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THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 IN 
 
 EARLY ENGLAND 
 
 THESIS 
 
 PRESENTED TO THE UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF CORNELL UNIVERSITY 
 FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY 
 
 HARRIET E. TUfiLL 
 
 CORNELL UNIVERSITY, 
 1894. 
 
 BOSJEON: 
 L. H. LANE, BOOK j PRINTER, 
 
 97 OlJVER STKEET. 
 
 1898. 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029258930 
 
THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 IN 
 
 EARLY ENGLAND. 
 
 THESIS 
 
 PRESENTED TO THE UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF CORNELL UNIVERSITY 
 FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY 
 
 HARRIET E. TUELL. 
 
 CORNELL UNIVERSITY, 
 
 BOSTON-. 
 
 L. H. LANE, BOOK PRINTER, 
 
 97 Oliver Street. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 M. Guizot, in his History of Civilization, says that civilization 
 seems to him to be the sum, the expression of the whole life of 
 nations. He defines it as a fact subsisting on two conditions and 
 manifesting itself by two symptoms, the development of social activity 
 and that of individual activity ; the progress of society and the pro- 
 gress of humanity. To one of our day, looking from an environment 
 which is characterised by so high a degree of individual and social 
 activity, back to a less fortunate age, it would be hard to find anything 
 of greater interest than an attempt to discover what has brought 
 about the change. Encouraged by the statement of M. Guizot that, 
 if limited to certain centuries and certain people, Ihis civilization is 
 a fact which may be described, related, we have attempted within 
 very narrow limits of time and space a study of the work of a single 
 class, that of the monks, toward the furtherance of the progress of 
 society and the progress of humanity. 
 
 Early England makes a particularly fortunate subject for such a 
 study, in that valuable testimony is given by one of the monks them- 
 selves, the venerable Bede. His Ecclesiastical History of the English 
 nation, which was finished in 731, is made up of the results of his 
 personal knowledge and of material which he gained from corre- 
 spondence with people in other parts of the island, from the archives 
 of the church at Rome, parts of which were copied by a friendly 
 monk, from earlier written records and from traditional accounts. 
 These materials were gathered and put together with the thoroughness 
 and carefulness of an author whose habits and instincts were those 
 of a scholar, and whose familiarity with the scenes and atmosphere 
 which he described give to his narrative a peculiar vividness. Even 
 
4 PREFACE. 
 
 the traits which would be imperfections in a modern historical work, 
 such as his extreme credulity, are valuable to us as representative of 
 the time in which he lived. 
 
 Hardly less valuable for this study is the edition by Haddan and 
 Stubbs of the Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to 
 Great Britain and Ireland. The names of the editors of this work 
 are a sufficient guarantee for its authoritativeness, and in all cases of 
 doubt in regard to the date or authenticity of documents, their 
 dictum has been regarded as final. 
 
 For the rest, the investigation has been confined chiefly to con- 
 temporary works like the writings of Bede and Aldhelm, since it 
 seemed that, in a study which depended so much upon incidental 
 hints in regard to the manners and customs of the people, less 
 reliance could be placed upon works written even a few centuries 
 after the event treated of than if the subject were of a different nature. 
 
 In order to understand the work of the Irish monks in England, 
 it seemed necessary to glance, at least, at the beginnings of Irish 
 Christianity and monasticism. As this was somewhat removed from 
 the general subject under discussion, it seemed best to avoid as much 
 as possible all doubtful points and confine the work to comparatively 
 settled ground. The lack of assistance from Haddan and Stubbs in 
 one part of the work was keenly felt, as the subject is difficult, 
 especially to one restricted to sources in the Latin language. Much 
 help has been gained from Skene's Celtic Scotland, in the volume 
 devoted to Church and Culture, and from Reeves' critical edition of 
 Adamnan's Life of Columba. 
 
TABLE dF CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Introduction ... 7 
 
 Rise of monasticism in the East. 
 Its spread in the West. 
 
 Benedict of Nursia and the Benedictine Rule. 
 The work of Gregory the Great. 
 
 The civilization of the Anglo-Saxons before the monkish 
 invasion. 
 
 Chapter I., Augustine and his Followers . . 13 
 
 Augustine's mission in Kent. 
 
 Organization and attempt at union with British bishops. 
 Work of Laurentius. 
 Work of Mellitus. 
 Work of Justus. 
 
 Mission of Paulinus to Northumbria. 
 Heathen reaction. 
 
 Chapter II., Beginnings of Irish Christianity ... 23 
 
 Work of Patrick and the first order of Irish saints. 
 Work of the second order of Irish saints. 
 Typical monastic establishments of the Irish. 
 
 Bangor, 
 
 Hy. 
 
 Chapter III., From the Pagan Reaction to the Coming of 
 
 Theodore ... . . • • 35 
 
 Oswald and Aidan in Northumbria. 
 Conversion of the East Angles. 
 Conversion of the Middle Angles. 
 Conversion of the East Saxons. 
 Conversion of Mercians. 
 Synod of Whitby and its results. 
 
 Chapter IV., The Church under Theodore .... 41 
 
 Character and qualifications of Theodore and Hadrian. 
 Organization of the church. 
 The Penitential. 
 Relations with Rome. 
 
 Extension of influence by Chad, Wilfred and Cuthbert. 
 Intellectual life in time of Theodore. 
 
6 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 Chapter V., The England of Bede . . • - • 5° 
 
 Aldheltn and Wessex. 
 State of the Church in Kent. 
 Other provinces South of the Humber. 
 Northumbria. 
 General organization. 
 Foreign missions. 
 
 Chapter VI., Conclusion . . - . 59 
 
 Work of the monks for society in general. 
 Work of the monk for culture. 
 Work of the monk for religion. 
 
 Bibliography . . 6q 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 History has handed down to us the story of one Antony, an Egyp- 
 tian youth, who withdrew from the life about him that he might 
 spend his days in labor and prayer. All his desire and energy were 
 kept for perfecting his self-discipline. He subjected himself to 
 many austerities with the object of keeping a firm hold on himself, 
 and finally went off into the desert. There he tried so to order his 
 life that he should neither fall into sin nor have a lust for anything, 
 nor cherish wrath against any, nor heap up treasure upon earth. 
 
 His fame gradually spread abroad, and many followed his exam- 
 ple, so that the great Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, who visited 
 the desert during one of his periods of exile, said : " Their cells 
 were in the mountains like tabernacles filled with holy bands of men 
 who sang psalms, loved reading, fasted, prayed, rejoiced in the hope 
 of things to come, labored in almsgiving and preserved love and 
 harmony one with another, and truly it was possible, as it were, to 
 behold a land set by itself filled with piety and justice. There, there 
 was neither the evildoer nor the injured nor the reproaches of the 
 tax gatherer, but, instead, a multitude of ascetics, and the one pur- 
 pose of them all was to arrive at virtue. So that anyone beholding 
 the cells again and seeing such good order among the monks, would 
 lift up his voice and say, ' How goodly are thy dwellings, O Jacob, 
 and thy tents, O Israel, in shady glens and as a garden by a river, 
 as tents which the Lord hath pitched, and like cedars near waters.' " 
 
 The example of Antony wa^ followed up and extended by Pacom- 
 inus and Basil, who gave greater organization to the movement. 
 Basil's rule for the guidance of monks became very popular. 
 
 Although Antony was not the first to embrace a solitary Hfe, he is 
 most important to us because it was he who first established com- 
 munities of Christian monks, and was considered by Athanasius to 
 be a worthy subject for biography. Now, Athanasius, in the course 
 of his many periods of exile, was a great traveler, and, among other 
 places, visited various points in the West, notably Treves and Rome, 
 
S INTEODUCTION. 
 
 As he was a warm admirer of Antony, he aroused among his ac- 
 quaintances a desire to follow the example of the Eastern ascetic, 
 whose life he made known to them. 
 
 Augustine relates an incident which shows the effect of his story 
 on the youth of the West. Potitianus, who held high office in the 
 Emperor's court, had told him, " How, on a certain afternoon at 
 Treves, when the Emperor was taken up with seeing the Circensian 
 games, he and three others, his comrades, went out for a walk in 
 the gardens close to the city walls, and there, as they chanced to 
 walk two and two, one strolled away with him, while the others went 
 by themselves, and these in their rambling came upon a certain cot- 
 tage inhabited by some of thy servants 'poor in spirit,' of whom 
 ' is the kingdom of heaven,' where they found a book in which was 
 written the life of Antony. This one of them began to read, mar- 
 vel at, and be fired by it, and in the reading to meditate on embrac- 
 ing such a life and giving up his worldly employments to serve Thee. 
 And these were of the body called agents for public affairs. Then 
 suddenly, being overwhelmed with a holy love and a sober sense of 
 shame, in anger with himself he cast his eyes upon his friend, ex- 
 claiming, ' Tell me, I entreat thee, what end we are striving for by 
 all these labors of ours ? What is our aim ? What is our motive in 
 doing service ? Can our hopes in court rise higher than to be min- 
 isters of the Emperor ? And in such a position, what is there not 
 brittle and fraught with danger, and by how many dangers arrive we 
 at greater danger? And when arrive we thither? But I desire to 
 become a friend of God. Behold, I am even now made it ! ' Thus 
 spake he, and in the pangs of the travail of the new life, he turned 
 his eyes again upon the page and continued reading, and was in- 
 wardly changed where thou sawest, and his mind was divested of 
 the world, as soon became evident, for as he read and the surging 
 of his heart rolled along, he shuddered from time to time, hesitated 
 and resolved on a better course, and now having become Thine, he 
 said to his friend, ' Now have I broken loose from those hopes of 
 ours and am determined to serve God, and this I begin from this 
 hour, in this very place. If thou art reluctant to imitate me, hinder 
 me not.' The other replied that he would cleave to him to share 
 in so great a reward and so great a service. Thus both of them 
 being now Thine were building a tower at the necessary cost of for- 
 saking all that they had and following Thee, and setting their affec- 
 tions upon heavenly things, remained in the cottage, and both of 
 
INTEODUCTION. » 
 
 them had affianced brides, who, when they heard of this, dedicated 
 also their virginity unto God." 
 
 This story tells but one instance of what was taking place in a 
 rapidly increasing number of people, including many of the ablest 
 men of the time. Jerome and Augustine did much toward the foun- 
 dation of colonies of monks throughout Italy. A monastery at Mar- 
 seilles furnished teachers to Gaul, and so on until many parts of the 
 West, particularly along the shores of the Mediterranean, were dotted 
 with monasteries. The conditions of life in the West were not, 
 however, favorable to such a career as that of Eastern monks, so 
 there was need of a new rule, suited to the necessities of the case. 
 This need was best met in the sixth century, by the work of Benedict 
 of Nursia. 
 
 Born about the year 480, Benedict was sent to Rome to be edu- 
 cated, but saw so much wickedness there that he fled from it into 
 solitude. He finally settled at Monte Casino, where he established 
 a noted monastery. 
 
 He instituted the famous Benedictine rule which came to be 
 widely adopted throughout Western Christendom. His aim was the 
 foundation of a school for the Lord's service. Although the author 
 tried to formulate a rule in which there should be nothing too burden- 
 some or severe, he was most anxious to cure the vices of the monks, 
 even at the cost of severity. The result was a rule remarkable for 
 its moderation and freedom from pettiness ; sufficiently elastic to 
 suit individual needs and yet well suited to its purpose. Anyone 
 nfiight become a monk after his sincerity had been thoroughly tested. 
 He was then absolutely subject to the abbat of the monastery, and 
 special pains were taken to cultivate the virtues of obedience, humil- 
 ity, poverty, charity and temperance. It was not an easy life, but 
 it had its gentle side which showed itself in the hospitality to strangers 
 and the kind consideration for the sick and infirm. In order to do 
 away with idleness, the time which was not spent in worship was 
 divided between reading and manual labor. If there were any arti- 
 ficers in the monastery, they were allowed to practice their trades. 
 The rank of the monks was determined by the time of conversion 
 and merit of life. A great element in the monastic life was the 
 instruction of boys, who were carefully watched and under strict dis- 
 cipline. Any offence against the rule was punished by blows or 
 fasting, until the boy grew old enough to understand the meaning of 
 excommunication. 
 
10 INTKODUCTION. 
 
 It was Gregory I., the great monk and bishop, who sent the monk 
 to the English. Born of a noble Roman family, he had preferred 
 the life of the cloister to the high secular honors which fell to his 
 lot, and had given his wealth toward the founding of monasteries. 
 He was, however, a man of too much executive ability to admit of 
 his spending his life in a cloister. In 590, having rendered notable 
 service to the church, he was made pope. Much as he regretted 
 leaving the monastery, he devoted his energies to the work of the 
 office, and not only strengthened the church and monasticism at 
 home, but extended its influence abroad. 
 
 Among his missionary enterprises was the one which gave him the 
 well-deserved title of "Apostle of the EngUsh." In the words of the 
 great early English historian : " Whereas he bore the pontifical power 
 over all the world, and was placed over the churches already reduced 
 to the faith of the truth, he made our nation, till then given up to 
 idols, the church of Christ, so that we may be allowed thus to attri- 
 bute to him the character of an apostle, for though he is not an 
 apostle to others, yet he is so to us ; for we are the seal of his apostle- 
 ship in our Lord." 
 
 English monks might well be grateful to him, not only for the 
 great thought in his mind, but for the breadth and depth of the wis- 
 dom with which he carried it out. The mission to England was the 
 result of no sudden burst of enthusiasm on his part, but of ever- 
 watchful readiness to aid in bringing the fair-faced strangers to the 
 fulfillment of that high destiny which, if we may believe the old 
 story, was suggested to this celebrated punster by their English name. 
 Unable to do the work himself, he first asked Candidus, a presbyter 
 in Gaul, to buy a number of English captives, that they might be 
 trained in monasteries to be of service to God. How successful he 
 was we do not know, but soon after Gregory sent Augustine, the 
 prior of his monastery of Saint Andrews, with several other monks, 
 to preach to the English nation. These monks are described as 
 men who feared the Lord, and Augustine is referred to by Gregory 
 as a man of industry and zeal, instructed in the monastical rule, full 
 of knowledge of the holy Scripture, and endued with good works. 
 After they had fairly started on their journey, the prospect seemed 
 fearful to them, and they sent back Augustine to beg Gregory's per- 
 mission to return home.^ 
 
 ' Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 5 and 6. Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. i 
 c. 23. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 11 
 
 The reply of the pope is significant, in that the motive to which 
 he appealed was one of great force in all monastic work. After 
 urging them not to give up a good work once undertaken, he com- 
 forted them by the assurance that much labor would be followed by 
 an eternal reward. At the close of the letter, he referred again to 
 the joy of the reward in the eternal country. He also exhorted them 
 to obey Augustine as their abbat. 
 
 Of the civihzation of the English nation to which Augustine and 
 his monks were sent, we know very little. There were cities, towns 
 and villages of some sort, but the country to the north at least was 
 sparsely settled. The inhabitants were of the German race and it is 
 fair to suppose that they had the usual barbarian characteristics of 
 generosity, hospitality, impulsiveness, frankness, laziness, intemper- 
 ance and insubordination. The last three traits were especially 
 condemned in the penitentials and ecclesiastical rules. It is not 
 unlikely that the nation as a whole had that German sentiment of 
 loyalty such as animated Lilla when he interposed his body to save 
 his king from the sword of an enemy. They were pitiless toward 
 their enemies, killing and ravaging in a conquered country, and the 
 conditions of their life since coming to the island of Britain had not 
 been such as to encourage the arts and virtues of peace. They had 
 first come in the capacity of warriors, and had spent their time and 
 energy in fierce warfare, at first with the native inhabitants of the 
 island, and later with one another. That their contests were not con- 
 fined to national warfare, but extended to personal struggles, is evident 
 from the laws of Ethelbert, which are almost entirely taken up with 
 the prices to be paid in compensation for various bodily injuries 
 received in fighting. These fines were not to be paid to the govern- 
 ment, but to the injured person or his kinsmen, and varied, not in 
 accordance with the motive of the crime, nor the principle of every 
 man's equality before the law, but with the rank of the victim and 
 the extent of the injury. The deed was not regarded as a sin, but 
 as a personal loss to be duly paid for. It was the mark of a period 
 of almost ideal order when a woman with her babe could walk from sea 
 to sea without injury. Of the position of woman we can only judge 
 from the laws and from the sins pointed out to be guarded against 
 by monks. The penitentials of Theodore and Bede give a large 
 proportion of space to the consideration of the relation between the 
 sexes, and the universal celibacy of those aspiring to especially holy 
 living may be an index of the extent of the evil. The laws of 
 
12 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Ethelbert also touch this question. Slavery is mentioned in these 
 laws and seems to have been common among the English. Parents 
 even sold their children sometimes.^ 
 
 Their buildings seem to have been made of wood or wattles and 
 thatch, since we have frequent mention in Bede of the destruction 
 of buildings by fire. In one instance at least the fire was built in 
 the middle of the room, so that it was possible for the roof of wattles 
 and thatch to take fire from the sparks. 
 
 What their literature was we do not know definitely, but that there 
 was a native poetry is very probable. The poem of Beowulf was 
 composed by Germans before their coming to England, and Bede in 
 the story of Caedmon mentions the custom of singing songs for 
 amusement among the secular inhabitants at Whitby. These songs 
 were probably preserved in the memory of the people, since no 
 remnant of them has come down to us. It is even a disputed point 
 whether they used letters as we do. 
 
 It is fair to conclude that their religion was that of their German 
 forefathers, who probably worshipped a great all-father, Woden, and 
 many lesser divinities, who together had power over every event of 
 their lives. The generality of the people in England, however, seem 
 to have worshipped images of these gods in wood and stone. The 
 priests of the religion lived under certain peculiar restrictions, the 
 significance of which we do not know. Like the Christians, they 
 sometimes claimed the power of working miracles. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxons knew very little of Christianity. Although 
 there was a native British church, it had not force enough to with- 
 stand such an inroad of paganism, and the hatred which they felt 
 for their conquerors prevented their preaching their faith among 
 them. At the time of the coming of Augustine, the British church 
 confined its efforts to those parts of the country not under Anglo- 
 Saxon dominion, and the only trace of Christianity among the Eng- 
 lish was in Kent. The king of this province had married a Chris- 
 tian Frankish princess, who had brought with her a bishop to pre- 
 serve her faith. The king and his nation, however, still remained 
 pagan.^ 
 
 To these rude people came the monks of Gregory, and it is our 
 task to find out as far as possible what was their work for England. 
 
 'Theodore's Penitential, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 202. 
 "The chief source for this account of the state of the English has been 
 the Ecclesiastical History of Bede. 
 
