further supported by 
 foreign intervention ; prolonged foreign protection was a 
 bad school and a source of perils ; in domestic matters it 
 habituated a people not to reckon upon themselves, and 
 paralysed the national activity — these and other platitudes 
 
242 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 carefully prepared and rehearsed, were dealt out to the 
 crushed and cruelly-deceived woman who stood indignantly 
 before him. 
 
 And it was to learn of this final betrayal from his own 
 lips, repeating merely what had already been officially 
 conveyed to her by the Mtoister, M. Drouyn de I'Huys, 
 that Charlotte had made so fatiguiug and arduous a journey 
 of some thousands of mUes, at the most stormy and un- 
 healthy time of the year ; it was for this that she had 
 braved the fevers of the ' hot country,' and the deadly 
 sea-sickness from which she greatly suffered ! It was 
 heart-breaking and barbarous ! Thus then fell to the 
 ground the whole fabric which for these long and trjdng 
 years she and MaximiUan had been labouring — how sin- 
 cerely they alone could teU ! — to construct ; at the whim 
 of one man, and that man the cause of the whole trouble, 
 was to be destroyed the structure of hope which her ardent 
 imagination had so flatteringly built up. 
 
 The overwrought woman gave way to despair, and then 
 ensued a scene such as the walls of Saiut Cloud had seldom 
 witnessed, and one which must often have recurred to 
 Napoleon, when, shorn of his imperial grandeur, he lived 
 on as a refugee in a foreign land, with no occupation but 
 that of unprofitably recalling to memory his many acts of 
 injustice and selfishness. 
 
 Enraged by the cold, calculating duplicity of the man, 
 forgetful of the fact that she was addressing the anointed 
 emperor of a powerful nation, Charlotte poured forth a 
 torrent of angry abuse, denouncing Napoleon as a charlatan 
 and a hypocrite, a cheat and a rank betrayer, ' What,' 
 she exclaimed, 'after aU, should I, a daughter of a Bourbon, 
 have expected from the word of a Bonaparte ! ' ^ 
 
 * Following her stormy interview with Napoleon at Saint Cloud, 
 Charlotte herself gave an accurate account of the proceedings, and 
 dictated to her secretary, Senor Jos6 Luis Blasio, an account to be sent 
 liy the mail to the Emperor Maximilian in Mexico. 
 
CHAPTER :5tX 
 
 Chaxlotte arrives at Rome — The Pope's attentions — Empress receives 
 much public notice — ^Visit to the Vatican — The public audience— 
 The private reception — ^The Pope refuses to intervene — ^Empress's 
 profound dejection — Return to hotel — Further evidence of mental 
 derangement — Second visit to the Vatican — Charlotte loses aU con- 
 trol — ^Distress of the Pope — Removal of afflicted Empress — Count 
 Philippe of Flanders arrives to take charge of his sister — Dismissal of 
 Empress's suite — Departure for Miramar — Sad home-coming — 
 Chateau de Bouchout. 
 
 Aftek her last bitter experience, the disillusioned and dis- 
 heartened empress tarried but little longer in the French 
 capital. Without holding any further communication with 
 the imperial family at Saint Cloud, and after declining to 
 receive the Minister for Foreign Affairs when he presented 
 himself at her hotel to bid her farewell, Charlotte left Paris 
 for Rome, determined to appeal to the Holy Father, and 
 to implore the exercise of his influence with the French 
 emperor. 
 
 Arrived at Rome, Charlotte took up her abode in the 
 Grand Hotel, occupying a handsome suite of apartments 
 located upon the first floor, the windows of which looked 
 out upon the Corso. Charlotte's apartments were situated 
 in the right wing, while the members of her suite (except- 
 ing the one waiting-woman, MathUde Doblinger) were 
 suitably accommodated in the left wing. A military guard 
 of honour was stationed at the entrance to the hotel, com- 
 posed of the pope's cuirassiers of the French garrison troops 
 (some of whom were stiU to be found in Rome) who served 
 alternately. At the hours of changing of the guard, and 
 also during the times of repast, military bands entertained 
 the visitors with merry music. 
 
 All of these attentions proved particularly acceptable 
 
 243 
 
244 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 to the empress, who had a childish love for imperial display 
 and ceremony, as were the numerous state visits which were 
 paid to her, the members of the aristocratic catholic world 
 in the Eternal City vieing with one another in showing their 
 respect and extending their hospitaUty to her Majesty. The 
 day following her arrival in Rome she was visited by 
 Cardinal AntonelK, who brought her the pope's benedic- 
 tion and his affectionate greetings. 
 
 During those few days the empress occupied herself busily 
 in returning visits and inspecting the principal churches, 
 museums, and picture galleries of which Rome possesses 
 so complete and attractive a collection. Upon these expedi- 
 tions Senora del Barrio was the empress's constant com- 
 panion. 
 
 Charlotte now paid her visit, to which she had so long 
 looked forward, to the Vatican. His Hohness had sent 
 carriages from his own stables to convey the empress and her 
 suite, while an escort composed of the Swiss Guard sur- 
 rounded the imperial conveyance. 
 
 The populace of Rome at this time were distinguished 
 for their ill manners and insolent conduct, and the recep- 
 tion accorded to the papal uniforms was anything but 
 flattering, the gibes and insults levelled at the empress's 
 conveyance, as it made its way with no small dif&culty 
 through the seething, shrieking mobs, tending to frighten 
 the occupant considerably. This proved the first time 
 within her experience that she had found herself the object 
 of foreign public ridicule and hatred. It was, therefore, 
 with feelings of genuine relief that the empress saw her 
 escort turn into the guarded gates of the Vatican, which 
 were then quickly closed against the yelling multitude 
 without. 
 
 Conducted with imperial ceremony to the grand stair- 
 case, thence to the magnificent suite of reception rooms 
 leading to the papal apartments, Charlotte soon found 
 herself kneeling before the supreme pontiff, upon whose 
 material as well as spiritual help in the dire circumstances 
 she had brought herself to firmly depend. 
 

 HIS HOLINESS POPE PIUS IX 
 
 (Giovanni Maria Mastai Ferretti) 
 
 Born 1792. Died 1879 
 
INTERVIEW WITH POPE 245 
 
 His Holiness received his illustrious suppliant not, as 
 she had hoped might prove the case, in the seclusion of 
 his own private apartments, but in the throne-room, and 
 with the fullest state ceremonial. Here every word which 
 passed between them would be audible to, and greedily 
 commented upon by, those surrounding them . The immense 
 crowd of bishops and archbishops, of frocked monks and 
 hooded friars, and of other members of the numerous 
 reUgious orders who contributed to form the court of 
 Pius IX., regarded the beautiful young empress with eyes 
 which were anything but friendly ; almost intuitively — and 
 a woman's powers of perception in such matters are rarely 
 at fault — she knew that the pope did not intend to grant 
 her his aid, and that this imposing ceremonial was merely a 
 cloak designed to disguise the deep-seated hostility of the 
 churchmen who advised him. 
 
 Particularly unsympathetic in his attitude was Cardinal 
 Giacomo Antonelli, that sinister reactionary, whose un- 
 scrupulous duplicity was never more culpably displayed 
 than in his treatment of Charlotte upon this occasion. 
 Besides being a traitor to aU who had ever trusted him, 
 AntoneUi was a thief, for, at his death in 1876, the Vatican 
 finances were found to be deficient in no less a sum than 
 45,000,000 lire,^ aU of which money was subsequently 
 traced to the late Secretary of State, and from him to 
 various members of his family. Prom such a man, what 
 had Charlotte and her mission to expect ? Assuredly the 
 destiny of this unhappy lady could not have fallen into 
 worse hands than those of this dishonourable priest. 
 
 As the empress approached the throne, the pope arose 
 from his chair to receive her, an honour extended only to 
 reigiring sovereigns and not invariably to them. Charlotte 
 would have knelt to kiss his Holiness's sandal ; but with a 
 fatherly tenderness he prevented her from so doing, at the 
 same time extending his hand that the empress might 
 touch with lips the pontifical ring — that bauble which pious 
 catholics regard as representing the Holy Ghost, just as the 
 » One lire =94d. 
 
246 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 thumb and the first two fingers when raised aloft represent 
 to them the Holy Trinity. 
 
 A large arm-chair had been placed beside the throne, and 
 upon this the empress had been invited to seat herself, while 
 the numerous members of the court passed before her and 
 the pontiff, each one kissing the hand of her Majesty, and 
 the sandal of his Holiness. At the end of the ceremony the 
 papal blessing was bestowed, and then — ^to Charlotte's 
 immense relief — the pope invited her to accompany him 
 alone to his cabinet, where even the pushful Antonelli was 
 not invited to enter. 
 
 The interview lasted a considerable time, during which 
 the numerous suite, who had accompanied the empress to 
 the Vatican, were escorted through the galleries and different 
 apartments in order to while away the period of waiting. 
 At the end of a full hour the message was received that 
 the audience had terminated, and that the empress was 
 ready to depart. What had been the result of the fateful 
 conference — ^was it destined to prove beneficial to the 
 Maximilian cause or the contrary 1 
 
 Charlotte, accompanied by the fuU retinue of cardinals 
 and prelates, came away slowly and sorrowfully from the 
 pope's private apartments, moving towards the head of the 
 grand staircase. One glance at her face was sufficient to 
 prove that the silent will of her opponent. Cardinal Antonelli, 
 had prevailed, and that the Holy Father, notwithstanding 
 his sympathetic reception and kindly attitude, had re- 
 mained immovable, and Maximilian had nothing to hope 
 for from Rome. 
 
 That day Charlotte sat and ate alone. She would not even 
 allow her faithful woman Mathilde Doblinger to attend her, 
 and she sent an urgent message to her chamberlain. Count 
 del Valle, to at once have withdrawn the military guards 
 and the bands from the hotel, since she desired to receive 
 no further attentions of this character during her brief stay 
 in Rome. The only individual who could gain access to the 
 empress was the Mexican Minister in Rome, Senor Velasquez 
 de Leon, to whom she related the negative results of her 
 
POPE'S VISIT TO EMPRESS 247 
 
 pleading with the pope for the exercise of his influence with 
 the French emperor, designed to prevent the threatened 
 withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico. 
 
 As etiquette demanded, two days afterwards the pope 
 returned her majesty's ceremonial visit, being accompanied 
 by the sinister Cardinal Antonelli and an ample escort. 
 Even had it been desirable, it was rendered impossible for 
 Charlotte to secure any further word in private with the 
 Holy Father. The interview proved short and rigidly 
 formal, terminating with the bestowal of the papal bene- 
 diction, and the withdrawal of his Hohness in anything 
 but a pleasant frame of mind, rendered all the more acute 
 by reason of the disorderly reception with which his caval- 
 cade had met in the streets of Rome, at this time intensely 
 hostile to priestly dominance. 
 
 While it was generally understood that the papal inter- 
 cession had been firmly and definitely refused, and that 
 Charlotte had now reconciled herself to the inevitable, the 
 spirit of pluck and determination of that brave woman — 
 who fought for the life of her beloved husband so long as 
 strength and reason were at her command — induced her 
 to make one further attempt to move the pope to take 
 action. Attiring herself in deep mourning and without a 
 single ornament of any kind upon her person, Charlotte 
 summoned to her side the Senora del Barrio, and, with her 
 as sole companion, she once more presented herself at the 
 doors of the Vatican. 
 
 It was six o'clock in the evening of the SOtli of Septem- 
 ber ; Charlotte had remained the entire day in her rooms, 
 with locked doors, reclining and holding converse with no 
 one. Who can teU what scenes of mental torment, what 
 outbursts of bitterness, those dumb walls then witnessed, 
 what anguish was endured by the unhappy, helpless woman 
 enclosed within them ! The unhealthy excitement of the 
 past few days was now telling upon her tottering reason 
 with terrible effect. 
 
 As the distraught empress passed several of the hotel 
 servants upon the staircase, a hurried glimpse was caught 
 
248 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of her sad, drawn face, of the unnaturally brilliant colour 
 in her cheeks, and of the glittering wildness of her eyes. 
 Arrived at the gates of the Vatican, Charlotte gave per- 
 sonal instructions to the driver of her conveyance, a public 
 vehicle hired from the street stand, not to await her return, 
 but to drive back to the hotel. Then, alone, she climbed 
 once more the vast staircase leading to the papal apart- 
 ments — ^visited but a few days since amid all the glittering 
 furnishings of an imperial procession^and demanded an 
 audience forthwith with his Holiness. 
 
 This was at once granted, and the excited, hysterical 
 woman found herself once again kneeling a suppliant before 
 that saintly face, yet met unrelentingly by an adamantine 
 wUl. Amid sobs and utterances almost inarticulate, 
 Charlotte pleaded her cause, unheedful of the discourag- 
 ing attitude of the pope, who regarded her with more alarm 
 than sympathy. This feeling of apprehension was inten- 
 sified when Charlotte murmured her intention of remaining 
 the night at the Vatican, and begged his Holiness to give 
 her an asylum beneath his roof. In vain it was pointed out 
 to the distracted lady that no woman was ever permitted 
 to pass the night beneath the roof of the Vatican. She then 
 threatened to sleep in one of the corridors, for leave she 
 would not untU she had obtained the pope's sacred word 
 to help her. Now seriously concerned, since the night was 
 fast approaching, the Holy Father summoned his most 
 trusted attendants, in order to consult with them upon the 
 unusual and trjdng situation. His Hohness's physician was 
 sent for, and he found Charlotte to be in a state bordering 
 upon insanity, and completely unaccountable for her actions. 
 
 Addressing soothing words to the weeping woman and 
 consoling her as best he might, the arrival of her attendants, 
 who had been hurriedly sent for, was awaited with impa- 
 tience and anxiety. At length Senora del Barrio and the 
 empress's maid, also Senores del Valle and Castillo, were 
 found and all were summoned to the cabinet of the pope, 
 who dispensed upon this occasion with much of the cere- 
 monial attendant upon access to his presence. Finally 
 
CHARLOTTE BECOMES WORSE 249 
 
 Charlotte became calmer and consented to be conducted 
 from the cabinet by her faithful attendants, Senora del 
 Barrio and MathUde Doblinger ; they did not leave her 
 alone thereafter for a single moment. Both stayed in the 
 apartment in the Vatican which — acting upon the advice 
 of his own physician — the pope had consented to place at 
 the empress's disposal for the night. Thus the unhappy 
 woman had carried out her threat, and actually slept beneath 
 the roof of his Holiness. But it was a sleep from which 
 she awoke bereft of her reason. It was no longer a think- 
 ing, resourceful, expectant woman who opened her eyes to 
 the golden sunlight of that glorious October day in the 
 year of 1866, but a nervous, querulous, and irresponsible 
 being, deprived of the one faculty which distinguishes the 
 human from the remainder of the animal creation. Un- 
 happily, it was neither a merciful erasure of the unfortu- 
 nate experiences through which she had latterly passed, 
 nor yet a complete effacement of the dangers to which her 
 loved though absent consort was still exposed. Charlotte 
 had completely lost her wiU-power and her once powerful 
 sense of initiative ; she had become both helpless and re- 
 sourceless, for ever more to lean dependent upon the care 
 and the watchfulness of her close attendants, unable to 
 think naturally or to converse coherently, a total wreck 
 of that once brilliant brain which had schemed and con- 
 trived, fashioned and formulated plans the most splendid, 
 hopes the most radiant — all to end in this ! 
 
 Although her close attendants had observed certain dis- 
 quieting indications that aU was not well with their imperial 
 mistress, the conviction that came home to them that their 
 empress had become hopelesslyinsane proved aterrible shock, 
 and general consternation prevailed among her entourage. 
 An informal conference took place in the saloon of the hotel 
 at Rome between Seiior Martin Castillo, Count del VaUe, 
 the Marques del Barrio, the minister Velasquez de Leon, 
 Don Felipe DegoUado, and Bishop Ramerez. They could 
 arrange nothing without consulting with the empress's 
 family, then staying at Laeken, the palace of the king of the 
 
250 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Belgians, and pending advice from Brussels no steps, active 
 or definite, could be taken. On the day following the attack, 
 a messenger arrived from the pope, charged with the expres- 
 sion of his Holiness's great distress at the misfortune which 
 had overtaken the young empress. During the whole of 
 the night which she had passed at the Vatican, she had 
 paced her apartment talking constantly and incoherently, 
 refusing to repose for a single moment upon the couch. At 
 daybreak she was visited by the pope's physician and one 
 of his secretaries, who calmed the excited woman somewhat 
 by their genuine sympathies and gentle patience in listen- 
 ing to her complaints. Finally they induced her to accom- 
 pany them to the hotel, where her grief -stricken suite were 
 awaiting her. 
 
 Unfortunately, the earliest tendency which the demented 
 empress displayed was a violent hatred for the faithful 
 woman Mathilde, who had known and waited upon her 
 from her girlhood. She was accused in violent language of 
 having betrayed the Emperor MaximiUan to his enemies, 
 and no arguments, no prayerful protestations could shake 
 Charlotte's conviction that all the trouble through which 
 she was passing had been occasioned by this unfortunate 
 woman. ' Leave my house, you traitress, leave my house', 
 exclaimed the infuriated empress, becoming more and more 
 excited. ' Go to your accomphces and never let me see 
 your evil face again.' 
 
 The same baseless suspicions induced her to refuse all 
 food and drink offered to her by her hitherto most trusted 
 attendants, and it seemed as if the unfortunate lady must 
 die of starvation. 
 
 The following day, having summoned her young private 
 secretary, Jose Luis Blasio, to her apartments, Charlotte 
 directed a letter, which rather resembled an imperial 
 decree, degrading her Grand Chamberlain, Seiior Juan 
 Suarez Peredo, Count del Valle, depriving him of all his 
 titles, ' because of his attempt upon the life of his sovereign.' 
 This extraordinary document the empress signed with 
 deliberate care, and at the same time she gave instructions 
 
CHARLOTTE'S SUITE DISPERSED 251 
 
 to Senor Blasio to make exact copies of the pronouncement 
 and despatch one to each of the following : the Marques 
 Neri del Barrio ; the Marques del Apartado ; Doctor 
 Bouslaveck ; Senor J. Kulaohevich, and Senora Kulache- 
 vich. No one thereafter dared to mention the name of the 
 Count del Valle in the presence of the empress, and that 
 much maligned nobleman was compelled to efface himself 
 completely in order to avoid further exciting the enraged 
 lady. 
 
 Recognising the hopelessness of the situation, the Count 
 soon afterwards departed from Rome, and eventually took 
 up his residence in Seville ; he never returned to Mexico. 
 Seiiora Kulachevich and her husband at the same time 
 left for Vienna, taking with them the Austrian and Spanish 
 servants of the empress, while the Marques del Barrio and 
 his wife left for Paris. Sefior del CastUlo attended to the 
 Mexican servants, who had formed part of the imperial 
 suite, and who were sent back to their own country. Thus 
 the imperial household, which had been assembled but a 
 few months previous with so much pleasurable anticipa- 
 tion of a successful mission to Europe, was dissolved, and 
 the empress was left practically alone. 
 
 The Count of Flanders, Charlotte's younger brother, 
 arrived at Rome on the 7th of October, from Vienna, 
 where he had been staying in company with the Count 
 Bombelles, on a visit to their Austrian relatives. He was 
 met at the railway station by the Count del Valle, the 
 Marques del Barrio, and Senor Castillo. A complete 
 account of aU that had occurred was given to the distressed 
 prince, who then proceeded to visit his sister at her hotel. 
 Although they had not met for over two years, Charlotte 
 evinced very little interest in the prince's arrival ; she con- 
 sented, nevertheless, to accompany him to Miramar on the 
 following day, the journey being made by special train 
 vid Ancon and Trieste without incident, the former happy 
 home of Maximihan and Charlotte being reached two or 
 three days later (lOth October). 
 
 In the meantime a cablegram had been despatched to 
 
252 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Senor Hertzfeld (First Secretary of the Austrian Lega- 
 tion in Mexico City), who was instructed to gently break 
 the distressing news of the empress's affliction to the 
 emperor. Count Herzfeld was a great favourite with Maxi- 
 milian, and had considerable influence with him, even 
 sharing his apartments at the palace after the empress 
 had left. 
 
 The despatch was worded : — ' Her Majesty the Empress 
 Charlotte was seriously attacked on the 2nd October by 
 congestion of the brain. The stricken empress is being 
 conducted to Miramar.' It was also decided that Doctor 
 Bouslaveck should immediately return to Mexico, vid 
 New York, in order to personally describe to the emperor 
 the cause and the condition of his consort's illness. 
 
 The Mexican Minister at Rome, Senor Joaquin Velasquez 
 de Leon, sent to Maximilian a long and painfuUy detailed 
 account of the empress's seizure. ' We could imagine many 
 Mexican calamities,' he said, ' but it certainly never entered 
 our minds, when we were admiring the courage and heroic 
 valour of her majesty the empress at leaving your majesty, 
 enduring the dangers and the fatigues of the bad roads 
 to Vera Cruz in the rainy season in the midst of yellow fever, 
 crossing the ocean^ and coming as a great negociatrix to 
 demand rights for Mexico and the execution of treaties, 
 that she would be so ungraciously received in Paris as to 
 affect her majesty's mind so seriously.' 
 
 The treatment meted out to the overstrung lady must 
 have been quite as bad as represented, because, from the 
 moment of leaving the presence of Napoleon and Eugenie, 
 the mind of Charlotte became impressed indelibly with the 
 belief that they intended to poison her. To use the expres- 
 sion of the authority already referred to, Senor Velasquez 
 de Leon, the empress at table ' would taste nothing until 
 we aU had been served, and she fancied that the coffee-pot 
 had a hole in it. She also imagined that I had been poisoned 
 the day before.' 
 
 While at the palace of Saint Cloud, a glass of orangeade 
 had been offered to her by the emperor, but she declared 
 
RETURN TO MIRAMAR 253 
 
 he had poisoned it, and refused to even taste of it. From that 
 moment everything that was offered was suspected by the 
 lady of having been poisoned by orders of the French 
 emperor. 
 
 It was hoped that the peaceful quietude of Miramar, with 
 its countless happy associations, would have proved bene- 
 ficial to the afflicted empress, who had passed so many of 
 her youthful and more peaceful days within its charmed 
 surroundings. But the effect proved precisely the opposite. 
 Immediately the turreted walls came into view from the 
 deck of the packet-boat proceeding to Trieste, Charlotte's 
 grief became intensified ; to her it seemed as if she were re- 
 turning to the tomb of aU her once-bright imaginings and 
 crueUy shattered day-dreams. The tender solicitude of 
 her younger brother Phihppe, Count of Flanders, who had 
 accompanied her upon the whole hard journey from Rome, 
 proved of no avail in inducing Charlotte to stay for any 
 length of time in her former home. There were but three 
 years' difference in the ages of the brother and sister, and 
 the deepest affection had always existed between them. 
 
 Whenever she found herself alone — and like most men- 
 tally afflicted people she evinced normally an intense ob- 
 jection to being closely attended or carefully watched — 
 Charlotte would wander disconsolately through the long 
 suite of empty apartments wherein she had known such 
 gloriously happy if but fleeting days — days, alas ! for ever 
 passed, and for ever impossible to recall. For long hours 
 the solitary woman would remain in Maximilian's forsaken 
 cabinet — ^the model of his own apartments on the frigate 
 Novara, as already noted — lovingly handhng his favourite 
 books, devouring with hungry, yearning eyes his most 
 treasured pictures, even fondling the dumb objects which 
 he had the more frequently used and had liked the most. 
 Then must have come home to the stricken wife and com- 
 rade with aU their teUing force and intensity those pathetic, 
 heart-searching words of the immortal Tennyson : 
 But O ! for the touch of a vanished hand. 
 And the sound of a voice that is still ! ' 
 
254 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Finally, it was decided to conduct the empress from these 
 scenes of sadness and sorrowful memories to the Chateau 
 de Bouchout (pronounced 'Bukote'), not far from her old 
 home in Belgium, the palace of Laeken, in which she had 
 been born. The Count of Flanders found her ready enough 
 to yield to this suggestion, and within a few days of her 
 arrival at Miramar, Charlotte left with her brother and a 
 few attendants for Brussels, thence driving to the Chateau 
 de Bouchout, from the protecting walls of which the unhappy 
 lady has at no time since emerged. 
 
 The residence of the ex-Empress Charlotte is locally 
 known as the ' Castle of the Beauty of the Sleeping Wood,' 
 and is situated at a distance of some two leagues north of 
 Brussels, in the province of Brabant, upon the road which 
 leads to Wolwerthen. It is surrounded by a magnificent 
 forest, composed of particulariy lofty and umbrageous trees. 
 The chateau was formerly the property of Count Louis- 
 Leopold de Beauffort, from whom it was purchased. 
 
 The history of the castle goes back into the twelfth 
 century. In 1173 Bouchout belonged to William de 
 Crainhem, a descendant of a haughty and powerful family 
 which has now completely disappeared from the pages of 
 history. The heirs of William, his son and his brother, 
 bore the name of another of their properties, that at 
 Wanghe. Another member of the family, Daniel, fought at 
 and helped to gain the battle of Woeringen in favour of 
 the Brabons, and, later on, he assumed the name of Daniel 
 de Bouchout. During two centuries the Manor of Bouchout 
 descended with scarcely a break from father to son in the 
 family of Crainhem, nearly all of whose scions occupied 
 some notable place in local history — in the wars, tourna- 
 ments, missions, etc., and in which they freely distinguished 
 themselves. One of them was killed at the battle of 
 Montlhery, on the 16th of July 1465, while a daughter, 
 who inherited the castle and the surrounding domain, 
 married Evrard de la Marck, Lord d'Aremberg, a brother 
 of the 'Butcher of Ardennes,' of cruel memory. The 
 second of the two sons of Evrard, Robert de la Marck, 
 
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CHATEAU OF BOUCHOUT 255 
 
 Lord d'Aremberg and de Mirwart, was yet another dis- 
 tinguished descendant of the family, and became owner of 
 Bouchout. He married MathUde de Montfort, and it was 
 from his daughter, by Jean de Ligne, Lord of Barbonson, 
 that descended the present ducal family of Arenberg— 
 Aerschot-Croy. 
 
 In 1582, Bouchout was attacked and seized by the Due 
 de Parme, but it was soon after again lost to him. After 
 passing through the hands of several other owners the 
 chateau descended to the family of AssonviUe, Lords of 
 Hauteville, one of whom afterwards sold it to Ferdinand 
 Roose, several times burgomaster of Antwerp, between 
 the years 1634 and 1641. It was one of his descendants, 
 the Countess Josephine-Antoinette-Ghislaine-EUzabeth, the 
 last of the de Roose family, who married Count Louis- 
 Leopold- Amedee de Beauffort, in 1830. 
 
 When, in 1600, the Chateau de Bouchout was restored 
 by Christophe d' AssonviUe it presented the appearance of 
 an almost square building with five towers of various 
 dimensions. Since then the aspect of the edifice has again 
 been changed. It was entirely restored in 1 832 under the 
 direction of the architect Suys, in spite of which fact 
 Bouchout stUl preserves a good deal of its middle-age 
 characteristics. The interior of the castle is particularly 
 rich in historical souvenirs — such as famous portraits, 
 sculptures, bas-reliefs, ancient marbles, armour, and 
 numerous articles of vertu, all of which lend great attrac- 
 tions to the interior, and are much valued and appreciated 
 by the present imiperial occupant. 
 
 The Empress Charlotte's insanity has lately presented 
 many unusual symptoms ; while the affliction has un- 
 doubtedly been of the melancholic type upon occasions, it 
 has not at any time assumed the form of perversion of the 
 moral senses ; on the other hand, its subject has never 
 become indifferent to social considerations, nor in any way 
 apathetic and neglectful of the performance of personal 
 duties. There has been no display of what is caUed ' the 
 selfishness of the insane,' for, during the forty-seven years of 
 
256 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 her dementia, Charlotte can by no means be said to have 
 concentrated her thoughts entirely upon herself ; on the 
 contrary, she has continued to display great affection for and 
 interest in her visitors and attendants. Where there is an 
 absence of moral persuasion there is but rarely found any 
 evidence of moral insanity, and there has not been observed 
 the slightest taint of this in connection with the unhappy 
 ex-Empress of Mexico. Occasionally there have been violent 
 outbursts of grief, and these attacks have been accompanied 
 by temporary impairment of general health ; but on the 
 whole this has proved remarkably good, and to-day, at the 
 age of seventy -three, the illustrious lady is in the enjoyment 
 of almost perfect eye-sight, moderately good hearing, and 
 the rare power to sleep for long hours without any artificial 
 aid. 
 
CHAPTER XXI 
 
 The Church in Mexico — Strained relations vrith Maximilian — Reasons for 
 Pope's desertion of imperial cause — Liberal goverment's confisca- 
 tion of church property — The Papal Nunioo visits Mexico — ^Machina- 
 tions of Archbishop Labastida — ^Maximilian remains firm — Cardinal 
 AntoneUi's threats — ^Debased condition of Mexican clergy — Further 
 trouble with Bazaine — ^The Emperor's position becomes untenable — 
 Desertion by foreign legionaries — Maximilian retires in poor health 
 to Orizaba — ^Imperial towns abandoned to Liberal troops. 
 
 Charlotte's complete failure to secure any assistance 
 from the pope, as related in the last chapter, may un- 
 doubtedly be attributed to the attitude which Maximilian 
 had taken up towards the Church in Mexico, and to the 
 animosity of the papal nuncio, Monsignor MegUa. 
 
 Just as financial difficulties had faced Maximifian almost 
 from the day of his arrival, so had the rehgious dilemma 
 presented itself before he had even set foot in Mexico. 
 Reference has already been made to the proceedings of the 
 three members of the Regency (the Archbishop of Mexico, 
 General Almonte, and General Salas), and to the serious 
 dissensions which had arisen between them. These had 
 commenced some time before the archduke had quitted 
 Miramar, and they continued in an even more embittered 
 spirit during the whole period of his unfortunate reign. 
 
 While at Rome (April 1864) Maximifian had engaged in 
 a long and earnest discussion with the Holy Father respect- 
 ing the Church question in Mexico, when Pope Pius ix. had 
 promised to use his supreme authority to settle it definitely. 
 Unfortunately, no basis upon which the pope could inter- 
 fere and exert his influence had been discussed ; but a papal 
 nuncio was nevertheless despatched to Mexico shortly after 
 
258 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Maximilian's own arrival, and the advent of this prelate 
 was impatiently awaited to relieve, as was hoped, the in- 
 tolerable situation which had arisen between the Church 
 party and the Imperialists. 
 
 It may be here explained that, by a decree of 25th June 
 1856, the Church in Mexico had been despoiled of most of 
 its vast accumulated wealth — ^largely wrung from the pious 
 but ignorant Indian population by means of threats and 
 priestly intimidation ; but certain important rights and 
 privileges had been safeguarded to the clergy. When 
 President Comonfort, a strong anti-clericahst, fell from 
 power in 1858, his successor. General Miramon, completely 
 reversed his poUcy, and, by a decree dated 28th January 
 1858, he had restored to the Church all that it had been com- 
 pelled to forfeit. Miramon's brief government over, he was 
 succeeded by Benito Juarez, an uncompromising hater of 
 priests, who once again reversed the decision of his pre- 
 decessor, and, by a third presidential decree of 1859, declared 
 the whole of the Church's property to be national posses- 
 sions, and forbade the clergy, under heavy penalties, to 
 collect any further tributes. 
 
 In 1860 this confiscating law was confirmed, and its pro- 
 visions were extended to the whole of the Republic. What 
 attitude was Maximilian to take under the circumstances ? 
 To countenance the demands of the Church, as voiced with 
 no hesitancy or undue modesty by the archbishop, would 
 be to flout the greater part of the intelligent and conserva- 
 tive thinkers in the country ; to confirm the decrees of 
 1859 and 1860 would be to still further hostiKse the Church 
 party. He, therefore, sought to adopt a poUcy of compro- 
 mise, usually an unsatisfactory expedient, proposing that 
 while no change should take place in regard to restoring 
 the Church property which had already been seized and 
 sold for the benefit of the nation, certain sums derived from 
 the State funds should be devoted to the cause of reUgious 
 education and to the maintenance of the clergy. 
 
 To these proposals, which were earnestly pressed by both 
 Maximilian and Charlotte, the papal nuncio, Monsignor 
 
CHURCH OPPOSITION 259 
 
 Meglia, who had now arrived in the country, ' regretted 
 his inability to accede.' His ear had akeady been gained 
 and sedulously poisoned by Archbishop Labastida, whose 
 personal greed and aggressiveness, so far from being re- 
 proved, were commended and encouraged by the Holy 
 See. In a lengthy epistle addressed by the nuncio to 
 Maximilian's Minister of Grace and Justice, Senor Escudero, 
 it was pointed out that the pope could consent to nothing 
 less than the restitution in full of the Church's alienated 
 properties, and a complete revocation of the confiscatory 
 decrees dealing with its possessions which had been pro- 
 mulgated. The clergy throughout the country abhorred 
 the idea of living upon a stated income derived from the 
 national revenue, preferring to depend upon the promiscuous 
 charity of the faithful members of their flocks. They had 
 found it an easy matter in the past to obtain handsome 
 offerings from the pious Indians, even from among those 
 who had barely enough to sustain themselves. They 
 viewed with horror and consternation any enactment which 
 restricted them from continuing so profitable a method of 
 enriching themselves, and incidentally of swelling the 
 coffers of Mother Church. 
 
 That the Church party should have been bitterly opposed 
 to the Liberal Government and ready to welcome any change 
 in the administration that promised redemption from the 
 sacrilegious and pillaging hands of Juarez and his associates, 
 may be well understood when it is remembered that, among 
 other anti-clerical enactments, the Liberals had declared 
 marriage in the Republic to be a civil contract only, sup- 
 pressed celibacy and ecclesiastical tribunals, confiscated 
 property belonging to the Church to the amount of 
 £75,000,000, and had declared invalid her ownership of 
 one-third of the soil. Finally, they passed a law separating 
 Church and State, a law which has been upheld and even 
 strengthened by each subsequent administration. 
 
 Seeing that the emperor was wavering dangerously 
 between the two courses open to him, the nuncio handed 
 to Maximilian a strongly-worded letter composed by the 
 
260 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 supreme pontiff, dated 18th October 1864, in which he 
 practically ordered the sovereign to re-establish the Catholic 
 religion throughout his dominions, to the rigid exclusion of 
 all other forms of worship, to restore the religious orders 
 which had been broken up and dispossessed of their convents, 
 to redeem the revenues which had been diverted from the 
 Church, and to place the whole of the national education 
 under the control of the clergy. 
 
 When, at length, Maximilian rendered his decision in the 
 form of a letter addressed to the Minister of Justice, and 
 pubUshed in the official journal (27th December 1864), a 
 decision which failed to accord all or even a greater part 
 of what had been demanded, the papal nuncio replied in 
 terms so insulting and so violent, that the minister declined 
 even to show the letter to the emperor. Had he done so, 
 it is highly probable that a definite rupture between the 
 Crown and the Holy See would have resulted. 
 
 A more temperate reply was sent from Rome by the 
 suave and subtle Antonelli, Papal Secretary of State, who, 
 in the course of a lengthy communieation, observed : 
 
 ' The letter which His Majesty, Maximilian i., Emperor of 
 Mexico, addressed, under date of 27th December, ultimo, to 
 Senor Escudero, Minister of Grace and Justice, and which was 
 published the same day in the official journal of the empire, 
 has caused the most painful surprise to aU Catholic hearts, and 
 has been a source of chagrin and regret to the Holy Father. 
 
 ' Subsequent communications from the Apostolic Nuncio, 
 and the note itseK, which your excellency has been pleased to 
 address, on the 8th of February last, to the Cardinal Secretary 
 of State undersigned, have not been in the slightest degree 
 calculated to diminish the serious apprehensions which the afore- 
 said act has produced, in reference to the grave dangers to which 
 the Catholic Church is exposed in the empire of Mexico. The 
 Cardinal undersigned, in virtue of the orders of his Holiness, 
 sees himself, therefore, obUged to call the serious attention of 
 your excellency to an event so deplorable, and he hopes that the 
 legitimate complaints and just remonstrances of the Holy 
 Apostoho See will be favourably received by the new monarch.' 
 
NUNCIO DEPARTS 261 
 
 Cardinal Antonelli concluded with these significant 
 words : — 
 
 ' The Holy Father cannot admit that His Majesty, raised in 
 a Cathohc family always so well disposed towards the Church, 
 can ever fail to recognise his own true interests and the real 
 purpose of the mission which God has confided to him. He 
 hopes, on the contrary, that His Majesty will abandon the course 
 marked out in his letter to the Minister Escudero, and will thus 
 spare the Holy See the necessity of taking proper measure to 
 set right in the eyes of the world the responsibility of the August 
 Chief of the Church — measure of which the least, certainly, would 
 not be the recall of the Pontificial Representative in Mexico, 
 in order that he may not remain there a powerless spectator of 
 the spoUation of the Church, and of the violation of its most 
 sacred rights.' 
 
 To the nuncio's further ill-mannered declaration, ' that 
 all Catholics, be they emperors or kings or mere peasants, 
 must accept the decision of the pontiff upon all questions 
 of dogma or discipline,' the Minister for Religious Affairs 
 (Seiior Ramirez) replied (in a communication dated 29th 
 January 1865) that ' Maximilian, citizen and member of the 
 Christian Church, bows in submission to the spiritual 
 authority of the Father of the faithful ; but, Maximilian, 
 emperor and representative of the Mexican sovereignty, 
 recognises no power upon earth superior to his own.' 
 
 Thus the breach sensibly widened, while the flame of 
 opposition and mutual mistrust was assiduously fanned 
 by the malevolent Monsignor Labastida, with whom the 
 papal nuncio was lodged while resident in Mexico City. 
 These two powerful and unscrupulous churchmen had, 
 therefore, abundant opportunity of discussing, from their 
 point of view, questions of the gravest national importance, 
 arriving at decisions of policy without in any way consult- 
 ing either the views of the people, or the sentiments of the 
 sovereign. The rupture became complete in the month 
 of April, when the nuncio suddenly demanded his passports, 
 and, receiving these as promptly, left Mexico in so great 
 
262 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 a rage that his passion would not even allow of his taking 
 a ceremonious farewell of their Majesties. 
 
 Nevertheless Maximilian, deeply offended though he had 
 been, sent an adequate escort to conduct the nuncio to 
 Vera Cruz, where he embarked for Europe on 2nd June. 
 He also sent a special mission to Rome a little later, charged 
 with the task of settling, if possible, the several dehcate 
 points which the nuncio had been unable or unwilling to 
 negotiate. 
 
 The departure of Monsignor Meglia and the unpleasant 
 incidents attending his mission served to further excite 
 the Mexican clergy against Maximilian. The priests became 
 so violent in their denunciations and so open in their threats, 
 that it was found necessary to take measures to restrain 
 them. A plot to either injure or kill the emperor was dis- 
 covered by the pohce in the priest-ridden town of Puebla, 
 the inhabitants at the same time being openly encouraged 
 to rise against the French troops who were then in occupa- 
 tion, and who had been so warmly welcomed with religious 
 ceremonies in the month of May (19th) 1863. The request 
 preferred by the archbishop that he be permitted to return 
 to Europe was refused by Maximilian, and in this matter, 
 at least, he displayed a firmness of character which astonished 
 those who had known him the most intimately. 
 
 The position of the Catholic Church in Mexico at this 
 time was undoubtedly a perilous and an unenviable one, 
 but it had been brought about mainly by the arrogant and 
 aggressive attitude adopted by the priesthood. Under 
 the Spanish regime they had found it facile to rule in an 
 imperious and absolute manner ; under the Republic this 
 had become impossible. Something must be allowed for 
 the bitter disappointment which awaited the clergy in the 
 attitude assumed by Maximilian, who had been confidently 
 expected to prove a placid and amenable instrument in their 
 hands. It was this conviction which had impelled them 
 to work so strenuously and so persistently for a monarchical 
 government, and it was the firm belief that the sincerely 
 CathoUc archduke would give himself unresistingly to their 
 
Kl, 
 
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 THE NOTORIOUS 'BLACK DECREE' ISSUED BY MAXIMILIAN 
 
 UNDER THE ADVICE OF HIS MINISTERS 
 
 Dated October 3, 1865 
 
334 
 
 DIABJO DEL LMPEKIO. 
 
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 «UI CAKCtLLtmU DI LAI OSDKXU TVmULtl 
 
 
POPE PIUS IX. 263 
 
 plans that had induced them to conspire, at some personal 
 risk, against the Liberals, and to throw the whole of their 
 power and influence into the scales against the Republic. 
 The awakening was a severe blow both to their aspirations 
 and their pride. It seemed as if their position under the 
 monarchy was destined to become worse than it had been 
 under the Repubhc. 
 
 It may be that the pope's unfortunate personal experi- 
 ences between the years of 1847 and 1850, when he had been 
 at length allowed to return to Rome, from which place he 
 had escaped in the disguise of a lacquey, had embittered 
 him against granting any further Liberal concessions to 
 opponents of his policy ; the influence of Cardinal Antonelli, 
 by which Pius ix. was guided through the later years of his 
 pontificate, was also employed against Maximilian, whose 
 undisguised dishke of Jesuits and their methods was yet 
 another factor in the imfriendliness of the papacy to his 
 rule in Mexico. 
 
 Little else, indeed, could have been expected from the 
 author of the notorious Documenti Officiali, the IneffahUis 
 Deus, and the ridiculous encylic Quanta cura and Syllabus, 
 or list of human errors, calling for special reprobation. 
 The pope's obstinacy and intolerance finally caused the 
 whole of the Papal States to be forfeited to the kingdom of 
 Italy with the exception of the patrimonium Petri, and at 
 no time in its history had the Catholic Church simk so 
 low in the minds of the Mexican nation. His callous in- 
 difference to Maximilian and his cause wiU for ever remain 
 one of the stains upon the thirty-two years' papal sove- 
 reignty of Pius IX. 
 
 Undoubtedly Monsignor Pelagio Antonio de Labastida y 
 Davalos, Archbishop of Mexico and the head of the Roman 
 Cathohc Church, was an able man ; but he was Ukewise an 
 unscrupulous and scheming cleric, possessed of most of 
 those evil qualities which have caused the artifice of priest- 
 craft to stink in the nostrils of honest-minded men. On 
 account of his great influence as the chief of the religious 
 community, he had been chosen, together with General 
 
264 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Almonte, the former republican and now one of the most 
 effusive of monarchists, and General Salas to form the 
 Council of Regents (with Almonte as President), pending 
 the arrival of Maximilian to take possession of the throne. 
 Almost immediately the archbishop had commenced to 
 quarrel with, and to conspire against his colleagues ; he 
 contributed surreptitiously, but actively, to the numerous 
 intrigues with which the government of the country was 
 then beset, and so unreliable and treacherous was he found 
 by Bazaine in his official capacity that, acting upon his 
 undoubted authority, he quietly but none the less effectively 
 removed Monsignor Labastida from his position on the 
 Council, a fact which was only revealed to the general pubUc 
 by the withdrawal from the doors of the archiepiscopal 
 palace of the guard of honour which had been placed there. 
 Not unnaturally this action upon the part of the French 
 Commander-in-chief further alienated the Church party, 
 and every act performed by the Marshal was misconstrued 
 and its purport distorted. The archbishop went so far as 
 to excommunicate the entire French army during the tem- 
 porary absence of the Commander-in-chief, but this act 
 was cancelled by Monsignor Labastida, who soon afterwards 
 bestowed upon both Bazaine and his troops a public bene- 
 diction. That this solemn act meant nothing, however, 
 was proved by the same prelate clandestinely circulating 
 almost at the same time some scandalous pamphlets, in 
 which the French generals and troops were characterised 
 as ' the most inveterate enemies of reUgion and order.' 
 
 How indifferently the Mexican clergy regarded their 
 spiritual duties was clearly revealed to Maximihan during 
 his travels in the interior of the country shortly after his 
 arrival in Mexico, and he did not fail to make earnest 
 representations regarding these conditions to the arch- 
 bishop. On the occasion of his first visit to Queretaro, he 
 was surprised that, from among the notabilities who gathered 
 to greet him, the bishop of the diocese was absent. Upon 
 demanding the reason, he was informed that this prelate. 
 Dr. D. Bernardo Garate, ' was too much occupied with the 
 
CHARLOTTE AND THE CHURCH 265 
 
 care of his flock to enable him to leave the capital.' Never- 
 theless Maximilian learned that whole villages of Indians 
 in the bishop's diocese had never been baptized. The 
 emperor at once ordered a wholesale baptismal ceremony 
 to be performed, standing as godfather to the entire number 
 of newly christened. 
 
 Notwithstanding her devotion to the Catholic faith, the 
 Empress Charlotte had never submitted to the dominance 
 of the priesthood, nor had she permitted herself to be influ- 
 enced by her confessor in any pohtical views or actions. 
 There is, indeed, abundant evidence that she held the clergy 
 somewhat in contempt ; a remarkable letter which was 
 written by her in January of 1865, shortly after the 
 arrival of the papal nuncio in Mexico, proves conclu- 
 sively that this distinguished prelate, at least, had failed 
 to make much impression upon her mind and less 
 upon her reverence. Writing upon this subject, Charlotte 
 says : — 
 
 ' I do not know whether you are acquainted with the 
 character of the Holy Father (Pope Pius ix.) who has a 
 keen sense of humour, but he has often declared of himself 
 that he possesses the evil-eye (jettatore). Well, I am per- 
 fectly sure that ever since his envoy set foot on this soil 
 we have had nothing but misfortunes and mortifications, 
 and we aU expect a number of others of a worse descrip- 
 tion in the near future.' 
 
 While these ecclesiastical difficulties had to be faced, with 
 their attendant disastrous consequences to the imperial 
 cause, affairs in Mexico had changed for the worse. On 
 the 28th August 1866 Marshal Bazaine returned to Mexico 
 City, where political as well as military affairs had reached 
 a cUmax, Having learned of the impending departure of 
 the French from the country, the enemies of the monarchy 
 had become increasingly daring, while the supporters of 
 the imperial regime were losing confidence, and, with the 
 treachery typical of the Spanish American, were gradually 
 withdrawing their assistance and preparing to desert 
 altogether. Day by day some fresh town or position was 
 
266 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 lost or changed over, and Maximilian was at no pains to 
 conceal his irritation and alarm. 
 
 In addition to the withdrawal from Matamoras, Monterey, 
 Saltillo and Durango — all considered highly important 
 because they were thickly inhabited and wealthy centres — 
 had occurred the loss of Tampico on 6th August. Maxi- 
 milian had written, in a sharp note to Marshal Bazaine, ' the 
 taking of this town by the disaffected and the evacuation 
 of Monterey by your orders show me that the results of 
 your operations will prove disastrous to my coimtry. I, 
 therefore, demand in my capacity as sovereign to know 
 definitely what plan you propose to adopt in future, so 
 that I may endeavour to save, if possible, those of my 
 adherents in the provinces which you abandon ; my honour 
 exacts that I should not fail in this duty.' 
 
 Marshal Bazaine replied in a lengthy communication 
 dated from PeotiUes, 12th August, explaining the motives 
 which had prompted his actions, and so far from express- 
 ing any regrets or apologies, informed the emperor that ' in 
 conformity with the instructions from France to withdraw 
 the French troops as speedily as possible, it would be neces- 
 sary to abandon also the towns of Guaymas and Mazatlan.' 
 Meanwhile Tuxpan had capitulated to the Liberals, while 
 even in the emperor's capital a plot was discovered for 
 betraying the city to the Juarists upon a given date. 
 
 Maximihan's position had now become almost untenable, 
 and he determined that he would abdicate. The threat 
 had already been uttered more than once, but it had not 
 been fulfilled. The Empress Charlotte had employed the 
 same menace to Napoleon when pleading with him at 
 Saint Cloud for a reversal of his determination respecting 
 the withdrawal of his troops from Mexico. When he had 
 passed his final ' No,* the empress had exclaimed, ' Very 
 well ; we shall abdicate.' ' Abdicate, then,' replied the 
 unmoved Napoleon, and this would, indeed, have been the 
 appropriate time for Maximilian to have done so. 
 
 Retiring to Orizaba, on account of the condition of his 
 health, which had for some time been very unsatisfactory, 
 
BELGIAN TROOPS 267 
 
 Maximilian commenced his preparations for leaving the 
 country. Marshal Bazaine strongly encouraged his resolu- 
 tion, and offered to escort him to the coast, promising also 
 not to allow any further embarkation of the French 
 troops until the emperor had been safely conducted from 
 Mexico. Writing to the French Minister (M. B^hie) on 
 8th October, Bazaine had said : ' If he continues obsti- 
 nately to remain in the country after our troops have left, I 
 fear that without money the Mexicans will desert him, and 
 then a catastrophe is certain to happen. A few days since I 
 had an audience with his Majesty, when I strongly iu"ged him 
 to consent. ... I will, of course, do the best I can, so that our 
 country may not suffer in reputation from our withdrawal.' 
 
 Maximilian had not only to dispense with the assistance of 
 the French troops. In December 1866, Marshal Bazaine and 
 Greneral de Castlenau had written to the emperor pointing 
 out that as he would shortly be abandoned by the greater 
 part of his European forces, he had better reconsider his 
 decision to remain in the country. Maximilian had re- 
 sponded to this communication very briefly : — ' Send back 
 the foreign legion,' he wrote, ' and all the French soldiers 
 and others who wish to leave, also the Austrian and Belgian 
 contingents, if they likewise wish to go.' ^ 
 
 The King of the Belgians, as might have been expected 
 in view of his close relationship to Maximilian, was anxious 
 to afford every faciUty for the enlistment of volimteers to 
 serve in Mexico. He issued three royal decrees, dated 8th 
 October, 19th November, 1864, and 10th February 1865, 
 authorising officers and soldiers * to serve temporarily in 
 the armies of his majesty the Emperor of Mexico.' This 
 permission greatly angered the House of Representatives, 
 and called forth strong denunciations of the Ministers, who, 
 thereupon disclaimed all responsibility, the act being, as 
 they pointed out, that of the sovereign alone. It was 
 originally contemplated to raise 2000 men, but not more 
 than 1200-1500 could be finally enlisted. 
 
 • Despatch sent to Marshal Bazaine from Orizaba, dated 13th December 
 1866. 
 
268 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Although the United States government objected to 
 the procedure, just as they had protested against the inter- 
 vention by France, they were accused of having overlooked 
 the fact that at least as many Belgian mercenaries had 
 served in their own ranks during the late war. One Belgian 
 representative (Mynheer Haymans) went so far as to declare 
 that 'if any power could find fault with the Belgians, it 
 would be, least of all, the United States, which had eiu-oUed 
 recruited soldiers everywhere.' This statement was vigor- 
 ously combated by Mr. H. S. Sanford, the United States 
 Minister at Brussels, but the author persisted in his 
 assertions, and even printed them in his newspaper. 
 
 It would have been more difficult to deny the fact that 
 in the month of May 1865, a recruiting office existed at 
 32nd Street, New York, near the Hudson River, and that 
 here Senor Ortega, a Liberal supporter, with the full know- 
 ledge of the American authorities, enlisted American citizens 
 to fight against Maximilian and the French. 
 
 Neither could it have been gainsaid that the proprietor 
 of a certain ' Barcelona Hotel,' in New York, acted as agent 
 for the Liberals, and purchased several thousand Spring- 
 field rifles for their use, while a brig was fitted out in the 
 Atlantic Dock and sailed with arms and ammunition for 
 the Republicans. From both New York and Philadelphia 
 active enlistment was carried on, apparently without any 
 check or hindrance from the United States authorities. 
 
 The unpopularity of the enhstment of Belgians for 
 service in Mexico was undoubtedly widespread in Belgium 
 itself ; the public sentiment found expression in many 
 speeches delivered in the Chamber of Deputies, while 
 Mjmheer Vleeschouwer, a prominent writer, asked in the 
 course of a much discussed article, published in Het Neder- 
 duitsche Bond, of 14th June 1865, 'What have we in 
 common with Mexico ? Much ! Not long ago Mexico was 
 still a free and independent State, with her own govern- 
 ment and laws. We Belgians, a people equally independent 
 and free, formed a treaty of friendship and commerce with 
 Mexico. The Mexicans were then our allies, our friends. 
 
OPPOSITION IN BELGIUM 269 
 
 But the Emperor of France cannot tolerate liberty or inde- 
 pendence anywhere. Even beyond the ocean he endeavours 
 to murder Uberty. He sent an army to subjugate the free 
 Mexican people. By force, he has imposed an emperor, 
 and the Mexicans are now bending under the yoke of a 
 foreign country. . . . Belgium must make war on Mexico 
 because our princess is married to the tyrant of Mexico.' 
 
 The same critic later on moved an address of the Chamber 
 of Deputies to President Juarez, expressing the strongest 
 sympathy with his cause, deep regret that the Belgian 
 troops had been employed to oppose him, and declaring 
 that they were enlisted under false pretences only as a 
 guard for the princess, now called empress. This resolu- 
 tion was adopted by a large majority. 
 
 The terms upon which the Belgian legionaries were enlisted 
 were Uberal. The service was for six years (the men actually 
 served less than two), with a bounty of from sixty to a hun- 
 dred francs for non-commissioned officers and soldiers, and 
 the same amount to be given at the expiration of their ser- 
 vice, with a return-passage to Antwerp . Those who remained 
 in Mexico as colonists were entitled — the troopers to about 
 ten acres, the sergeants to about thirty acres of land, and 
 to certain advances for its improvement ; this grant of 
 land was to be doubled in the event of their completing a 
 second term of six years' service. The pay, for all grades 
 of legionaries, was considerably higher than that received 
 by the best-paid corps in Belgium. 
 
 A proportion of the Belgian troops had proved turbulent 
 and intractable almost from the commencement, not- 
 withstanding the services of certain among their officers 
 who did their utmost to maintain discipline and encourage 
 the men in their duties. The important town of Monterey, 
 for instance, had been left to the safe defence of the Belgians ; 
 but they mutinied. In a letter written by Maximilian to 
 Marshal Bazaine, dated from the Castle of Chapultepec, 
 30th August 1866, he says : ' The state of excitement which 
 exists in the Belgian regiment is proved by the last tele- 
 graphic despatch from the officers ; it is produced by external 
 
270 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 causes, viz : the reorganisation which it is necessary it 
 should undergo, and the fact that its officers must embark 
 on 13th September at the latest, the Belgian Government 
 not having granted them an extension of leave. All this 
 induces me to think that it would be desirable and prudent 
 to bring the Belgian regiment for some time either to 
 Mexico City or any neighbouring town ; and it would be 
 well to give the necessary orders. You will please give me 
 your opinion upon this question, as disagreeable as it is 
 important.' 
 
 As a matter of fact, the King of the Belgians, a brother of 
 the Empress Charlotte, had behaved better than Maxi- 
 milian thought, for he had given instructions for his officers 
 to prolong their stay in Mexico until the month of April 
 1867. Unfortunately, the official despatch from Brussels 
 conveying this important permission (bearing date July 
 1866) and addressed to the Belgian Charge d' Affaires at 
 Mexico City, was mislaid for six months, and did not reach 
 its destination — according to the diplomatist in question, 
 who, however, was notoriously inimical to Maximilian — 
 until 21st January following, at which date all but five of 
 the Belgian officers had already sailed for Europe. 
 
 On 18th January 1867, a company of Belgians, com- 
 posed of thirty -five officers and seven hundred and fifty men, 
 whom Maximilian had released from their engagements, 
 mustered at Puebla, marched thence to Vera Cruz, and on 
 the 20th embarked on board the French transport, Le, Rhone, 
 for Europe. 
 
 Maximihan no doubt had been infamously betrayed alid 
 scandalously ill-served by both the Belgian and the Austrian 
 volunteers who followed him to Mexico. Many of the 
 former had as stated received a bounty upon enlisting, 
 their service term being for six years' service. Neverthe- 
 less when Maximilian offered to release them, practically 
 every one of them accepted him at his generous word, 
 although some had been but a very brief time in the country. 
 These men had been furnished with uniforms, and had 
 received substantial monetary payments in advance, so 
 
AUSTRIAN RENEGADES 271 
 
 that their enlistment and training proved a heavy loss. 
 Not one among them returned his bounty money. As 
 to the Austrians, while some, as has been shown, deserted 
 their prince at the earhest opportimity, others deliberately 
 betrayed his cause. The Austro-Belgian legions had capitu- 
 lated in the actions of Miahuatlan, La Carbonera and Oaxaca 
 almost without a struggle, and they were allowed to leave 
 the country after a very short imprisonment by the direct 
 intercession of the Austrian Charge d'Afiaires, Baron von 
 Lago, who, however, hardly Ufted a finger to save Maxi- 
 milian from being shot at Queretaro. 
 
 Before returning to Europe with the remainder of the 
 Austrian corps in January 1867, Lieutenant-Colonel Polak, 
 who also displayed httle compunction in deserting his prince 
 in the severest hour of his peril, addressed a letter of fulsome 
 thanks to Marshal Bazaine, therein expressing 'extreme 
 gratitude for your kindly protection, without which the 
 lot of the Austrian corps would have been but a sad one.' 
 
 This curiously unmanly and servile communication con- 
 cluded — ' God grant that a time may arrive when we may 
 be permitted to offer proofs of oiur devotion to your excel- 
 lency, and our gratitude towards France which has pro- 
 tected us in Mexico, and has overwhelmed us with benefits.' 
 It does not seem to have occurred to this gallant Austrian 
 soldier that it was he and his men who should have pro- 
 tected the Emperor Maximihan, who had paid them well 
 for the use of their swords, but who received in return the 
 meanest of treatment. Upon the mind of a man with 
 Marshal Bazaine's valorous disposition and high sense of 
 soldierly honour, both the conduct of the Austrians in acting 
 so promptly upon his official advice, which he was com- 
 pelled to offer in accordance with instructions received to 
 that effect from France, and the nauseating expressions 
 contained in this letter must have produced a very un- 
 pleasant effect. 
 
 Marshal Bazaine had in fact employed his powerful influ- 
 ence to induce the Austro-Belgian officers to act upon the 
 emperor's offer of withdrawal, probably hoping that when 
 
272 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 he perceived how few of his European troops remained to 
 him Maximilian would consent to abdicate. But in this 
 Bazaine, as he soon discovered, entirely misread the 
 character of the emperor, who could prove obstinate to 
 the limits of contumacy. 
 
 Not only was Maximilian iU in health and bitterly dis- 
 tressed at the increasingly perilous position politically, but 
 he had latterly received news from Europe which left no 
 doubt about the hopeless condition of the Empress Charlotte. 
 Easily moUified, the unhappy sovereign had been deeply 
 touched by the tenderness and sohcitude shown by Bazaine 
 when he became aware of MaximiUan's fresh affliction ; both 
 he and his wife were very sympathetic to Maximilian at 
 this time, and all old sores seemed to have been forgotten 
 and forgiven between them. 
 
 The emperor had at last permitted himself to be per- 
 suaded by Bazaine to leave Mexico, the date of departure 
 being fixed for 31st October. The commander of the French 
 squadron had been instructed to get ready to receive his 
 Majesty on that date ; the Dandolo was to be prepared for 
 his reception. To the surprise and consternation of the 
 Marshal, however, on the preceding day there appeared an 
 official announcement to the effect that ' the emperor had 
 completely recovered his health, and that he had as a 
 consequence abandoned all idea of leaving the country.' 
 At first it was supposed that this inspired paragraph which 
 appeared in the Gazette, was purposely intended to deceive 
 the public, and that Maximihan stiU proposed, as he had 
 assured Bazaine, to quit Mexico secretly and speedily. But 
 the real fact was that the influence of the priest. Father 
 Fischer, had prevailed over that of the soldier. Marshal 
 Bazaine ; Maximilian was too valuable an asset to be lost 
 to the self-seeking cleric, who would have found himself 
 not only without occupation, but possibly in peril of his 
 life, had he remained in Mexico without the protection of 
 the imperial troops. 
 
 The weak-minded and vacillating emperor, still dazzled 
 and deceived by the possibihty of an empire becoming 
 
GENERAL MIGUEL MIRAM6N 
 
 Maximilian's faithful but weak Mexican 
 
 Commander 
 
ABDICATION THREAT WITHDRAWN 273 
 
 firmly established, yet once again allowed his resolution to 
 leave the country to be overcome. Between October and 
 December Maximilian changed his mind again and again 
 regarding the same matter, to some declaring his firm resolu- 
 tion to abdicate (notably to Captain Pierren, who saw him 
 at Orizaba on 9th November), while to others (including 
 Marshal Bazaine) he was just as convincing that he intended 
 to remain at his post. 
 
 Finally, on 29th November, Maximilian came to a definite 
 conclusion. He had summoned a Council to meet at his 
 lodgings in Orizaba, ostensibly to receive the news of his 
 abdication ; instead, he presented the members with 
 the announcement of his intention to remain in Mexico. 
 The news was heralded with joy by his Ministers, who 
 caused the church bells to be rung and the houses of the 
 towns and capitals loyal to the ImperiaUsts to be decorated 
 by day and illuminated by night. Maximilian was pro- 
 foundly touched, and fondly beheved that he had done the 
 correct thing when he finally adopted the policy by deciding 
 to remain and ' govern the country.' 
 
