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 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027930217 
 
Zen 
 Scarce Books 
 
 In 
 
 ]£ngli6b %/iterature 
 
 privateli? IReprintcb. 
 
Zen 
 
 Scarce SSooke 
 
 m 
 
 Bnglisb literature 
 
 privately IReprinteb. 
 JEMnburgb. 
 
ilMafotical Kcptinw. — XVII. 
 
 wm'-'-'^' 
 
 vmt&i 
 
 kmm&M 
 
 ysis 
 
 ^ 
 ■^ 
 
 
 Exacfl and certaine 
 
 N E W E S 
 
 From the Siege at 
 
 YORKE. 
 
 And of many remarkable paffa- 
 
 ges of our Armys in thofe parts, extracted 
 
 out of diverse Letters which were sent by this 
 
 last Post from I{td/, to a Gentleman of 
 
 Grayes-Inne. 
 
 As alfso the taking of Mulgrave 
 
 Castle, and in it Sir Walter Vavqfour, 
 
 Sir Piter Middletons eldest Sonne, and 
 
 other Gentlemen of quality. 
 
 ^ Together with the Relation of the Scots 
 
 ^^ Second Army, advanced to Blithenooke in 
 j^ Northumberland^ and their taking 
 
 >:'<i oi Morpeth Castle. 
 
 'l'^ With many other remarkable Obsemations. 
 
 
 * © -^ © * © * © •i' © •!- © *I- © • 
 
 fw-o- 
 
 London, Printed for Mathew Walbanke. ^ 
 July 3. 1644. 
 
 '':mmwrmw 
 
 
 
This Reprint is limited to 200 small-paper and 50 
 large-paper copies 
 
AN 
 
 EXTRACT 
 
 OF 
 
 Foure feverall Letters written from 
 
 Hull, and sent by this Post to a 
 
 Gentleman of Grayes-Inne, by a prudentiall 
 
 friend of his, newly returned thither from 
 
 the Leaguer before 
 
 YORKE. 
 
 ' Y Lord of Maiuhesters Forces are daily in 
 action, straitning the besieged in their 
 quarters ; and battering about Bowdan- 
 Barre and the Mannor, and the besieged 
 frequently issuing forth, and skirmishing. lune 24, 
 there were about 20 taken, and as many slaine on 
 the Kings party, and two or three hurt and slaine on 
 my Lord of Manchester!, but this is reported some- 
 thing diversly. 
 
 2. The Scots Forces for the most part stirre not, 
 by reason the Enemie sallied not out so oft against 
 their quarters. 
 
 3. My Lord Fairfax and his quarter is also often 
 in action, about and against Monck-Barre. 
 
4 THE SIEGE AT YORKE. 
 
 4. Prince Ruperts Army, especially in horse, is 
 reported to be great, and a great part of brave horse 
 and good foot, under the command of Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax, and Major Generalizes/^, are gone forth 
 towards Rippon and those parts, to meet and fight 
 with them. 
 
 5. I beleeve (so far as I can conjecture) the York- 
 ists are neither quickly nor easily to be conquered, 
 but are resolved to try all extremity in expectation 
 of the comming and ayde of Prince Rupert; God 
 turne all to the good of the Church and Common- 
 wealth. 
 
 6. All the great and vast dales in the North-rid- 
 ing of Yorkeshire, together with their two strong 
 Castles of Midlan and Bolton, stand still as formerly, 
 to wit, in a neutrall posture, and to this day would 
 never beare Armes, or pay contributions, notwith- 
 standing all their severall summons, threats, pro- 
 positions sent unto them. 
 
 7. Colonell Charles Fairfax, a prudent and 
 valiant Gentleman, hath again reduced most of the 
 Bishopricke of Dtirham to the obedience of the 
 King and Parliament, and are now with about 
 1 200 horse about Durham and Sunderlaiid. 
 
 8. Last night newes came hither, (believed true 
 and certaine) that a new Armie of Scots is come 
 into Northumberland to Blythenooke, of about ten 
 or twelve thousand, and that they have already taken 
 il/i77y(*ty/j-Castle,and that Colonell Claveringxai the 
 Scottish Lords with him, have rested themselves in 
 Newcastle. 
 
THE SIEGE AT YORKE. 5 
 
 9. These seas heere are full of danger and 
 robberie. 
 
 ^.J»<^<jJ><Jl(,,j]i,,J,,j|i,,j|;,,j{^,j|^^,j|,,j];,,jJp,j|(,,j|j, 
 
 Out of another Letter. 
 
 10. Wee hold our siege yet, but are so prepared, 
 that if Prince Rupert doe come, we are ready to 
 meet him, we heare much of his advance this way, 
 but no certainty which way he will fall into 
 the Country. 
 
 11. Mulgrave Castle is taken. Sir Walter Vava- 
 sor, Sir Peter Middletons eldest Sonne, and divers 
 others. 
 
 yj,^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 Out of another Letter. 
 
 12. There is about Whitby some Ordnance 
 landed for us, of which Colonell Bointon having 
 notice, did prepare Forces to conveigh them to 
 Mulgrave Castle, (now in our hands) and had sent 
 Letters to some Troops in Holdernesse to assist 
 him : which Letters Sir Hugh Cholmley intercept- 
 ing ; and understanding therby the designe, makes 
 his strength, & goes and skirmisheth with our 
 Forces, which a Master of a Ship on our side per- 
 
6 THE SIEGE AT YORKE. 
 
 ceiving, sent a shoare a Drake and 20 Musquetiers 
 which by a mistake came to Sir Hugh Cholmky, 
 and so were surprised, but we heard this day that 
 Whitby is taken by Colonell Bointon, and that 
 Drake, with 40 men and Armes taken, and one 
 Newton is left Governour in it. 
 
 13. Wee now heare also from Sir Thomas Fair- 
 fax, who is about Rippon with his Army, that he 
 
 cannot heare or learne that Prince Rupert is ap- 
 proaching any thing nearer Yorke, yet they are 
 very cautious, and prepare for him, least that Vbi- 
 quitarian steale on them unawares. 
 
 14. Our hopes are rather to starve then storme 
 Yorke, but our desire is to have it by composition 
 and yeeldance. 
 
 1 5. Cawood Castle had like to have beene sur- 
 prised, by a partie of horse from Poiufret, but was 
 prevented by the vigilancie of the Guards, though 
 some prisoners escaped. 
 
 I. July 1644. 
 
 Jmprimatur, 
 
 Jo. RUSIiWORTH. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
HISTORICAL REPRINTS.-Xl . 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Ikinos of Britain, 
 
 FROII BEUTUS TO THE DEATH 
 
 OF ALFRED, 
 
 G:raiislate& from a lFlorman=3frencb 
 
 ^S. in tbe Xibrars of XTrlnlte 
 
 College, Cambrt&ge, 6up» 
 
 poseD to be wrftten bg 
 
 Ipeter be Jcftbam. 
 
 MCCLXXV. 
 
 PRIVATELY PRINTKri 
 EDINBURGH. 
 
 1885. 
 
This edition is limited to 200 small- fafer copies, 
 and 50 large-paper copies. 
 
THE GENEALOGY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 KINGS OF BRITAIN. 
 
 'J^WELVE hundred years before the birth of our 
 Lord, Brutus, the son of Silvius, with his 
 wife Ynogen and with his three sons, after the 
 Trojan war came to England, which at that time 
 was like a desert. He built the city of London 
 and called it Trinovant. It was called afterwards 
 New Troy; afterwards Karlud; afterwards Lundin, 
 and now Lundene. At this time Eli was judge of 
 the children of Israel. This Brutus on his death 
 made his eldest son, who was Locrinus, king of 
 England, and called the land Great Britain, after 
 his name. 
 
4 THE GENEALOGY OF 
 
 Locrinus when he was king after his father, 
 caused the land to be called Leogria, after his 
 own name. To his second son, whose name was 
 Camber, he gave the land of Wales, and he caused 
 it to be called Cambria, after his name. To his 
 third son, who was called Albanactus, he gave 
 Scotland, and he caused it to be called Albania, 
 after his name. And at this time king David 
 reigned at Jerusalem. 
 
 Eboracus the sixth king after Brutus built York 
 and Dumbarton and Maidens' Castle, and the 
 castle of Montrose. Rudhudibras the son of 
 Eboracus built Canterbury and Winchester and 
 Shaftesbury. There an eagle used to speak. 
 
 After that Bladud built Bath. He also made 
 the Hot Baths. Afterwards he made himself 
 wings and flew as far as to London, then called 
 Trinovant, and there he fell so that he broke his 
 neck. After him Lear built Leicester. He had 
 three beautiful daughters. He questioned the 
 eldest daughter and asked her how much she loved 
 him. And she answered, " My lord, my lord, I 
 dare affirm I love you like the God of heaven." 
 Then he questioned the second in like manner, 
 and she said, "As much as a daughter can love a 
 father." Then he questioned the third daughter 
 aud asked her, "Fair daughter, how much do you 
 love me?" she answered, " Fair sire, I love thee 
 as I ought to love my father, and assure thyself of 
 
THE KINGS OF BRITAIN. 5 
 
 this, as much as thou hast so much thou art worth, 
 and so much I love thee."* 
 
 Then the king Lear was enraged against this 
 daughter, and swore his oath -f- that he never more 
 would take thought for her. And he gave his two 
 elder daughters in marriage, the one with one half 
 of his kingdom, the other with the other half. 
 And the youngest, for her beauty and her noble- 
 ness, was married to a noble king of France. After 
 this the king Lear could not maintain the Court 
 which he held before, and became quite poor ; so 
 that he came to his first daughter, making his 
 complaint, but she hid herself from him and made 
 her husband her excuse, that she dared not, and 
 could not do anything for him. Then he came to 
 the second in like manner, and she said, " One 
 ought not to do anything for a man that will not 
 keep anything for his own behoof. " Then was he 
 dismayed exceedingly, and thought of going over 
 to tell his youngest daughter how his two children 
 had answered him. And he crossed the sea, quite 
 poor, and told his state by letter to his daughter, 
 who was queen of France. She immediately 
 
 * "Also muche so thou havest! thou art 
 worth y wis, 
 And also moche ich lovyg the! the 
 endinge lo is this." 
 
 Robert of Gloucester. 
 -j- "And thou schalt, for thine onkuinde, hede! 
 beon al out of mi muinde." — Id. 
 
O THE GENEALOGY OF 
 
 caused gold and silver sufficient to be got ready 
 secretly, and sent word to her father that he should 
 keep strict silence concerning what she wrote to 
 him; and he did so. And soon after the queen 
 informed her lord, the king of France, that her 
 father, the king of England, was arrived in his 
 kingdom to speak with him. And the king of 
 France rejoyced greatly at this, and commanded 
 that all his baronage should come with him to 
 welcome the queen's father, and so they did. 
 Soon after the king Lear, by the advice of the 
 queen, told the king of all, how his two daughters 
 had answered him in England. And the king of 
 France was sorely grieved at it, and by the advice 
 of the queen, his wife, sent a great army forth 
 from France to aid king Lear to conquer his king- 
 dom; and he conquered it, and he banished his 
 two daughters with their husbands for ever, and 
 reigned himself three years afterwards. Upon his 
 death Cordelia, his youngest daughter, obtained 
 the kingdom; and her two nephews, the sons of 
 her sisters, came and made war upon her, and took 
 and kept her in prison. She killed herself for 
 grief. 
 
 After this the king Belin, the son of Donewal, 
 from whom Billingsgate is named, made four royal 
 roads through the midst of England. The first 
 he made from Totness to Caithness. The second 
 he made from St. David's across to Southampton, 
 
THE KINGS OF BRITAIN. 7 
 
 and the two other roads all round the kingdom. 
 This Belin seized France and Lombardy and Rome. 
 
 After him Cassibelaunus was king, who twice 
 expelled Julius Cesar from England; but the third 
 time Cassibelaunus was conquered, and paid 
 tribute to Rome two thousand pounds a year. 
 This was forty-two years before the birth of our 
 Lord. 
 
 About this time was our Lord born. 
 
 Eighty-two years after our Lord's passion, 
 Telesphorus, the pope, ordained the chanting of 
 Gloria in Excelsis Deo. 
 
 After this Lucius, the king of the Britons, 
 received Christianity in England from the Pope 
 Eleutherius, and all England became Christian. 
 This Lucius also created two archbishopricks and 
 twenty-three bishopricks : and this was four hun- 
 dred and forty-six years before Saint Austine. 
 After this Diocletian caused great persecution of 
 Christianity. About this time St. Alban suffered 
 martyrdom. 
 
 At this time, king Votigem invited Horsa and 
 Hengist to England. After this, Gormund, the 
 king of Africa, arrived in England, and destroyed 
 nearly the whole of Christianity and all the 
 churches. And then the Britons lost the sover- 
 
8 THE GENEALOGY OF 
 
 eignty of England. After this was England for 
 many years under an interdict. 
 
 England was divided among five kings in five 
 parts. One had Kent, another Wessex, the third 
 Mercia, the fourth Northumberland, the fifth had 
 East Anglia. 
 
 The king of Kent reigned only in Kent. He 
 had in his territory the Archbishopric of Canterbury 
 and the bishopric of Rochester. 
 
 The king of Wessex had Wiltshire, Berkshire, 
 Dorset, Sussex, Southamptonshire, Surrey, Somer- 
 set, Devonshire, and Cornwall. He had in his 
 kingdom five sees : the bishopric of Salisbury, 
 which was then at Shirborne ; and that of Selsey, 
 which now is at Chichester; and that of Win- 
 chester; and that of Bath, which was then at 
 Wells; and that of Exeter, which was then 
 divided into two parts; the one part was at 
 Crediton, the other at Saint Germans in Cornwall. 
 
 The king of Mercia had Gloucestershire, 
 Worcestershire, Warwickshire, Cheshire, Derby- 
 shire, Staiibrdshire, Shropshire, Herefordshire, 
 Huntingdonshire, half of Bedfordshire, Nor- 
 thamptonshire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, 
 Leicestershire, Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire. 
 He had four bishoprics in his dominions, viz., 
 that of Lincoln, of Chester, of Hereford, and of 
 Worcester. 
 
 The king of East Anglia had Cambridgeshire, 
 
THE KINGS OF BRITAIN. 9 
 
 Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and half of Bedfordshire. 
 He had two bishoprics, that of Ely and that of 
 Norwich. 
 
 The king of Northumberland had the whole 
 land beyond the Humber, as far as to Scotland. 
 He had in his territory the archbishopric of York 
 and the bishopric of Durham. And thus was 
 England divided for a long while. 
 
 After the arrival of the Angles, the kings very often 
 made war together; very often some robbed others, 
 the stronger robbed the weaker, until thetimeofEg- 
 bert, the son of Ealmund, a very worthy man both 
 towards God and theworldjbornand bred inWessex 
 and afterwards in France with king Charles. He 
 was the first king who possessed the whole of 
 England at once. This Egbert began to show 
 himself a good man and a valiant, so that Bryhtric 
 king of Wessex conceived great envy of him. He 
 had a prophetic fear that Egbert would take away 
 his kingdom, and was about to kill him. But 
 Egbert found it out and fled to France, There 
 he acquired courage and courtesy and accomplish- 
 ment. At that time Charlemagne the Great was 
 king: he reigned forty -six years. There Egbert 
 remained till the death of Bryhtric. 
 