CHAPTER 1. 
 Augustine and his followers. 
 
 In 597 Augustine and his companions landed on the island of 
 Thanet on the eastern coast of Britain. They sent word to Ethel- 
 bert, the king of Kent, that they had come from Rome, bringing an 
 excellent message, which certainly assured to all taking advantage of 
 it everlasting joys in heaven and a kingdom without end with the 
 living and true God. The Christian religion was not altogether un- 
 known to the king, as he had married a Frankish princess who was 
 a Christian, and she had brought with her a bishop to keep her in 
 the faith. He showed a disposition to treat the strangers fairly, 
 providing for their wants while he considered what to do with them.^ 
 
 Some days after, in response to his summons, they came to a con- 
 ference with him, carrying in place of a banner a silver cross and a 
 picture of the Christ, singing the litany and praying for their own 
 welfare and that of the English. A brief report of Augustine's words 
 says that he told " How Jesus, pitiful, by his own suffering redeemed 
 the sinfulness of the whole world, and to all the faithful opened a 
 door into the heavenly kingdom."^ Probably he laid considerable 
 stress too on promises of future rewards to those who should follow 
 his teaching.^ Ethelbert offered to supply all their needs ; nor did 
 he hinder them from making as many converts as they could. He 
 gave them a residence in Canterbury, and we can imagine the im- 
 pression made upon the English by the entrance into the city of 
 these forty monks with the cross and picture as they sang in concert 
 the litany : " We beseech Thee, O Lord, in all Thy mercy that Thy 
 anger and wrath be turned away from this city and from Thy holy 
 house, for we have sinned, hallelujah." 
 
 Having first addressed themselves to the king, the monks ap- 
 pealed to the people. They held meetings in the church of Saint 
 
 'Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, book I., chapter 25. 
 
 " Aelfric (A.D. 1000), Homilies, edition of the Aelfric Society, volume 
 II., page 129. (Haddan and Stubbs, voL III., p. 11.) This was written 
 some centuries after the event, but gives at least the traditional account. 
 
 ' The king in his reply conceded that his words and promises were very 
 fair. (Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. I., p. 25.) 
 
14 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 Martin, in which they sang, prayed, said mass, preached, and, when 
 opportunity offered, baptized. As they tried to live up to their 
 teaching by imitating the early apostles in the simplicity of their 
 life, showed no wordly desires, and by fasting, watching and praying 
 distinguished themselves from those about them, they showed them- 
 selves truly " men who feared the Lord."^ We are told that they 
 held themselves always ready to suffer and even to die for the truth 
 which they preached. To the men of their time, however, the story 
 of the wonderful miracles which they wrought was the most con- 
 clusive argument in favor of their truthfulness.^ Many persons, 
 among them the king, flocked to hear them, and received baptism 
 at their hands. The conversion of the king increased their influ- 
 ence, as he then allowed them to preach openly anywhere, and his 
 interest brought many to at least nominal allegiance to the new 
 faith. With the tolerance common to the Germans, Ethelbert re- 
 frained from compelling anyone to believe in Christianity. The 
 next year Gregory was able to exult in the success of his efforts, as 
 his monks were distinguishing themselves by the their marvellous 
 miracles and by the number of their converts. He had heard that 
 ten thousand Angles were baptized at one time.' 
 
 In the meantime, Augustine, who had been ordained bishop of the 
 English,^ sent to the pope an account of his work, and asked for a 
 solution to several puzzling questions which he did not feel equal to 
 deciding himself. The replies he received bear witness to the 
 catholicity and good sense of their author. Gregory was not so 
 bound by Roman methods that he could not adapt the customary 
 methods to suit the circumstances of the case. In answer to the 
 question into how many portions the offerings at the altar should be 
 divided, he mentioned that it was the custom at Rome for bishops 
 to divide all emoluments into four portions : one for the bishop and 
 his family, because of hospitality and entertainments ; one for the 
 clergy; one for the poor, and one to repair the churches. To 
 Augustine, however, as brought up under monastic rule, he recom- 
 mended the practice of the primitive church, according to which all 
 things were held in common. There would then be no question of 
 
 iBede, Hist. Eccles., bk. I., c. 23. 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles. bk. I., c. 26. 
 
 "Gregory to Eulogius, June, 598 (Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 12 J. 
 The story may have grown in its journey from England. 
 ■'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 1, c. 27, and Ep. to Eulogius as above. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 15 
 
 making portions, since all that could be spared was to be spent in 
 religious works. So, too, in regard to the church service to be used 
 in England, Augustine was not confined to the Roman usage, but 
 was to choose the best from every church and make up one service.^ 
 Offenders against the church were to be dealt with in the same spirit. 
 Those who stole the property of the church were to be corrected 
 according to their individual needs. A difference was recognized 
 between the man who stole from want and he who stole when he 
 had property. Even when severity was necessary, it was to be exer- 
 cised not from passion, but because the best good required it.^ He 
 summed up his whole policy in regard to the English church in a 
 few words :' " For at this time the holy church chastises some things 
 through zeal, and tolerates some through meekness, and connives at 
 some things through discretion, that so she may often, by this for- 
 bearance and connivance, suppress the evil which she disapproves, 
 but all that come to the faith are to be admonished not to do such 
 things ; and if any shall be guilty of them, they are to be excluded 
 from the communion of the blood and body of Christ. For as the 
 offence is in some measure to be tolerated in those who did it 
 through ignorance, so it is to be strenuously prosecuted in those 
 who do not fear to sin knowingly." 
 
 We get a glimpse of the life of the church in the admonitions in 
 regard to the clerks who were not in holy orders. They were per- 
 mitted to marry and receive their separate stipend, but they must 
 be carefully watched that they should live orderly lives, under eccle- 
 siastical rules, and attend to the singing of psalms and abstain from 
 everything unlawful.* 
 
 Gregory's efforts to further the work were unceasing. Finding 
 that Augustine needed more help, he sent several monks to England, 
 arid with them everything necessary for the services of the church, 
 such as vestments, relics, books and ornaments.* He sent also 
 letters to the queen, commending her zeal,'' and to Ethelbert, 
 requesting him to further the cause of Christ by suppressing the 
 old worship and tearing down the heathen temples. His upright 
 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 19. 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 20. 
 
 ^Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 21. Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. i, c. 27 
 (Giles' translation). 
 4 Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. i, c. 29. 
 Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. i7- 
 
16 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 life was to be to the people an example of Christian manhood, and 
 by exhorting, terrifying, soothing, and correcting, he was to elevate 
 the life of his people. The pope appealed to his desire for glory 
 and his fear of the judgment of God. The contrast between his 
 temporary kingdom and the kingdom of the saints, which should 
 never end, was brought home to his mind by a skillful reference to 
 the approaching end of the world.^ To Augustine came the gift of 
 the pall, by the use of which he might add more solemnity to the 
 mass.^ He also received a warning lest the miracles which were 
 said to have been performed should so puff him up as to call his 
 attention from that great work of conversion at which the whole 
 Christian world was rejoicing.^ 
 
 The time was now come for greater organization in the church. 
 Gregory gave to Augustine authority to appoint twelve bishops in 
 several places, who should be subject to his jurisdiction ; and to the 
 bishop appointed at York was to be given the right to appoint twelve 
 more there when occasion required it. All, however, bishops and 
 priests, were to be subject to Augustine. The clergy were divided 
 into bishops, priests, deacons and clerks.* 
 
 In order to make the transition from one faith to another more 
 easy, Gregory had decided to use the heathen temples as places of 
 Christian worship, instead of destroying them, as he had at first in- 
 tended.^ For the same reason, he advised the establishment of a 
 new religious feast similar to one which had been a part of the heathen 
 worship. The English had been accustomed to sacrifice cattle to 
 their divinities, and now on some day of special note in the religious 
 world they were to hold a feast in booths built of branches near the 
 church." 
 
 Thus had Gregory made a beginning toward the realization of his 
 hopes. Augustine was laboring with a band of monks, as he wished, 
 to the end that they might learn the rule of believing rightly and liv- 
 ing well, and, fulfilling their office in faith and good manners, might 
 
 ' Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 30-31. 
 
 ' Letter to Augustine, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 29. 
 
 ' Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 14-17. 
 
 'The bishops were to be appointed in such a way that on an occasion 
 of special importance, such as the ordination of a new bishop, they might 
 easily come together. (Gregory to Augustine, A.D. 601, Haddan and 
 Stubbs, vol. III., p. 29.) 
 
 = Gregory to Mellitus, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 37-38. 
 
 " Letter to Mellitus, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 37-38. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 17 
 
 attain to the heavenly kingdom.^ But it was only a beginning ; the 
 king, who was always ready to help them, gave them lands,'^ and as- 
 sisted them in their conference with the British bishops.' Probably 
 at their suggestion he had written down judicial decrees, in which, 
 first of all, he established the extent of the compensation which should 
 be given by anyone who stole anything belonging to the church or its 
 ministers.'' As Gregory had written to Ethelbert that the Lord would 
 more willingly hear Augustine's prayers in his behalf if he followed 
 his directions, he very likely did both " willingly hear and devoutly 
 perform " his instructions.^ Yet it is to be feared that many of his 
 subjects followed his example only nominally, as a reaction to pagan- 
 ism almost immediately followed his death. His son Eadbald, even 
 when converted himself, had not sufficient authority to restore Melli- 
 tus to his church.' The next year the work was extended by build- 
 ing a monastery not far from Canterbury. 
 
 The first contact of the Roman mission in Britain with 'the native 
 Celtic church came about through a conference called by Augustine 
 in the hope of persuading them to join him in his work.' It was 
 first necessary to come to an agreement in regard to the differences 
 of practice between the two churches, since the Celts did not observe 
 Easter at the same time as the Romans, and in various other ways 
 differed from the Roman custom. They could not come to an agree- 
 ment, however, and a second meeting led to no better result.' 
 
 The successor to Augustine's place was Laurentius, one of the 
 monks sent by Gregory to aid Augustine.' He seems to have left a 
 more vivid impression of his personality on the minds of the English 
 than Augustine, for while Augustine is called in a general way the 
 man of God, "beloved of God,'" Laurentius' unwearied labors, his 
 frequent exhortations and perseverence were remembered up to the 
 time of Bede. He made another appeal to the Scots and Britains, 
 entreating them to conform to the Roman usages, but without success. 
 The connection with Rome was kept up by Mellitus, who went to 
 confer with the pope, in regard to the affairs of the church.' While 
 
 ' Letter to Augustine, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 29. 
 
 ''Charter to Rochester, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. IIL, p. 52. 
 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 2. 
 
 'Laws of Ethelbert, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. HI., p. 42. 
 
 " Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. i, c. 32. 
 
 "Bade, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 6. 
 
 ' Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 4. 
 
 ' Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. i, cc. 23 and 27, and bk. 2, c. 3. 
 
18 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 he was there, he sat as the representative of the church in a synod of 
 bishops, which was held to discuss the affairs of the monks. So for 
 the first time the church of the EngUsh had a voice in the ecclesias- 
 tical councils of the day, and by its representative received the de- 
 crees of a Roman synod. ^ 
 
 After Ethelbert's death, there came sad days for his church, as his 
 successors refused to accept their father's God. When the kingdom 
 of the East Saxons also passed into pagan hands, the reaction became 
 so fierce that Mellitus and Justus fled to France. Laurentius was 
 about to follow, but, just before the time when he had intended to 
 go, he succeeded in converting the ruler of Kent. Although this 
 king did all in his power to promote the good of the church, he was 
 not strong enough to restore Mellitus to his see. Mellitus soon took 
 Laurentius' place as archbishop and, with Justus, governed the church 
 for five years with much industry. Then Justus, consecrating Ro- 
 manus to his place at Rochester, succeeded to the archbishopric.^ 
 The connection with Rome had been kept up, as a letter from the 
 pope, which he sent with the pall to Justus, is still preserved to us.' 
 
 On the death of Eadbald, the government of Kent passed to his 
 son, who had strength enough to force the people to forsake and 
 destroy their idols, and observe the forty days fast before Easter. 
 Although but few monasteries were built at this time, many, both men 
 and women, went to the monasteries of the Franks for instruction.* 
 
 At the very time when Christianity was losing something of its hold 
 in Kent, it gained an introduction into Northumbria, through the 
 marriage of Ethelburga of Kent to Edwin, the head of the northern 
 kingdom. Edwin had not yet become a Christian, but he promised 
 that the queen and her followers should continue to worship in their 
 own way. Accordingly, Paulinus, now a bishop,'' was sent with Ethel- 
 burga to keep her in the faith. This Paulinus, with his tall stooping 
 
 ^ What the decrees were we do not know, for those which have been 
 handed down to us are not authentic. (Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 
 62.) We only know that Mellitus did bring the decrees of this synod, 
 which had been confirmed by him, together with letters from Boniface. 
 (Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 4.) 
 
 sBede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, u. 6. 
 
 ^Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 72. 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 8. 
 
 = Paulinus was one of those mentioned above as sent by Gregory on the 
 second mission to Britain. (Letters of Gregory, Haddan and Stubbs, 
 vol. III., pp. 33-37.) 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 19 
 
 figure, black hair and thin face, was considered to have an aspect 
 both venerable and majestic.^ With this striking exterior went such 
 a singleness of purpose that his mind was wholly bent upon caUing 
 to a knowledge of the truth the nation to which he was going.^ 
 Ethelburga, who was said to excel in good works, was disposed to 
 give her assistance in the work of spreading the Christian faith.^ 
 Associated with them was James the deacon, " a man of great zeal in 
 Christ's church "^ and a fine singer after the Roman method.* The 
 new faith required a strong representation in Northumbria, for it had 
 to deal with a king who years afterward was remembered for his 
 great sagacity.'- 
 
 Paulinus had need of all his belief in the superiority of his own 
 religion, for Edwin had no mind to change his belief without good 
 reason. After careful instruction in the Christian faith, he "often 
 sat alone by himself a long time, silent, trying to decide which re- 
 ligion was more worthy of his adherence.^ Paulinus' efforts were 
 seconded by letters from the pope to Edwin, and Ethelburga set forth 
 the superiority of the Christian doctrine.^ We do not wonder that 
 the unlearned Englishman seemed more impressed by the certainty 
 which Paulinus and his followers presented to him, as an element of 
 their faith, than by the somewhat doctrinal epistle of the pope. When, 
 by what seemed a practical demonstration, Paulinus first persuaded 
 him of the efficacy of his prayers,^ the king promised him that if the 
 Lord gave him Ufe and victory in the struggle upon which he was 
 entering, he would change his religion. In proof of his sincerity, he 
 consented to the baptism of his infant daughter." When he found 
 that he was indeed victorious, he did indeed give up his own religion, 
 but still hesitated to accept Christianity. His final decision in its 
 favor is attributed by Bede to the fulfillment of a vision which had 
 appeared to him during his exile among the East Angles. According 
 to his storyj at a time when Edwin had fled from his country, and 
 even in danger of losing his life, a stranger had appeared to him who 
 had predicted that he would overcome his enemies and become 
 more powerful than any former king of the English. When asked 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 9. 
 
 ^Boniface to Ethelburga. Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 78-79. 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 16. 
 
 *Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 20. 
 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. Ill, pp. 7S-79- 
 
 8 Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. i, c. 12, 
 
20 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 if he would then follow the advice of the one who had foretold his 
 good fortune, Edwin promised to obey the man who should aid him 
 in winning such success. Thereupon the stranger laid his hand upon 
 his head and said : " When this sign shall be given you, remember 
 this our conversation, and do not delay to fulfill your promises." 
 Now to Paulinus, as Bade supposes, was revealed what had happened, 
 and putting his hand on the king's head, he asked him if he recog- 
 nized the sign. He pointed out that the prediction had now been 
 fulfilled, and promised, if Edwin kept his word, that he should be 
 saved from the everlasting torments of the wicked, and share the 
 eternal kingdom of heaven.^ 
 
 The motives of the English for changing their religion were as 
 various as the characters of the men. The chief priest of the old 
 religion was willing to change, because the gods of the old worship 
 had not sufficiently rewarded the diligence of his service to them. 
 He hoped that the new doctrine would be better and more effica- 
 cious.^ The liberal promises of a reward in heaven at least, which 
 had been made by the monks, appealed to this class of men. An- 
 other reason for change was given by one of them in language so 
 poetic that it may be permissible to quote it in full : " So seems the 
 life of man, O king, as a sparrow's flight through the hall, when a 
 man is sitting at meat in wintertide, with the warm fire lighted on 
 the hearth, but the chill rainstorm without. The sparrow flies in at 
 one door and tarries for a moment in the light and heat of the hearth- 
 fire, and then flying forth from the other, vanishes into the wintry 
 darkness whence it came. So tarries for a moment the life of man 
 in our sight, but what is before it and what after it we know not. 
 But if this new teaching tell us aught certainly of these, let us fol- 
 low it."» 
 
 ' Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, t. 12. It is hard to understand exactly the 
 meaning of this story. Bede is careful to attribute it to hearsay. If, as 
 Mr. Stubbs thinks (Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 75, note a), a previous 
 mission of Paulinus to the kingdom of East Anglia is implied, we may 
 perhaps conclude that the king recognized Paulinus and was struck with 
 this new instance of the certainty of the knowledge of these Christians. 
 Again, he may have considered the other conversation as a heavenly vision, 
 and like Bede, supposing Paulinus' knowledge of it to be miraculous, have 
 been led from that to adopt the wonderful doctrine. It may very likely be 
 only a story which grew up to explain Edwin's sudden conversion, but 
 even in that case it is interesting as showing the sort of thing that appealed 
 to the English. 
 
 -Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, i,. 13. 
 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., book 2, ch. 13, Green's translation. 
 
IN KARLY ENGLAND. 21 
 
 As the result of this conference, the king gave to Paulinus liberty 
 to preach publicly, and the former high priest was the first to break 
 the laws which formerly bound him. As the king and a large num- 
 ber of his subjects were instructed and baptized by Paulinus, the 
 desire to hear of the new faith spread rapidly.^ At one time we are 
 told that for thirty-six days the bishop did nothing from morning till 
 night but instruct and baptize the people who came out to him from 
 all the villages and rural districts. The pope recognized his work 
 by sending him a pall.^ 
 
 The services of the church were simple, for there had been no 
 opportunity to build oratories, fonts, and the other accessories of 
 the more highly developed continental worship. Yet several churches 
 were built at this time,^ one of which, even after the improvements 
 introduced into ecclesiastical architecture by Wilfrid and Benedict 
 Biscop, was spoken of as of beautiful workmanship.' Among the 
 precious possessions of Edwin were a large gold cross and golden 
 chalice dedicated to the use of the altar.'' 
 