 To Marshal Bazaine the decision came as a great blow 
 to his fresh endeavours, for he perceived that not only 
 would Napoleon hold him responsible for what had occurred, 
 notwithstanding his earnest efforts to avert it, but he fore- 
 saw clearly the danger attending the sacred person of 
 Maximihan, when the last of the French bayonets had 
 been withdrawn from protecting him. He had, however, 
 done his utmost, and he had failed. The die was cast, 
 and nothing could now be effected to change the issue. 
 
 Meanwhile the withdrawal of Napoleon's forces from 
 Mexico continued regularly and persistently. Sonora had 
 been evacuated in September, Mazatlan was given up on 
 the 13th of November, the Liberals under Colonel Corona 
 entering on the 18th, and inflicting upon the wretched in- 
 habitants heavy fines and other punishments, such as had 
 been previously visited upon the equally unfortunate 
 inhabitants of Durango, under the drastic penal law of 
 25th January 1863. Guadalajara followed on 12th 
 
274 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 December, and San Luis Pot6si on 23rd December. Many 
 other positions and towns which had been arduously won 
 by the French troops for Maximilian during the previous 
 four years at the cost of numerous valuable French lives and 
 the expenditure of millions of French francs, were either 
 abandoned or were lost in combat ; a few surrendered 
 voluntarily to the Juarist troops, and at the close of the 
 year 1866, practically two-thirds of the country were once 
 more subject to the Republican Government. 
 
CHAPTER XXII 
 
 Porfirio Diaz continues operations in the south — Attack upon 
 Oaxaca — Career of Porfirio Diaz — ^Felix Diaz — Continuation of siege 
 — Oazaca surrenders to Bazaine — Porfirio Diaz a prisoner — ^Hia 
 escape from custody — Forey denounces Diaz — Cruelty charges justi- 
 fied — Imperial cause lost in hot-country — General Mendez maintains 
 standard — Fresh commands for Generals M6jia, Miramdn and 
 Marquez. 
 
 While town after town had been lost to the Imperial caiise 
 in the north and west of Mexico dining the year of 1866, 
 General Porfirio Diaz had been maintaining his reputation 
 for aggressiveness in the south. In the month of October, 
 with the aid of twelve hundred men, he had successfully 
 attacked a column of four hundred men near Miahuatlan, to 
 the south of Oaxaca (a town then held by the French under 
 the command of an Imperial Mexican of&cer. General 
 Oronas) and completely defeated them. A distinguished 
 French of&cer. Major Testard, who commanded two hundred 
 and fifty cazadores, the whole of the French and Mexican 
 officers of his detachment and the greater number of the 
 French soldiers, were killed ; the remainder were made 
 prisoners. 
 
 The triumphant Diaz then marched boldly upon Oaxaca, 
 his own native town, with every street of which and with 
 every house therein he was intimately acquainted. The 
 garrison consisted of but three hundred enfeebled and 
 exhausted men, of whom two hundred were Austrians and 
 a small number French. The siege commenced on 6th 
 October, was raised temporarily to enable Diaz to encounter 
 and defeat a relief force of eight hundred men (composed 
 of both Austrians and Mexicans), and was continued on 
 19th October. General Oronas capitulated on the 30th, 
 and the whole of the garrison were made prisoners. 
 
 275 
 
276 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 The town of Oaxaca, the capital of the State of the same 
 name, lies about two hundred and sixty miles south-east of 
 the capital, and is situated in a beautifully verdant valley 
 abundantly irrigated by a number of rivers, which give it 
 an extraordinary fertility. The imposing Sierra Madre 
 range of mountains cross the whole State, and form an 
 effective framework for the picturesque city which nestles 
 in the hollow of the wide basin. Oaxaca is nevertheless 
 situated at an elevation of nearly two thousand feet above 
 sea level. 
 
 It was in this semi-tropical town that Porfirio Diaz had 
 been bom in 1830, at which date Mexico had already experi- 
 enced some nine years of strenuous existence as a Republic. 
 A twelvemonth's freedom from the tyrannical yoke of 
 Spain was succeeded by an empire under Augustin Iturbide, 
 whose ludicrous attempt at monarchy cost him his life. 
 Then came Vittoria's equally ephemeral Constitution, which 
 again was followed by a succession of internecine revolu- 
 tions, interrupted by occasional combined struggles against 
 the last lingering remnants of Spanish authority. 
 
 Thus young Porfirio Diaz was reared amid a turmoil of 
 alarms and excursions, the din of which reached even the 
 remote corner of Mexico wherein he was bom. 
 
 At a still early age Porfirio determined to quit the cloister 
 for which his pious father and mother had destined him, 
 for the more stirring scenes of the soldier's camp ; he even 
 braved the displeasure of his powerful uncle and guardian 
 Jose Augustin Dominguez, Bishop of Oaxaca, in arriving 
 at his determination to take up the sword as his profession ; 
 neither could have foreseen that it was to be the hand of 
 this young ex-priest which was to help in perpetuating the 
 separation of the Church from the State, and to keep in 
 stern subjection the once all-powerful influence of Rome 
 in Mexico. 
 
 Determined to become a good soldier rather than a bad 
 priest, young Diaz left the Jesuits' seminary at the age of 
 nineteen, by which time he had received a good education, 
 so thorough, indeed, that he had been enabled to give 
 
PORFIRIO DIAZ 277 
 
 private lessons in Latin to other students, while he also 
 filled the important position of librarian at the Oaxaca 
 Institute of Sciences. 
 
 It was the autocratic suppression of education by the 
 tyrant Santa Anna, then President of Mexico, that incited 
 Diaz to join a rebellion against his authority, an act which 
 brought down upon him his proscription and formal con- 
 demnation to death. So long as Santa Anna remained in 
 the country the life of the young patriot was in peril ; but 
 with the banishment of the former and the advent of the 
 Liberals to power, Porfirio found and seized his opportunity. 
 Diaz fought bravely on the side of Benito Juarez, the 
 Liberal Governor of Oaxaca, who subsequently became 
 Constitutional President of the Repubhc. 
 
 From the time that he had first taken up arms in the 
 defence of hberty, the young soldier led a strenuous and 
 sometimes a perilous existence. He was seriously wounded 
 at the battle of Ixcapa, on 13th August 1857. At this time 
 he was but twenty-seven years of age, and one of the most 
 determined opponents of the Church party to which he had, 
 at one period of his life, belonged. It was at an encounter 
 directed by him against the clerical and conservative 
 revolutionists that he came by his wound, the battle being 
 a hand-to-hand fight carried on with intense bitterness. 
 It was only after an interval of two years that the bullet 
 which had laid him low was fotmd and extracted by an 
 United States naval surgeon. 
 
 When the French intervention brought fire and sword 
 once more to his distracted country, Diaz was found in the 
 van as usual, and among the most determined opponents 
 of Napoleon's long-sustained attempt to foist a foreign 
 prince upon the Mexicans as their sovereign. 
 
 Long before his complete recovery he returned to his 
 mihtary duties, taking an active and creditable part in 
 defending his native city against the attacks of the Con- 
 servative leader MarceUno Cabos. As a reward for his 
 brilhant services, Porfirio Diaz had been made Governor 
 and Military Commander of the State of Tehuantepec. 
 
278 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Then followed the long siege which the Liberal forces were 
 compelled to undergo in the convent of Santo Domingo, 
 and the city, having been abandoned by the local govern- 
 ment, Diaz was compelled to make his escape. 
 
 Now, having been raised to the rank of captain, the young 
 soldier, almost completely restored to health and strength, 
 soon gathered a following from among his former comrades, 
 and pursuing his old enemy, Cabos — a notorious rebel — 
 defeated him at Jalapa, in Tehuantepec, on 25th February 
 1858. Soon afterwards also he overcame the fanatical 
 Spanish Carlist Conchado, while at the famous battle of 
 Rancho de las Jicacas (15th April 1859), Diaz won for 
 himself the rank of Commander. At the battle of Mixte- 
 quilla in the following June, he was raised to the rank of 
 Colonel. 
 
 In this five years' campaign Porfirio Diaz succeeded in 
 winning that great military reputation which enabled him 
 for over a quarter of a century in later life to rule over 
 Mexico with an almost uninterrupted record of success . The 
 French found in him in every respect a foeman worthy of 
 their steel, while he fought and defeated them occasionally 
 with perfect good temper ; at no time of his career, even 
 when insidiously tempted to desert his party in order to 
 assume a more commanding one under the Imperial banner, 
 did he lose their esteem or admiration. 
 
 It was, then, this gallant, resourceful military leader 
 whom General Bazaine had to face and expel from his 
 well-secured retreat at Oaxaca. The French had already 
 tasted the quality of Colonel Porfirio Diaz's fighting powers, 
 for on the 10th August 1864, a notable encounter had taken 
 place between the Mexican leader who was accompanied 
 by his brother Felix Diaz (nicknamed ' El Chato,' the ' flat- 
 nosed ') their forces consisting of six hundred infantry, five 
 hundred horsemen and three guns. The French made 
 their attack upon the Hacienda of Ayotla, and although 
 they fought with desperation and conspicuous courage, the 
 troops, under the command of Colonel Giraud, were com- 
 pelled to give way before Diaz's superior numbers. They 
 
SIEGE OF OAXACA 279 
 
 lost in this encounter five killed and thirty wounded. The 
 Mexicans, however, were likewise heavily punished. 
 
 A determined attempt to re-capture Oaxaca, which had 
 been undertaken without receiving the approval of Bazaine, 
 in which Colonel Giraud had been reinforced by the arrival 
 of General Brincourt, proved just as unsuccessful. Diaz, 
 nevertheless, had been shut up in the town, which he had 
 strongly fortified against attack. The situation was very 
 much the same as had been that at Puebla, the investment 
 and fall of which after a wearisome siege by the French 
 has already been described in preceding pages. During the 
 months of September, October and November, the French 
 with the assistance of a number of Mexican peons whom 
 they had pressed into their service, worked at road making, 
 so as to facilitate the heavy military operations which they 
 perceived would be necessary in order to ensure the capture 
 of Oaxaca and its gallant defender. 
 
 The physical formation of the country rendered the 
 operations exceptionally difficult, huge natural chasms 
 having to be bridged, heavy rock-cutting to be undertaken 
 and swiftly -nmning rivers to be crossed. 
 
 By the end of November some good progress had been 
 made, however, and it was possible to send some of the 
 heavy guns and equipment over the newly-made road. 
 General Courtois d'Hurbal was in charge of the artillery 
 and expeditionary corps which Bazaine (now Marshal), 
 recognising now that the siege was absolutely necessary, 
 had despatched to subdue the defiant town of Oaxaca. 
 
 Almost the entire population had quitted their houses, 
 and had taken shelter behind the covered entrenchments. 
 Numerous houses were completely demolished so as to 
 form effective barricades, these latter consisting in some 
 cases of solid masonry walls and parapets, while an old, but 
 still useful, masonry fortress-tower commanded the town 
 and its approaches from all directions. The garrison con- 
 sisted of over seven thousand men, of whom at least three 
 thousand were regular troops, the remainder being com- 
 posed of citizens, mountaineers, guerrilla-sharpshooters, 
 
280 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 peasant-labourers, and a few North American mercenaries, 
 who had found their way there either by accident or design. 
 
 Felix Diaz was given command of seven himdred horse- 
 men, and he showed considerable skill in their organisa- 
 tion and equipment. He allowed nothing to interfere with 
 his determination to make his corps as efficient as possible ; 
 and to better provide for their maintenance he robbed the 
 richly furnished churches of their gold and silver vessels 
 and ornaments, cut down their handsome bronze bells and 
 threw them into the melting-pot. The less valuable he 
 converted into bullets. 
 
 The siege of Oaxaca may be said to have re-commenced in 
 earnest upon 12th December 1864, and by 1st of January 
 the investment was complete. The defenders of the town 
 had not only the French to meet, but a mxmber of guerrilla 
 bands composed of their own countrymen, and who caused 
 them, as well as to the French invaders, an immense amount 
 of trouble. Sorties were made against these bands of 
 desperadoes from time to time, Felix Diaz being usually 
 commissioned to undertake the task of extermination. 
 All who were caught alive were immediately hanged or 
 shot, while the robbers, on their part, showed as little mercy 
 to any luckless individual who fell into their hands. The 
 French troops, under General Mangin, were sent in pursuit 
 of Felix Diaz upon such excursions, but in all cases they 
 failed to effect his capture. On 15th March an encounter 
 took place between the two bodies of troops, but owing 
 to the interposition of a particularly dense fog the enemy 
 was enabled once again to make his escape. The guerrilla 
 warfare continued uninterruptedly, heavy losses being in- 
 curred by both sides. 
 
 Meanwhile the actual siege of Oaxaca had been pursued 
 with relentless vigour by the French, who maintained a 
 constant and destructive artillery fire. During the night of 
 the 6th February no fewer than four hundred projectiles had 
 fallen in the town. It was not, however, until the 8th of 
 February of 1865, that Colonel Diaz was compelled to 
 surrender. By this time he had lost over two-thirds of his 
 
FALL OF OAXACA 281 
 
 men, while practically every particle of food was consumed 
 and every single piece of ammunition had been expended. 
 The town and the inhabitants were completely exhausted. 
 Porfirio Diaz, convinced that further resistance would be 
 futile, and having employed every human device to avert 
 the inevitable, determined to abandon further resistance. 
 
 Unprotected by any flag of truce, or safeguarded with 
 guarantee of personal safety, and in face of the enemy's 
 perpetual fire, Porfirio Diaz, accompanied by Colonels 
 Angelo and Echegaray of his staff, proceeded to the French 
 camp, and demanded an audience with Marshal Bazaine. 
 The French Commander-in-chief received him with cynical 
 courtesy, stating ' he was pleased to observe that he had 
 returned to his promise, and would no more take up arms 
 against his emperor.' 
 
 Looking Bazaine clearly in the eye, Diaz made reply : 
 ' M. le Marechal,' he said slowly and impressively, ' I know 
 of no Emperor of Mexico. I acknowledge no government 
 but that of our glorious Republic, no supreme head but 
 that elected by our people. I have been, and always shall 
 be, entirely opposed to a monarchy, and I shall do, as I^have 
 done in the past, everything that lies in my power to defeat 
 it. I have no more men and no more ammunition. That 
 is the sole reason that you see me here now. The town is 
 yours.' 
 
 Bazaine then taunted his prisoner with having broken 
 his parole when released at Puebla. Porfirio Diaz reminded 
 him that he had never given his parole, and never would. 
 He further challenged his accuser to prove the contrary, 
 and the Marshal thus provoked sent his secretary. Napoleon 
 Boyer, to fetch the register in which he hoped he might find 
 Diaz's declaration. A careful search failed to bring any 
 such document to light ; to his credit be it said, Bazaine 
 then offered his prisoner an ample apology. This friendly 
 act was not forgotten in later days ; Diaz was enabled to 
 assist Bazaine in a personal matter as will later on be seen, 
 the performance of which meant many thousands of francs 
 in the pockets of the avaricious Marshal. 
 
282 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Four thousand other prisoners, sixty pieces of cannon and 
 a quantity of additional useful material fell into the hands 
 of the victorious French, who, nevertheless, had had to 
 pay dearly for the five months' stubborn resistance with 
 which they had met. From 1st July 1864 to 1st January 1865 
 they had been obliged to expend upon their transport 
 arrangements alone in connection with the siege of Oaxaca 
 a sum of 1,866,000 francs (£74,640), which amoimt was 
 debited to the ' Expeditionary Accounts.' And in little 
 over one year and a half the town so dearly captured was 
 destined to be again lost to the Imperial cause. 
 
 The enormous number of prisoners taken at Oaxaca 
 proved a great embarrassment to the French contingent. 
 Marshal Bazaine gave liberty to all those who had been 
 forcibly impressed into the service of the defenders of the 
 town, and who were glad enough to get off so easily ; others 
 who belonged to the distant states of Sonora and Sinaloa 
 were sent back under armed escort, and then released. 
 Still others were enrolled in the ranks of the Mexican troops 
 fighting under the banner of Maximilian. 
 
 After a few days' rest, necessitated by the extremely 
 arduous five months' siege, Bazaine, with the greater part 
 of his troops, took his departure for Mexico City, a full 
 week's march at that time of the year, and he arrived in 
 the capital on 25th February 1865. Notwithstanding the 
 success which had attended his operations, Maximilian 
 appeared to be but ill-pleased with Bazaine, and in a letter 
 which he addressed to Napoleon (dated February), he 
 demanded the recall of the Marshal from Mexico. It was 
 this feeling of dissatisfaction which induced Maximilian a 
 little later to despatch the Mexican General Woll upon a 
 secret mission to Napoleon. 
 
 The Marshal sent his distinguished prisoner Diaz to the 
 military gaol at San Loreta, from which prison he was re- 
 moved to that of Santa Clara, and finally to the Convento 
 de la Campana at Puebla. 
 
 The French writer. Count Emile de K^ratry, has declared 
 in his book, The Rise and Fall of the Emperor Maxi- 
 
DIAZ ESCAPES 283 
 
 milian} that ' Porfirio Diaz after the fall of Oaxaca was 
 confined in the fortress of Guadaloupe (he does not say for 
 what length of time) from which any escape was impos- 
 sible. By order of the Emperor Maximihan he afterwards 
 was placed under the guard of the Austrians, who, having 
 brought him back into the city, allowed him to escape.' 
 This version, however, is incorrect, and the best reason for 
 saying so is the statement made by General Diaz himself. 
 
 For the second time the temporarily unsuccessful Liberal 
 leader had found himself a captive in the town from which 
 he had already escaped when in peril of his life. As he 
 passed through the ranks of the enemy's troops, submitting 
 patiently to their coarse gibes and jeers, he was quietly 
 meditating how best he could once again evade his captors. 
 His renewed effort, already determined upon, was rendered 
 fairly difficult by reason of the extra precautions now taken 
 to guard him. It succeeded only after three different plans 
 had been made and abandoned, on account of this great 
 vigilance. It was finally carried out by the prosaic means 
 of a coil of rope, a crawl upon all fours over an unguarded 
 part of the prison roof, and a drop of some ten feet into 
 the street. 
 
 Diaz's sang froid must have been remarkable even at 
 such an exciting and critical moment in his life, for as he 
 passed swiftly down a dark, unfit thoroughfare, practically 
 deserted at that early hour of the morning of 20th September 
 1865, he almost feU over a watchman fast asleep at his post. 
 Touching him fightly on the shoulder, Diaz whispered, 
 ' Don't sleep, comrade ! ' The man, startled and confused, 
 hastily shouldered his musket. 'No, Senor,' he repfied 
 apologetically, and hurried along upon his beat without 
 even glancing at the man who had aroused him. 
 
 Diaz in after life, when asked about this incident, admitted 
 its truth, but added : ' I did not do it out of bravado : I 
 calculated the exact chances, and came to the conclusion 
 that by thus addressing the sentry, should he be questioned 
 
 * The Rise and Fall of the Emperor Maximilian, translated by G, H. 
 Venablea (Sampson Low, Son & Marston), p. 62. 
 
284 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 concerning a fugitive, it would never occur to him, nor to 
 his questioners, that a man flying in peril of his hfe would 
 be fool enough to stop in order to awaken him.' The fact 
 remains that if any pursuit took place it proved ineflEective. 
 
 Several substantial money rewards were offered for the 
 recapture of Diaz. Count de Thiin, the Austrian general 
 then commanding Maximilian's cavalry, offered a sum of 
 $1000 to any one who would bring Colonel Porfirio Diaz to 
 him, ' dead or alive.' The governor of the district of Mata- 
 moras (State of Puebla), Senor Escamilla, also promised 
 the same amount, but neither was ever earned. 
 
 It is difficult to understand what feeling of malice prompted 
 General Forey to assert in the French Senate that Porfirio 
 Diaz ' ought to have been shot.' Certainly but few among 
 the French staff operating in Mexico would have endorsed 
 this statement, and Marshal Forey had had but little experi- 
 ence of Diaz even as an opponent, since the operations in 
 which the latter so greatly distinguished himself, earning 
 thereby the unstinted admiration of his enemies, took place 
 after Marshal Forey had been recalled to France. 
 
 Porfirio Diaz has been accused by certain Mexican 
 historians of having behaved barbarously to some of his 
 prisoners. Thecharge has been justified. Many of the Mexican 
 officers who fell into his hands at Miahuatlan and Oaxaoa 
 were ruthlessly shot, but the French and Austrians were 
 well — even generously — ^treated. This discrimination has 
 induced French historians and others who have chronicled 
 the life of General Diaz to pronounce him a ' brave and 
 noble enemy ' ; the barbarities committed upon his own 
 countrymen have apparently been passed over in silence 
 and as being of no account ; but they must find a record here, 
 since it is necessary to speak the truth without fear or favour. 
 
 No one holds Porfirio Diaz in higher esteem both as soldier 
 and statesman than the writer ; but the General's not in- 
 frequent acts of inhumanity towards his compatriots when 
 the fortunes of war placed their lives within his power must 
 be condemned. It may be urged in defence that in shoot- 
 ing his prisoners, Diaz was merely carrying out orders under 
 
IMPERIAL ARMY MOVEMENTS 285 
 
 the law of 25th January 1862, ah-eady quoted ; that may 
 have been the reason, but it does not provide the excuse. 
 
 In the hot-country the Imperial cause had already been 
 lost. In Guerrero, which is at aU times a deadly, fever- 
 haimted district. Colonel Ortiz de la Pena had been defeated 
 at Puente de Ixtla, had lost his convoy and ammunition, 
 and had retreated in great disorder to Cuemavaca, where 
 Maximilian had his summer residence. Only one ImperiaUst 
 leader remained who was capable of maintaining his posi- 
 tion, namely, General Mendez, in the State of Michoacan, 
 and even he was completely surrounded by roaming bands 
 of guerrillas. While Marshal Bazaine had for long regarded 
 the situation as very serious from an Imperialist point of 
 view, he had not anticipated a collapse ans^thing like so 
 rapid and so pronoimced as that which now occurred in the 
 emperor's fortunes. 
 
 The Imperial army had lately, according to an established 
 idea of MaximiUan, been divided into three separate com- 
 mands. General Marquez had been given that of Michoacan 
 and of the country comprised within the States of Vera Cruz, 
 Mexico and Queretaro ; General Mejia was operating in 
 the north, towards San Luis Potosi ; General Miram6n was 
 in the west, between Zacatecas and Guadalajara. Mexico 
 City, being in the command of Mexico State, was under 
 the orders of General Marquez, who was again proving him- 
 self a severe and cruel leader, and, as will be seen later on, 
 a wretched traitor to his adopted and indulgent sovereign. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 Last days of French occupation — Bazaine counsels abdication — Survey 
 of Imperial position — ^Dangers indicated — Quarrel between Maxi- 
 milian and Bazaine — ^French Commander-in-chief departs without 
 seeing Emperor — ^Father Fischer's evil influences — ^Bazaine's services 
 in Mexico — Trying to serve two masters — Maxinuhan's ingratitude 
 — View of Bazaine's character — Charges of corruption — Strange in- 
 cident regarding treasure — Bazaine's nephew Adolphe — Departure 
 of last French troops — Bazaine's reception in France — Cost of the 
 French expedition to Mexico. 
 
 Towards the last days of the year 1866, MaximiUan, 
 as mentioned in a previous chapter, had quitted Orizaba 
 by gradual stages for the capital, arriiring there on 5th 
 January 1867. Both General de Castelnau and M. Dano, 
 carrying out the instructions of the Emperor Napoleon, 
 had followed Maximilian from Orizaba to Puebla and from 
 Puebla to Mexico City, in an endeavour to induce him to 
 abdicate, and thus save the French army from the ridicule 
 which the withdrawal from Mexico, without having accom- 
 plished anything definite, would inevitably fall upon it. 
 But Maximihan successfully evaded any interview with 
 these pertinacious emissaries, who, in despair, proposed 
 entering into some arrangement with President Juarez 
 with a view to terminating the monarchy. Marshal Bazaine, 
 however, who knew the Indian president well enough to 
 feel convinced that he would consent to hold no communi- 
 cation with any representative of France, dissuaded these 
 disappointed diplomatists from following up their first 
 intentions ; indeed, Bazaine foimd himself in complete 
 disagreement with all of the French representatives then 
 in Mexico, his secret sympathies undoubtedly being then 
 as always with the shamefully ill-used and deluded Maxi- 
 
FISCHER'S INFLUENCE 287 
 
 milian, although he dare display no such sentiments openly. 
 A powerful weapon used against Maximilian's decision 
 to abdicate reposed in the hands of Father Fischer; of 
 this he did not fail to avail himself at the psychological 
 moment. It was a letter addressed to Maximilian by 
 the Empress Charlotte before her departure for Europe, 
 and entrusted to the keeping of the priest. She had foreseen 
 that the time would arrive during her absence when Maxi- 
 milian, deprived of her dominant influence and disgusted 
 with the intrigues and difficulties surrounding him, would 
 determine upon abdication. The empress's premonition 
 proved justified. Maximilian had resolved upon abandon- 
 ing the throne which had hitherto proved a veritable bed 
 of thorns ; and perceiving that this was the moment when 
 the letter left in his hands would prove most effective. 
 Father Fischer produced it. The results were all that 
 could have been desired. Maximilian could not resist the 
 strong appeal contained in this epistle, which lu-ged him 
 to remain manfully at his post. Had not his plucky and 
 resourceful wife gone through much trouble and many trials 
 in order to support the throne which they jointly occupied ? 
 How could he do less than retain it, pending the result of 
 her self-imposed mission to France ? The priest's admoni- 
 tions as to the duty of fealty and self-sacrifice sealed the 
 matter, and finally overcame all Ungering hesitation. Thus 
 the die was cast. 
 
 Maximilian was finally compelled to see General de 
 Castelnau, finding that the latter would take no denial ; 
 and on the 20th December the emperor consented to 
 formally receive the General and the French Minister, 
 M. Dano. Both, however, entirely failed to shake the 
 determination of his Majesty to remain in Mexico, to which 
 end their visit had been paid ; and in a private conversa- 
 tion between Maximilian and General de Castelnau after the 
 formal interview had been concluded, the emperor declared 
 that, at this crisis, his abdication would be improper and 
 inexpedient ; he had appealed in his manifesto to the will 
 of the nation, and found himself compromitted to abide 
 
288 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 by their decision as to his continuance in power with the 
 monarchical form of government. He admitted to General 
 de Castelnau that the Congress he had convoked, shotild it 
 ever assemble, might resolve to change the form of govern- 
 ment, might possibly even elect Juarez ; in that event he 
 would have no objection to resign the powers confided to 
 him by the Mexican people, and to retire from the country ; 
 still further, he would accept a peaceful solution, could the 
 Juarez Government, through the mediation of the United 
 States, be brought to unite with him for its attainment. 
 
 On 11th January Maximilian summoned Marshal Bazaine 
 to meet him and the president of his Council, Seiior Lares, 
 at an important conference. Bazaine attended ; but 
 instead of finding the emperor, he was confronted with a 
 full assembly of ministers, the archbishop and bishops and 
 councillors of state, as well as a number of Mexican generals. 
 At a loss to comprehend the situation, the Marshal at first 
 resolved to retire ; but fearing to create a painful impres- 
 sion, he eventually determined to remain and face the issue. 
 
 The assembly proceeded to debate, with much heat and 
 acrimony, the question whether the empire should con- 
 tinue or be abandoned. According to both the optimistic 
 Ministers of Finance and of War, everything was ready for 
 the prosecution of the war after the French had departed, 
 ' they had the money, as much as 8,000,000 fisos ; they 
 had 25,000 men at present under arms ; what was there 
 then to prevent the ImperiaUst cause from triumphing 1 ' 
 
 Each member of the Coimcil had something to say, pro 
 or con ; the archbishop and the bishop of San Luis Pot6si 
 alone remained silent. The majority of those present were 
 in favour of continuing the monarchy. 
 
 Unmoved by these arguments, however. Marshal Bazaine 
 addressed the meeting at some length, saying precisely 
 what he would have said had the emperor himself been 
 present. In fact he had written his address before coming 
 to the conference, and this he now read aloud to the other 
 members. It proved to be a strongly-worded expression of 
 advice to forthwith abandon any further attempt to establish 
 
BAZAINE'S ADVICE 289 
 
 a form of government which was obviously unacceptable to 
 the greater part of the Mexican nation. The speaker cited 
 among his reasons the threatened interference of the United 
 States, and he painted in lurid colours the ' unspeakable 
 calamity ' which would follow any further aggressions by that 
 powerful northern neighbour ; he dwelt upon the inadequate 
 strength of the Imperial forces to combat either the Americans 
 or the Liberals singly, much less the two combined ; and 
 he pointed out the difficulty of maintaining any successes 
 achieved at the point of the sword, owing to the immensity 
 of the country to be covered and the demoralising effect 
 of these perpetual struggles upon the commerce and in- 
 dustry of the State. 
 
 These citations referred to the military objections, but 
 the financial considerations were no less serious. There 
 were no funds available for the carrying on of a Government 
 apart from that of the Republic, which was, after all, the 
 constitutional administration ; it was practically impos- 
 sible to raise any further fimds from the already over- 
 burdened people, while the formerly wealthy owners of 
 property were now almost ruined. 
 
 Then, again, from the political point of view, concluded 
 the Marshal, the greater part of the people had always been 
 pro-republican ; he was very doubtful whether, even if a 
 referendum were to be taken, the response would be in any 
 way favourable to the continuance of the monarchy. It 
 seemed to him, then, impossible that Maximilian could con- 
 tinue to govern a coimtry under such abnormal conditions, 
 and it would be to the credit and honour of the sovereign 
 to release him from a situation which had become as perilous 
 as it was insurmountable. 
 
 If this oration pleased the assembly but little, it satisfied 
 MaximiHan (when he heard of it) still less. In fact it pre- 
 cipitated the inevitable rupture between the Marshal and 
 the Emperor, and when Bazaine received a courteous request 
 from Senor Lares to attend a new conference, he point- 
 blank refused. The Marshal informed the President of the 
 Council that inasmuch as it seemed v/hatever he said or 
 
 T 
 
290 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 proposed was maliciously distorted and misconstrued, and 
 since insinuations against his loyalty to the emperor were 
 continually indulged in, ' he dechned then or at any future 
 time to have any communication with his majesty's ministers.' 
 Marshal Bazaine's letter addressed to Senor Lares was 
 dated from Mexico City, 27th January 1867, and read as 
 follows : 
 
 'I have received your letter of the 25th instant. I might 
 well confine myself to merely acknowledging the receipt of it, 
 because I do not admit that you can address me at your will, 
 and also because your letter treats of matters which have been 
 already settled, both in writing and also by former conferences. 
 
 ' In my rephes to you or to the various Under Secretaries of 
 State, your excellency will find the explanation you desire. 
 
 ' You appear to accuse the French army of want of energy — 
 have not I a much greater right to exclaim against the arbitrary 
 acts and deeds of violence which have been daily committed for 
 some weeks past, and does not our presence in Mexico appear to 
 render the flag of France an accomplice in these proceedings ? 
 For this reason, Sir, and because the wording of your letter 
 betrays a feeling of mistrust undoubtedly based upon calumnies 
 which affect our honour, I consider it necessary to state to you 
 that I do not wish to have any further communication with yoiu: 
 ministry.' 
 
 This bitter quarrel became Father Fischer's longed-for 
 opportunity, and he did not neglect to avail himself of it. 
 The attitude assumed by Marshal Bazaine was further 
 distorted by this wily and malevolent priest, whose influ- 
 ence with Maximilian — seldom for good, but frequently for 
 evil — ^induced the latter to take a severe view of the Marshal's 
 communication addressed to Senor Lar^s. With or without 
 the emperor's directions. Marshal Ba.zaine received an 
 epistle, dated ' 28th January, 7 p.m.' in which Father Fischer 
 wrote : 
 
 ' His Majesty the Emperor instructs me to return to you the 
 accompanying letter [his own, addressed to Senor Lares] since 
 he cannot permit you to address such communications to his 
 ministers as you have chosen to send. Since you have adopted 
 such methods, I am commanded to inform your excellency that 
 
GENERAL MARIANO ESCOBEDO 
 Commander-in-Chief of the Mexican (Liberal) Army 
 
RUPTURE WITH BAZAINE 291 
 
 for the future His Majesty can hold no direct communication 
 with you.' 
 
 One can imagine with what spiteful satisfaction the machia- 
 vellian Imperial Secretary despatched this letter to the 
 Marshal, knowing full well the pain which its receipt would 
 occasion him on account of his deeply wounded dignity, 
 and the real affection which he bore for MaximiUan's person. 
 
 Thus, after four years' unceasing devotion to the Imperial 
 cause in Mexico, were Marshal Bazaine's services requited. 
 V ingratitude attire les reproches, but Bazaine had had none 
 for the emperor, whose gentle disposition he knew could 
 never have prompted, while his sense of justice would not 
 have allowed him to approve, the despatch of such a com- 
 munication to an old, tried and loyal servant. 
 
 Bazaine had probably at no time more effectively dis- 
 played the humaneness of his character and the depth of his 
 resourcefulness than when the mean-minded ministers (Lares, 
 Marin and Tavera) who formed Maximihan's Cabinet in the 
 autumn of 1866, threatened to resign if the emperor — just 
 then in receipt of the crushing intelligence that his unhappy 
 wife had lost her reason — ^left the capital. The President 
 of the Council, who was Sefior Lares, wholly unmoved 
 by the monarch's mental distress, informed Maximilian 
 that he and his colleagues would hand in their portfolios 
 immediately his Majesty left the city, adding, 'and 
 there will no longer be any government.' There can be 
 no question that he would have been as good as his word, 
 and that Maximilian would have been unable to seek the 
 much-needed period of rest at Orizaba, but for the prompt 
 and vigorous action of Marshal Bazaine. In immistak- 
 able language the French Commander-in-chief, after de- 
 nouncing Lares and his colleagues as ' wanting in both 
 loyalty and humanity,' informed them that if they per- 
 sisted in their determination to throw up their portfolios 
 ' he woidd adopt certain measures towards them.' What 
 those measures were likely to be he left to their imagina- 
 tions ; as a matter of fact the Marshal could have done but 
 little, since he had received strict injunctions from the 
 
292 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Tuileries forbidding him to interfere in any way with the 
 civil government of Mexico. Bxit Senor Lares knew nothing 
 of this, and the threat proved sufficient ; for, thoroughly 
 frightened and cowed, he hastened to assure the Marshal 
 that ' both he and his brother ministers were only too 
 happy to continue to discharge their accustomed duties.' 
 
 The Marshal's detractors saw in this action upon his part 
 less desire to assist Maximilian in his great mental distress, 
 than a repugnance to bear the additional burden of civil 
 government upon his own shoulders, at a time when — 
 according to the information which he possessed — ^all parties 
 in Mexico were on the point of rising against the foreigners, 
 and threatening to massacre both them and all isolated 
 French troops. Whatever may have been the reason which 
 prompted Bazaine's vigorous and prompt measures, he suc- 
 ceeded in once more, if only temporarily, saving the situa- 
 tion for the unhappy sovereign whose service he had entered. 
 
 He had practically to remodel the ragged and imdis- 
 ciplined Mexican army ; that he eventually succeeded in 
 converting this rabble into something like a respectable 
 force is perhaps one of the clearest proofs of his soldierly 
 capacity and his conscientious devotion to duty. The 
 result was certainly not easily achieved. 
 
 Undoubtedly Bazaine incurred much odium with Maxi- 
 milian, by reason of the fidelity with which he carried out 
 the harsh instructions imparted by his Imperial master in 
 France. Bazaine was first and foremost a soldier, trained 
 to obey implicitly, no matter how repugnant his instruc- 
 tions ; and we know as a fact that in the case of Maximilian, 
 for whom he entertained a genuine esteem and friendliness, 
 the orders transmitted to him regarding French policy and 
 action must have proved repugnant in the extreme. 
 
 Upon his part Maximilian would have found it difficult 
 to differentiate between the individual who passed the 
 orders and the faithful servant who carried them into 
 execution. It sufficed that Bazaine stood for trouble 
 and disaster, for continual opposition and threatening, for 
 the predestined failure of the whole Imperial enterprise. 
 
LAST INTERVIEW REFUSED 293 
 
 Neither, through the whole course of their personal rela- 
 tions, intensely strained as they became towards the end, 
 is there any evidence of Bazaine having attempted to 
 exculpate himself from blame or reproach on account of 
 his course of action or enforced antagonism. It is difficult 
 to withhold a degree of sympathy from the blindly obedient 
 soldier who was made to play the part of the flail in the 
 hands of Napoleon. 
 
 It is obvious that Bazaine had, over a long period, satis- 
 factorily carried out the Mexican policy of Napoleon's 
 Government from the fact that, on 5th November 1864, 
 he had had conferred upon him by Imperial decree the 
 marshal's baton. 
 
 When he could no longer tarry in Mexico, nor further 
 delay his return to France, to which country he had been 
 repeatedly summoned, conscious nevertheless that he had 
 done all that lay in his restricted powers to serve Maximilian, 
 and no doubt equally aware that he had been wholly un- 
 successful in creating a favourable impression, the Com- 
 mander of the rapidly departing French forces sought for 
 a last interview with the emperor. Thanks to the machina- 
 tions of Bazaine's arch-enemy, Father Augustin Fischer, 
 this interview was denied him. Painful as must have been 
 the news of refusal, it could scarcely have come as a matter 
 of surprise to Bazaine, for in what light, and with what sort 
 of feelings, could Maximilian have regarded this represen- 
 tative of France ? 
 
 The emperor must have been fully conscious that, 
 some time before Bazaine had been finally summoned to 
 return home from Mexico, he had been virtually superseded 
 by General de Castelnau, an aide-de-camp to Napoleon ni., 
 who had arrived in the country towards the beginning of 
 October (1866), and who was charged by his imperial 
 master with the mission of ' compelling ' Maximilian to 
 abdicate. 
 
 No doubt many questions which arose between Maxi- 
 milian and Bazaine might have been discussed in a more 
 concihatory spirit, although the results would probably 
 
294 IHAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 have been the same in the end ; by friendly conversations 
 rather than by formal correspondence. But Maximilian 
 did not encourage the Marshal to visit him too often at 
 the palace, for the reason that he had been advised (pro- 
 bably by Father Fischer) that visits from the French Com- 
 mander-in-chief were calculated to cause a bad impression 
 among the Mexican officers. 
 
 It may be urged that Maximilian evinced but a very poor 
 appreciation of the long and faithful service which Bazaine 
 had rendered to him, and that he might weU have accorded 
 him at least a ceremonious, if not an affectionate, farewell 
 interview. Such would have been but judicious, and there 
 is reason to believe that in spite of his repeatedly expressed 
 pleasure at the departiu:e of the French (after incessantly 
 and earnestly requesting Napoleon to allow them to remain) 
 and at the lifting of what he now termed the 'French 
 yoke,' Maximilian regretted his harsh and tmgracious 
 refusal to see Bazaine before he finally tinned his face 
 homewards. 
 
 Captain J. J. Kendall, late of H.B.M. 44th and 60th 
 Regiments, who was for some time in the service of Maxi- 
 milian, has declared : ' I cannot but condemn the conduct 
 of Marshal Bazaine during the latter portion of his sojourn 
 in the country. He doubtless had instructions to do all 
 he could to induce Maximilian to abdicate, but he over- 
 stepped all bounds, not only of diplomacy and of the laws 
 of nations, and also of good conduct upon the part of an 
 of&cer and a gentleman, to say nothing of the dignity of a 
 Marshal of France. Several pieces of cannon that he could 
 not take with him, were spiked at the gates of Mexico 
 City : an immense quantity of surplus smaU arms and 
 ammunition were thrown into the [Vega] Canal. On the 
 morning before he left the city he is said to have gone to 
 the emperor, and demanded some paltry sum due for the 
 lodging money of his officers, threatening if immediate pay- 
 ment were not made to sell by public auction the cannon 
 belonging to the Mexican army then in the city.' 
 
 In making this latter statement Captain Kendall is 
 
BAZAINE DEPARTS 295 
 
 obviously incorrect. It is certain, as has been shown, that 
 Marshal Bazaine did not see Maximilian ' on the morning 
 before he left the city,' nor, indeed, for several days anterior 
 to his departure, for Maximilian, brooding over his betrayal 
 at the hands of the French emperor, and deeply distrust- 
 ing all Frenchmen, and Marshal Bazaine in particular, had 
 remained, Uke another AchiUes, sulking in his tent. 
 
 Bazaine's last communication but one with Maximilian 
 was in the form of a lengthy explanatory letter, dated 28th 
 January 1867, in which he bitterly laments the offensive 
 attitude towards him taken up by the emperor's ministers. 
 The Marshal concludes his complaint by stating : ' I have 
 acquainted the President of the Coimcil [Senor Lares] that 
 looking at the language of his letter, I do not wish for the 
 future to hold any direct communication with the adminis- 
 tration of which he is the president.' To this letter, again 
 acting upon the damaging advice of Father Fischer (now 
 acting as his private secretary), Maximilian had sent the 
 reply already referred to. 
 
 Indirectly, however, the news that Maximilian had no 
 further desire to see him was conveyed to Bazaine in a 
 letter (dated 1st February 1867), addressed by the same 
 Father Fischer to General Osmont, the former minister, 
 in which he observed : ' You are not ignorant- that the line 
 of conduct pursued during the last few days by Marshal 
 Bazaine has had this final result, that his majesty has 
 determined, much to his regret, to break off all intercourse 
 with the Marshal.' And thus ended Bazaine's official con- 
 nection with Mexico after a period of over four years, a 
 connection which commenced with his arrival in September 
 of 1862, and terminated in February of 1867. 
 
 On the 5th February 1867, Marshal Bazaine placed 
 himself at the head of the few remaining French troops in 
 Mexico City en rovie for their own country. Three days 
 before he had issued a short proclamation addressed to 
 the Mexican people, in which he referred to the friendly 
 relations which had existed, almost — he said ' entirely ' — 
 unbroken between the Mexicans and the French in the 
 
296 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 capital. In bidding them farewell, he offered his best 
 wishes for their future happiness and welfare, pointing out 
 that the efforts of the French army had been wholly directed 
 to preserving peace in the interior of the country, and he 
 begged them to believe that no other object had ever been 
 present to the minds of the French. He concluded with 
 the oft-repeated assurance that it never was and never 
 would be the intention of France to impose any govern- 
 ment upon the Mexicans contrary to their wishes. 
 
 Inasmuch as the French troops were on the point of 
 leaving practically defeated over this very object, after 
 endeavouring for five years to accomplish it, the Marshal's 
 pronouncement savoured somewhat of the inconsistent. 
 The worst feature of this edict, however, undoubtedly lay 
 in the total abstention from any mention of the Emperor 
 Maximilian — either by name or by inference. It could 
 have arisen only by deliberate intent that this unworthy 
 sUght was cast upon the person of the sovereign, for whom 
 Marshal Bazaine had professed to entertain — and un- 
 doubtedly did cherish — a warm affection and regard. Even 
 allowing for the bitterness of his feeUngs aroused by Maxi- 
 milian's refusal to hold any further direct communication 
 with the Marshal after the latter's quarrel with his ministers, 
 it is difficult to excuse such a wholly unworthy exhibition 
 of rancour as this omission provides. 
 
 On 15th February Bazaine had arrived once more at the 
 city of Puebla, remaining there for five days, hoping that 
 Maximilian might yet join him, or at least send to him 
 some farewell message. Then he proceeded on his way to 
 Vera Cruz, where the French transport Souverain was wait- 
 ing to convey him to France. 
 
 The remaining French troops reached Orizaba on 20th 
 February, quitted that town on the 26th, and arrived at 
 Vera Cruz on 1st March. It had occupied some weeks to 
 collect the various columns scattered about the interior 
 of the country, and for them to reach the port of embarka- 
 tion ; but by far the greater portion had arrived and had 
 taken ship to Europe by the first day of the month (March), 
 
TROOPS LEAVE 297 
 
 the last arriving on the 10th and embarking on the follow- 
 ing day. Altogether, between the 18th of February and 
 the 11th of March, there had been embarked — ^upon 30 
 transports and 7 steamers belonging to the Compagnie 
 Transatlantique des Paquebots — 169 staff officers, 1264 
 junior officers, 27,600 troops, or a total of 28,693 with 351 
 horses. (A few had previously departed in December, 
 but these did not exceed 920 officers and men all told.) 
 Of this total there were 8 staff officers, 104 junior officers 
 and 2794 men belonging to the Belgian and Austrian 
 contingents. 
 
 Before the French withdrew from Mexico the emperor's 
 private secretary, M. Edouard Pierron, a Frenchman, 
 had resigned his appointment, since, as he pointed out with 
 considerable reason, ' it was no longer compatible with 
 his duties as a French subject and officer.' It was then 
 that Maximihan made the great mistake of replacing M. 
 Pierron by the discredited and unfrocked German priest. 
 Father Augustin Fischer. 
 
 Bazaine's crowning misfortune was awaiting him upon 
 his return to France. Upon the arrival of the transport 
 at Toulon, instead of the cheers which he had some reason 
 to expect from the assembled multitude, he was greeted 
 with a sullen, chilling silence, which later on gave place to 
 open jeers and threats of personal violence. At first he 
 was at a loss to imderstand the meaning of this hostile 
 greeting, so different from the attitude adopted at the time 
 of his departure. But the solution was soon forthcoming. 
 The Emperor Napoleon had issued instructions that all 
 honours such as were due to him as a marshal of France were 
 to be withheld, a petty and unworthy act, which reflected 
 as much discredit upon the French army as a whole as 
 upon the unfortunate object of it. The intelligence becom- 
 ing known among the rabble of Toulon, the Marshal's 
 return after five years' absence was made the occasion of 
 one of those shameful episodes to which Frenchmen occa- 
 sionally lend themselves. Napoleon's generous recognition 
 of services, rendered both in Africa and in Mexico, was 
 
298 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 again exemplified ; Bazaine was merely one more victim 
 added to an already lengthy list. 
 
 Unfortunately there existed another side to the character 
 of Marshal Bazaine which has to be recorded, and which 
 pictures him in a somewhat painful light. 
 
 It becomes difficult to account for certain acts performed 
 towards the end of his service in Mexico, and it is scarcely 
 surprising that some historians (mainly writing from actual 
 knowledge gained in Mexico) should have suspected him 
 of imtrustworthiness. How, for instance, it has been asked, 
 was it possible to account for his possession of a sum of 
 money amounting to ' 22,000 ounces of gold,' ^ found con- 
 cealed in his personal baggage, a portion of which had been 
 accidentally cut off by some Liberal troops near El Paso 
 del Macho ? 
 
 There exists little doubt that this considerable amount 
 of treasure was actually discovered, since correspondence 
 — which is still in existence among the archives of the 
 Mexican Government — ^passed in which Bazaine makes a 
 claim against the Liberal Government for compensation 
 on account of his loss. General Porfirio Diaz, who had 
 provided the Marshal with an escort to the coast upon his 
 departure from Mexico, not only acknowledged the justice 
 of the claim, but, upon receiving it, at once had the missing 
 treasure traced and, when found, returned to Bazaine upon 
 the day following. 
 
 A secret understanding between the retiring French 
 Commander-in-chief and the Liberal forces, against whom 
 he was supposed to be still directing operations, must 
 assuredly have existed in order to have brought about so 
 signal a service. The connection of Bazaine's wife with the 
 family of the Liberal President, already referred to, was 
 not overlooked by his critics. 
 
 Neither were these the only suspicious occurrences which 
 gave rise to strictures upon the Marshal. M. Adolphe 
 Bazaine, a nephew, then travelling in Mexico, was in 
 constant communication with his uncle ; the former appa- 
 
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BAZAINE A SUSPECT 299 
 
 rently enjoyed perfect freedom in passing through the 
 ranks of both the Liberal and the Imperial forces. M. 
 Adolphe Bazaine was engaged upon some private specula- 
 tions of his own, and presumably upon others for his uncle : 
 it would seem that the large amount of gold treasure referred 
 to must have been a part of the proceeds, from which fact 
 it may be inferred that the speculations were exceptionally 
 successful. It is established equally beyond a doubt that 
 Franfois AchiUe Bazaine returned to France in 1867 a 
 relatively rich man, whereas he had left it in 1862, a com- 
 paratively poor one. It was no less odd that the traitor 
 Colonel Miguel Lopez, who subsequently betrayed Maxi- 
 miUan as Judas had betrayed the Saviour for a handful of 
 silver, should have been a relative of Bazaine by marriage, 
 namely, uncle of the Marshal's Mexican wife. 
 
 Thus ended the most unsuccessful of the several French 
 distant expeditions. Whereas the Chinese War (in aUiance 
 with England) of 1858-1860 had resulted in an advantageous 
 occupation of Pekin ; the campaign of Cochin China (in 
 alhance with Spain) of 1862 had hkewise secured certain 
 beneficial effects ; and the Syrian expedition (in harmony 
 with all of the Christian powers) of the same year, did much 
 to relieve the Christians of that part of the Turkish 
 dominions, the Mexican enterprise ended in nothing but 
 poUtical humiliation and financial loss. Apart from the 
 heavy sacrifice of human life, the expedition had cost 
 France about 300,000,000 francs and the complete suspen- 
 sion of the valuable trade with Mexico which had been 
 enjoyed before the war broke out. The widespread ruin 
 occasioned among those private investors who had sub- 
 scribed to the two large Mexican loans has also to be taken 
 into consideration. 
 
 The cost of the Mexican expedition to France has been 
 computed to a franc, and may be summarised as follows : — 
 
300 
 
 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Year. 
 
 War Depart- 
 ment. 
 
 Navy Depart- 
 ment. 
 
 Treasury 
 Department. 
 
 Total 
 
 1861 . 
 
 1862 . 
 
 1863 . 
 
 1864 . 
 
 1865 . 
 1866 
 1867 
 
 Francs. 
 
 27,li'9,00O 
 72,012,000 
 51,732,000 
 29,342,000 
 41,792,000 
 9,993,000 
 
 231,990,000 
 
 Francs. 
 
 3,200,000 
 35,902,000 
 24,606,000 
 15,667,000 
 10,583,000 
 13,798,000 
 13,117,000 
 
 .Francs. 
 
 379,000 
 1,001,000 
 1,675,000 
 1,480,000 
 9,567,000 
 
 200,000 
 
 Francs. 
 
 3,200,000 
 63,400,000 
 97,619,000 
 69,074,000 
 41,405,000 
 65,157,000 
 23,310,000 
 
 Total, . 
 
 116,873,000 
 
 14,302,000 
 
 363,165,000 
 
 Receipts in 1864. 
 
 Six months of Annual Reimbursement as per Treaty of 
 Miramar, ...... 
 
 On account of the Vera Cruz (Mexican) Railway, 
 Proceeds of the Sale of 47,625 Mexican Imperial Bonds, 
 Arrears of payment due on Bonds, 
 
 Total in 1864, . 
 
 Francs. 
 
 12,500,000 
 1,500,000 
 
 14,287,000 
 5,400,000 
 
 33,687,000 
 
 Receipts in 1865. 
 
 Annual reimbursement as per Treaty of Miramar, 
 Arrears, etc., ..... 
 
 Total in 1865, 
 
 Francs. 
 25,000,000 
 2,700,000 
 
 27,700,000 
 
 Receipts in 1866 and 1867. 
 
 Drawn from Mexican Customs, 
 
 Grand total of Receipts, 
 
 Francs. 
 588,000 
 
 61,975,000 
 
 According to this statement the excess of outlay over 
 receipts amounts to 301,190,000 francs without taking into 
 account the proportion of the 31,713,000 francs extra- 
 ordinary expenses, which by right belong to the Mexican 
 Budget. Some critics add to this total for loss of material 
 another 22,500,000 francs up to the end of 1864, and a 
 further sum of 20,000,000 francs for bringing home the 
 expeditionary corps. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV 
 
 Maximilian's reduced forces — Emperor leaves for Queretaro — Places 
 himself at the head of his army — ^His military incapacity — General 
 Marquez appointed Chief -of -staff — Maximilian's entourage — Dangers 
 of his position — Pubhc reception — ^Liberals remain unobtrusive — 
 Gteneral Mariano Esoobedo — Imperial headquarters at La Cruz — 
 The convent — ^Preparations for defence — Colonel Miguel Lopez — ^His 
 past career — ^Maximilian's infatuation — Council of war — Marquez 
 receives instructions. 
 
 From the day that the last of the French and other 
 foreign troops quitted Mexico the affairs of the empire 
 collapsed with an amazing rapidity and completeness. With 
 his increasing difficulties Maximilian seemed to become 
 more and more hallucinated. He had permitted himself 
 to be deluded by the fatuous promises of his ministers, 
 both with regard to the number of Mexican troops who 
 could be depended upon (whose numbers they had com- 
 puted at 25,000, whereas they probably numbered fewer than 
 17,000), and to the condition of the treasury. So far from 
 this containing ' 8,000,000 pesos ' as the Minister of Finance 
 had confidently assured the emperor, at this date it con- 
 tained less than 1,000,000 pesos, while the indebtedness 
 exceeded 60,000,000 pesos. 
 
 Notwithstanding the painful disruption of his personal 
 intercourse with the emperor, Marshal Bazaine, upon 
 hearing of the severe defeat sustained by General Miramon 
 near Zacatecas, on 12th February, had written to Maxi- 
 milian offering to attend him and to confer upon the situa- 
 tion, at the same time again urgently counselling him to 
 quit the country where, by now, all hope of his establish- 
 ing his throne had disappeared. 
 
 The emperor did not reply personally, but he informed 
 
 301 
 
302 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the French Minister — M. Dano — that ' so far from having 
 any intention of leaving Mexico, he was going to Queretaro 
 to take personal charge of his army,' 
 
 Although Maximilian was more adapted by experi- 
 ence and temperament to take a naval than a military 
 command, he placed himself at the head of his army on the 
 occasion of the march to Queretaro, and he remained in 
 supreme command dxu:ing the whole of the long siege (69 
 days) which followed. Unfortunately for him and the 
 cause of the empire generally, the emperor possessed 
 absolutely no intuition which would guide him in choosing 
 his officers, and he made the initial mistake of trusting 
 any one who presented a pleasing exterior or who was 
 possessed of ingratiating manners. Among the most un- 
 fortunate instances of this poor judgment were the com- 
 mands entrusted to General Leonardo Marquez, one of 
 the most consummate of hypocrites and unprincipled of 
 officers, and to General Miguel Miramon. These two 
 appointments may be regarded as having contributed 
 more than anjrthing to Maximilian's downfall. As will be 
 seen later on, Marquez deliberately betrayed and deserted 
 him, while Miramon, by his lack of discernment and un- 
 warranted optimism, led the Imperial troops into positions 
 from which it was impossible to extricate them, while he 
 induced his sovereign to abandon an elaborately-conceived 
 and no doubt perfectly feasible scheme for escape when 
 every wise counsel pointed to his adopting it. 
 
 On 17th February 1867, while at San Juan del Rio, 
 Maximihan, by proclamation, nominated Greneral Marquez 
 his Chief-of-sta£f, and divided his diminished but still efEec- 
 tive army into three corps. The command of the first 
 (the infantry) was entrusted to General Miram6n, the 
 second was left in the hands of Marquez, and the third 
 (cavalry) was given to General M6jia, when as a sounder 
 proceeding the whole of the army should have been placed 
 imder the command of the latter, who was the most intel- 
 lectual as well as the most thoroughly reliable officer in 
 the Imperial army. 
 
IMPERIAL FORCES 303 
 
 General Miram6n's infantry were composed of two Divi- 
 sions under General E-. Mendez and General S. Castillo. 
 Both of these officers were half Indian by birth, small, 
 dehcate and whoUy incompetent men, but brave and honest 
 in their dealings with the Imperial cause. General M^jia's 
 was the cavalry command, while the artillery was entrusted 
 to Colonel Arellano. 
 
 The foreign legion had now been reduced to the hussar 
 regiment commanded by Colonel von KhevenhiiUer, all the 
 troopers in which were Austrians, and a battalion of between 
 four hundred and five hundred men (also Austrians) com- 
 manded by Major von Hammerstein. Count Wickenburg 
 commanded the Municipal Guards, while Major Gerloni and 
 Major Czismadai commanded the cazadores — ^all foreigners 
 — with eight rifled gims. 
 
 The army which followed Maximilian into Queretaro 
 was composed of detachments of eleven different corps. 
 The best troops among them were the Mimicipal Guards 
 of the city and the valley of Mexico, on foot and mounted ; 
 there were also the Espladores of the vaUey of Mexico, and 
 the small detachment of Colonel von KhevenhiiUer's 
 regiment of cavalry. The equipment was poor, and the six 
 hundred men who answered to the roU-call were provided 
 with nothing better than eighteen smooth-bored guns. 
 
 Here, then, in Queretaro we find Maximihan on 19th Feb- 
 ruary 1867. To the supposedly safe retreat offered by this 
 wholly exposed town there had already fled General Miramon, 
 after his severe defeat at the hands of the Liberals under 
 General Escobedo ; Greneral Liceaga, who had met with 
 almost as great a disaster at the hands of the RepubUcan 
 Colonel Rincon GaUardo, had also proceeded thither, and 
 there hkewise had arrived General Mejia. The entire Imperi- 
 ahst army there concentrated now amoiuited to nine 
 thousand men, with forty-one pieces of cannon. 
 
 The remainder of the Imperial troops were distributed 
 as foUows : five thousand were protecting Mexico City, 
 and two thousand five hundred were at Puebla, acting 
 under the orders of General Noriaga. A smaU garrison loyal 
 
304 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 to the Imperial cause still remained at Vera Cruz, while the 
 six hundred Austrian cavalry commanded by Colonel von 
 KhevenhiiUer, who had not joined their compatriots in their 
 flight from Mexico, together with the few hundred foot- 
 soldiers commanded by Major von Hammerstein, were the 
 only other troops upon whom Maximilian could now rely. 
 
 Before quitting his capital, as it proved for the last time, 
 Maximilian had appointed General Marquez chief of his 
 staff to accompany him to Queretaro. He left the whole 
 of the affairs of government in the hands of a Coimcil of 
 Ministers, of whom Senor Lares was still the president, 
 notwithstanding the fact that Maximilian — and with good 
 reason — deeply distrusted him. General O'Horan was 
 made Pohtical Prefect, and to General Tavera had been 
 entrusted the command of the garrison. 
 
 On the other hand, the Liberal ranks had become con- 
 siderably swelled, and amounted to fully four times the 
 number of the ImperiaUsts. General Mariano Escobedo 
 commanded the main body, consisting of 12,000 men ; 
 Colonel Corona had 8000 ; General Begules another 6000 ; 
 Colonel Rivas Palacios, 7000, and General Porfirio Diaz, 
 8000 ; while, in the districts of Huasteca, Vera Cruz, 
 Alatorre, Juan Francisco, Benavides, Garcia, etc., a number 
 of well-equipped contingents were quartered, awaiting the 
 fall of the second empire — ^now close at hand. 
 
 When Maximihan had qtiitted his capital, where he was 
 comparatively safe, for the town of Queretaro, where he 
 became hemmed in upon all sides, he had adopted the advice 
 of General Marquez. The latter had also pointed out to 
 him that it would be ' better for the cause ' to leave behind 
 aU foreign troops and foreigners attendant upon his Majesty, 
 since ' if he showed the Mexicans that he had implicit con- 
 fidence in them by leading them upon an expedition, and 
 that he did not rely solely upon his foreign troops, he would 
 for sure attach them to his person, and a feeling of enthu- 
 siasm would rapidly spread through the country, bringing 
 in thousands daily to his standard.' ^ 
 
 1 Mexico Under Maximilian, by J. J. Kendall, pp. 225-26. 
 
QUERETARO 305 
 
 Acting upon this perilous advice, the emperor had brought 
 witJi him none but the few foreign troops mentioned above, 
 his physician Dr. Basch, his secretary Senor Jose Luis 
 Blasio, and his faithful Hungarian cook Tudos, who was 
 also to act in the capacity of body servant. Out of his 
 considerable stable equipment, Maximilian selected two 
 horses for his own use, leaving instructions that the re- 
 mainder, together with all the saddlery, harness and liveries, 
 were to be sold, and the money to be utilised to defray his 
 personal debts. 
 
 Queretaro is the capital of the State of the same name, 
 and, at the period that Maximilian occupied it, possessed a 
 population of between 40,000 and 50,000. In appearance the 
 town presents the form of an almost regular quadrangle 
 of about 2400 metres in length by 1200 in width. It is 
 built in a valley, which can easily be reached by cannon- 
 shot from the hiUs. To the north lies the small suburb of 
 San Luis, with many attractive gardens descending the side 
 of the hiU, which is here about 150 metres high, and known 
 by the name of Cerro San Gregorio. A yet loftier eminence, 
 the Cerro San Pablo, runs north from San Gregorio in a 
 parallel direction, and is separated from it by a valley of 
 some 1100 metres in width. Other hiUs surround the 
 town, divided from one another by small plains. Upon one 
 of the eminences rises a Mllock called the Cerro de la 
 Campana ( TTiH of the Bells) completely ovei^rown with 
 cactus and other semi-tropical plants. It was upon this 
 small, isolated hillock that the emperor afterwards suffered. 
 