 And then the barons of Wessex sent for Egbert, 
 whereupon Egbert came and conquered the whole 
 of England. He dwelt in the country twenty- 
 eight years before he had conquered all, and 
 
10 THE GENEALOGY OF 
 
 reigned afterwards nine years ; and died and lies 
 at Winchester. 
 
 After Egbert Ethelwolf his son received the 
 kingdom, who was a good man before God and 
 not very mighty in regard to the world. He 
 therefore retained only Wessex. There was a 
 noble man king of Mercia ; to whom he gave his 
 daughter ; a vaUant man ; he was named Burgred. 
 Ethelred gave the whole of the rest of his realm to 
 his son Ethelstan. Moreover he gave every tenth 
 hyde of land to God and the Holy Church, free 
 and quit of every kind of secular service, to clothe 
 and feed the poor. Also he gave to God and 
 Saint Peter a penny on every house in England, 
 which they call St. Peter's penny. It was he who 
 first gave this. He gave also three hundred 
 besants to Rome; one hundred was to endow 
 lights for St. Peter, the second hundred for St. 
 Paul, the third hundred was for the Pope. This 
 Ethelwolf dwelt one year at Rome, then he came 
 homewards by France : and took to wife the lady 
 Judith the daughter of Charles the Bald. He 
 lived two years after, and then died and lies at 
 Winchester. This Ethelwolf had four sons. The 
 fifth called Ethelstan was dead. The eldest of 
 the others was named Ethelbald, the second was 
 called Ethelbert, the third was Ethelred, the 
 fourth was Alfred. The fifth, as we have said, 
 was dead. 
 
THE KINGS OF BRITAIN. II 
 
 Ethelbald and Ethelbert shared the kingdom 
 between them, but Ethelbald only lived five years. 
 So Ethelbert obtained the whole of his kingdom. 
 But he only lived another five years afterward. 
 
 After him reigned Ethelred, a very noble man 
 before God, and of great power in the world. But 
 the Danes so harassed him that nine times in one 
 year they gave him pitched battle. Seldom was 
 he conquered, and often was conqueror, so killed 
 of them five earls, one king, and people without 
 number. But never should we forget the battle 
 of Ashdown, which he fought at another time 
 against Osith king of Denmark, who came with 
 five earls and with one king and with an astonish- 
 ing army. Ethelred went to meet him,* and Alfred 
 
 * Oxf. MS. reads: And on the opposite side king 
 Ethelred and his brother Alfred came, with their 
 followers. And the Danes divided their army into 
 two hosts : the two kings with a large force in the 
 one wing, and the earls and barons in the other wing. 
 King Ethelred divided his troops thus : one wing with 
 himself opposite the two kings, and the other wing 
 under his brother, opposite the earls. The evening 
 drew on, so the battle was delayed until the morrow. 
 King Ethelred heard mass and his brother and their 
 army hurried him greatly. So they commenced the 
 battle, and the Danes attacked them fiercely, and the 
 English were grievously troubled because the king 
 made such delay, so they hastened him instantly. But 
 the king was determined never to leave mass before it 
 was said through, and it wanted little but that the 
 
12 GENEALOGY OF THE KINGS OF BRITAIN. 
 
 his brother with him, so they fought fiercely till 
 night. On the morrow king Ethelred heard his 
 mass very early, and he would not move from the 
 place, until he had heard his service, for any man. 
 For his brother Alfred and his men had com- 
 menced the battle in the morning rashly, and 
 were almost defeated, so they sent often to 
 Ethelred who was at mass. After he had heard 
 the whole with good faith he came to the battle. 
 And there God gave him so great glory that he 
 conquered his enemies, and killed king Osith, and 
 five earls, and much people. After this battle he 
 lived five years and died and was buried at 
 Wimborne. 
 
 English commenced their flight, when the king 
 arrived. And he signed himself with the cross, and 
 struck at the middle of the press and broke through 
 their rank, and threw himself into the fight and killed 
 there their king Osith and the other king and the five 
 earls, and people without number. But he continued 
 in his reign only five years, so he died and is buried at 
 Wimborne. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
historical iaeprintg.— ix . 
 
 THE 
 
 IMPOSTOR 
 
 PAINTED IN HIS OWN COLOURS ; 
 OR, 
 
 TIbe base Btrtb anb parentage 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Chevalier De St George, 
 alias the 
 
 PRETENDER, 
 
 Now truly brought to Light ; 
 
 AND 
 
 Made Publick to deter Jacobites and Tories 
 
 from Endeavouring to Exchange our 
 
 happy Constitution, Liberty and 
 
 Property, for Arbitrary 
 
 Power, Slavery and 
 
 Wooden Shoes. 
 
 Hoc VOLO, SIC JUBEO. juv. Sat. vi. 
 
 London: Printed by J. Read, near Fleetstreet. 
 Price Three Half-Pence 
 
 ^/^ 
 
This Rcfrmt is limited Co 200 small-paper a?id 50 
 large-paper copits. 
 
G^«ik^ 9-?^^ 'i^JJ Gu-A^.-O Q.-^JJ &,4--^ 
 
 C:vl<r$:'s^<^jsf<T 'JT-T'T >.-^.T^ cVT/^ ; 
 
 Wo tf)c ^eaDer. 
 
 ^— >8-<^^>i-' — 
 
 I AM not forgetful of a certain Person, who 
 some years since asserted the Pretender to 
 be the Son of the Duke of Tyrconnel and one Mrs 
 Gray, murder'd a little before her Child-bearing, 
 at a Nunnery in France. Again, the Author of 
 that Narrative says, He found out the Mystery of 
 the AVarming-Pan, by his serving in the Quality 
 of a Page at the Marchioness of Powis ; but 
 being well assured, that Mr. William Fuller, at 
 the time when the Pretender was born, was an 
 Apprentice to a Coney-Wool-Cutter in Shoe-Lane, 
 in London ; my Faith will not give any Credit to 
 what he formerly writ on this Matter. 
 
 Nevertheless, I can do no otherwise than own 
 the Chevalier de St. George, commonly known by 
 the Name of the Pretender, to be an illegitimate 
 Child, because a spurious * Account which I found 
 of his Birth in the Study of a learned Jesuit, 
 
4 The Impostor, 
 
 makes out his Pedigree very plain. The Manu- 
 script of this surprizing Secret was penned by Mr 
 Polton, of the Order of the Society of Jesus, from 
 the Mouth of Father Peters, when he once con- 
 fessed him, and gave him Absolution, as being 
 near the point of Death, at Abbeville in France. 
 
 Afterwards Mr Polton, (noted for the great 
 Controversies held betwixt him, and his Grace the 
 present Archbishop of Canterbury, about the Doc- 
 trine of Transubstantiation, and other erroneous 
 Points of Faith maintain'd by the Church of 
 Rome) resided at Fouchial, the chief Town of 
 Madera, an Isle in Africk, Tributary to the King 
 of Portugal, and in a Voyage which I made to the 
 West Indies in 1692-3, our Ship touch'd there to 
 take in fresh Water ; where going ashore, it was 
 my Fortune to meet with this Gentleman coming 
 out of a Nunnery, who was mightily overjoy'd to 
 see me, because I had once been his Pupil in 
 England. 
 
 He takes me to his Lodgings, where turning 
 over his Books, in one of them I found an Account 
 of the Birth and Parentage of this Impostor, whose 
 Insolence threatens us at this juncture with an 
 Invasion ; and surreptitiously carrying it on Board 
 with me, transcrib'd the Original, which I returned 
 again to the Owner, who was not a little surpriz'd 
 at this Discovery of a Cheat, well known to 
 Father Peters ; who springing from Ignatius 
 
Alias, The Pretender. 5 
 
 Loyola, his Profession made him a half Key to 
 open Princes Cabinets, to pry into their Counsels ; 
 and where the Pope's Excommunication Thun- 
 ders, he could hold it no more a Sin to dethrone 
 Kings, than to make a general Massacre among 
 Hereticks. 
 
 Mr. Polton us'd all his rhetorical Flourishes to 
 inveagle me out of my Copy ; but finding all his 
 pathetick Insinuations in vain, he conjur'd my 
 Secrecy, and could not be easie till I had 
 solemnly promis'd him never to divulge the fol- 
 lowing Account of the Pretender, on whose Life 
 he Romish See had great hopes to establish 
 Popery in Great-Britain once more ; but it is the 
 Utinam of every good Protestant, that the Cheru- 
 bim's flaming sword will keep the Pope out of 
 this Island, which he, by his Apostacy hath justly 
 forfeited and lost, till Time shall be swallow'd up 
 in Eternity. And to conclude, — That which hath 
 induced me to send this Narrative into the World, 
 is Loyalty to my lawful Sovereign King George, 
 Veneration for the Church of England, and a real 
 Love for my Country ; which, by means of the 
 present Administration, will be made happy for 
 
THE 
 
 IMPOSTOR 
 
 Painted in his own Colours^ i£c. 
 
 I WILL not speak of the Assassination-Plot in 
 the Reign of King William the Third, for 
 which Sir William Perkins, Sir John Friend, 
 Charnock, Keys, Cranborn, and others were exe- 
 cuted at Tyburn ; I shall proceed to hint on the 
 unparallell'd Baseness of King James the Second, 
 who was so much bigotted to the Church of Rome, 
 to Establish Popery in this Kingdom, and endea- 
 voured to disinherit his own la\^fully begotten 
 Children, by trumping up an Impostor on us ; as 
 you shall hear now by the Sequel of this Nar- 
 rative. 
 
 When the great Nassau came to deliver Great 
 Britain and Ireland from Slavery and Arbitrary 
 Power, the evil Counsellors of King James being 
 
The Pretender. 7 
 
 forc'd to fly beyond Sea, among them Father 
 Peters made his escape, and being taken despe- 
 rately ill of a Fever at Abbeville in France, he 
 sent for one Andrew Polton, a Jesuit, who had 
 then but lately been Chief Pedagogue of the first 
 or head School erected in the Seminary in the 
 Savoy, by the said King James ; no sooner was 
 he come to his Chamber, but all the Company 
 being desired by the sick Person to depart the 
 same, then addressing himself to Mr Polton, he 
 told him his Sickness rather increased on him than 
 diminisht, wherefore he was willing to make his 
 Confession to him, which he requested he would 
 pen down verbatim. 
 
 " Dear Brother, of the same -Society with me, 
 and not unworthy of meriting the Fellowship of St. 
 Ignatius de Loyola, our Founder, you cannot be 
 insensible of my endeavouring, when I was a Privy 
 Counsellor to the unfortunate King James, to 
 subvert and extirpate the Protestant Religion, and 
 the Laws and Liberties of all his Kingdoms. In 
 order thereto, I, and some others of the Privy 
 Council, advis'd him to assume and exercise a dis- 
 pensing Power, by suspending the Execution of 
 Laws without Consent of Parliament. We advis'd 
 him to commit the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 Bishop of St Asaph, Bishop of Ely, Bishop of 
 Chichester, Bishop of Bath and Wells, Bishop 
 of Peterborough, and Bishop of Bristol to the 
 
8 The Impostor, 
 
 Tower ; to erect a Court of Commissioners for 
 Ecclesiastical Causes, to levy Money for the Use 
 of the Crown, by pretence of Prerogative ; to raise 
 and keep a Standing Army in time of Peace ; to 
 quarter Soldiers contrary to Law ; to disarm Pro- 
 testants; to violate the Freedom of Election of 
 Members to serve in Parliament ; to return Jurors 
 in Tryals for High-Treason, who were not Free- 
 holders ; to require excessive Bail of Persons 
 committed in criminal Cases ; to impose excessive 
 Fines, and to inflict illegal and cruel Punishments 
 on Persons who were not of our side. 
 
 "But above all, to establish Popery for ever in 
 Great Britain, and all the Dominions thereunto 
 belonging, I advis'd the King to disinherit his 
 true and lawfully begotten Children Mary and 
 Anne, by making the Kingdom believe his 
 Queen was with Child ; accordingly, Prayers were 
 offered up in all Churches for her happy delivery, 
 when, alas ! she was no more with Child than you, 
 or I, Sir. Now, to put a fair Gloss on this 
 Intrigue, carried on for the Good of Mother- 
 Church, Her Majesty cunningly seeming to be in 
 Travail, she was convey'd on Saturday the gth of 
 June, i68S, to the Palace of St James, where on 
 Sunday Morning next, being the loth of the same 
 Month, she was presently brought to Bed of a fine 
 Boy without any Pain at all, because the Child 
 was gotten to her hand by my own self, ghostly 
 
Alias, The Pretender. 9 
 
 Father, on the Body of one Mrs Elizabeth Mac- 
 nemarra, who was a Bye-blow her self, begotten 
 by a Gentleman of that Name living in the North 
 of Ireland, where she was born, and being brought 
 by the Duchess of Tyrconnel to London, in the 
 Quality of a Chamber-maid ; who being endow'd 
 with some Beauty but little Wit, I did neverthe- 
 less presume to transgress against the Rules of 
 our Order, which, beside Poverty and Obedience, 
 enjoyn us to Chastity, by making carnal Use of 
 her Person, to promote our Interest ; which then 
 seem'd likely to prosper, since she happen'd to be 
 brought to Bed, just as the Queen had passed her 
 Reckoning ; and that the true Mother of this 
 sham Prince might not tell Tales when she 
 went abroad, as soon as she was up again, we 
 dispatch'd her out of the World with a Dose oi 
 Poyson, and privately buried her Body in Hyde 
 Park. 
 
 " On the same Day as my dear Babe was born, 
 and secretly convey'd by an intriguing Lady into 
 the Queen's Bed, it was order'd in Council that 
 there should be a general Thanksgiving, to be 
 observ'd within the Liberties of London and 
 Westminster, and Parts adjacent, on Sunday the 
 17th of June, and 14 Days after, in all other 
 Parts of that Kingdom : And, that Notice should 
 be given of the Birth of this Spurious Prince to 
 the Lord-Mayor of London, that Bonfires, and 
 B 
 
lo The Impostor, 
 
 public Rejoycings might be made ; which was 
 accordingly perform'd, after firing the Cannon of 
 the Tower, with all the Demonstrations of extra- 
 ordinary Joy, with which so great a Blessing, 
 bestow'd by my Vigour and Manhood upon their 
 Majesties, had filled the Hearts of their Subjects. 
 And still to make the Matter look more plausible, 
 it was order'd by the King in Council, on the First 
 of November following, That the several Declara- 
 tions made by His Majesty, who knew well 
 enough it was none of his Child ; and by Her 
 Majesty the Queen Dowager, together with the 
 several Depositions made by some Noblemen, be 
 forthwith Enroll'd in the Court of Chancery ; but 
 all would not do, for the Generality of the People 
 knew the Brungin was a Trick put upon them, 
 and would no more acknowledge him to be the 
 true Heir to the three ICingdoms, than they would 
 the Pope's Nuncio. 
 
 " However, Reverend Father, I can't help it ; I 
 did my best to advance our Cause ; and therefore 
 let me die when I will, I hope the Fornication and 
 murder I committed to fix our Religion once more 
 in England, is not so much as a venial Sin, but 
 rather Meritorious, and will translate me to those 
 Regions whither Garnet, and others of our 
 honourable Society are long since fled before 
 me." 
 