 In a letter of exhortation to Edwin, the pope attributed his con- 
 duct as king to his knowledge of the Christian faith.^ It was said 
 that in his day the land was so peaceful that a woman with her babe 
 might walk through the island from sea to sea without receiving any 
 injury. To such an extent did the king's care for his people go, 
 that he even caused drinking vessels to be hung at various springs 
 near the highways for the convenience of travelers. It was a mark 
 of the king's power that none dared to touch them for any pur- 
 pose save that for which they were designed. A standard-bearer 
 went before the king with a banner even in lime of peace.' He 
 was a good friend to his priests. It was partly at his request that 
 the pope was induced to send the pall to Paulinus.^ It was through 
 his influence, too, that the king of the East Angles was induced to 
 return to the Christian faith." 
 
 At Edwin's death the kingdom was left at the mercy of the 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 14. 
 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 17. 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 16. 
 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. S3. 
 
 "Letter to Honorius, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 84. 
 
 "It is difficult to tell just how much of Edwin's greatness was due to his 
 religion. It would be assuming too much to attribute it all to that source 
 without making allowance for the natural ability of the man. 
 
22 THE WOKK OF THE MONK 
 
 heathen Penda of Mercia. Paulinus and Ethelburga fled to Keni 
 leaving only James the deacon to continue the work of teaching am 
 baptizing in the church of York.^ 
 
 iBede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 20. 
 
IN EAELY ENGLAND. 23 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 The Beginnings of Irish Christianity. 
 
 Let us turn now to Ireland, that " Isle of Saints and Sages " whose 
 inhabitants did so much to aid the efforts of Augustine's followers. 
 The true story of its great men has almost been crowded out by the 
 mass of legend which the affection and imagination of succeeding 
 generations has gathered about their names. 
 
 The first Christian missionary in Ireland of whom we have any 
 definite knowledge is the world-renowned Saint Patrick. Before his 
 time we have evidence of the existence of Christians on the island, 
 but in general the country seems to have been pagan.* As to Pat- 
 rick's early home, we only know what he has told us in his Confes- 
 sion and Epistle to Caroticus, that it was in the village of Bannaven, 
 
 * There are references in the chronicle of Prosper, A.D. 454-463, to Pal- 
 ladius, who was ordained bishop of the Irish by pope Celestine, but accord- 
 ing to the book of Armagh, written about 700, his work was not successful. 
 There have been many theories advanced in regard to the work attributed 
 to Palladius and Patrick, some even contending that the men were identi- 
 cal (Loofs, DeAntiqua Brittonum Scottorumque Ecclesia, p. 51 ; Todd's 
 Life of Saint Patrick, p. 306), but it is suiEcientfor our present purpose to 
 know that the work was done, without entering into such vexed questions. 
 The investigations of noted Irish scholars point to the conclusion that 
 the native legend of Irish Christianity before Saint Patrick are untrust- 
 worthy, and the words of foreign writers which have been collected by 
 Haddan and Stubbs furnish no proof of the existence of such a church. The 
 writings of Patrick do not give the impression that the island was Chris- 
 tianized, although he says that he went to baptize or ordain clergy, or con- 
 firm the people in the faith, as if there had been such work in the more 
 frequented parts. (Confession, p. 311.) 
 
 G. T. Stokes gives the following reasons for trusting Patrick's Confes- 
 sion and Epistle to Caroticus : 
 
 1. The mention of Decurions, "If the Epistle to Caroticus had been 
 forged only a century later, the forger would have known nothing of De- 
 curions, as the barbarian invaders of the Roman Empire substituted their 
 own local organization in the villages and small towns for that of the Ro- 
 mans." (Stubbs' Constitutional History of England, vol. I.) 
 
 2. The use of the plural word " Brittaniae," the correct designation 
 
24 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 Taberniae,^ but on its location critics are not agreed. Before he 
 was sixteen years of age, he was taken captive and carried to Ireland.^ 
 There he probably tended cattle, and in his loneliness he used to 
 spend days and nights in the woods in prayer.'^ At length in a 
 dream he says he was told a way of escape, but when he was free and 
 at home with his parents, he seems to have had another dream, in 
 which he saw coming from Ireland a man who gave him a letter be- 
 ginning: "The Voice of the Irish." He fancied he heard them 
 begging him to come over and live among them.' From that time, 
 he seems to have felt the spirit of God within him, continually im- 
 pelling him to do his will. Marvelling at the signs and wonders 
 which appeared to him,* and influenced by the study of the Gospel 
 and its promises,^ he felt bound to give to the Lord what he could, 
 as a recompense for his mercies.* It was with a real feeling of rev- 
 erence at the thought that he in his ignorance should be permitted 
 to attempt to approach a work so pious and so wonderful' that he 
 left his country and parents to make known to the Irish " the gift of 
 God and his everlasting consolation, and without fear to spread 
 faithfully everywhere the name of God." '^ To this end he de- 
 termined to preach and to establish a clergy who should baptize and 
 exhort the people. 
 
 The doctrine he taught agreed in most points with that of the 
 Romans.' " There is no other God, neither ever was, neither be- 
 
 among the Romans for Britain, because it was divided in the fourth cen- 
 tury, the age of Patrick's youth, into five provinces. 
 
 3. The quotations from an ante-Hieronymian version- of the Bible in 
 both documents. 
 
 4. Mention of married clergy. 
 
 5. Agreement of the style with that of Gregory of Tours. 
 
 6. The references to the events of the age correspond with facts known 
 from other sources. 
 
 7. Absence of reference to miracles. (Introduction to Writinge of Pat- 
 rick by C. H. H. Wright, p. 14.) 
 
 ' Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 296. 
 ^ Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part 11., p. 300. 
 ' Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 303. 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 309. 
 ' Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 313. 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 297. 
 ' Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 306. 
 ' Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., pp. 297-298. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 25 
 
 fore, nor shall be hereafter, except God the Father, unbegotten with- 
 out beginning. From whom is all beginning, upholding all things, 
 as we have said ; and his son Jesus Christ, whom indeed with the 
 Father we testify to have always been, before the origin of the 
 world, spiritually with the Father ; in an inexplicable manner begot- 
 ten before all beginning ; and by Himself were made the things, 
 visible and invisible, and was made man ; and death having been 
 vanquished, was received into the heavens to the Father, and He 
 has given to Him all power above every name of those that are in 
 heaven, on earth and under the earth, that every tongue should con- 
 fess to Him that Jesus Christ is Lord and God, in whom we believe 
 and expect His coming, to be ere long the Judge of the living and 
 the dead, who will render to everyone according to his deeds, and 
 He hath poured upon us abundantly ' the Holy Spirit,' a gift and 
 pledge of immortality ; who makes the faithful and obedient to be- 
 come ' sons of God and joint-heirs with Christ ' ; whom we confess 
 and adore — one God in the holy Trinity of the sacred name." The 
 day of judgment when he should be obliged to render an account 
 of all his sins before the divine tribunal was very real to him, and 
 he held up to his people at once the joys of the eternal kingdom, 
 reserved for those who did the will of Christ, and the terrors of the 
 eternal punishment which would be the fate of transgressors.^ Yet 
 with the power, might and wisdom of God,^ were inextricably 
 blended in his conception the fatherly care and protection of Him 
 who had protected and comforted him, as a father does a son.' In 
 him the love of God and the fear of Him increased together.^ 
 
 He counted it his greatest gift that he was permitted so to know 
 God or to love Him that he could leave his country and parents and 
 dihgently and cheerfully travel to the most remote places to baptize 
 and ordain clergy and confirm the people in the faith.* Snow, frost 
 or rain did not dampen his ardor.^ He braved every danger of 
 murder, slavery or robbery, that with fear and reverence and with- 
 out complaining he might serve the nation to which he was sent.*" 
 And that he did serve them, not merely by preaching and exhorta- 
 
 ^Epistle to Caroticus, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., pp. 317- 
 
 319- 
 
 ^Confession, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 321. 
 3 Confession, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 297. 
 •Confession, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part 11., pp. 305, 306 and 307. 
 'Confession, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 300. 
 
26 THE WOKK OF THE MONK 
 
 tion, but with a fatherly affection which was most tender, is evident 
 from his Epistle to Caroticus. 
 
 He not only admonished Caroticus and his soldiers to give satis- 
 faction to God for their sins of murder and robbery, he charged his 
 followers to refuse to eat with the robbers or accept alms of them.^ 
 He showed his hatred of avarice by refusing all gifts that were 
 offered him,^ and dispensing the rite of ordination gratuitously. We 
 do not wonder that a eulogist said of him that he stimulated by his 
 good deeds those whom he did not convert by his words.^ The 
 sons of the Irish and daughters of chieftains became monks and vir- 
 gins, even against the will of their fathers, and slaves became Chris- 
 tians in spite of the threats of their masters. Many Christians were 
 carried off into slavery, even when in the white robes of the newly 
 baptized, and while the oil with which they were annointed still 
 glistened on their foreheads.* Yet Ireland was being most auspi- 
 ciously planted and instructed. The number of those baptized 
 amounted to many thousand.^ 
 
 Patrick was confessedly ignorant,^ but he had intimate acquaint- 
 ance with parts, at least, of the Bible and apocryphal books. Those 
 of his writings which are left to us are in Latin ; very bad Latin, to 
 be sure, at least in the form in which it has come down to us,^ but 
 still an entering wedge, which was to open the way for a degree of 
 learning which was to make the name of Ireland famous. If he 
 really wrote the hymn attributed to him,' he felt it necessary to in- 
 voke the power of God against the incantations of false prophets, 
 and the spells of women, smiths and druids, which would make it 
 appear that his ignorance was accompanied by superstition. Allow- 
 ing for all that, we still have left a sincerity of purpose, simplicity of 
 faith and nobleness of life, the mark of which lends a peculiar charm 
 to his written work in spite of its roughness and obscurity, and whose 
 influence for good it is impossible to measure. 
 
 ^Epistle to Caroticus, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 315. 
 
 'Confession, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 310. 
 
 "Hjmn of Secundinus, Haddan and Stubbs, vol., II., part II., p. 324. 
 
 * Epistle to Caroticus, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 314. 
 
 'At least that is the sense of the passage as it now stands, but the text 
 is marked as uncertain. (Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 298, 
 note 21.) 
 
 "The text of his writings is very corrupt. 
 
 'It was held to be St. Patrick's in the eighth century. (Haddan and 
 Stubbs, vol. 11., part II., p. 323, note a.) 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 27 
 
 He was a great representative of the first order of Irish saints who 
 broke the ground for later work. Indeed, he is the only one of 
 whom we have a definite knowledge. The others are little known 
 except as the subjects of imaginative tales which can hardly be dig- 
 nified by the name of biographies. We have left, however, a gen- 
 eral description of them written sometime before the middle of the 
 eighth century, which states that they were 350 in number, found- 
 ers of churches, and all bishops, either Roman, Prankish, British or 
 Irish. They all acknowledged Christ as their head and Patrick as 
 their leader. They observed one form of the mass, one celebration, 
 one tonsure^ and one Easter. What was excommunicated from one 
 church was excommunicated from all. Most notable of all, they 
 did not reject the services and companionship of women. It is 
 noteworthy that in this description there is no mention of monks or 
 monasteries.'^ Patrick, indeed, mentions monks and virgins, but his 
 work appears to have been rather that of a missionary than a founder 
 of monasteries. 
 
 It was the second order of Irish saints who made the country 
 famous for its sanctity and learning. It was to them that England 
 owed the recall of the North from the heathen reaction which fol- 
 lowed the fall of the church of Paulinus and Edwin. A marked char- 
 acteristic of this order seems to have been the monastic form which 
 its efforts took. These saints are said to have received the manner 
 of celebrating the mass from the British saints, David, Gildas and 
 Cadoc,' who were connected with the monastic church of the Brit- 
 ish.^ Gildas himself probably went on a mission to Ireland.^ We 
 have evidence that several of the Irish saints were instructed in the 
 Welsh monastery of Candida Casa." These men are described as 
 differing among themselves in regard to the celebration of the mass 
 and the rules by which they governed their lives, but they were 
 agreed in acknowledging the Lord as their head in the time of ob- 
 
 'This was the Irish form, extending from ear to ear. 
 
 ^Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 292. 
 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., p. 293. The legendary accounts 
 of several Irish saints state that they studied in Britain, generally under 
 some one of these three men. (Haddan and Stubbs, vol. I., p. 116, note.) 
 
 *Gildas' works. Haddan and Stubbs, vol. I., pp. 108-115.' Excerpta 
 de Libro Sancti David, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. I., p. 119. 
 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. I., p. 45, note, and p. 115, note. 
 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. I., p. 116, note. Also Life of Darerca, Acta 
 Sanctorum, July, vol. II., p. 294. 
 
28 THE WOEK OF THE MONK 
 
 serving Easter and in the form of their tonsure. They all rejected 
 the services of women/ and excluded them from their monasteries. 
 
 If the lives of this second order of saints are filled with their 
 excessive austerities, they also have much to say of the great num- 
 ber of them who devoted themselves to study and teaching.^ 
 We can get some idea of what they studied from the writings 
 of the Irish Cummian, who in his Epistle to Segienus,' writ- 
 ten in 634, shows a careful study of the Bible, with the help of 
 Jerome, Augustine, Origin, Gregory and Cyprian. Besides, he knew 
 something of church history, having looked into the religious cus- 
 toms of the Romans, Hebrews, Greeks and Egyptians. He had 
 some knowledge of Greek and a good command of Latin, and had 
 carefully studied the various cycles of Patrick, Anatolius, Theophilus, 
 Dionysius, Cyril, Morinus, Augustine, Victorius and the Egyptian 
 Pacominus. The Irish monasteries were like Christian colonies, 
 forming a great ecclesiastical family within the tribe. 
 
 Their work became so famous that many English youths went to 
 Ireland and devoted themselves to monastic life there, or spent their 
 time in study, wandering from one cell to another. The Irish showed 
 their generous, hospitable spirit and love of learning by supplying 
 them with food, books and teaching without charge.* 
 
 One of the most important of the Irish monastic establishments 
 of this period was that of Bangor, founded by Comgall, one of the 
 second order of Irish saints. According to a statement in the life 
 of the founder, so many monks flocked to him that it was necessary 
 to build many cells and monasteries throughout various provinces.^ 
 The monks of Comgall became well known, not only in Ireland, but 
 in foreign countries. 
 
 The hymn sung in his honor by later monks represent the first 
 abbat of Bangor as a man well endowed with all monkish virtues, 
 humble, kind, praiseworthy in morals, learned and pious.* The only 
 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., pp. 292-293. 
 
 ''Life of Declan, Acta Sanctorum, July, vol. V., p. 596. Life of Kevin 
 of Glendalough, Acta Sanctorum, June, vol. I., p. 306. Account of 
 Mochta in Todd's Life of Patrick, pp. 29-31. Life of Laserian of Devenish, 
 Acta Sanctorum, April, vol. II., p. 540. 
 
 'Migne's Patrologia Latina, vol. LXXXVII., pp. 969-978. 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. III., c. 27. 
 
 '"'Life of Comgall, Acta Sanctorum, May, vol. II., p. 582. 
 
 "Antiphonary of Bangor, Migne's Pat. Lat., vol. LXXII., pp. 593-597. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 29 
 
 saying of his which we have came down to us in a quotation made 
 by his famous pupil, Columbanus.^ It shows at once the aim of the 
 man and some of the difficulties he met in his work : " If the culti- 
 vator of land and husbandman, in preparing the soil to commit to it 
 the seed, does not consider the work all done, when he has broken 
 up the earth with a strong share, and by the action of the plow has 
 reduced the stubborn soil, but further endeavors to cleanse the 
 ground of unfruitful weeds, to clear it of injurious rubbish, and to 
 pluck up by the root the spreading shoots of thorns and brambles, 
 fully persuaded that his land will never produce a good crop, unless 
 it be reclaimed from mischievous plants, applying to himself the 
 words of the prophet : ' Break up your fallow ground and sow not 
 among thorns.' How much more does it behoove us, who believe 
 the hope of our fruits to be laid up, not on earth, but in Heaven, to 
 cleanse from vicious passions the field of our heart, and not suppose 
 that we have done enough when we subdue the ground of our 
 bodies by the labour of fasting and of watching, unless we primarily 
 study to correct our vices and reform our morals." 
 
 Under this man, Columbanus and many other youths prepared 
 themselves to become teachers of others. They probably spent 
 much time, as did Comgall in his youth,^ in learning psalms and 
 hymns, and by prayer and fasting, and self-sacrifice, trying to be- 
 come followers of Christ.' Here they learned to look to God as the 
 illuminator of darkness, and founder of the elements, their hope and 
 salvation and aid in tribulation, defender of souls.* The hymns of 
 the monks show a careful and minute study of the Old and New 
 Testament. Whatever was miraculous in them seemed particularly 
 impressive, while the poetic imagery of the Hebrew writings left its 
 impress on their literary style. We have an Antiphonary of Bangor 
 which gives collects for the various canonical hours, and numerous 
 
 'Second Instruction of Columbanus, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. LXXX., pp. 
 233-234. Notker Balbulus, a monk .of St. Gall, who flourished in 890, thus 
 identifies the Latin Faustus with the Irish equivalent: " Columba cum 
 plurimos discipulos sanctitatis suae pares habuisset, unum tamen, Com- 
 gellum Latine Fausti nomine illustrem praeceptorem B. Columbani 
 magistri domini patris nostri Galli, etc. (Ulster Journal of Archaeology, 
 vol. L, p. 174.) 
 
 ^Life of Comgall, Acta Sanctorum, May, vol. II., p. 579. 
 
 'Life of Columbanus, Migne's Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXVIL, p. 106. 
 
 * Antiphonary of Bangor, Migne's Pat. Lat., vol. LXXIL, p. 598. 
 
30 THE WORK OP THE MONK 
 
 hymns and prayers.' There, as in other' monasteries, the giving of 
 alms was a recognized duty. An extract from a hymn on the Rule 
 of Bangor will give an idea of how the monastic life seemed to them. 
 " The good rule of Bangor, upright and divine, strict, holy, careful, 
 altogether just and wonderful. Munther Bangor the blessed, founded 
 on a certain faith, adorned with the hope of salvation, of perfect 
 charity, a ship never disturbed, although beaten by the waves, pre- 
 pared for her nuptials, the bride of the Lord the king. A house full 
 of delights, built upon a rock, and also a true vine brought out of 
 Egypt, certainly a firm city, strong and fortified, glorious and worthy, 
 placed upon a mountain." 
 