 Clearly, then, no worse place than this city of Queretaro, 
 from the point of view of a defence against artillery attack, 
 could well hare been selected. Every hoxise stood out con- 
 spicuously from a distance, forming an admirable mark 
 for even an iinpractised gunner stationed upon the sur- 
 rounding hiUs. Maximilian had made no preparations to 
 occupy these positions of vantage, leaving them entirely 
 in the hands of the Liberals. Feeling sure of their prize, 
 therefore, these latter had at first made no attack upon the 
 town, nor did they even trouble to approach near to it, 
 
 u 
 
306 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 maintaining, nevertheless, a rigid watch without, thus 
 preventing any one within from leaving the place although 
 they could not control reinforcements reaching it. 
 
 The city of Queretaro had always been pro-Maximilian, 
 and when the small imperial procession arrived upon the 
 morning of 19th February, it was received with expressions 
 of enthusiasm upon the part of the loyal population. The 
 assembly of Imperialist generals — ^Miram6n, Escobar, M6jia, 
 Castillo, Arellano, Valdez and Caranova — were present to 
 meet their sovereign. The two former presented a ' humble 
 address,' which much gratified the easily flattered emperor. 
 As he passed through the gaily decorated streets, for the 
 people had volimtarily decked out their houses with brightly 
 hued streamers and draperies, no premonition could have 
 come to him that he had entered his death-trap. 
 
 His first visit was to the cathedral. A Te Dewm was 
 celebrated, after which the disposition of his troops and the 
 defence of the town claimed his attention. At first Maxi- 
 milian seems to have formed the wholly absurd idea of 
 defending himself, and putting aside any suggestion of 
 making attack. He thus allowed himself no opportunity 
 of gaining any advantage, and at the moBt was only pro- 
 longing the period of his own imprisonment. 
 
 The emperor and his troops had been permitted to enter 
 the town almost unmolested by the Liberals, who were 
 operating in the neighbourhood under the command of 
 General Escobedo ; they must have felt convinced tliat 
 the captive was voluntarily entering his own prison gates, 
 and naturally they were unwilling to do uught to impede 
 him. 
 
 On the 22nd the emperor's garrison was reini'orced by 
 the arrival of General Ram6n Mendez, who brought with 
 him four thousand men. He was received by MaximiUan 
 in person at the Graritta ^ de Celaya. General Mendez 
 was far from prepossessing in appearance, being extremely 
 short and plump, with all the physical characteristics of 
 his lowly Indian birth. But he had had a distinguished 
 
 • Oaritta, a lodge or gateway. 
 
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 U 
 
 
MARIANO ESCOBEDO 307 
 
 military career and wore several decorations, including the 
 French Legion of Honour and the Mexican Eagle. He 
 proved himself, moreover, a trusty and loyal partisan of 
 the emperor, to whom he was personally devoted. Unfor- 
 tunately, he had also formed an intense hatred for General 
 Miram6n, and persistently refused to co-operate with or 
 to accept orders from him. This led to many heated dis- 
 putes, which further embittered MaximiUan's already suffi- 
 ciently unhappy lot. 
 
 No sign of any activity upon the part of the enemy was 
 to be observed until the 5th of March, when the cavalry 
 were seen to be concentrating in the plain, west of the Cerro 
 de la Campana. On the following day they occupied several 
 neighbouring farmhouses and villages, moving always 
 nearer and nearer to the doomed town, but without either 
 any exhibition of haste or the creation of any unnecessary 
 noise. 
 
 General Mariano Escobedo, commanding the whole of 
 the Liberal forces, was of the type of ferocious leader who 
 rapidly rose to distinction in the Liberal ranks, mainly 
 on account of a complete indifEerence to the ordinary 
 dictates of humanity, and a bhnd devotion to the Republican 
 cause. Like his opponent Leonardo Marquez, Mariano 
 Escobedo possessed certain agreeable characteristics, which 
 assisted him in his personal relations ; but, also like that 
 notorious traitor, he was a confirmed Uar and trickster. 
 The many cruelties which were perpetrated by General 
 Escobedo would vie with those ascribed to Nero and Alva ; 
 he never forgave an enemy, and to be his opponent was at 
 once to qualify for a visitation of his vindictive hatred ; 
 nor was he ever known to reward a friend. He was also a 
 great physical coward notwithstanding his long mihtary 
 career, having a horror of flying bullets, and invariably 
 keeping under any available cover which presented itself 
 during an engagement. 
 
 Escobedos conception of the spirit of ' loyalty ' and 
 ' gratitude ' may be gauged from the manner in which he 
 treated the unfortunate General Mejia, who became his 
 
308 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 prisoner at Queretaro. In earlier days the position had 
 been reversed, for Escobedo had been captured and sen- 
 tenced to death by a court-martial of which Mejia had been 
 president. The latter, however, out of pure good-nature 
 and liking for the young Escobedo, connived at his escape, 
 having previously surreptitiously provided him with means 
 for the purpose. These services were, however, com- 
 pletely forgotten when Mejia became the captive, and his 
 sufferings were, if anything, intensified in every way possible 
 by orders of his unconscionable gaoler. 
 
 It was, therefore, with the previous knowledge that 
 Escobedo would at least successfully enact the role of strict 
 custodian of the imprisoned emperor and the generals that 
 he became entrusted with the whole of the arrangements 
 connected with their incarceration, trial and subsequent 
 punishment. 
 
 Maximilian's headquarters were fixed at the convent of 
 La Cruz, an extensive building standing upon a rock at the 
 south-eastern corner of the city of Queretaro. The convent 
 dates from the time of the Spanish Conquest, and is con- 
 structed of solid stone, upon which the cannon shot of 
 the '60's could make but little impression. The length of 
 the building is a little more than 600 metres,^ and its 
 width about 400 metres. A high stone wall surrounds 
 the whole construction, while another wall, running trans- 
 versely, then divided the area into two unequal parts. 
 The western division, which has a length of 260 metres, 
 contains, on the north side, the convent building, while the 
 southern half is occupied by several patios, or courtyards. 
 The eastern half of the area belonging to the convent was 
 also, at this time, occupied by a yard, but to-day it has 
 been partially built upon. 
 
 On the eastern wall there is a solid stone building known 
 as the Pantheon. This formed the mausoleum used by 
 the nuns who had occupied the convent, but had been dis- 
 possessed and turned adrift by the Juarist Government. 
 Upon the northern side of the Pantheon stands a small 
 1 1 metre=39'37 inches, say 3 ft. 3J inches. 
 
MIGUEL LOPEZ 309 
 
 stone-built chapel, and as this portion of the ground slopes 
 from the east towards the west, the Pantheon and chapel 
 together occupy the highest point in the city. In fact the 
 convent of La Cruz was the citadel of Queretaro, and 
 played an important part in the siege, which commenced 
 on the morning of 5th March and endured until about 
 midnight of 15th May 1867. 
 
 The arrangements for the defence of La Cruz were 
 entrusted to the hands of Colonel Miguel Lopez, and, here 
 again, Maximilian seems to have exhibited his deplorable 
 propensity for misjudging human character. Notwith- 
 standing his extremely plausible and courteous manner, 
 to nine men out of ten Miguel Lopez's real disposition — 
 that of a suave, smooth-tongued hypocrite — would have 
 stood plainly revealed. Maximilian, however, perceived 
 nothing vmusual or suspicious in this man's character. And 
 he trusted him implicitly even to his own undoing. 
 
 Li personal appearance Miguel Lopez was by no means 
 unattractive. He was a tall and portly man, about thirty 
 years of age, very unlike a Mexican either in features or 
 colouring. His round head was covered with hair of a 
 blonde hue, rather sparse in the middle, and artfully arranged 
 so as to conceal several bare or thinly-covered patches. 
 Lopez usually wore a short, fair moustache, and his mouth, 
 though cruel, was small and furnished with regular, white 
 teeth. In his smart, crimson Hussar uniform he looked 
 even handsome, and being in his manners invariably courtly 
 and in his demeanour gracious, it is little surprising that 
 the impressionable Maximilian should at once have suc- 
 cumbed to Lopez's outward fascinations and have given 
 him his complete confidence. Had Maximilian throughout 
 his life, short as it proved, but recalled those lines of his 
 favom-ite French author, La Fontaine — ' Garde-toi, tant 
 que tu vivres, de juger des gens sur la mine ' — he would 
 have spared himself many a sorrow and many a calamity. 
 
 Presuming upon the imdisguised favouritism which was 
 shown to him by the sovereign, Lopez adopted domineering 
 and frequently offensive manners towards his brother 
 
310 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 officers, among whom he was generally unpopular. Espe- 
 cially overbearing in manner to some of the Austrians, he 
 was the cause of frequent quarrels between them and him- 
 self. Lopez was very poor, and this fact may have con- 
 duced to his inability to mix as freely and as equally with 
 his comrades-in-arms as would otherwise have been the 
 case. He was nevertheless the recipient of coimtless kind- 
 nesses and proofs of generosity upon the part of both the 
 emperor and empress. Whereas the first-named presented 
 him with many handsome monetary gifts, so long as he 
 possessed any means of his own, Charlotte good-naturedly 
 stood as god-mother to one of his children. Then, upon 
 the death of Colonel de la Madrid, who had been killed at 
 Cuernavaca during an engagement, Lopez was appointed 
 Commander of the Guardia Imperial, a body composed 
 almost entirely of foreigners, known under the name of the 
 ' Empress's Regiment,' and formed for the protection of their 
 majesties' persons. It may again be mentioned that Colonel 
 Lopez was related by marriage to Marshal Bazaine, being 
 in fact an uncle of the Marshal's Mexican wife. It was to 
 Bazaine that Lopez owed his decoration of the French 
 Legion of Honour. 
 
 It is doubtful whether Maximilian knew of — or knowing, 
 would have believed — the disreputable character possessed 
 by Miguel Lopez when he delighted so signally to honour 
 him. The many shameful episodes in his career, however, 
 were perfectly familiar to his brother-officers. General 
 Miramon, for instance, was in possession of a document 
 which had been issued from the General Staff of the Army 
 Headquarters in Mexico City, dated 8th June 1854, and 
 signed by one ' Quigano ' ; this document ran as follows : — 
 
 ' His Highness the General-President ^ orders that the Ensign 
 of the active cavalry regiment Monterey, of Nuevo Leon, don 
 Miguel Lopez, shall be dismissed from the army unconditionally 
 and forever, and this on account of his infamous behaviour in 
 Tehuacan, where he seduced the bodyguard of his Excellency 
 
 ' This was General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, who had assumed the 
 title of ' Serene Highness ' as previously mentioned. 
 
KEY OF QUERETARO 31 1 
 
 the President to revolt, commanding in person the troops operat- 
 ing against the army of the United States. 
 
 ' This order will be made known to the army, that the same may 
 learn that if the Supreme Government rewards faithful servants, 
 it also punishes those who are no longer worthy to belong to the 
 honourable profession of soldiers. 
 
 ' By high order, for you and your subordinates' information.' 
 
 Such, then, was the character and career of the man to 
 whom was entrusted the ' key of Queretaro ' — as the convent 
 of la Cruz was regarded — and it will be seen hereafter in 
 what manner he justified that confidence. 
 
 On 20th March the emperor had summoned a Council of 
 War at which all of his generals were ordered to be present. 
 Having introduced the subject of discussion — ^namely ' the 
 general good and salvation of Mexico,' as he termed it — 
 Maximilian retired from the meeting so as to allow his 
 advisers to talk among themselves with perfect freedom 
 and unrestraint. General Miram6n was nominated Pre- 
 sident of the Council, and the deliberations endured for 
 two hours. The result was that it was decided to advise 
 the emperor to continue the defence of Queretaro, and to 
 this policy Maximilian was found quite willing to agree. 
 
 It was also decided that General Marquez should proceed, 
 later on, to Mexico City, in order to collect as many troops 
 as he could muster — ^five thousand being the number sug- 
 gested — and as much money as he could legitimately raise. 
 His orders were to, thereafter, return to Queretaro as soon 
 as possible. Before the assembled generals forming the 
 council, Marquez solemnly swore, ' upon his word of honour,' 
 to return to Queretaro within a fortnight — coute que coute. 
 General Vidaurri and eleven hundred horsemen accompanied 
 him when he left the town at midnight on 23rd March. 
 And not one among them ever returned. 
 
CHAPTER XXV 
 
 Maximilian's personal staff — Prince Felix zu Salm Salm — Komantic 
 career — ^His experiences in the United States — ^His American princess 
 — Efforts to serve Maximilian — ^Difficulties overcome — His devotion 
 to the end — Colonel von KhevenhiiUer — Colonel KoderUch — Financial 
 stringency — Privations of the defenders — ^Attempts to raise funds — 
 Marquez Mission — ^He leaves Queretaro, promising to return within 
 fourteen days — ^Falls to bring relief — ^Meditated treachery — Defeated 
 by Porfirio Diaz — ^Imperial disaster. 
 
 In the light of the unpleasant picture of his character, 
 already described, it is easier to understand Leonardo 
 Marquez's actions from the time that he was appointed by 
 Maximilian Chief-of-staff, on 17th February 1867. In 
 the following month, the emperor, having arrived at the 
 tardy conclusion that Senor Lares could no longer be trusted, 
 determined to send General Marquez to depose him, to 
 enlist and return with at least five thousand men, and also 
 to raise funds for the furtherance of the Imperial objects. 
 On the 19th of March the emperor issued the following 
 powers to the general who, of all the officers surrounding 
 his person, was the least to be relied upon : — 
 
 ' For the discharge of the extraordinary and important 
 mission which we have entrusted to General Leonardo 
 Marquez, we name him our Lieutenant-General, invested 
 with plenary powers, according to the verbal orders which 
 he has received from us. Given at Queretaro, the 19th March 
 1867.' 
 
 During the night of the 23rd March, Marquez had quitted 
 Queretaro with eleven hundred horsemen by way of Amealco, 
 Acambay and Villa del Carbon. On the 27th he arrived 
 quite unexpectedly at Mexico City, accompanied by General 
 O'Horan (the comrade-in-arms whom he afterwards ordered 
 
 312 
 
MARQUEZ'S MOVEMENTS 313 
 
 to be shot without a trial) and by General Vidaurri, who 
 will be remembered as the former Governor of Monterey. 
 The latter had been commissioned by Maximilian to tem- 
 porarily replace Senor Lards in the double capacity of 
 Minister of Finance and President of the Council of Ministers. 
 
 Having established his authority, and insolently flaunted 
 his new powers in the face of every one in the capital, 
 General Marquez flatly disobeyed his further instructions, 
 which were to the effect that, having raised five thousand 
 men, he was to return to the succour of Queretaro. By 
 proceeding, instead, to the defence of Puebla, which was 
 just then about to fall to the persistent attacks made by 
 General Porfirio Diaz, maintained since the 9th of March, 
 Marquez entirely defeated the object of the emperor. 
 
 On the 30th March Greneral Marquez again left the 
 capital with sixteen hundred horsemen, nineteen hundred 
 foot soldiers, and three batteries*of artillery. In this con- 
 nection it may be recalled that certain historians have 
 alleged the real intention of Marquez was not to proceed 
 either to Puebla or to Queretaro, but to join a new revolu- 
 tionary movement then being organised by the ex-President 
 General Santa Anna, who was again attempting to raise his 
 standard in the State of Vera Cruz. There does not, 
 however, appear to have been any justification for this 
 accusation, for the situation at Puebla was undoubtedly 
 sufiiciently serious to demand attention. Marquez failed, 
 nevertheless, to act with either decision or determination, 
 and by his dilatory proceedings he permitted General 
 Porfirio Diaz to secure his ultimate object ; for, by renewing 
 the assault upon Puebla with vigour and determination, 
 it fell to him on 4th April. 
 
 Once again Greneral Diaz sullied his great reputation by 
 perpetrating acts of cruelty towards his prisoners, for he 
 ordered six general officers and sixty-one of other grades, 
 who had gallantly helped to defend the town, to be shot, 
 while he threatened the same fate to the rest of the 
 garrison unless they immediately laid down their arms. 
 Diaz pleaded as his provocation the iniquitous Decree 
 
314 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 which had been issued by Maximilian on 3rd October 
 1865. 
 
 The rest of the Liberal troops then attacked General 
 Marquez, and with so much success that his columns were 
 broken and demoraUsed ; after a few hours' fighting they 
 were turned back on the road to the capital in complete 
 disorder. So precipitate, indeed, was their flight from the 
 pursuit of Diaz's well-disciplined troops, that Gteneral 
 Marquez was compelled to disembarrass himself not alone 
 of hia wounded but of his heavy artillery and baggage- 
 wagons, nearly all of which were, by his orders, cast over 
 precipices into the ravines below. Accompanied by only 
 a handful of his followers, the defeated and dishonom-ed 
 general rushed back with all haste to Mexico City, leaving 
 the rest of his army in the utmost confusion, and assailed 
 upon all sides by the artillery of the enemy. But for the 
 gallant intervention of a regiment of Austrian cavalry, 
 commanded by Major von Hammerstein, which succeeded 
 in covering Marquez's retreat, while another battaUon com- 
 manded by Colonel von Khevenhiiller charged the enemy 
 from the rear, the Imperialist General must have fallen 
 into the hands of Porfirio Diaz, who, assuredly would then 
 have carried out his threat to ' shoot him hke a dog.' 
 
 Due entirely, however, to the heroism and the cool- 
 headedness of the two Austrian officers, Marquez success- 
 fully made his escape from capture, while two thousand of 
 his men and two pieces of mountain artillery were subse- 
 quently rescued and followed him afterwards into the 
 capital. 
 
 The Imperialist rout, was, however, so thorough, and 
 their disorganisation so great, that had General Diaz 
 followed up his success then and there he could unquestion- 
 ably have taken the capital itself with but little difficulty. 
 Instead of attacking, however, he decided to invest, and 
 this measure was initiated upon the following day. 
 
 It is now necessary to return to Queretaro, where Maxi- 
 milian had, most perversely, imprisoned himself, and where 
 he was awaiting with remarkable patience and hopefulness 
 
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PRINCE ZU SALM SALM 315 
 
 the return of his ' valiant General ' Marquez with the five 
 thousand men and the funds which he had been commis- 
 sioned to raise. It was some considerable time before the 
 emperor learned, or would believe, that his instructions 
 had been ignored, and that, instead of coming to his reUef , 
 his defeated and disgraced Chief-of-staff was engaged in 
 fighting for his own wretched life in the capital, perpe- 
 trating there upon the inhabitants endless villainies and 
 oppressions ' in the name of the Emperor,' and in accord- 
 ance with the ample powers which had been most unwisely 
 conferred upon him. 
 
 Among Maximilian's most loyal and trusted adherents 
 who were with him at Queretaro was Prince Telix zu Salm 
 Salm, the young Prussian ofiicer who had experienced a 
 somewhat chequered career in his own country, and who, 
 as a consequence, had been compelled to leave it under a 
 cloud in the early fifties. He had proceeded to North 
 America, where he had tried his hand at various trades and 
 professions, including some filibustering expeditions, in 
 the course of which he had obtained, or adopted, the by 
 no means rare rank of ' Colonel.' 
 
 In the United States Grovemment Service, which he 
 entered at a subsequent date, he had been given the com- 
 mand of a regiment during the Civil War. From 1861 to 
 the close of the struggle. Prince zu Salm Salm served first 
 as Colonel and Chief of the Gteneral Staff of the Gterman 
 Division, then as Commander, and later as Brigadier- 
 General and Civil and Mihtary Gtovemor of North Georgia, 
 under General J. D. Steedman, commanding the Division. 
 
 At the end of the war between the Federals and Con- 
 federates, Prince zu Salm Salm was recommended by 
 twenty-six of the Senators for a responsible position in 
 the United States regular army ; but, as he teUs us in his 
 Memoirs,^ 'he never felt at home in America, and was 
 horrified at the idea of living a dreary and idle existence 
 in some httle garrison town beyond the pale of civilisation.' 
 
 From his early youth the prince had been a soldier, and 
 
 1 The Diary of Prince Salm Salm. 2 vols. Richard Bentley, 1868. 
 
316 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 having been educated in the Cadet House of Berlin, he 
 became an officer when still a young man, and saw active 
 service in the Holstein War, as a result of which campaign, 
 as we know, plucky little Denmark was forced to give up 
 to that victorious bully the Eang of Prussia, the provinces 
 of Lanenburg, Holstein and Schleswig. This occurred in 
 October 1864, shortly after Maximilian had arrived in 
 Mexico. For his part in the Holstein affair. Prince Felix 
 zu Salm Salm was decorated by the King of Prussia, who 
 likewise bestowed upon him a sword of honour bearing 
 the words 'Fuer Tapferkeit.' This weapon Salm Salm 
 carried with him to Mexico. 
 
 In personal appearance FeUx zu Salm Salm afforded 
 clear evidence of his distinguished birth. Of middle stature, 
 he was possessed of a graceful, wiry figure, with very erect 
 carriage, an agreeable, handsome face, and a particularly 
 ingratiating smile. His eyes were dark and kindly, capable 
 of a very humorous expression at times — especially when 
 relating some of his many adventures — while a monocle 
 which he habitually carried in his right eye imparted the 
 look of a dandy. Somewhat nervous and bashful among 
 women, ' Salm,' as he was usually called, proved the best 
 of companions, always cheery and resourceful, in the mess- 
 room. 
 
 Prince FeUx was a younger son of the reigning Prince zu 
 Salm Salm, whose mediatised principality is situated in 
 Westphalia. The family rank as one of the most ancient 
 of the dynastic lineages of Germany, and of the several 
 branches that of Salm Salm is the principal. The family 
 are strict Roman Catholics, and observe the practice of 
 sending their members not only to the Prussian but to the 
 Austrian army. 
 
 It was his love of adventure in the first instance, and 
 having nothing to occupy him, which prompted the prince 
 to seek further service abroad. The romantic career of 
 the Archduke Maximilian of Austria, now become emperor 
 of Mexico, attracted him. Not having the honour of his 
 Majesty's personal acquaintance, however, Prince zu Salm 
 
PRINCE ZU SALM SALM 317 
 
 Salm had to furnish himself with letters of recommenda- 
 tion. In view of his own interesting and not undistinguished 
 career, this was not hkely to prove a difficult matter. 
 Among his references was a very strong letter from the 
 President of the United States, and others were received 
 from several American generals under whom he had served. 
 Among those who also spoke and wrote well of him were 
 the Prussian Minister at Washington, Baron Greralt ; the 
 French Minister, the Marquis de Monthalon ; and the 
 Austrian Minister, Baron de Wydenbriick, who sent his 
 recommendation of the young prince through the channel 
 of the Austrian Minister to Mexico, the Count de Thun. 
 
 So far from finding an easy road open to him in Mexico, 
 however, it was with the utmost difficulty that Prince Fehx 
 ZU Salm Salm gained access to the person of the emperor 
 and subsequently an appointment. His great opponent 
 had been throughout the above-named Count de Thiin, 
 who cordially hated aU Prussians, and would allow no one 
 of that nationality to occupy any position near the emperor 
 if he could help it. In this case, however, he could not help 
 it, and his many machinations entirely failed in the end. 
 Prince zu Salm Salm found his way to the side of Maxi- 
 milian, and between them at once there sprang up a bond 
 of mutual confidence and affection which endured to 
 the last days of Maximihan's life. In his closing hours the 
 devotion of both the prince and his wife — an attractive 
 young North-American circus-rider, whom he had married 
 while resident in the United States — ^proved a great solace 
 to the unhappy Maximilian when deserted by every one 
 else, including his own countrymen. 
 
 To Prince and Princess zu Salm Salm we owe many inter- 
 esting and valuable records of the emperor's later days, 
 written in a spirit of deep reverence and affection which 
 commands our ready sympathy and consideration. 
 
 Prince Felix's first Mexican experiences were in connec- 
 tion with the operations of the Belgian corps in the interior. 
 Here he went through some exciting times, notwithstand- 
 ing the cowardice of the Belgians, of whom the prince speaks 
 
318 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 in terms of withering contempt. His services extended 
 from the early days of November 1866 until the beginning 
 of January 1867, and it was then that the prince for the first 
 time caught a glimpse of the Emperor Maximihan, as he 
 passed through Buena Vista on his way from Orizaba to 
 Mexico City. 
 
 A few days afterwards Salm Salm was received by Maxi- 
 mihan and authorised to proceed to Vera Cruz, in order to 
 raise a regiment of cavalry among European volunteers, 
 selecting his men from among the Belgian legion and others 
 who were not returning immediately to Europe. In these 
 > efforts he was much opposed both by the secretary (after- 
 wards Charge d'Affairs) of the Belgian Legation, M. Hooricks, 
 and the Austrian Charge d' Affaires, Baron von Lago, both 
 of whom were inimical to Maximilian, and took every oppor- 
 tunity of thwarting his interests. Finding it impossible to 
 succeed in his endeavour to serve the emperor by raising 
 a new regiment, Prince Felix returned to Mexico City and 
 begged for some employment in another direction. After 
 some further difficulties and disappointments, the young 
 soldier succeeded in his object through the instrumentality 
 of General Vidaurri, under whose segis he entered the town 
 of Queretaro upon the same day that its gates had opened 
 to and closed upon Maximilian. 
 
 Another devoted adherent was Colonel von KhevenhiiUer, 
 the young Austrian nobleman possessed of a great per- 
 sonal fortune, the major portion of which he sacrificed to 
 the cause of Maximilian in Mexico. His troop was known 
 as the Huzares Colorados, ' The Red Hussars,' six himdred 
 strong, and whose maintenance and pay he made his entire 
 charge ; his agent for these expenses was one Nathaniel 
 Davidson, a nephew of M. Nathaniel Rothschild, the great 
 Jewish banker. 
 
 Colonel von Kodolich, aide-de-camp to MaximiUan, com- 
 manded the whole of the Austrian cavalry (volunteers), 
 devoted to the cause of the emperor. He served with no 
 selfish or ulterior motive, since he and his compatriot, 
 Colonel von KhevenhiiUer received no remuneration 
 
LOYAL SUPPORTERS 319 
 
 during their service in Mexico, but, on the other hand, 
 they had plunged their hands deep into their own pockets 
 in order to provide both food and raiment for the men 
 under their command. Colonel von Kodolich was a brilliant 
 soldier, and carried an immense influence with his troops. 
 Both officers remained in Mexico so long as they could 
 hope to serve the emperor, and only left after the execution 
 of their much loved and unfortunate prince. 
 
 Several other officers in Maximilian's foreign legion, in 
 order to relieve the situation, not only voluntarily forewent 
 their pay owing to the depleted condition of the treasury, 
 but themselves consented to find the money to supply the 
 more pressing demands of their men. Among these generous 
 adherents to the Imperial cause was Captain J. J. Kendall, 
 the Enghshman who followed the fortunes of the Austrian 
 archduke until the end, and who, besides raising a full 
 company of men, hberally helped to pay for their mainte- 
 nance for a great part of the time. At no period of his 
 service was he enabled to obtain fuU pay, and towards the 
 end he coiild secure no funds whatever. Altogether he 
 advanced some $15,000 towards the men's remuneration, 
 and of this amount but $500 had been returned to 
 him. 
 
 Maximilian had set his face sternly against employing any 
 forced loans — prestamos ohligddos ; the assessments which 
 were levied by Marquez, the Lieutenant-General of the 
 Empire, in the name of Maximilian, were not even known 
 to the emperor, much less countenanced by him, while 
 the proceeds obtained were entirely used by the treacherous 
 tyrant Marquez without reference to Maximilian. Among 
 other estabUshments in Mexico City which were compelled 
 by his threats to make contributions was the Bank of 
 London and South America, which paid to him the sum of 
 450,000 pesos ; the wife of one of the foreign ambassadors 
 was induced to ' lend ' the whole amount of her marriage 
 portion, amoimting to some 48,000 pesos ; several well-to-do 
 merchants contributed under duresse sums between 5000 
 and 10,000 pesos, and within two days Marquez had thus 
 
320 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 collected over 500,000 fisos, with the proceeds of which 
 he was enabled to raise, arm and equip a body of men 
 exceeding 4000 in number, 
 
 The Imperial finances received some trifling addition by 
 means of a loan from the commercial house of Baron and 
 Forbes, a firm of manufacturers of the town of Tepic, and 
 whose head office was situated in Mexico City. They 
 advanced the sum of 100,000 francs, without demanding 
 either interest or security. 
 
 MaximiUan had realised everything that was worth 
 realising, such as his liveries, saddlery, carriages, and other 
 personal effects. At one time his monthly civil list had 
 amounted to 31,250 pesos. By the month of March 1867, 
 the civil list revenue of the Imperial household had been 
 cut down to 10,000 pesos per month, and the expenses of the 
 emperor's household to 1500 pesos : these figures are foimd 
 set forth, under Maximilian's own hand, in a document 
 addressed to Father Augustin Fischer (his secretary) bear- 
 ing date — ' Queretaro, 29th May 1867.' The letter reads 
 as follows : 
 
 ' By the present you are ordered to try to collect the follomng 
 amounts : — Civil list due March $10,000 ; expenses of my 
 household in that month $1500 ; Civil list for April, $10,000 ; 
 household, $1500 ; Civil list due for the first fifteen days of 
 May $5000 ; household $750. Total $28,750.' 
 
 In two months and a half, as mentioned by Maximilian 
 in a subsequent paragraph of this letter, he had only re- 
 ceived one payment on account of his household expenses. 
 
 It is melancholy to have to add that no part of this sum, 
 which was intended by the emperor to have been handed 
 over to the Prussian Consul in Mexico (Herr Stephen von 
 Benecke) to cover some personal debt, ever reached its 
 destination. If Father Fischer collected it he must have 
 retained possession of the entire amount, for he rendered 
 no accoimt of his stewardship. 
 
 In the last weeks of the siege of Queretaro, the emperor's 
 entire personal means did not exceed fifty pesos a day, 
 
MAXIMILIAN'S CHARITY 321 
 
 and out of this he paid his doctor, his secretary, his orderlies, 
 kept two horses and defrayed other small expenses. Never- 
 theless no beggar or wounded soldier ever passed him 
 without receiving some bestowal of alms, and without 
 having to solicit it. 
 
CHAPTEE XXVI 
 
 Liberals besiege Queretaro — Continued anxiety concerning Marquez — 
 Count Pototski — ^Prince zu Salm Salm attempts a sally — ^Failure of 
 the plan — ^Miramrfn's blunders — ^Maximilian proposes flight — ^Allows 
 opportunity to pass — Horrors of siege increase — Former plan to 
 escape frustrated by Miram6n's stupidity — ^Miguel Lopez betrays 
 the town to the Liberals — ^Maximilian is taken prisoner — Miram6n 
 wounded — Escobedo's ' word of honour ' — Savagery of Liberal troops 
 — Little improvement among Mexicans of to-day. 
 
 The first general attack by the Liberals upon the city of 
 Queretaro was made on the 14th March 1867. It was 
 directed from three different points : La Cruz ; the bridge 
 across the small river Blanco, which divides the town from 
 its suburb San Luis ; and a position between the Alameda 
 and the Casa Blanca (White House), which latter was 
 occupied by General Mejia and his cavalry. The struggle 
 endured the whole day, and when night fell the Liberals 
 had been repulsed with considerable loss, while the small 
 garrison of Queretaro had been reduced by 630. On the 
 other hand, it had been reinforced by between 700 and 
 800 prisoners, who, for the most part, were pressed into the 
 emperor's service. 
 
 No further fighting took place between the 15th and the 
 20th, the Imperialists occupying themselves by fortifying 
 the city, as far as was possible, by building breastworks, 
 providing the buildings with embrasures and loopholes, 
 and mounting guns in more advantageous positions. The 
 liberals, who had felt very chagrined at their severe repulse 
 on the 14th, were no less busily engaged in perfecting their 
 arrangements for the continuance of the siege, and on the 
 24th a fresh attack upon the town was commenced. Opera- 
 
 S22 
 
SIEGE OF QUERETARO 323 
 
 tions continued with varying degrees of success upon one 
 side or the other until the 25th. Day by day the position 
 of the besieged was becoming worse. No news had been 
 received from General Marquez, and the emperor remained 
 in complete ignorance of the disaster which had overtaken 
 his disobedient missioner. It will be remembered that 
 Marquez had left Queretaro at midnight on the 23rd March, 
 and had solemnly promised to be back there with his rein- 
 forcements ' within a fortnight.' Thus he should, at the 
 latest, have presented himself at the city's gates by the 
 6th April. In the meantime, also, food provisions, as well 
 as ammimition, were beginning to give out, no sufficient 
 preparations for a long siege having been made by Maxi- 
 milian or any one among his purblind advisers. 
 
 As the month wore on and no inteUigence of the absent 
 Marquez came to hand, Maximilian determined at length 
 to take the initiative and attack the enemy. What he 
 expected to gain by the move, even if successful, it is difficult 
 to imagine, since he was resolved in any case to remain in 
 Queretaro. A difference of opinion occurred between 
 General Miram6n, who suggested the move, and Prince 
 zu Salm Salm, who was delegated to carry it out ; and when 
 appealed to for his decision, MaximiUan did not know with 
 whom to agree. As previously mentioned, the emperor's 
 knowledge of military matters was not profound. Ail that 
 he could say was ' Salm, I wish you good luck with all my 
 heart ; may God protect you.' 
 
 The movement, carried out on the 12th April, proved a 
 failure, and after losing a number of his best men — ^troops of 
 the 1st of the line with the cazadores who acted as an advance 
 guard — ^Prince zu Salm Salm had to retreat, and nothing 
 whatever was gained. One of the most serious losses 
 among the wounded was that of young Count Pototski, 
 whose right leg had to be amputated, and from the effects 
 of which operation he died a few days afterwards. He had 
 entered the ranks of the cazadores as a private out of love 
 for the emperor. Maximilian attended his deathbed, and 
 conferred upon him the rank of lieutenant and the cross 
 
324 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of the Order of Guadaloupe, pinning the badge to his breast 
 as the young fellow breathed his last. 
 
 Since Marquez would not, or could not, come to Quere- 
 taro, Maximilian, becoming impatient by the 15th of the 
 month, resolved to send some trusty messenger to find 
 him. His choice fell upon General Mejia ; but the latter 
 had fallen ill and was unable to go. His place was then 
 taken by the gallant young Prince zu Salm Salm, always 
 ready to serve the emperor, and to take part in any dangerous 
 or exciting expedition. Again Miramon, notwithstanding 
 the failure of his plans on the 12th, was allowed to deter- 
 mine the modus operandi to be carried out by Prince zu 
 Salm Salm, and again his arrangements proved impractic- 
 able and a failure. Maximilian, after much hesitation, 
 added to the already copious instructions imparted to 
 Salm Salm an order to arrest General Marquez should he 
 find him to be guilty of treason to the Imperialist cause. 
 Notwithstanding these commands, we find Maximihan 
 writing to his treacherous general as follows : 
 
 ' QuEEETAEO, April 16, 1867. 
 ' My deab General Maequez, — ^The Prince zu Salm Salm 
 is going to the capital to consult you and other persons about 
 objects of the utmost importance. We, therefore, recommend 
 you to consider everything he wiU communicate to you as a 
 transmission of our demands, which you will execute in the 
 manner he will tell you : and at the same time take care that 
 the same be done by other persons to whom the Prince might 
 address himseU. Your affectionate, Maximilian.' 
 
 As has already been stated, the second mission upon 
 which the prince was despatched had been so badly con- 
 ceived and arranged by General Miram6n that it completely 
 failed, and the former was compelled to return to Queretaro, 
 humiliated and disgusted. To the emperor the failure 
 was no less of a disappointment, for many of his officers 
 were already showing signs of apprehension and insubor- 
 dination, begging him, through General Mejia, to surrender 
 the town and thus save them while it was still possible to 
 
SUFFERINGS OF GARRISON 325 
 
 do so. Maximilian recognised to the full the danger of his 
 own position ; but with an extraordinary credulity, he still 
 clung to the behef that Marquez would return with rein- 
 forcements, and thus at least enable him to continue the 
 struggle. Ideas of his own escape, up to this time, do not 
 appear to have occurred to him. 
 
 All the inconveniences and privations (soon to be followed 
 by the horrors) of a close siege were now being experienced. 
 The emperor himself suffered from both bad and insuffi- 
 cient food and lack of the bodily comforts to which, during 
 the whole of his life, he had been accustomed. But he 
 never complained, accepting his lot with a cheerfulness 
 at once both admirable and extremely pathetic. In the 
 calm resignation with which he accepted all his troubles 
 and afflictions, Maximilian, indeed, recalls the subhme 
 submission of Epictetus, the Roman Stoic philosopher, 
 whose beautiful discourse : ' Deal with me in the f utiure 
 as Thou wilt ; I am of the same mind as Thou art ; I am 
 Thine ; I refuse nothing that pleases Thee, lead me where 
 Thou wilt,' contains perhaps some of the most touching 
 words ever composed by a persecuted human being. 
 
 There were others besides the discontented officers who 
 thought that Maximilian should endeavour to escape from 
 his dangerous position. Several different plans were pro- 
 posed, but nothing definite was attempted imtil 26th April. 
 With almost fatuous expectation the arrangements were 
 for a third time entrusted to General Miramon, and for the 
 third time they failed. While the release of Maximilian 
 from the danger of his position was the main object aimed 
 at. General Miram6n determined to profit by the occasion 
 and infiict a blow upon the enemy at the same time. In 
 the end he succeeded in accomplishing neither object, and 
 the emperor's situation became more desperate as a con- 
 sequence of this fresh failure. So completely did Miram6n 
 mismanage affairs that it is scarcely surprising to find 
 historians, both Mexican and foreign, suspecting him of 
 designs of perpetrating deliberate treachery. Even Maxi- 
 milian at length was not altogether proof against harbour- 
 
326 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 ing doubts of his loyalty ; but with his own naturally 
 frank and good-natured disposition it was always a difficult 
 matter to convince him of another's bad faith or un worthi- 
 ness. 
 
 On 27th April an unexpected and important, if transi- 
 tory, success attended the arms of the emperor, when an 
 attack was made upon the Liberal besiegers. Had General 
 Miramon but followed up this victory, there can be no 
 doubt whatever that Maximilian could this time have made 
 good his escape. For yet a fotirth time, however, affairs 
 were grossly mismanaged ; no steps were taken by the 
 Imperialists either to follow up their success by attacking 
 the retreating enemy, or to avail themselves of the oppor- 
 tunity of leaving the death-trap wherein they had been 
 locked up for over a month. Maximilian allowed himself 
 to be persuaded by General Miramon to remain at Quere- 
 taro, and to make a further attack at a later date. Whereas 
 it had been Marquez who had hitherto proved the evil 
 genius of Maximilian, now it was Miramon. There seems 
 to have been something fatal to the emperor in the char- 
 acter of those whose names contained the initial letter ' M.' 
 
 Valuable opportunities of safely leaving the doomed city 
 were presented at different times between the 20th and 
 30th of April, but by now Maximilian had completely 
 succumbed to the influences of General Miramon, to whom 
 he had once more given all his confidence, and nothing was 
 done beyond arranging for a further attack upon the Liberal 
 ranks. A day or two afterwards the attempt was made 
 under the command of General Miramon, but the diffi- 
 culties were greater than before, since the Liberals had had 
 abundant time in whiv-,h to re-equip themselves and to 
 perfect their arrangements for a strenuous defence. On the 
 other hand, the ImperiaUsts were becoming more and more 
 exhausted from lack of food and ammunition ; notwith- 
 standing these drawbacks the people of Queretaro displayed 
 great powers of endurance and restraint. The last attack 
 made by the Imperialists was on 3rd May, and it resulted 
 in no advantage to either party. 
 
LOPEZ DECORATED 327 
 
 Several different attempts were made to break through 
 the lines of the Liberals, but the watch was too keenly 
 maintained, and each succeeding effort proved unavail- 
 ing. 
 
 From this date forward Maximilian was put entirely upon 
 his defence. But for the many quarrels and jealousies 
 which had occurred among the Liberals, the town of Quere- 
 taro might at this time have been successfully stormed and 
 taken. Even as things were, it had become merely a ques- 
 tion of time when the place must succumb from starvation. 
 
 The siege had now endured for sixty days, and life behind 
 the barricades was proving well nigh unbearable. By the 
 11th of May food provisions were almost exhausted, but 
 there was still a fair quantity of good wine to be obtained 
 in the town ; a discovery of some untouched liquor stores 
 led to the whole stock being commandeered by the Imperi- 
 alists, who, however, had no money to pay for it. 
 
 During these days of comparative inactivity Maximilian 
 contrived to maintain the dignity of his position only with 
 great difficulty. He was now but seldom enabled to remain 
 alone, he possessed but one personal attendant — ^the 
 Hungarian Tudos — ^and all the customary surroundings 
 of imperial pomp and circumstance were absent. Occa- 
 sional Councils of War had devolved into mere ceremonies, 
 since nothing remained to the besieged but either to submit 
 to their enemies or to die of starvation. MaximiUan still 
 held an occasional investiture, bestowing the Guadaloupe 
 Order upon a number of the officers and private inhabitants 
 who had merited his approval or attracted his attention. 
 
 Among the recipients of the Order was Colonel Lopez, 
 the Judas who, in a few days' time, was to betray the hand 
 which had already conferred the ' medal for valour,' granted 
 to him for ' services ' of which no convincing record can 
 be found. 
 
 This extraordinary act upon the part of the emperor not 
 unnaturally strengthened considerably the defence which 
 Lopez subsequently raised when his accusers appeared 
 against him ; as we shall see, however, in a later chapter, 
 
328 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the guilt of the man was brought home to him conclusively, 
 notwithstanding the conferring of this imperial distinction 
 — ^the outcome of Maximilian's weakness and excess of 
 kindliness, rather than recognition upon his part of any 
 conspicuous meritoriousness. 
 
 In all probability the siege of Queretaro would not have 
 been withstood for very many more weeks for the reasons 
 afforded ; but the hand of the traitor was already at work, 
 and the undoing of the emperor and his supporters was 
 precipitated by an act of perfidiousness for which the man 
 Miguel Lopez has been rightly held responsible. 
 
 On the evening of the 14th May it had been determined 
 that the emperor and a few of his most trusty officers were 
 to make one further attempt at escape. The preparations 
 had been thought out with some care, and every provision 
 made for avoiding a surprise by the enemy. Colonel Lopez 
 had been one of the few among the emperor's intimates 
 chosen to accompany him, others being Prince Fehx zu 
 Salm Salm, General M6jia and Dr. Basch, the emperor's 
 physician. 
 
 At the earnest suggestion of General Miram6n, to whom 
 the arrangements were also made known, the attempt was 
 further postponed until the night of the 15th or 16th. At 
 daybreak of the 15th, however, a sudden commotion in the 
 emperor's apartments betokened that something unusual 
 and alarming had occurred. Colonel Lopez, fully attired 
 and evidently labouring under great excitement, burst into 
 the sleeping apartment of Prince zu Salm Salm, crying, 
 ' Quick, save the life of the Emperor. The enemy is already 
 in La Cruz ! ' 
 
 No other explanation was afforded, then or later, regard- 
 ing the manner in which the enemy had gained an entrance 
 to the supposedly well-guarded La Cruz, the custodian of 
 which, as will be remembered, had been Colonel Lopez 
 himself. The bad news had somehow been communicated 
 simultaneously to Maximilian, for when the prince pre- 
 sented himself, the emperor, fully aroused and alert, calmly 
 observed, ' We are betrayed, Salm. Go down and let the 
 
EMPEROR BETRAYED 329 
 
 hussars and body-guard march out. We will go to the 
 Cerro (the hill), and see how we can arrange matters. I 
 shall follow you directly.' 
 
 But it was soon discovered that not alone had the cus- 
 tomary military guard disappeared, having as a fact been 
 withdrawn, doubtless by order of Colonel Lopez their com- 
 mander, but all of the horses, which had previously been 
 saddled in readiness for the flight, had been wnsaddled, 
 while the defending gun in the battery before La Cruz 
 had been upset. Several Imperiahst soldiers, supposedly 
 faithful to the emperor's cause, were seen sUnking away 
 through a wide embrasure in the wall, a proceeding pre- 
 arranged so as to cast the onus of the betrayal upon other 
 shoulders than those of Lopez. 
 
 The emperor, accompanied by some of his officer- 
 attendants (including Gteneral Castillo and Prince zu Salm 
 Sahn), managed to proceed as far as the Cerro, and at the 
 same moment the bells of La Cruz convent commenced to ring 
 out a joyful peal, the preconcerted signal to notify that the 
 betrayal had succeeded. These sounds, so ominous to the 
 ears of the fugitives, were at once followed by heavy firing 
 from the batteries of San Gregorio and Casa Blanca, 
 directed against the runaways, thus cutting off all escape 
 in that direction. There was now no dependence to be 
 placed upon any of the troops who had hitherto fought for 
 the emperor, since they were seen going over in hundreds 
 to the Liberals who had bought them ; and when an 
 Imperiahst officer was remonstrated with upon his refusal 
 to obey an order direct from Maximihan, he laughed in- 
 solently in his Majesty's face. 
 
 Plutarch, the Greek philosopher, has laid it down in his 
 Lives, that while Julius Caesar loved the treason, ' he hated 
 the traitor.' This may be said to have been the case with 
 the betrayal of Maximihan by Miguel Lopez. While 
 profiting by the act of treachery which opened the gates of 
 the besieged town to the wearied Liberal troops, the Juarists 
 cordially despised the instrument which had brought the 
 desired act about. 
 
330 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 There have been historians and controversiaUsts who 
 have attempted to show that the treachery of Lopez has 
 been open to doubt, and has never been conclusively proved. 
 In a lengthy document, of which a complete copy is in the 
 hands of the author, Lopez himself enters into an elaborate 
 argument calculated to show that the fall of Queretaro was 
 brought about through no fault of his, but by natiural causes. 
 Considered from a careful and impartial investigation of 
 the abundant evidence which exists upon this matter, there 
 can be no shadow of doubt in the mind of the ordinary 
 individual that Lopez was guilty of the charges brought 
 against him, proof so convincing that none but the wilfully 
 obtuse would refuse to accept it. 
 
 Upon a previous page, it wiU be remembered, mention 
 was made of Maximilian's intention, upon the advice of 
 General Miramon, to make an attempt to escape from 
 Queretaro on the 14th of May, and of his having confided 
 the fact to — among others — ^Miguel Lopez. The latter 
 declared that what the emperor had requested him to do 
 was to pay a private visit to the camp of the enemy and 
 there to ascertain from the Commander-in-chief, General 
 Escobedo, whether he would grant permission for Maxi- 
 milian to leave, with the Empress's Regiment and some 
 persons of his household. There were but two individuals 
 who were in a position to substantiate this statement — 
 one was Maximilian, to whom the question was never put 
 during his life, Lopez's version only gaining currency after 
 his death ; and the other was General Escobedo, who, 
 when asked concerning the allegation, emphatically denied 
 it. The actual truth was this. Lopez did pay the visit 
 to the Liberal camp to which he refers ; but he proceeded 
 there on his own initiative, entirely unknown to Maximilian, 
 or to any one in the Imperial camp, and for the express 
 purpose of selling his master for the sum of 50,000 'pesos. 
 The terms were accepted, and so far as Lopez was con- 
 cerned were adhered to. 
 
 Lopez had asserted that no one knew anything of the 
 proposed sortie but the emperor, Miramon and himself. 
 
LOPEZ THE TRAITOR 331 
 
 Here again he is proved to have stated what was untrue, 
 for the plan was known to all who were to take part in 
 it, to Colonel Pedro Gonzalez and several of his officers, 
 as well as to Prince Felix zu Salm Salm, who was to take 
 an active share in the arrangements. 
 
 A further piece of evidence furnished by Lopez himself, 
 in the lengthy pamphlet which he pubhshed setting forth 
 his defence, entirely destroys the value of the statement 
 that the emperor, who was thinking of making his escape, 
 had solicited Lopez to make the arrangements with the 
 enemy's leader. General Escobedo. On p. 9, par. 2 of 
 this pamphlet, Miguel Lopez says : — 
 
 ' He [Maximilian] desired always to take part in the 
 dangers of his subordinates, and his mind was much too noble 
 to permit him to think for a moment of his own security, 
 knowing that his troops were so much in danger.' Never- 
 theless the author of this encomium asks us to believe that 
 the subject was meditating flight, after trafficking with 
 the enemy, and leaving his deserted troops and officers to 
 take care of themselves ! 
 
 A still more damaging piece of evidence exists which, 
 in itself, would suffice to convince the ordinary critic. Three 
 or four days before the 15th of May, Colonel Lopez had re- 
 quested and obtained permission to employ a detachment 
 of troops who were commanded by a rascally Mexican 
 half-caste named Colonel Jablonsky, a close friend and 
 intimate of Lopez. These troops were to have sole charge 
 of the Puerta de la Cruz — affording the one and only means 
 of entrance to the stronghold, and as a consequence form- 
 ing the key to the city. The first thing that they did, 
 under orders of the said Jablonsky, was to dismount the 
 guns which formed part of the batteries defending the 
 gateway, working under the cover of darkness, and thus 
 being surprised or suspected by no one. 
 
 A powerful witness against Lopez, and one who has 
 completely refuted the various statements which were made 
 by that individual with a view to disproving his guilt, was 
 Colonel Manuel Guzman, the second chief of the Imperial 
 
332 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 General Staff. He has left us a declaration to the effect 
 that, after having been advised by Colonel Jablonsky that 
 the enemy had penetrated the entrance (supposed to have 
 been guarded by Colonel Lopez and his men), he came 
 across three bodies of infantry wearing the enormous 
 chaokos of the Juarist battaUon known as Supremos 
 Poderes. No sooner had he made this discovery, than he 
 encountered Colonel Lopez skulking behind these men and 
 attempting to conceal himself from the Colonel's view. 
 Lopez was not a prisoner in the hands of the Liberal troops, 
 but to all intents and purposes was quite friendly with 
 them and acting in concert. 
 
 Soon afterwards it was discovered how Lopez had been 
 enabled to execute the dastardly act of treachery without 
 creating any noise, without firing a single shot — without 
 occasioning any noticeable movement upon the part of 
 the garrison of the tower. Colonel Guzman declared 
 that, while in conversation, the different defenders of the 
 fort had all been taken prisoners (with the one exception 
 of the watchman in the tower) at the same time. They 
 one and all agreed that Colonel Lopez had told each single 
 post ' that a battalion of the army of General Marquez had 
 deceived the enemy and succeeded in entering the town ; 
 that its soldiers would relieve the posts, and that this was 
 to be incorporated with his (Lopez's) brigade, as a move- 
 ment was ordered to take place at daybreak on the morrow.' 
 The plot hatched in the fertile brain of this arch-traitor 
 proved wholly successful. 
 
 If this evidence were not deemed sufficiently definite, 
 we have the independent testimony of a Liberal officer — 
 Captain Antonio Salgado — who, in reply to an interroga- 
 tion put to him by some Imperial officers as to how it had 
 happened that he and his troops had gained access to the 
 town without firing a shot, repUed, ' Because Miguel Lopez 
 received us and showed us the way. At first,' he added, 
 ' we suspected that it was an infamous piece of treason, 
 and our General, pistol in hand, did not leave the side of 
 Lopez for a moment, ready to blow out his brains on the 
 
'INFAMOUS TREASON' 333 
 
 first suspicion.' ' An infamous piece of treason,' it was 
 in truth, but directed against his own side. 
 
 Unfortunately for Lopez and his clumsily-concocted 
 apologia, there exists a further dumb but telling witness 
 against him in the form of a certain letter written in the 
 Liberal camp before the town of Queretaro, and bearing date 
 the morning of the day which witnessed the great betrayal, 
 15th May. This letter is as follows : — 
 
 ' My dbab Fbiend,! — Even now, halt past five a.m., the fort 
 of the enemy, La Cruz, the strongest of the place, fell into our 
 hands. It was delivered to us by the Commander who was 
 entrusted with its defence, with two battalions, who surrendered 
 at discretion all artillery, ammunition and material of war. 
 
 ' (Signed) D. Justo Mendoza. 
 Colonel.' 
 
 This important piece of testimony bears the further 
 endorsement signed by the Commander-in-chief of the 
 Liberal forces : 
 
 ' I am happy to inform you that at this moment, 5.35 a.m., 
 the convent of La Cruz was occupied by our troops. The 
 field officer who defended it surrendered it to us with two 
 battalions, who surrendered also at discretion. Ammunition 
 and material of war fell into our hands. 
 
 ' (Signed) Esoobedo.' 
 
 The atrocious act committed by Miguel Lopez created 
 a feeUng of such intense indignation and anger among the 
 Imperialist oificers — ^the rank and file accepted the situation 
 with customary phlegmatic indifference — ^that while languish- 
 ing in the prisons of the Republic, they unanimously drew up 
 and signed a stinging indictment against their former 
 comrade, setting forth the whole of the facts which had 
 contributed to the betrayal, and shattering completely and 
 conclusively the feeble defence which Lopez had concocted 
 
 > There is no superscription upon this communication, but it is supposed 
 to have been addressed to some Liberal comrade in San Luis Potdsi. 
 
334 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 and published in the form of the pamphlet already men- 
 tioned. This impressive indictment, filling several closely 
 printed sheets, was entitled, ' A Eepudiation of the Pamphlet 
 of Miguel Lopez ; by the Field Officers of the Imperial army, 
 now prisoners in Moreha.' The document was printed by 
 one Ignace Arango, and bears date ' 1867.' It is signed 
 by Colonels Manuel Guzman, Manuel AUegre, Juan Adolfo 
 Carranza, Jose Maria Zapata, Pedro A. Gonzalez ; Lieut.- 
 Colonels Trinidad M. Garcia, Antonio M. de Horta, Miguel 
 Gutierrez, Faustino Valderrez, Ramon R. Robles, Manuel 
 V. Escalante, Augustin Pradillo, Ignacio de Arreta, Manuel 
 Marc6n, Pedro Navarrete, Francisco Campos, Manuel 
 Trastorza, Juan Verna ; Majors Jos6 Nava, Hermenegildo 
 Rojas, Juan Obscuras, Ernesto Malburg, Victorian Mont6ro, 
 Jose Maria Vilchis, Macedonio Victorica, Luis Echegaray, 
 Manuel Montero, Casimiro Frontana, Ignacio Sepulveda, 
 Carlos Gutierrez, Miguel de Gavis, Ignacio Cabello, Carlo 
 Veraza, Godardo (Count de Pachta), Jose Carlos Arozema, 
 F61ix Becerra, Pio Quinto Claveria, Juan Ramirez and 
 Antonio Perez. 
 
 But in Prince Felix zu Salm Salm Lopez foxmd even a 
 more bitter opponent than this powerful group of witnesses 
 against him, all of whom had previously ranked as his 
 brother officers, and who were languishing in prison while 
 he, the traitor and regicide, was free, free that is to say so 
 far as his personal liberty was concerned, but a prey for 
 all time to the remorse which his prototype Judas must 
 have known — • 
 
 ' When the dream of avarice was at an end, 
 He had betrayed his living Lord and Friend.' 
 
 Prince Felix zu Salm Salm possessed an intimate and 
 complete knowledge of the whole of the circumstances con- 
 nected with the defence and the betrayal of the city of 
 Queretaro. Not only was he in the implicit confidence of 
 the emperor and of his generals, but he was upon terms of 
 friendship with all of the emperor's other officers, and with 
 many belonging to the Liberal ranks, who became familiar 
 
BLOOD-MONEY UNPAID 335 
 
 with him after he had been captured and imprisoned. 
 There was no phase of the whole deplorable occurrence 
 unknown to him, and as he had during the six months of 
 his subsequent imprisonment abundant opportunities of 
 amassing and sifting the evidence against the betrayer of 
 his beloved prince and benefactor, his testimony may be 
 accepted absolutely without reserve. 
 
 Prince Felix has given us, in his interesting Diary, so 
 exhaustive an account of Miguel Lopez's treachery that I 
 offer no apology for reproducing in the appendix ^ the 
 sahent points touched upon, leaving it to my readers to 
 decide whether this potent witness, who has also long since 
 passed away,^ has made out a clear case against the Mexican 
 renegade. The indictment is framed in vigorous and 
 forcible language ; neither was the accusation ever defended 
 nor the challenge ever accepted by the recreant coward 
 incriminated. 
 
 The news of the betrayal of Queretaro — ^there seems to 
 have been no discussion at any time as to whether it was 
 ' betrayed ' or ' captured ' — ^reached San Luis Pot6si (the 
 seat of the Juarez Government) within a few hours of the 
 occurrence. Writing in her diary bearing date 15th May, 
 Princess zu Salm Salm, then detained in San Luis Pot6si 
 by order of President Juarez, says : — 
 
 ' The very next morning a gentleman called upon me ; 
 he told me that Queretaro had been sold to the Liberals 
 for three thousand ounces, by a certain Colonel Lopez and 
 a man from San Luis — Jablonsky — that the emperor was 
 a prisoner and my husband was wounded.' 
 
 The one and only satisfactory phase of this sordid record 
 consists in the established fact that although numerous 
 promises were made by the Liberal government to hand 
 over to Lopez the amount of the blood-money agreed upon, 
 it was never paid. In this respect he was less fortunate 
 
 * See Appendix vn. 
 
 ' Prince Felix zu Salm Salm was killed in battle on 21st August 1870 
 in the Franco -German War, falling gallantly before the strongly fortified 
 Sainte Marie aux Chenes and Saint Privat-la-Montagne, aged fifty-two. 
 
336 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 than his foul exemplar, who actually received the price 
 for revealing to the band the place where Jesus might be 
 found. 
 
 The end was now fast approaching. General Escobedo 
 was in complete control of the convent, and it was he who 
 formally ordered the arrest of Maximilian and his com- 
 panions, the emperor yielding up his sword and revolver 
 to Greneral Mirafuentes, while other Liberal officers possessed 
 themselves of the weapons of the remaining prisoners. 
 At this fateful moment Maximilian, as ever, thoughtful of 
 others, and realising that nothing was to be gained by offer- 
 ing any further resistance, observed to his captor : ' If 
 more blood must be spiUed, I beg you let it be mine.' 
 
 To this General Escobedo replied : ' I shall report your 
 arrest, Senor, to the Government ; but you and those who 
 belong to you shall be treated as prisoners of war.' 
 
 In the mouth of an ordinary gallant foe such a declara- 
 tion would have been equivalent to an assurance of personal 
 safety ; but among the Mexicans, who then, as now, shoot 
 their prisoners in cold blood — and it has to be remembered 
 that even Maximilian had been induced by his advisers 
 to adopt similar measures against his opponents (by the 
 terms of the ' Decree of 3rd October ') — such an avowal 
 meant little or nothing. 
 
 In common with many — one might say most — Latin- 
 American races, the Mexicans pay little or no regard to the 
 recognised humane code of procedure when waging war 
 against one another. They adopt most of the unrestrained 
 licence of earlier ahd more barbarous times. There is made 
 no attempt to foUow the inspiring idea of Grotius, who 
 sought to introduce the spirit of law into the conduct of 
 hostilities, and to enforce the principle that there was a 
 lawful as well as an unlawful way of waging war. 
 
 Between the time of Grotius and our own the sphere of 
 law in war has widened, and no European nation, at least, 
 would now venture to conduct a campaign otherwise than 
 according to the order of civilised warfare, unless against 
 savages from whom no reciprocal treatment was to be 
 
ETHICS OF WAR 337 
 
 expected, or rebels to whom they had to refuse the status 
 of belligerents. It was doubtless in the last-named light 
 that the Liberals and Imperialists of Mexico regarded one 
 another, notwithstanding the fact that their internecine 
 quarrel was merely the outcome of a disagreement upon 
 the one question whether the country should remain a 
 repubhc or become a constitutional monarchy. 
 
 Even to-day, when the political dividing-Une has been 
 narrowed down to the yet more simple question as to which 
 particular individual shall rule as President, the same 
 terrible reprisals are adopted by both contending parties, 
 whose brutalities perpetrated upon one another have under- 
 gone httle if any mitigation since war became more the 
 business of professional soldiers scientifically equipped and 
 accustomed to stringent discipline. 
 
 Thus it was the misfortune of Maximilian to find himself 
 a prisoner in the hands of a horde of indifferently con- 
 trolled half-Indian troops, thirsting for revenge, mostly 
 both ignorant of and unconcerned regarding the laws and 
 usages of civilised warfare. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII 
 
 Maximilian in prison — His custodians — General Rivas Palaoios — Brutal 
 treatment by Emperor's gaolers — Removal to Santa Tereslta — Rene- 
 gade French officers — A 'black list' — ^Further change in prison 
 quarters — Maximilian's illness increases — ^Princess Agnes zu Sahn 
 Sahn — Her romantic career — ^Meeting with her husband — ^Arrival 
 in Mexico — ^Krst interview with Maximilian — ^Antagonism of Porfirio 
 Diaz — Journeys to Queretaro and San Luis Potdsi — ^Meeting with 
 Juarez. 
 
 Maximilian's imprisonment commenced on the morning 
 of the 15th May, when he had been arrested, without show- 
 ing any resistance, by General Mariano Escobedo, and 
 handed over to the custody of General Vicente Rivas 
 Palaoios. The latter officer was a noted chief of party, and 
 had served with much distinction in the earlier conflicts 
 of the RepubHc. His sympathy for the foreigner was in 
 pronounced contrast to the fanatical hatred displayed by 
 so many of the Juarist leaders, notably General Escobedo 
 and General Ortega. 
 