 Here Father Peters making an end of Confessirtg 
 
Alias, The Pretenukr. h 
 
 himself, Mi Polton gave him Absolution with 
 Tears in his Eyes ; as well he might, to see such a 
 Sinner glory in his Wickedness ; which was so 
 great that he durst attempt to put Fallacies upon 
 his Maker out of his own A\'ord, and make God's 
 most Righteous precepts the Topicks of his Diso- 
 bedience. 
 
 All the World knows the Character of Father 
 Peters was none of the best ; therefore the 
 Chevalier de St George, alias the Pretender, his 
 own Child, cannot be much better ; which makes 
 good the old Proverb, Alali corvi niahim ovum^ 
 that is to say, Like Father, like Son. Now should 
 he be introduced here by a Foreign Power, mixt 
 with some Irish Papists, who are the worst of 
 Papists, and Scum of Mankind, being sensible of 
 the meanness of his Birth, he may prove a second 
 Maximinus, which Emperor being born in a 
 pelting Village of Thrace, slew as many as knew 
 his Pedigree, and had seen the Rags of his 
 Parents. Herod burnt the Genealogies of the 
 Jews, that he might affirm himself, as well as they, 
 to have descended of a Noble Race ; and Themis- 
 tocles, a Bastard, for to cloak his Birth, and to 
 remove the ill Opinion conceived of him that 
 Way, enticed the young Nobility of Athens, to 
 frequent Cynosarges, a School without the City, 
 where Bastards did only frequent. 
 
 Now what would our Jacobites and Tories be 
 
12 The Impostor, 
 
 at ? They want an Impostor to change the must 
 happy and best Constitution in the World for a 
 Dispotic and Arbitrary Power. They prefer 
 Bondage and Slavery before Liberty and Pro- 
 perty ; the Superstition of an Idolatrous See 
 before the Purity of the Church of England ; the 
 Pollution of our Holy Orders before the true Ser- 
 vice of our God ; Dragooning out of their Money 
 before giving it by their own Consent ; and 
 wearing Wooden Shoes before Ease and Decency. 
 In fine, as the Pretender has been bred up in a 
 Court, well vers'd in Tyranny and Oppression, 
 without doubt he will perfectly act the Part of the 
 Prophet's Iving, should he, which God forbid, 
 obtain the British Crown by Usurpation. For 
 what would happen in that Case, see i Sam. viii., 
 II to i8. 
 
 Moreover, do the Jacobites and Tories want to 
 see again the Reign of Bloody Queen Mary, when 
 Smithfield and other Places have blazed with Holy 
 Martyrs ? So great is the Cruelty of the Papists, 
 that they have not only destroy'd the Body, but 
 also the Soul, by making some Persons deny their 
 Faith, and then, for fear of a Recantation, pre- 
 sently murder'd them. Thus the Villainy of this 
 sort of Christians, if I may reckon them in that 
 Class, exceeded the Prosecution of Heathens, 
 whose Malice (as a learned man says) was never 
 so Longiinami! as to reach the Souls of their 
 
AuAs, The PreteiNder. 13 
 
 Enemies, or to extend unto the Exile of their 
 Elysiums. Though the Blindness of some Feri- 
 ties have savaged on the Dead, and been so 
 injurious unto Worms, as to disinter the Bodies of 
 the deceased, yet had they therein no design upon 
 the Soul, and have been so far from the Destruc- 
 tion of that, or Desires of a perpetual Death, that 
 for the Satisfaction of their Revenge they wish'd 
 them many Souls ; and were it in their Power 
 would have reduced them to Life again. It was a 
 great Depravity in our Natures, and surely an 
 Affection that somewhat savoureth of Hell, to 
 desire the Society, or comfort our Selves in the 
 Fellowship of others that Suffer with us ; but to 
 procure the Miseries of others in those Extremi- 
 ties, wherein we hold a Hope to have no Society 
 our Selves, is methinks, a Strain above Lucifer, 
 and a Project beyond the primary Seduction of 
 infernal Powers. 
 
^^^^^'^ 
 
 Cl)e Cl)aracter of tl)e 
 l^retentier. 
 
 THE Chevalier de St. George, is a mere Pro- 
 teus, that can change himself to all Shapes, 
 and conform himself to all Humours to inveagle 
 Rebels to espouse his bad Cause ; and obtaining 
 his Ends (like Bloody Queen Mary, who martyr'd 
 those that put her on the Throne) he'll cut their 
 Throats. To those that Support him in his Vaga- 
 bond Course of Life, he's as humble as a Slave ; 
 but to them he reckons his Inferiours he's as 
 Haughty as an elevated Footman. His Bounty 
 already extends only to Bawds and ^Yhores ; and 
 his Generosity to Irish Pimps and Parasites ; to 
 gain which, they most obsequiously dissemble, and 
 tell the Fool he's a King. His whole Life is like 
 
The Pretender. 15 
 
 Penelope's Webb, nolMng but doing and undoing ; 
 for as what she did in the Day, she undid in the 
 Night ; so if he attempts an Invasion, he runs 
 away again for fear. Now he is Abroad, he 
 seems an Angel to the Tories ; but was he here, 
 they would soon find him a Devil. When he 
 comes to be Hang'd, he may find, among Papists 
 and Jacobites, Tegelius's Mourners, to sigh out 
 Elegies, and sing Dirges at his Funeral, but none 
 among honest Men. We can call this thing no 
 other than a Hobedehoy, that is, half Man, half 
 Boy ; who hath more Perriwig then Brains in his 
 Head, and no Religion at all in his Heart. Though 
 he has been a long time in France, a polite 
 Country, yet he was always lock'd up in the dark 
 Dungeon of Ignorance and Inconstancy ; which 
 was more infected with Errors, than Augeus's 
 Stables with Ordure. He hath neither Sense or 
 Wit ; and as yet he remains on t'other side the 
 Water, as having a mind (I suppose) to stay at 
 home, to try how long his Skin well kept, would 
 last. His Ambition incites him to aspire to that 
 which is none of his Due by Birthright ; and this 
 Insolence makes the wisest part of Mankind now 
 perceive him to be an Impostor. Was he to 
 Reign here by Usurpation, (which God forbid) we 
 should soon have occasion to cry out, that the 
 Subjects of the Grand Signior, the Czar of Mos- 
 covy, and the late King of France, enjoy'd the 
 
i6 The Pretender. 
 
 best Government in the World. Tyranny is his 
 Minion ; Idleness his Recreation ; Religion his 
 Conveniency ; Massacres his Satisfaction ; and 
 Fools, Knaves, and Blockheads his Companions. 
 
 In fine, he's a great Bigot, and Un pativre 
 genie ; Therefore let all true Born Britains con- 
 sider, Whether Bigotry and Ignorance joyn'd 
 together are fit Qualifications for a Governor of a 
 Protestant Nation.* 
 
 * This is perhaps the clumsiest libel on, as well as 
 the coarsest invective against, the Pretender, to be 
 found in the mass of polemical literature, which, 
 mushroom-like, sprang up on all sides in the days 
 immediately preceding the '15 and '45. 
 
 3Finl6, 
 
Tbistoitcal TRepi'ints.— I. 
 
 THE 
 
 POLITICAL CREED 
 
 OF A 
 
 TORY-MALECONTENT. 
 Taken from the Free- Holder. 
 
 Periculosum est credere, (3° noil credere : 
 Utriusque exemplum breviter exponam rei. 
 Hippolitus obiity quia noverC(Z crediiufii est : 
 Cassandra quia Tion creditum^ ruit Ilium. 
 Eri^o exploranda est Veritas multum priits^ 
 Quhin stulta pravi judicit sententia. Phsedr. 
 
 EDINBURGH: 
 
 Printed in the Year MDCCXLV. 
 
This Reprint is limited to 200 S7nall-paper and 50 
 largepaper copies. 
 
THE 
 Political Creed 
 
 OF A 
 
 Tory-Malecontent. 
 
 MAYING in the Seventh Paper considered 
 many of those Falshoods by which the 
 CiJa Cause of our Malecontents is supported ; 
 
 " I shall here speak of that extravagant 
 Credulity, which disposes each particular Member 
 of their Party to believe them. This strange 
 Alacrity in Believing Absurdity and Inconsistence 
 may be called the Political Faith of a Tory. 
 
 A Person who is thoroughly endowed with this 
 PoHtical Faith, Uke a Man in a Dream, is enter- 
 tained from one End of his Life to the other with 
 Objects that have no Reality or Existence. He is 
 daily nourished and kept in Humour by Fiction 
 and Delusion ; and may be compared to the old 
 obstinate Knight in Rabelais, that every Morning 
 swallowed a Chimera for his Breakfast. 
 
 This political Faith of a Malecontent is 
 
4 2^HE POLITICAL CREED OF 
 
 altogether founded on Hope. He does not give 
 Credit to any thing because it is probable, but 
 because it is pleasing. His wishes serve him 
 instead of Reasons, to confirm the Truth of what 
 he hears. There is no Report so incredible or 
 contradictory in itself which he doth not chearfully 
 believe, if it tends to the Advancement of the 
 Cause. In short, a Malecontent who is a good 
 Believer has generally Reason to repeat the cele- 
 brated Rant of an Ancient Father, Credo quia 
 impossibile est : Which is as much as to say, li vmsl 
 be trtte, because it is Lnfossible. 
 
 It has been very well observed, that the most 
 credulous Man in the World is the Atheist, who 
 believes the Universe to be the Production of 
 Chance. In the same manner a Tory, who is the 
 greatest Believer in what is improbable, is the 
 greatest Infidel in what is certain. Let a Friend to 
 the Government relate to him a Matter of Fact, he 
 turns away his Ear from him, and gives him the 
 Lye in every Look. But if one of his own Stamp 
 should tell him, that the King of Saedeti would be 
 suddenly at Perth, and that his Army is now 
 actually marching thither upon the Ice ; he hugs 
 himself at the good News, and gets drunk upon it 
 before he goes to Bed. This Sort of People puts 
 one in Mind of several Towns of Eicope that are 
 inaccessible on the one .Side, while they lie open 
 and unguarded on the other. The Minds of our 
 
A TORY-MALECONTENT. 5 
 
 Malecontents are indeed so depraved with those 
 Falshoods which they are perpetually imbibing, 
 that they have a natural Relish for Error, and 
 have quite lost the Taste of Truth in political 
 Matters. I shall therefore dismiss this Head with 
 a Saying of Iving Charles the Second. This 
 Monarch, when he was at Wi-ndsor, used to amuse 
 himself with the Conversation of the famous 
 Vossius, who was full of Stories relating to the 
 Antiquity, Learning, and Manners of the Chinese ; 
 and at the same time a Free-thinker in Points of 
 Religion. The King, npon hearing him repeat 
 some incredible Accounts of these Eastern People, 
 turning to those who were about him, This Learned 
 Divine, said he, is a very strange Man : He believes 
 every thing but the Bible. 
 
 Having thus far considered the political Faith 
 of the Party as it regards Matters of Fact, let us in 
 the next Place take a View of it with respect to 
 those Doctrines which it embraces, and which are 
 the Fundamental Points whereby they are distin- 
 guished from those, whom they used to represent 
 as Enemies to the Constitution in Church and 
 State. How far their great Articles of political 
 Faith, with respect to our Ecclesiastical and Civil 
 Government, are consistent with themselves, and 
 agreeable to Reason and Truth, may be seen in 
 the following Paradoxes, which are the Essentials 
 of a Tory's Creed, with relation to political 
 
6 THE POLITICAL CREED OF 
 
 Matters. Under the Name of Tories, I do not 
 here comprehend Multitudes of well-designing 
 Men, who were formerly included under that 
 Denomination, but are now in the Interest of his 
 Majesty and the present Government. These have 
 already seen the evil Tendency of such Principles, 
 which are the Credsnda of the Party, as it is 
 opposite to that of the Whigs. 
 
 Article I. 
 That the Church of England will be always in 
 Danger, till it has a Popish King for its Defender. 
 
 II. 
 
 That for the Safety of the Church no Subject 
 should be tolerated in any Religion different from 
 the establish'd ; but that the Head of our Church 
 may be of that Religion which is most repugnant 
 to it. 
 
 in. 
 
 That the Protestant Interest in this Nation, and 
 in all Europe, could not but flourish under the 
 Protection of one, who thinks himself obliged, on 
 Pain of Damnation, to do all that lies in his 
 Power for the Extirpation of it. 
 
 IV. 
 That we may safely rely upon the Promises of 
 one, whose Religion allows him to make them, 
 and at the same Time obliges him to break them. 
 
A TORY-.MALECONTENT. 7 
 
 V. 
 That a good Man should have a greater Abhor- 
 rence of Presbyterianism, which is Pirverseness, 
 than of Popery, which is but Idolatry. 
 
 VI. 
 That a Person who hopes to be King oi England 
 by the assistance of France, would naturally adhere 
 to the British Interest, which is always opposite 
 to that of the French. 
 
 VII. 
 
 That a Man has no Opportunities of learning 
 how to govern the People of England, in any 
 foreign Countrey, so well as in France or Italy. 
 
 VIII. 
 That Ten Millions of People should rather 
 chuse to fall into Slavery, than not acknowledge 
 their Prince to be invested with an hereditary and 
 indefeasible Right of Oppression. 
 
 IX. 
 
 That we are obliged in Conscience to become 
 
 Subjects of a Duke ol Savoy, or of a french King, 
 
 rather than enjoy for our Soverign a Prince, who 
 
 is the first of the Royal Blood in the Protestant 
 
 Line. 
 
 X. 
 
 That Non-Resistance is the Duty of every 
 Christian, whilst he is in a good Place. 
 
8 THE CREED OF A MALECONTENT. 
 
 XI. 
 
 That we ought to profess the Doctrine of Pas- 
 sive-Obedience, till such Time as Nature rebels 
 against Principle, that is, 'till we are put to the 
 
 Necessity of practising it. 
 
 XII. 
 
 That the Papists have taken up Arms to defend 
 the Church of England with the utmost Hazard 
 of their Lives and Fortunes. 
 XIII. 
 
 That there is an unwarrantable Fiction in this 
 Island, consisting of King, Lords and Commons. 
 
 XIV. 
 That the Legislature, when there is a Majority 
 of Whigs in it, has not Power to make Laws. 
 
 XV. 
 That an Act of Parliament to impower the King 
 to Secure Suspected Persons in Times of Rebel- 
 lion, is the Means to establish the Sovereign on 
 the Throne, and consequently a great Infringement 
 of the Liberties of the Subject. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
lt5i£Stoncal Kepcittts.— v. 
 NO 
 
 Blinde Guides, 
 
 In Answer 
 
 To a feditious Pamphlet of 
 J. MILTON'S, 
 
 INTITULED 
 
 Brief Notes upon a late Sermon TitVd, the fear of 
 
 God and the King ; Preachd, and since Piib- 
 
 lishd, By Matthew Griffith, D.D. 
 
 And Chaplain to the late 
 
 KING, &c. 
 
 Addressed to the Author. 
 
 If the Blinde lead the Blinde, Both sliall fall 
 into the Ditch. 
 
 $1111$ 
 
 LONDON, 
 Printed for Henry Broome April 20. 1660. 
 