 From this monastery, two noteworthy missionaries went to Britain, 
 Comgall the abbat and founder, who, besides paying visits to lona, 
 stayed for a time at a monastery which he founded in the region of 
 Heth,' and Maelrubha, his kinsman, who founded a monastery at 
 Applecross in 673, and was abbat there for fifty-one years. He 
 acquired so great a reputation for sanctity that he was regarded as 
 the patron saint of that part of Scotland, both in islands and on the 
 mainland.^ 
 
 If the accounts of Bangor give us an idea of the religious life of 
 an Irish monastery, those of Hy supplement it by a view of the work- 
 ing machinery of such an institution. Off the west coast of Scotland 
 lies the island of Hy, whose solitude and silence, broken only by the 
 songs of the birds and the noise of the waves, made it an ideal place 
 for the sixth century monk. Here, in 563, came the Irish Columba 
 with twelve disciples,^ dressed in rough garments, and carrying the 
 long staffs which seem to have accompanied the Irish missionaries 
 everywhere." Their hair at the back of the head was long and flow- 
 ing, but on the top was shaved close to the head back to a line ex- 
 
 ' Antiphonai-y of Bangor, Migne's Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXVII., pp. 585-606. 
 The memorial of the abbats of Bangor, written at the end of the Anti- 
 phonary, closes with a notice of Cronan, who is thought to have lived in 
 the latter part of the seventh -century ; vide Migne, vol. LXXII., p. 582, 
 and Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. I., p. 171. 
 
 ''Life of Comgall, Acta Sanctorum, May, vol. II., p. 582. 
 
 ■'Article on Maelrubha by William Reeves, in Proceedings of Society of 
 Antiquaries in Scotland, vol. III., pp. 261-264, taking material from Irish 
 accounts. 
 
 ■■Reeves' Introduction to Adamnan's Life of Columba, p. LXXI. 
 
 "Anderson's Scotland in Early Christian Times, p. 162. Reeves as 
 above, p. CXVIII. Life of Columba, by Adamnan, bk. 2, c. 25. 
 
IN EAELY ENGLAND. 31 
 
 tending from ear to ear.^ The leader was one of the second order 
 of Irish saints who from childhood had been trained by men de- 
 voted to the service of God." He is said to have studied under Fin- 
 barr, of Maghbile/ who was educated at Candida Casa,' and under 
 Finian of Clonard, who was of those deriving their system from 
 Gildas, Cadoc, and David." ^ Already the founder of a number of 
 monasteries in Ireland,* Columba decided to make a settlement on 
 the island of Hy. From the account of his biographer, Adamnan, 
 we can get a reasonably clear picture of this establishment.' 
 
 Of the buildings mentioned on the island, the most important was 
 the church of two rooms, in which was an altar. Judging from the 
 remains of similar structures, it was extremely simple and rude in 
 style, very slightly ornamented.' The windows were small, splayed 
 inside to admit as much light as possible." The only claim to beauty 
 which these early churches possessed appears to have been their fit- 
 ness for the purpose for which they were designed, since there was 
 nothing in them to distract the attention of the worshipper.^" 
 
 'Anderson's Scotland in Early Christian Times, p. 162. 
 
 ^ Haddan and Stubbs, vol. II., part II., 293. Adamnan's Life of Columba, 
 bk. III., c. III. ; bk. II.. c. IXXVI. 
 
 ^Adamnan's Life of Columba, bk. II., c. i. 
 
 * Haddan and Stubbs, vol. I., p. 120. 
 
 '' Skene's Celtic Scotland, vol. II., p. 53. Reeves' Introduction to Adam- 
 nan, p. XXXV. 
 
 "Quotation from Irish Life of Columba, in Skene's Celtic Scotland, 
 vol. II., pp. 53-55. Also, Reeves' Introduction to Adamnan, pp. XLIX.-LX. 
 
 ■' Although Adamnan wrote a century after Columba, the incidental ref- 
 erences which he makes to the customs of the place may probably be 
 taken as true of Columba's time also, as he was abbat of Hy, and not only 
 had the best of opportunities for getting traditional accounts, but was also 
 familiar with all the little incidents of a life which could not have changed 
 much since Columba's day. 
 
 'We do not know what material was used in its construction. The 
 monastic buildings in the northern and eastern parts of Ireland, and at 
 least sometimes in the other parts, are supposed to have been of stone 
 (Petrie's Round Towers, pp. 18S, 420 and 421), but as Adamnan indicates 
 that some of the other buildings on the island were of wood, it is more 
 likely that the monks used that material throughout. In that case, there 
 was J)robably no other difference between the stone and the wooden 
 buildings. 
 
 ° Petrie's Round Towers, pp. 170, 180-183, 188. For plates in illustration, 
 see Lord Dunraven's Notes on Irish Architecture. 
 
 *° Petrie's Round Towers, p. 190. 
 
32 THE WOEJC OF THE MONK 
 
 The dwelling of the abbat was naturally the most prominent of the 
 houses of the monks. It was a small hut, built with joists on high 
 ground, and furnished with a lock and key. It had, in Columba's 
 time, a bare fiag for a couch, and for a pillow a stone. The other 
 monks had huts built of wood or wattles, which probably, like the 
 cells of monks in Ireland, were so small as to accommodate but a 
 single person. They were furnished with beds having pallets and 
 pillows. After the Irish custom, these buildings were enclosed by a 
 wall, probably of circular form.^ 
 
 Here, Columba and his monks attempted so to live as to offer to 
 the people about them an example of their ideal of Christian man- 
 hood. Here they tried to increase in good conduct and the virtues 
 of the soul, and to become versed in the Holy Scriptures. Adamnan 
 has given us many hints of the domestic life of the establishment. 
 
 Among the occupations of the monks, agriculture seems to have 
 taken a prominent place. Adamnan pictures them for us as familiar 
 with most of the varied tasks which occupy a modern farmer, as 
 plowing, sowing, reaping, winnowing and gathering the grain into 
 barns. There was also a kiln for grinding corn. They had cows 
 which were milked in a cow shed, from which the milk was brought 
 in pails to the monastery, either on the back of some one connected 
 with the institution or by a packhorse. The horse, however, does 
 not appear to be used about the harvesting. That the monks were 
 quite skillful workers in metal is evident from the fact that they were 
 able to melt down a piece of iron and put a coating of it onto knives. 
 Their insular position made it necessary for them to use boats almost 
 constantly. Various kinds are mentioned by Adamnan ; some of 
 them of wood, and some covered with leather. In some cases they 
 were provided with both sails and oars. They also used leather to 
 make water bottles for use at sea. The work for which the monks 
 of Columba became most famous was the transcription of books, and 
 Columba himself was noted for his taste for reading and skill in 
 writing.^ 
 
 There seems to have been a certain organization among the mon- 
 asteries founded by this saint. We have several notices of his visits 
 to monasteries which have been attributed to him, and sometimes he 
 
 'Petrie's Round Towers, pp. 418-419. Also Introduction to Reeves' 
 Adamnan, p. CXXI. It is not unlikely that there was also a separate 
 kitchen and refectory. 
 
 ' Irish life of Columba, quoted in Skene's Celtic Scotland, vol. II. p. 407. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 33 
 
 gave orders as to their administration. He was always regarded with 
 veneration by the monks. In his own monastery of Hy, he was 
 treated with the utmost reverence as the acknowledged leader. He 
 exacted implicit obedience from those under his care, but had the 
 reputation of being very thoughtful of them. He regulated their 
 departure from the monastery, corrected their faults, prayed with 
 them when ill, and had general charge of the religious life of the 
 community. This consisted of twelve monks at first, but more later 
 youths who were studying there, and frequent visitors. Like the 
 other Irish saints of his time, Columba was a presbyter, so that his 
 monks called in help when they wanted a bishop's office performed. 
 
 The Sabbath and Saints' days were festival days and marked by 
 rest from labor, better food and the celebration of the mass. There 
 seem also to have been other services during the week, day and 
 night, at which the singing of hymns and psalms formed an impor- 
 tant element. Both Columba and the brethren were given to prayer 
 in solitary places. Easter and Christmas were also observed, the 
 former, especially, being the great festival of the year. On special 
 occasions, the abbat summoned the monks to prayer by the sound of 
 a bell.i 
 
 Of the burial services we only know they lasted three days and 
 nights, while the praises of God were sung. Then the body was 
 wrapped in a shroud of linen, placed in a coffin and buried with due 
 reverence. 
 
 Aside from the power of the example set by himself and his monks, 
 Columba exercised considerable influence over those about him. 
 Said to be of noble birth himself, he was the honored friend of kings 
 and princes. He did not, however, confine his efforts to those in 
 authority. The poor, exiles, prisoners, and even slaves were the ob- 
 jects of his care. He has the name, too, of being the patron of the 
 native literature.^ 
 
 In his direct teaching, he rebuked the sins of murder, adultery, 
 avarice, dishonesty. He urged the necessity of heartfelt repentance, 
 
 'This was probably the tall tapering iron implement with flattened ends 
 and bulging sides, and a looped handle, which was peculiar to the Celtic 
 church. (Anderson's Scotland in Early Christian Times, vol. I., p. 214.) 
 
 ^Adamnan speaks as if he had been accustomed to listen to the poet 
 Cronan, and a later Irish life tells of his defense of the Irish literary men 
 against the enmity of the king. (Skene's Celtic Scotland, vol. II., pp. 
 495-496. Also O'Curry's Mann ers and Customs of the Ancient Irish, vol. 
 m., p. 245.) 
 
34 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 shown often by submission to a state of penance. The chief object 
 in his mind was apparently to bring the people to live good lives, 
 that they might attain to the heavenly kingdom. The giving of 
 alms was especially recommended. It is noteworthy that he did not 
 encourage the disregard of family ties, although the monastic life 
 seems to have been considered the more blessed, and the canons of 
 the Irish church show that the Irish clergy were not allowed to 
 marry.^ 
 
 The example set by the first monks of Hy was followed by their 
 successors. During the reign of Edwin of Northumbria, it was the 
 chief monastery of the northern Scots and Picts. Its monks were 
 noted for their continency, love of God, observance of monastic rule, 
 and for their possession of the grace of charity.'^ 
 
 'Loofs, DeAntiqua Britlonum Scottorumque Ecclesia, p. 82, quoting 
 from Wasserschleben's Collection of Irish Canons. 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 4. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 35 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 FROM THE PAGAN REACTION TO THE COMING OF THEODORE. 
 
 The life of the Irish monks has great interest to the student of 
 English history, because it was through their agency that Northum- 
 bria was finally Christianized. The efforts of Paulinus during Ed- 
 win's reign had had no lasting effect, as the conquest of the country 
 by the Mercian king Penda, and the Briton Cadwalla, was followed 
 by a pagan reaction.^ The man who next came to the throne was 
 Oswald, who during the reign of Edwin had been in exile among the 
 Scots.^ He had there received baptism and had been carefully in- 
 structed in the Christian religion, probably by the monks of Hy.'' 
 
 His training showed itself constantly in his humility and generos- 
 ity to the poor.* His custom of constant prayer became proverbial." 
 
 One of his first acts on coming to the throne was to send to Hy 
 for a man who should instruct the English nation in the Christian 
 faith.^ On the failure of the first teacher, Aidan, a man of greater 
 discretion was sent,* who obtained not only the ear of the king, but 
 that of the people as well. Oswald's money and lands were given 
 freely for the cause. He built several new churches,' in addition to 
 finishing the one begun by Edwin.' A close connection with Irish 
 thought and life was brought about by the great influx of Irish monks 
 to Britain." The king even gave his time to act as interpreter to 
 Aidan. It was well for the people that his desire for a heavenly 
 kingdom did not hinder his efforts to make the most of his earthly 
 sovereignty, since the comparative peace which he brought about by 
 the union of Bernicia and Deira" gave Aidan a better chance to work. 
 
 ' Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. i ; and bk. 2, c. 20. 
 
 ''Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, i,. i. 
 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 3 ; Adaranan'sLifeof Columba, bk. i, c. i. 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 5. 
 
 °Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, t. 12. 
 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 3. 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 2, c. 20. 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 6. 
 
36 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 Aidan was eminently well fitted for the work which he had under- 
 taken both by the natural tact, which caused him to modify his doc- 
 trine to suit the needs of his hearers, and by the consistency of his 
 doctrine and his life.^ "A man of singular piety, meekness and 
 moderation," ^ his zeal in reading the Scriptures, writing and learn- 
 ing psalms, made him a model for future generations.^ Men spoke 
 with astonishment of one who cared more for the se occupations than 
 for a royal banquet ; who kept all his gifts for the poor, and did not 
 even reserve for himself a horse given him by the king.' His zeal 
 woke an answering enthusiasm in those about him, so that his fre- 
 quent journeys of instruction found their reward in the monasteries 
 that were built, and the joy with which the people flocked to hear 
 him.'^ His principal monastery was on the Isle of Lindisfarne, 
 which came to rival in reputation that of Hy. There he took twelve 
 English boys and gave them a Christian education. He also ran- 
 somed slaves and educated them for the priesthood. Although 
 kings and great men sometimes came to Lindisfarne to worship, the 
 place was remarkable for its frugality, as the monks had only enough 
 for their necessities, giving everything superfluous to the poor.* 
 Aidan's influence was so great that even the king aecepted reproof 
 from him.^ Like Bede, we can commend as praiseworthy his love 
 of peace and charity ; his continence and humility ; his mind, supe- 
 rior to anger and avarice, and despising pride and vainglory ; his 
 industry in teaching and keeping the heavenly commandments ; his 
 diligence in reading and watching ; his authority becoming a priest 
 in reproving the haughty and powerful ; and at the same time his 
 tenderness in comforting the afflicted, and relieving or defending the 
 poor.'' 
 
 In the meantime the province of the East Angles came into the 
 possession of Sigebert, who had lived for some time in France.' He 
 had been so impressed with the religious institutions of that country 
 that he wished to imitate them in his own. With the aid of Felix, 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 5. 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 3. 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, cc. 5 and 14. 
 *Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 26. 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, t. 14. 
 " Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 17. 
 
 'This province had twice before been under the rule of Christian kings, 
 only to fall again into pagan hands. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. ^ 37 
 
 a Burgundian, who had lived in Kent for some time, he established 
 a school for boys, where letters were taught as in Kent. Felix also 
 instructed the people in the Christian faith.^ Unfortunately, how- 
 ever, as to many religious men of the time, the heavenly kingdom 
 seemed to the king so separated from his earthly life that he lost all 
 interest in the affairs of the realm, and retired to a monastery which 
 he had built. Even the attack of the pagan Penda failed to move 
 him.^ 
 
 East Anglia was particularly unfortunate in this regard, for Fursey, 
 who had come from Ireland to preach to them, making war upon 
 discord and robbery, and endeavoring to make those who were 
 Christians live up to their professions.' He was so impressed with 
 the superiority of heavenly things to the riches of this world that he 
 left the monastery which he had founded, to end his Ufe as a hermit. 
 
 During the reign of Sigebert's successor, Anna, East Anglia was 
 permanently added to the number of Christian provinces.^ It was 
 through his efforts that Coinwalch, of the West Saxons, whose father 
 had been converted by the Roman monk Birinus, was led to be bap- 
 tized. The first bishop of the West Saxons was Agilbert, a man 
 who from his study in Ireland had gained a high ideal of a bishop's 
 life." 
 
 Paeda, prince of the Middle Angles, was baptized by the bishop 
 of Lindisfarne, and received into his province four good and learned 
 priests to instruct the people. His father Penda did not hinder the 
 instruction of the Mercians.'' 
 
 The influence of the monks of Lindisfarne also spread into the 
 country of the East Saxons, where the monks of Gregory had been 
 unable to make a lasting impression. Through the arguments of 
 Oswy, Oswald's successor in Northumbria, Sigebert, king of the 
 East Saxons, had been persuaded that gods of wood and stone were 
 not fit objects of worship. He was so impressed by Oswy's present- 
 ation of a God in heaven, incomprehensible and invisible, almighty 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 17. 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 18. 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 19. 
 
 * He thought Wilfrid worthy of a bishopric, because he was described as 
 humble and quiet, occupied with fasting and prajer, kind, sober, modest, 
 pitiful, full of authority and of the grace of God, prudent, not wine- 
 bibbing, teachable and a good teacher, pure and frank of speech. (Eddius' 
 Life of Wilfrid, c. 9.) 
 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 24. 
 
38 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 and eternal, the creator of heaven and earth and of mankind, who 
 governed and judged the world in righteousness, and would in all 
 probability reward those who did his will, that, together with his 
 friends, he was baptized by Finan.* Of the teachers whom he 
 called to instruct his people, Cedd, a monk of Lindisfarne, who had 
 been at work among the Middle Angles, was so successful that he 
 was ordained bishop of the East Saxons by Finan. Before his ordi- 
 nation, he had brought many of the people to his way of thinking, 
 and he made use of his new authority in founding an organized 
 church. With the aid of the king, he built churches, ordained 
 priests and deacons, and founded a monastery. He also had a 
 monastery in Northumbria, which followed the religious customs of 
 Lindisfarne.^ 
 
 Meanwhile, Oswy had gained a decisive victory over Penda, and 
 a series of bishops won the province of Mercia over to the Irish 
 faith.' 
 
 By 664, then, the teachings of Irish or Italian monks had won a 
 recognized place in most of the provinces of England ; Northumbri- 
 ans, Middle Angles, East Saxons and Mercians were under the in- 
 struction of followers of the Irish faith ; the West Saxons had been 
 instructed by Frenchmen ; the men of Kent by Italians ; and the 
 East Angles by both parties. We have noted several attempts at 
 union between the Italian and British monks. The Christians of 
 the North of Ireland shared the peculiarities of belief professed by 
 their neighbors in Britain. They had shown so much zeal in ex- 
 tending the knowledge of their faith, that it seemed best for both 
 parties to come to an agreement in regard to the various points on 
 which there was difference of opinion. These differences seem to 
 us very slight, as there was no essential difference in the doctrine of 
 the two parties. Their methods of work were much the same, and 
 both were ardent lovers of the miraculous, and had great reverence 
 for saints and relics.'' 
 
 ' Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 22. 
 
 *Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, cc. 22-23. 
 
 ' Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 24. 
 
 * There were also several minor differences in the details of church ser- 
 vice. (Haddan and Stubbs, vol. I., pp. 154-155.) The Irish writers also 
 used a slightly different version of the Scriptures (Haddan and Stubbs, 
 vol. I., p. 170), but the only points which stood in the way of the essen- 
 tial unity of the church were the two first mentioned. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 39 
 
 The chief points of disagreement were on the time of celebrating 
 Easter, and the form of the tonsure. Pope Honorius, and later 
 John, who afterward became pope, had sent letters to the Irish, 
 remonstrating against their heresy. There is also extant an elabor- 
 ate epistle from the Irish Cummian to Segienus, abbat of Hy, giving 
 arguments in favor of the Roman method. He made an appeal for 
 unity, ridiculing the Irish, who, comparatively speaking, were as a 
 little spot at the end of the earth, for venturing to say : " Rome 
 errs, Jerusalem errs, all the world errs, the Irish and Britons alone 
 are right."'' 
 