 In Michoacan General Rivas Palacios's marked friendli- 
 ness for the French had proceeded so far that during the 
 whole period of his command small detachments of wounded 
 or convalescent soldiers of that nationahty were permitted 
 to make their way to Mexico City from the shores of the 
 Pacific, not only with care, but amid every demonstra- 
 tion of respect, from the enemy. Several cordial letters 
 passed between Greneral Rivas Palacios and Marshal Bazaine, 
 and when the former's envoy, Antonio Mendez, was arrested 
 by French troops while on his way to the capital, Bazaine 
 at once had him set at liberty to return whence he came. 
 
 For some special reason General Rivas Palacios was 
 much esteemed by Maximilian, who had given instruc- 
 
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RIVAS PALACIOS 339 
 
 tions that he was to be shown the greatest consideration 
 should he at any time fall into the hands of the Imperi- 
 aUsts. These orders were conveyed in the form of a letter 
 directed from the emperor's Mihtary Cabinet, at Mexico 
 City, dated 15th December 1865, and addressed to Marshal 
 Bazaine. The chief of the Military Cabinet wrote : — 
 
 ' His Majesty directs me to acquaint your Excellency that in 
 case Vicente Rivas Palacios should be captured, he wishes that 
 he should be brought to Mexico City. This exception is for 
 special reasons, and is the only one which the Emperor intends 
 to make to the Decree of the 3rd October,^ and he desires that 
 your Excellency wiU give positive instructions that if he is 
 takto, Rivas Palacios should not be put to death.' 
 
 Thus it fortunately fell out that Maximilian had been 
 consigned to the keeping of a particularly humane and 
 sympathetic gaoler, one who might be depended upon to 
 do all that lay within his official power to make the lot 
 of the illustrious prisoner as little trying as possible. The 
 place of confinement selected was La Cruz, the building 
 in which MaximiUan had voluntarily resided during the 
 siege of Queretaro ; and when he found himself once more 
 within the waUs of his former apartments, to all outward 
 appearances the same but now become his prison, his feel- 
 ings must have undergone some bitter trials. 
 
 The privacy which he had every reason to expect, more- 
 over, was not vouchsafed to him. The many Liberal 
 officers who had passed into Queretaro after sitting outside 
 for over two months vainly endeavouring to capture it in 
 open warfare, manifested all the uncouthness of their origin, 
 crowding noisily around their imperial prisoner, displaying 
 no attempt at restraint, and regarding the emperor with 
 as much vulgar and offensive curiosity as one would ordin- 
 arily bestow upon some rare animal or a ferocious criminal. 
 General Rivas Palacios willingly would have spared his 
 captive all such annoyances had it been possible ; he was, 
 
 1 The notorious ' Black Decree,' of 1865 which earned for Maximilian 
 so much obloquy. 
 
340 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 however, mindful of the fact that were he to display any 
 open sympathy the circumstance would be distorted and 
 inevitably lead — ^as, indeed, it eventually did lead — ^to his 
 own removal from his guardianship, and the substitution 
 of a less friendly and compassionate custodian. 
 
 Two days after the fall of Queretaro the emperor and 
 his fellow-prisoners were removed {17th May) from La Cruz 
 to the convent of Santa Teresita, from which building the 
 luckless nuns had been driven like scared sheep by the 
 brutal Liberal soldiery. It was not until the 19th that 
 General Escobedo condescended to visit his captive, and 
 upon this occasion he was accompanied by General Diaz 
 de Leon and Colonel Villanueva. The interview was un- 
 marked by any display of courtesy upon either side ; but 
 subsequent meetings between the emperor and Escobedo were 
 productive of at least an outward show of civility upon the 
 part of Escobedo, doubtless the result of official instructions. 
 
 Day by day summary executions of officers, who had 
 been faithful to the Imperial cause, took place, the firing 
 parties usually taking up their position so close to the place 
 of the emperor's confinement that every shot must have 
 been distinctly audible to his strained and outraged senses. 
 General Ramon Mendez, the loyal and gallant young Mexican 
 officer who had remained throughout an ardent partisan 
 of the emperor, was among the first to suffer. His death 
 pi'oved an agonising one, for he was shot in the back as 
 well as in the legs. by his butchers, and he lived for a short 
 while after the last volley had been fired. His last words 
 were ' Viva el Emperador ! ' 
 
 Perhaps a greater shock than any which the emperor 
 had hitherto sustained awaited him in the announcement 
 that twelve French officers, hitherto fighting in his service, 
 had offered their arms to new paymasters — ^the Liberals. 
 The names of these renegades have been published, not, 
 however, in the columns of any of the French newspapers 
 of the day, for those journals, on the contrary, earnestly 
 endeavoured to suppress all mention of an incident which 
 brought with it an indelible disgrace to the French arms. 
 
FRENCH RENEGADES 341 
 
 The twelve apostates were : — Captain Ernest de Rozeville ; 
 Lieutenant Jean Ricot ; Captain Charles Schmidt ; Captain 
 Henri Morel ; Captain Xavier Gaulfrerons ; Lieutenant 
 Felix Kieffers ; Lieutenant Emile Tronin ; Ensign Eugene 
 Bailly ; Lieutenant Theodore Heraud ; Lieutenant Emile 
 Pejuin ; Lieutenant Victor Nomel, and Lieutenant Paul 
 Guyon. 
 
 The very satisfactory but characteristic act performed 
 by Greneral Mariano Escobedo in declining, with expres- 
 sions approaching scorn, the ofEer of these wretched time- 
 servers, must, to some extent, have softened the humilia- 
 tion experienced by Maximilian. The Mexican general's 
 reply was to the effect that : ' The cause of the Liberals 
 could be fought out by themselves, and that he would not 
 accept the services of people who, in the face of their suffer- 
 ing companions, could make such an infamous offer, and 
 from whom a similar behaviour might be expected upon a 
 similar occasion.' 
 
 The stigma thus cast upon French valour and military 
 honour was deeply resented by the many other French 
 officers who had become prisoners in the hands of the 
 Liberals. These lost no time, after the news of the treachery 
 of their companions had reached them, in addressing a 
 fervent and loyal communication to Maximilian, apologis- 
 ing for the incredible and indelible disgrace which had been 
 brought upon them by association, and assuring him of 
 their complete abhorrence of such an act. ' Comme ces 
 officiers (qui, pendant tout le siege, n'ont assiste a aucune 
 affaire) sont Fran9ais,' they wrote, 'et que votre Majeste 
 pourrait croire qu'ils ont ete les interpr^tes de nos senti- 
 ments, nous nous empressons. Sire, de rejeter toute partici- 
 pation a cet acte inqualifiable, qui a souleve notre indigna- 
 tion.' 
 
 For the third time, Maximihan was transferred to fresh 
 prison quarters. Owing to the intercession of the Princess 
 zu Salm Salm, who had now joined her husband in Mexico, 
 the emperor 's lotwas somewhat ameliorated. From the 
 convent of Santa Teresita Maximilian at first had been 
 
342 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 removed to the Pantheon, in the convent of the Capuchinos, 
 the apartment allotted to him being a cold stone vault 
 wherein numerous dead and forgotten monks had been 
 interred. The prisoner, unaccustomed to such treatment, 
 at once fell iU, and his physician. Dr. Basch, who had been 
 permitted to visit him, foimd him suffering from a severe 
 attack of intermittent fever. On the 24th of May, the 
 emperor, as a consequence of Princess zu Salm Salm's efforts, 
 was allowed to change his quarters to a smaller but more 
 airy room, situated in an upper storey of the same convent 
 building ; his new abode, however, was carefully guarded 
 by day and night, and no one, without possessing an order 
 from General Escobedo himself, was permitted to hold any 
 converse with him. 
 
 MaximiUan's ceU was situated, as already stated, upon 
 an upper, in fact the second, storey of the convent, and gave 
 out on to a small stone-paved quadrangular yard, or patio. 
 Around three sides of the yard ran a gallery, open to the 
 air, and built of stone arches, which, at one time, had been 
 adorned with trellis work, now broken and crumbling to 
 pieces. The fourth side of the patio was separated from 
 the third side by a low wall. 
 
 The doors of the cells opened upon a passage which, again, 
 gave access to the gallery of arches, while the windows 
 of the room also looked on to the courtyard. A staircase 
 of stone which led from the lower floor stood in one corner, 
 conducting to several additional cells which were occupied 
 by General Miram6n, General M6iia and several other of 
 the emperor's former officers now prisoners. 
 
 The apartment occupied by Maximilian was extremely 
 small, measuring but 6x4 paces. In the centre of the 
 stone-flagged floor stood a small square table, and the only 
 luxury allowed the prisoner consisted of four silver candle- 
 sticks furnished with wax candles, and a few personal 
 articles of his toilette. One other table used for writing, two 
 common deal chairs, a small wash-stand and a camp bed- 
 stead, with one thin mattress, completed the furnishings 
 of this cheerless and comfortless apartment. 
 
PRINCESS ZU SALM SALM 343 
 
 Owing to his contii;iued indisposition, Maximilian passed 
 the greater portion of the day in his bed, that indeed, 
 being the only article of furniture which offered any sem- 
 blance of ease. His nights, however, were restless and his 
 days full of discomfort, principally on account of the con- 
 tinual noises which were not alone permitted but openly 
 encouraged by the ill-bred officers of the Liberal ranks, 
 who considered it ' admirable sport ' to incite the troops 
 on guard in the patio to create as much clatter and din as 
 possible, so that their prisoners should not be able to enjoy 
 any but the briefest periods of repose. 
 
 It had been made known to Maximihan that his trial 
 by court-martial was shortly to take place, and he, there- 
 fore, had to devote his attention to the preparation of his 
 defence. Notwithstanding his continued illness he gave a 
 great deal of attention to the subject, for he was mercifully 
 in ignorance of the fact that any defence, however complete, 
 would prove unavaihng, since he was doomed to a violent 
 end from the moment that he had fallen into the hands of 
 his relentless enemies. This fact was perfectly well known 
 to his faithful attendants the Prince and Princess zu Salm 
 Salm. To the former General Rivas Palacios had confided 
 the intelligence that there existed " no hope whatever ' of 
 the emperor's life being spared. The "trial,' therefore, 
 was likely to prove httle else than an empty farce. 
 
 Princess zu Salm Salm's first acquaintance with Maxi- 
 milian was brought about on the 19th May 1867, precisely 
 one month to the day before he was led out to execution 
 on the Hill of the Bells. The visit took place in the prison 
 of Santa Teresita, where the unhappy monarch lay sick 
 in bed. Upon hearing of the princess's arrival, however, 
 he woidd have insisted upon rising, in order to be able to 
 receive her with as much ceremony and courtesy as if he 
 were welcoming her to his own palace at Miramar. But he 
 was too ill to leave his couch. 
 
 ' I found him,' says the sympathetic lady, ' in a miser- 
 able bare room, in bed, looking very sick and pale. He 
 received me with the utmost kindness, kissed my hand and 
 
344 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 pressed it in his, telling me how glad he was that I had 
 come.' 
 
 With much womanly insight, she adds in her memoirs : 
 * The first thing was to make the emperor and my husband 
 a little more comfortable, and especially to buy fresh linen 
 for them, which they greatly wanted and missed very much.' 
 
 This interview proved one of many, and throughout their 
 brief and sorrowful acquaintance the princess showed the 
 utmost devotion to the afflicted prince, serving him with 
 a fidelity which was pathetic in its intensity, and under- 
 taking difficult and dangerous journeys on his behalf which 
 would have taxed the resources and the temper of a powerful 
 man. 
 
 Agnes, Princess Felix zu Salm Salm was in many respects 
 a very remarkable woman. An American by birth, in 
 her younger days she had been subject to a very hard life, 
 and when but twelve years of age she had run away from 
 home and joined a wandering troupe of acrobats. She 
 became an accomplished, but never a celebrated, bare- 
 back horsewoman, and one day, while giving an exhibi- 
 tion of her powers in the arena of a provincial circus, she 
 attracted the attention of the Prince zu Salm Salm, who 
 happened to be in the small town at which the troupe was 
 performing. An attachment at once sprang up, and not- 
 withstanding his own exalted birth and the lowly pedigree 
 of the lady, a marriage took place and proved an exceed- 
 ingly happy one in every way. The young couple went 
 through many stirring adventures together, and to the last 
 days of their married lives they remained devoted to one 
 another. 
 
 To Maximilian the arrival of the princess at the gloomy 
 prison of Queretaro proved exceedingly welcome. At all 
 times a warm admirer of feminine attractiveness, and 
 keenly alive to the charm of a witty, resourceful woman, 
 the imprisoned emperor regarded her appearance as singu- 
 larly opportune. The unswerving devotion shown by her 
 husband, the prince, had proved throughout a source of 
 deep consolation to the emperor, and his affection for the 
 
PRINCESS ZU SALM SALM 345 
 
 fine, manly young Prussian officer, who had so whole- 
 heartedly and unselfishly thrown in his lot with that of his 
 unfortunate imperial master, ranks as one of the most 
 touching, as it was certainly one of the most notable, 
 episodes of the Mexican adventure. 
 
 With the conviction of his doom borne in upon them, 
 the whole thoughts and efforts of the Salm Salms were 
 devoted to the perfection of some scheme of escape for 
 the emperor, and for his flight either to the coast or, if 
 possible, across the border into the United States. Him- 
 self a prisoner, subject to the same watchful surveillance 
 on the part of his gaolers, the prince could take no active 
 steps in the arrangement ; the emperor became, therefore 
 entirely dependent upon the unaided efforts of the princess, 
 who at this time was permitted to come and go fairly often 
 upon visits to both of the prisoners. 
 
 Princess zu Salm Sahn had first arrived in Mexico City 
 in the month of April 1867, at the time that Maximilian 
 was shut up in Queretaro with his troops. Her very natural 
 wish was to see her husband, from whom she had been 
 separated for some time ; but in order to do so it was neces- 
 sary to obtain permission from the Commandant of the 
 troops investing Mexico City, who then happened to be 
 General Porfirio Diaz. 
 
 General Diaz, from the first, had evinced a keen dislike 
 of the hustling American princess ; also he shrewdly sus- 
 pected her, and as it transpired with good reason, of designs 
 leading to the escape of Maximihan, and of the intention 
 of carrying messages from the garrison at Mexico City 
 which might facilitate an attack against the besiegers. He, 
 therefore, refused the request that she might enter the 
 town of Queretaro, and at first remained proof against all 
 persuasion or argument. 
 
 Towards the end of the month of April, General Diaz 
 ordered Princess zu Salm Salm to leave the Republic 
 altogether ; her passports were made out and handed to 
 her by an adjutant. This decree of banishment, however, 
 did not suit the plans of the lady, who point-blank refused 
 
346 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 to leave. She hastened to the general's headquarters to 
 protest, but she was refused admission. For six hours of 
 one day the persevering woman hung about the premises, 
 but was finally compelled to return unsuccessful. On the 
 morrow, finding that she had not obeyed his orders to quit 
 the neighbourhood of Mexico City, General Diaz despatched 
 a carriage and a special escort to conduct her to the railway 
 station en route for the coast. The further refusal of the 
 lady to comply might have led to her forcible deportment, 
 but for the timely arrival at Mexico City of General Baz, 
 who carried considerable weight with Porfirio Diaz, and 
 who not only procured a reversal of the order of banish- 
 ment but a formal permission to proceed to Queretaro. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fact that the high road between 
 that town and the capital was infested with robbers, and 
 that an escort beyond the city limits had been peremp- 
 torily refused by General Diaz, the princess determined to 
 make the joxuney. She again proved fortunate. Senor 
 Para, a leading member of the Liberal party, happened to 
 be travelling with mounted and armed servants in the same 
 direction. He offered his escort, and this was cheerfully 
 accepted. 
 
 The journey occupied four days of hazardous and 
 arduous travelling, and even when it had been accom- 
 plished the princess foimd that her trials were not over. 
 Arrived before the gates of the town wherein her husband 
 was confined, admission was refused to her by the com- 
 mander of the Liberal troops. General Escobedo, who 
 would on no account allow the princess to pass through his 
 lines. It, therefore, became necessary to procure the 
 direct authority of President Juarez, who was at this time 
 conducting his government at San Luis Potosi. To reach 
 him a further journey of three days, in coach and on horse- 
 back, was indispensable. The plucky American woman, 
 now escorted only by Lieutenant-Colonel Aspirez, who 
 had been commissioned by General Escobedo to conduct 
 her to her destination, started upon the long and tedious 
 journey, which was accomplished without incident. Several 
 
-IL '-r,. , Jfc- r -^ji^^acj^3»_i^* "^ ^ ^ 
 
 MAXIMILIAN IN HIS PRISON AT QUERETARO RECEIVING 
 
 HIS ATTORNEYS, SENORES RAFAEL MARTINEZ DE LA 
 
 TORRE AND MARIANO RIVAS PALACIOS 
 
FALL OF QUERETAEO 347 
 
 days were passed in San Luis Potosi awaiting the president's 
 permission to enter the doomed town of Queretaro, and 
 this was not obtained before its fall by treachery and the 
 capture of the Emperor Maximilian and his entire follow- 
 ing. 
 
 The news of the capture of Queretaro is given by Princess 
 zu Salm Salm in her book ^ as having taken place on ' 10th 
 May,' whereas her husband Prince Felix, in his Diary 
 (p. 190, vol. i.) put the date as ' 15th May.' The actual time 
 was between the night of 14th May and the morning of 
 15th May. This is corroborated by SefLor Jose Luis Blasio, 
 the young Mexican secretary of the emperor, who was with 
 him during the whole duration of the siege of Queretaro, 
 and attended him in his imprisonment. 
 
 » Ten Years of My Life, vol. i. p. 286. 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII 
 
 The Trial — Law of 25th January 1862 — Personnel of Court — ^Maximilian 
 refuses to appear in person — Counsel for prosecution and defence — 
 Cases of Charles i. and Jefferson Davis are cited — Attitude of the 
 Judges — ^Accused's answers to charges — Verdict and Sentence — 
 Pleading for pardon by Princess zu Salm Salm with President 
 Juarez — Painful scene — Juarez's attitude considered — His character 
 and career. 
 
 At the time of Maximilian's trial by court-martial, the 
 Republic of Mexico was being governed under the Consti- 
 tution of 5th February 1857. One of the provisions was 
 to the effect that courts-martial could only try offences 
 which came clearly within the scope of military discipline, 
 and it was a very moot question whether Maximilian's 
 offence was ' military ' or ' political.' On the other hand, 
 the Constitution stipulated that in ' cases of invasion, grave 
 perturbances of the public peace or any other circum- 
 stances involving the community in serious perils or con- 
 flicts, the President of the Republic, acting in concert with 
 his Cabinet, and with the approval of Congress, or, during 
 its recesses, of the Standing Committee, might suspend the 
 constitutional guarantees with the exception of such as 
 safeguard human life ' ; but ' he must have recourse in this 
 measure for a limited period of time only, and by means 
 of general provisions, for in no case might the suspension 
 be aimed at a given individual.' 
 
 The trial, as a fact, was based upon the later special law of 
 25th January 1862, which provided for the execution on 
 the spot of capture of all who were caught bearing arms 
 against the government — a trial which in this case could 
 have but one verdict — that of guilty, and but one sentence 
 
 3^3 
 
COURT MARTIAL 349 
 
 — ^that of death. It has to be borne in mind that the 
 Imperialists had passed a similar law with even more cruel 
 and drastic regulations since even women and children 
 were comprised within its scope, the ' Black Decree ' of 
 3rd October 1865.1 
 
 The court, which assembled at Queretaro, was ordered by 
 the Supreme Government, the decree being dated from San 
 Luis Potosi (the seat of the Republican Government at that 
 time) 8th June 1867. The final day of hearing appointed 
 was 13th June ; the court was composed of the president, 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Plato Sanchez (who was afterwards 
 shot by his own men in battle) and several commanders 
 and young captains, some of whom were so ignorant that 
 they could neither read nor write. Their names were : 
 Jose Vicente Ramirez, Emilio Lojero (Commanders of 
 Battalions) Ignacio Jurado, Juan Rueda y Auza, Jose 
 Verastegui y Lucas Villagran (Captains). 
 
 The prosecuting counsel were Lieutenant-Colonel Licen- 
 ciado ^ Manuel Aspirez, and his assistant or junior, 
 Licenciado Joaquin M. Escoto. 
 
 Although the counsel originally engaged for the prepara- 
 tion of the defence of Maximilian and his two generals 
 Mejia and Miramon had been Senores Licenciados Martinez 
 de la Torre and Mariano Rivas Palacios, it was not they who 
 appeared for the defence at the trial. The two advocates 
 finally selected to address the court were Senores Jesus 
 Maria Vasquez and Eulaho Maria Ortega, two very dis- 
 tinguished and capable pleaders and eloquent speakers. 
 
 The court room was the Iturbide theatre of Queretaro, a 
 large and handsomely decorated building affording accom- 
 modation for about twelve hundred spectators. 
 
 The public parts and the stage of the theatre were gaily 
 decorated with a profusion of flags and bunting of the 
 Republican colours — green, red and white — while, in spite of 
 the briUiant sunshine without, the whole of the gas lights 
 within were turned up to the full. A large number of the 
 
 1 See Appendix v. 
 
 » Licenciado, licentiate or doctor of law, equivalent to ' barrister.' 
 
350 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 public and military, provided with tickets as for a theatrical 
 performance, assembled, but not a single lady of Queretaro 
 availed herself of the opportunity afforded. A few women 
 of the demi-monde, friends of the officers forming the cotu-t- 
 martial, were accommodated with prominent positions, 
 but otherwise the brilliant uniforms of the Liberal ofiScers 
 alone provided any colour among the spectators. 
 
 Of the three prisoners summoned to appear two only 
 were present, Gteneral Miramon and General Mejia. The 
 Emperor Maximilian had refused to be present, firstly, 
 because he declined to recognise the authority of the 
 tribvmal before whom he was asked to plead, and secondly, 
 because his state of health was now very low ; he could 
 hardly rise from his bed or walk without assistance. 
 
 At 6 A.M. fifty men of the Cazardores and fifty of the 
 Guardia de Supremos Podores were marched to and sur- 
 rounded the Capuchinos convent, from which the prisoners 
 were summoned and commanded to follow to the court. 
 This was located but a few steps away, and was reached in 
 silence through a large but generally sympathetic crowd of 
 citizens. 
 
 Senior prosecuting counsel commenced his address at 
 10 A.M., the court having assembled as early as 8 a.m., and 
 throughout he referred to the 'Senor Archiduque Maxi- 
 miUano,' upon no occasion bestowing upon him the title of 
 ' Emperor of Mexico.' The history of the French invasion was 
 traced without either heat or passion, and the whole oration 
 was singularly free from abuse or venom. The result of the 
 trial was so well known beforehand and the sympathies of 
 the court so weU appreciated that there arose no necessity 
 to do more than present the main facts, call the necessary 
 witnesses, and demand the customary penalty. At first 
 the officers of the court made a great display of taking notes 
 of the proceedings, their diUgence in this respect being only 
 equalled by their assumption of imposing judicial dignity. 
 Before long, however, they cast aside all further pretence 
 of assiduity or deliberation ; they merely stared uncon- 
 cernedly about the court. From this they descended to 
 
MOCKERY OF TRIAL 351 
 
 chatting audibly with one another and making friendly 
 signs to their acquaintances ; with the course of the pro- 
 ceedings, in the end, they evinced no concern, and so far 
 as the effect produced upon the tribunal was concerned, 
 counsel for both the prosecution and the defence might 
 have as weU addressed themselves to the walls or the 
 ceiling. 
 
 The advocates engaged for the defence were faced with 
 the initial difficulty that the crime for which the prisoners 
 stood arraigned was too manifest to bear either explana- 
 tion or justification. They could not dispute the fact that 
 the accused had been captured with arms and that those 
 arms had been directed against the Repubhc. That the 
 same verdict and the same sentence would have had to be 
 registered against the whole of the Imperialist troops in 
 Queretaro, numbering several thousands, did not affect the 
 question. The court was merely concerned with the pro- 
 ceedings at present initiated against the three accused. 
 The defence, therefore, took up the position of suppliants 
 for mercy, and directed their attention to proving that 
 at least MaximiHan, a non-Mexican, shotdd be judged upon 
 a different plane from that of native revolutionists. 
 
 Counsel for the prosecution had denounced the 'Archi- 
 duque Maximiliano ' as a fihbuster, and as having arrived 
 from his own country in Mexico with the express deter- 
 mination of creating a condition of disorder and a subversive 
 movement. This the defence combated by pointing out 
 that the condition of the country had been disturbed long 
 prior to the advent of MaximiUan, that the French troops 
 had been in Mexico for over two years before he arrived, 
 and that so far from having been the cause of the invasion 
 he, like the Mexicans themselves, had become its victim. 
 Further, his excuse for having come was the formal call and 
 formal election by a considerable number of the Mexicans 
 themselves, who had proffered him the crown and con- 
 ferred upon him full imperial authority. He had not come 
 unknown or unbidden ; his virtues and attainments were 
 world-celebrated, and his personal character was unassail- 
 
352 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 able ; his earnest and honest desire had been always to 
 bring peace and not a sword to Mexico, and if he had 
 failed it was the fault of his advisers and their false direc- 
 tion. Let it be remembered, urged his advocates, that the 
 archduke had arrived in the country almost alone, unarmed, 
 and without either escort or military attendants. How, 
 then, could it be said that 'he had invaded the country ' ? 
 A reference to his pronunciamientos and a review of any 
 of his public declarations would show how peaceful and 
 how benignant were his intentions, and how deeply he 
 sympathised with Mexico and the Mexicans. 
 
 A further strong point was urged in favour of Maxi- 
 milian by his counsel, who naturally seized upon any and 
 every incident, little or great, which might tell in his favour. 
 It was shown that he had acted very honourably when, 
 urged by Napoleon ni. to confirm the treaty arranged by 
 General Miramon, by which the rich State of Sonora was 
 to be transferred to France, he had steadfastly dechned to 
 confirm the pact, notwithstanding by so acting he had seri- 
 ously jeopardised his financial position with the French 
 emperor. It would have been an easy matter for Maxi- 
 milian to have consented, and have thus relieved, at least 
 for a time, his pressing monetary difficulties. Instead of 
 adopting this policy, however, he had cancelled the treaty, 
 and dismissed the responsible minister from his post. 
 
 It was deemed advisable to make as little reference as 
 possible to the passing of the ' Black Decree.' It was 
 sought, however, to throw the entire blame for this abomin- 
 able enactment upon the shoulders of the absent Marshal 
 Bazaine, who was indeed the real author of the measure. It 
 had been drafted by the Marshal, as Maximilian had sub- 
 sequently admitted, and Bazaine had represented to him 
 that its passage was absolutely necessary to the restoration 
 of order, especially regarding the numerous bands of brigands 
 who, under the pretext of serving the Liberal government, 
 plundered the whole coimtry and rendered the highways 
 continually dangerous for peaceable travellers. The 
 emperor's counsel reminded the court that quite volun- 
 
THE DEFENCE 353 
 
 tarily the illustrious accused had, on 21st October of 1866, 
 instructed Marshal Bazaine that the Decree had been re- 
 voked de facto, and that all courts-martial should thenceforth 
 cease to interfere with pohtical delinquencies. The three 
 imperial ministers — ^Lares, Marin and Tavera — had been 
 authorised accordingly, for, as the emperor had written to 
 Bazaine, ' these things weigh upon my mind, and I desire 
 at once to throw off the responsibiHty incumbent upon me 
 in respect to them.' 
 
 But it could not be forgotten that under this Decree the 
 Liberal Generals Arteaga and Salazar had been executed 
 by the Imperialist General Mendez. Although, it was 
 known that the whole draft of the objectionable document 
 was in the handwriting of Bazaine, he alone among the 
 emperor's advisers decUned to sign it. 
 
 Further, it was attempted to show that a person who was 
 honestly and conscientiously striving to effect a reform 
 could not be judged by the standard applied to mere revolu- 
 tionists and self-seeking agitators. Copious references 
 were made to the case of King Charles i. of England, and 
 to the opinions laid down by Henry Hallam, the historian, 
 in his famous Constitutional History of England, which 
 then, as now, was recognised among law students and 
 pohtical speakers as the standard authority upon the Tudor 
 and Stuart constitutional history. 
 
 In conclusion, Licenciado Ortega called the attention of 
 the judges to the recent case of Jefferson Davis, the Con- 
 federate President of the United States, who had seceded 
 with many hundreds of thousands of citizens from the 
 authority of the American Union only a few years before. 
 Although accused of complicity in the murder of President 
 Lincoln, and notwithstanding that he had been in arms 
 against the Repubhc for four years, the worst punishment 
 inflicted upon Davis had been imprisonment in 'Fort 
 Monroe.' ^ Jefferson Davis had been an American citizen, 
 whereas Maximihan was a foreigner. If a crime upon the 
 
 1 Jefferson Davis was released after three years' confinement, and then, 
 retired into private life, dying twenty-one years later, in 1889. 
 
 Z 
 
354 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 part of a citizen was punished so lightly, how could it be 
 urged that death was to be the portion of a stranger 'i 
 Davis had not been tried by a court-martial, nor had he 
 been in any way exceptionally punished ; why was Maxi- 
 milian, whose offence had been less serious and less occa- 
 sioned by selfish motives, to be signalled out for a treatment 
 so severe and so cruel ? Would it not redound to the 
 everlasting glory and reputation of the great Mexicar 
 people if they treated this illustrious, if misguided, strangei 
 with mercy and consideration ? 
 
 This argwmentum ad populum failed entirely, as might 
 have been foreseen. The judges were impotent to rendei 
 any verdict but that of ' Guilty,' and just as unable to 
 modify the character of the penalty. If mercy were to be 
 shown at all, it must emanate from the fountainhead — 
 that of the Supreme Executive, the President. 
 
 The trial lasted two days, coming to a conclusion on tlie 
 evening of the 14th June. The three accused were found 
 guilty of having borne arms against the Republic, and, in 
 accordance with the terms of the law of 25th January 1862, 
 they were sentenced to be shot. The two Generals Miram6n 
 and Mejia listened to the sentence, as they had submitted 
 to the speeches of coimsel upon both sides, in stolid silence 
 They were well aware that the end would be as it had, 
 indeed, proved, and they were affected neither by feelingj 
 of despair nor of hope as to the outcome. They left tht 
 coiu-t as they had entered it, with their heads held higl 
 and their courage wholly undaunted. 
 
 Miram6n was enduring great physical pain from the bullet 
 wound in his face which he had received during the lasi 
 few days of the siege of Queretaro, and to v/hich but scam 
 attention had been paid by the surgeons. Neverthelesi 
 he sat patiently through the long hours of the court-martia 
 without affording any indication of the bodily tortiurc 
 through which he was passing. He remembered that hi 
 had once been President of the Eepublic which had no\ 
 disowned him and regarded him as a pernicious rebel, an( 
 he wished to show that, at least, he was no physical coward 
 

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SENTENCE OF DEATH 355 
 
 Tomas Mejia throughout the whole Maximilian period 
 stands forth prominently as a noble and loyal character, 
 having been considered by some historians, indeed, as the 
 grandest military personification of his day. He shone 
 by his immutable fidelity and devotion both to the clerical 
 and the imperial causes. He was as much loved by the 
 general public and his soldiers as he was imphcitly trusted 
 by Maximilian his sovereign. 
 
 The results of the trial and the passing of the death sen- 
 tence upon the emperor and his two favourite generals were 
 conveyed to Maximilian as he sat ill and alone in his prison- 
 cell. There was no human sympathiser near by to mitigate 
 the force of the disturbing intelligence, no friendly or con- 
 solatory presence to break the chilling formality of the 
 proceedings, rendered as offensive as possible by the manner 
 of the officers responsible. 
 
 General Escobedo had signed the record of the proceed- 
 ings and endorsed the death-sentence immediately they 
 were submitted to him, and he had appointed as the date 
 of execution two days hence — the 16th of June at daybreak. 
 He had bluntly refused any postponement, and decfined 
 to consider any representations made to him to this effect 
 by the Prussian minister. Baron von Magnus. To the 
 latter the rapid consummation of the whole proceedings 
 and the determined denial upon the part of the authorities 
 to show any clemency to the condenmed emperor, had 
 come as a stunning blow. He had fully believed to the 
 last moment that the sacred person of Maximilian would 
 never be injured, and he had openly boasted that the 
 ' cousin of all Europe ' was absolutely immune. He now 
 found that he had been cherishing a delusion ; he was faced 
 with the stupendous fact that in two days' time the Emperor 
 Maximilian of Mexico, to whose brilUant court he had been 
 accredited but a short while before, would hav«^ passed 
 away by means of a shameful death. 
 
 Maximihan, however, remained absolutely calm and 
 resigned. From the hour that he had handed over his 
 sword to General Mirafuentes on the 15th of May, upon 
 
356 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the fall of the city of Queretaro through treachery, just one 
 month earlier, he had cherished but faint hopes of release. 
 His own extreme physical weakness and the acute mental 
 distress occasioned by the great affliction which had over- 
 taken his dearly-loved wife, had further conduced to a 
 feeling of apathy which caused him to regard with indiffer- 
 ence even so momentous an event as his condemnation. 
 
 Upon the morning of the 16th June, Maximilian was 
 fully prepared to meet his doom. He had passed the 
 previous day arranging his worldly affairs with the assist- 
 ance of his young secretary, Jose Luis Blasio, and he had 
 occupied the hours of the night in fervent prayer. His 
 deeply religious nature and firm belief in the goodness of his 
 Maker had never wavered, and he felt, young as he was 
 and ambitious as he once had been, that he could resign 
 with but little compunction his earthly possessions for a 
 happier future state. 
 
 Day broke and the sun arose, but no messenger came 
 to summon him to his death. At eleven o'clock, however, 
 he was visited by Colonel Miguel Palacios and General 
 Refugio Gonzales, attended by a company of soldiers ; the 
 general read out to the prisoner with great deliberation and 
 unctuous phrases the sentence of death which had been 
 passed two days before, and with the terms of which the 
 emperor was perfectly well acquainted. The hoiu" appointed 
 for the last act was three o'clock of that same day. Turn- 
 ing to his physician. Dr. Basch, who was then present, 
 Maximilian observed with a wan smile, ' Three o'clock is 
 the hour. Then we have a few more hours in which to 
 complete our affairs ; we can easily finish everything.' 
 
 As the appointed time approached, the three condemned 
 men left their cells by order of the commanding officer, 
 and ranged themselves in the prison corridor. There they 
 remained standing, Maximilian conversing in low, earnest 
 tones with his confessor and two of his counsellors, who had 
 likewise been permitted to hold a last interview with him. 
 
 The destined hour had almost passed when a messenger 
 entered with a telegram from San Luis Pot6si addressed 
 
EXECUTION POSTPONED 357 
 
 to Colonel Miguel Palacios. Opening and perusing it with 
 undisguised impatience, the colonel curtly informed the 
 waiting condemned that 'by order of the President the 
 execution had been postponed for three days — until IQth. 
 June.' 
 
 The intelligence was received with feehngs of regret and 
 dissatisfaction by aU three. Not one among them beUeved 
 for a moment that this respite meant a pardon, and they 
 regarded it as but a further indication of the brutally-dis- 
 posed Executive to play with their hves and to sport with 
 their hopes and fears, and so to prolong their mental torture 
 as long as possible. In cherishing this beUef they were 
 unjust towards Benito Juarez ; he had yielded, weakly 
 and reluctantly, to the weU-intentioned importunities of 
 the Princess zu Salm Salm and the Baron von Magnus who 
 had proceeded hot haste to San Luis Potosi to plead for a 
 postponement. The condemned had no knowledge of this, 
 and in fact were never made acquainted with the strenuous 
 efforts which up to the last hour of their lives were made 
 to procure their pardon. 
 
 The intelligence of the reprieve, however, had produced 
 a marked effect upon the good spirits of Prince Felix zu 
 Salm Salm. In his soUtary cell in the same prison, he had 
 been enduring a period of keen mental agony on the morning 
 of the day first appointed for the execution of his revered 
 emperor and most sympathetic friend ; to his imagina- 
 tion every slight sound that passed within the prison walls, 
 which contained yet separated them both, spelt the fatal 
 termination of their brief but ever-to-be-remembered 
 connection. 
 
 When, at length, the fact was made known to him that 
 the president had tardily consented to a three days' post- 
 ponement of the execution, the prince imwisely regarded 
 this act as a prehminary to the emperor's release, and he 
 celebrated the news by ordering a bottle of the best wine 
 which the prison authorities could provide, and invited all 
 who would join to drink to ' the health and long life of 
 Maximilian.' 
 
358 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 He even occupied his time during the following day in 
 perfecting a means of escape from his cell, by removing 
 some stone slabs and then leaping to liberty. But his joy 
 was soon dispelled. For on the morning of the 18th he 
 learned, upon the unimpeachable authority of Colonel 
 Villanueva, that the president's reprieve meant nothing 
 more than it bore on the face of it, three days' grace only, 
 and then — death for the emperor. Nothing on earth, 
 his informant added, could save him, and his life was as 
 irretrievably forfeit as if no delay had been granted. 
 
 It had been decided as a preliminary that an earnest effort 
 should be made to have the trial of the emperor, which had 
 been fixed for 13th June, postponed. In order to obtain 
 this concession it would be necessary, however, to see the 
 president personally. Benito Juarez was still at San Luis 
 Potosi, a town situated at a distance of nearly one hundred 
 and sixty miles from Queretaro. The princess again under- 
 took to execute the commission, having made the journey 
 iipon a previous occasion, but before leaving the town of 
 Queretaro, she obtained from General Escobedo a promise 
 that the extreme penalty against Maximilian should not 
 be exacted until she had had sufficient time to communicate 
 -with him from San Luis Potosi. Escobedo promised — 
 ' Mexican fashion.' That is to say, he had no intention of 
 keeping to. his word, passing it merely in order to rid himself 
 of an importunate and persistent woman. 
 
 Accompanied only by her European maid, Margherita, 
 and her unwilling native escort, Lieut.-Colonel Aspirez, 
 the Princess zu Salm Salm entered upon her second long 
 and wearisome coach journey to San Luis Potosi. Three 
 days and two nights were consumed in this manner, but 
 the plucky woman uttered no complaint ; eventually she 
 found herself once more in the city which the Liberal 
 president had temporarily made his government head- 
 quarters. 
 
 This second journey undertaken to San Luis Potosi, by 
 
PRINCESS ZU SALM SALM 35& 
 
 the Princess zu Salm Salm was ostensibly to personally 
 present to President Juarez an autograph letter from Maxi- 
 milian, requesting a delay of two weeks' time before his 
 trial was held ; really her intention was to plead for the 
 emperor's release. General Escobedo with suspicious 
 alacrity — for he thought that the lady's mission would 
 prove useless — offered not only a letter to Juarez but the 
 loan of some mules for the private carriage which was to 
 convey the traveller to her destination. 
 
 Very much to the surprise of General Escobedo and other 
 Liberal officers, the lady's visit resulted in the postponement 
 of the date of the trial from the 25th May to the 13th June. 
 This afforded the prisoner the opportunity of preparing his 
 defence, and of employing counsel to plead for him before 
 the tribunal charged with the conduct of the trial. The prin- 
 cess undertook the mission of engaging the best available 
 legal assistance and hurried away to Mexico City towards 
 the last days of May, arming herself as a precaution against 
 any opposition from the Liberals, who were then besieging 
 the city, on the one hand ; and from the Imperialists (under 
 General Marquez) who were defending it, on the other. 
 Little seems to have escaped the attention and watchful- 
 ness of this singularly clever and resourceful woman. 
 
 From General Escobedo, enemy though he was, the 
 princess wheedled a letter addressed to General Porfirio 
 Diaz, commanding the besieging troops before the capital, 
 and which ran to the following effect : 
 
 To General Porfirio Diaz : Tacubaya.^ 
 
 ' QuEEETAEO, 29iA May 1867. 
 
 'Much Honotjbed Friend asd Combade, — 
 ' Princess zu Salm Salm passes through Tacubaya on behalf 
 of Maximilian, to hasten the arrival of the counsel whom he has 
 chosen to defend him. Having regard to her sex, I have taken 
 the liberty of recommending her to your kindness, not doubting 
 that you will assist her. 
 
 * Tacubaya is a suburb o£ Mexico City, situated at a distanoe of thirteen 
 kilometres. 
 
360 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 'Assuring you of my regard, I remain your friend and 
 comrade, M. Escoeedo,' 
 
 From the emperor, who, strangely enough, still believed 
 that Greneral Marquez was loyally defending the Imperialists 
 in the capital, whereas he was actively engaged in attempt- 
 ing to betray it into the hands of the Liberals, providing 
 he could secure immunity for his own life, the princess 
 received a letter addressed to Marquez as follows : 
 
 ' To Don Leonardo Marquez, Division General. 
 
 'My DBAB GsNBEAii, — The bearer of these lines is Princess 
 zu Salm Sahn, who has the kindness to go to Mexico (City) for 
 the arrangement of family affairs of much importance ; and to 
 speak with the lawyers who will defend me. You will, for the 
 time of her sojourn in Mexico (City), do all that can be useful 
 and agreeable to the Princess. — Yours affectionately, 
 
 ' MAxnnTTAN.' 
 
 Other letters which were written by the emperor for use 
 of his fair messenger were addressed to Baron von Magnus, 
 the Prussian Minister in Mexico, the two famous advocates, 
 Senores Martinez de la Torre and Rivas Palacios, and. to 
 Father Augustin Fischer, the ex-Imperial Secretary and 
 Keeper of the Emperor's Privy Purse. 
 
 The visit of the Princess zu Salm Salm to Mexico City 
 had been rendered uimecessary, since, in the meantime, the 
 principal individuals destined to assist in the emperor's 
 defence, having been summoned by telegraph, had arrived 
 in Queretaro. These included in addition to the Baron 
 von Magnus and the two Mexican advocates. Baron von 
 Lago, the Austrian Charge d' Affaires ; Herr Schmidt, his 
 secretary ; Herr Hooricks, the Belgian Minister and Signor 
 Curtopassi, the Italian Charge d' Affaires. 
 
 Arrived in the principal hotel in San Luis, the princess 
 was left to her own resources, her gallant mihtary escort 
 having left her without any ceremony. His commission — 
 to see the lady safely to her destination — ^was accomplished. 
 Her further adventures could be no business of his. 
 
 Once again, however, fortune favotired the emperor's 
 
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PLEADS TO JUAREZ 361 
 
 fair advocate, for at her hotel she encountered a well-known 
 and influential resident of the town, Senor Bahnsen, who 
 at once offered her the hospitaUty of his house and his 
 earnest efforts to obtain for her an interview with President 
 Juarez. Some days elapsed before this much-sought-for 
 meeting could be brought about. In the meantime the 
 trial had been held, and the accused had been sentenced to 
 death. Eventually Juarez consented to grant an audience 
 to the emperor's special pleader. 
 
 The meeting proved an extremely painful one for both. 
 Benito Juarez unexpectedly remained adamant when im- 
 plored to pardon the emperor ; nothing could move him 
 from his purpose of inflicting the death penalty. He had 
 previously returned the same uncompromising answer, he 
 declared, to Baron von Magnus, the Prussian Minister, 
 who had worked energetically but very tactlessly to obtain 
 a reprieve, if not a pardon, for the condemned sovereign. 
 
 The princess then directed her entreaties to the granting 
 of a respite of ten — ^nine — ^four or three days. The last- 
 mentioned brief period, at length, was conceded ; but any- 
 thing beyond the three days was absolutely refused. The 
 president proved inexorable. Tears could not move him, 
 nor yet a beautiful woman's sobs and pathetic supplica- 
 tions. Upon her knees Princess zu Salm Salm pleaded for 
 the Ufe of the doomed emperor as well as for that of her 
 husband, urging with all the eloquence of which she was 
 capable, and her powers of persuasion were by no means 
 shght, the duty of showing mercy to a fallen and a noble 
 foe. 
 
 ' Trembling in every hmb and sobbing,' the princess 
 writes in her Diary, ' I fell down on my knees, and pleaded 
 with words that came from my heart, but which I cannot 
 remember. The president tried to raise me, but I held his 
 knees convulsively ; I said I would not leave him before 
 he granted his life. I saw that the president was moved ; 
 he had tears in his eyes, but he answered me in a low, sad 
 voice : — ' I am grieved, madam, to see you thus upon your 
 knees before me ; but if aU the kings and queens of Europe 
 
362 MAXIMILIAN m MEXICO 
 
 were in your place, I could not spare his life. It is not I 
 who take it, it is the people and the law ; and if I should 
 not do its will, the people would take it, and mine also.' 
 
 The interview was productive of nothing but the promise 
 that the life of the Prince Felix zu Salm Salm should be 
 spared ; that of the Emperor Maximilian must be forfeit. As 
 the distracted princess reluctantly left the presence of the 
 man who possessed the power but not the will to grant this 
 clemency, she noticed that the ante-room was filled with 
 Mexican ladies, numbering more than two hundred, who 
 were present upon the same errand of mercy as herself, 
 to plead for the life of the emperor. Among them were 
 the wives of Generals Miramon and Mejia, both of whom 
 had been condemned to be shot with Maximilian. The 
 scene, already distressing, now became heart-rending, and 
 no doubt Benito Juarez suffered as much as, if not more 
 than, his fair suppliants. Throughout he had maintained 
 a perfectly correct demeanour ; his stem sense of duty — 
 not his spirit of vindictiveness, as many historians have 
 ascribed to him — ^forbade him from yielding to the pathetic 
 appeals addressed to him. 
 
 In considering the stern and unrelenting attitude declared 
 to have been taken up by President Benito Juarez regard- 
 ing the sentence of death passed by the Queretaro court- 
 martial upon the Emperor Maximilian, many factors must 
 be included. Let it be remembered, firstly, that this man, 
 of full Indian blood, had led a particularly hard and 
 strenuous life, a life of continual struggle against the oppres- 
 sive authority of others upon the one hand, and of defend- 
 ing his own on the other. Upon the death of his father 
 he had been left in great poverty. He knew even at this 
 early age the stigma as well as the benefits attaching to 
 charity ; for he was dependant entirely upon the generosity 
 and whims of a certain Catholic friar, who, while giving 
 him a fair education, exacted the fullest obedience and 
 the most servile recognition. 
 
 Juarez had studied for the law, and in fact became a 
 noted but never a celebrated pleader. He soon devoted 
 
BENITO JUAREZ 363 
 
 his store of forensic knowledge to the furtherance of the 
 career of a politician, as so many Latin-Americans have 
 done ; he was elected to the State Legislature, became a 
 revolutionist against the tyrant General Antonio de Santa 
 Anna and was subsequently banished ; he became Minister 
 of Justice under that president's successor. General Juan N. 
 Alvarez, and was at a later date made President of the 
 Supreme Court ; he revolted again when Greneral Felix 
 Zuloaga replaced General Ignacio Comonfort as chief 
 magistrate, and finally claimed the Executive as his right. 
 Between 1858 and 1861 he had to fight continually for 
 recognition, and when this was finally won he was con- 
 fronted by the demands of the three Allies (England, France 
 and Spain) which led to the invasion of his country by the 
 second-named Power, and a six years' exhausting struggle 
 against its arms. 
 
 Even with the disappearance of the monarchy, the troubles 
 of Benito Juarez did not terminate. Re-elected to the 
 presidency a few months after Maximilian had paid with 
 his life the penalty of trusting to the solemn pledge of 
 Napoleon m. of France, Juarez was almost at once con- 
 fronted with a rebellion among his principal generals ; 
 they continually opposed and defied his authority, and at 
 no time of his rule did he experience any prolonged period 
 of peace. 
 
 In 1871 he was elected for the third time, but in the 
 following year he died (18th July) somewhat suddenly, in 
 Mexico City, of a stroke of apoplexy in the sixty -sixth year 
 of his age. 
 
 There can be little question that, as Latin-American 
 politicians go, Benito Pablo Juarez was an honest man, 
 possessed of all the desire and all the intention to govern 
 equitably. His very trials brought out his many good 
 quaUties, which included rigid abstention from pilfering 
 from the national exchequer, the refusal of all bribes, and 
 the stern punishment of those who were convicted of mal- 
 practices in their fiduciary capacity. His severity towards 
 the .Church party in Mexico was the outcome of his own 
 
364 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 experience and his uncompromising hatred of all forms of 
 corruption. He had not been the pupil and confidant of 
 a friar for nothing. All the evils which the members of 
 his own race suffered at this time from the harshness and 
 the cupidity of the Church sickened him and offended his 
 sense of righteousness. This, and the extreme poverty 
 which such a pohcy produced among the Indians, made 
 him determine to put a check upon the arrogance and the 
 rapacity of the priests. 
 
 So far as his opposition to the French intervention and 
 the intrusion of the puppet Maximihan were concerned, 
 Juarez was actuated by true patriotic motives. He loved 
 his country as only an Indian can love it. He saw it assailed 
 by an enemy immensely superior in numbers and equip- 
 ment, whose object — ^if taken at their own description, ' that 
 of pacifying the State,' — was an impertinence j viewed as 
 all but the wiKully bUnd and perverse must have viewed 
 it, as an attempt to dictate to a free and independent 
 nation the form of government which it should adopt, 
 Juarez was assuredly justified in using his utmost endea- 
 vours to break that power and release his country from 
 thraldom. 
 
 In Maximihan he recognised no heaven-protected or ex- 
 ceptionally immime being ; he stood rather as the pernicious 
 enemy of his coimtry, an interloper, the direct and imme- 
 diate cause of his people being harried and harassed, perse- 
 cuted and pursued by hordes of foreign troops, and the 
 whole fabric of the Repubhc — ^buUt up as the result of forty 
 years' sacrifice of hfe and treasure — shattered and ruined. 
 From his point of view Mexico suffered a great grievance, 
 and the penalty exacted was such as might have to be 
 demanded by the victors in any other country of the 
 world. 
 
 The most serious of the many mistakes which were made 
 by Maximihan, no doubt mider malign advice, had been 
 the issue of the ' Decree of 3rd October 1865.' This was 
 the official declaration more sweeping and more compre- 
 hensive than anything that had been published during the 
 
BENITO JUAKEZ 365 
 
 darkest days of the French Revolution, more cruel than 
 the wholesale condemnation of the Inquisition, and as 
 senseless as anything that had emanated from the Duke of 
 Alva during his bloody progress through the Low Countries. 
 AH Mexicans who defended the legitimate government of 
 their country, all who combated what they deemed to be 
 nothing less than a piratical usurpation, all who failed to 
 support a puppet forced upon them by the autocratic will 
 of a foreign creditor, were condemned to suffer an ignomi- 
 nious death, or, as the least punishment, perpetual imprison- 
 ment in a felon's cell. It was the proscription en masse of 
 nearly the whole nation, a political excommunication of 
 those who adopted one of the noblest sentiments of human 
 nature, the annihilation of all who could not or would not 
 submit their necks to the yoke of a foreigner. 
 
 It is not difficult, then, to understand the spirit of bitter 
 indignation and resentment which actuated the patriotic 
 Juarez when, at length, he found the author of the in- 
 famous Decree a prisoner in his hands. What right had 
 the originator of this terrible proclamation to expect 
 clemency, when he had solemnly pledged himself to grant 
 none ? How could he reasonably demand any considera- 
 tion from those whom he had pubUcly proscribed and 
 mercilessly interdicted, from men who had been witnesses 
 over a period of years of the numerous atrocities committed 
 in this same emperor's name upon their sons and their 
 brothers, upon their fathers and their friends ? The revenge 
 exacted for aU this was, at the worst, a wild kind of justice. 
 
 Benito Juarez, perhaps, was not a lovable man, and 
 but rarely attracted human sympathy. In appearance he 
 was ill-favoured, being short, narrow shouldered, slightly 
 bow-legged and of an emaciated body. He possessed all 
 the characteristic features of his Indian origin — high cheek 
 bones, beady eyes, a prominent nose, black, sleek, per- 
 fectly straight hair, and a sallow complexion. He usually 
 shunned public appearances, since the populace were never 
 well disposed towards his person, even while they trusted 
 his capabilities and honesty of purpose. His disinclina- 
 
366 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 tion to distribute the loaves and fishes of office among his 
 own supporters exclxisively occasioned many enemies among 
 his own party. His honesty, however, was recognised 
 abroad, especially in the United States, President Abraham 
 Lincoln having held the Indian leader in high regard. The 
 United States Executive had written to him, according to 
 the chronicle of Count Emile de Keratry,^ ' We are not at 
 open war with France, but you may reckon on money, 
 cannon and voluntary enlistments, all of which we shall 
 countenance.' 
 
 Independent critics have seen in the determination of 
 Benito Juarez not to betray his country to a foreigner, a 
 very commendable and proper resolution, and they attri- 
 bute the great power which he possessed over his people to 
 having adopted this consistently patriotic policy. He 
 yielded to force, but throughout he refused to compromise 
 with the enemy. In his retreat before the columns of 
 French troops he carried with him the full republican 
 power, which he never allowed to slip from his grasp. 
 Although chased out of the country and compelled to seek 
 temporary shelter across the border, he never abdicated, and 
 with all the pertinacity of his race he clung to the respon- 
 sible office to which he had been constitutionally elected 
 by the nation. It speaks well for the influence which his 
 high character must have commanded that throughout the 
 many years of resistance and continual internecine warfare, 
 the life of the old Indian was only once attempted. Never- 
 theless, upon frequent occasions it had been at the mercy 
 of any fanatic or malcontent who might have chosen to 
 take it. 
 
 Benito Juarez has been judged by some writers with 
 unmerited harshness. When at length he had accorded a three 
 days' grace, after the date of the execution of MaximiUan 
 had been fixed for 16th June, his act had been denounced 
 by certain of his critics as ' the savagery of the Indian, who 
 took pleasure in prolonging the agony of his victim and the 
 desire to gloat as long as possible over his mental torture.' 
 
 ' The Rise and Fall of Maximilian, p. 16. 
 
PRINCE ZU SALM SALM 367 
 
 As stated, the further delay granted was obtained at the 
 special request of Baron von Magnus, the Prussian Minister, 
 supported by the earnest prayer of Princess zu Salm Salm, 
 who had also telegraphed to President Andrew Johnson ^ of 
 the United States. Johnson had previously appealed to 
 the Mexican Executive through Mr. Lewis D. Campbell to 
 show mercy to the unfortunate MaximiUan ; but his repre- 
 sentations had proved (mainly through the scandalously 
 neglectful manner in which they had been presented by 
 Mr. Campbell), hke others received from practically every 
 Government of Europe, ima vailing. 
 
 Princess zu Salm Salm was mercifully spared witnessing 
 the tragic scenes which took place in Queretaro on 19th June, 
 for after her expulsion she did not again return to that city 
 until 1st July, when all had long since been over with the 
 unfortunate archduke of the house of Hapsburg. The Prince 
 Felix zu Salm Salm was still imprisoned there. He had 
 been tried by court-martial, among several other foreigners, 
 found guilty of bearing arms against the Republic, and 
 sentenced to death by shooting. The date of execution 
 had been fixed for 19th July, postponed for five days, and 
 then deferred again sine die. ' As I knew for certain,' 
 writes the princess, ' that my husband would not be shot, 
 I did not feel much anxiety, and I remained in Mexico City ; 
 but I did not trust my assurances, and even provided for 
 the embalming of his body.' 
 
 On 8th October 1867, among other prisoners. Prince Felix 
 zu Salm Salm was removed to Vera Cruz, being imprisoned 
 in the fort of San Juan d'UUoa. But in the following month 
 (13th November) he was finally released, and he left Mexico 
 for ever on 15th November 1867. 
 
 * Andrew Johnson, formerly Vice-President, had succeeded President 
 Abraham Lincoln, who had been assassinated two years previously, 15th 
 April 1865. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX 
 
 A multitude of counsellors — Blunders of diplomatic representatives — 
 Plans for escape again mooted — ^Liberal officers' services enlisted — 
 Cowardice of Baron von Lago causes failure of plan — Betrayal to 
 Escobedo — Close ■watch over prisoners — Baron von Magnus appeals 
 to Jaurez — ^He devotes Ms time to condemned emperor — Maximilian 
 prepares for the end — ^His last correspondence — Despatch to Presi- 
 dent remains unanswered — Touching farewell to the Empress 
 Charlotte — ^The Emperor's last hours. 
 
 If there is to be found safety in the multitude of coun- 
 sellors, then Maximilian's position should have been 
 materially benefited. Unfortunately, however, it proved 
 to be a case of ' every fool meddling,' with the result that 
 nothing whatever was done to improve the situation or in 
 any way to affect the subsequent issue. The tactlessness 
 of the European diplomats, especially of Baron von Lago, 
 aggravated the emperor's gaolers, who not only redoubled 
 their vigilance but displayed increased severity towards 
 their prisoners. In the end, the Mexican government in- 
 sisted upon the whole of the diplomatic representatives, 
 who had been accredited to Maximilian's court but had 
 never been recognised by the Liberal president, quitting 
 Queretaro altogether. [Baron von Magnus, later on, was 
 permitted to return to Queretaro in order to attend Maxi- 
 mihan in his last hours.] And this instruction they were 
 compelled to obey. Had they been enabled to remain 
 however, it is doubtful whether, associated or singly, they 
 could have effected anything advantageous to the con- 
 demned prisoner ; their presence had proved in no way 
 helpful either to his political position or to his personal 
 comfort. 
 
PLANS FOR ESCAPE 369 
 
 Several different attempts had been planned for the 
 escape of Maximilian during his imprisonment in Queretaro, 
 but all had failed owing partly to the difficulties which 
 had to be faced, but principally to the indecision of the 
 noble prisoner himself. On 29th May the chances offered 
 seemed bright, but Maximilian then refused to escape 
 unless Miramon and Mejia were brought away with him 
 at the same time. It had been a long while before this 
 extremely conscientious captive could be induced to consent 
 to any effort to save himself. He detested the idea of 
 ' running away ' as he termed it, but finally (30th May) 
 he admitted to his confidant, Prince zu Salm Salm, that 
 ' Juarez not having accepted my conditions, and insist- 
 ing upon considering us rebels and not prisoners of war, I 
 feel under no obligation whatever.' But this tardy re- 
 solution proved profitless ; the greatest opportunity had 
 already gone by. 
 
 Again, however, the chance presented itself as the result 
 of some carefully-prepared arrangements made by the 
 Princess zu Salm Salm in conjunction with her husband. 
 The scheme had proceeded so far that Maximilian had 
 written a letter to the commander of the Austrian ship 
 Elizabeth (Captain von Groeller), then lying at Vera Cruz, 
 warning him of his speedy arrival : the short communica- 
 tion to be entrusted to Prince zu Salm Salm, read : 
 
 ' Qtjebetaro, June 1, 1867. 
 
 'Dbak Captain von Geoellee, — I send you with the 
 present my general and aide-de-camp Prince zu Salm Sahn, 
 now chief of my household, recommending him to you most 
 warmly. Take him on board your ship in order to wait there 
 for me or my instructions. — Your affectionate 
 
 ' Maximilian.' 
 
 Unluckily, on the afternoon of the day appointed for 
 the attempt (2nd June), there had arrived a despatch 
 from Mexico City announcing the departure for Quere- 
 taro of Baron von Magnus and the two advocates 
 Senores de la Torre and Rivas Palacios. This ill-timed 
 
 2 A 
 
370 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 communication at once influenced Maximilian ; to the 
 consternation of his faithful and anxious followers he 
 announced his intention of not making the attempt 
 'that night.' Thus the second opportunity had been 
 fooHshly squandered. 
 
 A third and last remained. Undeterred by the irritating 
 obstinacy displayed by the emperor up till now, the Salm 
 Salms continued their exertions on his behalf. With in- 
 finite trouble, and faced upon all sides with difficulties and 
 dangers, it was arranged that the emperor should try to 
 escape upon the night of 12th June. This was the night 
 before the date which had been fineUy appointed for his trial, 
 and the time available was thus perilously short. It was all 
 a question of money now, for his avaricious gaolers were 
 confident that their imperial captive could be made more 
 profitable ahve than he would prove dead. Their palms 
 were itching for the foreign gold which had been promised ; 
 but, unfortunately, ready cash in sufiicient quantity was 
 unobtainable. It therefore became a question of negotia- 
 tion of bank drafts which were to bear both the imperial 
 signature and the endorsement of certain guarantors, among 
 them Baron von Lago and Baron von Magnus, as well as 
 Princess zu Salm Salm. 
 
 The Mexican officers who were engaged in the plot had 
 been fully prepared to remain on duty for forty-eight hours 
 in order to successfully bring about the success of the 
 arrangements. 
 