This Reprint is limited to 200 small-paper and 50 
 large-paper copies. 
 
NO 
 Blinde Guides, &c. 
 
 Mr Milton, 
 
 |,Lthough in your Life, and Doctrine, you 
 have Resolved one great Question ; by 
 eviaencmg that Devils may Indue Human 
 shapes ; and proving your self, even to 
 your own Wife, an Incubus : you have yet started 
 Another ; and that is, whether you are not of That 
 Regiment, -which carried the Hci'd of Swine head- 
 long into the Sea : and moved the People to beseech 
 jfestts to depart out of their coasts. f'T^z'jniay be 
 very well imagined, from your suitable practices 
 Here). Is it possible to read your Proposals of the 
 benefits of a Pree-State, without Reflecting upon 
 your Tutours — All this will I give thee, if thou 
 wilt fall down, aiid worship me ? Come, come. Sir, 
 lay the Devil aside ; do not proceed with so much 
 malice, and against Knowledge : Act lil<e a 
 
4 NO BLINDE GUIDES. 
 
 Man; that a good Christian may not be 
 
 affraid to pray for you. 
 
 Was it not You, that scribled a Justification of 
 the Murther of the King, against Salmashis, and 
 made it good too, Thus : That murther was an 
 Action meritoHous, co^npared with yoitr sttperiour 
 wickedness. 'Tis There, (as I remember) that you 
 Common place your self into set forms of Rayling, 
 two Pages thick : and lest, your Infamy should 
 not extend it self enough, within the Course and 
 Usage of your Mother-tongtie, the Thing\% Dress'd 
 up in a Travailing Garb, and Language : to blast 
 the English Nation to the Universe ; and to give 
 every man a Horrour for Mankind, when he Con- 
 siders, You are of the Race. In This, you are 
 above all Others ; but in your Iconoclastes, you 
 exceed your self. 
 
 There, not content to see that Sacred Head 
 divided from the Body ; your piercing Malice enters 
 into the private Agonies of his struggling Sotd ; 
 with a Blasphemous Insolence, invading the Pre- 
 rogative of God himself: (Omniscience) and by 
 Deductions most Unchristian, and Illogical, as- 
 persing his Last Pieties, (the almost certain Inspi- 
 rations of the Holy Spirit) with Jvggle, and 
 Prevarication. Nor are the Words ill fitted to the 
 Matter. The Bold Design being suited with a 
 confonn Irreverence of Language, (but I do not 
 love to Rake long in a Puddle.) 
 
 To take a view in particular of all your Factious 
 Labours, would cost more time, than I am willing 
 to afford them. Wherefore I shall stride over all 
 
NO BLINDE GUIDES. 5 
 
 tlie rest, and pass directly to your Brief Notes upon 
 a Late SERMON, Titl'd, 
 
 Tlie Fear of God and the King. 
 
 PreacKd, and since Publish' d by Matthew 
 
 Griffith D.D. and Chaplain to 
 
 tlu late King, &c. 
 
 ANy man that can but Read your Title, may 
 understand your Drift & that you Charge 
 the Royal Interest, & Party thorough the Doctour's 
 sides. I am not bold enough to be his Champion, 
 in all particulars ; nor yet so Rude, as to take an 
 Office most properly to him Belonging, out of his 
 Hand : Let him acquit himself, in what concerns 
 the Divine; and I'll adventure upon the most 
 material parts of the Rest, (but with this Profession, 
 that I have no design in exposing your Mistakes, 
 saving to hinder them from becoming the Peoples.^ 
 Your Entrance is a little Peremptory, and Magis- 
 terial, methinks, (but that shall be allowed you) 
 'please you, we'll see how Pertitunt it is, and 
 Ratioital. 
 
 I Affirmd in the Preface of a late discourse, 
 Entitl'd, The ready way to establish a free Common- 
 wealth, and the dangers of readmitting Kingship 
 in this Nation, that tlie humor of returning to our 
 
6 NO BLINDE GUIDES. 
 
 old bondage^ 7vas insfilVd of late by some deceivers ; 
 and to make good, that what I then affirmd, was 
 not without just ground, one of those deceivers I 
 present here to the people ; and if I prove him 
 not such, I refuse not to be so accounted in his 
 stead. 
 
 TO the First : give me leave to mind you, that 
 you make an observation of things Past, 
 amount to a foretelling of what's to come. This 
 Servion was not Pi-eacWd. when that Humor you 
 mention, was InstiWd. Next ; You'll as hardly 
 satisfie the people, that you your selfe, are »o 
 Deceiver, as prove the Doctor one of those you 
 meant. And this I'll Instance ; Kingship, is 
 your old Bondage; Rumpship, ours: (Forgive 
 the Term) You were Then, Past the One: we are 
 now (God be thanked) past the Other: and should 
 be as loth to Return, as You. Yet you are Tam- 
 pering to delude the People, and to withdraw them 
 from a Peaceable, and Rational expectancy of good, 
 into a mutinous, and hopeless attempt of mischief. 
 
 By your 07on Rule now, who are the Deceivers : 
 IVe, that will iiot Return to our old Bondage ; or 
 you, that would perswade us to't ? 
 
 Your next Paragraph talks of Purgatives, 
 Myrrhe, Aloes, cr=c. — It may be an Apothecaries 
 Bill, for ought I know, and I have no skill in 
 Physique. 
 
 As little shall I concern my self in your unman- 
 nerly descant upon the Epistle, which is the Bust- 
 
NO BLINDE GUIDES. 7 
 
 ness of your Second Page. The Third, conteins 
 your Gloss upon the Text, and that I shall examine. 
 
 The Text. 
 
 Prov. 24. 21. Aly son, fear God and the King, 
 and meddle not liiith them that be seditious, or de- 
 sirous of change, <&=f. 
 
 Letting pass matters not in controversie, I come 
 to the main drift of your Sermon, the King; which 
 word here is either to signifie any supreme Magis- 
 trate, or else your latter object of fear is not 
 universal, belongs not at all to many parts of 
 Christendom, that have no King ; and in particular, 
 not to us. That we have no King since the putting 
 down of Kingship in this Commonwealth, is mani- 
 fest by this last Parliament, who to the time of 
 their dissolving not only made no address at all to 
 any King, but sumraon'd this next to come by the 
 Writ formerly appointed of a free Commonwealth, 
 without restitution or the least mention of any 
 Kingly right or power ; which could not be, if 
 there were at present any King of England. The 
 main part therefore of your Sermon, if it mean a 
 King in the usual sense, is either impertinent and 
 absurd, exhorting your auditory to fear that which 
 is not ; or if King here be, as it is, understood for 
 any supreme Magistrate, by your own exhortation 
 they are in the first place not to meddle with you, 
 as being your self most of all the seditious meant 
 here, and the desirous of change, in stirring them 
 up to fear a King, whom the present Government 
 takes no notice of. 
 
8 NO BLINDF. GUIDES. 
 
 Not to contend about the Large, or Limited 
 Sense of the word King : since 'tis agreed 
 upon, at all hands, to signify Supreme Aulhorily ; 
 and, where a Single Person governs, to denote the 
 Monarch. The issue rests upon this point : Is 
 there, or is there not at present, any King of Eng- 
 land? You say, No ; I'm of another mind . 
 Compare our Reasons. 
 
 You Argue ? First, the Putting down of King- 
 ship ; and then, the Tacit confirmation of 
 
 that Act, by the last Session : who 'without any 
 Address to any King, or Restitutio7t of any Kingly 
 Right, summoned the next to cojiie by the Writ for- 
 merly Appointed of a Free Commomuealth. 
 
 To your Assumption, that Kingship was put 
 down ; I cannot subscribe, till I am better satisfied, 
 by what Authority : for fw Form of Governvient 
 can be altered, but by consent of all the Parties to it. 
 In short, the late King was Distroy'd, Kingship 
 Abolished, the House of Lords Disauthoris'd, and 
 at least 7. parts of 8. of the Commons Members 
 secluded — by the same Power. 
 
 Come to your Inference now ; That, halts of all 
 four. There wets no King, because they did not 
 mention him: you are a little bold methinks, to 
 lay your Brat at the Parliament Door : and Father 
 your opinions upon them, that in the case, would 
 not declare their ozvn. 
 
 Reasons of State, of Honour, and Convenience, 
 might very fairly move them to suspend. Suppose 
 they thought it Prudence to refer all to the next 
 Convention, without so much as u Debate ; 
 
NO BLINDE GUIDES. 9 
 
 whether a King or No: and upon this point of 
 extreme necessity (the Nation running headlong, 
 into another War without the Interpose of a new 
 Representative) rather dispence with something of 
 InformaUtyin the Writs, than otherwise to hazzard 
 the main Issue of the Publique weal. If all this 
 be not enough, I hope the re-minding the Nation 
 of the COVENANT ; and their own refusal of the 
 Oath of ABJURATION, will content you. 
 
 Your 4th Page, runs away in some mistakes 
 concerning Gideon ; — (a Person, CaWd and set 
 apart by God himself; guided by Divine Inspira- 
 tions ; and Acting without Partnership, the work 
 he was employ'd upon). 
 
 A little further, you deny the King, the Power 
 of life and death, urging \_Page 4.] that 'tis against 
 the declared Judgments of our Parliaments, nay of 
 our Laws ; which reserve to themselves only the 
 power of life and death, &€. 
 
 I'LL not deny, but a ParUament is above the 
 King : (That is : The King is greater in 
 Conjunction with his two Houses, than by Him- 
 self) but still this weakens not the force of my 
 assertion ; which is, that Kings must necessarily 
 have that power : without it, they're no Kings 
 (and 'tis the same thing in all Governments what- 
 soever, 'tis one of the Prerogatives Inseparable 
 from supreme Authority) But since you urge the 
 Declared Judge7nents of our Parliavunts, in favour 
 of your opinion, I should be glad to see them. 
 
lo NO BLINDE GUIDES. 
 
 Now for the Laws ; 'tis true ; they Pronounce 
 Life, or Death ; but the King's left at Liberty to 
 Take, or to Remit the forfeiture, at pleasure. 
 Enough is said of this. 
 
 If I were bent to Cavil ; your 5th. Page would 
 afford matter abundantly, where you extravagate 
 upon the word Anointed: but That is more pecu- 
 liarly the Dcctor^s Businesse, and I refer you to 
 him. So are your slips, \^Pa.ge 6.] but Those, I 
 cannot passe without a marque : For There, you 
 show your Teeth. (I might have said, your Eares 
 to boot). 
 
 ' ' But how will you confirm one wrested Scrip- 
 ture with another : I Sam. 8. 7. They have not 
 rejeeted thee, but me: grosly misapplying these 
 words, which were not spoken to any who had 
 resisted or rejected a King, but to them who much 
 against the will of God had sought a King, and 
 rejected a Commonwealth where they might have 
 liv'd happily under the Reign of God only, their 
 King. Let the words interpret themselves : v. 6, 
 7. But the thing displeased Samuel, when they 
 said, give us a King to judge us. And Samuel 
 frayed unto the Lord. And the Lord said unto 
 Samuel, harkcn ttnto the voice of the people in all 
 that they say unto thee ; for they have not rejected 
 thee, hut they have rejected me, that I should not 
 reigtt over them. Hence you conclude, so indis- 
 soluble is the Conjunction of God and the King. O 
 notorious abuse of Scripture ! when as you should 
 have concluded, So unwilling was God to give 
 
NO BLINDE GUIDES. ii 
 
 them a King, So wide was the disjunction of God 
 from a King." 
 
 MK. Milton, when your hand was In, another 
 verse methinlis sliould not have over- 
 charg'd you : and 'tis the very next too. As they 
 have ever done (says God to Samuel) since I 
 brought them out of Egypt, even unto this Day, 
 (and have forsaken me, and served other Gods) even 
 so doe they unto thee. 2 his, would have given you 
 light to read the Rest by ; and (pobsible) have 
 done you the same service, which you pretend to 
 doe the Doctour. (But none so Blind as they 
 that will not see) especially, had you but taken in 
 likewise the verse next Antecedent to your Quo- 
 tation, which speaks the motive to their such De- 
 sires ; as the other does fairly imply the Reason 
 of God's Disapproval of them, 'twas a hard misse, 
 and an industrious one (I fear) to scape the 5, and 
 8, verses, without the which, the 6 and 7, (which 
 you make use of) have no intelligible Coherence. 
 Ala/ce us u King, (say they) to Judge us like the 
 Natioms v. 5. and after That, v. 8. God charges 
 them with inclinations to Idolatry ; so that the 
 inference is open ; They had a hankering after 
 the Gods of the Nations, as well as the Kingship ; 
 and 'J hat moved the AU-seemg wisdome, (that 
 knew their hearts) to tell iiamuel, saying, they have 
 not Rejected Thee, but Alee: a Speech applyable 
 to their Disobedience, rather, than to their Rro- 
 posUion: God is rejected, in the rejection of his 
 
12 NO BLINDE GUIDES. 
 
 Ministers. This is a stubborn Text Sir, and 
 
 will not mould as you would have it. 
 
 Had not they against the will of God, sought a 
 King, and rejected a Common-wealth, you tell us, 
 that they might have Hv'd HAPPILY under the 
 reign of God onely their King. (Indeed you have 
 
 the best intelligence) I beseech you how doe 
 
 you know this? whom God loves he chastens: and 
 persecution, in this world, is the Portion of the 
 Saints. It's true ; their obedience to God here, 
 would certainly have rendred them Happy here- 
 after ; but this is not the Happinesse you drive 
 at. Look back now upon the 3. verse of the same 
 Chapter; and there you'll find some Reason to 
 apprehend the contrary. For Samuel being Old, 
 and having made his sonnes fudges over Israel ; 
 the Text sayes, that his sonnes walked not in his 
 wayes, but turned aside after Lucre, and took 
 Rewards, and perverted ytidgement, &'c. now, if 
 from hence, you can perswade your self into a 
 good opinion of a Popular Government, I cannot 
 blame your stickling for the Rimip ; But that this 
 mis-rule should please God, your modesty I hope 
 will not pretend to offer. You'll say however, 
 that the Popular for??t did ; I'll not contend about 
 it ; Did not the Regall too, as much in David ; a 
 King of God's particular choice, and a man after 
 his Own Heart? So that you gain little by the 
 odds of a Free-State in ballance against Monarchy. 
 In one word : The Saviour of the World was a 
 King, and a King of ^ewes. 
 
 Grant, or Denie at pleasure, I have you in a 
 
JVO liLINDE GUIDES. 13 
 
 Net. Why would you meddle with n Chapter, 
 that you were sure would burn your fingers? 
 There's no Relief you see, against Authority. 
 'Tis well you stopp'd short of that Lex Regni 
 which Samuel opens to the People ; (beginning at 
 the II. verse of the same Chapter -^ from whence, 
 lyes no Appeal. Truly, your insincerity in this 
 Section, is more exposed, than I could wish it. 
 
 Under the Reign of God onely their King you 
 say. This expression, doubtfully implies you a 
 Millenary. Doe you then, really expect to see 
 Christ, Reigning upon Earth, even with those very 
 eyes you Lost (as 'tis reported) ivith staring too 
 long, and too sawcily upon the Portraiture of his 
 Vicegerent, to breake the Image, as your Impudence 
 Phrases it ? (It is generally indeed believed, you 
 never wept them out for this Losse. ) 
 
 In my Passage from hence, to your Frog-morall: 
 I cannot but remember you that there was a Plague 
 of Frogs as well as a Fable. Frogs that crept into 
 the Kings Chambers, and into the Houses of his 
 Servants, &c, Now to your Fable. 
 