 The controversy was at last settled for England by a synod, held at 
 Whitby in 664, at which the kings of Northumbria, Oswy and his 
 son, bishop Colman of Lindisfarne with his Irish followers, Agilbert 
 of France and his followers, and Romanus from Kent, and Cedd of 
 the East Saxons met with the abbess Hilda, the head of the monas- 
 tery of Whitby. Colman was spokesman for the Irish party, while 
 Wilfrid, a former pupil at Lindisfarne, upheld the Roman customs. 
 In spite of his early instruction in the Irish monastery, he was well 
 qualified to set forth the opposite view, as he had spent some time 
 in Rome, under the instruction of the archdeacon Boniface, from 
 whom he learned the Roman side of the Easter controversy. He 
 had received the Roman tonsure at Lyons on the way home.^ 
 
 The points in question were thoroughly discussed, and at the end 
 almost all agreed to follow the Roman method. Those who refused 
 to accept this judgment withdrew to Ireland under the leadership 
 of Colman. After their withdrawal, Eata, one of the twelve boys 
 who studied under Aidan, was appointed to the abbacy of Lindis- 
 farne. He won the hearts of the people in his charge by the zeal 
 with which he devoted himself to his tasks, and by the frequency 
 and intensity of his prayers and exhortations, and the generosity of 
 his alms.' 
 
 This decision at Whitby meant more than mere uniformity in the 
 tonsure and the time of observing Easter. We have seen that the 
 Columban monasteries looked up to Columba as their head, and 
 
 ' Cummian's Letter to Segienus, Migne's Pat. Lat., vol. 87, pp. 969-978. 
 ^Eddius' Life of Wilfrid, cc. 1-7. 
 
 'Life of Eata by an unknown writer, f Publications of the Surtees 
 Society for 1838, vol. 11., p. 123.) 
 
40 THE WOEK OF THE MONK 
 
 that there was a sort of loose organization among them. This was 
 also the case in other foundations, so that the Irish, instead of ac- 
 knowledging one head, as did the followers of Augustine, worked in 
 distinct groups and were thus deprived of the culture and progress 
 which was to be found in Western Christendom. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 41 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 The Church Under Theodore. 
 
 In the third year after the synod of Whitby, it became necessary 
 to choose an archbishop for England. Oswy of Northumbria and 
 Egbert of Kent sent a letter to the pope asking that Wighard, whom 
 the English had chosen as a suitable person for the position, might 
 be consecrated archbishop. The man at the head of the English 
 church, and having the power of ordaining bishops throughout the 
 country, would thus be a native of the island, and able to speak its 
 language. As Wighard died before this request could be granted, 
 the pope took the liberty of appointing a man of his own choice. 
 He finally selected Theodore, a monk of Tarsus, who was well versed 
 in both secular and sacred literature, and famiUar with Latin and 
 Greek. With him was sent an African monk, Hadrian, likewise well 
 educated and experienced in monastic and ecclesiastical discipline. 
 His duty was to see that Theodore introduced into Britain nothing 
 contrary to the Roman custom.^ 
 
 On his arrival, Theodore immediately set himself to bringing the 
 church of the English into conformity with Roman usages. One of 
 his first acts was to visit in person all parts of the island under his 
 dominion,^ settling bishops wherever he found it necessary, and cor- 
 recting such things as were not according to the rule of the church 
 in general.^ He even deposed a disobedient bishop from his see.'' 
 He also increased the number of bishops by dividing dioceses. 
 
 It was a great step forward in the direction of unity of action 
 when Theodore began to call together regular synods to discuss 
 ecclesiastical questions. The first one, which met at Hertford, 
 brought together, either in person or by deputy, all the bishops of 
 the Anglo-Saxon church, except the bishop of London, and with 
 them many religious teachers of lesser rank.^ They formally ac- 
 
 ' Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. i. 
 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, u. 2. 
 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. HI., p. 118, note a. 
 
 *Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, u. 6. 
 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 121, note b. 
 
42 THE WORK or THE MONK 
 
 cepted the canons of the general church for their observance, to the 
 end that their action might be united. Among the canons especially 
 mentioned were those limiting the authority of bishops to their own 
 diocese, and making the wanderings of the monk or clergyman sub- 
 ject to his abbat or bishop. There was also provision for the pro- 
 tection of monasteries against exactions from bishops. Especially 
 noteworthy was the provision for a similar meeting each year.^ An- 
 other English synod mentioned by Bede is one that met at Hatfield 
 several years later to examine matters of doctrine. The report of 
 this gathering is interesting, not only as evidence of the organized 
 effort of the church, but also as the expression of the acknowledged 
 basis of theological belief. The orthodox faith was said to be 
 grounded upon the teachings of Christ, the creed of the fatyes, the 
 decisions of all holy and universal synods, and the belief of approved 
 doctors of the Catholic church.^ 
 
 There is extant a penitential which purports to be a collection of 
 answers given by Theodore to questions on the subject of penance.' 
 It bears evidence of an attempt to bring about uniformity of practice 
 in the various observances of the church as well as to correct the 
 prevalent vices of the time. The chrism and Eucharist were denied 
 to those keeping the Irish customs in regard to Easter and the ton- 
 sure.* The church held itself so removed from heretics that a monk 
 was not obliged to obey his abbat, if directed to celebrate the mass 
 for a deceased heretic.^ The duties and privileges of the various 
 orders of clergy were carefully defined." Directions were given for 
 the celebration of the mass,' for the rites of ordination,* baptism,*" 
 and confirmation.^" The relation of an abbat to his monks and bishop 
 were outlined." Penalties were laid down for those who did not 
 properly observe the Lord's day. Marriages and the services for the 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 5. 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 17. 
 
 ' It was probably drawn up with his authority. For full discussion see 
 Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 173-176. 
 ' Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 197. 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 181. 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 191. 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 186. 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 192. 
 ° Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 189. 
 " Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 193. 
 " Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 195. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 43 
 
 burial of the dead were reckoned as religious ceremonies.^ The 
 work of organization was important, but what was new to the Eng- 
 lish in the penitential was the idea that murder, theft, etc., were sins 
 against the God whom they worshipped, and must be expiated by 
 penance under the direction of a religious teacher. If penance was 
 not always accompanied by penitence, it was meant to be the out- 
 ward sign of it, and the physical discomfort probably brought the 
 idea of his guilt home to the rough Englishman better than it could 
 have been done in any other way. The severity of the penance was 
 graded, not according to the rank of the person involved, but accord- 
 ing to the motive which prompted the deed, the circumstances under 
 which it was committed, and the religious professions of the parties 
 concerned. Special efforts were made to put a stop to the sins of 
 murder,^ theft,' perjury,* adultery,^ worship of other gods," intemper- 
 ance,' and transgression of the rules of the church. There was 
 no attempt to bring the people to follow the monkish example of 
 celibacy, but the penitential of Theodore did attempt to put restric- 
 tions upon marriage and divorce.* They also limited the age at 
 which a child could be sold as a slave, or a youth be ^.Uowed to make 
 himself a slave. The master was forbidden to take from a slave 
 money that he had earned by his own labor.^ There was, of course, 
 no attempt to abolish slavery. It was even set down as a penance 
 for a certain class of offenses,^ and a bishop or abbat could keep a 
 criminal as a slave. ^^ The bishop had judicial power over the cases 
 of the poor up to a certain limit. ^^ The sanctity of everything con- 
 nected with the church was impressed on the minds of the people. 
 Even the wood of the church building was sacred. The officers were 
 to be deposed for sin.^^ 
 Along with this internal organization came a closer connection 
 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 194. 
 ''Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 180. 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 179. 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 182. 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 17S. 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 189. 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. i77- 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 199. 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 202. 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 191. 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 190-191. 
 ^'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 184. 
 
44 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 with the Roman see and the church of the continent. We have 
 seen that Theodore's appointment was due to the pope, and that 
 the pupil of Aidan as well as the follower of Gregory wished the 
 archbishop to be ordained by him. The interest in the Roman 
 church became so great that Oswy of Northumbria had planned to 
 go to Rome, wishing to die at the holy places.^ Cadwalla of Wes- 
 sex did die there soon after his baptism." St. Augustine's monas- 
 tery at Canterbury and later the monasteries of Weremouth and 
 Yarrow sought and obtained bulls of privilege from the Roman see, 
 which, in the case of the northern monastery at least, were afterward 
 confirmed by the king and bishops in synod.' 
 
 Not unnaturally, one of the staunchest believers in the authority 
 of the Roman see was that Wilfrid whom we have noticed as spokes- 
 man at the synod at Whitby. We shall see that he was ready to 
 put his belief into practice. He had been elected bishop of York, 
 and when Theodore took advantage of the personal enmity of the 
 king and queen of Northumbria to extend his division of bishoprics 
 to that province, and by virtue of his archi- episcopal authority to 
 divide Wilfrid's diocese among three bishops, Wilfrid resolved to 
 appeal to the pope at Rome. Theodore also sent letters there. 
 The authority of that tribunal, however, does not seem to have found 
 equal recognition among many of Wilfrid's enemies, since the deci- 
 sion of a Roman synod in his favor was rejected and Wilfrid was 
 put in prison. After nine months he was released, and Theodore, 
 before his death, expressed his regret for his treatment of Wilfrid. 
 He sent letters to the kings of Northumbria and Mercia, interced- 
 ing in Wilfrid's behalf with such success that Wilfrid was restored to 
 a part of his former possessions.* 
 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 5. 
 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, i;. 7. 
 
 "Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 123. Bede, Lives of the Abbats of 
 Weremouth and Yarrow, pp. 155-156. 
 
 * It is noteworthy that, while in Ronne, Wilfrid had taken part in a 
 council and signed as a representative of the English, British and Irish 
 churches. Disagreement on this question of the extent of the archbish- 
 op's authority and that of the Roman see continued to agitate the English 
 church after Theodore's death. During the archbishopric of Berthwald, 
 another quarrel arose between Wilfrid and the king, one reason for which 
 was his unwillingness to be bound by the decrees of Theodore. He asked 
 the bishops assembled in synod how they dared to prefer the decrees of 
 Theodore to the statutes of the popes. On hearing their intention to de- 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 45 
 
 During Theodore's archbishopric the Mercians received Chad as 
 their bishop. He was also bishop of Lindisfarne, and is described 
 as a man of exceeding humility, remarkable for his sense of the con- 
 tinual presence of God. This made him very zealous in prayer and 
 the work of teaching.' 
 
 It was in missionary work that Wilfrid showed the best side of 
 his character. The only part of Britain, inhabited by the English, 
 which was not nominally Christian before the coming of Theodore 
 was that held by the South Saxons. The king and queen of this 
 province had been baptized, and five or six Irish monks lived there, 
 but they had hot succeeded in getting a hold on the minds of the 
 people. In 68i, Wilfrid went there with some priests, and estab- 
 lished a monastery on an island given him by the king. The in- 
 habitants of the island, even to the slaves whom he set free from 
 servitude, were instructed by him.^ He is said also to have taught 
 the people the art of fishing. Wilfrid made provision as well for 
 the Christian instruction of a part of the Isle of Wight.^ 
 
 The man of this time whose life most appeals to the imagination 
 is Saint Cuthbert. Trained under monastic discipline, he had 
 spent much time in reading, watching and praying, subject to the 
 order of an abbat. He had cultivated the gracious side of the 
 monastic character in showing to strange visitors the kindly hospi- 
 tality which was characteristic of the monks.* 
 
 The first part of his life was divided between the work of a monk 
 
 prive him of all except his monastery at Ripon, Wilfrid again appealed to 
 Rome. He explained that he had not, as was claimed, expressed con- 
 tempt for the decrees of the archbishop, but had refused to bind himself 
 to observe any decrees which might be passed. He expressed his readi- 
 ness to obey any decrees which were not contrai-y to the statutes, rules, 
 and canonical definitions of the fathers, and the synodical decrees of 
 Agatho and his successors. Again he received a favorable decision, and 
 the archbishop in obedience to the papal command called a synod to de- 
 cide the matter. A compromise was finally effected. The great differ- 
 ence of opinion on the extent of the authority of Rome over England is 
 seen in the views of the two parties in this quarrel ; Wilfrid, appealing to 
 Rome as the highest authority, and the king and archbishop counting 
 him more blameworthy because he preferred the judgment of the Roman 
 authorities to their own. (Eddius' Life of Wilfrid.) 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 3. 
 
 ''Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 13. 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 16. 
 
 ''Bade, Life of St. Cuthbert, in prose, c. 7. 
 
46 THE WOKK OF THE MONK 
 
 and that of a missionary teacher. Although nominally Christian, 
 the people of Northumbria were far from understanding the truths 
 of Christianity. Some of them were even opposed to the monks. 
 Cuthbert spent sometimes a month wandering through these 
 sparsely settled mountainous districts, instructing the people who 
 flocked to hear him.^ At Lindisfarne, he devoted himself to the 
 task of teaching to the monks the monastic rules and rousing them 
 to follow his example in preaching among the neighboring people.^ 
 The lives of those about him showed the influence of his sternness 
 toward sin, and charity for the penitent. 
 
 It was characteristic of the religious feeling of the time that Cuth- 
 bert counted it a more blessed life to retire from this work and 
 spend the rest of his days in a solitary place, wrestling with the old 
 enemy of mankind. That he fixed on the island of Fame as his 
 residence was considered a fresh proof of his sanctity, since that spot 
 had always been shunned as the abode of malicious spirits. There 
 in a hut of two rooms, surrounded by a high wall of rough stones 
 and turf, so that he could see nothing but the sky, he made his home 
 for many years. He built another house on the island for visitors, 
 and at first spent part of his time in waiting upon them.^ Afterward, 
 although always ready to administer blessing and consolation to 
 any that came to him, he lived a more secluded life. He was with 
 difficulty persuaded to leave the island to assume the office of a 
 bishop. When once ordained, however, he did a work which must 
 have been needed in that half-civilized country, in protecting the 
 weak from the strong and caring for the poor.^ 
 
 It is in the account of his life that we have the first mention of the 
 use of places in England which were counted as holy by the Chris- 
 tians as asylums for fugitives. Just before his death, Cuthbert said 
 that he wished his body to remain at the place of his hermitage, on 
 account of the fugitives and criminals who might flee to his corpse 
 for refuge. When they had thus obtained an asylum, he thought the 
 monks might think it necessary to intercede for them before the 
 secular rulers.^ 
 
 The English churchmen did not confine their efforts to the work 
 
 'Bede, Life of St. Cuthbert, in prose, c, 9. 
 'Bede, Life of St. Cuthbert, in prose, c. 16. 
 ■' Bede, Life of St. Cuthbert, in prose, c. 22. 
 * Bede, Life of St. Cuthbert, in prose, c. 26. 
 "Bede, Life of St. Cuthbert, in prose, c. 37. 
 
IN EAEI.Y ENGLAND. 47 
 
 of organization and the spread of their faith. . With Theodore and 
 Hadrian came a new impulse to intellectual work. They gathered 
 together numerous pupils who wished to be instructed in astronomy, 
 arithmetic, and the art of ecclesiastical poetry, as well as the books 
 of the Bible. As anyone who desired to study sacred writings had at 
 hand masters who would teach him, there grew up a set of English- 
 men who knew Latin and Greek as well as their own tongue. The 
 study of sacred music, too, became popular all over the country.^ 
 
 The man who perhaps did as much as anyone to aid in this move- 
 - ment was Benedict Biscop, a Northumbrian nobleman who had 
 traveled on the continent a great deal, and had received the tonsure 
 at the monastery of Lerins. After two years' study there, he returned 
 to England as the companion and interpreter of Theodore. After 
 presiding for two years over the monastery of Saint Peter, at Canter- 
 bury, he made another journey to Rome. Returning with a large 
 number of books on sacred Uterature, he was given land for a mon- 
 astery by the king of Northumbria. 
 
 He spared no pains to make the monasteries which he built at 
 Weremouth and at Yarrow answer to the ideal which he had formed 
 in visiting many such institutions in foreign countries. The church 
 at Weremouth, which was built by masons from Rome,^ had glazed 
 windows made by glass makers whom he summoned from Gaul. By 
 frequent journeys to Rome, he obtained all the vestments, sacred 
 vessels, and other things necessary for the service of the church, as 
 well as books, relics, and pictures for the adornment of the church. 
 On boarding placed from one wall to the other were pictures of the 
 Virgin Mary and the twelve apostles, on another wall figures from 
 ecclesiastical history, and on a third, illustrations of the Revelation 
 of Saint John. Around the chapel in this monastery were pictures 
 from the history of Christ.' 
 
 The pictures in the other monastery were intended to describe the 
 connection of the Old and New Testament. One of them repre- 
 sented Isaac carrying wood for his own sacrifice, and Christ bearing 
 his cross. In another the serpent raised up by Moses in the desert 
 was illustrated by the Son of Man exalted on his cross.^ 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 2. 
 
 ^Bede, Lives of the Abbats of Weremouth and Yarrow, pp. 139-144. 
 These workmen taught their trade to the English. 
 
 ' Bede, Lives of the Abbats of Weremouth and Yarrow, p. 145. 
 'Bede, Lives of the Abbats of Weremouth and Yarrow, p. 149. 
 
48 THE WORK or THE MONK 
 
 Benedict had asked that the library he had collected be kept to- 
 gether, and the number of books was doubled under his successors,^ 
 so that the monasteries of Weremouth and Yarrow probably boasted 
 more books than any other in the country. 
 
 At the suggestion of the pope, John, the arch-chanter of the church 
 of Saint Peter's at Rome, had been enstalled there as teacher of ec- 
 clesiastical music. He not only taught the monks the Roman method 
 of chanting, but committed to writing the services for all the festi- 
 vals of the year. The monastery thus became a sort of school for 
 singing, to which pupils came from most of the other monasteries in 
 the province.^ 
 
 The whole time of the monks was not given up to study, however, 
 for under the rule by which they lived a part of the time must be 
 spent in manual labor. The monks had a bakehouse, garden and 
 kitchen ; they plowed the fields, threshed and winnowed the grain, 
 milked cows, and on occasion worked in metal.* 
 
 Wilfrid of York, too, did much to make beautiful the places of 
 Christian worship, travelling about with singers, masons, and arti- 
 sans.^ He improved the church at York by roofing it with lead 
 and putting in glass windows. At Ripon, he built a basilica of 
 stone, with various columns and porticoes, and with ornaments of 
 gold, silver and purple. He also presented this church with a 
 cross and a fine copy of the Gospels on purple parchment, with a 
 covering of gold and gems.^ His church at Hexham was said not 
 to have its equal on that side of the Alps. It is described as having 
 crypts of stone and walls of wonderful depth and height, orna- 
 mented with columns and porticoes." 
 