 These two Liberal officers who had been ultimately 
 induced to lend their assistance upon this occasion, were 
 Colonel Villanueva and Colonel Palacios. The former was 
 a man of some education, but, like most of the Mexican 
 officers, he was wretchedly poor. He held the command 
 of the whole of the guards employed in the town of Quere- 
 taro, but the real factor was Colonel Palacios, who was 
 governor of the prison itself, and, therefore, controlled all 
 the military who were protecting it. The ' consideration ' 
 offered had been fixed at the sum of $200,000 fisos (in two 
 drafts of $100,000) to be paid to Colonel Palacios and 
 
BARON VON LAGO 371 
 
 Colonel Vilianueva by the Imperial House of Austria ; 
 these drafts were signed by Maximilian.^ 
 
 Palacios was an Indian without any education ; he could 
 barely read or write. His cupidity, however, was great, 
 for he had a young and sickly wife who had recently given 
 birth to her first child, and lacked the most ordinary neces- 
 sities. Thus there was, perhaps, some excuse for this man 
 offering to betray his trust. But the danger incurred was 
 so great, and meant in the event of discovery so inevitably 
 an ignominious and speedy death, that when there arose 
 the question of accepting Maximihan's bond without the 
 additional guarantee of the Prussian and Austrian ministers, 
 the conspirators at first hesitated and finally refused to 
 proceed. 
 
 After considerable pressure. Baron von Lago had been 
 prevailed upon to sign the drafts in favour of Palacios and 
 Vilianueva. Two days afterwards, however, having the 
 original documents in his possession for delivery to the 
 two officers, he suddenly repented of his action, and acting 
 under nervous or cowardly excitement he deliberately cut 
 o£E his signature, leaving the drafts mutilated and useless. 
 Naturally neither of the officers would accept them in their 
 then valueless form, and in order to save themselves from 
 any consequences that an eventual discovery might entail 
 upon them, they betrayed * the attempt to corrupt their 
 loyalty ' to the Liberal commandant Escobedo, and so com- 
 pletely destroyed any small chance that might still have 
 existed of the emperor's release being brought about. 
 
 Thus, notwithstanding the careful arrangements made 
 by the Salm Salms for Maximilian's escape from Queretaro 
 and his arrival at Vera Cruz, where his countrymen. Captain 
 von Groeller, was to have awaited him, the entire scheme 
 proved unavailing, and nothing now remained possible to 
 save the situation. To prevent any further attempts at a 
 rescue, the Princess zu Salm Salm, following the expulsion 
 
 * Anticipating treachery, Maximilian added the condition that the 
 drafts were to be honoured only in the event of his release and safety 
 being completed. 
 
372 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of the Prussian and Austrian ministers, was also commanded 
 by General Escobedo to leave Queretaro under pain of 
 arrest. While the plucky American woman resisted to the 
 utmost, the two diplomats had fled in such precipitate haste 
 that they left all their impedimenta behind — while in the 
 case of Baron von Lago he departed with the codicil to 
 Maximilian's will unsigned. 
 
 Few incidents in the whole sad history of Maximilian in 
 Mexico stand out with greater prominence than the conduct 
 of Baron von Lago, a man of meanest disposition, innate 
 disloyalty, and possessing but the crudest conception of 
 duty towards his own prince. During the whole period 
 of Maximilian's stay in Mexico, Baron von Lago had proved 
 either useless or troublesome ; towards the last days of the 
 ill-starred monarchical regime he had done his utmost to 
 damn the emperor's final efforts to maintain the semblance 
 of an army by urging all Austrians who had enhsted in his 
 service to abandon their arms and return to their country. 
 As we know, the great majority of them did so, departing 
 with Maximilian's bounty and advance pay in their pockets, 
 thus callously betraying their generous employer to his 
 enemies and defrauding him of his money at the same time- 
 For this act, as for the failure attending the last attempt 
 at escape from Queretaro, Baron von Lago has been, and 
 wiU by truthful historians continue to be, held responsible ; 
 whether he acted upon his own initiative or upon instruc- 
 tions from Vienna it is difficult at this distance of time to 
 say with any accuracy. But the whole of the circumstances 
 taken in conjunction point very ominously to this latter 
 having been the case. 
 
 Baron von Magnus had returned from his hurried journey 
 to San Luis Potosi, there to see and entreat the president 
 to spare the fife of Maximihan, a journey which proved in 
 vain. Nevertheless he had done everything that lay within 
 his power as a private individual, for the president of 
 the Repubhc had always refused to recognise his diplomatic 
 position as Minister of Prussia accredited to the Imperial 
 Court of Mexico. 
 
MAXIMILIAN'S BEQUESTS 373 
 
 Von Magnus now devoted his whole time to attending 
 to Maximilian, to whose presence he had been admitted by 
 the special order issued by Benito Juarez. Between Maxi- 
 milian and the estimable but weak Baron von Magnus 
 there had always been -a bond of great sympathy, and in 
 his last hours the imprisoned emperor derived much con- 
 solation from the baron's companionship. 
 
 They passed the brief time yet remaining by arranging 
 the disposition of the few personal articles which Maxi- 
 milian still owned. To Prince Felix zu Salm Salm, his 
 faithful aide-de-camp and courageous companion through 
 the long siege of Queretaro, was bequeathed the emperor's 
 most treasured possession — ^a perspective glass which he 
 had held almost constantly in his hand during the siege 
 days ; to the princess, who had likewise proved so devoted 
 and loyal an adherent, he devised a handsome fan which 
 he had occasionally used in the hot and foetid atmosphere 
 of his prison. 
 
 As always, the reflections of the emperor were not per- 
 mitted to dwell selfishly upon his own iaffairs ; he continually 
 thought of others, and upon the afternoon of the 18th June, 
 his last day of Ufe, he sent to President Juarez at San Luis 
 Pot6si a telegram asking for the pardon of his two con- 
 demned generals, Miramon and Mejia, without soliciting 
 any consideration for himself. This message ran : 
 
 'I would desire that Miguel Miram6n and Tomas 
 Mejia, who suffered all the tortures and bitterness of 
 death the day before last, may be spared, and that I, 
 as I have already declared when taken prisoner, may be 
 the only victim.' 
 
 No reply was vouchsafed to this telegram ; at least no 
 response reached the hands of the unselfish and high- 
 minded emperor. 
 
 The day previous he had composed and issued a short 
 but telling farewell message addressed to his former generals 
 and field-officers then imprisoned in the city, which read as 
 follows : 
 
374 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 ' QuEEETAEO, Pbison OP Los CaptjciSos, 
 June 17, 1867. 
 
 ' To the Generals and Field-Officers, prisoners in this city. 
 
 ' At this solemn moment I address to you the present lines 
 in order both to acknowledge the loyalty with which you have 
 served me, and to give to you a token of the true regard which 
 I feel for you. — Your affectionate 
 
 ' Maxtmilian.' 
 
 The emperor also addressed on the same day a few words 
 of acknowledgment to his four legal advisers — Seiiores 
 Licenciados de la Torre, Rivas Palacios, Vasquez and 
 Ortega, while to President Benito Juarez he despatched 
 a more lengthy communication, bearing the fatal date of 
 'June 19,' upon which it would be delivered — ^and reading 
 as follows : 
 
 ' To Senor Benito Juarez. 
 
 ' On the point of suffering death, because I desired to try 
 whether new institutions would enable me to put an end to the 
 bloody war which, for so many years, has been causing ruin to 
 this unhappy country, I will yield up my life with satisfaction, 
 if this sacrifice can contribute to the welfare of my adopted 
 country. 
 
 ' Being fully convinced that nothing durable can be produced 
 on a soil soaked in blood and moved by violent agitations, I 
 implore you in the most solemn manner, and with that sincerity 
 which is peculiar to moments like those in which I find myself, 
 that my blood may prove the last that may be spilled, and that 
 the same perseverance which I had appreciated when in the 
 midst of prosperity, and with which you defended the cause 
 which conquers now, might be applied to the most noble end ; 
 to reconcile all the hearts, and to rebuild upon a durable, firm 
 foundation, the peace and the order of this unhappy country. 
 
 The last private letter written by the emperor — and the 
 composition of which occupied his saddest thoughts — ^was 
 that addressed to his wife, the afflicted Empress Charlotte. 
 It was couched in the most affectionate terms, for the bonds 
 of attachment between them had never once been loosened 
 
ADOBE WALL, IN FRONT OF WHICH THE EXECUTION OF MAXIMILIAN, 
 MIRAM6n, and MEJIA TOOK PLACE 
 
 TEMPORARY MEMORIALS MARKING THE PLACE OF EXECUTION 
 
THE LAST LETTER 375 
 
 during the nine years of their happy married life. The 
 letter was as follows : 
 
 'My Beloved Chaelotte, — 
 
 ' If God permits that yoiir health be restored, and you should 
 read these few lines, you wiU learn the cruelty with which fate 
 has stricken me since your departure for Europe. You took 
 with you not only my heart but my good fortune. Why did I 
 not give heed to your voice ? So many untoward events ! 
 Alas ! so many sudden blows have stricken my hopes, that 
 death is but a happy deliverance, not an agony to me. I shall 
 die gloriously, like a soldier, Uke a monarch, vanquished but not 
 dishonoured. If your sufferings are too great, and God shall 
 call you to join me, I shall bless His divine hand which has 
 weighed so heavily upon us. Adieu, Adieu ! — Your poor 
 
 ' Maximilian.' 
 
 There have been expressed serious doubts as to whether 
 this pathetic and affecting letter ever reached the hands of 
 the empress then under restraint, or whether, had it done 
 so, she would have been able to comprehend its meaning. 
 Unfortunately, it is clear that the unhappy lady became 
 somehow aware of the terrible tragedy of Queretaro. The 
 incident of the inscription upon the photograph sent to 
 Senor Jose Luis Blasio, related in a later chapter, abun- 
 dantly proves this. Further, soon after the seizure which 
 resulted in her loss of reason, the empress had exclaimed 
 in the hearing of her attendants, ' He is dead ! — ^they will 
 kill him ! — ^I know the Mexicans ! ' 
 
 A few hours before his death, Maximilian had also com- 
 posed a letter to his brother the Emperor Francis Joseph, 
 a document which he entrusted, with two others (one being 
 that addressed to his wife and the other to his mother, the 
 Archduchess Sophia), to the hands of the Bishop of Quere- 
 taro, demanding from him the solemn promise that all three 
 missives should be delivered to their proper destinations 
 without fail and without delay. No sooner was the breath 
 out of the body of Maximilian than the unworthy prelate 
 opened the three communications, and, having perused 
 them, showed the contents to his intimate Liberal friend 
 
376 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 General Escobedo. It is only by reason of the latter having 
 admitted the fact that the circumstance has become gene- 
 rally known. It is open to doubt whether the letters in- 
 tended for the Emperor Francis Joseph and the Arch- 
 duchess reached their destination ; but that to the Empress 
 Charlotte was delivered several months after the date upon 
 which it was written (18th June 1867). 
 
 The last message addressed to the Emperor Francis 
 Joseph by his younger brother was probably couched in 
 terms of affection, for Maximilian seldom used any other 
 form of expression ; probably, however, this farewell letter 
 was not free from reproach. There was no room for doubt 
 regarding the lack of interest shown by the Austrian 
 Cotirt to Maximihan's accumulating troubles and extremely 
 dangerous position, a policy which, as we know, caused the 
 unfortunate prince the keenest disappointment and pain. 
 
 That the Emperor of Austria repented at the eleventh 
 hour of his attitude towards his brother should at least be 
 recorded. Mr. Seward, writing from the Department of 
 State on 2Ist June 1867, and addressing Senor Romero, 
 the Mexican Liberal Minister at Washington, says : 
 
 'My deab. Mr. Eomeko, — 
 
 ' I am authorised to inform President Juarez that the Emperor 
 of Austria will at once re-establish Prince Maximilian in all his 
 rights of succession as Archduke of Austria, upon Maximilian's 
 release, and renouncing for ever all projects in Mexico. Will 
 you oblige me by conveying this message to President Juarez 
 for his information, with my request that, if compatible, he 
 will communicate the same to the Prince MaximiUan for his 
 information ? ' 
 
 The irony of this despatch is unfortunately apparent ; 
 it is dated ' 21st June,' and Maximilian had already been 
 dead two days. 
 
 Princess zu Salm Salm has emphatically stated that the 
 Austrian Charge d'Affaires, Baron von Lago, was not only a 
 physical coward, but had studiously neglected Maximilian 
 in his most trying time, namely when he was imprisoned 
 at Queretaro, even refusing upon one occasion to obey the 
 
CHAPTER XXX 
 
 Morning of the execution — ^The Catholic Fite-Dieu — Early Mass — ^Maxi- 
 milian's last repast — ^Farewell greetings to Miramrfn and M6jia — Pro- 
 cession to the Cerro de la Campana — Popular emotion — Grief of 
 Father Soria — ^The faithful Tudos in attendance — ^Absence of the 
 Austrian Charg6 d' Affaires — The Emperor's final address — ^The fatal 
 voUey — Miram(5n's execution — ^The last moments of M6jia — Return 
 to the convent — ^Escobedo and the sorrow of a Mexican woman — 
 Embalming of the Emperor's body — Brutality of the surgeons — 
 Demand for the body of Maximilian refused — ^A simple memorial — 
 Austrian admiral takes Maximilian home — Laid to rest with the 
 Hapsburgs — ^EfEect of news in Europe — ^The French court shocked — 
 Responsibilities of Napoleon and Eugenie. 
 
 The Mexican sun arose with customary splendour on 
 the morning of 19th June, bathing the picturesque town of 
 Queretaro in a flood of golden light, and touching with a 
 faint tinge of rose colour the surrounding Sierra Gordo 
 mountains. One by one the distant peaks — ^the Cerro Alto, 
 the Cerro Colgado, the Cerro del Campanario, the Pil6n, 
 the Santa Rosa and the Cerro de la Campaiia — so soon 
 to witness one of the tragedies of aU time — came into view ; 
 the morning had broken with scarcely a movement of the 
 translucid air, and the day promised to be intensely hot. 
 
 The 19th day of June is kept by all pious Roman Cathohcs 
 as one of their highest festivals, the Fete-Dieu. It was 
 becoming that it should also have been the day of Maxi- 
 mihan's martyrdom. Other crowned heads had celebrated 
 this great festival. St. Louis himself, in the year 1270, on the 
 eve of his departure to the last crusade in which he shared, 
 and which resulted in his death, went barefooted on this 
 day of days to the cathedral of Notre Dame ; our own King 
 Hal, when a child, had also walked barefooted in proces- 
 
 378 
 
THE LAST MASS 379 
 
 sion to the shrine of Our Ladye of Walsingham. And 
 to-day, a better man than either was to pass along upon 
 his road to death. 
 
 The emperor had risen before the sun at half -past three. 
 He made his usual careful toilet, assuming his short dark 
 blue jacket, black trousers and waistcoat, and a wide felt 
 hat. He was fully dressed when, at four o'clock, arrived 
 his confessor, Father Soria, who on the previous day had 
 administered the Holy Sacrament and Extreme Unction, 
 forming part of that beautiful ceremony of the Catholic 
 Church, which comprises the anointing of the eyes, nose, 
 ears, mouth, hands and feet, usually performed by a bishop 
 or a priest, and symboUsing purification from sins com- 
 mitted by the parts annointed. Few mortals had pro- 
 bably transgressed less seriously than the unfortunate 
 man about to die. 
 
 A solemn mass was celebrated at five o'clock, a small 
 altar having been specially erected in a niche in the gallery 
 of the convent to which reference has previously been made. 
 
 By half-past the hour the ceremony was complete, and 
 Maximilian partook of a sUght breakfast. To his listening 
 ears came through the open doors and windows the sound 
 of many voices, the murmurings of the populace who had 
 gathered in their thousands to catch a last ghmpse of the man 
 whom they had grown to love for his gentleness of disposition 
 and his avowed good intentions towards them. General 
 Escobedo, in charge of the troops, was fearful of an uprising 
 among the people, so intensely did they resent the execu- 
 tion of the emperor ; in order to defeat any such purpose 
 he had intentionally issued a misleading public announce- 
 ment regarding the appointed time, making it one hour 
 later than had been decided upon. His precautions were 
 quite unnecessary, for no organised attempt at a rescue or 
 a riot had been contemplated, and certainly the doomed 
 emperor would have been no party to it. 
 
 At six o'clock, with the sunlight falling in a flood of 
 golden streaks upon the paved courtyard of the convent, 
 there arrived the platoon of ragged, ruffianly-looking 
 
380 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 soldiery, officered by a captain almost as tattered and quite 
 as truculent in appearance, and who drew up in a straggling 
 line with much unnecessary noise and clatter. Before the 
 officer could address the emperor he exclaimed, ' Seiior, I 
 am ready.' 
 
 The few attendants who had been permitted to minister 
 to him in his prison now crowded to the emperor's side, 
 weeping and kissing his hands. Moved by so intense an 
 expression of suffering, Maximilian gently observed, ' Be 
 calm, my friends ; you see that I am so. It is the wiU 
 of God that I should die ; we cannot do aught against 
 it.' 
 
 As he passed the open doors of the cells occupied by his 
 generals, Miramon and Mejia, to whom also guards had been 
 despatched to bring them out, Maximilian enquired, ' Are 
 you ready, gentlemen ? I am quite so.' Both of the fellow- 
 condemned advanced and saluted the emperor, who affec- 
 tionately embraced them, noting as he did so that Mejia 
 was looking extremely ill and suffering, as, indeed, he was 
 from both physical weakness and mental anxiety respecting 
 his young wife, from whom he had just parted. 
 
 Then, in company, all three descended the winding stone 
 staircase, which they had climbed for the first time barely 
 three weeks before. Through the gallery and the court- 
 yard they marched side by side, the escort keeping close 
 behind with cocked rifles ready at a moment's notice to 
 shoot any one of them showing the least disposition to 
 resist. Arrived at the street before the convent, Maxi- 
 milian, as he emerged from the gloomy portal and encoun- 
 tered the full power of the briUiant sun, exclaimed with 
 rapture, ' Ah ! what a superb day ! It was always my 
 wish to die upon such an one, and my prayer has been 
 answered.' 
 
 Three closed carriages, ordinary public hackney-coaches 
 of the second-class, miserably horsed, were in attendance. 
 Into the first MaximiUan stepped, being followed immedi- 
 ately by Father Soria, who would have respectfully seated 
 himself opposite ; but with a gentle pressure of the hand 
 
CERRO DE LA CAMPANA 381 
 
 the emperor drew down the trembling and tearful priest 
 to his side, and the carriage moved on. 
 
 Notwithstanding General Escobedo's attempt to mis- 
 lead the public, the streets were densely thronged by 
 sad-faced men and weeping women, mostly Indians, who 
 watched the slowly moving procession pass towards the 
 Cerro de la Campana with but ill-suppressed excitement 
 born of sympathy and indignation. Most of the populace 
 respectfully saluted the emperor and the generals as they 
 passed, the men removing their large slouch sonibriros and 
 holding them in their hands or pressed upon their breasts 
 as when a funeral procession passes them, muttering an 
 invocation to the saints and piously crossing them- 
 selves. The women wept, sobbing unrestrainedly, and tears 
 were very near the eyes of the emperor as he observed the 
 sympathy of the people for himself and his lost cause. 
 
 It occupied about twenty minutes for the procession to 
 reach the foot of the Cerro, and here the three condemned 
 were ordered to descend. The door of the emperor's 
 vehicle had jambed when last closed and could not be 
 easily opened. Maximilian, therefore, stepped briskly 
 from the large window-frame to the ground, while Father 
 Soria succeeded in opening the door and descending from 
 the opposite side. 
 
 Here was found awaiting the emperor his faithful 
 Hungarian servant, Tudos, who had accompanied him from 
 Miramar three years previously. Maximilian greeted him 
 kindly, and then enquired, ' Are you alone 1 Is no one 
 else here ? ' He had evidently expected some among his 
 own countrymen of whom several were then resident in 
 Queretaro, and above all he had looked for the Austrian 
 Charge d' Affaires, Baron von Lago ; but that craven had 
 fled hot-haste from the town without even one word of 
 farewell to the condemned prince, the brother of the sove- 
 reign whom he served as representative at the court of 
 Mexico ! 
 
 In the heyday of his imperial prosperity the emperor 
 had been surrounded by a countless horde of sycophants 
 
382 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 and time-servers : now upon the day of his downfall, not 
 one among them had troubled to come to bid him fare- 
 well ! He was realising to the full Pascal's words, ' La 
 condition de I'homme c'est I'inconstance.' But if the 
 Austrian diplomat had not the decency to present himself, 
 the emperor was not wholly neglected. The faithful Baron 
 von Magnus was at hand, and upon him Maximilian smiled 
 graciously, as he approached to salute the emperor. The 
 consul-general of Austria, Senor Bahnsen, was also present, 
 but owing to the number of troops surrounding the prisoners 
 Maximilian had failed to detect him. 
 
 Father Soria, who had all through the sad proceedings 
 exhibited intense emotion, now gave signs of a collapse. 
 His tears and sobs came almost unchecked, and Maxi- 
 milian found himself enacting the role of consoler, when, in 
 truth, it was he who most needed consolation. With much 
 kindness he comforted the sorrowing priest, begging him 
 not to weep for one whose lot was so soon to become bright 
 beyond understanding. He even drew from his pocket a 
 small silver smelling bottle, and gently proffered it to the 
 trembling friar ; too nervous or too prostrated to heed. 
 Father Soria almost dropped the bottle, which MaximiUan 
 then held to his nose. This touching little incident was 
 told by Senora Aguirre, the wife of a Liberal minister of that 
 day, who herself was a witness of the occurrence. 
 
 While the emperor now moved forward with firm step, 
 followed by General Miramon, the third prisoner. General 
 Mejia, was foimd to be in a fainting condition, arising in 
 no way from physical cowardice but from sheer bodily 
 weakness. He had to be supported to the summit of the 
 Cerro, where the fatal volley was to be met. The troops 
 had already been assembled there, and formed into an open 
 square. They were under the command of General Jesus 
 Diaz de Leon. Where the square was left open a rough 
 adobe wall (made of unbaked earth bricks) had been thrown 
 up, and in front of this the condemned were ordered to 
 place themselves. Behind each had been erected a rugged 
 unfashioned wooden cross, while two long benches had 
 
VALEDICTORY SPEECH 383 
 
 also been placed within reach. Near at hand were three 
 coffins, hastily knocked together and painted a dull black, 
 the lids being so badly made that the great gaps appeared 
 upon either side when adjusted. Upon each coffin had 
 been smeared a large cross in red pigments. 
 
 Maximilian placed himself in the centre of the group, 
 and where he halted the wall behind him was shghtly higher ; 
 Mejia stood, with great difficulty, upon his left hand, while 
 Miramon took up his position to the right. Both of the 
 generals submitted to the bandaging of the eyes, but Maxi- 
 milian, upon the approach of the officer commissioned to 
 carry out this proceeding, gently motioned to him not to 
 trouble. He then left his place and advanced towards 
 the firing section, consisting of seven men, and to each of 
 them he presented a gold coin, twenty pesos, known as 
 ' Maximilian d'or,' saying, ' Muchachos (boys), aim well, 
 and aim right here,' placing his hand upon his heart. He 
 then retiu'ned to his position, removing his hat which he 
 held in his left hand, and with the other he calmly wiped 
 the perspiration from his forehead, for the day was already 
 advanced and the June heat of the sun was making itself 
 felt. The hat afterwards was retained by the Hungarian, 
 Tudos, and brought by him, at a subsequent date, to Maxi- 
 milian's mother, the Archduchess Sophia of Bavaria. 
 
 It is customary in all Latin countries for the politically 
 as for the criminally condemned to deliver a farewell 
 oration upon the eve of dissolution. It is a privilege 
 accorded to even the worst malefactors, and one which is 
 but seldom discarded. Maximilian's soft and well modu- 
 lated voice was heard addressing the soldiery facing him, 
 for he was too far distant for his utterances to reach the 
 ranks of the troops and beyond them the gathering of the 
 public who had followed them to the execution ground. 
 
 ' Mexicans ! ' he said, ' persons of my rank and origin 
 are destined by God either to be benefactors of the people 
 or martyrs. Called by a great part of you, I came for the 
 good of the country. Ambition did not bring me here : 
 I came with the best of intentions and sincerest wishes for 
 
384 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the future of my adopted country and for that of my 
 soldiers, whom I thank before my death for the sacrifices 
 which they have made for me. Mexicans ! may my blood 
 be the last which shall be spilled for the welfare of the 
 country ; and if it should be necessary that its sons should 
 still shed theirs, may it flow for its good, never by treason. 
 Long live Independence ; long live Mexico ! ' 
 
 Glancing around, the emperor observed that several 
 Indian peons, who had crept up behind the soldiery, were 
 weeping ; he smiled upon them encouragingly, and then 
 faced the firing squad. Placing both his hands for a 
 moment upon his breast just above his heart he dropped 
 them quickly to his side. At the same moment five shots 
 rang out clearly upon the still morning air ; for a brief 
 second the emperor did not move, then he gently swayed 
 and fell upon his right side, whispering almost inaudibly, 
 ' Homhre ! ' (' man ! '), an expression used to inferiors. All 
 five bullets had pierced his body, and the executioners had 
 done their work well and truly. Observing a slight twitch- 
 ing of the arms, doubtless caused by the contraction and 
 relaxation of the muscles, the commanding officer 
 approached the body and turned it upon its back. Indicat- 
 ing to the heart with the point of his bare sword, he silently 
 motioned to one of the soldiers, who thereupon advanced 
 and sent another bullet from his rifle straight through the 
 heart. 
 
 Thus was the damnable deed completed, and thus died 
 one of the weakest but one of the most unselfish and lov- 
 able of men, one who would have become an admirable 
 subject but who made a very feeble sovereign. 
 
 Some doubt seems to existwhetherMaximilian,bef ore meet- 
 ing his own end, believed in the reported death of his consort, 
 the Empress Charlotte. The letter which he addressed to 
 his wife upon the eve of his execution, and of which a copy 
 has been given in this history, would seem to entirely dis- 
 prove the statement that he believed her dead. On the 
 other hand, we have the testimony adduceji by three of the 
 foreign diplomats who were in Mexico, Signor Jules, the 
 
DEATH OF MIRAM6N AND MlfijlA 385 
 
 Italian Charge d' Affaires (who had replaced Signer Fran- 
 cisco Curtopassi) ; Mynheer Hooricks, the Belgian Charge 
 d'Affaires ; and M. Forest, the French Consul at Mazatlan. 
 These three wrote and signed the following despatch, on 
 18th June : ' Maximilian wrote us on the 14th, that the 
 Empress Carlotta (Charlotte) is dead. He thanks us also 
 for the interest which we have manifested in him.' This 
 despatch was sent to the French Legation at Washington 
 in cjrpher, but is said to have been incorrectly translated. 
 
 Greneral Miram6n, with his eyes bandaged and his face 
 stiU greatly swollen from the woiuid which he had received 
 at the siege, contented himseK with but a few words, address- 
 ing them not to the soldiery, but raising his voice suffi- 
 ciently to enable the crowd beyond the troops to hear him. 
 
 ' Mexicans,' he declared, ' my judges have condemned 
 me to death as a traitor to my country ; I never was a 
 traitor, and request you not to suffer this stain to rest upon 
 my memory, and stiU less upon my children. Long Uve 
 Mexico ; long Hve the emperor.' 
 
 The last words, meaningless since the emperor lay already 
 dead, were cut short by a further volley, and Miram6n, 
 scarcely more than thirty-six years of age, although he had 
 once been president of Mexico, fell prone, no movement of 
 the body taking place, and no coup de grace being given. 
 
 Then came the turn of the sickly Mejia, too weak to cry 
 more than feebly ' Long hve Mexico ! long Uve the emperor ! ' 
 The death voUey was dealt somewhat hurriedly in his case, 
 and he hved for some minutes after faUing ; two additional 
 bullets had to be fired into the head and one through the 
 heart before death ensued. 
 
 The three corpses were now cursorily examined by the 
 surgeons present, and thereafter were wrapped in sheets 
 of coarse material and placed in the cheap deal coffins 
 awaiting them. So clumsily had these caskets been made 
 that that intended for the emperor proved too short, his 
 feet protruding by several inches. This coffin stiU exists, 
 and forms one of the many exhibits in the museum at 
 Queretaro. It is placed upright against one of the walls 
 
 2 B 
 
386 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of the ' Maximilian Room,' still bearing traces of the blood 
 which flowed freely from the emperor's bullet-pierced body. 
 
 The bodies of the two generals were handed over to their 
 families, and the formal interment in consecrated ground 
 with full ceremonial was carried out upon the same day. 
 The imhappy Senora Miram6n temporarily lost her reason, 
 and had to be placed under restraint. The widow of General 
 Mejia, quite a girl in age and appearance, had but recently 
 been delivered of an infant, and was in a dangerous con- 
 dition of health. 
 
 Maximilian's body was entrusted to the care of Colonel 
 Miguel Palacios, the man who had hated the dead emperor 
 with an almost ferocious abhorrence, and who on account 
 of his personal appearance and habit of squinting had been 
 nicknamed ' El Hiena ' (The Hyena). By his orders the 
 coffin, iU-fitting and ungainly in appearance, was carried 
 by relays of soldiers from the Cerro de la Campagna through 
 the city, where its passage everywhere occasioned fresh 
 exhibitions of emotion among the populace. 
 
 It is said that one poor woman, who was weeping aloud, 
 was accosted by the ' Hyena ' in harsh tones, asking, ' Why 
 are you weeping V 'I am weeping for my dead emperor,' 
 she answered defiantly. Colonel Palacios then seized and 
 attempted to drag her to prison ; but, with a swift move- 
 ment, the enraged woman stabbed him with a knife which 
 had been concealed beneath her cloak, and in the confusion 
 which ensued she made her escape. 
 
 The coffined body of the dead Maximilian was carried 
 back to the chapel of the convent of the Capuchinos, where 
 it was roughly thrown upon a table. Summoning Dr. Basch, 
 the late emperor's physician, and a number of the im- 
 prisoned Imperiahst officers, most of whom were French- 
 men, Colonel Palacios, stiU smarting from the wound 
 inflicted upon him by the woman whom he had addressed, 
 exclaimed, while pointing to the body, ' Behold the work of 
 France ! ' 
 
 The sons of Gaul, naturally incensed at this only too 
 well-deserved if melodramatic pronouncement, generally 
 
TWO MEXICAN DOCTOES 387 
 
 protested. It was with genuine sorrow and some feeling 
 of self-reproach that they regarded the inanimate victim 
 of their own emperor's treachery. Colonel Palacios had 
 but spoken the truth when he declared this act to have 
 been ' the work of France,' and truth, as Cowper has told 
 us, is sometimes unwelcome. 
 
 It had been determined to embalm the body of the late 
 emperor, and this gruesome task was entrusted to the 
 Liberal surgeons, Dr. Riva de Nigra and Dr. Licia. The 
 former was a man of exceptionally low origin and mean 
 character ; he had arranged with Signer Curtopassi to 
 help MaximiHan to escape for a payment of the sum of ten 
 thousand 'pesos. At first he had readily consented, but 
 fearing for the safety of his promised reward he deemed it 
 prudent to sell the secret of the plot to, for a smaller sum 
 to be paid in immediate cash by, General Escobedo. 
 
 Dr. Licia was a man of similar reputation, having be- 
 trayed General Miram6n in earher days under the guise of 
 friendship. Dr. Basch was allowed to be present at the 
 autopsy. 
 
 The proceedings were characterised by much unneces- 
 sary and discreditable ofEensiveness upon the part of the 
 Liberal officials. Dr. Licia, when plimging his knife into 
 the body of the dead prince, exclaimed, 'What a dehght 
 it is to me to be enabled to wash my hands in the blood 
 of an emperor.' Then the ' Hyena ' tapped upon the 
 head of the corpse, observing theatrically, ' Oh ! you 
 would place crowns upon your head, would you ? Now, 
 perhaps, you will be satisfied with these for your crown,' 
 and with those words he emptied over the head the intes- 
 tines which had been removed from the stomach and placed 
 in a bowl of water. Other similarly degrading acts upon 
 the part of these monsters, types of the Mexican profes- 
 sional man of that day, were subsequently disclosed, proving 
 that although dead and beyond the reach of their contemp- 
 tible spite, Maximilian was still to be made the subject of 
 their vindictiveness. 
 
 The embalming process extended over a full week. 
 
388 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 During the operation tlie heart of the deceased sovereign 
 was allowed to remain exposed upon a rough wooden bench 
 in the chapel for an entire day ; but when the operation 
 had at length been completed, the embalmed body was 
 placed in a shell of superior quality, and remained under 
 military guard in the convent chapel pending its removal 
 to Europe. 
 
 Upon the same day that the execution of MaximiUan 
 took place, the Austrian Charge d' Affaires (Baron von 
 Lago) made a formal written apphcation to the Mexican 
 Government for the body of the dead emperor. The 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs (Seiior Lerdo de Tejada), how- 
 ever, dechned to accede to the request 'for serious reasons,' 
 and the diplomat did not press the point. The indiffer- 
 ence which he had displayed throughout the entire pro- 
 ceedings, and his utter callousness regarding the physical 
 sufferings of the sovereign while in prison, had both sur- 
 prised and nauseated even the Mexicans themselves. 
 
 About ten days later Baron von Magnus (the Prussian 
 Minister) and Dr. Basch preferred a similar request, but 
 met with the same negative response. On 25th August, 
 however, there arrived at Vera Cruz the Admiral von 
 Tegethoff, commanding the Austrian frigate Novara. In 
 the early days of September he approached the Mexican 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, upon behalf of the Austrian 
 imperial family, for permission to receive and remove the 
 late emperor's body to Europe. The favour was again 
 declined at first, but finally the minister consented ' pro- 
 vided a formal petition were presented by the Austrian 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs.' 
 
 On 26th September Baron von Beust, the Chamberlain 
 of the Royal Austrian Household, sent a special communi- 
 cation to the Mexican Minister reiterating the request that 
 the body of the late Austrian archduke might be delivered 
 to Admiral von Tegethoff for due transportation to Vienna. 
 
 By the orders of President Juarez the petition was finally 
 granted, and on the 12th November 1867, five months after 
 the execution, the royal remains were given over to the 
 
MAXIMILIAN GOES HOME 389 
 
 custody of those Austrians who had been despatched three 
 months previously to receive them. At five o'clock on the 
 morning of the date mentioned two plain carriages, escorted 
 by a force of two hundred Liberal troops, appeared before 
 the portals of the Hospital of San Andres. A small number 
 of the men were then detailed to bring out the coffin con- 
 taining the body of the late emperor, and this, after a short 
 delay and without any kind of ceremony, was borne forth 
 and conveyed at once to Vera Cruz. 
 
 The remains were received on board Admiral von Teget- 
 hoff's frigate with all the imposing honours which had 
 been denied to it at Mexico City. Besides the admiral 
 there were present his brother. Count von Tegethoff, and 
 a large number of Austrian and Belgian prisoners-of-war, 
 who had been released from custody and were being 
 carried back to Europe on the same vessel. A chapel 
 ardent was erected on the deck, heavily draped with black 
 hangings, the Austrian flag being spread over the coffin. 
 
 Thus Maximilian went home, on board the same vessel 
 which had triumphantly brought him, but three and a half 
 years previously, to take possession of his new kingdom. 
 Where he once had stood in the flesh — handsome, debonnair, 
 and hopeful — side by side with his beautiful and ambitious 
 helpmate, the Empress Charlotte — he now lay sleeping 
 alone ; after the fatigues of a short but profoundly eventful 
 life, he had foimd the ' golden key that opes the palace of 
 eternity.' 
 
 After arrival at Trieste, the body of Maximilian, Arch- 
 duke of Austria and Emperor of Mexico, was laid to final 
 rest in the crypt of the Capuchin Chapel at Vienna, where 
 repose generations of the imperial house of the Hapsburgs. 
 
 Upon the spot where the three victims of the Liberal 
 revenge had fallen, some pious peasants erected three 
 simple wooden crosses. For several months these remained 
 undisturbed, when they were replaced — ^again by anonymous 
 but sympathetic hands — by small stone crucifixes, and the 
 piece of ground upon which they stood was subsequently 
 enclosed by an ornamental iron railing. Later on a hand- 
 
390 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 some Memorial Chapel was erected, and this is now carefully 
 maintained by means of public subscription. 
 
 The Memorial Chapel is open daily throughout the year 
 to all who choose to enter, and many visitors to Mexico 
 make a point of doing so, to kneel for a few moments before 
 the handsome altar and offer up a silent prayer for the soul 
 of the dead Maximilian. The custodian presents a book 
 for signature, and for such observations as the visitor may 
 elect to inscribe. Many of the annotations, written in 
 every language of the earth, are mere rubbish ; pronounc- 
 ing either in favour or against the sentence which was 
 carried out on the 19th June 1867. Others form very 
 touching tributes to the memory of the deceased, and are 
 expressed in excellent taste and with becoming feeling. 
 
 During the presidency of General Porfirio Diaz a grant 
 from the State funds was regularly made towards the main- 
 tenance of the Maximihan memorial. Indeed General 
 Diaz's attitude towards the memory of Maximihan has 
 always been above reproach. He it was who commanded 
 that the few reHcs of the dead emperor should be carefully 
 collected and placed in the ' Maximilian Museum ' at 
 Queretaro, and that the large oil-paintings of the former 
 Emperor and Empress of Mexico should be hung in a pro- 
 minent position of the National Museum at Mexico City. 
 Here, also, are exhibited, in several large glass cases, the 
 imperial harness, liveries, and state uniforms ; while, in 
 another portion of the building, stands the massive gilt- 
 ornamented coach used by the imperial couple upon State 
 occasions, and which Maximihan had ordered to be built 
 for him in England. 
 
 Speaking of the dead emperor upon one occasion, General 
 Porfirio Diaz observed : ' He was an amiable man, and I 
 beUeve he tried to do his best. He would probably have 
 made an excellent ruler in his own country, but we, as 
 Mexicans, would not have him thrust upon us at the point 
 of French bayonets.' 
 
 Upon every recurring 19th June a solemn Mass of the 
 dead is sung at the aristocratic and historic church of Santa 
 
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NEWS REACHES PRANCE 391 
 
 Brigida, in Mexico City, in memory of the Emperor Maxi- 
 milian, of General Tomas M6jia, and of General Eam6n 
 Miram6n. The nave is draped with crape, and the con- 
 gregation, composed of members of many leading famihes 
 — some of them with pronoimced RepubHcan convictions 
 — attend attired in deep mourning. 
 
 The first public announcement of Maximilian's violent 
 death was made on 20th June, when the Queretaro news- 
 paper. La Sonibra de Arteaga contained a short paragraph, 
 setting forth the bare facts unaccompanied by any editorial 
 comment. The journal was printed upon paper of a red hue. 
 
 It was not until 30th June, however, eleven days after 
 the execution, that a full statement appeared in any foreign 
 paper ; the world was then horrified, and the act universally 
 condemned. In Prance the annoimcement occasioned some- 
 thing like consternation, and both the Emperor Napoleon 
 and the Empress Eugenie were made the subjects of bitter 
 reproach and much hostile comment, even in the columns 
 of the patriotic press. The Great Exhibition of Paris was 
 then in full swing, and the French court in the midst of a 
 number of elaborate social entertainments. None of these 
 could be postponed, and the anomaly was presented of a 
 court, officially ' in mourning,' participating in a perpetual 
 round of balls, receptions, and gala performances. 
 
 It is said that the French emperor and empress were 
 greatly ' shocked ' by the Mexican news ; the affright was 
 probably occasioned more by the dread of what pubhc 
 opinion would say than by any feeling of genuine remorse 
 or of sympathy for the luckless victim of Napoleon's cold 
 treachery on the one hand, and of Eugenie's ohiUing indif- 
 ference on the other. 
 
 The fact was recalled that the Empress Eugenie had 
 particularly interested herself in the sending of Maximilian 
 to Mexico, but that it was upon her suggestion that the 
 continued support of the French army was subsequently 
 refused. The original idea seems to have occurred to her 
 as far back as 1861, when agents of the defeated clericaKst 
 president Miram6n arrived in Europe (afterwards being 
 
392 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 followed by Miram6n himself) to discover whether any 
 European Power would support the Church against the 
 Liberals of Mexico. It was with bitter irony that some 
 witty American had nicknamed Maximilian, the Archduke 
 of Austria, the ' Archdupe of France.' Eugenie is said to 
 have heard the joke, and to have laughed at it. 
 
 It was no less remembered that Napoleon and Eugenie 
 had been most cordial in their reception of the new Emperor 
 and Empress of Mexico, when they visited them to take 
 farewell before their departure for their distant realm. 
 Two years later this same unhappy empress came back 
 alone to throw herself at the feet of Napoleon, imploring, 
 importuning, supplicating him to redeem his solemn pro- 
 mises to her husband, now in peril of his life. Fainting 
 with excitement and already upon the borderland of in- 
 sanity, it is related that the wretched Charlotte had asked 
 for a glass of water. Instead, a glass of orange syrup was 
 brought to her ; but pushing it aside she exclaimed, ' You 
 wish to poison me ! ' Then rising from her kneehng posi- 
 tion, the distracted woman rushed from the room and from 
 the palace, openly cursing the folly of one who being the 
 granddaughter of Louis Philippe could have trusted the 
 word of a Buonaparte. 
 
 General du Barail has recorded that Eugenie treated the 
 French officers returning home from Mexico with studied 
 coldness and neglect, because they could bring her no good 
 news of clerical prospects there. ' This being so,' he adds, 
 ' we could not hope to please her. She did not grant us 
 the honour of an audience, and we dared not to ask for one.' 
 
 The attitude of the Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria 
 in relation to his younger brother MaximiUan has been com- 
 mented upon in previous pages, but it becomes once again 
 necessary to recall the unusual and unexpected manner 
 which he exhibited towards both Napoleon and Eugenie 
 very shortly after the dread drama had been played out 
 in Mexico. In November of 1867 (the execution of Maxi- 
 milian, it will be remembered, took place in the preced- 
 ing June) Napoleon and Eugenie paid a visit to the Emperor 
 
NAPOLEON AND EUGi^NIE IN AUSTRIA 393 
 
 Francis Joseph and the Empress Ehzabeth, at Salzburg. 
 One would have imagined and have excused something 
 like an exhibition of embarrassment, if not of estrangement, 
 upon the part of the Austrian emperor, since this visit 
 must have recalled bitter memories, and since both were 
 collectively and individually responsible morally for the 
 death of the young Emperor of Mexico. 
 
 So far from any such feeling being shown towards them, 
 however, the French sovereigns were received with every 
 display of genuine friendship and pleasure. This was the 
 more remarkable in view of the determination of Francis 
 Joseph to refuse the invitation to Paris, which had been sent 
 to him twice during the previous months of April and May. 
 Francis Joseph had acted upon the advice of his minister, 
 Count von Beust, who at least appears to have considered 
 that his sovereign should manifest some kind of resentment 
 at the betrayal of his brother by the French emperor. The 
 difficult situation of Maximihan had created a decidedly 
 bad impression in Vienna as elsewhere, and Count von Beust, 
 while probably suspecting the reaHty of his imperial master's 
 grief, decided it unbecoming, for the sake of appearances, 
 that he should go to Paris for the public festivities. 
 
 By the following autumn aU feeling of indignation and 
 displeasure — ^if, indeed, any had existed — ^had disappeared, 
 and the two emperors were apparently the best of friends. 
 The chronicles of the Count von Beust, which were pub- 
 hshed some years later, contain a full description of the 
 ceremonies and entertainments which followed the visit of 
 the French sovereign, the count observing : ' The Empress 
 Eugenie astonished and delighted every one by the graceful 
 and yet dignified manner in which she held receptions, and 
 it was perhaps not without calculation that she arrived 
 in extremely simple travelling costume, and that through- 
 out the visits she appeared in very unostentatious toilettes, 
 being obviously desirous of yielding the palm of beauty to 
 the Empress Elizabeth. Napoleon, whom I had seen a 
 year before in utter prostration of mind and body, was 
 active and cheerful, and showed no signs of illness.' 
 
394 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 But by this time his troublesome dupe and victim Maxi- 
 milian was no longer in the world to actively reproach him. 
 
 There was scarcely a royal house in Europe but was 
 affected, and the good Queen Victoria, who had known 
 and highly esteemed the archduke, having entertained him 
 upon several occasions at Windsor, was deeply moved when 
 the intelUgence of the tragedy reached her. 
 
 In the United States the impression created was a no less 
 painful one, on account of the comparative youth of the 
 martyred monarch and the dramatic circumstances which 
 had attended his brief imperial glory from the commence- 
 ment. The United States government had failed to avert 
 the disaster, and pubhc opinion received a severe shock 
 when its details became known ; a feehng prevailed that 
 the anti-monarchical policy of the administration had, to 
 some extent, indirectly helped to bring it about. 
 
CHAPTER XXXI 
 
 Foreign representatives at the Court of Maximilian — ^The Prussian 
 Minister, Baron von Magnus — ^The English Minister, Mr. Scarlett — 
 The Austrian Charg6 d' Affaires, Baron von Lago — ^The United States 
 Minister, Mr. Lewis Campbell and his mission — ^Dilatory procedure — 
 Correspondence with the State department — ^Despatch of deputy to 
 President Juarez — ^Lewis Campbell resigns rather than proceed to 
 Mexico City — Marcus Otterbourg succeeds him — ^The latter's humani- 
 tarian services — ^A too-zealous official soon superseded. 
 
 One of Maximilian's many administrative misfortunes was 
 to have had a very mediocre class of diplomatic represen- 
 tative sent to his court, for not one among the corps 
 accredited to the Imperial government of Mexico displayed 
 the smallest aptitude for deahng with the difficult and 
 complex situation which existed. Their acquaintance with 
 international law was on a par with the general intel- 
 lectual inferiority of these diplomats. In view of the deli- 
 cacy of their position — ^that of accreditation to an already 
 defeated monarchy, holding with the Repubhcan govern- 
 ment no recognised influence whatever — ^their best course 
 would have been to attempt conciliation and friendliness 
 with the dominant authorities who alone could have 
 amehorated MaximiHan's situation and have released him 
 from durance. Instead of foUowing this obviously sensible 
 course of procedure, the representatives of Austria, Italy, 
 and Holland unwisely adopted an attitude both insolent and 
 aggressive towards the Juarist government which aggra- 
 vated almost while it amused them. The only European 
 diplomatic representatives then in Mexico were : The 
 Marquis de Ribera (Spain) ; M. Alphonse Dano (France) ; 
 Baron von Magnus (Prussia) ; M. Frederick Hooricks 
 
 8D5 
 
396 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 (Belgium) ; Signer Francisco Curtopassi (Italy) ; and Mr. 
 0. Middleton (Great Britain). The discreditable conduct of 
 which M. de Saligny, the French representative at the court 
 of Maximilian, had been guilty has been previously referred 
 to — conduct so gross and so incompetent that he had been 
 recalled in disgrace to France, and had never again been 
 entrusted with any important diplomatic mission. To 
 Baron von Lago, the Austrian Charge d'Affaires, several 
 references have already been made. He was a coarse- 
 minded, craven-spirited person, totally unfit, one would 
 have said, to hold such a post as that conferred upon him 
 by the Emperor Francis Joseph. In the course of his career 
 he had failed to bring any distinction to himself or honour 
 upon his country, and while, in his capacity as diplomatist, 
 he should have acted for Maximilian as his official agent, he 
 seems to have done nothing to see that the unfortunate 
 prince received the barest justice when a prisoner of war in 
 the hands of his captors. 
 
 Baron von Magnus, the Prussian minister (who had suc- 
 ceeded Baron von Wagner), was a well-meaning but abso- 
 lutely tactless person. Nevertheless the Emperor of 
 Mexico had reposed great confidence in him, and had taken 
 many opportimities to show his regard and appreciation 
 of the minister's loyal services. Maximilian seems to have 
 been ignorant of the fact that Baron von Magnus had acted 
 detrimentally to the imperial interests when he joined his 
 Austrian colleague in advising the foreign legionaries to 
 break faith and leave the country before their full terms 
 of military enlistment had expired. That Maximilian had 
 generously given them permission to depart if they pre- 
 ferred to do so, rendered their act of desertion no less 
 unworthy. 
 
 Baron von Magnus undoubtedly used his earnest endea- 
 vours to help the emperor during his last days. The 
 self-imposed mission which he undertook to President 
 Juarez — a mission which had rightly belonged to Baron 
 von Lago in his capacity as Austrian Charge d'Affaires — 
 proved futile, but it was entered upon with a good heart. 
 
M. HOORICKS 397 
 
 and upon its failure he evinced considerable emotion and 
 sympathy for the unhappy prince about to be sacrificed. 
 The last two days of Maximilian's captivity were shared 
 by Baron von Magnus, who on the eve (18th June) of 
 the execution addressed the following pathetic appeal to 
 Senor Lerdo de Tejada, the Juarist Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, holding the greatest influence with the president. 
 
 ' I implore you in the name of humanity and of Heaven,' 
 he wrote, ' not to make any further attempt against his 
 [the emperor's] Ufe, and I repeat now how certain I am that 
 my sovereign, the King of Prussia, and all the monarchs of 
 Europe who are related to the imprisoned prince, his brother 
 the Emperor of Austria, his cousin the Queen of England, 
 his brother-in-law the King of the Belgians, and his cousin 
 the Queen of Spain, as also the Kings of Italy and Sweden, 
 will readily agree to give all possible guarantee that none 
 of the prisoners shall ever return to Mexican territory.' 
 
 One of Maximihan's last acts was to confer upon Baron 
 von Magnus the Commander's Cross of the Order of the 
 Eagle. 
 
 Of M. Frederick Hooricks, the Belgian Charge d'Affaires, 
 it is not possible to write without contempt. Not only 
 was he whoUy incompetent to represent his country — ^the 
 native land be it remembered of the Empress Charlotte — 
 but he was proved to have acted with the greatest treachery 
 towards Maximihan by suppressing, imder the pretext 
 that it had been mislaid, the royal permit from Brussels 
 (dated in the month of July 1866) by which the Belgian 
 officers and troops were to remain for several months longer 
 in Mexico in the service of Maximilian. Whether, had they 
 so remained, the fate of the monarchy would have been 
 in any way affected — ^its ultimate end was indeed already 
 determined — ^may be doubted ; but this in no way reheves 
 M. Hooricks from the stigma of having wilfully and mis- 
 chievously prevented the intended succour from being 
 enjoyed. 
 
 M. Hooricks did not confine himself to obstructing Maxi- 
 milian and his government. He grossly insulted the 
 
398 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 emperor in the presence of General Escobedo, the Liberal 
 commander, and his officers, referring to him as a 'fool,' 
 adding, doubtless in order to curry favom: with the Juarists, 
 that 'the Liberal government were perfectly within their 
 rights in shooting him.' 
 
 Signor Curtopassi, the Italian Charge d' Affaires, while fail- 
 ing to give any evidence of great diplomatic acumen, at least 
 conducted himself sympathetically towards the imfortmiate 
 sovereign to whose court he was accredited. He could do 
 but httle to delay the tragic issue of the monarchical regime, 
 but he tried to serve the emperor outside his official capacity, 
 and if he failed it was probably because he was iU-provided 
 with the necessary financial resources, which alone would 
 have touched the feeUngs of the Mexican gaolers. 
 
 The English minister, Mr. Scarlett, who, for the most 
 part seems to have been a colourless representative of his 
 great country, had already left Mexico at the time of the 
 monarchical collapse ; but, had he been present, doubtless 
 he would have used such influence as he possessed to obtain 
 mercy for MaximiUan (see the observations made by the 
 New York Herald of 2nd July 1867, reproduced in fac- 
 simile elsewhere). Mr. C. Middleton was at this period the 
 British Charge d'Affaires, but he carried no influence with 
 any one. 
 
 The United States representative, Mr. Thomas Corwin, 
 had been accredited to the Republican govermnent, and 
 therefore could have had no official connection with the 
 monarchical administration. He had been replaced by Mr. 
 Lewis D. Campbell, of whose discreditable actions a full 
 account is set forth in official correspondence. 
 
 The exertions which were made by the Washington 
 government to save Maximilian from a fate which, to some 
 extent the policy of opposition pursued by the United 
 States had conduced to bring about, although preferred 
 through a mere deputy (Mr. John White), were received by 
 the Juarist government with more respect than were the 
 combined representations of the European Powers . This was 
 not solely the outcome of the Liberals' desire to recognise 
 
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JAMES E. HARVEY 399 
 
 the attitude of the United States in having declined con- 
 sistently, and entirely alone, to acknowledge the Mexican 
 monarchy. It arose from a wholesome fear of another 
 American intervention like that of 1846-8, when, as a result 
 of the crossing of the border by General Taylor and the 
 landing of General Scott at Vera Cruz in 1847, the City of 
 Mexico was taken by the victorious Americans and the 
 confiscatory Treaty of Guadaloupe was signed, by the terms 
 of which the entire State of California, 155,652 square miles, 
 and of New Mexico, 122,503 square miles in area, were 
 given up to the United States. That was an experience of 
 ' intervention ' which Mexico could not forget, and it was the 
 determination of the Liberal government to do nothing 
 which would again provoke such an act of aggression upon 
 the part of the Northern Colossus. 
 
 The United States was represented at Lisbon at this 
 time by a certain Mr. James E. Harvey, who displayed a 
 marked antipathy to the Mexican empire, and took every 
 occasion of apeing his official superiors by making insolent 
 references to the emperor. In a diplomatic despatch 
 bearing date 30th March 1866, Mr. Harvey reported to 
 his government : ' I have the honour to transmit a transla- 
 tion of an address delivered by the so-called Minister of 
 Mexico, representing a person styling himself " Maxi- 
 milian the First," and claiming to be the ruler of that 
 country, on presenting his letters of credence in that capacity 
 near this court, and the reply of his Most Faithful Majesty 
 to the same, as a part of the current history of the times, 
 and not because either the ceremonial or the occasion has 
 the smallest importance in my estimation. ... I shall not 
 hesitate to dechne aU official intercourse with the person 
 in question, as I did with his predecessor who came here 
 from Madrid dming the past year to estabhsh diplomatic 
 relations with Portugal.' 
 
 Some American writers who have dealt with the subject 
 of the Maximilian regime in Mexico have asserted that the 
 United States authorities used their best efforts to secure 
 consideration and clemency for the imhappy yoxmg sove- 
 
400 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 reign when he at length fell into the hands of his enemies, 
 and stood in imminent peril of his life. The claim is only 
 partially justified, for whereas the United States Secretary 
 of State (Mr. Seward) imdoubtedly exercised his official 
 powers at the earliest moment to secure deliverance for 
 Maximilian, the diplomatic representative of the United 
 States then accredited to Mexico, Mr. Lewis D. Campbell, 
 proved himself so great a poltroon that all such efforts 
 proved abortive. By the time that the United States 
 government was enabled to make its views and wishes 
 known to President Juarez, Maximilian had already been 
 made to yield up his hfe. The true significance of the 
 Campbell defection has not been realised, but in the 
 widely-dispersed documentary evidence which stiU exists, 
 the story of his cowardice and dereliction of duty is found 
 set forth in lurid colours. 
 
 The first official representations made by the United 
 States government to the Juarist government upon behaK 
 of MaximiUan were imdertaken at the request of the 
 Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria, who at last had com- 
 menced to reaUse the danger in which his younger brother 
 stood. Secondly, the Emperor Napoleon, appreciating 
 now the results of his treachery towards Maximilian, and, 
 while in no way attempting to neutrahse his act of perfidy, 
 bestirred himself to secure, through the good offices of 
 the American government, some show of mercy to his 
 victim. 
 
 On the morning of 10th June 1867, but a few days before 
 the dread sentence of the law was to be carried out. Napoleon 
 sent for General John A. Dix, the United States Minister 
 at Paris, to enlist his services as intermediary with the 
 government at Washington. He begged General Dix to 
 telegraph his earnest wish that the United States govern- 
 ment should use its influence upon behalf of Maximihan, 
 laying great stress upon sending by telegraph instead of 
 writing. This was done, but the United States govern- 
 ment had not waited for the tardy interest displayed by 
 Napoleon in the matter, having, as early as 6th April, 
 
LEWIS D. CAMPBELL 401 
 
 instructed Mr. Campbell to proceed at once to Mexico in 
 order to intercede for the doomed emperor. 
 
 Mr. Lewis D. Campbell had been appointed Envoy 
 Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United 
 States to the Republic of Mexico, in succession to Mr. 
 Thomas Corwin, on 21st May 1866. From the very first, 
 however, he had shirked the task of proceeding to his 
 post, having, as he afterwards pleaded, ' accepted the 
 position against his will.' On 23rd May he nevertheless 
 expressed his willingness to proceed to his new mission in 
 the following month of July. 
 
 Upon one pretext or another, however, he did not arrive 
 anywhere near his post until December, having wasted 
 seven whole months in asking such frivolous questions of 
 Washington as ' the best means of reaching Mexico City,' 
 and ' whether a government boat could be commissioned 
 to take him there.' Upon being told that it ' covM not,' 
 he asked ' why not ? ' His keenest interest seems to have 
 been centred in the matter of his salary, concerning the 
 prompt despatch of which several State documents have 
 been filed away among the national archives. 
 
 The copious flow of correspondence commences on 25th 
 May, by Mr. Seward requesting that Mr. Campbell ' would 
 proceed as expeditiously as possible to Mexico City.' Then 
 there comes a pause until 2nd October, when Mr. Seward 
 again urges the reluctant diplomat to hasten, there being 
 ' causes which necessitate your early presence at your 
 post, and you are therefore instructed to proceed at as 
 early an hour as convenient.' 
 
 A few weeks later (25th October) Mr. Campbell is furnished 
 with a lengthy official expose of the difficult Mexican posi- 
 tion, set out in Mr. Seward's most exhaustive and con- 
 vincing style ; but in November we still find the newly 
 appointed American minister loitering at home in Hamilton, 
 Olio. On 3rd November he asks, in a special despatch 
 addressed to Mr. Seward, ' Shall I proceed directly to New 
 York or report myself first to you at Washington ? ' 
 
 On the 9th he actually gets as far as New York, whence 
 
 2c 
 
402 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 he favours the Secretary of State with a further telegram 
 complaining : ' I find no instructions as to how I am to 
 proceed to Mexico, nor any orders placing any vessel at my 
 disposal.' On the same day, so great is the expedition 
 used by Mr. Seward, a reply is sent to Mr. Campbell, declar- 
 ing that ' The United States steamer Susqvehanna, Com- 
 modore James Alden, has been ordered by the Secretary of 
 the Navy to take you. General Sherman,^ and your respec- 
 tive suites, and also Mr. Plumb, to any place in or near 
 Mexico which you may designate. The vessel is ready 
 and at your immediate disposal.' 
 
 By the 19th November the party had reached Havana 
 (Cuba), which is still some considerable distance from 
 Mexico ; but they finally made Vera Cruz on 2nd December. 
 Here, however, doubtless owing to the prevalence of yellow 
 fever, the cautious Mr. Campbell resolutely declined to 
 land, ' not deeming it proper,' as he mentions in his despatch 
 of 13th December, and so he went on to Tampico, several 
 days further steaming up the coast. Here his mind seems 
 to have been somewhat reheved by the official visits which 
 were paid to him and General Sherman as the United 
 States representatives ; but he stiU fights shy of proceed- 
 ing inland to Mexico City. He contents himself with 
 sending his credentials and an important official com- 
 munique by hand to the Minister for Foreign Affairs (Senor 
 Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada), and thereafter Mr. Campbell 
 makes full steam away from Tampico port, again possibly 
 on accovrnt of yellow fever. 
 
 After a very hurried journey to the town of Browns- 
 ville in United States territory and to the port of Matamoras, 
 on the borders of the two republics, this energetic diplo- 
 matic agent directs his steps to the United States once more, 
 for, on January 2, 1867, we find him inditing despatches 
 from New Orleans. From this vantage-ground he sends a 
 message by telegram to the Secretary of State at Wash- 
 
 ^ Lieutenant-General Sherman was deputed by President Johnson to 
 accompany Mr. Campbell as his adviser. Mr. E. L. Plumb was the newly- 
 appointed Secretary of Legation to the Republic of Mexico. 
 
LEWIS D. CAMPBELL 403 
 
 ington, asking that he may be permitted to go home ; ' I 
 now propose to visit my sick family ; is this satisfactory ? ' 
 he asks.^ Mr. Seward does not think it is, because he 
 orders the minister ' to await instructions.' On 7th 
 January Mr. Campbell wants to know, by wire, ' how long 
 you will require me to remain here ? ' The secretary's 
 reply is terse and to the point : ' We wish you to remain 
 at New Orleans while events ripen in Mexico.' ^ By 9th 
 February Mr. Campbell, who has not budged from New 
 Orleans, finds that ' the continued sickness of my daughter 
 and other causes of a private and domestic nature render 
 it very important in my judgment that I should make a 
 short visit to my home, and I will leave here this evening 
 for that purpose.' He leaves accordingly, and we do not 
 find him again at New Orleans — ^presumably the nearest 
 point he intends to occupy to Mexico City, to which capital 
 he is accredited — imtil 12th March 1867. 
 
 On 6th April Mr. Campbell receives instructions by 
 telegraph from Washington to commimicate to President 
 Juarez, ' promptly and by effectual means,' the desire of 
 the United States goverimient that, ' in the case of capture, 
 the Prince Maximihan and his supporters may receive the 
 humane treatment accorded by civihsed nations to prisoners 
 of war.' 
 