 Nor are you happier in the relating or the 
 moralizing your Fable. " 'X\v& frogs (fceinj once a 
 free Kation saith the Yshle) petitioned fupiter for 
 a King: he tumbVd amongst them a log. They 
 found it insensible : they petitioned then for a King 
 that should be active : he sent them a Crane {a 
 Storfe saith the fable) which straight fell to peck- 
 ing them up. This you apply to the reproof of 
 them who desire change : whereas indeed the true 
 
14 NO BLINDE GUIDES. 
 
 moral shows rather the folly of those, who being 
 free seek a King ; which for the most part either 
 as a log lies heavie on liis Subjects, without doing 
 ought worthie of his dignitie and the charge to 
 maintain him, or as a Stork is ever pecking them 
 up and devouring them." 
 
 Mr. Milton, (to agree with you as far as pos- 
 sible) if 07te Log be so IntoHerahh, for 
 the Biirtheit ; or One Stork, for the Cruelty, and 
 Greedinessc : what do you think of 40. Storks, and 
 eveiy Stork a Log in his belly ? 
 
 What do you think of a (JKrailtt, Arbitrary, & 
 
 IJfrpctusI Clonitspl antr no more parliaments t 
 
 (according to your Gratious Proposition, [Pa^e 8.] 
 of your E'?-ee and easie way, &'c.') And, in regard 
 that in a free Commonwealth, tf)f8 tofjo are 
 
 greatest, ar« l^rrpetual Serbants, antr IJrulrges 
 to tfie puiliijue, at ttjeir oton eost anti Ctftarges, 
 neglcet tf)eir oton affairs; get ore not elebateti 
 aiohe ffjeir ISretSren, Hibe sofierlp in tfjeir 
 jFamilies, toalft tjc Streets as otfirrmen; mag 
 be spofcen to freelj, familiariB, frirnSIg, toitjout 
 
 atroration. \J>age 4.] What do you think of the 
 Rump Parliaments Perpetuating it self, under 
 the navie of That grand Counsel? \Pa:^e 10.] the 
 Government being in so many ;ffaitt)fult and 
 Isiperieneelr hands, next under God, so Able; 
 especially Filling up their number, as they intend, 
 and abundantly sufficient so happily to govern us : 
 [P. II, c^c.J Alas, these very Gentlemen are 
 
iVO HLINDE GUIDES. 15 
 
 Pigeons, not a Stork among them ; do not deceive 
 your self Sir ; you're one of those they have Fed : 
 of the same Plume, and Kind ; ask but the honest 
 party of the Nation, and they shall tell you, that 
 Tom, Scott, and his Associate Patriots, can Peck, 
 as well as Bill. 
 
 Now we have Play'd, let's to our Book again, 
 and he a little Earnest. 
 
 You charge the Doctor, in your 8. Page, for 
 saying. 
 
 That by our Fttndamental Laws, the King is 
 the highest po'^ver. Page 40. " If we must hear 
 mooting and Law-lectures from the Pulpit, what 
 shame is it for a Dr. of Divinitie, not first to 
 consider, that no law can be fundamental, but 
 that which is grounded on the light of nature or 
 right reason, commonly call'd moral Law : which 
 no form of Government was ever counted ; but 
 arbitrarie, and at all times in the choice of every 
 free people, or their representers. This choice of 
 Government is so essential to their freedom, that 
 longer then they have it, they are not free. In 
 this Land not only the late King and his posteritie, 
 but Kingship it self hath been abrogated by a 
 law ; which involves with as good reason the pos- 
 terity of a King forfeited to the people, as that 
 Law heretofore of Treason against the King, 
 attainted the Children with the Father." 
 
 M 
 
 Ethinks you might have spar'd your Criti- 
 cism upon the word Fundamental, being 
 
i5 NO BLINDE GUIDES. 
 
 a Term, that Usage hath authorized ; were nothing 
 more in't : and soberly, I do not find but it may 
 stand a nicer Test, than perhaps you'll impose 
 upon it. 
 
 No Law (you say) can be Ftindamental but that 
 which is grounded on the Light of N^aiure, or right 
 reason, — which no FORM of Government luas ever 
 counted, &-<-.— So that tho' GOVERNMENT it 
 jf^ directs to Fundamentals : yet the Specification 
 of it, into such or such a FORM, does not. Vou 
 are Queint, Sir : shew me Government without a 
 Form, further than in Notion ; and only Notional 
 must be the Laws too that support it. Obedience 
 to Superiors, is a Moral Fundamental : and where, 
 to One, or More, vested with unconditionate Do- 
 minion, (I mean, as to the Power of Revocation) 
 we ©nee Contract a Duty ; as the Person, and 
 Authority are Lnseverable, so is the Obligation 
 Indispensable, which by a Fundamentall Law is 
 become due ; as well to the A'ittg himself as unto 
 Kingship. I shall be tedious if I unty all your 
 knots. 
 
 The Choice you say is Arbitrary ; so 'tis in 
 Mariage, that is, till we have pass'd away our 
 Freedom, (but you are for Divorce, I see, as well of 
 Govemours, as Wives). Your next now is a shrewd 
 one, (is it your own I pray'e?) This choice of 
 Government (you tell us) is so essential to the 
 Peoples Freedoms, that longer then they have it, 
 they're not free. In truth, you're in the Right. Is 
 any People Free, where there is any Government ? 
 This is somewhat worse, than the Doctors FUN- 
 
.Vc) BLJNDE GUIDES. 17 
 
 DAWENTALL. FREEDOME and GOVERN- 
 MENT (in Politijues) Contra- Distin^iish one 
 another, (have a care of this argument ; for if the 
 People are Free to Chuse, they'll never Chuse 
 any of your Friends again). 
 
 But if the King, his Posterity; nay, and King- 
 ship it self , have been abrogated by a Law ; That's 
 another matter. 
 
 By what Znti' I beseech you ? By the Law of 
 a little Faction, that dares not put their heads 
 upon aTryal by the Establish 'd Law of the Land? 
 (your next shift is wretched). 
 
 If that no Law must be held good, but what 
 passes in FULL Parliavient, then surely, in exact- 
 nesse of Legality no Member must be missing, (ire. — 
 
 I Answer you, that it is not the Actual sitting of 
 All but the Lilierty of All to Sit: not the 
 Fullnesse of the House, but the Freedom of the 
 Members. It is one thing ; a Law that's made in 
 the Absence of many of the Members, that might 
 have been Present, if they would ; (and are possi- 
 bly fined for non-attendance) and another thing ; 
 the Vote of a tenth Part of That Body, which it 
 self entire, is but the third Part of the Legislative 
 Power: This Remnant too by force of Armes 
 violently secluding the Rest. 
 
 But you have no Conscience with you. King- 
 ship Abolished will not do your work it seems. 
 
 Vou suppose "it never was establish'd by any 
 
i3 .VO BLINDE GUIDES. 
 
 certain Law in this Land, nor possibly could be : 
 for how could our forefathers bind us to any cer- 
 tain form of Government, more then we can bind 
 our posteritie ? If a people be put to war with 
 their King for his misgovernment, and overcome 
 him, the power is then undoubtedly in their own 
 hands how they will be govern'd. The war 
 was granted just by the King himself at the be- 
 ginning of his last Treatie ; and still maintained 
 to be so by this last Parliament, as appears by the 
 qualifications prescrib'd to the Members of this 
 next ensuing, That none shall be elected, who have 
 born arms against the Parliament since 1641. If 
 the war were just, the Conquest was also just by 
 the Law of Nations. And he who was the chief 
 enemie, in all right ceased to be the King, especi- 
 ally after captivitie, by the deciding verdict of war ; 
 and royaltie with all her Laws and pretentions, 
 yet remains in the victors power, together with 
 the choice of our future Government." 
 
 IF Kingship was never established, what was 
 I beseech you? had we no Govetument? 
 Nor could it he, you say ; Alas then for your 
 ready, and easie way to ESTABLLSH a FREE 
 COMMONWEALTH, what will become then of 
 YOUR STANDING COUNCIL? If no cer- 
 tain form of Government can bind our posterity 
 (as you affirm) Then is it free at any time for the 
 People to Assemble, and Tumult, under the colour 
 of a new CJwyce. 
 
A'O BLINDE GUIDES. 19 
 
 Your next for altering the Form of Gmcrnincnt 
 upon a Quarrell onely in point of male-adminis- 
 tration : I think that cleers it self. 
 
 You say that t/ie PVan-e was granted just by the 
 King himself, &fc, and (a while after) ;/ the War 
 were pist, so was the Comjuest also, by the Laws of 
 
 Nations ; and that the victors, are free to 
 
 chuse. It Future Government. 
 
 What would you give that I'd dispute the Ori- 
 ginall of the Quarrell with you ? Come, we'll 
 not differ about the Kings Concessions : Take it 
 for granted, that the IVarre was just: That is, 
 The IVarre was Just to such intents, and with such 
 limits, as were the evident, and declared scope, and 
 Bounds of it. The Reasons, and the Tendency 
 thereof, me-thinks they should know best that 
 Lex'ied, and were Parties in it, and for That, take 
 l)ut one passage of above a Hundred, to the same 
 purpose. 
 
 •' SlBir arc (say they) SO far front alttring tfjc 
 " jfunliamcntall (SToiifitittitioii, anil @obrrn= 
 " incnt of \\t liingtiom, by Uings, ilorlis, aiiti 
 
 " dontntons {that we have onely desired, that with 
 '• the C07isent of the King such powers may be 
 '' settled in the Two Houses, &c. This Decla- 
 ration bears date Ap. 17. 1646. and is ctitituled — 
 
 a Scf laration of t^eir true mttntions, ronffrn= 
 inj tfjt antient ffiobcrnninit of tje flation, d'c 
 
 Now if the Prospect t>i the War was bounded ; 
 in Reason, and in Honour, the Conquest ought to 
 be so likewise. Especially, where onely, extreme 
 necessity was pleaded to make it appear tvarj-uut- 
 
20 NO BLINDE GUIDES. 
 
 able; and where the dispute was Jlatofull iLillCftj), 
 and x.Tfrtii ; not IDommton. 
 
 Again ; 'twas not against the King, the Warre 
 was raised, therefore the Conquest cannot in Rea- 
 son Reach him. His p^otiour, Safrt^ and $U))= 
 fort, the i'liio Houses Vended and Co-oenanted to 
 maintain. 
 
 Further ; those Things that you call Victors, 
 may, by the same Pretence, claim to a Conquest 
 over the Lords, and their Fellow- Members, whom 
 they Forcibly cast out ; as well as over the King, 
 and his Pretetisions . 
 
 Lastly ; if Victory gives Title, your Masters are 
 gone too. 
 
 You fall now into a vein of weighing Govern- 
 ments: (your old Trade ; and the very Coffee-Boyes 
 have got the knack on't al most as well as you.) 
 \s you order the Scales, the Commo7i-u'ealth goes 
 Down most usually, but now your great Civility 
 gives Us the Better on't. Free-Common- 
 Wealths (as you will have it) have beat ever 
 counted fittest , for Cn'ILL, ^'IRTUOUS, and Indus- 
 trious Nations, Sfc. believe me then. That Form's 
 not Fit iar you, and your Adherents. 
 
 Mo.NARCHY, Fittest (as you hold it forth) to 
 curb Degenerate, Corrupt, Idle, Proud, 
 Luxurious People; This, does your businesse 
 then. 
 
 Upon necessity yet at last, I find, a Siitgle Per- 
 son you'l vouchsafe to entertain ; provided, such a 
 one as has best aided the People, and best merited 
 against Tyranny. (That's your Caution) this 
 
iXO BUXDE GUIDES. 2i 
 
 must be one of those that turnVl the Rutiip out : 
 for never was a more meritorious Service to tlie 
 Nation. 
 
 Your next Page is a very Angry one. You'll 
 have the Farliamcnt Ride the King, you say, as 
 well as Bridle him ; and you'll perswade the Peo- 
 ple that there's Law fort too. The Question's 
 triviall ; to cut it short : Rumps are no Parlia- 
 ments. But if they be so Sacred, as you argue 
 them ; how bold are you that durst propose the 
 finall Abrogation, and extinction of them ! (As in 
 your Ready loay you have, in Terniinis, so often 
 done.) 
 
 In the next place ; If as you idlely seem to 
 imagine, all our Kings are created ly Parliament, 
 or Conquest. What becomes of that Maxinie, Rex 
 non vioritur ? and why doe you swear AUegeance 
 to JJini and his Heirs positively, if there be any 
 uncertainty of his being admitted to the Crown ? 
 [/k short, his Birth entitles him to the Soveraignty.] 
 I doe not delight my self in these contests, but I 
 am willing to lay open your little Tricks to the 
 People. 
 
 You urge next his Coronation- Oath, but Deceit- 
 fully, you make him by his Oath, accomptable to 
 Act, (in Effect, according to the Judgement of the 
 People, but he swears to Govern according to his 
 own (neither does this suppose him at Liberty to 
 Rule according to his Will, ) 
 
 Once more ; You say, Ihat the Kings pHncipall 
 Oath was to maintain those Laws which the People 
 Should chusc. {Consuetudijies quas Vulgua Lie- 
 
22 NO BLINDE GUIDES. 
 
 geriC). Reconcile Consududines (referring neces- 
 sarily to what is Past) to Elegeril, in tlie Future 
 Tense, and I have done. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 Pmi'-i:.! hy HazcU. lyalson. ant I'ncry, Ltinitc.t, 
 LDiiitfiit and Aylesjiiry. 
 
Hpiatorical IRcprinto. — IV. 
 
 KXXXXKXKKXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXKXXX 
 XXXXXXaX.XXXXXXaXXXXXKXxXXXXXXX. 
 
 I A LETTER I 
 
 X.X -c-n^-vr XX 
 
 XX FRO^I XX 
 
 "xx The Right Honourable xx 
 
 S F E R D I N A N D O 8 
 
 XX XX 
 
 gg Lord Fairfax, gg 
 
 '0. ^° S 
 
 XX HIS EXCELLENCY XX 
 
 X"X XX 
 
 ROBERT 0. 
 
 XX XX 
 
 •53 Earle of Essex. ^'^: 
 
 XX x.x 
 
 y^ Relating his late profperous fuccefle ^g 
 
 XX against the popish Army in the North, his XX 
 
 ^ss^ expelling them from their Workes, and forcing s,°w 
 
 rSo them to raise their siege from before \y\^' 
 
 QQ the Towne of Hull. OQ 
 
 X.X Also certifying, how the Enemy have fled XX 
 
 o5 to Beverley^ and were forced to leave divers v^w 
 
 C%lS pieces of Ordnance, much Powder and ^"w 
 
 XX Ammunition behind them. XX 
 
 XX X.X 
 
 t^"^ Being upon the same day wherein the Earle of ij^J"^ 
 
 WW J/a;z<:A£:.?^fr obtained the victory neere /^t»7-M-caj^/^ XX 
 
 0°j/ in Lincolnshire. VV 
 
 XX X.X 
 
 VV Printed by His Excellencies speciall direction. '^^, 
 
 XX XX 
 
 XX LONDON, XX 
 
 XX Printed for lohn Wright, in the Old-baily. x'X 
 
 XX' Octob. i8. 1643. XX" 
 
 XX XX 
 XX'XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX.XX.XX.XX.XXXX.X 
 XX.XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX 
 
This RepHnt is limited to 200 small-paper and 50 
 large-Paper copies__ 
 
A Letter from the Right 
 
 Honourable, Ferdinando 
 Lord Fairfax, 
 
 To his Excellency, ROBERT 
 
 Earle of Essex. 
 