 During the time of Theodore's administration, Bede makes men- 
 tion of several women at the head of monasteries, as for instance 
 Ethelburga at the head of the monastery at Barking, in the prov- 
 ince of the East Saxons,' and Etheldreda at Ely.' These monas- 
 teries were not simply nunneries, but had a part in which men re- 
 sided, under the direction of the same abbess. It was apparently 
 
 ' Bede, Lives of the Abbats of Weremouth and Yarrow, p. 155. 
 ^ Bede, Lives of the Abbats of Weremouth and Yarrow, p. 144. 
 "Bede, Lives of the Abbats of Weremouth and Yarrow, pp. 147-148. 
 " Eddius' Life of Wilfrid, c. 14. 
 "Eddius' Life of Wilfrid, ^. i6. 
 "Eddius' Life of Wilfrid, c. 22. 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, cc. 6-ia. 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, cc. 19-20. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 49 
 
 a well established custom to have both sexes under one head, for in 
 the penitential of Theodore, the clause : "(among the Greeks) men 
 are not permitted to have women as nuns, nor women to have 
 monks ; yet let us not do away with that which is customary in this 
 land;" seems to refer to this practice.^ 
 
 There was another famous monastery at Whitby which was in 
 charge of a woman, the noted Hilda. Hilda was a pupil of Aidan 
 and her monastery was a school in which to learn the virtues of jus- 
 tice, piety, chastity, peace and charity. Wilfrid of York was one of 
 her many pupils who became learned men. 
 
 If the monastery of Benedict Biscop produced many learned 
 men, that of Hilda had the honor of instructing the greatest Chris- 
 tian poet in early England.^ During the early part of his life, 
 Caedmon was a simple cowherd, unmoved by the zeal for learning 
 which animated many of his fellows, and unable even to furnish his 
 share of entertainment when his companions were singing in turn. 
 It is said that when he saw the instrument coming toward him, he 
 used to leave the room, until one night, in a dream, someone ap- 
 peared to him and told him to sing. He answered, " I cannot sing, 
 for that was the reason why I left the entertainment and retired to 
 this place, because I could not sing.'' The other, who had talked 
 to him, replied : " However, you shall sing." " What shall I sing? " 
 rejoined he. "Sing the beginning of created beings," said the 
 other. "Hereupon he began to sing verses to the praise of God." 
 When he woke, he remembered the song, and added to it. The 
 abbess, on learning of his gift, persuaded him to become a monk, 
 and ordered that he should be instructed in sacred literature to the 
 end that he might put it into verse. Such is the story which Bede 
 relates to explain the genius of the man who to him was the great- 
 est of English poets. Of his work, however, we have only a frag- 
 ment at best. 
 
 ^Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 195. 
 ''Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, u. 23. 
 
50 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The ENGLAND OF BEDE. 
 
 By the eighth century we can see the church of the English in 
 good working order, organized and firmly established. Each pro- 
 vince of the English had at least one bishop in charge of its relig- 
 ious life, and all of them were under the general direction of the 
 archbishop. Connection between the different parts of the church 
 and unity of action were provided for by the meeting of the yearly 
 council at Cloveshoe,^ and by local councils.^ Our knowledge of this, 
 as of every period of early English history, is very incomplete, but 
 perhaps a fairly clear notion of the England which Bede knew may 
 be gained by a scrutiny of the various provinces in geographical 
 order. We may begin in the southwestern part of the island, which 
 was inhabited by the West-Saxons. At the head of that province 
 was Ine, who came to the throne in 688. He showed his interest 
 by promulgating in a witenagemote laws favorable to the church.' 
 By these laws, the monks were held to owe obedience in the first 
 place to a rule under which they lived, after that to the laws of the 
 secular power. Children were required to be baptized within thirty 
 days. Church dues were to be promptly paid, and penalties (to 
 which priests were doubly liable) were attached to the sin of work- 
 ing on Sunday. Although the penalty for fighting in a minster was 
 not as great as if the fight had taken place in a king's house, it was 
 twice as great as if the deed was done in the house of an alderman. 
 
 'This council was probably still held regularly. (Haddan and Stubbs, 
 vol. III., p. 267.) 
 
 'These councils discussed various matters. One in Northumbria con- 
 firmed a grant made by the pope to a monastery. (Bede, Lives of the 
 Abbats, c. 12.') Sometimes they appointed men to write their views in 
 matters of doctrine to those who refused to conform with their usage. 
 (Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 268.) Often, too,'they settled disputes, 
 as in the case of Wilfrid. Everywhere to a remarkable degree the church 
 was supported by the secular rulers. 
 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. HI., pp. 214-218. 
 
IN EAELY ENGLAND. 51 
 
 The burg-bryce of a king and a bishop required the same compen- 
 sation. Penalties were set for the murder of a godson or godfather. 
 Special provisions were made for communicants, and the churches 
 were given the right of sanctuary. 
 
 During this reign, the province was divided into two dioceses ; 
 Winchester, which was in charge of Daniel, a man of wisdom and 
 piety,^ and Sherborne, under Aldhelm, the noted scholar. 
 
 Aldhelm had been first taught in the monastery of Malmesbury,^ 
 and had afterward studied with Adrian.^ As he grew to manhood, 
 he became noted for the sanctity of his life and the depth of his 
 learning. He was regarded as an authority on all literary subjects, 
 and with some justice, as the references in his writings show a wide 
 range of reading.* 
 
 Besides the literature of the Anglo-Saxon language, in which he 
 was well versed,^ he was said to know Greek as well as if it had been 
 his native tongue." He was familiar with Latin, and knew some- 
 thing of Hebrew. He was especially skilled in music and poetry, 
 and had studied arithmetic,' astronomy, astrology,' Roman jurispru- 
 dence, geometry and mechanics.^ Of his poetical writings, perhaps 
 the most important was written on the theme De Laudibus Virgini- 
 
 ' Letter of Boniface to Daniel, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 343. 
 
 'William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum Anglorum, bk. I., c. 2. 
 This monastery is said to have been established by Maidulphus, an Irish- 
 man, and to have been a flourishing school. (William of Malmesbury, 
 De Gestis Regum Anglorum, bk. I, pp. 30 and 31.) 
 
 'William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum, bk. 5, p. 334. 
 Also Letter of Aldhelm to Adrian, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXIX., p. 99. 
 
 ' He cites the following authors : Gregory, Clement, Ambrose, Gregory 
 Nazianzus, Hilarion, Jerome, Athanasius, Evagrius, Eusebius, Arsenius, 
 Julian and Aristotle. He showed a wide knowledge of ecclesiastical biog- 
 raphy, and knew something of Greek mythology. (De Laudibus Virgin- 
 itatis, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXIX., pp. 103-166.) He also referred to 
 Virgil, Percius Flaccus, Juvenal, Prisper, Phocas, Isidorus Arator, Andreas, 
 Augustine, Lucanus, Juvencus and Terence. (Liber de Septenario, Migne, 
 Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXIX., pp. 171-183.) 
 
 "William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontiff. Angl., bk. 5, p. 286. 
 
 "Faricius' Life of Aldhelm, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXIX., p. 66. 
 
 ' He is said to have taken a journey to Rome, and come back laden with 
 relics and a magnificent altar. (William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontiff. 
 Angl., bk. 5, pp. 363-371.) 
 
 'Letter of Aldhelm to Hedda, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXIX., p. 96. 
 
 "Letter of Aldhelm to Eahfrid, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXIX., p. 93. 
 
52 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 tati, addressed to the nuns of a neighboring monastery.^ On this 
 subject he also wrote a tract in prose, and was the author of a book 
 of riddles, and various letters and poems. 
 
 His influence was so widespread that even the king gave a ready 
 ear to his admonitions. He exerted himself, not only to the foster- 
 ing of learning, but toward the encouragement of right living, taking 
 care himself to exercise the monastic virtues of temperance, chastity 
 and almsgiving.'^ According to an old story, once, when he found 
 the people negligent in their religious duties, he stationed himself 
 on a bridge and sang until he attracted the attention of the people, 
 when he skilfully introduced moral instruction into the song.' He 
 also found time to complain of the nuns who gave too much atten- 
 tion to dress.* It is noteworthy that, although he sung so much the 
 praises of virginity, he took painsto state that he did not despise 
 lawful marriage.^ 
 
 At this time, Wessex could boast several new religious foundations. 
 Aldhelm is said to have founded several new monasteries,* and took 
 as the subject of one of his poems a church built by the princess 
 Bugga. He celebrated the beauty of its glass windows, the vest- 
 ments of the altar, made yellow by twisted threads, the golden chalice 
 covered with gems, " Shining as do the heavens of glowing stars," 
 the silver plate, and the cross, resplendent with gold, silver and gems, 
 " While frankincense breathed forth the ambrosia of Sabaean incense, 
 when the priest celebrated the mass.'" 
 
 After having reigned thirty- seven years, Ine gave up his kingdom 
 and went to Rome. His example was followed by people of all 
 classes." At the time when Bede closed his Ecclesiastical History, 
 the bishopric of Sherborne was in the hands of Forthere, a man 
 noted for his knowledge of the Bible.^ 
 
 'A knowledge of Latin was not confined to men. Several o£ Boniface's 
 correspondents were women who wrote very good Latin. (Letters of Boni- 
 face, ed. Jaffe, Nos. 14 and 23.) 
 
 2 William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontiff. Angl., bk. 5, p. 357. 
 
 3 William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontiff. Angl., bk. 5, p. 336. 
 
 *De Laudibus Virginitatis, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXIX., p. 137. 
 "De Laudibus Virginitatis, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXIX., p. 108. 
 "William of Malmesbury, De Regis Anglorum, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. 
 LXXX., p. 88. 
 'Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXIX., p. 290. 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, c. 7. 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, cc. 18 and 23. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 53 
 
 Turning to Kent, we find that the king of that province, Withred, 
 called together a witenagemot which passed various laws relating to 
 the church. The bishop and king were put on an equal plane in all 
 enactments that concerned them both, and penalties were set for the 
 sins of fornication, making offerings to devils, the breaking of the 
 Sabbath and prescribed fasts, for stealing, and in one instance for 
 murder. To the church was given freedom from imposts. In one 
 case, a difference was made between the oaths of communicants and 
 non-communicants.^ 
 
 The king and leading men of the kingdom also defined the posi- 
 tion of the clergy in that province. The privilege of the archbishop 
 to supervise the choice of abbats and abbesses, and in general to 
 rule the church of God, was recognized as corresponding to the 
 duty of the king to supervise the secular officers of the kingdom. 
 The two departments were quite distinct. Grants made to monas- 
 teries by former kings were confirmed, and monks were excused 
 from contributing to the support of the civil government, except so 
 far as generosity prompted them, in order that they might be free 
 to intercede for the soul of the king. Anyone who infringed upon 
 the rights of the monastery was to be cut off from partaking of the 
 Eucharist until he had done penance, according to the judgment of 
 the bishop.^ ' 
 
 When Bede closed his Ecclesiastical History, the two bishoprics 
 of Rochester and Canterbury were in charge of Aldwulf and Tatwine. 
 The latter, especially, was renowned for his religion and wisdom and 
 knowledge of Holy Writ.* 
 
 Sussex at that time was without a bishop of its own, and his duties 
 were performed by a West Saxon bishop. 
 
 In the beginning of the eighth century the king of Mercia had left 
 his kingdom and gone to Rome to end his days as a monk. He had 
 tried to improve the morals of his people and had governed well, 
 but Bede, doubtless expressing a feeling general among religious 
 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 233-237. 
 
 'Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 238-240. The form of the document 
 used is that considered most authentic by Haddan and Stubbs. 
 
 'That these arrangements were in accordance with the wishes of the 
 clergy in other provinces, is evident from the confirmation of this privi- 
 lege in 716, by bishops from every province south of the Humber, and 
 by Acca from the see of Hexham. (Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 
 300-301. 
 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, c. 23. 
 
54 THE WORK OF THE MONlt 
 
 men of the time, counted it better for him to spend his life as a 
 monk, in prayer, fasting, and almsgiving, than to nobly govern his 
 people.^ This king was succeeded by Ceolred, who set a far differ- 
 ent example to his people.^ 
 
 To the early part of this century belongs the life of Guthlac of 
 Croyland, which gives a glimpse of the work of a hermit. During 
 his residence in the monastery, to which he had gone for instruction, 
 he roused the hatred of the brethren by his remarkable abstinence 
 from intoxicating drink, but he succeeded in winning their affection 
 by his sincerity and modesty. When he had become learned in 
 sacred Kterature and monastic discipline, he decided to retire to 
 Croyland, and there live the life of an anchorite. Unfortunately the 
 place seemed haunted by evil spirits, which, appearing in every pos- 
 sible shape, continually haunted him. Yet he so far overcame them 
 that he became famous for his sanctity, and was resorted to by 
 people who came from the most remote parts of Britain to seek con- 
 solation for sickness of body, or sin, or visitation from evil spirits. 
 One of his visitors was Ethelbald, who afterward became king of 
 Mercia. We are told that no one came to him in vain, but all found 
 relief through the miraculous cures, the exhortations and the conso- 
 lation given by the saint.^ 
 
 The province of the East Angles was divided into two dioceses,' 
 Dunwich and Elmham. That of the East Saxons was in charge of 
 Ingwald, bishop of London.* This last province, like that of the 
 Mercians, had lost the man who was to be its king, because he 
 quitted his wife, lands, kindred and country for Christ and for the 
 Gospel, " that he might receive an hundred fold in this life, and in 
 the world to come life everlasting." He also went to Rome and be- 
 came a monk."* 
 
 The province of the Lindissae was subject to bishop Cunebert. 
 In this section was the monastery of Bardney, in which Oswald was 
 buried, and the double monastery of Partney.^ 
 
 Northumbria, the home of Bede, and even more than Wessex, the 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, c. 23. 
 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, c. 19. Letter of Boniface to Ethelbald, a.d. 
 745. Haddan and Stubbs, vol. IH., p. 355. 
 "Life of Guthlac, Acta Sactorum, April, vol. 11., pp. 40-47. 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, c. 33. 
 '"'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, c. 23. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 55 
 
 home of learning and literature, was divided into four dioceses. 
 Wilfrid^ was bishop of York, Ethelwald presided over the see of 
 Lindisfarne, Pechthelm, who had been deacon or monk with the 
 learned Aldhelra, was over the see of Whitherne, while the see of 
 Hexham was in charge of Acca, a former priest of Wilfrid. 
 
 This Acca was noted for his activity in improving the church in 
 his care. He not only beautified the structure itself, but provided 
 holy vessels and lights, and collected a large number of holy relics 
 and books on ecclesiastical subjects. Himself a fine singer, he in- 
 vited a celebrated teacher of music, well versed in the Gregorian 
 chant, to instruct the clergy in his art. Having been to Rome, he 
 had added much to the knowledge of ecclesiastical doctrine and 
 rules which he had before gained from Bosa, a bishop of York.^ 
 
 The efforts of these men were aided by the peace which had at 
 last come to the province, and gave greater opportunity for the 
 quiet advance of civilization. Ceolwulf, the king of the province, 
 was zealous in the cause of the monks, and ready to give them firm 
 support in their undertakings." 
 
 Yet the work was far from perfectly done. The dioceses were 
 too large for the supervision of any one man, so that,, in the absence 
 of under clergy, the people in the remote villages and hamlets could 
 not receive proper instruction. Three years after he finished his 
 Ecclesiastical History, Bede wrote a long letter to Egbert, then 
 bishop of York, in which he pointed out the needs of the province 
 and the abuses which had crept into the ecclesiastical administra- 
 tion.* He made a plea not only for the appointment of more bish- 
 ops, and for the better instruction of those who did not understand 
 Latin, but also for more holy living among the teachers themselves. 
 In order to be consistent, in his opinion, a bishop should live a 
 righteous hfe, and correct the people in his charge. In marked 
 contrast to this ideal were the lives of some of the bishops, who 
 lived surrounded by drunken revellers, leading an idle Kfe, and car- 
 ing more for the tribute paid by the people than for the perform- 
 ance of the duties of their office. Instead of taking care that the 
 monasteries were in charge of suitable abbats, and exercising over 
 monks the supervision which was a part of their duty, many bishops, 
 
 ' A former priest of John of Beverly. 
 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, c. 20. 
 
 ''Letter of Bede to Egbert, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 316. 
 
 * Letter of Bede to Egbert, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 317. 
 
56 TH<E WORK or THE MONK 
 
 by selling their signatures, confirmed the establishment of so-called 
 monasteries, whose inmates neither lived according to monastic 
 rule nor gave any support to the state. This evil had become so 
 widespread that for the last thirty years a large number of the 
 higher officers of the government had provided themselves with a 
 refuge of this sort.^ 
 
 The whole ecclesiastical order, however, was not tainted with the 
 vices of covetousness, drunkenness, feasting, luxury and idleness, 
 which had so roused the indignation of Bede. There were many 
 devout men and women in noble institutions, which were attracting 
 to themselves many both of the nobles and the common people.^ 
 Wilfrid had introduced into his monasteries the rule of Saint Bene- 
 dict, which has won for itself much admiration for the temperance 
 and good sense of its provisions.' 
 
 Bede, himself, was a product of the monastic system. Brought 
 up from childhood in the twin monasteries of Weremouth and Yar- 
 row, he was in a position to acquire whatever was to be gained from 
 both the Irish and the Roman monks, and through his correspond- 
 ence with Albinus he could get information from Canterbury.* He 
 says of his life at Weremouth and Yarrow, " Spending all the re- 
 maining time of my life in that monastery, I wholly applied myself 
 to the study of Scripture, and amidst the observance of regular dis- 
 cipline, and the daily care of singing in the church, I always took 
 delight in learning, teaching and writing." ^ 
 
 Familiar with Latin and Greek, and not unacquainted with Hebrew, 
 his reading had covered every branch which was then pursued in 
 England. He was well versed in the Anglo-Saxon poetry." In his 
 works he referred to the writings of Josephus, Sedulius, Anatolius, 
 Cassiodorus, Eutrophius, Jerome, Athanasius, Ambrose, Hilarius, 
 Eusebius, Augustine, Cyril, Gregory, Julian, Virgil, Ovid, Varro, 
 Acinius, Orosius, Lucilius, Melossus, Verrius, Flaccus, Lucretius, 
 Pomponius, Solinus, Propertius, Cicero, Livy, Julius, Modestus, Cato, 
 Laberius, Horace, Pacuvius, Terence, Fortunatus, Pompeius, Donatus, 
 
 'Letter of Bede to Egbert, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., pp. 319-325. 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles.-, bk. 5, c. 23. 
 = Eddius, Life of Wilfrid, c. 14. 
 