 This is the first docmnentary evidence which we have of 
 the efforts of the United States government to protect the 
 Emperor of Mexico, not as yet a prisoner,^ and it will now 
 be seen how these efforts were supported by their diplo- 
 matic representative. 
 
 Mr. Campbell's answer to his definite instructions is upon 
 record : ' Presuming,' he telegraphs, ' that the Department 
 expect me to make the communication to President Juarez 
 by special bearer of despatches, I will forthwith adopt 
 
 ^ Despatch to the United States Department of War, 2nd January 
 1867. 
 
 ^ Despatch from Department of State, 8th January 1867. 
 
 " MaximiUan was not betrayed into the hands of his enemies by Lopez 
 until 15th May. 
 
404 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 measures to send one to Queretaro, via Tampico, unless 
 otherwise directed.' 
 
 Considering that President Juarez was not, and at no time 
 had been, anywhere near Queretaro, which was now the 
 only town outside of Mexico City still occupied by Maxi- 
 mihan and his supporters, but on the other hand was with 
 his cabinet at San Luis Pot6si, at least two hundred miles 
 away, the futility of Mr. Campbell's procedure and his 
 gross ignorance of the topography of Mexico are very 
 apparent. Moreover, up tiU this time he had not per- 
 sonally presented to the President of Mexico his letters of 
 credence as Envoy of the United States, thereby possessing 
 no recognised loctis standi. 
 
 Instead of himself proceeding to Mexico City, to which 
 post he had now been accredited for over eleven months 
 as Minister Plenipotentiary, Mr. Campbell had despatched 
 a message by the hands of a Mr. John White, who travelled 
 on the United States government steamer Blackbird, pro- 
 ceeding via Galveston, thence to Tampico, and overland to 
 San Luis Potosi. 
 
 Mr. White seems to have arrived at San Luis Potosi on 
 21st April, to have remained there two days, and to have 
 started on the return journey to New Orleans on the 25th. 
 Naturally his mission bore no fruit, for President Juarez 
 recognised in this deputy from a minister who was too 
 negligent even to trouble about presenting his credentials, 
 a person of no official importance. 
 
 Nevertheless the Minister for Foreign Affairs (Senor 
 Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada) acknowledged the despatch, 
 but informed ' His Excellency the Envoy Extraordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of 
 America ' (which he would probably not have doiie had 
 Mr. Campbell delivered the request in pro2)ria persona) 
 that ' the Mexican government would not consider Maxi- 
 milian and other persons captured as simple prisoners of 
 war, as responsibilities are defined by the right of nations 
 and by the laws of the Republic' 
 
 Mr. Campbell's consummate unenlightenment of what 
 
LEWIS D. CAMPBELL 405 
 
 had occurred and was occurring in Mexico, and his con- 
 sequent uselessness as a diplomatic representative, are re- 
 vealed in his further despatch, as always from New Orleans, 
 of 28th May, addressed to the Secretary at Washington, 
 in which he mentions that 'there are various conflict- 
 ing reports here as to the disposition the government of 
 Juarez had ordered to be made of Maximilian and his 
 leading chiefs,' adding the comment, ' These are too vague 
 and uncertain to be relied upon, and therefore I consider 
 it useless to repeat them.' 
 
 The day following he sends another despatch, only to 
 inform the Secretary of State, anxiously awaiting rehable 
 and definite news, that ' the report that Maximilian is to be 
 executed needs confirmation.' Even on 31st May he knows 
 nothing of that which an active and intelligent representa- 
 tive of a great country like the United States should have 
 been the first to leam, for he casually informs Mr. Seward 
 that ' Matamoras and Brownsville papers report that Maxi- 
 milian and his generals were shot on the 16th.' As a fact 
 they were not executed for over a full month afterwards 
 (19th Jime). But this was near enough for Mr. CampbeU. 
 
 By the commencement of June Mr. Seward was becoming 
 extremely concerned about Maximilian's probable fate, and 
 he sent a further urgent despatch to the phlegmatic Mr. 
 CampbeU, instructing him to 'proceed with as much despatch 
 as possible to the residence of the President of Mexico, and 
 enter upon yoiur mission. Earnestly lu-ge clemency to 
 Maximilian and other prisoners of war if necessary.' 
 
 How did Mr. CampbeU construe ' with as much despatch 
 as possible ' ? He wasted a whole day by sending a per- 
 fectly purposeless reply to Mr. Seward — after receiving the 
 definite and pressing instructions above cited — ^to the effect, 
 'Presuming that President Juarez is now, or very soon 
 wiU be, in the City of Mexico,^ I propose to go there via 
 
 ^ Mr. Campbell could easily have ascertained, had he inquired, that 
 Mexico City was at this time held by General Marquez, the Imperialist 
 leader against the Liberals, and that Juarez could not himself have been 
 there or anywhere in the neighbourhood. 
 
406 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Vera Cruz, unless you instruct otherwise. Cannot the 
 revenue cutter Wilderness be directed to convey me to 
 Vera Cruz ? ' Mr. Seward, in order to humour his ' pet 
 diplomat,' did his best to obtain the government boat for 
 the use of Mr. Campbell, but he failed. The Navy Depart- 
 ment had no vessel to spare. Mr. Campbell was so in- 
 formed, upon which he wasted yet further precious time 
 by inquiring by telegram of the Secretary of State, ' Shall 
 I go to the City of Mexico vid Vera Cruz or to San Luis 
 Potosi vid Monterey 1 On this point I desire the Depart- 
 ment's instructions.' The indirect reply came on the 
 following day from the Department : ' Consult Romero ^ 
 about best route for Campbell to take, and instruct Campbell 
 accordingly.' 
 
 PuU instructions as to Mr. Campbell's proposed journey 
 were accordingly forwarded by Seiior Romero ; but on 
 10th June we find Mr. Campbell complaining that the 
 ' quarantine regulations forbid communication with 
 Havana and Vera Cruz. I am also informed that trans- 
 portation by Enghsh and French steamers from Havana 
 is uncertain. Besides, I dislike going to Mexico imder the 
 English or French flag unless you peremptorily instruct 
 me to do so.' ^ 
 
 The ' peremptory instructions ' were not long in arriving. 
 The Secretary of State answered on the following day as 
 follows : ' Your despatch received. The President desires 
 you to proceed to Mexico without delay according to 
 previous instructions.' 
 
 Be it noted that this message was dated ' 11th June,' 
 and MaximiUan was definitely condemned to die on 19th 
 Jime. There remained therefore now but eight days in 
 which to effect the purpose of the United States govern- 
 ment, if it could be effected at all. 
 
 The wretched loiterer, however, had not budged from 
 
 ^ Sefior Matias Romero was the Minister for Mexico accredited by the 
 Liberal Government to Washington. 
 
 » Despatch from Mr. Campbell to the Department of State, 10th June 
 1867. 
 
T-r 4 
 
 WHAT fBCAUB OV LOPEZ. 
 
 the fate of the officer vbo betrajed QuerAtaro and tba J 
 
 ! Cmperot Is doubtful, be was eeen la Quer6taro at ingm 
 
 ■tM^ day after the eurrend^. That he had received thenfl 
 
 hll promised reward seoma unllkeW, since he made ap*'] 
 
 pittatlon to one of the leadios liberal offloers for relief. ' 
 
 UOutliig Colonel Riocon Gallardo (Pepe RtnooD); he eaidj ' 
 
 "CoIoooU I am not, like you, a rich man, with muajf. 
 
 hacioidaa. X have nothing but my sword to depend 
 
 upon. I hope you will recomtuend me to a position lal ' 
 
 the liberal army." Pepe Rincon(tbe same man whf4 
 
 tried' to lot Maximilian escape) Is reported tobavereV 
 
 piled: "Colonel Lopez, if I recommend you toftny poBi- 
 
 tion It will be to a position on a tree, with a rope around 
 
 your neck.'' Colonel Ufguol Lopez has not fceep pub-<, 
 
 j licly eeen since. - * 
 
 WHO ABS BESPOKSIDLB FOB Hll'S DfiAtllP ' 
 
 Should the news published in tbo Hbbald of Sun^ajr - 
 Of M,axlmllian'8 execution on the 20th of June be fiDall^ 
 conflrmed, as there ie*very reason to iwllev© it will be,' 
 the responslbiliCy of hie death will rest gmong Beyeral 
 pvreoDS. First, of course, Hapoleon and hie he&<:h-|j 
 man Bazalne;.tbeD Mr. Scarlet, the Britieh Minister^' 
 who, when the easily led Emperor was at Orizaba; pre-f 
 pared to make a midnight skedaddle from the ooontry,' 
 (or whioh he bad completed ail bis arrangemente, per-^' 
 Buaded him tbat It would bo more diffslfled for blm i6 
 retnaln and fight It out; then Marqtuez, ^who draggetv 
 bi'm into the Quev^taro campaign apd pr<Mred untrue to, 
 him after th»expeditlon had been entered^upon; laetly-j' 
 Lopez, the final iDslrument of bis betrayiol. Wbettaei^^ 
 . some reflponsibillty does not rest with tbe Btate Depart-*' 
 . mont at Wa5hingt()ij for the muddle they have made' 
 i of the Hej^lcan legation, the country wUl determine.' 
 Bad there been a United States Mln'tster in San Lu>4 
 FotosI on the 20th of Juno, as tbero dtight have been, 
 and, ought toba^e been, &;azlmilian*s blood would aerei 
 \i bave been sbed. \'. 
 
 ORIGINAL EXTRACT FROM THE 
 N£IV YORK HERALD OF JULY 2, 1867 
 
LEWIS D. CAMPBELL 407 
 
 New Orleans. While the President and Secretary at 
 Washington were under the impression that their repre- 
 sentative was now hurrying with all the speed possible 
 upon their errand of mercy, he was, as a fact, malingering 
 at his comfortable New Orleans hotel. On the 15th of 
 June he sent the following message to Mr. Seward : ' Since 
 the receipt of your despatch I have been confined to my 
 room by a severe bilious attack. My physician says I 
 cannot go now without hazarding my life, especially vid 
 Havana and Vera Cruz, where yellow fever prevails. If 
 government considers it important to send minister imme- 
 diately, I wiU tender my resignation if desired.' 
 
 The answer to this contemptible message was a con- 
 firmation of the government's decision,^ and the final 
 despatch transmitted by Mr. Campbell is dated 15th June, 
 four days before Maximilian was to die. ' Your telegram 
 this day received. I send formal resignation by mail and 
 start for Ohio Thursday.' 
 
 The sordid nature of the man Campbell and his utter 
 selfishness, is revealed clearly in the concluding words of 
 this same despatch: 'The draft for Messenger White, of 
 which two hundred dollars is [sic] due to me has not been 
 received.' 
 
 Thus, while the Kfe of a brave and distinguished man, 
 in whom the whole world took a sentimental interest, was 
 hanging in the balance and which might have been spared, 
 this miserable poltroon is mainly concerned about the 
 safety of his ' two hundred doUars.' History hardly affords 
 a parallel to such conduct upon the part of the accredited 
 representative of a Christian Power. 
 
 The sequel soon followed. Two days before the victim 
 of his arrant cowardice and sullen indifference was led out 
 
 1 Message from Mr. Seward to Mr. Campbell : 
 
 ' 15th June 1867. 
 ' Lewis D. Campbell, New Orleans. 
 
 ' It is important the Minister to Mexico should proceed at once. Your 
 resignation therefore will be accepted, with thanks for your services, and 
 regret for your retirement. Communicate by telegraph. 
 
 'William H. Sewaed.' 
 
408 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 to suffer the extreme penalty at Queretaro, Mr. Lewis D. 
 Campbell, suddenly relieved of his ' bilious attack,' and in 
 defiance of his physician's caution that he could not travel 
 ' without hazarding his Ufe,' departed from New Orleans, 
 and on the 21st, when no human being could any longer affect 
 the fate of the unfortunate Maximilian, Mr. Campbell was 
 succeeded in his diplomatic post by Mr. Marcus Otterbourg, 
 who, already residing in Mexico City, was enabled to take 
 over charge of his mission almost at once. 
 
 Mr. Marcus Otterbourg had been United States consul for 
 several years before he was given the position of Minister 
 Plenipotentiary, and had proved himself a thoroughly 
 competent and zealous representative. His official 
 despatches, numerous enough to have filled several volumes 
 of ' Diplomatic Correspondence,' were masterpieces of com- 
 position, lucidly setting forth in detail the political as well 
 as the economic situation of Mexico for the information 
 of the United States government in Washington. It was 
 due to his efforts that so much clemency was subsequently 
 shown by the Juarist government to its other foreign 
 prisoners ; and so great was Mr. Otterbourg's influence 
 with the Mexican authorities that it is not improbable, had 
 he been employed instead of the incompetent Lewis 
 D. Campbell to present the government's representations 
 respecting the pardon of Maximilian, that the request 
 would have been granted. Mr. Otterbourg did not, how- 
 ever, have an opportunity of presenting his credentials as 
 temporary minister to President Juarez until 19th August 
 1867, and he was replaced by Mr. Edward Lee Plumb, 
 Charge d'Affaires, on 7th October following. 
 
 It is difficult to understand how a person of Mr. Lewis D. 
 Campbell's cahbre could ever have been appointed to so 
 important a post as that of United States Minister to 
 Mexico. A more unworthy and pusillanimous individual 
 could not have been selected, and doubtless but for the 
 special protection which he enjoyed at the hands of his 
 patron, Mr. Seward, he would have been impeached, as 
 he thoroughly deserved, for his flagrant disobedience — 
 
LEWIS D. CAMPBELL 409 
 
 borne of physical cowardice — of reiterated instructions, 
 and for his deUberate avoidance of fulfilling his humane 
 mission. 
 
 It is highly probable that had Mr. Campbell carried out 
 Mr. Seward's first orders sent to him on 6th April, and had 
 he seen President Juarez personally, the latter would have 
 seriously considered the question of sparing Maximihan's 
 life. The government of the United States was at this 
 time the one and only foreign power which exercised any 
 influence, and of which the Liberals entertained the 
 slightest fear. The whole of the corps diflomatique of 
 Europe combined weighed less in the opinion of President 
 Juarez and his minister Senor S. Lerdo de Tejada than Mr. 
 Seward at Washington. Had the latter possessed a more 
 worthy representative than Lewis D. Campbell, that influ- 
 ence would have made itself felt, and in all hkeUhood the 
 merciful object in view would have been achieved. 
 
 It has to be remembered that whereas Mr. Campbell 
 was appointed minister to Mexico in May of 1866, he did 
 not take up his duties imtil December, while he resigned 
 in the following June of 1867. During the whole thirteen 
 months he had journeyed but once to the Repubhc of 
 Mexico, and had never visited the capital at all. He had 
 not met, nor had he troubled to meet, a single member of 
 the Mexican administration ; his letters of credence had 
 remained in his portfolio imtil deUvered by a deputy, and 
 beyond a number of crudely-composed and badly translated 
 despatches addressed to the Foreign Minister, the Mexican 
 government had no official cognisance of his existence. 
 
 Mr. Lewis D. Campbell should never have been in the 
 diplomatic service of any country — especially that of 
 the United States. It is doubtful whether any other 
 government would have employed such an officer ; so far 
 as his Mexican appointment was in question he merely 
 brought discredit upon the government which he repre- 
 sented, and death upon the foreign prince whose hfe he 
 had been especially commissioned to protect. The United 
 States at this time, many years before its diplomatic and 
 
410 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 consular corps had been remodelled and the class of men 
 from which its foreign ministers were selected had very 
 greatly improved, was but indifferently served generally 
 by its representatives abroad. But Mr. Lewis D. Campbell 
 stands out conspicuously as the worst specimen of whom 
 there is any record. 
 
 Undeniable evidence exists of the great moral influence 
 which the United States government wielded with the 
 Mexican Administration at this period. In the great 
 majority of cases where the services of the American 
 authorities had been invoked, they were both generously 
 and promptly granted. Thus, after the execution of Maxi- 
 mihan, when there still remained in the Republic a large 
 number of foreigners, both prisoners of war and political 
 suspects, the United States Minister, Mr. Marcus Otterbourg, 
 was occupied almost entirely in conducting negotiations with 
 the Mexican government either for the release or the better- 
 ment in treatment of the many captives in their hands. It 
 must be again stated that the representative of the govern- 
 ment of the United States was the only one recognised by 
 President Juarez ; aU of the other diplomatic representa- 
 tives were personce non grata, without any official position 
 whatever. They had been accredited to the court of 
 Maximilian, and that had disappeared ; naturally, then, 
 they desired to return to their own countries as soon as 
 possible, and herein lay a difficulty. They could not leave 
 without the permission of the Republican government, 
 and this it was unwiUing to grant. The good offices 
 of Mr. Marcus Otterbourg were, however, called in, and 
 he seems to have behaved in a friendly and tactful manner 
 throughout, so much so that the Juarez government found 
 it difficult to refuse his requests. 
 
 In one case only was he unsuccessful, namely that of 
 an Irish American general, who had been condemned to 
 death on account of his Imperialistic services. Mr. Otter- 
 bourg, at the request of his government, made a brave 
 effort to save the unfortunate general, who, upon a notable 
 occasion, had gallantly rescued the American flag from 
 
MARCUS OTTERBOURG 4ii 
 
 insult ; but he was unsuccessful, and the general paid the 
 penalty on the morning of 21st August 1867. 
 
 In other instances, as indicated, the United States Minister 
 was pre-eminently fortunate. It was due entirely to his 
 efforts that Prince FeHx zu Salm Salm's lot in prison was 
 lightened, and his eventual release arranged ; to him was 
 due the release and pardon of General Severo CastiUo, who 
 had been sentenced to death at Queretaro ; he arranged 
 the release of Eloin, the young Belgian and the great 
 friend of Charlotte ; he took over the care of the Prussian 
 subjects of the North German Confederation living in 
 Mexico when the Prussian Minister, Baron von Magnus, 
 was called away ; and he rendered the same valuable 
 services to the subjects of the King of Italy residant in 
 Mexico when their minister, Signer Francisco Curtopassi, 
 was obhged to leave that Republic. 
 
 On the other hand, it was the Secretary to the United 
 States Legation, Mr. Edward Lee Plumb, who not only 
 obtained clemency from the Mexican government for 
 Greneral Santa Anna, when eventually he fell into their 
 hands, but pleaded for the return to the Austrian emperor 
 of the embalmed body of his brother, the late Maximilian, 
 which Admiral Tegethoff had been despatched to bring home. 
 All of these services, so agreeably and so spontaneously 
 rendered at a most critical and anxious time, should be 
 remembered to the credit of the United States government. 
 
 But the good offices mentioned were not confined to one 
 side only ; to the Liberals Mr. Otterbourg had likewise 
 shown great friendliness, such as his act in raising a loan of 
 $200,000 in the month of June 1867, and of which General 
 Porfirio Diaz, then at Mexico City, was in great need. This 
 loan was procured without interest for the needs of the 
 national army. In acknowledging the obligation General 
 Porfirio Diaz wrote, under date 25th June : ' Profoundly 
 grateful to you and to the persons who have so generously 
 contributed to this success, I return you all the warmest 
 thanks, while there remains to me alone to request of you, 
 that, together with the same persons, you will do me the 
 
412 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 favour to point out the internal revenue or custom-house 
 dues which you may desire to be devoted to the early 
 reimbursement of this amount, in order that it may be 
 set aside with that object with the strictest and most 
 religious punctuahty.' 
 
 It was during the seventy days' rigorous blockade of the 
 City of Mexico by the Liberals under the command of 
 Porfirio Diaz, that Mr. Marcus Otterbourg proved how 
 wise had been the choice of the United States government 
 in selecting him as their representative. He carried out 
 his extremely difficult task daring the whole of the perilous 
 crisis without once compromising the neutraUty or dignity 
 of the country which he represented. His despatch, dated 
 21st June 1867, to the Assistant Secretary of State at 
 Washington, is a well-expressed and impartial account 
 of the memorable events described. 
 
CHAPTER XXXII 
 
 United States policy — William Henry Seward — Reply to the Allied 
 Powers — ^The Monroe Doctrine — ^Its origin and claims — ^North Ameri- 
 can pretensions — ^Influence upon foreign nations — Canning's views — 
 Outraging the morals of the Doctrine — ^Harsh treatment of Mexico in 
 1846 — President Lincoln's attitude — Mr Dayton and Napoleon's 
 government — Explaining that the Doctrine means nothing in parti- 
 cular — ^Depreciating the resolution of the House of Representatives — 
 Seward's instructions to United States Minister at Paris — Treatment 
 of Maximilian. 
 
 DtJEDfG the whole term of the Maximilian regime the 
 policy of the United States had been dictated by one man, 
 and that man was WiUiam Henry Seward, a lawyer by 
 profession, and a singtdarly broad-minded and able poli- 
 tician through natural aptitude. He had had considerable 
 experience of debate as a senator, having sat for ten years 
 as a Repubhcan. He entertained ambitions of occupy- 
 ing the presidential chair, and became a candidate, but, 
 failing to find support from either party, he was forced to 
 content himself with the office of Secretary of State under 
 Abraham Lincoln, and this onerous position he occupied 
 for eight years, serving, after the death of Lincoln, in 1865, 
 under his successor Andrew Johnson. Seward almost 
 shared the fate of Lincoln, for an associate of Booth made 
 a determined attempt to kiU him, but fortunately failed. 
 Undoubtedly Seward was a strong and an honest man, and 
 notwithstanding the difficulties of his position, occasioned 
 by the War of Secession, the French intervention in Mexico, 
 and numerous other complications in foreign affairs, he 
 conducted his office on the whole with great ability and 
 distinction. 
 The policy adopted by the United States in regard to 
 
 413 
 
414 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the French intervention in Mexico was at first of an un- 
 certain and hesitating nature, although the keynote was 
 struck when Mr. Seward, answering the suggestion of the 
 AUied Powers that the United States should join them, 
 laid down the axiom that ' it is of the highest importance 
 to the United States that the sovereigns agreeing to the 
 Convention of London do not seek for any territorial 
 aggrandisement, and do not intend to exert any influence 
 to hinder the right of the Mexican people to the free choice 
 and estabHshment of their own form of government.' The 
 serious troubles at home, and the reiterated ' pacific inten- 
 tions ' expressed by the Emperor Napoleon, inspired caution 
 regarding even the semblance of threats against a powerful 
 European country ; while loud-mouthed poKticians de- 
 claimed violently against the encroachment of any European 
 government upon American territory, the Executive took 
 great care not to commit itself to any definite hne of action. 
 The Mom-oe Doctrine, however, was dug up from obscurity, 
 and waved undeterminedly before the eyes of the eastern 
 world. 
 
 The Monroe Doctrine was brought into existence when 
 European monarchies were mostly absolutisms, and the 
 Latin-American States, as yet unformed, were httle better 
 than immature communities composed of imcivilised half- 
 breeds. It seemed little less than an anomaly that the 
 principle of the Doctrine, which was laid down as far back 
 as 1823, shotild now have been cited as a living issue, and 
 so regarded by France among other European Powers. 
 
 It would be imfair to deny that the Monroe Doctrine in 
 design once gave promise of becoming a strong factor in the 
 establishment, or may be the enforcement, of peace and 
 order among the turbulent Latin States; the distin- 
 guished author (President Monroe) and his sponsors un- 
 doubtedly beheved it to be founded upon substantial 
 considerations, fully applicable to the conditions prevaihng 
 at that stage in the world's progress. 
 
 Two important and, indeed, vital developments however 
 transpired which served to taint, if not to destroy, the 
 
BENITO PABLO JUAREZ 
 
 President of Mexico during the Maximilian Regime 
 
 Born 1806. Died 1872 
 
MONROE DOCTRINE 415 
 
 value and the effect of the Monroe Doctrine. The first of 
 these was the general change which had come about in the 
 status of the smaller independent States, the majority of 
 which, notwithstanding the frequent poUtical uprisings of 
 which they so often became the centre, considered them- 
 selves then as now fuUy capable of proceeding alone, and 
 of managing their internal affairs, unassisted by the advice 
 or co-operation of the United States. 
 
 North Americans claim that the Doctrine possesses to all 
 intents and purposes the principles of international law, 
 since it is backed by the whole force of the United States. 
 It is this force, and not the Doctrine, which is the real 
 effective power respected by Europe, since without this 
 efficacy behind it the Monroe Doctrine would never become 
 binding upon any European country which cared to ignore 
 it, no matter how carefully it had been written into law 
 and solemnly accepted. It may even be a question whether 
 the United States would consent to fight for the Doctrine. 
 
 Upon the occasions that some among the European 
 Powers have found it necessary to interfere for the protec- 
 tion of their subjects, but scanty consideration of the claims 
 put forward by the Monroe Doctrine has been permitted 
 to influence their actions. As we have seen, the Doctrine 
 came into existence in 1823 ; and in the early days of its 
 being its claims were advocated with great strenuousness, 
 greater, indeed, even than to-day. Nevertheless, in 1835, 
 England and France had conjointly established a successful 
 naval blockade along the entire coast of Argentina ; in 
 1841, England, acting alone, seized the island of Ruaton, 
 off the Honduranean coast ; and in 1862, France, also acting 
 independently, and ignoring United States protests, landed 
 her troops upon Mexican territory and, moreover, kept them 
 there for over five years. 
 
 As originally defined by James Monroe and amplified 
 by John Quincy Adams, the implication of the docu- 
 ment was that if the United States enforced the 
 exclusion of Europe from the Americas they would, in 
 turn, abstain from having anything to do with Europe's 
 
416 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 possessions at that time in the Americas, or with the course 
 of events transpiring in Asia and Africa. But the foreign 
 poUcy of the United States has continually run counter to 
 that impUed pledge, and the moral value of continued asser- 
 tion of opposition to European interference in the Americas 
 has been weakened correspondingly. It is, therefore, the 
 more surprising to observe, when the principle of the Monroe 
 Doctrine was invoked, that it should have been recognised 
 by Napoleon m. and his advisers. 
 
 Canning, who strongly disapproved of the French in- 
 vasion of Spain for the restoration of absolutism, aided 
 Monroe to give his Doctrine some backbone when it was 
 brought into being against the French, and it was in order 
 to render the protest against the invasion of Spain the more 
 effective that it was determined, in 1824, to recognise the 
 independence oi, the South American colonies. When the 
 United States, at a subsequent date, endeavoured to push 
 the advantages to an unfair limit, Canning did not hesitate 
 to sternly denounce the pretensions of the Doctrine, or 
 refuse to acknowledge them. The British Prime Minister 
 declared that he regarded the declaration against colonisa- 
 tion as ' very extraordinary,' and ' one that England 
 was prepared to combat in the most unequivocal manner.' 
 Bismarck, on the other hand, uncompromisingly denounced 
 the Doctrine as ' a piece of international impertinence ' ; and 
 the French jurist and statesman, M. OUivier, while admitting 
 ' its mingled quahties of astuteness and naivete ' when origi- 
 nally proclaimed, foresaw the practical abohtion of its moral 
 effect upon Europe from the moment that the desire for 
 territorial expansion became the settled policy of the United 
 States. 
 
 The high moral platform which has always been adopted 
 by the United States whenever the Monroe Doctrine and 
 its appUcation have been in question, has undoubtedly 
 shrouded the penetration of some critics who have been 
 led to believe that the Doctrine is all that it claims to be. 
 Throughout the voluminous archives which exist relating 
 to this enactment, a mass of testimony is to be found 
 
MONROE DOCTRINE 417 
 
 recorded regarding both the spirit and the demonstration 
 of the Doctrine. Successive presidents and secretaries of 
 state have bestowed their blessings upon the pronounce- 
 ment, excepting, perhaps, Mr. Polk, who practically re- 
 pudiated it as weU as its author ; but, after perusing the 
 available testimony, it is difficult to understand how the 
 moral of the Doctrine could so often have been outraged, 
 and its fundamental principles so designedly distorted. 
 
 It has been advanced as an axiom upon many occasions 
 by prominent American publicists that the United States 
 cannot permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine imless 
 they succeed in making it evident, in the first place, that they 
 have no intention of treating it in any shape or maimer as 
 an excuse for aggrandisement on their part at the expense 
 of the Eepublics concerned. 
 
 Nevertheless, if a scrutiny be made of the circumstances 
 in any one of the many cases which have occurred during 
 the whole of the century, calling for the interference of the 
 United States, and if the results accruing to the United 
 States on the one hand and to the particular Repubho on 
 the other be compared, it wiU be found that while the latter 
 had gained httle or nothing, not even the much-desired 
 permanent peace, the former had triumphantly acquired 
 a substantial profit — ^represented by large landed appro- 
 priations or valuable concessions in some instances, and by 
 heavy monetary payment in others. 
 
 Upon the most trifling pretext brought about by an un- 
 warrantable incursion into Mexican territory by United 
 States fihbusters, the Northern Eepubhc, in 1848, aimexed 
 the whole of Upper California, just at the time when the 
 discovery of gold on the American river was beginning to 
 excite the cupidity of the people. Arizona, Utah, and New 
 Mexico followed, these four provinces together comprising 
 an area of no less than 500,000 square miles, which were 
 then merged into the United States. A revolt created 
 by Americans in Texas had also resulted in the seizure 
 of that valuable territory, comprising a further 375,000 
 square miles, so that the United States, up to the end 
 
 2d 
 
418 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of 1850, had acquired from Mexico no less than 875,000 
 square miles of territory. 
 
 The first notable public objection raised by the United 
 States against the action of France in interfering with 
 Mexican affairs was voiced by Mr. Samuel S. Cox, a repre- 
 sentative from Ohio, who,, as early as 1860, drew attention 
 in the House to what he termed ' the designs of Prance.' It 
 was he also who described the Austrian Archduke Maximilian 
 as the ' Arch-Dupe ' of Louis Napoleon. ' We ought,' said 
 Mr. Cox, ' to be prepared not only to say, but to make it 
 effectual, that no crown shall be established on this con- 
 tinent.' A resolution of the House proposed by Mr. Henry 
 Winter Davis, a representative from Maryland, was passed 
 on 4th April 1864, ' decUning to recognise the Government 
 which European Powers contemplate establishing on our 
 southern frontier,' the vote being absolutely unanimous. 
 
 In the following month of May an immense budget of 
 correspondence was produced for the information of the 
 House of Representatives covering communications from 
 President Lincoln, Mr. William H. Seward (the Secretary 
 of State), and Mr. William L. Dayton, the United States 
 Minister at Paris. 
 
 From this it seemed that the resolution of 4th April had 
 occasioned a considerable flurry at the Tuileries, and an 
 attempt was made by the United States government to 
 throw some oil upon the troubled waters. Mr. Seward — 
 notwithstanding the thundering tones in which Mr. Samuel 
 S. Cox had declaimed, ' believing that to-day the people 
 of this country (U.S.A.) would back up an administra- 
 tion that would give a proper defiance to this French 
 intermeddling ' — assured the French government (through 
 the diplomatic channel of Mr. Dayton) that ' it is hardly 
 necessary to say that the proceedings of the House of 
 Representatives were adopted upon suggestions arising 
 within itself, and not upon any communication of the 
 Executive Department,' adding, ' you will inform the 
 Government of France that the President does not at 
 present contemplate any departure from the policy which 
 
U. STATES AND FRANCE 419 
 
 this government has hitherto pursued in regard to the 
 war which exists between France and Mexico.' 
 
 This more peaceful — and, under the circumstances, 
 more reasonable and dignified — ^attitude did not please 
 Mr. Davis from Maryland, nor Mr. Cox from Ohio ; but 
 the House approved. 
 
 Mr. Dajrton visited the French Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs on 21st April, in order to reassure him as to the non- 
 beUicose intentions of the United States, and, in other 
 words, to inform him that the Monroe Doctrine was merely 
 a bogey, and was not to be regarded too seriously. ' I said 
 to him,' reports the United States Minister in a letter 
 addressed to Mr. Seward, ' that I did not think France had 
 a right to infer that we were about to make war against her 
 on account of anything contained in those resolutions.^ 
 That they embodied nothing more than had been held 
 out constantly to the French Government from the 
 beginning.' 
 
 M. Drouyn de I'Huys was no doubt very much relieved 
 at this information ; he should, however, have remembered 
 Cicero's axiom, ' nulla enim minantis avctoritas apud liberos 
 est.' 
 
 As already pointed out, it was the policy of the United 
 States to see ' which way the cat jumped ' before defining 
 any particular line of action, a fact which is clear from a 
 letter addressed by the Secretary of State to Mr. Corwin 
 (at Mexico City), bearing date 10th May 1862. Therein 
 Mr. Seward says : ' War, it appears, has been actually 
 begxm between France and Mexico. It is possible that it 
 may result in an overthrow of the existing government 
 of the RepubUc, and the inauguration, or attempt at in- 
 augiu'ation, of some new system. It is not to the interest 
 of the United States to be hasty in recognising the revolu- 
 tionary changes which are unhappily so frequently occurring 
 in Spanish America. It is not always safe to judge that a 
 new government among them, under whatever auspices it 
 
 ' Resolutions passed by the House of Representatives unanimoualy on 
 4th April 1864, but not acted upon by the Senate. 
 
420 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 may arise, will prove satisfactory to the people and become 
 permanent. At the same time it is neither our right nor 
 our duty to prejudge and condemn any new institution or 
 administration which the fortunes of internal war may call 
 into being. In view of these considerations, the president 
 expects that you will suspend any definite act of recogni- 
 tion in case of a dynastic change in Mexico, and will refer 
 the subject to his own consideration.' 
 
 Again, on 8th August 1863, Mr. Seward, in support of his 
 invariably consistent policy towards the establishment of 
 the Mexican empire, writes to Mr. Corwin : ' You will not be 
 expected to address yourself, tmder present circumstances, 
 to the new provisional government which bears sway at 
 the capital.' 
 
 On 27th February 1864 we find Mr. Seward still firmly 
 antagonistic to Maximilian in his imperial capacity, and 
 instructing the United States representative in Earis 
 (Mr. Dayton) how to behave should he meet the emperor- 
 elect dimng his official visits : ' If the archduke appears 
 in Paris,' writes the Secretary of State, ' only in his char- 
 acter as an imperial prince of the House of Hapsburg, you 
 will be expected to be neither demonstrative nor reserved 
 in your deportment towards him. If he appears there 
 with any assumption of political authority or title in 
 Mexico, you will entirely refrain from intercourse with 
 him.' 
 
 The extreme circumspection of these instructions com- 
 pared well with the more provocative expressions of a 
 section of the American congressional representatives, and 
 a portion of the press. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIII 
 
 Friendliness of the United States to Liberal Government — Mutual favours 
 —The case of General Ortega — ^Delivery into the hands of his enemies 
 ^—Overtures by Maximilian rejected — ^Immigration project ignored — 
 Mr. W. H. Seward's opposition to the Empire of Maximilian — The 
 Emperor's special envoy refused an audience — Irritation in France — 
 Lincoln's Presidential Message — President Johnson and Mexican 
 affairs — Seward defines the United States position — ^The Secretary 
 of State and Mexican prisoners in France — ^Distrust of Napoleon 
 — ^Mr. Dayton's successor at Paris — (Congress becomes bolder — 
 Napoleon withdraws from Mexico. 
 
 The friendliness of the United States towards the Juarists 
 in the early days of the French intervention proved not 
 unprofitable — ^as it was always understood would be the 
 case. When the Secretary of State had asked permission 
 of President Juarez, in August of 1861, to march United 
 States troops through Mexican territory (the State of Sonora) 
 to their possession in Arizona, the response — ^to quote the 
 eloquent and appreciative words employed by Mr. F. W. 
 Seward, Acting-Secretary of State — ' was magnanimous.' 
 ' We are,' he added, ' profoundly sensible that such a policy 
 could be adopted only under the most exalted confidence 
 in the integrity and good faith of this government, which 
 will endeavour by every means so to exercise the privilege 
 conceded, that neither the authorities nor the people of 
 Mexico will have cause to regret the marked courtesy they 
 have extended to a friendly power.' 
 
 Here was appreciation indeed, and it is but small wonder 
 that Juarez kept so valuable a testimonial, and indirectly 
 'a promise to pay,' prominently before the notice of the 
 United States Administration in the strenuous times which 
 followed. Notwithstanding that the United States felt 
 
 421 
 
422 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 ' profoundly sensible ' of the courteous favour accorded 
 by Mexico in August of 1861, when, in September of 1864, 
 General Cortinas, commanding the Mexican forces, landed 
 his troops temporarily upon United States territory, he was 
 presented with a letter from the United States Colonel M. 
 Day, commanding the forces at Brazos Santiago, demand- 
 ing that ' your arms, ammunition, and warlike stores must 
 be at once surrendered to the United States forces.' If ever 
 General Cortinas had heard of the English poet Wordsworth 
 he might well have recalled his lament, ' Alas ! the grati- 
 tude of men hath often left me mourning.' 
 
 All the same, throughout the correspondence which was 
 conducted between the Secretary of State and the Liberal 
 government's accredited representative at Washington, 
 Seiior Matias Romero, the utmost friendly sentiments were 
 indulged in, not a point being lost which could be made 
 to serve against the MaximiUan regime and its French 
 supporters, in spite of the ' neutrality ' which Mr. Seward 
 so dearly loved to proclaim. 
 
 Another flagrant instance of American partisanship was 
 afforded by the arrest of General Ortega. Benito Juarez's 
 term of of&ce having expired by the effluxion of time, and 
 it being impossible to hold new elections owing to the 
 chaotic conditions of the country. General Ortega main- 
 tained that Juarez had no constitutional right to remain 
 in ofiice. He therefore called upon him to retire, and 
 upon the latter's refusal, Ortega rose against him and pro- 
 claimed himself candidate for the vacant presidency. He 
 found but little support, however, and fled for safety to 
 the United States, where hundreds of other Mexican poli- 
 ticians — ^including Juarez himself — had sought, and had 
 been accorded, a refuge upon previous occasions. With 
 or without the consent of the Washington executive, how- 
 ever. General Ortega was arrested by General Sherman's 
 orders, and handed over to the revenge of the Liberal party, 
 the unfortunate officer falling immediately into the hands 
 of his arch-enemy Escobedo. It is difficult to understand 
 or to condone this act of oppression upon the part of 
 
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JESUS G. ORTEGA 423 
 
 Sherman, which was contrary to all usages of nations not 
 actually at war with one another. 
 
 Jesus G. Ortega considered himself justified in opposing 
 the presidency of Benito Juarez upon the following grounds. 
 The pohtical constitution of the Republic of Mexico stipu- 
 lates clearly and unmistakably that, at the end of a 
 presidential term, there shall be a public election of his 
 successor. When his full period had expired, instead of 
 calling a general election, Benito Juarez, declaring that the 
 country was in so confused a condition that no election 
 could be properly held, issued a decree, on 8th November 
 1865, expressing his determination to remain in office as 
 Dictator. The proper course to have pursued, in accord- 
 ance with the terms of the Constitution, would have been 
 to have called upon the President of the Supreme Court to 
 assume the executive temporarily. The President of the 
 Supreme Court was then Seiior Jesus G. Ortega, and he 
 claimed to be the constitutional president. On the other 
 hand the followers of Juarez, who naturally wished to see 
 him continued in the presidency, since his tenure meant 
 their own retention in the remunerative ofiices which they 
 filled, contended that, while it was true that in the year 1862 
 Senor Jesus G. Ortega was President of the Supreme Court, 
 he was later on made Chief of the Eastern Division of the 
 Army, and as a consequence had been replaced in the 
 judicial office by a lawyer named Ruiz. This fact Ortega 
 always denied. At least he seems to have honestly believed 
 in his rights to act as president ; he could at no time have 
 been considered a ' rebel,' and it was a disgracefxil act on 
 the part of General Sherman of the United States army 
 to have dehvered him a prisoner into the hands of the 
 Liberals. 
 
 Maximilian was always anxious to conciliate the United 
 States government, recognising from the first the import- 
 ance of the countenance or of the disfavour of this powerful 
 neighbour. He suggested a scheme of immigration par- 
 ticularly favourable to the North Americans, and a press 
 propaganda was launched with the idea of furthering this 
 
424 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 project. Land was to be offered to immigrants free of 
 charge upon the following plan : fifty square leagues were 
 to be allotted for settlement, while the immediately- 
 adjoining fifty were to be held as government reserve. The 
 third contiguous block of fifty leagues was, again, to be 
 offered to American settlers, while the fourth was to be 
 claimed by the Mexican government, and so on — the 
 immigrants and the Mexicans thus becoming neighbours 
 with common interests and dependent upon mutual support 
 and protection. 
 
 The foreigners were to be privileged to appoint their own 
 magistrates, rural guards, police, etc. etc., the chief magis- 
 tate of each section or settlement being held responsible for 
 the maintenance of law and order within his borders. 
 
 These suggestions were considered by the United States 
 government, and sternly pronounced against ; they were 
 never put into execution, mainly on account of Marshal 
 Bazaine's equally emphatic disapproval. Had the scheme 
 been proceeded with, however, there can be no doubt that 
 the Imperial cause would have materially benefited, both 
 directly and indirectly. A large foreign population would 
 have been attracted and proved of great service to the 
 empire at this juncture, while many American filibusters, 
 who willingly lent their co-operation against the Maxi- 
 milian cause, would just as cheerfully have fought for and 
 have helped to maintain it. Thus an opportunity of ex- 
 ceptional value was lost, and it never recurred. 
 
 Mr. Seward's dislike of and antipathy towards Maxi- 
 milian received further incitement at the end of 1865, 
 when he became aware of the horrible ' Black Decree,' 
 which had been issued in the previous month of October. 
 The young sovereign was no longer referred to as the Arch- 
 duke Maximilian or the ' Emperor of Mexico,' but to the 
 ' so-called emperor of Mexico,' and in a letter, dated 14th 
 March 1866, addressed to Seiior Matias Romero, the Secre- 
 tary of State, observed : ' It is scarcely necessary for me 
 to assure you that the government of the United States 
 deeply regrets the untimely fate which has overtaken these 
 
U. STATES AND MAXIMILIAN 425 
 
 brave champions ^ of the cause of Uberty and republican 
 institutions in Mexico, and fully deprecates the practice of 
 a system of warfare so little in consonance with the usages 
 of enlightened States.' 
 
 Such sentiments must have been entirely in accordance 
 with the views of most, if not all, impartial observers of 
 the terrible war proceeding in the neighbouring State ; but 
 it is not upon record that Mr. Seward, or any other member 
 of the Administration, expressed any commiseration for 
 the numerous victims of the Liberal General Zaragoza, the 
 murderer of General Robles, nor for those of General Porfirio 
 Diaz ; both of these generals showed themselves in every way 
 as vindictive and as cruel to their captured countrymen as 
 had the author of the ' Black Decree.' 
 
 In March of 1865, Maximilian had despatched a special 
 envoy to Washington, in the person of Seiior Jose Ramirez, 
 his Minister of State and for Foreign Affairs, in order to 
 propitiate the United States government ; but Mr. Seward 
 would have none of him, replying to a request for an inter- 
 view that ' it is a fixed habit of this government to hold no 
 official intercourse with agents of parties which stand in 
 an attitude of revolution antagonistic to the sovereign 
 authority in the same coimtry with which the United States 
 of America are on friendly diplomatic intercourse.' 
 
 At one time the Confederates seriously entertained the 
 idea of joining Maximihan, and the notion was always 
 popular among the more irreconcilable spirits. Bazaine 
 was opposed to the project for fear that, if carried out, it 
 would precipitate a war with the United States, which 
 Prance at this juncture had no desire to provoke. Bazaine, 
 indeed, even conceived the possibility of treaty with the 
 Federals to the effect that, if these would recognise the 
 Maximihan regime, the French would seize and disarm all 
 the Confederates — ^including their president, Jefferson 
 Davis — if they should cross the Mexican frontier. The 
 proposition, however, came at a moment when the inter- 
 necine struggle in North America was almost over, the Con- 
 
 ' Generals Arteaga and Salazar, who were executed under (he Decree. 
 
426 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 federates being exhausted, so that the United States 
 government had no interest in making any kind of arrange- 
 ment with the Mexican Imperialists. 
 
 The United States government was kept fully informed, 
 by its alert and highly intelligent representative in Mexico 
 City, Mr. Thomas Corwin, as to the trend of Mexican affairs, 
 as well as by its Paris representative, Mr. William L. Dayton. 
 Mr. Charles Francis Adams, in charge of the United States 
 Legation in London, likewise proved a remarkably observant 
 critic of the conditions prevailing, and he kept Mr. Seward 
 au fait with every action taken by Lord Russell, and with 
 every expression of opinion appearing in the public press. 
 
 For instance, on 24th March 1864, we find Mr. Adams in 
 London instructing Mr. Seward in Washington as follows : 
 
 ' The Archduke Maximilian came here for the pxurpose of 
 getting a recognition of his new position. His father-in- 
 law, Leopold, is here to favour its object. The govern- 
 ment declined to act on the subject at present, but gave 
 reason to hope that, so soon as the action in Mexico would 
 appear to justify it, they would acknowledge him. It is 
 understood that Spain and Belgium will follow in the wake 
 of France, after which the other Powers are expected to 
 accede.' Mr. Adams thereafter goes on to talk about the 
 proposed English loan, and to comment upon the disap- 
 pointment of the English creditors on finding no provision 
 made for the redemption of their holdings. 
 
 Every feature of the situation was carefully and, it may 
 be added, impartially set forth by these three extremely 
 active diplomats, so that Washington could judge accurately 
 as to the actual and probable situation. 
 
 While Mr. Corwin supplied the United States Adminis- 
 tration with a full account of such important subjects as 
 the disputed points between the Allies (Great Britain, Spain, 
 and France) and Mexico, the position of military affairs, 
 the proposed French loan for Mexico, the prospects of the 
 French intervention, and even such matters as the opinion 
 in Mexico relative to the civil war in the United States, 
 Mr. Dayton, no less zealous and well-informed, provided 
 
U. STATES AND FRANCE 427 
 
 a mirror of passing events in the French capital — the views 
 of the emperor, the relations of the United States repre- 
 sentatives with both countries, the progress of the war as 
 reported from day to day in the French journals, the hopes 
 and fears of the cabinet at the Tuileries, and a hundred 
 other subjects of moment to the Washington Adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 The obstructive attitude adopted by the United States 
 towards the intervention, however, occasioned considerable 
 irritation in France, and caused many heated arguments 
 in the Chamber of Deputies. Notwithstanding the pacific 
 assurances indulged in by the Minister for Foreign Affairs 
 at Paris and the Secretary of State at Washington, the 
 situation became at times extremely strained. When 
 Napoleon had finally decided to withdraw the whole of the 
 French troops at the request of the United States, an out- 
 burst of indignation was met with from some of the most 
 prominent politicians in France, who saw in this act not 
 alone a complete admission of costly failure but a humiliat- 
 ing truckhng to the jealousy of a distant and interested 
 Power. The most bitter critic throughout had been M. 
 Jules Favre, the distinguished advocate, while Baron 
 Jerome David, a wealthy and influential deputy, deUvered 
 an impassioned speech before the meeting of the Corps 
 Legislatif (on Wednesday, 13th June 1866), in which he 
 asked : 
 
 ' By what right and for what purpose do the United 
 States interfere in the affairs of Mexico ? The population 
 of Mexico is composed of Creoles, half-breeds and Indians. 
 There is no kind of analogy or relation between the Mexican 
 (Spanish-American) raceand the Anglo-American. Manners, 
 temperament, language, religious faith — ^all differ : all are 
 in opposition and contrast. The question of race, there- 
 fore, does not apply. There is talk of the Monroe Doctrine. 
 Since when has a ' doctrine,' enunciated in a message 
 addressed to the nation, taken the force of law for foreign 
 nations ? We could understand that the United States 
 should be moved by an aggressive neighbour, or one threaten- 
 
428 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 ing the internal institutions of the Union ; but because one 
 nation is ruled by the republican form it cannot be pre- 
 tended that monarchical institutions should be excluded 
 from the New World . . . there can be no danger to the 
 United States from the Mexican monarchy.' 
 
 The complicated Mexican affairs likewise formed frequent 
 subjects for debate in the two Houses at the American 
 capital, but notwithstanding the impatience of many of 
 the senators and representatives, and the fiery declamations 
 which some of them indulged in, the conduct of the 
 Americans on the whole was at this time dignified and 
 discreet. 
 
 In his annual message to Congress, dated 6th December 
 1864, President Lincoln made but a very brief and colour- 
 less reference to the affairs of Mexico, although the emperor 
 had landed and taken possession of his new kingdom in 
 the Americas some six months previously. AU that Lincoln 
 found it expedient to observe was confined to four lines at 
 the commencement of the ' Message ' as follows : — 
 
 ' Mexico continues to be a theatre of civil war. While 
 our political relations with that country have undergone 
 no change, we have, at the same time, strictly maintained 
 neutrality between the belligerents.' 
 
 This was not altogether an accurate representation of 
 affairs, although no doubt the conscientious president may 
 have believed it to be so ; the Secretary of State could have 
 shown him a goodly pile of correspondence received from 
 the Mexican imyerialists, both upon the frontier and in 
 the capital, protesting earnestly against the favouritism 
 which was being openly shown to the Liberals in the way 
 of facihties granted for raising of money and arms, and 
 securing them safety at any time from pursuit by merely 
 crossing the American frontier, and again leaving it when 
 it suited their convenience. 
 
 In the following year, when the worthy Lincoln had been 
 some months in his grave, and Andrew Johnson the ex- 
 tailor's apprentice was ruling in his place, no direct mention 
 was made in the Presidential Message of Mexican affairs. 
 
U. STATES AND MEXICO 429 
 
 After congratulating himself and the American people 
 upon the friendly relations entertained ' between the United 
 States and the Emperor of China,' with somewhat less 
 redundancy upon the amicable coimections ' with the Czar 
 of Eussia and the Emperor of Brazil,' and with a sneer at 
 England (occasioned, no doubt, by our having recognised 
 the Confederate insurgents as belligerents in the United 
 States), the president referred very furtively to Mexico and 
 France. AH that he deemed it diplomatic to observe was 
 contained in the one sentence : ' He would regard as a 
 calamity for the peace of the world the fact that any European 
 power should throw the glove to the American people as 
 if for the defence of republicanism against foreign inter- 
 vention ' — a pronouncement which assuredly signified 
 nothing at all. This Message, however, had proved a 
 lengthy one. 
 
 But Andrew Johnson would appear to have devoted a 
 great deal of attention, during the four years of his presi- 
 dency, mainly to quarrelling with the Senate, and to have 
 had little time for directing the Republic's foreign policy. 
 He was about the only American president ever caUed upon 
 to answer a charge of ' high crimes and misdemeanours,' 
 and although he escaped conviction by the skin of his teeth 
 (35 out of 54 of the Senate finding him 'guilty,' which 
 number was insuificient by one to complete the necessary 
 two-thirds majority) he lost all influence with his country- 
 men, and was in no position to direct a different kind of 
 policy, had he even contemplated it, with regard to Mexican 
 affairs. 
 
 The position of the United States, as defined by Mr. 
 Secretary Seward,^ was this : France had a right to make 
 war against Mexico, and to determine for herself the cause. 
 The United States had a right and interest to insist that 
 France should not improve the war she made to raise up 
 in Mexico an anti-Repubhcan or anti-American govern- 
 ment, or to maintain a government there. The United 
 States government did not desire to suppress the fact that 
 
 ■ Letter from Williftm H. Seward to William L. Dayton, 21st June 1862. 
 
430 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 their sympathies were with Mexico — that is to say with 
 the Eepublican portion of the people — and their wishes were 
 for the restoration of peace within her borders : neither 
 did the United States government in any sense, for any 
 purpose, disapprove of the Eepublican government then 
 in force in Mexico, or distrust the administration. Neither 
 was there any disposition apparently to deny the Liberals 
 of Mexico financial assistance (notwithstanding the 'neu- 
 trality ' so often cited). Indeed, President Lincoln sub- 
 mitted to the Senate a treaty granting a loan to Mexico 
 of $11,000,000 (say £2,200,000) although he made no 
 recommendation upon the subject. 
 
 As a fact the Mexican government, relying upon the 
 specific promise of certain unauthorised individuals, had 
 negotiated drafts upon the United States government based 
 upon the treaties which the United States representative 
 at Mexico City (Mr. Corwin) had arranged, but which his 
 government never ratified. When the drafts were pre- 
 sented they were protested, ' because they had been 
 unauthorised by the United States government, and were 
 made without its knowledge.' 
 
 There were other reasons why the United States govern- 
 ment wished to remain content with citing the Monroe 
 Doctrine, and not putting its threatening clauses into 
 operation against Prance. The Americans had received 
 much sympathy from France during and after the revolu- 
 tionary war, mainly on account of the favourable opportunity 
 afforded for annoying England, while the service of the Due 
 de Chartres and the Comte de Paris in the army of the 
 United States had kindled a very friendly feeling between 
 the two peoples. No less favourable had proved the 
 impression regarding the generous course adopted towards 
 the Americans by Prince Jerome Napoleon, who was always 
 persona grata to the citizens of the Northern Republic. 
 
 The American Secretary of State was at least consistent 
 in his sympathies regarding the French intervention, and 
 at no time did anything, or permitted anything to be done, 
 which could possibly assist Maximilian in his efforts to 
 
WILLIAM HENRY SEWARD 
 
 United States Secretary of State 7juring the 
 
 Maximilian Regime in Mexico 
 
U. STATES AND MEXICAN PRISONERS 431 
 
 establish his monarchy upon a firm and permanent basis. 
 One reason for Mr. Seward's antagonism was his belief 
 that, during his visit to Paris, Maximilian had suggested 
 to Napoleon ni. the advisability of his acknowledging the 
 Confederates in their secession from the Union. As a fact, 
 Maximilian never made any such suggestion, and the 
 caymrd was entirely the product of certain mahcious Enghsh 
 newspapers. Mr. Dayton, moreover, maintained so close 
 a watch upon the movements of Maximilian that, while 
 in Paris, nothing that he did or said, or perhaps thought, 
 was left unrecorded by this zealous diplomatic sleuth-hound 
 for the edification of his government. 
 
 He was, later on, found most sympathetic in his ex- 
 pressions to a number of Mexican officers of the Liberal 
 persuasion who had been captured by the French troops 
 and transported as prisoners of war to Tours, in the Depart- 
 ment of Indre-et-Loire. They had appealed to the United 
 States — ^whose government had earned their ' profoundest 
 admiration,' and ' whose people had inspired them with 
 the loftiest conception of their virtues ' — to intervene in 
 their favour, and Mr. Dayton, as representative of the 
 government of the United States at Paris, thaniked them 
 ' for their kind sentiments and encouraging sympathies,' 
 and assured them that ' it would give him much pleasure 
 to forward their communication to the government at 
 Washington.' But the result failed to secure one single 
 day's reduction in the prisoners' confinement, or the smallest 
 mitigation in their unhappy lot. 
 
 The same courteous, but wholly ineffective, results 
 attended the numerous protests addressed from time to 
 time to the United States government by Seiior M. Romero, 
 the (Liberal) Mexican Minister to Washington on the one 
 hand, and, by M. L. de Geoffroy, the French Minister at 
 Washington, on the other. 
 
 The United States Secretary of State was attempting to 
 practise 'the cold neutrality of an impartial judge,' which 
 would have been the most proper course to have followed. 
 Unfortunately the lead of Washington was not accepted 
 
432 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 on the frontier, and here the partiality shown by the 
 American military authorities for the Liberals was proving 
 an exceedingly heavy handicap for both the Imperialists 
 and their French supporters. 
 
 Mr. Seward always cordially distrusted Napoleon ni., 
 and in this he was in accord with Lord Palmerston, who 
 held the French emperor in something hke contempt. Even 
 Prince Gortschakoff, the great Russian diplomat, had 
 observed of Napoleon, ' he is constantly thrusting a thousand- 
 franc note into one's palm to commit some infamy or other.' 
 The American government had, indeed, every reason to 
 regard Napoleon with profound suspicion from the first 
 days of the Mexican intervention, notwithstanding the 
 suave language of diplomacy which characterised the long 
 drawn-out negotiations and correspondence passing between 
 Washington and Paris between 1862 and 1867. 
 
 Mr. William L. Dayton, writing to his government at 
 Washington from Paris, rather seems to have occasionally 
 exceeded the usual diplomatic latitude by' venturing to 
 ' advise ' the Secretary of State as to his future poHcy with 
 regard to Mexico. He tells Mr. Seward, for instance, on 
 7th April 1864, that ' any action at present by the United 
 States would be sure to embroil us with France,' adding, 
 ' We caxmot, under existing circumstances, afford a war 
 with France for the Quixotic purpose of helping Mexico.' 
 
 Mr. Seward, seemingly, cordially approved of the senti- 
 ments expressed, for at a later date (17th March 1865) we 
 find him writing to Mr. Dayton's successor,^ Mr. John 
 Bigelow : ' This government has not interfered. It does 
 not propose to interfere. ... It firmly repels foreign 
 intervention here, and looks with disfavour upon it any- 
 where. Therefore, for us to intervene in Mexico would be 
 only to reverse our own principles, and to adopt in regard 
 to that country the very policy which in any case we 
 disallow.' 
 
 ' Mr. Dayton died after an attack of apoplexy at Paris on Ist December 
 1864. He was a very valuable public servant, and proved himself at 
 critical times an able, judicious, and discreet representative abroad. 
 
JOHN BIGELOW 433 
 
 Mr. Bigelow, however, went even further than his pre- 
 decessor in laying down the pohcy of the United States, 
 and upon one occasion, at least, he seems to have provoked 
 a mild kind of reprimand from the Secretary of State. Mr. 
 Bigelow had informed the French Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs that, 'now the experiment has been begun, the 
 Americans urged it to be fully tried, under circumstances 
 best calculated to determine finally and for ever whether 
 European systems of government suited the Mexican 
 people. If it should appear that they did, and public tran- 
 quillity was restored, no nation was more interested in such 
 a result than her immediate neighbours.' 
 
 It is small wonder that a statement of such moment 
 as this, emanating from an Envoy Extraordinary and 
 Minister Plenipotentiary, should have occasioned great 
 satisfaction to the French government, since it entirely 
 put aside any intention of the United States to object 
 further should the monarchy in Mexico prove successful. 
 
 Mr. Bigelow, however, was informed by Mr. Seward, in a 
 despatch dated 30th June 1865: 'it is thought that the 
 argument which you have recited is not warranted by the 
 instructions of this department. It will be well, at your 
 convenience, to make this explanation to M. Drouyn de 
 I'Huys. So far as our relations are concerned, what we 
 hold in regard to Mexico is that France is a belligerent 
 there, in war with the Eepublic of Mexico. We do not enter 
 into the merits of the belligerents, but we practise in regard 
 to the contest the principles of neutrality ; and we have 
 insisted upon the practice of neutrality by all nations with 
 regard to our civil war.' Mr. Seward concluded by assuring 
 Mr. Bigelow that ' he attached no importance to this matter.' 
 
 From the sea of diplomatic statements and counter- 
 statements, affirmations and denials, enveloped in that 
 complex and confused phraseology so dear to the amateur 
 diplomat — and so studiously avoided by the real and 
 experienced statesman — it was possible to evolve the 
 further fact that the sentiments of the United States were 
 somewhat as follows : They preferred to see a domestic 
 
 3B' 
 
434 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 and republican rather than any other system of govern- 
 ment prevail in Mexico. This preference resulted from 
 the circumstance that the Constitution of the United States 
 itself is domestic and republican, and from a belief that not 
 only its constituent parts ought to preserve the same form 
 and character, but that, as far as is practically and justly 
 attainable by the exercise of moral influence, the many 
 American States by which the United States are surroimded 
 shall be distinguished by the same pecuharities of govern- 
 ment. While the United States did not insist or claim 
 that Mexico and the other States on the American continent 
 should adopt the political institutions to which the North 
 Americans are so earnestly attached, they held that the 
 people of these countries are entitled to exercise the freedom 
 of choosing and establishing institutions like their own if 
 they are preferred. 
 
 Nothing could have been more moderately or accept- 
 ably put than this exposition of the United States policy, 
 as advanced by Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State, and 
 it stood out in bold contrast to the wild threats which were 
 then, and since have been, indulged in regarding the inter- 
 ference by any European power in the affairs of the Latin- 
 American RepubHcs. 
 
 No doubt the favourable termination of the civil strife 
 in the United States, which had started in 1861, almost 
 simultaneously with the commencement of the French 
 intervention in Mexico, had influenced the firm stand taken 
 up latterly by the Washington government with regard to 
 Mexico. The intense popular interest which was awakened 
 by the prevalence of this internecine struggle tended, to 
 no smaU extent, to moderate the solicitude which the situa- 
 tion of foreign affairs was calculated to create ; but with 
 the subsidence of that interest and anxiety, occasioned 
 by the return of the disaffected States, one by one, to the 
 Union of the United States, Congress again became alive 
 to the undesirabihty of any radical change of goverimient 
 taking place so near at hand, and now found itself in a 
 position to make its views both heard and heeded. 
 