 May it please your Excellency, 
 
 Jince the last Account, I gave your Excel- 
 lency a few dales since, of our condition 
 at Hull, on the fifth of this instant Sir 
 John Mddratn, that gallant Gentleman 
 is happily arrived here, with foure hundred men 
 from the Earle o{ Manchester, and two hundred and 
 fifty men are since come to me from Sir William 
 Constable, but Sir William himselfe is not yet here. 
 Some little service,! thankeGod, we did on Monday 
 morning last, what time the Enemy assaulted one 
 of our outworkes, but was beaten backe with the 
 losse of eleven or twelve men, and some Officers, 
 without the losse of any of mine. Yesterday, being 
 the eleventh of this instant, I thought fit to draw 
 forth what strength I could well make, in a salley, to 
 drive the Enemy from a new Worke that in the night 
 
i A LETTER TO 
 
 hee had encroacht very neere us, on the West side 
 of the Towiie, and it pleased God to give a blessing 
 to the attempt. My men I devided into two 
 bodies, under the command of Colonell Lambart, 
 and Colonell Rainborma, Captaine of the Lyon, 
 who brought some Sea men for our assistants, and 
 all under the command in chiefe for that service of 
 Sir lohii Rlddrani ; whose valour and discretion 
 with the other two Colonels throughout the whole 
 action, I cannot mention without high commenda- 
 tion. About nine of the cloche by an assault two 
 severall.waies, the service begun ; for, the truth is, 
 we could not take that early advantage that I de- 
 sired for such an interprise : in a short time we 
 gained one of their workes, and assaulted them in 
 another ; and it was not long ere we were unhappily 
 forc't to retreat and the enemy recovered all againe. 
 But through the goodnesse of God my men were 
 soone rallyed, their spirits recovered, and they sud- 
 denly reposses't of the last worke, beate them out 
 of all the rest in that part, and got possession of one 
 of their great Brasse demy Cannon. The Enemy 
 thus fled, and the ground ours, we drew that great 
 Gunne out of danger of their reprisall : About two 
 houres after our possession of those workes, the 
 enemy had drawne downe a full body of reser\'es 
 of Horse, and Foot, from all their Quarters, their 
 numbers we know not, but about 36 Colours some 
 of our men could tell ; with these they opposed our 
 tired men, and that in truth with excellent re- 
 solution, but it pleased God after two houres sharpe 
 encounter, or thereabouts, they left the Field ; since 
 
THE EAKLE OF ESSEX. 5 
 
 that we have drawne into the town Ihcir great Demi- 
 Cannon, one Demi-Culverin, one Sacie, three 
 Drakes, and one case of small Pieces, some Armes, 
 and a Carriage of great Bullet, besides somePowder, 
 which was made use of against them. This last 
 night I linde they have drawne of the rest of their 
 Ordnance from their other Workes, and so are like 
 to be at some farther distance from us, though I am 
 informed, they intend to keepe a Garrison at 
 Beverley, and to raise some Works somewhat more 
 remote from us, to keep us from being so active as 
 they believe we would be , when they cannot 
 make us so passive as they would have us. How- 
 ever my Lord, we heartily and thankfully acknow- 
 ledge the powerfull & wise hand of our God in 
 all this, desire he should have the glory of all, and 
 to send his providence still, as occasion shall be 
 further offered : the event whereof your Excellency 
 shall assurdly have an account of, with the first 
 opportunity, by 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Your Excellencies most 
 hiwible servant. 
 
 Kingston sicker Hull, 
 13 Octab. 1643. 
 
 FER. FAIRFAX. 
 

 Octob. 17. 1643. 
 
 /T" ?'j' his Excellencies pleasure this Letter be 
 -* forthwith printed. 
 
 John Baldwin, Secretary 
 to his Excellence. 
 
 ^ '.c^ ^ 'i?^ ^ tp, ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 'V^ f^ 0:> ^ c^ ^ 
 
HISTORICAL REPRINTS. -VII . 
 NEWS FROM 
 
 Dublin in Jvelanb. 
 
 RELATING HOW 
 
 (holottdl Jcnefi, 
 
 Governour of the faid City, 
 
 mit]^ ^h %rxvte^, &H upnu % lt,rtiEl{s, 
 
 ■Beat the whole ^rmy, 
 
 killed many, fome Prifoners taken, with 
 
 much of their provifions and forc'd 
 
 them to a flight. 
 
 In a Letter to a Member of the 
 Honourable House of Commons. 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 Printed for John Wright at the Kings 
 Head in the Old Bayley. 1647. 
 
7 'lis fidpi 'in 'i LinntcJ to lOo sm. -p.ipi and 50 
 Id) re pjpL pies. 
 
IRews from Dublin in 
 3relanb. 
 
 IN my laft of the third of this inftant I certified 
 you of Colonell Jones^ the Governour of Dublin^ s 
 taking the field with that fmall Party of 400 horfe 
 here garrifoned j a small Party confidering the 
 power of the enemy (now found to have been) 8000. 
 foot, 2000. horfe, and a multitude of others, Oiven 
 Roe Neale (the Rebels Ulfter Generall) was advanced 
 into the heart of thefe our Garrifons (between us and 
 Trim) and that within a few miles of this place, before 
 the Governour received any intelligence of his moving. 
 
 On the third of November, the Governour advanced 
 hence with 400, horfe, and 50 Dragoons, and upon 
 advertifement given of a party of the enemies being 
 about Caftle-knock (within three miles of Dublin) he 
 made thither, and commanded one Captain Ofwey (of 
 his owne Regiment) with 60. commanded horfe as a 
 forlorn hope. 
 
 The Governour himfelf made a halt fhort of Caftel- 
 
4 News from Dublin 
 
 knock, underftanding that the whole body of the 
 enemies horfe and foot lay two miles off at the church 
 of Mallehedard, whereupon he gave orders for return- 
 ing back to Dublin thofe Carriages that were follow- 
 ing him and that the foot in Dublin ihould forthwith 
 march towards him, therein preparing for the enemy 
 fhould he advance towards the City, or to attempt 
 fomething on him if ftill quartering at Mallehedard. 
 
 At Caftleknock aforefaid, there was a party of the 
 enemies horfe, and 60. foot fent thither for deftroying 
 that part of our quarters \ upon fight of our forlorn 
 hope then advancing the enemies horfe fled, whom 
 ours purfued up to their maine body at Mallehedard, 
 having in the chafe flain and taken 11. Whereupon, 
 anothers party of horfe and foot from the body of the 
 enemy were drawn out whom Captain Otivey^ with 
 thofe few of our forlorn hope, charged and killed of 
 them above 80. this in full view, and very nigh the 
 whole Army of the Rebells ; after which he faced 
 them about one houre, untill it was found that the 
 enemies foot had the while marched away towards 
 Fingall, purpofmg that night to fire thofe quarters 
 between Dublin and Dregheda ; which the enemies 
 defignes the Governour finding by feme prifoners 
 taken, he commanded back Captain Ofwey with the 
 forlorn hope, -who returning towards Castle-knock 
 aforefaid, met with thofe fixty foot of the enemies 
 before mentioned, fleeing from another party of our 
 horfe, moft of whom Captain OtiJoey put to the 
 fword. 
 
In Ireland. r 
 
 The Governour forthwith fent to Sir Henry Titch- 
 burney (at Trim) for drawing up to him with the horfe 
 in the out-quarters, whofe coming up to him he ex- 
 pelled before he would engage upon fo great a body of 
 the Rebells horfe and foot. 
 
 That night the Governour fent back to Dublin the 
 foot, and having commanded i oo, horfe towards 
 Feltram for fecuring the quarters towards the Sea 
 fide, and for obferving the enemies motion, he himfelf 
 with the reft of the horfe returned back to Dublin, 
 no provifion being found neare him for his horfe, the 
 enemy having destroyed all. 
 
 Q-wm Neale having the City on the right hand, 
 marched to a place called Dubber, within three miles 
 of Dublin, which he fired, having his head quarters at 
 Kilfhaghan, fix miles Northward from Dublin j he 
 that night by parties fent out, burnt all the corn about 
 him, making very great fpoyle. 
 
 Thursday, Novemb. 4. Ozutn Neale marched to 
 Brafyle (an houfe belonging to the Lord chief Baron 
 Bolton^ within Fingall, which he burned, having firft 
 from thence by parties fent out, burnt Carduffe (the 
 Lord Chancellours houfe) and Luske, with what other 
 mifchlef he could fuddenly doe in that part of the 
 country, our Garrifon at Swords made good the 
 Bawne there againft the Rebells, whereby much Hay 
 prepared for the Oxen of the Trayne was preferved. 
 
 This day the Governour again took the field, with 
 his 400. horfe (being his whole ftrength of horfe here- 
 abouts) drawing towards the enemy for cutting off 
 
6 News from Dublin 
 
 ftragglers, of whom many were met withall, and for 
 keeping in the Rebells, all that might be, from 
 deftroying the quarters, untill he fhould heare from 
 Sir Henry Tkchburney which he hourely expedied but all 
 that day he heard nothing of him j that night the 
 Governour quartered at Donfinke, within three miles 
 from the enemy, who that night quartered at Wegan- 
 flouone. 
 
 This day about 12 of the clock newes was brought 
 to the Governour of Sir Henry Tttchburnes coming up 
 with Col. Ponfonby, Col, Coots, and Sir Thomas Arm- 
 strongs Regiments of Horfe, which with the Governours 
 party made up a body of 1400 horfe : Whereupon the 
 Governour forthwith about midnight fent orders to 
 Dublin for the Foot to draw out, and with all fpeed to 
 advance towards him, appointing the Rendezvouze the 
 next morning at Pierces Towne, eight miles from 
 Dublin, purpofing by crofling the Countrey to flop 
 Oiven Neale In his march back, being informed that 
 he had been then at Baldengan towards the Tea fide, 
 purpoiing to bend towards Droghedah quarters for 
 fpoyling thereabouts as elfewhere he had done. 
 
 But the Rebels having inteUigence of the coming up 
 of the Horse to the Governour, and of the marching 
 of the Foot, he fuddenly changed his courfe, marching 
 back again by Crlxtowne, Kilbrewe, and Ratoth, 
 burning as he went. This he did betimes on Friday 
 morning the fifth of this inftant. Our Foot not being 
 yet come up as was expected, the Governour with his 
 Horfe following, the Enemy, coming up within a mile 
 
In Ireland. 7 
 
 of him, and fending out parties to engage the Enemy 
 in feme fort untill the coming up of our Foot ; but 
 the Rebels marched off as faft as they could, our men 
 killing many of them, and from out their body took 
 away fome Cattell. 
 
 This night the Rebels made fliew of quartering at 
 a place called Clunmullin neere a bogge fide, where 
 the Governour had hope he might gain time of falling 
 in upon him if his Foot had come up. 
 
 This night our Foot from Dublin, about 3000, came 
 up to Pierces Towne, where had they come fooner, it 
 was hoped, by the blefling of God, the Rebels power 
 in Leinfter had been quite bfoken. 
 
 The Governour had that night fent out feverall 
 parties to allarm the Enemy, thereby to ingage them 
 untill he coald with his Foot march up towards them ; 
 but the enemy having made fhew of quartering that 
 night at Clunmullen, rifeth in the night, marching 
 away with all the fpeed he could possible. 
 
 Saturday the fixth, the Governour followes him 
 with Horfe and Foot, fending out parties feveral waies 
 to ftop him in his courfe, but the Rebels had that day 
 not refted untill they had gotten over the black Ford 
 beyond Clon-Curry into Briminghams Countrey, a 
 place boggy and woody, and to them of great advantage. 
 
 The Governour hereupon leaving the Foot at Bal- 
 fegham, 13 miles from Dublin, he the feventh followed 
 the Enemy with the horfe j but the Rebels marching 
 all the night before, had betimes this morning 
 recovered their former retiring place at Castle- 
 
8 News from Dublin 
 
 Jordan. This night the Governour came back to the 
 Foot at Bulfegham, and the next day, having difmift 
 his additional! Forces, he with the rest marched back 
 to Dublin. 
 
 The Enemy loft 500 of their men, and in their 
 great hafte caft off many of their Knapfacks and bag- 
 gage whiche ours tooke up. It was not for the 
 Governour to ingage his horfe, they not having a 
 grayne of Oats, nor money, or Quarters, for eight 
 weeks before, neither any thing elfe but what they 
 gained by daily inroades upon the enemies quarters, 
 whereby the horfe were fo worne out, that had not 
 neceflity enforced, they had not been fit to appear in 
 fervice, therefore was it not fafe to ingage them efpeci- 
 ally fevered from the foot, againft fo great a power of 
 the Enemies horfe and Foot, wherein had there been 
 eny mifcarriage, this city and Province had been un- 
 doubtedly loft, and the whole Kingdome endangered. 
 And here I muft give you the Governours words to me 
 difcourfing of this, That although he fhould have the 
 fortune with his horfe alone, to have defeated the 
 power of the enemies, yet he deferved to fuffer for 
 hazarding fo lightly fo many and great interefts, 
 knowing the weaknefle of his horfe, but after the 
 coming up of his foot he doubted not then to put all 
 to a day, though the Rebels were many to one, and 
 had done it, had it been poiTible to overtake that 
 cowardly and runaway Enemy. You have, Sir, in 
 this the perfe£teft and moft difttinft account I can give 
 of thefe particulars, wherein you have in fhort the 
 
In Ireland. 9 
 
 whole ftate of the party here, not to be kept together, 
 wanting wherewithal! fo to keepe them, and being 
 difperfed, as of neceflity they muft be for a fubfiftence, 
 they or the Country lying open to fpoile, before an 
 Enemy entering almoft our very gates, can be difputed 
 with. Sir, it is there to put us into a condition 
 whereby thefe evils may by prevented, and for enabling 
 yours here to ferve you as they earneftly deiire. By 
 Captaine Pierce, one of ours being prifoner with the 
 Rebels at Kilkenny, returned hither on exchange, 
 the Governour hath been given to underftand that the 
 common voyce at Kilkenny was, That Sir Bryon 
 Neaie, here refident, is one ferviceable to the Enemy 
 in the way of intelligence, whereupon he is committed, 
 the Governour expecting, I believe, direftions thence 
 for difpofing of him. Pardon this great boldnesse of 
 Sir ITour M.QSt ajfured to fer've you, 
 
 Dublin 10. Novemb. 
 
 I 647. H. C. 
 
 Novemb, 22 Imprimatur GUb, Mabbot, 
 
 FINIS. 
 
HISTORICAL REPRINTS. -XV. 
 