 * Article on Bede, by W. Stubbs, in Dictionary of Christian Biography. 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., conclusion. 
 
 "Letter of Cuthbert, in Symeon of Durham's Historia Dunelmensis 
 Ecclesiae.'bk. i, c. 15. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 57 
 
 Arator, Victorinus, Paulinus, Aurelius, Prudentius, Pliny and Homer.^ 
 Many of these books were probably in the library of Benedict Biscop's 
 monastry and possibly he found some of them at Hexham. Certainly 
 he used the library at York,^ which at the end of the century, at least, 
 was wonderfully complete for the time, containing some books which 
 Bede did not mention.' 
 
 He himself added in no small degree to the common stock, writing, 
 besides many homilies and commentaries on the Bible, the lives of 
 several saints, among them Cuthbert and the abbats of Weremouth 
 and Yarrow ; the Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation, which 
 is the great authority for the period which it covers. He wrote 
 several letters of value, including the one to Egbert on the state of 
 Northumbria, those on the six ages of the world, the reason for leap 
 year and for the Equinox, and a tract on the nature of things and 
 the tides. He was also the author of hymns, epigrams, a Martyrology, 
 a book on the art of poetry, a book on Tropes and Figures, and a 
 small tract on the Holy Places.^ 
 
 His work as a teacher is brought vividly before us by the letter of 
 his pupil, Cuthbert, describing the last days of his life. It is a very 
 pleasing picture that is given us of this scholar of long ago cheerfully 
 spending his last days in reading with his pupils, annotating and 
 translating into the native tongue the Gospel of John, that his pupils 
 might not read a lie nor labor unprofitably.^ 
 
 Work like his was not confined to the monastery of Weremouth 
 and Yarrow, for the instruction of youth formed an important element 
 in the life of many monasteries. Wilfrid, of York, had under his 
 instruction the sons of noblemen who were to be prepared either for 
 the duties of a monk, or those of an armed follower of the king.^ 
 While there were many ignorant who did not know Latin,' England 
 
 ' Homer is mentioned but once and he may have taken his authority at 
 second hand. (Stubbs on Bede, in Dictionary of Christian Biography, 
 Smith and Wace.) 
 
 ^Letter of Bede to Egbert, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 314. 
 
 'Alcuin's De Pontificis, et Sanctis, Ecclesiae, Eboracensis, Migne, Pat. 
 Lat., vol. C, p. 837. The abbat Ceolfrid, of Weremouth and Yarrow, 
 quotes Plato's Republic, in his letter to Natain, Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, 
 c. 21, note by Giles, in Translation, p. 278. 
 
 *Works of Bede, Hist. Eccles., conclusion. 
 
 ''Letter of Cuthbert, in Symeon of Durham, Historia Dunelmensis 
 Ecclesiae, bk. i, c. 15. 
 
 "Eddius' Life of Wilfrid, c. 21. 
 
 vLetter of Bede to Egbert, Haddan and Stubbs, vol. III., p. 316. 
 
58 THE WOKK OF THE MONK 
 
 had reason to be proud of the pupils trained in her monastic schools 
 in this century. 
 
 The religious energy of the time found now a new outlet in foreign 
 missions, notably to the Frisians.^ The first missionary was Wictbert. 
 Then followed Willibrord, who had been taught in an English monas- 
 tery and had then studied in Ireland.'' The most notable one, 
 however, was Winifrith or Boniface, whose fine work in Germany 
 made him famous. 
 
 iBede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 9. 
 
 2 Alcuin's Life of Willibrord, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. C, p. 696. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 59 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 We have endeavored to trace the growth of the English church 
 from its beginning in 597, with the landing of Augustine and his 
 monks on the island of Thanet, to its condition at the time when 
 Bede closed his Ecclesiastical History. Augustine found a nation 
 of warriors, knowing little of Christianity, hard drinkers and hard 
 fighters, whose common religion was the worship of figures made of 
 wood and stone. Of its literature since the migration we have no 
 remains, but it probably only consisted of bardic songs whose 
 themes were chiefly war and drinking revels. There is no evidence 
 that architecture and the pictorial arts had advanced with them be- 
 yond a very rude stage. 
 
 Augustine and the monks of Gregory, by their preaching and the 
 example of holy living, induced a small portion of these people to 
 share in the nobler ideals and aspirations which animated them. 
 They soon lost their foothold in the North, however, and the work 
 was taken up by monks from Ireland who, in spite of former differ- 
 ences in belief, had practically the same message to give the Eng- 
 lish, and succeeded in spreading their reUgion, and with it their en- 
 thusiasm for learning and Uterature, over almost all the country occu- 
 pied by the English except that already occupied by Italian monks. 
 The synod of Whitby opened the way for unity of action, and with 
 the coming of Theodore came more complete organization, closer 
 connection with Rome, and increased attention to Roman learning. 
 
 The clergy were of course included in the meetings of the wite- 
 nagemot, and the high position in the community which the laws of 
 Ine and Wihtred show that they possessed must have given weight to 
 their opinions there. More than all, their position as the' priests of 
 the accepted religion, to whom the people confessed their sins, and 
 who regulated their penance, must have given them a tremendous 
 power. 
 
 When Bede closed his Ecclesiastical History, the island was dotted 
 
60 THE WORJC or THE MONK 
 
 all over with Christian churches and monasteries giving instruction 
 to many worshippers, who had not, like the earlier British church, to 
 look in foreign countries for their patron saints, but who carefully 
 preserved the memories and traditions of a series of men of their 
 own country whose moral earnestness and sincerity of purpose had 
 left a lasting impression on their fellows. 
 
 The church, moreover, did not lack the power which comes of or- 
 ganization. The religious teachers were divided into various orders, 
 whose privileges and sphere of action were carefully defined, and 
 who worked under an acknowledged leader, forming a recognized 
 part of the universal Catholic church. 
 
 While bowing in matters of doctrine to the continental church 
 and its fathers, the English church had men who were sufficiently 
 well informed, ably to defend their doctrine and practice against the 
 attacks of schismatics. The recognition of the authority of the Ro- 
 man church did not include slavish imitation of Roman customs. 
 From the first the methods of Rome were modified to meet the 
 needs of the new church, and later several penitential systems sprang 
 up among the English themselves. 
 
 The perpetuation of its influence was provided for by the educa- 
 tion of boys in the monasteries, and a race of Christian scholars 
 arose who, among other things, added to the common stock the 
 work of a great Christian historian and that of a great Christian 
 poet. A large number of men became imbued with a zeal for the 
 study of seculiar books, and most of all for the study of the Bible, 
 . which formed the chief literature and source of inspiration for the 
 men of the middle ages. 
 
 The church was in a position of influence in every kingdom. One 
 source of its power was in the personal influence which the monks 
 and bishops exerted over the kings. We have already spoken of 
 the orderliness which characterized the realm of the Northumbrian 
 king Edwin, and the unusual pomp assumed by the king, as possibly 
 due in part at least to the influence of Roman monks. Noteworthy, 
 too, is the respect with which Oswald Hstened to the admonitions of 
 Aidan and the humility of Sigebert, of the East Saxons, trembling 
 before his bishop, and begging pardon for having disobeyed him. 
 The action of Earcombert, of Kent, in ordering the destruction of 
 idols, and observance of fasts throughout his kingdom, must have 
 been prompted by his religious advisors. Ine, of Wessex, is said to 
 have looked up to Aldhelm and carefully followed his precepts. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 61 
 
 Baptism and Sunday workings were among the subjects of his dooms. 
 Then, too, the clergy were of course included in the meetings of the 
 witenagemote, and the high position in the community which the 
 laws of Ine and of Wihtred show that they possessed must have 
 given great weight to their opinions. More than all, their position 
 as the priests of the accepted religion, to whom the people confessed 
 their sins, and who regulated their penance, was a source of power. 
 
 It was the favor of the rulers that gave to the monks those exemp- 
 tions and privileges which caused so much annoyance to later gener- 
 ations. Mention has already been made of the privilege granted by 
 Wihtred, of Kent, which exempted the monks from giving support 
 to the civil authority, and the records of a council at Rome show 
 that it was not considered proper for the monks to bear arms. 
 However injurious such exemptions may have become in later years, 
 it may well be that, among a people so engrossed in petty struggles 
 between princes as were the English all through this time, it was the 
 most beneficial course which the monks could have adopted to sepa- 
 rate themselves entirely from this warfare and give to the people an 
 exhibition of the nobility and even sanctity of the peaceful arts. 
 
 Both manual and intellectual labor formed a large part of the life 
 of a monk. The monks of Hy were skilled in many industrial arts, 
 and their disciple, Aidan, set an example of industry which was held 
 up as a model to the slothful monks of the next century. Cuthbert 
 insisted on supporting himself by the labor of his hands, and Owini 
 is said to have presented himself at the monastery of Lastingham, 
 axe and hatchet in hand, and as he was less capable than others of 
 meditating on the Holy Scriptures, he spent the time which the 
 brethren employed in reading, in doing any manual work which was 
 necessary.'' At Weremouth and (Yarrow, and elsewhere under the 
 Benedictine rule, idleness was not tolerated. If, as time went on, 
 meditation relapsed into slothfulness, it was contrary to the general 
 effort of the order. The monks are to be credited for making use- 
 ful many otherwise unproductive spots. At least one trade, that of 
 making glass windows, came to England through the agency of a 
 monk. Wilfrid is said to have taught the South Saxons how to fish. 
 
 The monks also carried on in a very broken and inadequate way 
 the work of our modern charitable institutions. Cuthbert, for in- 
 stance, is said to have saved the needy man from the hand of the 
 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 3. 
 
62 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 Stronger, and the poor and destitute from those that would oppress 
 them ; comforted the weak and sorrowful ; given food to the hungry 
 and raiment to the shivering. Almsgiving and hospitality were both 
 recognized parts of the duty of a monk. In many monasteries at 
 least a room was especially reserved for the reception of strangers, 
 and the sick often sought relief of these servants of God. To be 
 sure, the cures were miraculous and did not involve much nursing, 
 but in one instance at least, that of John of Beverly, the holy man 
 used to keep a sick person with him during Lent by way of alms.^ 
 Slaves, too, were sometimes set free by the monks, as in the case of 
 the two hundred and fifty set free by Wilfrid among the South Saxons. 
 This was not done from any general principle in regard to the evil 
 of slavery, since at least one abbat held a slave, and in Theodore's 
 penitential entrance into slavery was one form of penance for a cer- 
 tain crime. 
 
 It cannot be denied that monasticism tended to break up family 
 life by inculcating the doctrine of the greater blessedness of celibacy. 
 We see Offa, of the East Saxons, leaving his wife, and Etheldrida, of 
 Northumbria, 'leaving her husband, to go into a monastery. Yet 
 such an ardent admirer of the monks and nuns as Aldhelm express- 
 ly stated that he did not despise lawful marriage. The regulations 
 in the penitentials aimed simply to render it more productive of 
 happiness and moraUty. 
 
 The custom of committing laws to writing, which was adopted by 
 Ethelbert, Ine and Wihtred, may perhaps be traced to the influence 
 of the monks. They certainly exercised some direct influence 
 over the judicial department of the government. According to the 
 penitential attributed to Theodore, the bishop had jurisdiction over 
 the cases of the poor up to the limit of fifty solidi, and, by the right 
 of sanctuary granted to the churches in Kent, better justice must 
 have been secured to many offenders who would otherwise have been 
 completely at the mercy of their pursuers. 
 
 The organization of the church under one head, the assembling of 
 synods and councils of churchmen from various provinces, must have 
 tended toward the upgrowth of a more national spirit, although its 
 influence was not felt until after the period of our study. 
 
 Finally, in a comparatively lawless time, it was worth much for the 
 people to have always before them an organized body of men and 
 
 ' Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 5, c. 2. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 63 
 
 women professing to live, and generally actually living, in strict obe- 
 dience to an established rule, subject to the will of a superior who 
 was obeyed without question. 
 
 If this early English church has left little trace of itself in brick or 
 stone, and the picture brought before us by antiquaries of the prob- 
 able character of its structures would not be beautiful in our eyes, 
 we know that they were thought worthy of admiration by those who 
 looked at them. We may suppose, therefore, that they embodied 
 whatever idea of architectural beauty was then prevalent among the 
 English. Certainly it was the policy of the leaders of the religious 
 movement to cultivate an appeal to the artistic sense of the people 
 both in the realm of music and of art. There was often at least an 
 attempt at decoration in the Irish churches. Wilfrid's churches at 
 York and Ripon were much admired, and that of Hexham was con- 
 sidered the most beautiful this side of the Alps. The vessels and 
 vestments for the altar were often brought from abroad and noted 
 for their beauty, as in Wilfrid's churches, in the monastery of Were- 
 mouth and Yarrow, and at the church of Bugga. Mention has already 
 been made of the paintings in Benedict Biscop's monastery, and of 
 the skill in transcribing books which was cultivated by the Colum- 
 ban monks.' There are manuscripts still in existence, which are by 
 some critics attributed to this time, which still excite admiration from 
 their beautiful combination of colors, and marvellously skillful draw- 
 ing in intricate patterns.'' 
 
 The representation of human figures is very poor, as these artists 
 seem to have had no idea of foreshortening or perspective. There 
 have been found specimens of ornamental metal work similar in style 
 to the ornamentation of the manuscripts, which may belong to the 
 seventh century, and perhaps was the work of monks. 
 
 'Westwood's Palaeographia Sacra Pictoria, quoted in Anderson's Scot- 
 land in Early Christian Times, vol. II., p. 42. 
 
 ' " I have examined, with a magnifying glass, the pages of the Gospels 
 of Lindisfarne and Book of Kells, for hours together, without ever detect- 
 ing a false line or an irregalar interlacement ; when it is considered that 
 many of the details consist of spiral lines and are so minute as to be impossi- 
 ble to have been executed with a pair of compasses, it really seems a prob- 
 lem, not only with what eyes but also with what instruments they could 
 have been executed. One instance of these details will suffice to give an 
 idea of this peculiarity. I have counted in a small space measuring scarcely 
 three-quarters of an inch, by less than one-half an inch in width, the book 
 of Armagh, not fewer than one hundred and fifty interlacements of a 
 
64 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 On the first appearance of the monks to the English, they carried 
 before them a silver cross and a picture of the Christ, and sang as 
 they came. This singing was no unusual thing for the monks. 
 Their leader, Gregory, had given much attention to ecclesiastical 
 music and his subordinates were doubtless well instructed in the Gre- 
 gorian chant, which was Gregory's contribution to music. Through 
 their influence the study of ecclesiastical music spread through Kent 
 and was extended by James, the deacon, into Northumbria. The 
 Roman monks, however, were not the only ones who appealed to 
 the people through music. Patrick is said to have been very fond 
 of the harp and Columba was noted for his fine voice. We have a 
 traditional account of the impression made upon the mind of an Irish 
 boy by the singing of the Irish monks. One day a bishop and his 
 companions were singing psalms as they journeyed along, and they 
 passed a boy, Mochuda, who left his work and followed them to the 
 monastery. When he returned home his master asked why he did 
 not come before. The boy replied, " For this reason came I not to 
 you my master, because the divine song pleased me, which I heard 
 from the holy singers and never have I heard anything like that 
 song. They sang it incessantly on the way and in the house, even 
 until the time for sleep, and the holy bishop sang after them all 
 night. Would that I, O Lord Master, might be with them, that I 
 might learn that song." Soon after the master of the boy offered 
 him a sword and shield and spear, and silver and gold, and royal 
 vestments, and all the instruments of war, but the boy refused them. 
 Then the master said unto him, " What do you wish me to give you? " 
 The holy boy said to him, " I desire none of your carnal gifts, but I 
 truly wish to learn the song which I heard from the saints of God." ^ 
 With the coming of Theodore and Hadrian, the study of ecclesiastical 
 music after the Roman method became more general and the monas- 
 tery of Weremouth and Yarrow particularly became a school for the 
 
 slender ribbon pattern, formed of white lines edged by black ones upon a 
 black ground." (Prof. Westwood in Archaeological Journal, vol. X., p. 
 278, quoted in Anderson's Scotland in Early Christian Times, vol. II., p. 
 152-) 
 
 The technical skill and beauty of coloring in the book of Kells, written 
 about the end of the seventh century, may be seen from fac-similes of 
 ornamental pages in Westwood's Fac-similes of Anglo-Saxon and Irish 
 Manuscripts, plates 8-13. 
 
 ' Legend of Mochuda from an old Irish manuscript, in Acta Sanctorum 
 May, vol. III., p. 378, et seq. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 65 
 
 Study. In Wessex, too, Aldhelm extolled the beauty of the musical 
 part of the service.' 
 
 The monks not only gained the ear of the people, but so far 
 gained their confidence that parents often brought their boys to 
 them to be educated. The father of Willibrord brought him to a 
 monastery, that in addition to his religious studies and sacred litera- 
 ture he might have the advantage of being where he would see 
 nothing which was not honorable, nor hear anything which was not 
 holy.' The Irish monasteries at Hy and Lindisfarne were schools 
 for boys, and the same was true of those founded by Romans. Bede 
 mentions a little boy three years old in the monastery of Barking," where 
 he was under the instruction of the nuns. Theodore and Hadrian did 
 much to rouse a desire for learning. The Benedictine rule made 
 special provision for the instruction of youth and Eddius mentions 
 that Wilfrid had boys in his charge. 
 
 Of course the range of study varied, but we can find out what was 
 possible to an English boy at the time by noting the acquisitions of 
 Bede and Aldhelm. They both wrote Latin with ease and knew 
 something of Greek and Hebrew, but this knowledge of language did 
 not bring with it a corresponding literary appreciation. In their 
 grammatical works and treatises on the art of writing poetry, with 
 many Christian writers, they cite some of the finest of classic authors 
 as examples. Their study of them was rather a study of language 
 than of literature. To Bede, the stories of Homer and Virgil were 
 but light tales, which were the mark of a mind as light,* and Aldhelm 
 advised Wihtfrid to study the Scriptures in preference to them.^ 
 
 Everywhere the chief and most important object of study was the 
 Bible, and the works of Bede which to his contemporaries were the 
 most important were the commentaries on the Bible. These were 
 largely compilations from the writings of the church fathers, made 
 with great care and thoroughness. He weighed and compared the 
 various writers, examining everything which came within his reach 
 and showing great intellectual power, although the fruits of his labor 
 
 'Verses on the Church of Bugga, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. LXXXIX., p. 290. 
 