UNITED STATES POLICY 435 
 
 But the ever-cautioiis Mr. Seward foresaw commercial 
 complications ahead, should there arise any armed friction 
 between the United States and France, by which 'the 
 almighty dollar ' would be made to suffer. In a ' con- 
 fidential ' letter addressed to Mr. Gustavus ICoerner, who 
 (notwithstanding his Teutonic name) held the position of 
 the United States Minister at Madrid, bearing date 19th 
 May 1864, the Secretary of State observed : ' Should the 
 sentiment of this country (U.S.A.) demand a reconsidera- 
 tion of the policy of neutrality which the government 
 has hitherto maintained, it is very much to be feared that 
 new compUcations might arise, which would not merely 
 disturb the existing systems of commerce, but might en- 
 danger the general peace of nations. I need not enlarge 
 upon the subject I have thus presented.' 
 
 After four years of such correspondence, much of which 
 proved colourless and most of it ineffective, after alternate 
 threats and ambiguous cajolery ; when the United States 
 government must have become weary of declaring its 
 unswerving desire to see the backs of the French in Mexico, 
 and the reiterated determination of the French to remain 
 where they were — since ' France was not in the habit of 
 marching except to her own tune ' — Napoleon withdrew 
 his troops and left his dupe Maximilian to shift for himself. 
 To this extent, then, the United States triumphed, managing 
 to secure the withdrawal of the objectionable European 
 power without having actually to unsheath the sword as 
 it had menaced but so much dreaded. 
 
APPENDIX I 
 
 CONVENTION DE LONDRES 
 
 Sa Majeste I'Empereur des Frangais, Sa Majeste la Reine 
 d'Espagne et Sa Majeste la Reine de la Grande-Bretagne et 
 d'Irlande, se trouvant placees, par la conduite arbitraire et vexa- 
 toire des autorites de la Republique du Mexique, dans la neces- 
 site d'exiger de ces autorites une protection plus efBcace pour les 
 personnes et les proprietes de leurs sujets, ainsi que I'execution 
 des obligations contractees envers Elles par la Republique du 
 Mexique, se sont entendues pour concJure entre Elles une con- 
 vention dans le but de combiner leur action commune, et, k cet 
 efiEet, ont nomme pour leurs plenipotentiaires, savoir : 
 
 Sa Majeste I'Empereur des Frangais, Son Excellence le comte 
 de Flahault de la Billarderie, senateur, general de division, 
 grand-croix de I'ordre imperial de la Legion d'honneur, son 
 ambassadeur extraordinaire aupres de Sa Majeste la Reine de 
 la Grande-Bretagne et d'Irlande ; 
 
 Sa Majeste la Reine d'Espagne, Son Excellence don Xavier 
 de Isturiz y Montero, chevalier de I'ordre insigne de la Toison 
 d'or, grand-croix de I'ordre royal de Charles in., grand-croix de 
 I'ordre imperial de la Legion d'honneur, senateur du royaume, 
 son envoy6 extraordinaire et ministre plenipotentiaire a la cour 
 de Sa Majeste la Reine du royaume-uni de la Grande-Bretagne 
 et d'Irlande ; 
 
 Sa Majeste la Reine de la Grande-Bretagne et d'Irlande, le 
 tres-honorable Jean comte Russell, vicomte Amber ley de Amberley 
 et Artsalla, pair du royaume-uni, conseiUer de Sa Majeste en 
 son conseil prive, principal secretaire d'ifitat de Sa Majeste pour 
 les affaires etrangeres, 
 
 Lesquels, apres avoir echange leurs pouvoirs, sont tombes 
 d' accord pour arreter les articles suivants : 
 
 Art. l^"". Sa Majeste I'Empereur des Fran§ais, Sa Majeste la 
 Reine d'Espagne et Sa Majeste la Reine de la Grande-Bretagne 
 et d'Irlande s'engagent k arreter, apres la signature de la pre- 
 sente convention, les dispositions necessaires pour envoyer sur 
 
 436 
 
CONVENTION OF LONDON 437 
 
 les c6tes du Mexique des forces de terre et de mer combinees, 
 dont I'effectif sera determine par un ^change uMrieur de com- 
 munications entre leurs gouvemements, mais dont I'ensemble 
 devra 6tre suffisant pour pouvoir saisir et occuper les differentes 
 forteresses et positions militaires du littoral mexicain. 
 
 Les commandants des forces alliees seront, en outre, autorises a 
 accomplir les autres operations qui seraient jugees, sur les lieux, 
 les plus propres a r^aliser le but specific dans le preambule de 
 la presente convention, et notamment a assurer la s^curite des 
 residents etrangers. 
 
 Toutes les mesures dont il s'agit dans cet article seront prises 
 au nom et pour le compte des Hautes Parties contraotantes, sans 
 acception de la nationalite des forces employees a les executer. 
 
 Art. 2. Les Hautes Parties contractantes s'engagent k ne 
 rechercher pour elles-memes, dans I'emploi des mesures coerci- 
 tives pr^vues par la presente convention, aucune acquisition de 
 territoire, ni aucun avantage particulier, et k n'exercer, dans 
 lea affaires interieures du Mexique aucune influence de nature k 
 porter atteinte au droit de la nation mexicaine de choisir et de 
 constituer Ubrement la forme de son gouvemement. 
 
 Art. 3. Une commission composee de trois commissaires, un 
 nomme par chacune des Puissances contractantes, sera dtabUe 
 aveo plein pouvoir de statuer sur toutes les questions que pour- 
 raient soulever I'emploi et la distribution des sommes d' argent 
 qui seront recouvrees au Mexique en ayant egard aux droits 
 respectifs des parties contractantes. 
 
 Art. 4. Les Hautes Parties contractantes desirant, en outre, 
 que les mesures qu'eUes ont I'intention n'aient pas un caractere 
 exclusif, et sachant que le gouvemement des fitats-Unis a, de 
 son cote, des reclamations k faire valoir, comme elles, contre la 
 RepubUque mexicaine, conviennent qu'aussitot apres la signa- 
 ture de la presente convention, il en sera communiquee une copie 
 au gouvemement des £tats-Unis, que ce gouvemement sera 
 invitd a y acceder, et qu'en prevision de cette accession, leurs 
 ministres respectifs a Washington seront immediatement munis 
 de leurs pleins pouvoirs, a I'eflet de conclure et de signer coUec- 
 tivement ou separement, avec le plenipotentiaire design^ par 
 le president des fitats-Unis, une convention identique, sauf 
 suppression du present article, a ceUes qu'elles signent k la 
 date de ce jour. Mais, comme les Hautes Parties contractantes 
 s'exposeraient, en apportant quelque retard k la mise k ex&ju- 
 tion des articles 1 et 2 de la presente Convention, k manquer le 
 but qu'elles desiraient atteindre, Elles sont tombees d'accord 
 
438 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 de ne pas differer, en vue d'obtenir I'accession du gouvemement 
 des fitats-Unis, le commencement des operations susmentionnees 
 au dela de I'epoque k laquelle leurs forces combinees pourront 
 etre reunies dans les parages de Vera-Cruz. 
 
 Art. 5. La presente convention sera ratifiee, et les ratifica- 
 tions en seront echangees k Londres dans le delai de quinze 
 jonrs. 
 
 En foi de quoi, les plenipotentiaires respectifs Pont signee et 
 y ont appose le sceau de leurs armes. . 
 
 Fait k Londres, en triple original, le trente et uni^me jour du 
 mois d'octobre de I'an de grace mil huit cent soixante et un. 
 
 Flahaul't. 
 
 XaVIEE de ISTtTRlZ. 
 
 Russell. 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 CONVENTION DE LA SOLEDAD 
 
 Article ler. fitant admis que le gouvemement constitutionnel, 
 qui r6git actuellement la R6publique du Mexique, a declare aux 
 commissaires des puissances alliees, qu'il n'a pas besoin du 
 secours que ces commissaires ont offert avec tant de bienveil- 
 lance au peuple mexicain, attendu qu'il possede en lui-meme les 
 Elements de force et d' opinion n^cessaires pour se maintenir 
 contre toute r^volte intestine, les aUiees se placent d^s k present 
 sur le terrain des trait6s pour formuler toutes les reclamations 
 qu'ils ont k faire au nom de leurs nations respectives. 
 
 Art. 2. Dans ce but, les representants des puissances alliees 
 protestant, comme ils protestent, qu'ils n'ont aucune intention de 
 porter atteinte k I'independance, k la souverainet6 et a I'int^grite 
 du territoire de la R6publique, des negociations s'ouvriront k 
 Orizaba oil devront se reunir MM. les commissaires et deux des 
 ministres du gouvemement de la R^publique, a moins que des 
 deux cotds on ne convienne de se faire represente par des delegu6s. 
 
 Art. 5. Pendant la duree des negociations, les forces des puis- 
 sances alliees occuperont les trois villes de Cordova, Orizaba et 
 Tehuacdn avec leurs rayons naturals. 
 
 Art. 4. Afin qu'il ne puisse entrer dans la pensee de personne 
 que les alliees ont signe ces pr^liminaires pour se procurer le 
 
CONVENTION OF LA SOLEDAD 439 
 
 passage des positions fortifi6es qu'ocoupe I'ann^e mexioaine, il 
 est stipul6 que si, maUieureusement, les ndgociations venaient k 
 se rompre, les forces alli6es 6vacueraient les villes susdites et 
 retoumeraient se placer sur la ligne qui est en deo^ desdites 
 fortifications, sur le chemin de la Vera-Cruz ; les points extremes 
 principaux en 6tant celui de Paso-Ancho, sur la route de Cordova 
 et celui de Paso de Ovejas, sur la route de Jalapa. 
 
 Art. 5. S'il arrivait malheureusement que les n^gociations se 
 rompissent et que les troupes alliees se retirassent sur la Ugne 
 indiqu^e dans Particle precedent, les hopitaux qu'elles auraient 
 6tablis resteraient sous la sauvegarde de la nation mexicaine. 
 
 Art. 6. Le jour oii les troupes aUides se mettront en marche 
 poiur occuper les points indiqufe dans Particle 3, le pavilion 
 mexicain sera arbor6 sur la ville de la Vera-Cruz et sur le chateau 
 de Saint-Jean d'Ulloa. 
 
 SoLEDAD, le 19 fivrier 1862. 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 [Tbanslation] 
 
 CONVENTION OF LA SOLEDAD 
 
 Preliminaries agreed upon between the Count de Reuss and 
 the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Mexican Republic. 
 
 1st. Inasmuch as the constitutional government, which 
 governs through the Mexican Republic, has manifested to the 
 commissioners of the allied powers that it does not need the 
 assistance which they have so generously offered to the 
 Mexican people, it having within itself the elements of power 
 and pubUc opinion to sustain itself against any intestine revolu- 
 tion, the allies immediately enter upon the ground of treaties 
 to draw up all the claims which they have to present in the name 
 of their respective nations. 
 
 2nd. To that end, and the representatives of the allied powers 
 protesting, as they do protest, that they do not attempt any- 
 thing against the independence, sovereignty, and integrity of 
 the territory of the Repubhc, the negotiations will be opened 
 at Orizaba, to which city the commissioners will repair, and 
 also two of the ministers of the government of the Republic, 
 
440 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 excepting in the case that, by mutual consent, it should be 
 agreed upon to appoint representatives delegated by both parties. 
 
 3rd. During the negotiations the forces of the aUifed powers 
 shall occupy the three towns of Cordoba, Orizaba, and Tehuacan, 
 with their natural radii. 
 
 4th. In order that it may not, even in the most remote manner, 
 be beUeved that the allies have signed these preliminaries in 
 order to procure for themselves the passage of the fortified posi- 
 tions which the Mexican army holds, it is stipulated that, in 
 the unfortunate event of the breaking-o£E of the negotiations, 
 the forces of the allies shall withdraw from the aforesaid towns, 
 and shall again occupy the hne which is in front of said fortifica- 
 tions in the direction of Vera Cruz, the principal extreme points 
 being those of the Paso-Ancho, on the Cordoba road, and the 
 Paso de Ovejas, on the Jalapa road. 
 
 5th. Should the unfortunate event occur of the breaking-oii 
 of the negotiations and the withdrawal of the allied forces to the 
 line indicated in the preceding article, the hospitals which the 
 allies may have there shall remain under the safeguard of the 
 Mexican nation. 
 
 6th. On the day on which the allied forces shall commence 
 their march to occupy the points mentioned in article 2nd, the 
 Mexican flag shall be raised in the city of Vera Cruz and upon 
 the castle of San Juan de Ulloa. 
 
 La Soledad, nineteenth of February, one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-two. 
 
 El Conde de Reuss. 
 Manuel Doblado. 
 
 Approved. C. Lennox Wycke. 
 
 Approved. Hugh Dunlop. 
 
 The above preliminaries are approved. 
 
 The above prehminaries are approved. 
 
 A. DE Saligny. 
 
 E. JUBIEN. 
 
 Mexico, 2ird February 1862. 
 I approve these preliminaries, in virtue of the ample powers 
 with which I am invested. 
 
 Benito Juabez, 
 
 President of the Republic. 
 Jesus Teean, 
 Minister of Foreign and Home Affairs. 
 
PROCLAMATION TO MEXICAN NATION 441 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 PROCLAMATION OF REAR-ADMIRAL JURIEN DE 
 LA GRAVlfiRE AND M. DE SALIGNY 
 
 To the Nation : — 
 
 Mexicans ! We have not come here with the object of taking 
 part in your dissensions ; we have come to put a stop to them. 
 What we wish is to call upon aU honest men to aid us in consoU- 
 dating order, and in regenerating your beautiful country. In 
 proof of the sincere spirit of conciUation with which we are 
 animated, we have, in the first place, directed ourselves to the 
 same government against which we have motives of the most 
 serious complaints. We have asked it to accept our aid in 
 establishing in Mexico a state of things that might in future 
 avoid the necessity of these long expeditions, the greatest in- 
 convenience of which is the suspension of commerce and the 
 cessation of those relations which are as advantageous to Europe 
 as to your own country. The Mexican government has answered 
 to the moderation of our conduct by taking measures to which 
 we never would have given our approval, and which the civil- 
 ised world would reproach us for sanctioning by our presence. 
 Between it and ourselves war is now declared. But we do not 
 confound the Mexican people with an oppressive and violent 
 minority. The Mexicans have ever had a right to our warmest 
 sympathies ; it remains to them to show themselves worthy of 
 them. We appeal to all those who may have confidence in our 
 intervention, no matter to what party they may have belonged. 
 No enlightened man can ever believe that a government bom 
 from the suffrage of one of the most hberal nations of Europe 
 could for a moment have had the intention of restoring in a 
 foreign country ancient abuses and institutions which no longer 
 appertain to the age. We wish equal justice for all, and we 
 wish that this justice should not be imposed by the force of our 
 arms. The Mexican people must be the first instrument of 
 their own salvation. Our only aim is to inspire the honourable 
 and pacific portion of the country — that is to say, to the nine- 
 tenths of the population — ^wlth the courage to declare their free 
 wiU. 
 
 If the Mexican nation remains inert, if she does not compre- 
 hend that we offer her an unexpected occasion to escape from 
 
442 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 an abyss, if she does not lend by her efforts a sentiment and a 
 practical morality to our support, it is evident that nothing is 
 now left for us to do but to occupy ourselves with the necessary 
 interests, in view of which the ' Convention of London ' was 
 concluded. Let all men, so long divided by quarrels without 
 an object, hasten to unite with us ; they hold in their hands the 
 destinies of Mexico. The French flag has been planted upon 
 Mexican soil, and that flag shall not retrocede. Let all upright 
 men hail it as a friendly banner ; let the insensate dare to 
 attack it ! 
 
 E. JUBIEN, 
 
 A. DE Saligny, 
 
 Plenipotentiaries of Ms Majesty the Envperor 
 
 of the French, in Mexico. 
 
 Cordoba, Wh April 1862. 
 
 APPENDIX IV 
 
 CONVENTION DE MIRAMAR 
 
 (10 amil 1864) 
 
 Le gouvernement de S.M. I'Empereur des Frangais et oelui de 
 S.M. I'Empereur du Mexique, anim6s d'un d6sir 6gal d'assurer 
 le retablissement de I'ordre au Mexique et de consolider le nouvel 
 Empire, ont resolu de rdgler par une convention les conditions du 
 sejour des troupes frangaises dans ce pays, et ont nomme pour 
 leurs plenipotentiaires a cet effet, savoir : 
 
 Sa Majeste I'Empereur des Frangais M. Charles-Fran§ois- 
 fidouard Herbet, ministre plenipotentiaire de l^e classe, con- 
 seiller d'!fitat, directeur au ministfere des affaires 6trang6res, 
 grand officier de son ordre imperial de la L6gion d'honneur, etc. 
 
 Et Sa Majeste I'Empereur du Mexique, M. Joaquin Velasquez 
 de Leon, son ministre d'fitat sans portefeuille, grand officier de 
 I'ordre distingue de Notre-Dame de Guadalupe, etc. 
 
 Lesquels apr^s s'etre communique leurs pleins pouvoirs, trouves 
 en bonne et due forme, sont convenus des articles suivants : 
 
 Article 1^'. Les troupes fran9aises qui se trouvent actuelle- 
 ment au Mexique seront rMuites le plus tot possible k un corps 
 de 25,000 hommes, y compris la 16gion 6trang^re. 
 
 Ce corps, pour sauvegarder les interets qui ont motiv6 Pinter- 
 
CONVENTION OF MIRAMAR 443 
 
 vention, restera temporairement au Mexique dans les conditions 
 reglees par les articles suivants : 
 
 Art. 2. Les troupes fran9aises evacueront le Mexique au fur 
 et a mesure que S.M. TEmpereur du Mexique pourra organiser 
 les troupes necessaii-es pour les remplacer. 
 
 Art. 3. La Legion etrangere au service de la France, com- 
 posee de 8000 hommes, demeurera neanmoins encore pendant 
 six annees au Mexique, aprds que toutes les autres forces fran- 
 9aises auront ete rappelees conform^ment k I'article 2. A 
 dater de ce moment, ladite 16gion passera au service et k la 
 soldo du gouvemement mexicain. Le gouvemement mexicain 
 se r63erve la faculty d'abr^ger la duree de I'emploi au Mexique 
 de la 16gion etrangere. 
 
 Art. 4. Les points du territoire k occuper par les troupes fran- 
 9aises, ainsi que les expeditions militaires de ces troupes, s'il y a 
 Ueu, seront determines de commun accord et directement entre 
 Sa Majeste I'Empereur du Mexique et le commandant en chef 
 du corps frangais. 
 
 Art. 5, Sur tons les points oil la garnison ne sera pas exclusive- 
 ment compos^e de troupes mexicaines, le commandement mili- 
 taire sera devolu au commandant fran9ais. 
 
 En cas d'expeditions combinees de troupes fran9aises et 
 mexicaines le commandement superieur de ces troupes appar- 
 tiendra egalement au commandant fran9ais. 
 
 Art. 6. Les commandants fran9ais ne pourront intervenir 
 dans aucune branche de I'administration mexicaine. 
 
 Art. 7. Tant que les besoins du corps d'armee fran9ai8 neces- 
 siteront tous les deux mois un service de transports entre la 
 France et le port de Vera-Cruz, les frais de ce service, fixes a 
 la somme de 400,000 fr. par voyage (aller et retour) seront 
 supportes par le gouvemement mexicain et payes a Mexico. 
 
 Art. 8. Les stations navales que la France entretient dans les 
 Antilles et dans I'Ocean Paeifique enverront souvent des navires 
 montrer le drapeau fran9ais dans les ports du Mexique. 
 
 Art. 9. Les frais de I'expedition fran9aise au Mexique k rem- 
 bourser par le gouvemement mexicain sont fixes a la somme de 
 270 miUions pour tout le temps de la duree de cette expedition 
 jusqu'au l^r juillet 1864. Cette somme sera productive d'in- 
 terets a raison de 3 p.% par an. 
 
 A partir du l^r juiUet, toutes les depensea de I'armee mexi- 
 caine reatent a la charge du Mexique. 
 
 Art. 10. L'indemnite k payer k la France par le gouvemement 
 mexicain, pour depense de solde, nourriture et entretien des 
 
444 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 troupes du corps d'armee a partir du l^r juillet 1864, demeure 
 fix6e a la somme de 1000 fr. par homme et par an. 
 
 Art. II. Le gouvemement mexicain remettra imm6diate- 
 ment au gouvemement franfais la somme de 66 millions en 
 titres de I'emprunt au taux d' emission, savoir : 54 millions 
 en deduction de la dette mentionnee dans I'article 9, et 12 
 millions comma a-compte sur les indemnites dues a des Franjais 
 en vertu de I'article 14 de la presente convention. 
 
 Art. 12. Pour le paiement du surplus des frais de guerre et 
 pour I'acquittement des charges mentionnes dans les articles 7, 
 10 et 14, le gouvemement mexicain s' engage a payer annuelle- 
 ment k la Trance la somme de 25 millions en numeraire. Cette 
 somme sera imputee : 1 sur les sommes dues en vertu desdits 
 articles 7 et 10 ; 2 sur le montant, en interets et principal, 
 de la somme fixee dans I'article 9 ; 3 sur les indemnites qui 
 resteront dues k des sujets fran9ais en vertu des articles 14 
 et suivants. 
 
 Art. 13. Le gouvemement mexicain versera, le dernier jour 
 de chaque mois, a Mexico, entre les mains du payeur-g^neral 
 de I'arm^e, ce qu'il devra pour couvrir les d^penses des troupes 
 fran^aises restees au Mexique conform6ment a Particle 10. 
 
 Art. 14. Le gouvemement mexicain s'engage a indemniser 
 les sujets fran9ais des prejudices qu'ils ont indliment soufEerts et 
 qui ont motive 1' expedition. 
 
 Art. 15. Une commission mixte, composee de trois Fran^ais 
 et de trois Mexicains, nommes par leurs gouvemements respectifs, 
 se reunira a Mexico dans un delai de trois mois, pour examiner 
 et r^gler ces reclamations. 
 
 Art. 16. Une commission de revision, composee de deux 
 Fran^ais et de deux Mexicains, designes de la meme maniere, 
 siegeant a Paris, procedera a la liquidation definitive des re- 
 clamations deja admises par la commission designee dans 
 I'article precedent et statuera sur celles dont la decision lui 
 aurait ete reserv6e. 
 
 Art. 17. Le gouvemement frangais remettra en liberty tons 
 les prisonniers de guerre mexicains, des que I'Empereur du 
 Mexique sera entr6 dans ses fitats. 
 
 Art. 18. La presente convention sera ratifi^e et les ratifica- 
 tion en seront echang6es le plus tot que faire se pourra. 
 
 Fait au chateau de Miramar, le 10 avril 1864. 
 
 Sign6 : Heebet 
 
 Joaquin Velasquez de Leon. 
 
CONVENTION OF MIRAMAR 445 
 
 APPENDIX IV 
 
 [Translation] 
 C02SrVENTI0N CONCLUDED BETWEEN FRANCE AND 
 
 MEXICO, TO EEGULATE THE CONDITIONS OF THE STAY OP 
 
 THE French Troops in this last-named country foe 
 
 THE PTTEPOSE OF ESTABLISHING PeACE AND CONSOLIDAT- 
 ING THE New EMPrBB. 
 
 The Government of the Emperor of the French and that of the 
 Emperor of Mexico, animated by an equal desire to secure the re- 
 estabUshment of order in Mexico, and to consoUdate the new 
 empire, have resolved to regulate by a convention the conditions 
 of the stay of the French troops in that country, and have named 
 their plenipotentiaries to that effect, viz : 
 
 The Emperor of the French: — M. Charles Herbet, Minister 
 Plenipotentiary of the first class, Councillor of State, Director 
 of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Grand Officer of the Legion 
 of Honour, etc. ; 
 
 And the Emperor of Mexico : — ^M. Joaquin Velasquez de Leon, 
 his Minister of State without portfoUo, Grand Officer of the Dis- 
 tinguished Order of Our Lady of Guadalupe, etc. ; 
 
 Who, after having communicated to each other their full 
 powers, agreed on the following provisions : 
 
 Art. 1. The French troops at present in Mexico shall be re- 
 duced as soon as possible to a corps of 25,000 men, including 
 the foreign legion. This corps, in order to safeguard the in- 
 terests which led to the intervention, shall remain temporarily 
 in Mexico, on the conditions laid down by the following articles : 
 
 Art. 2. The French troops shall evacuate Mexico, in propor- 
 tion as the Emperor of Mexico shall be able to organise the 
 troops necessary to replace them. 
 
 Art. 3. The foreign legion in the service of France, composed 
 of 8000 men, shall nevertheless remain in Mexico six years 
 after all the French troops shall have been recalled, in con- 
 formity with article 2. From that moment the said legion 
 shall pass into the service and pay of the Mexican government, 
 which reserves to itself the right of abridging the duration of 
 the employment of the foreign legion in Mexico. 
 
 Art. 4. The points of the territory to be occupied by the 
 
446 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 French troops, as well as the military expeditions of the said 
 troops, if there be any, shall be determined in common accord, 
 directly between the Emperor of Mexico and the Commandant- 
 in-Chief of the French corps. 
 
 Art. 5. On all points where the garrison shall not be exclu- 
 sively composed of Mexican troops, the military command shall 
 devolve on the French Commander. In case of expeditions 
 combined of French and Mexican troops, the superior direction 
 of those troops shall also belong to the French Commander. 
 
 Art. 6. The French Commander shall not interfere with any 
 branch of the administration. 
 
 Art. 7. So long as the requirements of the French corps d'armie 
 shall necessitate a tri-monthly service of transports between 
 France and Vera Cruz, the expense of the said service, fixed at 
 the sum of 4,000,000 francs per voyage (going and returning), 
 shall be paid by Mexico. 
 
 Art. 8. The naval stations which France maintains in the 
 West Indies and in the Pacific Ocean shall despatch frequent 
 vessels and carry the French flag, to the ports of Mexico. 
 
 Art. 9. The expenses of the French expedition to Mexico, to 
 be paid by the Mexican government, are fixed at the sum of 
 270 miUions for the duration of the expedition down to 1st 
 July 1864. That sum shall bear interest at the rate of 3 per 
 cent, per annum. From the 1st July all the expenses of the 
 Mexican army shall be at the charge of Mexico. 
 
 Art. 10. The indemnity to be paid to France by the Mexican 
 government for the pay and maintenance of the troops of the 
 cor'ps d'armie after the 1st of July 1864, remains fixed at the 
 sum of 1000 francs a year for etich man. 
 
 Art. 11. The Mexican government shall hand over to the 
 French government the sum of sixty-six millions in bonds of the 
 loan, at the rate of issue ; viz. fifty-four miUions to be deducted 
 from the debt mentioned in article 9, and twelve millions as 
 an instalment of the indemnities due to Frenchmen in virtue 
 of article 14 of the present convention. 
 
 Art. 12. For the payment of the surplus of the war expenses, 
 and for acquitting the charges in articles 7,10, and 14, the Mexican 
 government engages to pay annually to France the sum of twenty- 
 five millions in specie. That sum shall be imputed, first, to the 
 sums due in virtue of articles 7 and 10 ; and secondly, to the 
 amount, interest and principal, of the sum fixed in article 9 ; 
 thirdly, to the indemnities which shall remain due to French 
 subjects in virtue of article 14 and following. 
 
DECREE OF OCT. 3, 1865 447 
 
 Art. 13. The Mexican government shall pay, on the last day 
 of every month, into the hands of the Paymaster-General of 
 the Army, what shall be due for covering the expenses of the 
 French troops remaining in Mexico, in conformity with article 10. 
 
 Art. 14. The Mexican government engages to indemnify 
 French subjects for the wrongs they have newly suffered, and 
 which were the original cause of the expedition. 
 
 Art. 15. A mixed commission, composed of three Frenchmen 
 and three Mexicans, appointed by their respective governments, 
 shall meet at Mexico City within three months to examine and 
 determine these claims. 
 
 Art. 16. A commission of revision, composed of two French- 
 men and two Mexicans, appelated in the same manner, sitting 
 in Paris, shall proceed to the definite liquidation of the claims 
 already admitted by the commission designated in the preced- 
 ing article, and shall decide on those which have been received 
 for its decision. 
 
 Art. 17. The French government shall set at Hberty all the 
 Mexican prisoners of war as soon as the Emperor of Mexico 
 shall have entered his States. 
 
 Art. 18. The present convention shall be ratified, and the 
 ratifications exchanged as early as possible. 
 
 Done at the castle of Miramar, this 10th day of April 1864. 
 
 Hekbbt. 
 
 Joaquin Velasquez db Leon. 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 DECREE OF 3ed OCTOBER 1865 
 
 WE, MAXIMILIAN, Emperor of Mexico, by the advice of our 
 council of ministers and of our council of state, do decree as 
 follow : 
 
 Article 1. AU persons belonging to armed bands or societies 
 not legally authorised, whether of a poHtical nature or not, 
 whatever be the number of those forming the band, or its 
 organisation, character or denomination, shall be tried by a 
 court-martial, and, of found guilty if only the act of belonging 
 to such band, they shall be condemned to capital punishment, 
 
448 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 which shall be executed within twenty-four hours next ensuing 
 after the declaration of the sentence. 
 
 Article 2. Persons belonging to the bands described in the fore- 
 going article, when caught using arms, shall be tried by the com- 
 mandant of the force making the capture, who, within twenty- 
 four hours after such apprehension, shall cause the offence to be 
 verbally investigated, hearing the offender in his own defence. 
 A record of such investigation shall be written down, terminat- 
 ing with the sentence, which shall be to capital punishment 
 should the offender be found guilty, if even solely of the fact 
 of belonging to the band. The commanding officer shall cause 
 the sentence to be executed within twenty-four hours, allowing 
 the culprit to receive spiritual consolation ; and after execu- 
 tion of the sentence the said officer will forward a record of the 
 proceedings to the minister of war. 
 
 Article 3. Exemption from the penalty decreed in the fore- 
 going articles shall be allowed solely to such persons as may be 
 able to show that they were forcibly kept with the band, or that 
 they met with it accidentally. 
 
 Article 4. If, upon holding an investigation as prescribed by 
 article 2, evidence should appear tending to the presumption 
 that the prisoner had been forcibly kept with the band, without 
 having committed any offence, or that without belonging to 
 such a band he had accidentally fallen in with it, then in such 
 case the commanding officer shall not pronounce sentence, but 
 forward the presumed offender, together with a written state- 
 ment of the proceedings, to the proper court-martial, in 
 order that the latter may try the case in accordance with 
 article 1. 
 
 Article 5. The following persons shall be tried and sentenced 
 conformably to article 1 of this decree : 1. All who voluntarily 
 assist guerrillas with money, or give them any other species of 
 material aid. 2. Those who may give them information, news, 
 or advice. 3. Those who voluntarily transfer or sell to guerrillas, 
 knowing them to be guerrillas, arms, horses, ammunition, pro- 
 visions, or any other articles useful in warfare. 
 
 Article 6. The following persons shall also be tried in accord- 
 ance with article 1, viz. : 1. Those who maintain relations with 
 guerrillas indicating connivance with them. 2. Those who 
 voluntarily or knowingly conceal guerrillas in their houses or 
 buildings. 3. Those who circulate orally or in writing false or 
 alarming reports tending to disturb the public peace, and such 
 as make any demonstration against the same. 4. All pro- 
 
DECREE OF OCT. 3, 1865 449 
 
 prietors or administrators of country estates who neglect to 
 give the authorities immediate information of the passage of 
 any band through their property. The offenders mentioned 
 in sections 1 and 2 of this article shall be punished by imprison- 
 ment of from six months to two years' duration, or with from 
 one to three months confinement with hard labour, according to 
 the gravity of the offence. Any person alluded to in section 2, 
 who may be a parent, child, husband, wife, brother or sister of 
 the party concealed shaU not suffer the penalty above prescribed, 
 but shall remain under the surveillance of the authorities during 
 such a period as the court-martial may direct. All included in 
 section 3 of this article shall be punished by the imposition of a 
 fine of $25 to $1000, or imprisonment of from one to twelve 
 months, according to the gravity of the offence. Those included 
 in section 4 of this article shall be punished by the imposition 
 of a fine from $200 to $2000. 
 
 Article 7. The local authorities in villages who fail to give 
 immediate notice to their superior authorities of the passage of 
 any armed body of men through their limits shall be punished 
 gubematorially by the said superior authorities, by the imposi- 
 tion of a fine of from $200 to $2000, or with imprisonment from 
 three months up to two years in duration. 
 
 Ai-ticle 8. Any resident of a village or town who, after learning 
 of the approach or transit of an armed body of men through the 
 district, shall fail to notify the authorities of the same, shall 
 be subjected to the payment of a fine varying from $5 to 
 $500. 
 
 Article 9. All the male inhabitants of any town between the 
 ages of eighteen and fifty-five, and free from physical disabiUty, 
 are required, in the event of the town being threatened by any 
 hostile band, to come forward for its defence immediately upon 
 being called upon ; and should they refuse to act they shall be 
 punished by a fine of from $5 to $200, or by from fifteen days 
 to four months' imprisonment. Should the authorities deem it 
 more advisable to punish the town for not having defended 
 itself, a fine of from $200 to $2000 may be imposed, and the 
 same shall be paid jointly by those refusing to come forward 
 for the defence of the place as provided by this article. 
 
 Article 10. All proprietors or administrators of landed property 
 who, although able to defend themselves, shall take no steps 
 to prevent the invasion of guerrillas or other outlaws, or who 
 shall fail to notify the nearest mihtary post without delay of 
 such occupation, or who shall receive worn-out or wounded 
 
 2F 
 
4 50 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 horses belonging to lawless bands upon their property, without 
 informing the authorities, shall be punished by a fine of from 
 $100 to $2000 according to the gravity of the offence ; and, if 
 of sufficient gravity, they may be consigned to prison and handed 
 over to the proper court-martial, to be tried in accordance with 
 this law. The fine shall be paid by the offender to the revenue- 
 oflS.cer for the district wherein the property may be situated. 
 The first provision of this article shall apply to villages. 
 
 Article 11. Any official, whether poUtical, military, or muni- 
 cipal, who shall fail to proceed conformably to the provisions of 
 this law against parties who may be charged with the offences 
 mentioned, or against those suspected of having committed the 
 same, shall be punished gubematorially by a fine of from $50 
 to $1000 ; and should it appear that such neglect arose from 
 complicity with the delinquents, the said official shall, by order 
 of the government, be handed over to a court-martial, in order 
 that he may be duly tried and a penalty decreed suitable to the 
 gravity of the offence. 
 
 Article 12. Robbers shall be tried and sentenced in accordance 
 with article 1 of this decree, whatever may be the manner and 
 circumstances of the robbery. 
 
 Article 13. The sentences of death rendered for the crimes 
 described in this decree shall be executed within the periods 
 stated, and no petitions for pardon will be received. When a 
 sentence other than capital is rendered against a foreigner, 
 after record has been made of the sentence, the government 
 may use its privilege to expel all dangerous foreigners from the 
 national territory. 
 
 Article 14. Full amnesty will be granted to all who have belonged 
 or do now belong to armed bands, if they present themselves 
 to the authorities before the 15th of November next : provided 
 always that they have committed no other offence, reckoning 
 from the date of the present decree. The authorities will take 
 possession of the arms of such as present themselves for amnesty. 
 
 Article 15. The government reserves the right to declare when 
 the provisions of this decree shall cease. 
 
 Our ministers are intrusted with the execution of this decree 
 as far as each is concerned, and they will issue the necessary 
 orders for its strict observance. 
 
 Given at the Palace of Mexico on the 3d of October 1865. 
 
 Maximilian, 
 
SANTA ANNA 451 
 
 The Minister for Foreign Affairs charged with the Ministry 
 of State, Josfi V. Ramirez. 
 
 The Minister of War, 
 
 Juan de Digs Pesa. 
 The Minister of Improvement, 
 
 Luis RoBLiis Pezuela. 
 The Minister of the Interior, 
 
 Josf) Maria Estbva. 
 The Minister of Justice, 
 
 Pedro Escudero y Eschanova. 
 
 The Minister of PubUc Instruction and Religious Worship, 
 
 Manuel Siliceo. 
 
 The Sub-Secretary of the Treasury, 
 
 Francisco de P. CisAR. 
 
 APPENDIX VI 
 
 GENERAL SANTA ANNA ADVOCATES THE 
 MONARCHY 
 
 St. Thomas, 15th of October 1861. 
 
 Much Esteemed Friend, — ^In reply to your favour of the 
 15th of September, now before me, I must say to you that I had 
 already received the news of the resolution adopted by the 
 three Maritime Powers in regard to Mexico. 
 
 From what you tell me, there can be no doubt of a change of 
 situation in a short time. 
 
 What remains to be done now is to take advantage of this 
 propitious occasion to reahse my long-cherished desires, remem- 
 bering that such an opportunity never occurs twice. 
 
 What you have to do is to remind the governments near which 
 you are accredited of your former petitions, insisting, especially, 
 that Mexico cannot have a lasting peace until the disease is 
 radically cured, and the only remedy is the substitution of a 
 Constitutional Empire for that farce called a Repubhc. These 
 nations can select one jointly. Remind them, also, that I am 
 now, more than ever, disposed to carry out that idea, and that 
 I will labour without ceasing to effect it. 
 
 I do not wish to depreciate the nationality of Mexico. My 
 
452 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 sole desire is to establish a government of order, to repair the 
 damages of party strife, and to make the Mexicans contented 
 by restoring the Cathohc religion, now almost extinct, in a 
 country that used to be famed for its respect and love for 
 religion. 
 
 I beg to communicate my resolve to our mutual friend Mr. 
 
 , who I hope will use all his influence in aid of the triumph 
 
 of correct principles. 
 
 In conclusion, I must say to you that since the profanation 
 of our churches, I have determined to become the avenger of 
 so many sacrilegious outrages, trusting that Providence will 
 give me strength to carry out my resolution. ... I have im- 
 proved much lately, and hope soon to be in Mexico. 
 
 Ever your affectionate friend and countryman, 
 
 Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. 
 
 To Don Jose Maria Gutierrez de Estrada. 
 
 HE APPROVES OF MAXIMILIAN AS EMPEROR 
 
 St. Thomas, 30th November 1&61. 
 
 My Veey Dear Friend, — ^The news you have been kind 
 enough to communicate to me in your esteemed favour of the 
 31st October, received by the last mail, gave me very great 
 pleasure, because it is so interesting that, if it can be realised, 
 our country will be saved from ruin. 
 
 God grant that our dreams may come to pass as soon as 
 possible ! 
 
 The candidate you mention (his Imperial Highness Archduke 
 Ferdinand Maximilian) is unexceptionable, and I, therefore, 
 hasten to give my approbation. Do me the favour, then, to 
 inform him of it, as well as our friends, but with all reserve, for 
 you know that in pohtics there are things that must not be 
 pubhshed before the proper time, on account of the harm that 
 might be caused. 
 
 I think the allied forces will reach Vera Cruz early in next 
 January, and their arrival will be a cause of great rejoicing to 
 all good Mexicans, because they will not be regarded as a threaten- 
 ing enemy, but as benefactors, to save them from the worst of 
 tyrannies. 
 
 PubUc opinion will, undoubtedly, soon pronounce in favour 
 of whatever suits the people. 
 
SANTA ANNA 453 
 
 Convinced that the time to act has come, I am ready to return 
 immediately to my native land, determined to labour with all 
 my strength till the reaUsation of the undertaking is completed. 
 I will let you know of my departure from this island by the mail 
 of the 17th of December, and I will tell you where to address 
 your letters to me. 
 
 Now you see, my friend, I am not dozing when the work is to 
 be commenced, and my acts accord with my words. 
 
 If I am permitted to see my country constituted in a way to 
 make it prosperous and happy in the future before I close my 
 eyes in death, I shall be extremely gratified. 
 
 Don't fail to send me all the news you get. — Your most obedient 
 
 servant, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. 
 
 To His Excellency Don Jose Maria Gutierrez de Estrada. 
 
 HE ADDRESSES CONGRATULATIONS TO 
 MAXIfflLIAN 
 
 St. Thomas, 22nd December 1863. 
 
 SiBE, — When I heard that a considerable number of my 
 feUow-countrjrmen, actuated by the purest patriotism, had fixed 
 upon Your Royal Highness to be called to the throne of Mexico, 
 my soul overflowed with pleasure. If it had been in my power 
 to accompany the Mexican Commission, Your Imperial High- 
 ness would have heard from the mouth of one of the noblemen 
 of independence, from one who held for many years the first 
 place among his fellow-citizens, the ratification of what the 
 worthy President of the country expressed with so much 
 eloquence and sincerity. 
 
 Yes, Sire, in having the honour to greet Your Imperial High- 
 ness, with the rest of my countrymen, as the Emperor of Mexico, 
 and to offer you respectfully my humble services, I can assure 
 you without flattery that my attachment to your august person 
 is boundless ; and since distance deprives me of the pleasure 
 of appearing personally in your presence, my pen will do that 
 duty from my present place of residence, hoping Your Imperial 
 Highness wiU receive the expression of my sentiments with your 
 accustomed benevolence. 
 
 I may also assure Your Imperial Highness that the voice 
 raised in Mexico to proclaim your respected name is not the voice 
 of a party. An immense majority of the nation desire to restore 
 
454 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 the empire of the Montezumas, with Your Imperial Highness 
 at its head, believing it to be the only remedy for existing ills, 
 and the ultimate anchor of its hopes. Accept, then, in absolute 
 confidence, the enthusiastic Mexican vote, and come courageously 
 to the Mexican shores, certain of receiving the demonstrations 
 of love and of profound respect, believing, at the same time, 
 that your agreeable presence will suffice to restore harmony 
 throughout the land. The occasion is propitious. Your 
 Imperial Highness can make the Mexicans happy by placing 
 your name among those of the heroes blessed by posterity. 
 
 The vast, beautiful, and fertile soil of Mexico abounds in 
 elements to form a first-class empire on the American continent ; 
 consequently it is no insignificant power that is offered to Your 
 Imperial Highness. True, the country has suffered from anarchy 
 for half a century ; but imder the auspices of peace, with a 
 paternal, just, and enlightened government, its resources will 
 be restored in a few years, and it will be the admiration of the 
 world. Would to heaven I could see this before I end my days. 
 
 I hope Your Imperial Highness will condescend to acknow- 
 ledge, to the dean of the Mexican army, a devoted and disin- 
 terested friend, a very obedient servant, who wishes you the 
 greatest happiness, and fervently kisses the imperial hands of 
 Your Imperial Highness. A. L. de Santa Anna. 
 
 His Imperial and Royal Highness, 
 
 Archduke Febdinand Maximilian of Austria. 
 
 Note. — Maximilian's ' aooustoined benevolence ' must have been slum- 
 bering when he received this grovelling letter from the arch-humbug 
 Santa Anna, for he never (jondesoended even to acknowledge it. 
 
 Author. 
 
 SANTA ANNA'S PROCLAMATION 
 
 ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA, Well-dbsebving 
 Citizen of the Countey, and Geneeal of Division of 
 THE National Armies of Mexico, to his Countrymen. 
 
 Mexicans ! He who has always addressed you on solemn 
 occasions, whether to explain to you his political conduct to 
 give you advice, or to offer you his sword, is the same who now 
 claims from you the greatest calmness and attention, in order 
 that you may listen to him once more. I speak to you from 
 the heart. I have never deceived you, because truth has always 
 been my rule. 
 
SANTA ANNA 455 
 
 The respect which in all times and under all circumstances I 
 have paid the majority of the people, imposes upon me the duty 
 to impress upon you that which you have abeady read in my 
 manifesto, issued at Vera Cniz on the 27th of February 1864. 
 
 I adhered to the system of government which appeared to be 
 proclaimed by a considerable majority, in obedience to the prin- 
 ciples which I professed, and based upon submission to the 
 national will, under the conviction that the Mexicans were those 
 who, exercising their civil omnipotence, had given themselves 
 new institutions, and were trying to find the way to conciliate 
 order with liberty. But what a painful error ! From this 
 hospitable island (St. Thomas) I contemplate with increasing 
 indignation the scaffold which the tyranny of a usurping people 
 is raising in our beloved country to stain it with the blood of 
 our brothers, and for the destruction of our people. 
 
 From this island I have contemplated also, with pride, your 
 struggle for hfe with the invaders of your country, the soldiers 
 called forth by the intervention, and the trumpet of the free 
 has made my heart palpitate with joy, as in the happy days in 
 which we combated together in defence of our firesides and our 
 outraged rights. The hopes of those who sought in a Monarchy 
 the repose which the RepubUc denied, have been disappointed ; 
 the national dignity has been contemned, justice derided, our 
 holy rights trodden under foot, thought enslaved, prostitution 
 elevated and virtue viUfied, the sanctuary draped in mourning, 
 and the church afflicted with tribulations. Terror is seated 
 upon the scaffold, brandishing over patriots the knife of exter- 
 mination ! War to the invaders ! Liberty or death should be 
 the cry of every generous bosom in which honour has her home, 
 independence her altar, and hberty her rites. 
 
 We thought that the Archduke Maximilian of Austria would 
 restore to us peace, and he has been the new element of discord ; 
 that with wise laws he would enrich our treasury, and he has 
 impoverished it in an incredible manner ; that he could bring 
 us happiness, but the misforttmes are innumerable which in so 
 short a time he has heaped upon the ruins of ensanguined 
 Mexico ; that in fine he would be consistent in his principles and 
 promises if he accepted the views of President Juarez in aU that 
 related to reform ; at the same time he persecutes him and 
 gives him war to the knife. 
 
 European adventurers form his guard of honour. The French 
 bayonets are the foundation of his throne, and in the meantime 
 so many see themselves condemned to obhvion, to the contempt 
 
456 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 of the veterans of independence, once the glory of our nation, 
 and now objects of derision and mockery for the foreign soldiery. 
 Such insults cannot be tolerated any longer. The hour has 
 come in which we should exterminate from the sacred soil of 
 the free the farcical rabble who profane the land with their feet, 
 and insult us with their presence. 
 
 Liberals and Conservatives ! Forget out fratricidal contentions, 
 and advance to the rescue. Let us unite together against the 
 common enemy. One banner covers us — ^the flag of Liberty ! 
 One thought alone animates us, that of war and death to the 
 invaders who destroy our towns and cities and behead our 
 brothers. Eternal execration to the tyrants of our country ! 
 
 Compatriots, if, on reading my Manifesto of last year, your 
 attention should be arrested by the expression that ' the last 
 words of my conscience and of my conviction is constitutional 
 monarchy,' remember that I also said on the same occasion, ' I 
 am not an enemy of democracy, but of its excesses ; ' and, above 
 all, do not forget that I was the founder of the RepubUc. A 
 people is free, whatever be its form of government ; when the 
 head of the nation forgets that he is human, let him remember 
 only that he is the organ of the law. This, my belief, was also 
 yours when the Republic was changed to an Empire. 
 
 But we have been mistaken. The prince whom you chose is 
 not the organ of the law, but the usurper of our rights. He is 
 not the defender of national independence, for if he were he 
 would not cede Sonora.^ He is not the sovereign of the nation, 
 but the humble vassal of a foreign potentate. 
 
 In order to inspire greater confidence in the new form of 
 government which you have just adopted, and to carry to the 
 throne for your benefit the advice of experience, I went to Vera 
 Cruz to meet the proclaimed emperor, disposed to give him, 
 without reserve, all my support ; but his arbitrariness and dis- 
 courtesy closed the doors of my country upon me. The decree 
 of my expulsion was written in a language which our forefathers 
 did not speak. 
 
 I owe you an explanation. The public journals of the capital 
 published my recognition of the French intervention. This 
 act of mine did not originate from my own will, but was im- 
 posed upon me by the force of circumstances. 
 
 Scarcely did the steamer that conducted me anchor in the 
 
 * Sonora was not ceded, and Santa Anna knew well enough that it had 
 not been. 
 
SANTA ANNA 457 
 
 port, ere a French Commander presented himself before me on 
 board of the vessel as the chief superior of Vera Cruz, and made 
 known to me that I would not be allowed to land, but, on the 
 contrary, he should obUge me to return in the same vessel, if I 
 did not immediately comply with the conditions which he pre- 
 sented to me written in French. These conditions required me 
 to recognise the intervention and the monarch-elect, and to 
 address the people. 
 
 Such quiet insolence could only excite my indignation. But 
 the sufferings of my wife, caused by the paiioful journey by sea, 
 and the advice of some of my friends who came to meet me, 
 inclined me to subscribe to these conditions, which, however, 
 did not Uberate me from the annoyances to which I was 
 exposed. 
 
 All this proves that the intervention could not be supported 
 without mistrust in the mind of the soldier who had always 
 defended with energy the rights of his country, humbling on 
 various occasions the flag of the haughty potentates and making 
 their so called invincible legions bow under the yoke of demo- 
 cracy. 
 
 My friends, in addressing you to-day, I am only inspired with 
 the desire for your happiness and the glory of Mexico. No 
 unworthy sentiments dictate my words. I have shed some 
 drops of my blood in your defence, and 1 would shed it all, 
 were it necessary, fighting in your armies, if not as a chief, then 
 as a private soldier. In the meantime, while circumstances 
 prevent me from joining your ranks, I wish you to know the 
 sentiments with which I am animated. 
 
 Compatriots ! On the memorable 2nd of December 1822, I 
 adopted as my motto these words : ' Down with the Empire ! 
 Live the RepubUc ! ' Abajo el imperio ! Viva la rejnMica I 
 And now, from the foreign soil upon which I am exiled, I repeat 
 that motto with the same enthusiasm. 
 
 A. L. DE Sta. Anna. 
 
 St. Thomas, ?,(h July 1865. 
 
 Note. — ^Xhis is the effusion of a man who had leas than two years 
 previously craved permission of 'your imperial highness to kiss your 
 imperial hands.' The explanation of this patriot's voUe face may be 
 found in the fact that, hearing of his disreputable history and arrant 
 treachery, Maximilian had refused to receive Santa Anna when he had 
 attempted to force himself upon him at Vera Cruz (May 1864). 
 
458 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 APPENDIX VII 
 
 COBBESPONDENCB BETWEEN PrINCE FbLIX ZU SaLM SALM 
 
 AND Colonel Miguel Lopez. 
 TO DON MIGUEL LOPEZ 
 
 Ex-Colonel of the Mexican Empiee, and Axtthok op the 
 Pamphlet entitled ' The Capture of Queretaeo ; 
 Miguel Lopez to his Countkymen and all the World,' 
 
 In the above-mentioned pamphlet, which you address to 
 your countrymen. Prance, and all the world, you refer to me 
 as principal witness, that Queretaro was not taken by treason, 
 and assert at the same time that your pamphlet has character 
 of ' perfect truth.' 
 
 Though, as you know, I have been a prisoner of war for nearly 
 five months, my feeling for justice does not perniit me any 
 longer to keep silence, and, answering your summons, I will 
 prove to you that your pamphlet has the character of the most 
 ' perfect wwtruth.' 
 
 First I refer to the answer of my gallant companions-in-arms 
 in MoreUa, entitled ' Repudiation of the Pamphlet published 
 by Miguel Lopez, in reference to the capture of Queretaro on 
 15th of May 1867, by the imprisoned Field-Officers of the Im- 
 perial army in MoreUa,' and declare that it is perfectly con- 
 formable with truth, and entirely expresses also my opinion. 
 
 Before the world you assert that Queretaro had been taken 
 by force of arms; the emperor had, on the fatal night, from 
 1 4th to 15th May, commissioned you to treat with the enemy ; 
 that our army had been perfectly demoralised ; that no sortie 
 had been possible any more ; and, finally, before your country- 
 men—nay, before the whole world — you challenge those men who 
 assert that Queretaro fell by treason, and who dare contradict 
 your assertions. 
 
 I declare to you before the world, that Queretaro did not fall 
 in any other manner than by treason ; that you are the traitor ; 
 and that the blood of your former sovereign and benefactor is 
 on your hands. 
 
 It is a lie that the emperor had commissioned you to negotiate 
 with the enemy. 
 
 After you had left the emperor on the night in question, I 
 
MIGUEL LOPEZ 469 
 
 had the honour of seeing him at about half-past twelve ; the 
 emperor had never, and certainly not at that moment, the least 
 intention of entering into any negotiations with the enemy, for 
 his small but faithful army were still courageous and gallant 
 enough to cut their way through the line of the enemy with 
 their beloved monarch. Not to mention that it was utterly 
 against the character of the late emperor to have given you the 
 order to negotiate with the enemy, of which you yourself are 
 perfectly convinced, you will, I think, permit me to ask you 
 before the whole world a few questions : 
 
 If you, on the fatal night of the 14th of May, were ordered 
 to go to the camp of the enemy, why did you, about two o'clock, 
 return with a higher Liberal officer, whom you know very well.^ 
 and introduce him into La Cruz, in the headquarters of the 
 emperor, in our redoubt ? 
 
 Why did you give, decidedly against the will and without the 
 knowledge of the emperor, an order to the life escort and the 
 Hungarian hussars to unsaddle, whilst I had conveyed to them 
 the order of the emperor to remain saddled ? 
 
 Why did you, in such a dangerous situation, and on your own 
 responsibiUty, remove the guard from outside the emperor's 
 room and the company of infantry, who, together with half a 
 company of the Regiment of the Empress, were on duty ? 
 
 Why were all locaUties of La Cruz, with but few exceptions, 
 completely deprived of troops to the remotest huerta ^ on your 
 orders ? 
 
 Why were the eight guns which stood on the Plaza de la 
 Cruz turned with their mouths towards the city ? 
 
 Why was the 66-pounder, which was placed in the work 
 to the left of La Cruz, deprived of its gunners, and upset when 
 the enemy advanced ? 
 
 Why did you, after two o'clock a.m., lead the same General, 
 who was in citizen's dress, and had a small revolver in his pocket, 
 round into our fort, that he might become acquainted with it ? 
 
 Why did you, before four o'clock a.m., accompanied by the 
 same General, again leave our lines and return a quarter of an 
 hour later at the head of two battalions of the enemy, and, serving 
 them in person as a guide, conduct them into the interior yard 
 of La Cruz, where you were received and greeted by your 
 accomplice, Lieut.-Colonel Jablonsky ? 
 
 How did it happen that you, Miguel Lopez, who by chance 
 
 • General Velez. 
 
 * An orchard, or fruit-garden. 
 
460 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 had been ' captured,' could send off the likewise ' captured ' 
 Jablonsky (who, again, had with him his brother-in-law Legoretta, 
 whose place was at that time in the line on the river, about two 
 miles distant from La Cruz), to give the emperor warning that 
 the enemy had entered La Cruz ? 
 
 How is it to be explained that you, a 'prisoner, then went your- 
 sdf to the emperor to make to him the same communication, 
 and that you, after that, without being accompanied by an 
 enemy, came ahne into my room, calling out ' Quick ! Save the 
 life of the emperor ; the enemy is already in La Cruz ? 
 
 How can you explain the following : — When his majesty, 
 accompanied by the faithful General Castillo and myself, left 
 La Cruz, and was already surrounded by the enemy, you whispered 
 some words to a higher officer of the enemy, whose name I do not 
 give here ^ (because he acted more nobly and more gratefuUy than 
 you), upon which this officer of the enemy ordered his soldiers 
 to let us pass hecavse we were citizens, though the General ought 
 to have been well-known by this officer, as both General Castillo 
 and myself were in full uniform, and I, moreover, had in my 
 hand the pistols of his majesty ? 
 
 How is it to be explained that you, at the head of the Nuevo 
 Leon battalion of the enemy, disarmed and caused the hussars, 
 under command of Captain Pavlowsky and First-Lieutenant 
 Kodolich, to dismount ? 
 
 How can you justify to yourself that you, the prisoner Lopez, 
 captured officers of our army — among them Major Moscowiecki, 
 Captain Antonio Gonzales, of the body-guard, and Lieutenant 
 Gossmann — and, moreover, denounced many other officers 
 next day ? 
 
 How is to be explained that, after our capture, higher Liberal 
 officers named you as the traitor ? One of them. Colonel Pepi 
 Rinc6n, named you as the traitor. He denounced you as the 
 traitor even in the presence of the emperor and myself, adding, 
 ' Such people (like you) are made use of and then dismissed 
 with a kick.' 
 
 How did it happen that you, the prisoner Lopez, were always 
 free? 
 
 How was it, finally, possible that the prisoner Lopez could 
 take possession of the Imperial archives, as of other things 
 belonging to his majesty, such, for instance, his silver toilet, 
 which, by the way be it mentioned, never afterwards made its 
 appearance ? 
 
 * Colonel Pepi Rinodn. 
 
MIGUEL LOPEZ 461 
 
 All this you cannot answer honestly and openly, and I declare 
 before the whole world that you were the betrayer of the 
 emperor, and therefore his murderer, and the cause of all the 
 blood which was shed here. 
 
 There remains still another question to address to you : 
 
 Why, then, have you betrayed your emperor and benefactor ? 
 
 This question I will, however, answer myself : 
 
 First, you would revenge yourself against the emperor because 
 he retained your general's commission, which was already 
 signed. If you should not know what induced the late monarch 
 to do so, you may learn it now. 
 
 A brave man,^ whose blood also stains your conscience, and 
 whom I will not name lest you should take revenge upon his 
 family, submitted to his majesty a document, in which you, 
 under the presidency of Santa Anna, were cashiered disgrace- 
 fully by an army order, with the addition that you should never 
 again be employed in the service of the country, against which 
 you had committed treason. That occurred at the time of the 
 American war in 1847. 
 
 And then, Miguel Lopez, you have been urged by fear. You 
 became aware that decisive actions must take place within the 
 following days, and during a sortie of our army, and looking 
 back on your past, you were afraid of your fate, you feared for 
 your Uf e ; and by the second basest treason you would exonerate 
 and save yourself, and really succeeded in saving your life and 
 liberty. 
 
 Your third attempt at treason did not, however, succeed ; 
 for after the emperor had been a prisoner a short time, you, 
 probably disappointed in your expectations, sent a person whom 
 we both know to the emperor and offered to betray the Liberal 
 party. 
 
 That person spoke in my presence in your behalf, and desired 
 to know whether you might again venture to approach the 
 emperor. 
 
 Your proposition was, of course, refused with contempt. 
 
 You need not offer the house, with which the emperor pre- 
 sented you, as a reward for us if we convict you of your treason. 
 May it remain to you and your innocent child, whom you have 
 robbed of the most precious of all heritages — the honour of his 
 father. 
 
 A man may follow any party, of what tendency it may be ; 
 but he must remain true to his principles. You were not only 
 
 » Miraro6n. 
 
462 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 faithless to yours, but you have, besides, committed the most 
 infamous of all crimes — the crime of treason, and have broken 
 the oath sworn to the Imperial flag. 
 
 It is true, the name of Miguel Lopez has become historical 
 and immortal; but the history of Mexico, universal history, 
 will always mention that name with disgust and contempt. 
 
 You challenge before the world those who accuse you of 
 treason : I do so ; and before the world I accept your chal- 
 lenge. I have sufficient confidence in the government to hope 
 that it will not place any impediment in our way. 
 
 In a very short time I shall go with my imprisoned comrades 
 to Oaxaca, our new place of destination. There you will find 
 me, after publication of this letter, ready with arms in my hand, 
 to call you to account for that of which I have informed you in 
 the above Unes. 
 
 At the same time, I declare that I under no circumstances 
 will engage in a pen war with you. 
 
 Felix, Peince zu Salm Salm. 
 Brigadier-General, and First Aide-de-Ganvp of 
 his late Majesty Emperor Maximilian. 
 
 In prison. Convent de los Capuchinos, 
 Queretaro, 4th October 1867. 
 
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 Parte General que da al Supremo Gobierno de la Naoion respecto de la 
 
 Defensa de Zaragoza. Gronzales Ortega. Zacatecas, 1863. 
 Carta a Jos6 ZorriUa en Contestacidn & sus versos y comentario de un Loco 
 
 que titule Drama del Alma e algo sobre Mexico y MaximUiano. 
 
 Guadalajara y Cosie (Joaquin). Mexico, 1868. 
 Carta dirigidia al Exmo. Sr. Presidente de la Repviblica, sobre la necesidad 
 
 de buscar en una Convencidn el posible remedie de los malos que 
 
 aquejan & la Repdblica; y opiniones del autor aoeroa del mismo 
 
 asunte. Gutierrez de Estrada (J.M.). Mexico, 1840. 
 Documentos relatives al ingrese y & la saUda de la primera Secretaria 
 
 de Estado de RepubUca Mexioana. Gutierrez de Estrada (Jos6 
 
 Maria). Mexico, 1855. 
 Mexico y el Archiduque Fernando Maximiliano de Austria. Gutierrez 
 
 de Estrada (J.M.). Mexico, 1864. 
 
 In French 
 
 Les Renards, les Dindons et le Mexique. ArbeHi. Bordeaux, 1863. 
 R6v61ations sur I'lntervention Fran9ais6 au Mexique de 1866 a 1867. 
 
 Barreyrie (F. de la). Paris, 1868. 
 Histoire de la Guerre du Mexique. BfedoUiere (Emile de la). Paris, 1863. 
 Discours sur les Emprunts mexioains contractus en France, prononc6s le 
 
 22 et le 25 juiUet dans la discussion du Budget de 1868 au Corps 
 
 L6gislatif. Berryer (M.). Paris, 1886. 
 JIxp6dition du Mexique. Corps Wgislatif. Stance du 26 juin 1862. 
 
 Billiaut (M.). Paris, 1862. 
 Expedition du Mexique 1861-1867 ; R6cit Politique et MaUtaire ; par G. 
 