 TW€> 
 
 Jmpottant State 
 papers. 
 
 I, Sir Walter mildmay's ^8^piGion 
 concermag the Keeping of the 
 ^ueen of Soots. 
 
 n. Jt Jietter from the larl of 
 i,eioester to the Earl of Sussex 
 concerning the i^ueen of Scots. 
 
 1569. 
 
 -'J 
 
 PRIVATELY PRINTED. 
 
 EDINBURGH. 
 1886. 
 
This Reprint is limited to zoo small-paper and 'jO 
 large-paper copies. 
 
Sir Malter /IDilC»mas's ©pinton 
 
 concerning tbe keeping of tbe 
 
 diueen of Scots (©ctober 
 
 26. 1569,) at Min5sor 
 
 Castle. 
 
 ^>-3^^^x^ — 
 
 The Question to be considered on, is, 
 Whether it be less perilous to the 
 Queen's Majesty, and the Realm, to 
 retain the Queen of of Scots in Eng- 
 land, or to return her home into Scot- 
 land ? 
 
 — »>.gj<= — 
 
 IN which Question, these things are to be consider 
 ej. On the one side, What Dangers are like to 
 follow if she be retained here ; and thereupon, if so 
 avoiding of them, it shall be thought good to return 
 her, then what Cautions and Provisions are necessary 
 to be had. 
 
 On the other side, are to be weighed the Dangers 
 like to follow if she be returned home j and thereup- 
 
4 IWO IMPORTANT 
 
 on, if for eschewing of them, it shall be thought good 
 to retain her here, then what Cautions and Provisions 
 are in that Case necessary. 
 
 Dangers in retaining the Queen of Scots. 
 
 Her unquiet and aspiring Mind, never ceasing to 
 practice with the Queen's Subjects. Her late practice 
 of Marriage between the Duke of Norfolk and her, 
 without the Queen's knowledge. The Faction of the 
 Papists, and other Ambitious Folks, being ready and 
 fit Instruments for her to work upon. The Com- 
 miseration that ever followeth such as be in misery, 
 though their Deserts be never so great. Her cunning 
 and sugred entertainments of all Men that come to her, 
 whereby she gets both Credit and Intelligence. Her 
 practice with the French and Spanish Ambassadors, 
 being more near to her in England, than if she were 
 in Scotland j and their continual sollicitation of the 
 (^ueen for her delivery, the denial whereof may breed 
 War. The danger of her escaping out of Guard, 
 whereof it is like enough she will give the Attempt, 
 So as remaining here, she hath time and opportunity 
 to practice and nourish Factions, by which she may 
 work Confederacy, and therefore may follow Sedition 
 and Tumult, which may bring peril to the Queen's 
 Majesty and the State. Finally, it is" said, That the 
 Queen's Majesty, of her own disposition, hath no 
 mind to retain her, but is much unquieted therewith, 
 which is a thing greatly to be weighed. 
 
STATE PAPERS. ^ 
 
 Cautions if she be returned. 
 
 To deliver her into the Hands of the Regent, and 
 the Lords now governing in Scotland, to be safely 
 kept. That she meddle not with the State, nor 
 make any alterations in the Government, or in the 
 Religion. That by sufficient Hostages it may be 
 provided, that neither Violence be used to her Person, 
 nor that she be suffered to Govern again, but live 
 privately, with such honourable Entertainment as is 
 meet for the King of Scots Mother. That the League 
 Offensive and Defensive, between France and Scotland, 
 be never renewed. That a new and perpetual League 
 be made between England and Scotland, whereby the 
 Queen's Majesty may shew an open Maintenance and 
 Allowance of the King's Authority and Estate, and 
 of the present Government, so as the Scots may wholly 
 depend on her. That the Regent, and the Lords of 
 Scotland, do make no composition with the Scots 
 Queen, neither sufier her to marry, without consent of 
 the Queen's Majesty. That the Faults whereof she 
 hath been accused, and her declining and delaying to 
 Answer that Accusation, may be published to the 
 World, the better to discourage her Factious Party, 
 both here and in Scotland. 
 
 Dangers in returning Her. 
 
 The manner how to deliver her Home, with the 
 Queen's Majesty's Honour and Safety, is very doubtful. 
 
6 TWO IMPORTANT 
 
 For if she be delivered in Guard, that came hither free, 
 and at liberty, how will that stand with the Queen's 
 Honour, and with the Requests of the French and 
 Spanish Kings, that have continually solicited her free 
 delivery, either into Scotland or France ; or if she- die 
 in Guard, either violently or nuturally, her 'Majesty 
 shall hardly escape slander. If, again, she be delivered 
 home at Liberty, or if being in Guard she should 
 escape, then these Perils may follow. 
 
 The suppressing of the present Government in 
 Scotland, now depending upon the Queen's Majesty, 
 and advancing of the contrary Faction depending upon 
 the French. The alteration of Religion in Scotland. 
 The renewing of the League, Offensive and Defensive, 
 between France and Scotland, that hath so much 
 troubled England. The renewing of her pretended 
 claim to the Crown, of this Realm. The likelyhood 
 of War to ensue between France, Scotland, and Us, 
 and the bringing in of Strangers into that Realm to 
 our annoyance, and great charge, as late experience 
 hath shewed. The supportation that she is like to 
 have of the French and Spanish Kings. And though 
 Peace should continue between England and Scotland, 
 yet infinite injuries will be offered by the Scots Queen's 
 Ministers upon the Borders,', which will turn to the 
 great hurt of the Queen's Majesty's Subjects, or else 
 to her greater Charges to redress them ; for the 
 cjiange of the Government in Scotland, will change 
 the Justice which now is had, unto all Injury and 
 
STATE PAPERS. J 
 
 Unjusticc. The likelyhood she will revoke the Ear 
 Bothwell, now her Husband, though unlawful, as is 
 said, a man of most evil and cruel Affection to this 
 Realm, and to his own Countrymen : Or, if she 
 should marry another that were a-likc Enemy, the 
 Peril must needs be great on either side. 
 
 And albeit to these Dangers may be generally said, 
 That such Provision shall be made, by Capitulations 
 with her, and by Hostages from the Regent, and the 
 Lords of Scotland, as all these Perils shall be prevented. 
 
 To that may be answered. 
 
 That no Fact which she shall do here in England 
 will hold, for she will alleage the same to be done in a 
 Forreign Country, being restrained of Liberty. That 
 there is great likelyhood of escape, wheresoever she be 
 kept in Scotland j for her late escape there, sheweth, 
 how she will leave no way unsought to atchieve it ; 
 and the Country being, as it is, greatly divided, and 
 of nature marvellously Factious, she is the more like 
 to bring it to pass. Or if the Regent, by any practice, 
 should yield to a composition, or finding his Party 
 weak, should give over his Regiment, Then what 
 assurance have we, either of Amity or Religion. That 
 the Regent may be induced to do this, appeareth by 
 his late secret Treaty with the Duke of Norfolk, for 
 her Marriage, without the Queen's Majesty's knowledg. 
 And though the Regent should persevere constant, yet 
 if he should be taken away directly, or indirectly, (the 
 
a TWO IMPORTANT 
 
 like whereof Is said, hath been attempted against him) 
 then is all at large, and the (Jueen of Scots most like 
 to be restored to her Estate, the Factions being so great 
 in Scotland, as they are ; so as the Case is very tickle 
 and dangerous to hang upon so small a Thread, as the 
 Life of one Man, by whom it appeareth the whole at 
 this present is contained. 
 
 And touching the Hostages, though that Assurance 
 might be good to preserve her from Violence in Scot- 
 land, yet it may be doubted how the same will be 
 sufficient to keep her from escaping or governing again, 
 seeing, for her part, she will make little Conscience of 
 the Hostages if she may prevail j and the punishing of 
 the Hostages will be a small satisfaction to the 
 (Queen's Majesty for the Troubles that may ensue. 
 And for the doubt of her escape, or of Rebellion with- 
 in this Realm, it may be said, That if she should not 
 be well guarded, but should be left open to practice, 
 then her Escape, and the other Perils, might be doubt- 
 ed of; but if the Queen's Majesty hold a stricter hand 
 over her, and put her under the Care of a fast and 
 circumspect Man, all practice shall be cut from her, 
 and the Queen's Majesty free from that Peril. And 
 more safe it is for the Queen to keep the Bridle in her 
 own Hand, to restrain the Scottish Queen, than in 
 returning her home, to commit that trust to others, 
 which by Death, composition, or abusing of one Person, 
 may be disappointed. 
 
 And if she should, by any means, recover her Estate, 
 
STATE PAPERS. 9 
 
 the doubt of Rebellion there is not taken away, but 
 rather to be feared, if she have ability to her Will. 
 And if she find strength, by her own or Forreign 
 Friends, she is not far off to give Aid, upon a main 
 Land, to such as will stir for her 5 which, so long as 
 she is here, they will forbear, lest it might bring most 
 Peril to her self, being in the Queen's Hands. The 
 like respect, no Doubt will move Forreign Princes to 
 become Requesters, and not Threatners of her delivery. 
 And where it is said, That the Queen's Majesty can- 
 not be quiet so long as she is here, but it may breed 
 danger to her Majesty's Health. That is a matter 
 greatly to be weighed, for it were better to adventure 
 all, than her Majesty should inwardly conceive any 
 thing to the danger of her Health. But as that is 
 only known to such as have more inward Acquaint- 
 ance with her Majesty's disposition, than is fit for 
 some other to have. So again, it is to be thought, 
 that her Majesty being wise, if the Perils like to 
 follow, in returning her Home, were laid before her ; 
 and if she find them greater than the other, she will 
 be induced easily to change her Opinion, and thereby 
 may follow to her Majesty's great satisfaction and 
 quietness. 
 
 Cautions if she should be retained. 
 
 To remove her somewhat nearer the Court, at the 
 least within one days Journey of London, whereby it 
 shall be the more easie to understand of her Doings. 
 
10 TWO IMPORTANT STATE PAPERS. 
 
 To deliver her in custody to such as be thought 
 most sound in Religion and most void of practice. 
 
 To diminish her number, being now about forty 
 Persons, to the one half, to make thereby the Queen's 
 Charges the less, and to give her the fewer means of 
 Intelligence. 
 
 To cut from her all Access, Letters and Messages, 
 other than such as he that shall have the Charge 
 shall think fit. 
 
 To signify to all Princes, the occasion of this streight 
 Guard upon her, to be her late practice with the Duke 
 of Norfolk, which hath given the Queen cause to 
 doubt : further assuring them that she shall be used 
 honourably, but kept safely from troubling the Queen's 
 Majesty, or this State. 
 
 That she be retained here, until the Estate of Scot- 
 land be more settled, and the Estate of other Countries 
 now in garboil be quieted, the Issue whereof is like to 
 be seen in a Year or two. 
 
a Xetter Mritten bs tbe 
 Earl of ^Leicester, 
 
 TO THE 
 
 Earl of Sussex, concerning the Queen of 
 Scots; taken from the first Draught 
 of it, written with his own hand* 
 
 — c>-^^>-3-= — 
 
 My good Lord, I received your Letter in the answer 
 of mine ; and though I have not written sooner again 
 to your Lordship, both according to your desire, and 
 the necessity of our Cases at this time ; yet t doubt 
 not but you are fully advertised of her Majesty's 
 Pleasure otherwise. For my own part, I am glad 
 your Lordship hath prospered so well in your Journey, 
 and have Answered, in all Points, the good Opinion 
 conceived of you. 
 
 And touching her Majesty's further Resolution, for 
 these Causes, my Lord, I assure you, I know not well 
 what to write. First, I see her Majesty willing and 
 desirous, as Reason is, to work her own Security, and 
 the quietness of her State, during her time, which I 
 trust in God shall be far longer than we shall live to 
 see end of. And herein, my Lord, there be sundry 
 Minds, and among our selves, I must confess to your 
 Lordship, we are not fully agreed which way is best 
 
 Ex MSS. Evelyn. 
 
12 TWO IMPORTANT 
 
 to take. And to your Lordship, I know I may be 
 bold, beside the Friendship I owe you, the Place you 
 hold presently, doth require all the understanding that 
 may be, to the furtherance of her Majesty's good 
 Estate ; wherefore I shall be the bolder even to let 
 you know as much as I do, and how we rest among us. 
 Your Lordship doth consider, for the State of 
 Scotland, her Majesty hath those two Persons, being 
 divided, to deal with, the Queen of Scotland, lately by 
 her Subjects deprived, and the young King her Son 
 Crown'd and set up in her Place, Her Majesty, of 
 these two, is to chuse, and of necessity must chuse 
 which of them she will allow and accept, as the Person 
 sufficient to hold the principal Place. And here 
 groweth the Question in our Council to her Majesty, 
 Which of these two are most fit for her to maintain 
 and join in Amity with ? To be plain with your 
 Lordship, The most in number do altogether conceive 
 her Majesty's best and surest way is, to maintain and 
 continue the young King in this his Estate, and thereby 
 to make her whole Party in Scotland, which by the 
 setling of him, with the cause of Religion, is thought 
 most easiest, most safest, and most probable for the 
 perpetual quieting and benefit to her own Estate, and 
 great assurance made of such a Party, and so small 
 Charges thereby, as her Majesty may make account 
 to have the Hke Authority, and assured Amity in 
 Scotland, as heretofore she had in the time of the late 
 Regent. 
 
STATE PAPERS. 1$ 
 
 The Reasons against the other, are these 
 shortly. 
 
 The Title that the (^ueen claimeth to this Crown : 
 The overthrow of Religion in that Couutry : The 
 impossibility of any assurance for the observing of any 
 Pact or Agreement made between our Soveraign and 
 her. These be Causes your Lordship sees sufficient to 
 dissuade all Men from the contrary Opinion. And 
 yet, nay Lord, it cannot be denied, upon indifferent 
 looking into the Matter on both sides, but the clearest 
 is full enough of Difficulties. And then, my Lord, is 
 the Matter disputable j and yet I think verily, not for 
 Argument-sake, but even for Duty and Conscience- 
 sake, to find out Truth, and safest means for our 
 Soveraign's best doing. And thus we differ. The 
 first you have heard touching the young King. 
 
 On the other side this it is thought, and of these I 
 must confess my self to your Lordship to be one : And 
 God is my Judg, whether it be for any other respect 
 in this World, but that I suppose, and verily believe it 
 may prove best for her Majesty's own quietness during 
 her time. 
 
 And here I must before open to your Lordship 
 indeed her Majesty's true State she presently stands 
 in J which, though it may be granted the former 
 Advice the better way, yet how hardly it layeth in her 
 Power to go thorow withal, you shall easily judg. 
 For it must be confessed, That by the taking into her 
 
14 TWO IMPORTANT 
 
 protection the King and the Faction, ahe must enter 
 into a War for it : And as the least War being ad- 
 mitted, cannot be maintained without great Charge : 
 so such a War may grow, France or Spain setting in 
 foot, as may cause it to be an intollerable War. Then 
 being a War, it must be Treasure that must maintain 
 it. That she hath Treasure to continue any time in 
 War, surely, my Lord, I cannot see it : And as your 
 Lordship doth see the present Relief for Mony we 
 trust upon, which either failing us, or it rising no 
 more than I see it like to be, not able long to last ; 
 Where is there further hope of help hereafter ? For 
 my own part I see none. If it be so, then, my Lord, 
 that her Majesty's present estate is such as I tell you, 
 which I am sure is true j How shall this Counsel 
 stand with security, by taking a Party to enter into a 
 War, when we are no way able to maintain it ; for if 
 we enter into it once, and be driven, either for Lack, 
 or any other way, to shrink, what is like to follow of 
 the Matter, your Lordship can well consider ; the best 
 is, we must be sorry for that we have done, and per- 
 chance seek to make a-mends, where we neither would 
 nor should. This is touching the present State we 
 stand in. Besides we are to remember what already 
 we have done ; how many ways, even now together 
 the Realm hath been universally burdened. 
 