 ^Alcuin's Life of Willibrord, Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. C, p. 996. 
 
 = Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 8. 
 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 20. 
 
 •= William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum, bk. 5, pp. 358- 
 
 359- 
 
66 THE WORK OF THE MONK 
 
 seem to us quite out of proportion to the zeal with which it was 
 pursued. A reason for this lies in the fact that he, in common with 
 other ecclesiastical writers of the age, spent most of his time and 
 energy in trying to discover an inner allegorical meaning in all the 
 words of the Scriptures. It was this endeavor which occupied the 
 minds of the monks all over the country in their long hours of 
 meditation. They studied the Bible as a series of allegories, whose 
 hidden meaning could only be discovered by close and careful 
 thinking. 
 
 The scientific writings of Bede and Aldhelm were simply compil- 
 ations of older writers, chiefly Pliny, and in our eyes were very un- 
 scientific. The knowledge of geometry was probably restricted to 
 simple mensuration,^ and numerical problems were chiefly limited 
 to calculations of various cycles with reference to determining the 
 festivals of the church. As a sample of Bede's astronomical knowl- 
 edge may be cited his belief that comets were stars produced sud- 
 denly with crests of flame and that they foreboded political revolu- 
 tions, pestilences, war or great tempests and droughts.' 
 
 Both Bede and Aldhelm had made quite a study of the art of 
 writing poetry, and were themselves the authors of poetical works. 
 Bede's prose style is remarkably good for a mediaeval writer, and 
 his clearness of expression betokens corresponding clearness of 
 thought, as well as good instruction. Aldhelm' s works, on the other 
 hand, are rendered very hard to understand by the peculiar con- 
 struction of the sentences, and the frequent introduction of Greek 
 words, which may be attributed to the teaching of Theodore and 
 Hadrian.'' These peculiarities are said to have been borrowed from 
 the Christian poets whom they so often cited, and the obscurity and 
 pomposity of their style is said to be due to the influence of the 
 native poetry. 
 
 Besides the work which the monks themselves did as educators 
 in England, they roused among the people what has been called a 
 Roman patriotism, which caused a great number of the Anglo-Sax- 
 ons to go to Rome. Besides the broadening influence which comes 
 from travel, they gained a thorough knowledge of and reverence for 
 
 'Wright, Biographia Bi-ittanica Literaria, pp. 83-84. 
 ^ Bede, De Rerum Natura, c. 24. 
 ''Wright, Biog. Brit. Lit., pp. 41-44. 
 
IN EAELY ENGLAND. 67 
 
 Roman institutions and usages. They also brought back to Eng- 
 land many manuscripts and other valuable memorials of their visit. 
 
 The religious work of the monks is perhaps the hardest of all to 
 measure. Leaving out of consideration the influence of the medife- 
 val theology on the English, and taking up only their influence on 
 human conduct, our conclusions must be based largely on conjec- 
 ture. We know that many of the pilgrims to Rome succumbed to 
 the temptations which beset them on the way.^ Even Oswy, who 
 took such a prominent part in the religious movements of the day, 
 seems to have been twice guilty of murder,^ and Boniface com- 
 plained later of the extent of immorality in England. Yet those of 
 the monks whose story we know best win our heartiest admiration 
 for the brave fight which they made against the evil in themselves, 
 whether it appeared to them as sin or as a visitation from evil 
 spirits. The monk was taught to prepare himself for the future life 
 by watching, prayer and good works.' The priest was fitted to in- 
 struct and baptize by erudition and a goad life.* By the ecclesias- 
 tical laws of Ine, priests were held doubly liable for trangressions. 
 If they were animated in good part by a spirit of what has been 
 called other worldliness, and many were thereby induced to with- 
 draw from their social duties to the world about them, for the sake 
 of saving their individual souls, yet for many the means to the at- 
 tainment of the heavenly kingdom was the elevation of the lives of 
 their fellows. Even hermits like Guthlac of Croyland and Cuth- 
 bert, after his retirement to Fame, were always ready to minister to 
 their visitors. Doubtless there were many noble souls, who, like 
 Bede, could admire a man because the object which he had in view 
 in all he said, did or preached was the same as their own, the re- 
 demption of mankind through the passion, resurrection and ascen- 
 sion into heaven of the man Jesus Christ, the mediator twixt God 
 and man.' The work of the monks in England was not altogether 
 strictly monastic, but had in it a large element of the missionary 
 spirit, which perhaps gave it a stronger hold on the popular moral- 
 ity. We cannot but think that the personal influence of the noble 
 
 'Letter of Boniface to Cuthbert, ed. Jaffe, No. 70. 
 ^Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, cc. 24 and 14. 
 *Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 4, c. 3. 
 'Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 23. 
 "Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk. 3, c. 17. 
 
68 THE WOEK OF THE MONK 
 
 men whom Bede presents to us must have been a potent force in 
 the community ; that to their other gifts to the English they added 
 the gift of a higher ideal of living, which might raise them farther 
 from their animalism toward one type, perhaps the only type possi- 
 ble at the time, of noble Christian manhood. 
 
IN EARLY ENGLAND. 69 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum. (Holder edition, 
 
 Freiburg, 1890.) 
 Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, volume 
 I., Oxford, 1869 ; volume II., part i, 1873, part 2, 1878 ; 
 volume III., 1871. 
 Acta Sanctorum (of the BoUandists). 
 Life of Darerca, July, vol. II. 
 Life of Declan, July, vol. IV. 
 Life of Kevin of Glendalough, June, vol. I. 
 Life of Laserian of Devenish, April, vol. II. 
 Life of Comgall, May, vol. II. 
 Life of Cuthbert, March, vol. III. 
 Life of Guthlac of Croyland, April, vol. II. 
 Life of Mochuda, May, vol. III. 
 Migne, Patrologia Latina, Paris. 
 
 Writings of Aileran, vol. LXXX. 
 Cummian's Epistle to Segienus, vol. LXXXVII. 
 Antiphonary of Bangor, vol. LXXII. 
 Works of Columbanus, vol. LXXX. 
 Works of Alcuin, vol. C. 
 Life and Works of Aldhelm, vol. LXXXIX. 
 Works of Bede, Giles edition, London, 1833- 1834. 
 William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Gentis Anglorum, edited by W. 
 
 Stubbs for the Rolls Series, London, 1887. 
 William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Pontificum Anglorum, edited for 
 
 Rolls Series, by N. E. S. A. Hamilton, London, 1870. 
 Bede, Opera Historia Minora, Stevenson edition, London, 1851. 
 Eddius' Life of Wilfrid, in Historians of the Church at York and its 
 Archbishops, edited for the Rolls Series by Raine, London, 
 1879. 
 Loofs, DeAntiqua Brittonum Scottorumque Ecclesia, Leipsic, 1882. 
 
70 THE WORK OF THE MONK IN EARLY ENGLAND.. 
 
 Symeon of Durham, Historia Dunelmensis Ecclesiae, edited for the 
 
 Rolls Series by Thomas Arnold, London, 1882. 
 Life of Eata, in Surtees Society Publications, 1838. 
 Westwood, Facsimiles of Irish and Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts. 
 Wright, Biographia Brittanica Litteraria, London, 1842. 
 Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. L 
 Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries in Scotland, vol. III. 
 Adamnan's Life of Columba, Reeves' edition, Edinburgh, 1874. 
 Todd, Life of St. Patrick, Dublin, 1864. 
 Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. II., Edinburgh, 1887. 
 Anderson, Scotland in Early Christian Times, Edinburgh, 1881. 
 Petrie, Round Towers of Ireland, Dublin, 1845. * 
 
 O'Curry, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish. 
 Dunraven, Notes on Irish Architecture. 
 Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum, ed. Jaffe, vol. III. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 
 
 Page 
 
 
 Page 
 
 Acca 
 
 
 55 
 
 British . 
 
 17 
 
 Acinius . 
 
 
 56 
 
 Britons, see Britains. 
 
 
 Adamnan 
 
 
 31.32 
 
 Bugga 
 
 52.63 
 
 Adrian 
 
 
 • 51 
 
 Cadoc 
 
 27.31 
 
 Agilbert 
 
 
 37. 39 
 
 Cadwalla 
 
 35.44 
 
 Aidan 
 
 35.36 
 
 . 39. 44. 49. 60, 61 
 
 Caedmon 
 
 • 49 
 
 Albinus . 
 
 
 • ■ ■ 56 
 
 Candida Casa . 
 
 • 27, 31 
 
 Aldhelm . 
 
 51.52 
 
 , 55, 60, 62, 65, 66 
 
 Canterbury . 13, 17 
 
 . 44. 47. S3. 56 
 
 Aldwulf 
 
 
 ■ 53 
 
 Caroticus 
 
 23, 26 
 
 Alps 
 
 
 48.63 
 
 Cassiodorus 
 
 S6 
 
 Ambrose . 
 
 
 • ■ S6 
 
 Cato 
 
 • 56 
 
 Anatolius 
 
 
 • 28, 56 
 
 Cedd 
 
 38,39 
 
 Angles 
 
 
 • 14 
 
 Celts 
 
 • 17 
 
 Anglo-Saxons . 
 
 66 
 
 Ceolred . 
 
 54 
 
 Anna 
 
 
 37 
 
 Ceolwulf 
 
 ■ 55 
 
 Applecross 
 
 
 3 
 
 Chad 
 
 45 
 
 Arator 
 
 
 57 
 
 Cicero 
 
 56 
 
 Athanasius 
 
 
 56 
 
 Clonard 
 
 31 
 
 Augustine 
 
 
 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 
 
 Cloveshoe 
 
 -SO 
 
 
 
 23. 40. 44. 59 
 
 Coinwalch 
 
 37 
 
 Augustine 
 
 St. 
 
 • • 28, 56 
 
 Colman . 
 
 ■ 39 
 
 Aurelius 
 
 
 • 57 
 
 Columba . 30, 31, 
 
 32, 33, 39, 64 
 
 Bangor 
 
 
 28, 29, 30 
 
 Columbanus 
 
 . 29 
 
 Bannaven 
 
 
 23 
 
 Comgall . 
 
 28, 29, 30 
 
 Bardney . 
 
 
 • 54 
 
 Croyland 
 
 54. 67 
 
 Barking 
 
 
 48, 6s 
 
 Cummian 
 
 28, 39 
 
 Bede, 
 
 17. 19. 
 
 20, 36, 42, 48, 49, 
 
 Cunebert 
 
 54 
 
 
 50. 52. 
 
 53. 54. 55. 56, 57. 
 
 Cuthbert 
 
 45. 46, 57. 67 
 
 
 59. 65, 
 
 66, 67, 68 
 
 Cyprian 
 
 28 
 
 Benedict B 
 
 iscop 
 
 . 21, 47, 48, 49, 
 
 Cyril 
 
 28, 56 
 
 
 
 57.63 
 
 Daniel 
 
 ■ 51 
 
 Bernicia 
 
 
 • 35 
 
 David 
 
 27. 31 
 
 Birinus 
 
 
 • 37 
 
 Deira 
 
 ■ 35 
 
 Boniface . 
 
 
 39. 58, 67 
 
 Dionysius 
 
 28 
 
 Bosa 
 
 
 • 55 
 
 Donatus . 
 
 S6 
 
 Britain 
 
 
 35, 38. 41. 45. 54 
 
 Dunwich . 
 
 54 
 
 Britains . 
 
 
 • 17. 39 
 
 Eadbald . 
 
 17, 18 
 
72 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Page 
 Earcombert . . 60 
 
 East Anglia . 37 
 
 East Angles . 19, 21, 36, 38, 54 
 East Saxons . 18, 37, 38, 39, 48, 
 
 54' 60 
 Eata . . 39 
 
 Eddius . 65 
 
 Edwin 18, 19, 20, 21, 27, 34, 
 
 35.60 
 Egbert . 41, 55, 57 
 
 Egypt 30 
 
 Egyptians 28 
 
 Elmham . 54 
 
 Ely . . .48 
 
 England 15, 27, 38, 39, 41, 46, 
 
 47. 49. 50. 56, 57. 61, 66, 67 
 English 14, 16, 18, 19, 20, 41, 43, 
 
 45, 50, 59, 60, 63, 64, 66, 68 
 
 Ethelbald . 54 
 
 Ethelbert 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 62 
 
 Ethelburga 18, 19, 22, 48 
 
 Etheldreda 48, 62 
 
 Ethelwald 55 
 
 Eusebius 56 
 
 Eutropius . 56 
 
 Fame . 46, 67 
 
 Felix . 36, 37 
 
 Finan . . -38 
 
 Finbarr 31 
 
 Finian . . 31 
 
 Flaccus . . 56 
 
 Forthere 52 
 
 Fortunatus . . 56 
 
 France . . 18, 36, 39 
 
 Frisians 58 
 
 Fursey . 37 
 
 Gaul . . 47 
 
 Germans 14 
 
 Germany . 58 
 
 Gildas . . -27, 31 
 
 Gregory 14, 15, 16, 17, 28, 37, 
 
 44. 56, 59. 64 
 
 Greeks . . 28, 49 
 
 Guthlac 54. 67 
 
 Hadrian . 41, 47, 64, 65, 66 
 
 Hatfield . 42 
 
 Hebrews . 28 
 
 Hertford . 41 
 
 Heth . 30 
 
 Hexham 
 
 Hilarius 
 
 Hilda 
 
 Homer 
 
 Honorius 
 
 Horace 
 
 Hy 
 
 Page 
 
 3. 55. 57. 63 
 
 • S6 
 
 • 39. 49 
 
 57.65 
 
 39 
 
 56 
 
 30. 31. 33. 34. 35. 36, 
 
 39. 61, 65 
 Ine . 50, 52, 59, 60, 61, 62, 67 
 
 Ingwald . . 54 
 
 lona . 30 
 
 Ireland . 23, 24, 26, 28, 31, 32, 
 
 37. 38. 39. 58, 59 
 Irish 2^, 28, 39, 40 
 
 Isaac . . 47 
 
 Isle of Wight . 45 
 
 Italians " . 38 
 
 James the Deacon . 19, 22, 64 
 
 Jerome . 28, 56 
 
 Jerusalem . 39 
 
 John, Pope 39 
 
 John of Beverly 62 
 
 John the Singer . . 48 
 
 Josephus . 56 
 
 Julian 56 
 
 Julius .... 56 
 
 Justus . . . .18 
 
 Kent 13, 18, 22, 37, 38, 41, 53, 
 
 60, 61, 62, 64 
 Laberius . . 56 
 
 Lastingham . . 61 
 
 Laurentius . 17, 18 
 
 Lerins . . '47 
 
 Lindisfarne . 36, 37, 38, 39, 45, 
 
 46. 55. 65 
 
 Lindissae . . -54 
 
 Livy . . 56 
 
 London 41, 54 
 
 Lucilius . 56 
 
 Lucretius 56 
 
 Lyons 39 
 
 Maelrubha . 30 
 
 Magbile . -31 
 
 Malmesbury . 51 
 
 Melossus . . 56 
 
 Mellitus . . 17, 18 
 
 Mercia . 22, 38, 44, 53, 54 
 
 Mercians . ' ■ 37. 38. 45. 54 
 
 Middle Angles . . 37, 38 
 
INDEX . 
 
 73 
 
 Mochuda 
 Modestus 
 Morinus . 
 Moses 
 
 Page 
 64 
 
 56 . 
 28 
 
 47 
 
 Northumbria . i8, 19, 34, 35, 37, 
 
 39. 4I' 44. 46. 47. 
 
 S4, 57. 62, 64 
 Northumbrians 38 
 
 Offa 62 
 
 Origen 28 
 
 Orosius . 56 
 
 Oswald 35, 37, 60 
 
 Oswy . 37. 38. 39. 4'. 44. 67 
 Ovid 56 
 
 Owini 61 
 
 Pacominus 28 
 
 Pacuvius . 56 
 
 Paeda 36 
 
 Partney . 54 
 
 Patrick 23, 26, 27, 28, 64 
 
 Paulinus . 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 27, 
 
 35. 57 
 
 Pechthelm . 55 
 
 Penda 22, 35, 37, 38 
 
 Picts . . . 34 
 
 Pliny 57, 66 
 
 Pompeius 56 
 
 Pomponius 56 
 
 Propertius 56 
 
 Prudentius 57 
 
 Ripon 48, 63 
 
 Rochester . 18, 53 
 
 Romans 17, 18, 24, 28, 39, 65 
 
 Rome 13, 14, 17, 18, 39, 44, 
 
 47. 48. 52. 53. 54. 59. 
 
 60, 61, 66, 67 
 Saint Martin . . 34 
 
 Scotland 30 
 
 Scots . 17, 34, 35 
 
 Sedulius . 
 
 Segienus 
 
 Sherborne 
 
 Sigebert . 
 
 Solinus 
 
 South Saxons . 
 
 Sussex 
 
 Taberniae 
 
 Tarsus 
 
 Tatwine 
 
 Terence . 
 
 Thanet . 
 
 Theodore 
 
 Page 
 
 . . 56 
 
 28, 39 
 
 51. 52 
 
 36. 37. 60 
 
 . . 56 
 
 45. 61, 62 
 
 • 53 
 
 24 
 
 41 
 
 53 
 
 56 
 
 ■ 59 
 
 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 
 
 47. 48. 49. 59. 62, 
 64, 65, 66 
 Theophilus . 28 
 
 Varro 56 
 
 Verrius 56 
 
 Victorinus 57 
 
 Victorias . 57 
 
 Virgil . 56, 65 
 
 VVeremouth 44, 47, 48, 56, 57, 
 
 61, 63, 64 
 Wessex . . 44, 52, 54, 60, 65 
 West Saxons . 37, 38, 50 
 
 Whitby 39, 41, 44, 49, 59 
 
 Wictbert . 58 
 
 Wighard 41 
 
 Wihtfrid . 65 
 
 Wihtred 53, 59, 61, 62 
 
 Wilfred 21, 39, 44, 45, 48, 49, 
 
 55. 57. 61, 62, 63, 65 
 Willibrord 58, 65 
 
 Winchester . 51 
 
 Winifrith, see Boniface. 
 Witherne . 55 
 
 Yarrow .44,47,48,56,57,61,63, 
 
 64 
 York, 16,22,44,48,49,55,57,63 
 
Cornell University Library 
 BR747 .T91 
 
 Work of the monk in early England 
 
 olin 
 
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