 Niox, Capitaine d'Etat Major. Paris, 1874. 
 Les Bivouacs de Veracruz a Mexico par un Zouave. Paris, 1865. 
 La V6rit6 sur la Revolution aotueUe au Mexique. Canedo (Estanislas). 
 
 Paris, 1860. 
 L'Arm6e Frangaise au Mexique et I'Empereur Maximilien i. CasteUi 
 
 Paul ). Puebla, 1864. 
 
 Ceremonial. [This book of the elaborate ceremonies in the Court of 
 
 Napoleon m. was issued by the Emperor in 1862, and was the model 
 
 of the ' Ceremonial ' established by Maximilian and Charlotte later 
 
 in Mexico.] Paris, 1862. 
 La Cour de Rome et I'Empereur MaximiUen. Rapports de la Cour de 
 
 Rome avec le gouvernement Mexicain, acompagnds de deux lettres de 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 467 
 
 I'Empereur Maximilien et de rimp6ratrice Charlotte. L. Detroyat. 
 
 Paris, 1867. 
 Le Gr6n6ral Miguel Miiamdn. Notes sur I'Histoire du Mexique. Duran 
 
 (Victor). Rome, 1886. 
 Histoire du Mexique, Juarez et Maximilien. Correspondances inedites 
 
 des Presidents, Ministres et G^n6raux, de Juarez, de Maximilien et 
 
 de Charlotte. Domeneck (E). Paris, 1868. 
 L'Empire Mexicain, la paix et les int6rets du Monde. Domeneck 
 
 (J. Passama). Mexico, 1865. 
 Juarez : La Guerre de Mexique. Drame en cinq aotes. Gassier (Alfred). 
 
 Paris, 1886. 
 Pin d'Empire. Gaulot (Paul). Paris, 1890. 
 L'Empire de Maximilien. Gaulot (Paul). Paris, 1890. 
 L'Empereur Maximilien, son i^Mvation et sa Chute d'apres des docu- 
 ments inMits. Leipzig, 1867 ; par K6ratry (Le Comte !^mile de). 
 Le Mexique et I'lntervention Europtenne. Lef^vre (E. — ). Mexico, 
 
 1862. 
 Solution de la Question Mexicaine. Malespine (A.). Paris, 1864. 
 Maximilien, Empereur du Mexique. Sa Vie, sa Mort, son Proces. Paris 
 
 (no date). 
 La Question du Mexique devant les Cortes D'Espagne. Discours pro- 
 nonces au S6nat et au Congres par MM. Bemandez de Castro, Concha 
 
 et Ries y Rosas. Paris, 1863. 
 Revelations sur I'occupation fran^aise au Mexique au point de Vue 
 
 financi^re. Bruxelles, 1869. 
 Le Mexique. Reus (Jean-Isidore). 
 Le Dies IJrae du Mexique. Seche (L^on). Paris, 1873. 
 Epilogue de la Divine Com6die. L'Enfer un coin du Paradis et incidem- 
 
 ment une ame du Purgatoire. Siguier (Comte). Mexico, 1873. 
 Discours prononc6s au Corps L6gislatif les 9 et 10 juillet 1867 sur le 
 
 Mexique. Thiers (M.). Tours, 1867. 
 Discours sur L'Expedition du Mexique prononces dans la discussion de 
 
 I'adresse au Corps L^gislatit ; stances des 26 et 27 Janvier, 1864. 
 
 Thiers (M.). 
 R^cits de Guerre 1862-1867, les Fransais au Mexique. Thoumas (G6n.). 
 
 Paris. 
 Lettres des Campagnes (1854-1867). Pr6ced6es d'une Notice biographique. 
 
 Crimee, Italic, Mexique. Vanson (G6n6ral). Paris et Nancy. 
 Au Mexique, 1862. Combats et Retraite des Six MiUes. Binesco (Prince 
 
 Georges). Paris, 1887. 
 Le Mexique Illustr6. Histoire et G^ographie. Illustrations par Gustave 
 
 Dor6. R6cit des ev6nements militaires qui s'y sont pass6s jusqu'a 
 
 ce jour, comprenant en outre I'Histoire et la G^ographie i]lustr6e 
 
 des l^tats-Unis. Malte-Brun. Paris, 1862. 
 M6daiUe Religieuse de I'Empereur Maxinulien et de rimp6ratrice du 
 
 Mexique. BruxeUes, 1886. 
 Le Mexique au d6but du XXifeme Si&cle (2 vols.). Bonaparte, Prince R. 
 
 de, and Others. Paris, 1904, 
 
468 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 In German 
 
 Erinnerungen aus Mexico : Geschichte der letzten zehn Monate des Kaiser- 
 
 reiphs. Basoh (Dr, S.). Leipzig, 1868. 
 Maximilian I., Kaiser von Mexico. Sein Leben, Wirken und sein Tod, 
 
 nebst einem Abrisa der Geschichte des Kaiserreichs. Hellwald, 
 
 Wien, 1869. 
 Queretaro. Blatter aus meinem Tagebuch in Mexico. Nebst einem 
 
 Auszuge aus dem Tagebuch der Prinzessin Agnes zu Salm-Salm, und 
 
 Salm-Salm (Felix, Prinz zu) Stuttgart, 1858. (2nd edition, Stuttgart, 
 
 1869). 
 Das heutige Mexioo. Land und Volk unter Spaniens Herrschaft, sowie 
 
 nach erlangter Selbstaendigkeit. Armin (Th.). Leipzig, 1865. 
 Mexico. Laukrer (J.). Leipzig, 1908. 
 Mexico. Lembeke'(H.) Berlin, 1900. 
 
 In Dutch 
 
 Keizer Maximilian, zijne Verheffing en zijn Val. Naar enuitgegeven 
 documenten. Uit het fransch vertaald door J. C. Belinfante. Keratry 
 (Graff Emile de). Amsterdam, 1867. 
 
 In Italian 
 
 Fatti acoaduti nal Messico in seguito del Intervento Franoeae in riposta 
 agli stimatissimi editori dell' Osservatore Romano. Roma, 1863. 
 
 In English 
 
 The Fall of Maximilian, late Emperor of Mexico ; With an historical 
 introduction, the events immediately preceding his acceptance of 
 the crown, and a particular description of the causes which led to 
 his execution. Chjraoweth (W. Harris). London, 1872. 
 
 With the French in Mexico. Elton (J. F.). London, 1867. 
 
 Mexico under Maximilian. Flint (Henry M.). Philadelphia, 1867. 
 
 Mexioo under MaximiUan. Kendall (J. J.). London, 1871. 
 
 Maximihan, Emperor of Mexico, his Lite and Death, his Trial, with various 
 details hitherto unpublished. London, 1883. 
 
 RecoUeotions of my Life, by Maximilian i.. Emperor of Mexioo. London, 
 1868; 3 vols. 
 
 From Empire to Republic. Nell (A. H.). Chicago, 1903. 
 
 My Diary in Mexico in 1867, including the last days of the Emperor Maxi- 
 milian, with leaves from the Diary of Princess Agnes zu Sabn-Sabu. 
 2 vols. Sabn-Salm (Prince Felix zu). 
 
 Ten years of my Life. 2 vols., Salm-Salm (Princess Agnes zu). London, 
 1875-1876. 
 
 Maximilian and Carlotta. A story of Imperialism. Taylor (John M.). 
 New York, 1894. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 469 
 
 The Republic of Mexico Restored. James White. Mexico, 1867. 
 Mexico of the Twentieth Century. Percy F. Martin, F.R.G.S. London, 
 
 1907. 
 Roderick Taliaferro ; a story of Maximilian's Empire, by George Cram 
 
 Cook. New York, 1903. 
 The Court of Mexico, by the Countess Paula Kollonitz. Loudon : Saunders, 
 
 Otley and Co. 1868. 
 The Awakening of a Nation. Lummis (C. F.) New York : Harper, 1898. 
 Mexico. Carson (W. E.) New York and London : Macmillan, 1909. 
 Mexico. Enock, C. Reginald. Loudon : T. Fisher Unwin, 1909. 
 Terry's Handbook for Mexico. London : Gay and Hancock, 1910. 
 The Mexican Year-Book. London : McCorquodale. 
 Mexico : a General Sketch. Washington, D. C, U.S.A. Pan-American 
 
 Union, 1911. 
 Mexico. Baerlein, Henry. London : Herbert and Daniel, 1913. 
 New Trails in Mexico. Lumholtz (Carl). London: T. Fisher Unwin, 
 
 1910. 
 Beyond the Mexican Sierras. Wallace (D.). London : Hodder and 
 
 Stoughton, 1910. 
 Wanderings in Mexico. Gillpatrick (W). London: Eveleigh Nash. 
 
 1912. 
 In Indian Mexico. Starr (F.). Chicago : Forks and Co., 1908. 
 Old Mexico and Her Lost Provinces. Bishop (W. H.). London: Chatto 
 
 and Windus, 1883. 
 Through Southern Mexico. Cadow (H.). London: Witherby and Co., 
 
 Ltd., 1908. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abdicate, threat to, 266, 272, 273. 
 
 Abdul Asiz, 64. 
 
 Aoambaro, 199. 
 
 Acambay, 312. 
 
 Aeapuleo, 203, 208. 
 
 Acci<m, La, 224. 
 
 Aeultzingo, 109, 110. 
 
 Adams, Charles Francis, 426. 
 
 John Quinoy, 415. 
 
 Aguasealientes, 201. 
 Aguilar, Condesa del, 235. 
 
 Ignaoio, 125, 153. 
 
 Aguirre, Sefiora, 382. 
 
 Ajutla, 206. 
 
 Alatorre, 304. 
 
 Albert, Prince, 29, 39. 
 
 Albici, Commandant, 96. 
 
 Alden, Commodore James, 402. 
 
 Alexander, Emperor, 64. 
 
 Algeria, Bazaine in, 129. 
 
 AU^gre, Captain, 93, 334. 
 
 Allies, 5, 6, 29, 70, 74, 82-6, 88-90, 
 
 363, 414, 426. 
 Allies' Manifesto, 77, 78. 
 Almonte, General, 87, 110, 113, 116, 
 
 123, 132, 134, 157, 163, 164, 184, 
 
 187, 231, 257, 264. 
 
 Seiiora D. Q. d', 179. 
 
 Alva, Duke of, 188, 365. 
 
 Alvarado, 203. 
 
 Alvarez, General, 103, 363. 
 
 d', 137. 
 
 Amealco, 312. 
 
 American War, 2, 216, 217. 
 
 Amozoc, 109, 110. 
 
 Anahuae, 16, 110. 
 
 AndrAde, Jos6 Maria, 123. 
 
 Angelo, Colonel, 281. 
 
 Antonelli, Cardinal, 244-7, 260, 
 
 261. 
 Apartado, Marques del, 251. 
 Arango, Ignace, 334. 
 Arellano, Colonel, 303, 306. 
 Arenenburg, Chateau d', 44. 
 Argentina, 415. 
 Arguyes, Colonel, 187. 
 
 Aiizona, 138, 417. 
 
 Army, French, 94-96, 97, 115, 117, 
 
 137, 209. 
 Mexican (Imperial), 97, 98, 111, 
 
 112, 118, 218. 
 (Liberal), 101, 108, 111, 
 
 112, 118. 
 Arnould, Arthur, 52. 
 Arozema, Major Carlos, 334. 
 Arreta, Colonel I. de, 334. 
 Arroyo, Luis de, 198. 
 Ars, Colonel de B. d', 96. 
 Arteaga, Dona A. M. de, 213. 
 
 General, 108, 212-14, 353, 425. 
 
 Aspirez, Colonel, 346. 
 
 Manuel, 349. 
 
 Atlixoo, battle of, 117. 
 Aumale, Duo d', 129. 
 Austria, 22-4, 26. 
 
 court of, 21, 41, 64. 
 
 Austro-Belgian Brigade, 100. 
 Auvergue, Colonel d', 95. 
 Aymard, Colonel, 96, 202. 
 Ayotla, 234, 278. 
 Aztecs, 16, 166. 
 
 Bahnsbn, Senor, 361, 382. 
 Bailly, Ensign Eugene, 341. 
 Banks, Major-General (U.S.A.), 139. 
 Barail, Colonel du, 96, 117, 392. 
 Barbarities, Mexican, 102, 202, 204, 
 
 307, 313, 337. 
 Baron and Forbes, 320. 
 Barranca Veoa (Dry Gully), battle 
 
 of, 110. 
 Barrio, Senora del, 234, 244, 247. 
 
 Marques del, 249, 251. 
 
 Felipe Neri del, 234, 251. 
 
 Barrio, Senora M. G. E. de, 179. 
 
 Barrot, M., 68. 
 
 Barthez, Dr. F., 62. 
 
 Basch, Dr., 305, 328, 342, 356, 387, 
 
 388. 
 Baudin, Admiral, 106. 
 Bautista, San Juan, 202. 
 Bavaria, King of, 35. 
 
INDEX 
 
 471 
 
 Bavaria, Prince Otho of, 35. 
 
 Baz, General, 346. 
 
 Bazaine, General (Marshal), 12, 56, 
 95, 98, 99, 102, 115, 118, 119, 122, 
 123, 126 ; birth, 128 ; career, 128 ; 
 in Algiers, 128 ; wins Legion of 
 Honour Cross, 128 ; exploits in the 
 Crimea, 129 ; in Iiombardy, 130 ; 
 wounded, 130 ; marriage, 131 ; 
 arrival in Mexico, 132 ; quarrel 
 with Church Party, 133 ; departure 
 from capital, 133 ; return, 134 ; his 
 forces, 137 ; relations with U.S. 
 Government, 138, 166, 175, 178, 
 191, 192; relations with Maxi- 
 milian, 196 ; visits Guanajuato, 
 
 ' 199 ; attacks Guadalajara, 201,205, 
 207, 211, 219, 225, 228, 229, 232, 
 264, 265, 267, 269, 271-73, 279, 
 282, 286, 288, 289, 290, 301, 310, 
 
 338, 352, 353, 424, 425. 
 Adolphe, 298, 299. 
 
 Senora, 178, 196, 272, 298, 299, 
 
 310. 
 Beatrice, Princess, 13. 
 Beauffort, Count Louis, 254. 
 Beaulieu, Baron de, 126. 
 Becerra, Major F^llx, 334. 
 B6hie, Minister, 267. 
 Belgium, 22, 29, 426. 
 Belgo-Austrian Brigade, 100. 
 Benavides, 304. 
 Benecke, Stephen von, 320. 
 Berthier, General de, 96, 117, 199. 
 Berzabal, Francisco de P. A. y, 156. 
 Beust, Baron von, 388, 393. 
 Bigelow, John, 432, 433. 
 Billarderie, General de la, 50, 436. 
 Billault, M., 204. 
 BiUot, General, 218. 
 Bismarck, Prince, 49, 55, 142, 416. 
 'Black Decree,' 213, 214, 314, 336, 
 
 339, 349, 352, 353, 364, 365, 424, 
 425, 447-51. 
 
 Blasio, Jos6 Luis, 234, 242, 250, 251, 
 
 305, 347, 356, 375. 
 Blount, Sir Edward, 48-51, 58, 59. 
 Bombelles, Count, 171, 183, 234, 
 
 251. 
 Bondholders, Mexican, 229. 
 Bonds, Jecker, 47, 49, 221, 222. 
 Bonnefons, M., 223. 
 Booth, 413. 
 Borrag<5n, 2. 
 Bosse, Admiral, 163. 
 Bouohout, Chateau de, 254, 255. 
 Bouslaveck, Dr., 234, 251, 252. 
 Boyer, Napoleon, 281. 
 Bravo, 2. 
 
 Bravo, Filomeno, 2. 
 Brazos Santiago, 422. 
 Brian, General de, 219. 
 Brigade, Austro-Belgian, 100. 
 Brincourt, Colonel, 95, 214, 279. 
 Bringas, Seflora L. R. de, 179. 
 British forces, 73, 93. 
 
 Legation, 84, 104. 
 
 Brownsville, 139, 140, 402, 405. 
 Bruat, Commandant, 93, 96, 120. 
 Buena Vista, 318. 
 
 Palace of, 196, 210. 
 
 Burial of Maximilian, 389. 
 Bustamente, President, 125. 
 
 Cabello, Ignacio, 334. 
 
 Caboa, Marcelino, 277, 278. 
 
 CaUfornia, 399, 417. 
 
 Camargo, battle of, 219. 
 
 Campbell, Lewis D., 367, 398, 400-9. 
 
 Campeohe, 149. 
 
 Camp^ro, Senora M. B. de, 179. 
 
 Campos, 190. 
 
 Francisco, 334. 
 
 Canal, Vega, 294. 
 
 Canary Islands, 162. 
 
 Candelaria, battle of, 205. 
 
 Candia (Crete), 36. 
 
 Canning, George, 416. 
 
 Canorgue, Colonel de la, 95. 
 
 Capuchinos, convent of, 10, 342, 
 
 350. 
 Caranova, General, 306. 
 Carbonera, La, 271. 
 Carmen, 118, 203. 
 Carranza, Juan A. , 334. 
 Cassagnac, Paul de, 52. 
 Castagny, General de, 95, 102, 137, 
 
 199, 206, 211, 220. 
 Castellane, Mar^chal, 51. 
 Castelnau, General de, 56, 227, 267, 
 
 286-8, 293. 
 Castillo, General Severo, 303, 306, 
 
 329, 411, 460. 
 Sefior Martin, 234, 248, 249, 
 
 251. 
 Celaya, Garitta de, 306. 
 Ceremonials, court, 173-8. 
 Cerro de la Campafia, 305, 307, 308. 
 Cervantes, Calderon, 66, 67. 
 
 Senora S. V. de, 179. 
 
 C^sar, Francisco de P., 451. 
 Chapultepeo, 12, 103, 177, 183, 210, 
 
 225, 229, 269. 
 Charles v. , 9. 
 
 Charles Louis, Archduke, 21, 157. 
 Charlotte, Empress, 12, 14, 15, 17, 
 
 18 ; birth, 35 ; parentage, 35-7 ; 
 
 death of her mother, 38 ; Belgian 
 
472 
 
 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 court life, 38 ; marriage, 39 ; 
 critic, correspondent, conversa- 
 tionalist, 40; character, 42; at 
 court of Austria, 42; departure 
 for Mexico, 43, 154-7 ; departure 
 from Miramar, 159 ; incidents of 
 voyage, 161-4; arrival in Mexico, 
 167; court life, 171-8; suite, 179- 
 181 ; daily life, 183 ; as regent, 
 184-93 ; journey to Yucatin, 185, 
 212, 228, 331 ; leaves for Europe, 
 232 ; arrival in Paris, 236 ; inter- 
 view with Napoleon, 241 ; arrival 
 at Rome, 248 ; interview with 
 Pope, 246 ; becomes insane, 251 ; 
 returns to Miramar, 253 ; retires 
 to Bouchout, 255, 266, 272, 287, 
 310, 374-6, 384, 385, 389, 392, 
 397. 
 
 Charlotte, Princess of England, 35, 37. 
 
 Ohartres, Due de, 430. 
 
 Chihuahua, 208, 214, 218. 
 
 Oholula, battle of, 117. 
 
 Christina, Queen, 68. 
 
 Church, the, 9. 
 
 Lutheran, 39. 
 
 Roman Catholic, 39, 47, 53, 59, 
 
 132, 183, 190, 192, 257-65, 276, 
 277, 363, 364, 392. 
 
 Civita Vecchia, 161, 162. 
 
 Claveria, Pio Quinto, 334. 
 
 Clinohant, Colonel, 207. 
 
 01ou6, Captain, 215, 238. 
 
 Coahuila, State of, 206. 
 
 Coburg, 22. 
 
 Codrington, General, 162. 
 
 Miss, 162. 
 
 Colima, State of, 207. 
 
 Committee of Protection, 229. 
 
 Comonfort, General, 118. 
 
 President, 5, 103, 258, 363. 
 
 Comptoir d'Esoompte, 194. 
 
 Conohado, 278. 
 
 Congress, Mexican, 110. 
 
 Constitution, 5th Feb. '57, 348, 423. 
 
 Convention of La Soledad, 86, Ap- 
 pendix II. 
 
 of London, 69, 90, 93, 198, 414, 
 
 Appendix i. 
 
 of Miramar, 60, 158, 168, 196. 
 
 of 30 July 1866, 225. 
 
 Convento de la Campana, 282. 
 
 Convent, Santa Tereslta, 341, 343. 
 
 Corbin, Major, 95. 
 
 Cordoba, 86, 97, 164, 203, 236, 438,440. 
 
 Corio, Marquis, 153. 
 
 Corona, Colonel, 138, 273, 304. 
 
 Corta, M., 221. 
 
 Cortinas, General, 138, 139, 422. 
 
 Corwin, Thomas, 70, 126, 398, 401, 
 
 419, 420, 426, 430. 
 Cost of French Expedition, 299, 
 
 300. 
 Cottret, Commandant, 95, 220. 
 Court ceremonials, 173-8. 
 Court changes, 187. 
 Cousin, Commandant, 93. 
 Cox, Samuel S., 418, 419. 
 Crampton, Lord, 68. 
 CrMit MobiUer, 194. 
 Crimea, Bazaine in, 129. 
 Cross of Constancy, Order of, 172. 
 Cruelties, French, 102. 
 Cruz, convent of La, 309, 311, 
 
 322, 328, 329, 331, 333, 339, 340, 
 
 459, 460. 
 Cuba, 163. 
 
 Cuernavaca, 97, 285, 310. 
 Culiao4n, 138. 
 Cumbres, La, 109. 
 Curtopassi, Signor Francisco, 385, 
 
 387, 396, 398, 411. 
 Customs, U.S. collector of, 138. 
 Czismadai, Major, 303. 
 
 Dandolo, frigate, 191, 272. 
 
 Danish War (1864), 46. 
 
 Dano, Minister, 99, 168, 230, 232, 
 
 286, 287, 302, 395. 
 David, Baron Jerome, 427. 
 Davidson, Nathaniel, 318. 
 Davis, Henry Winter, 418, 419. 
 
 Jeflferson, 353, 425. 
 
 Day, Colonel M. (U.S.A.), 422. 
 Dayton, William L., 140, 418-20, 
 
 426 429 432 
 ' Decree, the Black,' 213, 214, 314, 
 
 336. 
 DegoUado, Felipe, 249. 
 Derby, Lord, 69. 
 Diaries, 30. 
 Diaz, Felix ('El Chato'), 121, 278, 
 
 280. 
 
 General Felix, 170. 
 
 Porfirio, 1, 109, 121, 131, 137, 
 
 138, 168, 189, 208, 275; birth, 
 
 276 ; parentage, 276 ; in seminary, 
 
 276 ; joins army, 277 ; attacks 
 
 Cabos ; becomes captain, 278 ; 
 
 colonel, 278 ; defends Oaxaea, 279 ; 
 
 taken prisoner, 281 ; escapes, 283 ; 
 
 charges of ci-uelty, 284, 298, 304, 
 
 313, 345, 359, 390, 411, 412, 425. 
 Doblado, Manuel, Minister, 85, 89, 
 
 136, 199, 202, 440. 
 Doblinger, Mathilda, 243, 246, 249, 
 
 250. 
 Dominguez, Bishop of Oaxaea, 276. 
 
INDEX 
 
 473 
 
 Douay, General, 94, 95, 102, 111, 117, 
 
 137, 199, 200, 210, 211. 
 Drouyn de I'Huys, M., 8, 48, 64, 122, 
 
 126, 140, 231, 232, 239, 242, 419, 
 
 433. 
 Dry Gully (Barranca Veca), battle of, 
 
 110. 
 Dunlop, Commodore H., 74, 76, 84, 
 
 88, 96, 116, 440. 
 Durango, Bishop of, 190. 
 
 city of, 211, 220, 266. 
 
 Governor of, 206. 
 
 Duvemois, Clement, 52. 
 
 ECHEGABAY, COLONEL, 281. 
 
 Major L., 334. 
 
 Elguerro, Sefiora D. G. de, 179. 
 
 Mizaheth, frigate, 369. 
 
 Eloin, M., 25, 411. 
 
 Elsesser, Luis, 48, 50. 
 
 Empress Elizabeth, 30, 33, 162, 393. 
 
 Eugenie, 33, 47 ; birth, 58 ; 
 
 parentage, 58 ; responsibility for 
 French intervention, 58, 59 ; rela- 
 tions with Napoleon, 60 ; as regent, 
 61 ; conduct to Charlotte, 62, 63 ; 
 public disapproval, 64; responsi- 
 bility for Maximilian's death, 65, 
 151, 240, 391-3. 
 
 Empress's Regiment, 310, 330, 459. 
 
 Esoalante, Colonel M. V., 334. 
 
 Escamilla, Governor, 284. 
 
 Escanddn, Alejandro A. y, 123. 
 
 Antonio, 125. 
 
 Sefiora C. B. de, 179. 
 
 Escape, plans for, 369-71. 
 
 Eseobedo, General, 101, 108, 214, 
 219, 303, 304, 306-8, 330, 331, 333, 
 336, 338, 340-2, 346, 358-60, 376, 
 379, 381, 387, 398. 
 
 Eseoto, Joaquin M., 349. 
 
 Escudero, Minister, 259, 260, 451. 
 
 Espinoza, General, 131. 
 
 Esteva, Minister, Jos6 Maria, 451. 
 
 Senor, 235. 
 
 Estrada, Sefiora de, 179, 234. 
 
 3osk M. G. de, 125, 145, 151, 
 
 153, 155, 156, 452, 453. 
 
 Ethics of war, 337. 
 
 Execution of Maximilian, 64, 378- 
 384. 
 
 Exhibition, Paris (1867), 63, 64. 
 
 Expeditionary Corps, French, 93-6. 
 
 Expedition, French, 106. 
 
 cost of, 299, 300. 
 
 Favbe, Jules, 204, 427. 
 Ferdinand the Catholic, 9. 
 1.. 16. 
 
 Ferdinand v., 21. 
 
 Filibusters, U. S., 138, 215, 219, 280, 
 
 315. 
 Finances, Imperial, 99, 100, 102, 
 
 137, 144, 194-7, 221, 288, 289, 301, 
 
 320. 
 Fischer, Father Augustin, 10, 173, 
 
 188-92, 209, 272, 287, 290, 291, 
 
 293-5, 297, 320. 
 Flahault, Comte de, 69. 
 Flanders, Count Philippe of, 38, 68, 
 
 127, 251, 253, 254. 
 Forest, M,, 385. 
 Fort Monroe, 353. 
 Forey, General (Marshal), 56, 94, 95, 
 
 102, 107, 113-17, 120-2, 125-7, 130, 
 
 133, 154, 155, 284. 
 France, 2, 6, 22, 69, 151. 
 Francis Charles, Prince, 16, 21. 
 
 Duke of Saxe-Coburg, 35. 
 
 Joseph, Emperor, 11, 14, 16, 21- 
 
 23, 25-7, 33, 42, 59, 157, 160, 180, 
 
 375, 376, 392, 393, 396, 400. 
 French Expedition (1839), 106. 
 loans, 194, 195, 221-3, 225, 228, 
 
 229, 299, 426. 
 
 prisoners, 110. 
 
 Fresnille, 220. 
 Friant, M., 190, 224. 
 Frontana, Major 0. , 334. 
 FroBsart, General, 155. 
 
 Galicia, 23. 
 
 Galvez, Colonel, 187. 
 
 Gambier, Colonel, 95. 
 
 GArate, Dr. D. B., 264. 
 
 Garcia, Colonel, 304, 334. 
 
 Gamier, Colonel, 96, 214. 
 
 Gaulfrerons, Captain Xa™r, 341. 
 
 G4vis, Major de, 334. 
 
 Geofiroy, M. L. de, 139, 431. 
 
 George, Prince of Saxony, 40. 
 
 Geralt, Baron, 317. 
 
 Gerloni, Major, 303. 
 
 Germany, 29, 54. 
 
 Germiny, M. de, 194. 
 
 Gibraltar, 162. 
 
 Giraud, Colonel, 278, 279. 
 
 Giulay, 26. 
 
 Godardo, Major (Count de Pachta), 
 
 334. 
 Gomez, Father Tom4s, 157. 
 Gonzales, Captain Antonio, 460. 
 Gonzalez, Colonel Pedro, 331, 334. 
 Gortschakoff, Prince, 432. 
 Gossmann, Lieut., 460. 
 Government, Provisional, 123. 
 Grant, General Ulysses, 216. 
 Gravi^re, Admiral Jurien de la, 72, 
 
474 
 
 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 74, 75, 82, 84, 90, 95, 96, 115, 116, 
 
 440, 442. 
 Great Britain, 5, 6, 29, 70, 74, 82-6, 
 
 88-90, 151, 198. 
 Greece, 27. 
 
 Groeller, Captain von, 369, 371. 
 Guadalajara, 92, 201, 207, 273, 285. 
 
 plan of, 143. 
 
 Guadaloupe, 167. 
 
 Marquesa de, 235. 
 
 Order of, 158, 168, 171, 324, 327. 
 
 S. M. de, 164. 
 
 — — Treaty of, 399. 
 Guanajuato, 92, 101, 199-201. 
 Guardia Imperial, 310. 
 
 Palatina, 170, 234. 
 
 Guaymas, 206, 266. 
 Gueroult, A., 52. 
 Guerrero, State of, 285. 
 Guerrero, Vicente, 2, 5. 
 Gutierrez, Major Carlos, 334. 
 
 Miguel, 334. 
 
 Guyon, Lieut. Paul, 341. 
 Guzman, Manuel, 331, 332, 334. 
 Gwin, William M., 56. 
 
 Hacienda de la TiiA, 225, 226. 
 
 Ham, castle of, 45. 
 
 Hammerstein, Baron von, 303, 304, 
 
 314. 
 Hapaburg, House of, 9, 16, 22. 
 Hapsburg-Lothringen, 16. 
 Harvey, James E., Minister, 399. 
 Hasselt, 36. 
 
 Havana, 76, 96, 145, 402, 406. 
 Haymans, Mynheer, 268. 
 Health of troops, 108, 111, 112, 134, 
 
 201, 202, 203. 
 Hennique, Colonel, 93, 96. 
 Heraud, Lieut. Theodore, 341. 
 Herbet,M.,155, 158, 442, 444, 445, 447. 
 Herron, General, 139, 140. 
 Herzfeld, Count, 252. 
 Hidalgo, Jos6 Maria, 87, 125, 153. 
 Hill of the Bells, 343. 
 Holland, 29, 36, 44. 
 
 King of, 36, 44. 
 
 Hooricks, Frederick, Minister, 270, 
 
 318, 385, 395, 397. 
 Hope, Sir James, 162. 
 Horta, Colonel Antonio M. de, 334. 
 Hortense, Queen, 44, 50. 
 Hou8eofEiepresentatives,Belgian,269. 
 Howard, Jacob M., 6. 
 Huart, Baron d', 127. 
 Huasteoa, 304. ' ■' - 
 Huerta, General, 120. 
 Hungary, 22, 23. 
 
 Hurbal, General C. d', 279. 
 
 Iqlesias, Anqbl, 125, 157. 
 Immigration project, 423, 424. 
 Imperial finances, 99, 100, 102, 137, 
 
 144, 174, 182, 193, 194-7, 221, 288, 
 
 289, 301, 320. 
 
 Orders, 171, 397. 
 
 Palace, 165, 170, 184, 186. 
 
 Prince, 62. 
 
 Indians, condition of, 141, 142. 
 Inundation Tax, 232. 
 Isabella of Spain, 33, 66-8, 397. 
 Italy, 22. 
 
 King of, 397, 411. 
 
 Iturbide, Augustin, 2, 5, 124, 143, 
 
 168, 276. 
 Ixoapa, battle of, 277. 
 Ixtla, Puente de, 285. 
 
 Jablonskt, Colonel, 331, 332, 335, 
 459, 469. 
 
 Jalapa (Tehuantepec), 278. 
 
 (Vera Cruz), 83, 117, 167, 203, 
 
 439 440. 
 
 JaHsc'o, State of, 201, 207, 213. 
 
 Jamaica, 162. 
 
 Jecker, 47, 48, 49. 
 
 Jiquilpan, battle of, 207. 
 
 Johnson, President, 367, 413, 428, 429. 
 
 Joinville, Prince de, 106, 107. 
 
 Jolivet, Colonel, 95. 
 
 Juan Francisco, 304. 
 
 Juana, Donna, 16. 
 
 Juarez, Benito, 2, 47, 56, 59, 74, 81, 
 85, 90-2, 103, 104, 109, 110, 125, 
 131, 135-7, 153, 196, 207, 210, 
 219, 258, 259, 269, 277, 286, 346, 
 357-8, 361-6, 373, 374, 388, 400, 
 403-5, 409, 410, 421-3, 440. 
 
 Jules, Signor, 384. 
 
 Jurado, Ignaeio, 349. 
 
 Kendal, Duke op, 36. 
 
 Kendall, Captain J. J., 100, 101, 
 
 294 319. 
 K6ratry, Count E. de, 104, 120, 154, 
 
 282 366 
 Khevenhiiiler, Colonel von, 303, 304, 
 
 314, 318. 
 KiefTers, Lieut. Felix, 341. 
 Kodolich, Colonel, 169, 318, 319, 460. 
 Koemer, Gustavus, 435. 
 Kollonitz, Countess Paula, 43, 155, 
 
 179, 180, 184. 
 Kulachevich, Senor, 234, 251. 
 Seflora, 234, 251. 
 
 Labastida, Pelagio de (Archbishop), 
 
INDEX 
 
 475 
 
 123, 131, 132, 153, 190, 257-9, 261, 
 
 263, 264, 288. 
 La Caiiada, 110. 
 Laoroix, Colonel, 95. 
 Lacroma, Abbot of, 157. 
 La Cumbres, 109. 
 Laounza, J. M. A. de, 99, 230. 
 Laeken, palace of, 35, 254. 
 La Garza, General, 206. 
 Lago, Baron von, 10, 25, 169, 180, 
 
 271, 318, 368, 370, 371, 372, 376, 
 
 377, 381, 388, 396. 
 Lajaille, Major de, 95. 
 Lake, J. N., 147. 
 Lamoriufere, General, 129. 
 Lamy, Commandant, 95. 
 Landa y Eaoand6n, Sefiora F., 179. 
 Langlais, M., 223. 
 Lar^s, Teodosio, 123, 190, 288-92, 
 
 295, 304, 312, 313, 353. 
 La Soledad, 85, 112, 164, 165. 
 
 Convention of, 86, Appendix il. 
 
 Latour, Count, 23. 
 Laiimito, General V. de, 95. 
 Legoretta, 460. 
 Leipzig, 216. 
 Leon, 201. 
 
 General J^sus Diaz de, 340, 382. 
 
 J. V. de, 125, 157, 158, 187, 204, 
 
 246, 249, 252, 442, 444, 445, 447. 
 Leopold I., 13, 14, 29, 34; death of, 
 
 36, 68, 267, 270, 426. 
 
 II., 397. 
 
 of Saxe-Coburg, 35. 
 
 Lesseps, Count de, 29. 
 
 L'H^riller, General, 95, 206, 211. 
 
 Liberal Party, Belgian, 39. 
 
 Liberals, 18, 36, 47. 
 
 Liceaga, General, 303. 
 
 Lioia, Dr., 387. 
 
 Limburg, 36. 
 
 L'Impiratrice Euginie, 237, 238. 
 
 Lincoln, President, 353, 366, 367, 413, 
 
 418, 428, 430. 
 Loans, French, 194; 195, 221, 222, 
 
 223, 225, 228, 229, 299, 426. 
 
 Jecker, 47, 49, 220, 222. 
 
 Papal, 59. 
 
 Lojero, Emilio, 349. 
 Lombardo-Venetia, 31, 160. 
 Lombards, 22. 
 Lombardy, 22. 
 
 bargain in, 130. 
 
 London, Convention of, 69, 90, 93, 
 
 198, 414, Appendix i. 
 Longchamps, Commandant L. de, 95. 
 Lopez, Colonel Miguel, 110, 167, 188, 
 
 299, 309-11, 327-35, 403; corre- 
 spondence, 458-62. 
 
 Lorencez, General de, 55, 56, 73, 94, 
 
 102, 108-14, 116, 216. 
 Los Remedios, 118. 
 Losses, French, 71, 83, 109, 110, 112, 
 
 121, 127. 
 
 Mexican, 110, 112. 
 
 Louis of Bavaria, 24. 
 Louisa, sister, 168. 
 Louise-Marie, Queen, 37, 39, 154. 
 Louis Philippe, 35, 44, 392. 
 
 Victor, Archduke, 157. 
 
 Louvain, 36. 
 Lower California, 138. 
 Lozada, General, 203. 
 Lutheran Church, 39. 
 Luxembourg, 36. 
 
 Macmahon, Marshal, 130. 
 
 Madeira, 28, 30, 162. 
 
 Madero, Francisco, 120. 
 
 Madrid, Colonel de la, 310. 
 
 Magenta, 14. 
 
 Magnus, Baron von, 355, 357, 360, 
 361, 367-70, 372, 373, 382, 388, 
 395-7 411. 
 
 Maintenant, M. de, 99, 229, 230. 
 
 Malburg, Major E., 334. 
 
 MaUat, Captain, 93. 
 
 Mangin, Colonel, 95. 
 
 General, 280. 
 
 Manifesto, Allies', 77, 78. 
 
 Manzanillo, 207, 208. 
 
 Marcdn, Colonel Manuel, 334. 
 
 Maria Theresa, 16. 
 
 Marie Antoinette, 33. 
 
 Princess, 37. 
 
 Marin, General TomAs, 237, 291. 
 
 Minister, 190, 353. 
 
 Marquez, Leonardo, 97, 109-11, 118, 
 119, 131, 188, 189, 199, 207, 285, 
 302, 304, 307, 311-15, 319, 324-6, 
 332, 360, 405. 
 
 Martinique, 162. 
 
 Maryland, 418, 419. 
 
 Mason %nd Slidell, 73. 
 
 Matamoras, 110, 206, 207, 214, 215, 
 219, 266, 402, 405. 
 
 Matehuala, 202. 
 
 Maximilian I. , 16. 
 
 (Ferdinand), 5, 14-16 ; birth, 21 ; 
 
 parentage, 21 ; early travels, 27 ; 
 meeting with Charlotte, 29 ; mar- 
 riage, 29 ; further travels, 31 ; 
 governor of Lombardo - Venetian 
 Provinces, 31 ; accepts crown, 151, 
 152 ; reception of delegates, 153 ; 
 ceremony at Miramar, 154-8 ; de- 
 parture from Miramar, 159 ; inci- 
 dents of voyage, 161-4 ; establishes 
 
476 
 
 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 orders, 171 ; travels in interior, 
 184 ; his appointments, 187 ; finan- 
 cial complications, 195 ; difficulties 
 with Bazaine, 209 ; issues Black 
 Decree, 212; appoints General 
 Osmont and M. Friant, 224 ; effects 
 economies, 225 ; learns of Char- 
 lotte's illness, 252 ; untenable posi- 
 tion, 266 ; decides upon abdication, 
 266 ; withdraws same, 273 ; quar- 
 rels with Bazaine, 290 ; in Quere- 
 taro, 303-11 ; besieged, 322-39 ; in 
 prison, 338-47 ; trial, 348-58 ; plans 
 of escape, 368-72 ; execution, 378- 
 384 ; funeral, 389. 
 
 Maximilian Joseph, 24. 
 
 Museum, 390. 
 
 MazatUn, 206, 208, 266, 273. 
 
 Meglia, Monsignor, 192, 257-9, 261, 
 262. 
 
 M^jia, General, 97, 131, 137, 187, 
 200-2, 214, 215, 219, 285, 302, 303, 
 306-8, 322, 324, 328, 342, 349, 350, 
 354, 355, 362, 369, 373, 380, 382, 
 383, 385, 386, 391. 
 
 Memorial Chapel, 390. 
 
 Mendez, Antonio, 338. 
 
 General Ram(5n, 212, 213, 285, 
 
 303, 306, 340, 353. 
 
 Mendoza, Colonel, 333. 
 
 General, 118. 
 
 Merit, Order of, 172. 
 
 Mettemich, Princess, 155. 
 
 Mexican barbarities, 102, 202, 204, 
 307, 313. 
 
 debt, 48. 
 
 Eagle, Order of, 171, 307, 397. 
 
 prisoners, 119. 
 
 railway, 164, 300. 
 
 Mexico, Archbishop of , 123, 131, 132, 
 153, 190, 257-9, 261, 263, 264, 
 288 
 
 city of, 12, 17, 25, 52, 73, 75, 85, 
 
 86, 120, 122, 127, 144, 165, 189, 
 199, 232, 234, 236, 261, 282, 285, 
 303, 310, 314, 318-20, 338, 339, 
 345, 359, 360, 367, 369, 381, 390, 
 391, 401, 403, 404, 408, 411, 412, 
 419, 430. 
 
 French enter, 123. 
 
 State of, 285. 
 
 Miahuatlan, 271, 275, 284. 
 
 Michoac4n, State of, 208, 212, 285. 
 
 Middleton, Minister, C, 396, 398. 
 
 Miller, General (U.S. A), 138. 
 
 Milnes, Vice-Admiral, 72, 74. 
 
 Mirafuentes, General, 336, 355. 
 
 Miramar, 18, 31, 32, 34, 132, 153, 
 159, 160, 193, 251, 253, 254, 343. 
 
 Miramar, treaty of, 60, 158, 168, 196. 
 
 Miram6n, Miguel, 47, 48, 56, 84, 85, 
 
 87, 103, 104, 131, 134, 153, 258, 
 
 285, 301-3, 306, 307, 310, 311, 
 323-6, 328, 330, 342, 349, 350, 352, 
 354, 362, 369, 373, 380, 382, 385, 
 387, 391, 392. 
 
 Senora, 386. 
 
 Miranda, Francisco, 125. 
 
 Mirandol, General, 96. 
 
 Mixtequilla, battle of, 278. 
 
 Moctezuma, 103, 183. 
 
 Monarchy, proclamation of, 124, 145. 
 
 Monier, M., 155. 
 
 Monroe Doctrine, 72, 139, 414-17, 
 
 427, 430. 
 
 Fort, 353. 
 
 President James, 414, 415. 
 
 Monterey, 136, 138, 207, 214, 219, 
 
 266, 269, 310, 313, 406. 
 Mont^ro, Major Manuel, 334. 
 
 Major Victorian, 334. 
 
 Montero, X. de Isturiz y, 67, 69, 436, 
 
 438. 
 Montesdeoca, Ignaoio, 157. 
 Monthalon, Marquis de, 56, 126, 168, 
 
 186, 197, 317. 
 Montpensier, Duo de, 68. 
 
 Duchesse de, 68. 
 
 Moran, Seflora G. C. de, 179. 
 Mor^lia, 199, 201, 334. 
 Mordlos, 87. 
 
 Momy, Duo de, 46-51, 60, 61, 222. 
 Morphy, TomAs, 125. 
 Moustier, Marquis de, 57. 
 Mungen, William (U.S.A.), 149. 
 
 Napoleon i., 22. 
 
 Emperor (iii.), 5, 7, 8, 24, 27, 
 
 29 ; birth, 44, parentage, 44 ; 
 education, 45 ; imprisonment, 45 ; 
 liis pamphlets, 45 ; Danish war, 46 ; 
 relations with de Morny, 46, 47 ; 
 intervention in Mexico, 48, 49, 50 ; 
 personal responsibility for inter- 
 vention, 53; relations with U.S. 
 Government, 55, 151, 195, 198, 
 204, 211, 215, 224, 231, 238, 239, 
 240, 241, 266, 269, 273, 277, 282, 
 
 286, 293, 295, 297, 352, 363, 391-3, 
 400, 414, 416, 418, 427, 431, 432, 
 436. 
 
 Prince Jerome, 430. 
 
 National Museum, 165. 
 
 Palace, 170, 184. 
 
 Nava, Major Josi6, 334. 
 Navarrete, Colonel Pedro, 334. 
 Navarro, Sanchez, 190. 
 Senora O, de S., 179. 
 
INDEX 
 
 477 
 
 Negrete, General, 108, 137, 138, 200, 
 
 206. 
 Neigre, General, 95, 102, 166. 
 Nemours, Duke of, 35. 
 Netherlands, 22. 
 New Mexico, 138, 399, 417. 
 New Orleans, 215, 402-5, 407. 
 Nicholas, Czar, 51. 
 Niel, Marshal, 130. 
 Nigra, Dr. Riva de, 387. 
 Nomel, Lieut. Victor, 341. 
 Noria de Custodio, 219. 
 Noriaga, General, 303. 
 Nooara, 32, 161, 163, 253, 388. 
 Nuevo Leon, 135, 310. 
 Nuncio, Papal, 192, 257-9, 261, 262. 
 
 Oaxaca, Bishop or, 276. 
 
 siege of, 121. 
 
 State of, 214. 
 
 town of, 121, 208, 271, 275, 276, 
 
 279, 280, 462. 
 Obsouras, Major Juan, 334. 
 Ohio, 407, 418, 419. 
 O'Horan, General, 189, 304, 312. 
 Oliphant, Laurence, 11. 
 OlUvier, M., 416. 
 Order of Merit, 171, 172. 
 Orders, Imperial, 171, 307. 
 Orizaba, 86, 89, 92, 110, HI, 112, 
 
 163, 164, 191, 203, 236, 266, 273, 
 
 286, 291, 296, 318, 438, 440. 
 Orleans, Duke of, 37. 
 Ormalchea, Juan B. , 123. 
 Oronas, Colonel, 275. 
 Ortega, Eulalio Maria, 349, 353, 374. 
 
 General, HI, 116, 118, 206. 
 
 General Jesus G., 136, 338, 422, 
 
 423. 
 
 Gonzales, 138. 
 
 Senor, 268. 
 
 Osmont, General, 190, 224, 295. 
 Ofcho, Prince of Bavaria, 35. 
 Otterbourg, Marcus, 408, 410-12. 
 
 Palacios, Colonel Miguel, 356, 357, 
 370, 371, 386, 387. 
 
 Mariano Rivas, 349, 369, 374. 
 
 General Rivas, 212, 304. 
 
 General Vicente Rivas, 338, 343. 
 
 Palmar, 110. 
 
 Palmerston, Lord, 69, 74, 432. 
 
 Palo Alto, 2. 
 
 Pantheon, 342. 
 
 Papal Nuncio, 192, 257-9, 261, 262. 
 
 Paplor6, Second -Lieut., 93. 
 
 Para, Senor, 346. 
 
 Paris, Charlotte in, 238. 
 
 Comte de, 430. 
 
 Paris Conference (1856), 38. 
 
 Exhibition (1867), 63, 64. 
 
 Paso-Anoho, 87, 439, 440. 
 
 del Macho, 236, 298. 
 
 de Ovejas, 87, 439, 440. 
 
 Patoni, General, 206. 
 
 Pavlowsky, Captain, 460. 
 
 Pavon, Ignacio, 123. 
 
 Paz, San Luis de la, 232. 
 
 Pedro v.. King, 39. 
 
 Pejuin, Lieut. Emile, 341. 
 
 Pelissier, Marshal, 129. 
 
 Pena, Colonel La, 187, 285. 
 
 Peotilles, 266. 
 
 Peraz, Senora M. de, 179. 
 
 Peraza, Governor, 149. 
 
 Peredo, Juan Suarez, 250. 
 
 Perez, Major A., 334. 
 
 Perry, Horatio J., 68. 
 
 Persigny, M. de, 61. 
 
 Pessard, H., 52. 
 
 Peza, Juan de D., 146, 451. 
 
 Pezuela, Luis RobWs, 451. 
 
 PhiUp of Spain, 16. 
 
 Philippe of Flanders, 38, 68, 127, 251, 
 
 253, 254. 
 Piedra-Gorda, 200. 
 Pierren, Captain, 273. 
 Pierron, Edouard, 297. 
 Pius IX., Pope, 19, 161, 243-8, 250, 
 
 257, 260. 
 Plaizora, Senora M. de, 179. 
 Plumb, Edward Lee, 402, 408, 411. 
 Polak, Colonel, 271. 
 Poland, 22. 
 
 Poliakovitz, Montalba, 167. 
 Polk, President, 417. 
 Population, 141, 424. 
 Portugal, 22. 
 
 Potier, General de, 102, 212. 
 Pototski, Count, 323. 
 Pradillo, Colonel, 334. 
 Preil, Colonel du, 219. 
 Prena, Sefiorita de la, 210. 
 Prim, GeneKil (Count Reuss), 72, 
 
 76-80, 82-5, 88, 94, 96, 116, 440. 
 Prince Consort, 29, 39. 
 
 George of Saxony, 40. 
 
 Imperial, 62. 
 
 Regent, 35. 
 
 of Wales, 29. 
 
 Princess Royal, 29. 
 
 of Wales, 29. 
 
 Prisoners, French, HO, 275, 334. 
 Mexican, 110, 117-19, 201, 212, 
 
 219, 275, 282, 322, 431. 
 Proclamation of Empire, 124. 
 
 Santa Anna's, 145. 
 
 Provisional Government, 123. 
 
478 
 
 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Prussia, King of, 64, 316, 397. 
 Puebla, capture of, 119. 
 
 siege of, 73, 102, 109-12, 116. 
 
 second siege of, 117, 118, 120-22, 
 
 155. 
 
 third siege of, 313. 
 
 town of, 108, 138, 164, 168, 203, 
 
 234-36, 270, 279, 281, 282, 303. 
 Purga, 85. 
 
 QUEOHOLAO, 110. 
 
 Queretaro, 8, 19, 63, 64, 199, 201, 
 264, 285, 302, 303-6, 308, 309, 311- 
 15, 318, 320, 339-58, 368-87, 404, 408. 
 
 Bishop of, 190, 375. 
 
 fall of, 329. 
 
 siege of, 322-38, 347, 458-62. 
 
 Quetzalcoatl, 17, 166. 
 
 Quigano, 310. 
 
 Quiroga, Lieut., 136. 
 
 Radbtsky, 130. 
 
 Ramerez, Bishop, 249. 
 
 Ramirez, Jos6 Vicente, Minister, 261, 
 
 349, 451. 
 
 Major Juan, 334. 
 
 Rancho de las Jioacas, battle of, 278. 
 Randon, Marshal, 113. 
 Red Hussars, 318. 
 Regency of Empire, 124. 
 Regules, General, 212, 214. 
 Reichstadt, Due de, 44, 45. 
 Reiner, Archduke, 160, 161. 
 Renegades, French, 340, 341. 
 Reuss, Count (Gen. Prim), 72, 76-80, 
 
 82-5, 88, 94, 96, 116, 440. 
 
 Countess, 86. 
 
 Revolutions, 1. 
 Ribera, Marquis de, 395. 
 Ricot, Lieut. Jean, 341. 
 Rinodn, Colonel Pepi, 460. 
 
 Gallardo, Colonel, 303. 
 
 Senora Ana R. de, 179. 
 
 L. Q. de, 179. 
 
 Rio, Pablo M. del, 156. 
 Roblfes, Colonel, 334. 
 
 Senora Rocha de, 179. 
 
 General, 425. 
 
 Sefiora L. B. de, 179. 
 
 Roe, Commander F. A. (U.S.N.), 148, 
 
 149. 
 Rojas, Major H., 334. 
 Roman Catholic Church, 39, 47, 53, 
 
 59, 132, 183, 190, 192, 257, 265, 
 
 276, 277, 363, 364, 392. 
 Rome, Charlotte in, 243-52. 
 Romero, Matias, Minister, 147, 376, 
 
 406, 422, 424, 431. 
 Rosada, 191. 
 
 Rothschild, Nathaniel, 318. 
 Rouher, Minister, 59, 222. 
 Rozeville, Captain Ernest de, 341. 
 Ruaton, 415. 
 
 Rudolph, Crown Prince, 42. 
 Rueda y Auza, Juan, 349. 
 Rumbold, Sir Horace, 26. 
 Russell, Lord John, 5, 48, 67-9, 73-6, 
 
 84, 88, 89, 426, 436, 438. 
 Russia, 22. 
 
 Saint Cloud, 61, 62, 239, 242, 243, 
 
 252, 266. 
 St. Leu, Duchesse de, 44. 
 Salas, General J. M., 123, 132, 134, 
 
 164, 257, 264. 
 
 Senora J. C. de, 179. 
 
 Salazar, General, 212, 213, 353, 425. 
 
 Salgado, Antonio, 332. 
 
 Saligny, Dubois de, 52, 53, 56, 67, 
 
 71, 72, 76, 83, 110, 111, 113, 126, 
 
 130, 440, 442. 
 Salm Salm, Prince Felix zu, 10, 11, 
 
 26, 172, 188, 315-8, 323, 324, 328, 
 
 329, 331, 334, 335, 344, 347, 357, 
 
 362, 367, 369, 371, 373, 376, 411 ; 
 correspondence with Lopez, 458, 
 462. 
 
 Princess Agnes zu, 189, 
 
 317, 335, 341-3, 345-7, 357-9, 360-2, 
 367, 369, 371. 
 
 Saltillo, 138, 206, 219, 266. 
 
 San Andres, 204. 
 
 Carlos, Order of, 171, 172. 
 
 Sanchez, Colonel Plato, 349. 
 
 San Cristobal, 189. 
 
 Sanford, H. S., Minister, 268. 
 
 San Javier, 117. 
 
 Juan del Rio, 302. 
 
 Lorenzo, battle of, 118. 
 
 • Loreta, 282. 
 
 Luis Potdsi, 93, 125, 135, 187, 
 
 200, 201, 211, 219, 274, 285, 288, 
 335, 346, 347, 349, 356-60, 372, 
 373, 404, 406. 
 
 Bishop of, 288. 
 
 Pablo, 117. 
 
 Santa Anna, Antonio L. de, 2, 5, 
 134, 143-50, 172, 277, 310, 313, 
 
 363, 411 ; correspondence of. Ap- 
 pendix VI. (451-7), 461. 
 
 Clara, 282. 
 
 Inez, 117. 
 
 Isabel, battle of, 219. 
 
 Teresita, convent of, 341, 343. 
 
 Saragossa, siege of, 120. 
 Sardinia, King of, 130. 
 Scarlett, Minister, 398. 
 Sclimidt, Captain Charles, 341. 
 
INDEX 
 
 479 
 
 Sohonbrunn, 21. 
 
 Soott, General Winfield, 103, 168, 
 
 399. 
 Secession, War of, 413. 
 Sepulveda, Major Ignaoio, 334. 
 Seward, F. W., 421. 
 WilUam H., 8, 70, 139, 140, 
 
 147, 149, 150, 376, 400-3, 405-9, 
 
 413, 414, 418-20, 422, 424-6, 429, 
 
 431-5. 
 Sherman, General (U.S.A.), 402, 422, 
 
 423. 
 Siliceo, Manuel, 451. 
 Sinaloa, 56, 282. 
 Slidell and Mason, 73. 
 SoUerino, 14, 130. 
 Sonera, State of, 55, 56, 198, 206, 
 
 214, 273, 282, 352, 456. 
 Sophia of Bavaria, 21, 375, 376, 383. 
 Soria, Father, 379, 380-^. 
 Spain, 6, 22, 69, 76, 80, 198, 426. 
 Queen Isabella of, 33, 66-8, 397, 
 
 436. 
 Stanley, Edward H., 69. 
 Steedman, General J. D. (U.S.A.), 
 
 315. 
 Stephanie, Princess, 40. 
 Suez Canal, 29. 
 Supreme Council, 124. 
 Sweden, King of, 397. 
 
 Tacambaho, 212. 
 Tamaulipas, 138, 206, 214. 
 Tampioo, 117, 203, 204, 214, 266, 
 
 402, 404. 
 Tapia, General, 112. 
 Tatham, captain of the, 84. 
 Tavera, General, 190, 291, 304, 353. 
 Taylor, General, 399. 
 Tegethoff, Admiral von, 388, 389, 411. 
 
 Count von, 389. 
 
 TehuacAn, 86, 204, 310, 438, 440. 
 Tehuantepeo, 144, 277, 278. 
 Tejada, Lerdo de, 147, 388, 397, 
 
 402, 404, 409. 
 Tejeria, 84, 85. 
 TenochtitUn, 17. 
 Teran, Jesus, Minister, 440. 
 
 Senora D. P. del H. y, 179. 
 
 Terrazas, General, 218. 
 
 Testard, Major, 275. 
 
 Texas, 138, 417. 
 
 Themis, frigate, 155, 161, 163. 
 
 Thiers, M., 8. 
 
 Thomas3et, captain of the, 84. 
 
 Thouvenel, M., 48, 67, 71. 
 
 Than, Count de, 98, 169, 284, 317. 
 
 Tobasco, State of, 202. 
 
 Toltecs, 16. 
 
 Tomalto, 164. 
 
 Torre, Martinez de la, 349, 369, 
 374. 
 
 TotimeohuaoAn, 118, 120. 
 
 Tourre, Colonel, 205. 
 
 Trastorza, Colonel, 334. 
 
 Treaty (of 15 Nov. 1831), 36; com- 
 mercial (Jan. 1860), 46 ; of Mira- 
 mar, 60, 158, 168, 196 ; with Spain, 
 71 ; of La Soledad, 86 ; of London, 
 69, 90, 93, 198, 414 ; of Guadaloupe, 
 399. 
 
 Trial of Maximilian, 348-55. 
 
 Trieste, 11, 31, 161, 251, 253. 
 
 Tronin, Lieut. Emile, 341. 
 
 Troubetskoi, Princess, 51. 
 
 Tudos, 180, 305, 327, 381, 383. 
 
 Tulanoingo, Bishop of, 123. 
 
 Tuxpan, 202, 203, 213, 266. 
 
 Ugalde, General, 205. 
 
 UUoa, San Juand', 106, 107, 367, 439, 
 
 440. 
 United States, 2, 7, 8, 55, 57, 73, 91, 
 
 126, 138, 139, 147, 148, 149, 150, 
 
 198, 202, 206, 207, 214, 268, 288, 
 
 289, 311, 315, 353, 394, 399, 402- 
 
 408, 421-35. 
 United States filibusters, 138, 215, 
 
 219, 280, 315, 417, 424. 
 Uraza, Senora R. 0. de, 179. 
 Uruaga, General, 82, 84, 85, 137, 200, 
 
 207. 
 Utah, 417. 
 Utrecht, Treaty of, 22. 
 
 Valdbrbbz, Colonel, 334. 
 
 Valdez, Colonel, 137, 306. 
 
 Valle, Count del, 234, 246, 248, 249- 
 251. 
 
 Vallez, Senora C. L. de, 179. 
 
 Vasquez, Jesus Maria, 349, 374. 
 
 Vatican, 244, 247-50. 
 
 Venetia Lombardo, 25, 31, 160. 
 
 Vera Cruz, 2, 75, 76, 83, 84, 86, 106, 
 107, 111, 117, 120, 127, 144, 148, 
 162-7, 191, 195, 203, 225, 228, 232, 
 236-8, 262, 270, 296, 318, 371, 388, 
 389, 402, 406, 407, 439, 440. 
 
 State of, 285, 313. 
 
 Verastegui, Jos6, 349. 
 
 VerAza, Major, 334. 
 
 Verna, Colonel Juan, 334. 
 
 Vialla, Colonel, 95. 
 
 Victoria, Queen, 13-15, 29, 35-7, 39, 
 394, 436. 
 
 Viotorioa, Major, 334. 
 
 Vidaurri, General, 135, 136, 311, 
 313, 318. 
 
480 
 
 MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO 
 
 Vienna, siege of, 23. 
 
 Vilohis, Major, 334. 
 
 Villagran, Lucas, 349. 
 
 Villanudva, Colonel, 11, 340, 358, 
 
 370, 371. 
 Ville, Marquise de, 155. 
 Virginia, U.S. steamer, 148, 149. 
 Vittoria, President, 276. 
 Vleeacliouwer, Mynheer, 268. 
 
 Wagneb, Baeon von, 396. 
 Walewski, Coimt, 38, 66, 75. 
 War, Danish (1864), 46. 
 
 Franco-German (1870), 46. 
 
 with America, 2. 
 
 Washington, 406, 407, 409, 412, 422, 
 
 426, 427, 431, 432, 434. 
 Waterloo, 216. 
 
 Weitzel, General (U.S.A.), 214, 215. 
 White, John, 398, 404, 407. 
 
 Wiokenburg, Count, 303. 
 Windisohgratz, Prince, 23. 
 Wolf, Commissary, 95. 
 WoU, General, 125, 157, 282. 
 Wood, Fernando (U.S.A.), 149. 
 Wurtemburg, Princess of, 37. 
 Wycke, Sir Charles Lennox, 48, 72, 
 
 76, 84, 85, 88, 89, 440. 
 Wydenbriiek, Baron de, 317. 
 
 Yucatan, State of, 149, 203. 
 
 Zakagoza, Gbneeal, 83, 85, 108, 
 
 109, 111, 116, 163, 425. 
 Zaoateoas, 101, 111, 116, 138, 201, 
 
 285, 301. 
 Zapata, Jos6 Marfa, 334. 
 Zarco, Francisco, 224. 
 Ziehy, Countesses, 155. 
 Zuloaga, President Felix, 103, 363. 
 
 Piiuted by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty 
 at the Edinburgh University Press