 First, For the keeping of new bands, after the fur- 
 nishing of Armour ; and therein how continually the 
 Charge sooner hath grown than Subsidies payed. 
 
STATE PAPERS. 15 
 
 And lastly, the marvellous charge in most Countries 
 against the late Rebellion, with this Loan of Mony 
 now on the neck of it. Whether this State doth 
 require further cause of imposition, or no, I refer to 
 your Lordship ? And whether entring into a further 
 Charge than her Majesty hath presently wherewithal 
 to bear, it will force such a Matter or no, I refer to 
 wiser to judg. 
 
 And now, my Lord, I will shew you such Reasons 
 as move me to think, as I do. In Worldly Causes, 
 Men must be governed by Worldly Policies j and yet 
 BO to frame them, as God, the Author of all, be 
 chiefly regarded. From him we have received Laws, 
 under which all Mens Policies and Devices ought to 
 be Subject ; and through his Ordinance, the Princes 
 on the Earth have Authority to give Laws j by which 
 also, all Princes have the Obedience of the People, 
 And though in some Points, I shall deal like a 
 Worldly Man for my Prince, yet I hope I shall not 
 forget that I am a Christian, nor my duty to God. 
 
 Our Question is this j Whether it be meeter for our 
 Sovereign to maintain the young King of Scotland, 
 and his Authority j or upon Composition, restore the 
 Queen of Scots into her Kingdom again ? To restore 
 her simply, we are not of Opinion, for so I must confess 
 a great over-sight, and doubt no better Success, than 
 those that do Object most Perils thereby to ensue. 
 But if there be any Assurances in this World to be 
 given, or any Provision by Wordly Policy to be had. 
 
l6 TWO IMPORTANT 
 
 then, my Lord, I do not see but Ways and Means 
 may be used with the <^ueen of Scots, whereby her 
 Majesty may be at quiet, and yet delivered of her 
 present great Charge. It is granted and feared of all 
 sides, that the Cause of any trouble or danger to her 
 Majesty, is the Title the Queen of Scotland pretends 
 to the Crown of this Realm. The Danger we fear 
 should happen by her, is not for that she is (^ueen of 
 Scotland, but that other the great Princes of Christen- 
 dom do favour her so much, as in respect of her 
 Religion, they will in all Causes assist her j and 
 especially, by the colour of her Title, seem justly to 
 aid and relieve her, and the more lawfully take her 
 and her Causes into their Protection. Then is the 
 Title granted to be the chief Cause of danger to our 
 Soveraign. If it be so. Whether doth the setting up 
 the Son in the Mothers Place, from whence his Title 
 must be claimed, take away her Title in the Opinion 
 of those Princes, or no, notwithstanding she remain 
 Prisoner? It appeareth plainly. No; for there is 
 continual Labour and means made, from the greatest 
 Princes, our Neighbours, to the Queen's Majesty for 
 restoring the Queen of Scotland to her Estate and 
 Government, otherwise they protest open Relief and 
 Aid for her. Then though her Majesty do maintain 
 the young King in his present Estate, yet it appears 
 that other Princes will do the contrary : And having 
 any advantage, how far they will proceed. Men may 
 suspect. And so we must conceive, that as long as this 
 
STATE PAPERS. 17 
 
 difterence shall continue, by the maintaining of these 
 two, so long shall the same Cause remain, to the trouble 
 and danger of the (Queen's Majesty. And now to 
 avoid this whilst she lives, What better Mean is there 
 to take this Cause away, but by her own consent, to 
 renounce and release all such Interest or Title as she 
 claimeth, either presently or hereafter, during the 
 Life of her Majesty, and the Heirs of her Body. 
 Albeit, here may two Questions be moved. 
 
 First, Whether the Scots Queen will renounce her 
 Title, or no ? 
 
 Secondly, If she will do so, What Assurance may 
 she give for the performance thereof? 
 
 To the first. It is most certain she hath, and pre- 
 sently doth offer, wholly and frankly, to release and 
 renounce all manner of Claims and Titles, whatsoever 
 they be, to the Crown of this Realm, during her 
 Majesty's Life, and the Heirs of her Body. 
 
 And for the Second j She doth likewise offer all 
 manner of Security and Assurances that her Majesty 
 can devise, and is in that Queen's possible Power to do, 
 she excepteth none. 
 
 Then must we consider what may be Assurances, 
 for here is the difficulty. For that objections be that 
 Princes never hold Promises longer than for their own 
 Commodity ; and what Security soever they put in, 
 they may break if they will. Alt this may be granted j 
 but yet that we must grant also, that Princes do daily 
 Treat and deal one with another ; and of necessity are 
 B 
 
15 TWO IMPORTANT. 
 
 forced to trust to such Bonds and Assurances as they 
 contract by. And as there is no such Surety to be 
 had in Wordly Matters, but all are Subject to many 
 Casualties ; yet we see such Devices made, even 
 among Princes, as doth tie them to perform that, 
 which if they might conveniently chuse, they would 
 not. And in this Matter of the ^ueen of Scotland, 
 since she doth offer both to leave the cause of the 
 differences that lie between the (Queen's Majesty and 
 her ; and also to give all Surety that may be by our 
 selves devised to observe the same j I do not see 
 but such means may be devised to tie her so 
 strongly, as though she would break, yet I can- 
 not find what advantage she shall get by it. 
 For beside, that I would have her own simple Renun- 
 ciation to be made by the most substantial Instrument 
 that could be devised. The assent of some others 
 should confirm the same also. Her own Parliaments 
 at home should do the like with the full Authority of 
 the whole Estates. They should deliver her Son, and 
 such other principal Noblemen of her Realm for 
 Hostages, as the Queen's Majesty should name. 
 She should also put into her Majesty's Hands, some 
 one piece or two of her Realm, and for such a time as 
 should be thought meet by her Majesty, except Edin- 
 burgh. The Queens Majesty might also, by ratifying 
 this by a Parliament here, make a Forfeiture, if the 
 Queen of Scotland should any way, directly or indi- 
 rectly, go about to infringe this Agreement, of all such 
 
STATE PAPERS. 19 
 
 Titles and Claims that did remain in the <^ueen of 
 Scotland, after her Majesty and her Issue, never to be 
 capable of any Authority or Soveraignity within this 
 Reabn. These I would think to be sufficient Bonds 
 to bind any Prince, specially no mightier than she is. 
 And this much more would T have, that even as she 
 shall be thus bound, for the relief of her Title to the 
 Queen's Majesty and her Issue ; So shall she suffer 
 the Religion received and established in Scotland 
 already, to be confirmed and not altered. In like sort, 
 the Amity between these two Realms, to be such, and 
 so frankly united, as no other League with any 
 Forreign Prince, should stand in force to break it. 
 For I think verily, as the first is chiefest touching 
 her Majesty's own Person, so do I judge the later, I 
 mean, the confirmation of the Religion already there 
 received, to be one of the assuredst and likeliest means 
 to hold her Majesty a strong and continual Party in 
 Scotland. The trial hereof hath been already sufficient 
 when her Majesty had none other Interest at all, but 
 only the maintenance of the True Religion, the same 
 Cause remaining still the same affection in the same. 
 Persona that do profess it, I trust, and it is like, will 
 not change. And though the Scots Queen should 
 now be setled in her Kingdom again, yet is she not 
 like to be greater or better esteemed now than here- 
 tofore, when both her Authority was greater, and her 
 good will ready to alter this Religion, but could not 
 bring it to pass. No more is it like these further 
 
20 TWO IMPORTANT STATE PAPERS. 
 
 Provisions being taken, she shall do it now. And the 
 last Cause also is not without great hope of some good 
 Success ; for as the oppression of Strangers heretofore 
 had utterly wearied them of that Yoke, so hath this 
 peaceable time, between them and us, made them 
 know the Liberty of their own, and the Commodity 
 of us their Neighbours. 
 
 This, my Lord, doth lead me to lean to this 
 Opinion, finding thereby rather both more surety, and 
 .more quietness, for my Soveraign's present time, hav- 
 ing, by the contrary, many occasions of trouble cut 
 off, and the intolerable Charge eschewed, which I 
 cannot find by any possible means, her Majesty able to 
 sustain for any long time. 
 
 Thus hastily 1 am driven to end my long, cumber- 
 some Letter to your Lordship, though very desirous 
 to impart my mind herein to your Lordship. 
 
 3f i n i 0. 
 
four Ibistorical ©ocumente. 
 
HISTORICAL REPRINTS.-XIY. 
 
 Cuvtous Documents. 
 
 /. A Letter from Katherine of Arragon, to 
 Mary, her Daughter. 
 
 II. A line Boleyn's last Letter to Henry VIII. 
 
 III. The Proclamation oj Lady Jane Grey's Title 
 to the Crow7i. 
 
 IV. A Letter from the Princess (afterwards 
 Qtieen) Maiy, to her Father (Henry VIII. ) 
 
 sssssm 
 
 PRIVATELY PRINTED. 
 
 EDINBURGH. 
 
 1886. 
 
 I 
 
I'his edition is limited to 200 small-paper copi. 
 and ^o large-paper copies, 
 
wwww'wwWwww 
 
 3four Curious Documents* 
 
 — ^>..^^i:^c — 
 
 Ji- heitev sent bij ^ueen Catherine 
 
 af Jtrragon, to the hnd^ Mnv^^ 
 
 her iJau^jhter.* 
 
 DAUGHTER, I heard such tidings this day, that 
 I do perceive (if it be true) the time is near that 
 Almighty God will provide for you, and I am very 
 glad of it, for I trust that he doth handle you with a 
 good Love J I beseech you agree to his Pleasure with 
 a merry Heart, and be you sure, that without fail he 
 will not suffer you to perish, if you beware to offend 
 him. I pray God, you good Daughter, to offer your 
 self to him ; if any pangs come to you, shrive your 
 self, first make your self clean ; take heed of his 
 Commandments, and keep them as near as he will 
 give you Grace to do, for then are you sure armed. 
 And if this Lady do come to yuu, as it is spoken, if 
 
 * Ex, MSS. Norfolcianis in Col. Gresham. 
 
b FOUR CURIOUS 
 
 she do bring you a Letter from the King, I am sure, 
 in the self-same Letter, you shall be commanded what 
 you shall do. Answer you with few words, obeying 
 the K-ing your Father in every thing, save only that 
 you will not offend God, and lose your Soul, and go 
 no further with Learning and Disputation in the 
 Matter ; and wheresoever, and in whatsoever Com- 
 pany you shall come, obey the King's Command- 
 ments, speak few words, and meddle nothing. I will 
 send you two Books in Latin, one shall be, de P^ita 
 Christi, with the Declaration of the Gospels j and the 
 other, the Epistles of St. Hierome, that he did write 
 always to Paula and Eustochium, and in them trust 
 you shall see good things. And sometimes, for your 
 Recreation, use your Virginals, or Lute, if you have 
 any. But one thing specially I desire you, for the 
 love that you owe unto God and unto me, to keep 
 your Heart with a chaste Mind, and your Body from 
 all iU and wanton Company, nor thinking nor desir- 
 ing any Husband, for Christ's Passion j neither de- 
 termine your self to any manner of living, until this 
 troublesome time be past, for I dare make you sure, 
 that you shall see a very good end, and better than 
 you can desire. I would God, good Daughter, that 
 you did know with how good a Heart I do write this 
 Letter unto you : I never did one with a better, for I 
 perceive very well, that God loveth you, I beseech 
 him of his goodness to continue it : And if it shall 
 fortune that you shall have no Body to be with you 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 7 
 
 of your Acquaintance, I think it best you keep your 
 Keys your self, for whosoever it is, so shall be done as 
 shall please them. And now you shall begin, and by 
 likelihood I shall follow, 1 set not a rush by it, for 
 when they have done the uttermost they can, then I 
 am sure of the amendment. I pray you recommend 
 me unto my good Lady of Salisbury, and pray her to 
 have a good Heart, for we never come to the King 
 dom of Heaven, but by troubles. Daughter whatso- 
 ever you become, take no pain to send to me, for 1 
 may I will send to you. 
 
 By your loving Mother, 
 
 Katherine the J^ueen. 
 
 Queen Jtnne iioleyn's last f^etter to 
 King fenry.* 
 
 — »jo.8« — 
 Sir, 
 
 YOUR Grace's displeasure, and my Imprison- 
 ment, are things so strange unto me, as 
 what to write, or what to excuse, I am altogether 
 ignorant. Whereas you send unto me (willing me to 
 confess a Truth, and so obtain your favour) by such 
 an one whom you know to be mine ancient professed 
 
 * Cotton Libr, Otho C. 10. 
 
8 FOUR CURIOUS 
 
 Enemy. I no sooner received this Message by him, 
 than I rightly conceived your meaning ; and as if, as 
 you say, confessing a Truth indeed may procure my 
 safety, I shall with all willingness and duty perform 
 your Command. 
 
 But let not your Grace ever imagine that your 
 poor Wife will ever be brought to acknowledge a 
 Fault, where not so much as a thought thereof pre- 
 ceded. And to speak a Truth, never Prince had Wife 
 more loyal in all duty, and in all true affection, than you 
 have ever found in Ann Boleyn, with which Name 
 and Place I could willingly have contented my self, if 
 God, and your Grace's pleasure had been so pleased. 
 Neither did I at any time so far forget my self in my 
 Exaltation, or received Queenship, but that I always 
 looked for such an alteration as now I find j for the 
 ground of my preferment being on no surer Founda- 
 tion than your Grace's Fancy, the least alteration, I 
 knew, was fit and sufficient to draw that Fancy to 
 some other Subject. You have chosen me, from a 
 low estate, to be your Queen and Companion, far be- 
 yond my desert or desire. If then you found me 
 worthy of such honour. Good your Grace let not any 
 light Fancy, or bad counsel of mine Enemies, with- 
 draw your Princely Favour from me j neither let that 
 Stain, that unworthy stain of a disloyal heart towards 
 your good Grace, ever cast so foul a blot on your most 
 dutiful Wife, and the Infant-Princess your Daughter ; 
 Try me, good King, but let me have a lawful Trial, 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 9 
 
 and let not my sworn Enemies sit as my Accusers and 
 Judges ; yea, let me receive an open Trial, for my 
 Truth shall fear no open shame ; then shall you see, 
 either mine innoncey cleared, your suspicion and Con- 
 science satisfied, the ignominy and slander of the 
 World stopped, or my Guilt openly declared. So 
 that whatsoever God or you may determine of me, 
 your Grace may be freed from an open censure ; and 
 mine offence being so lawfully proved, your Grace is 
 at liberty, both before God and Man, not only to 
 execute worthy punishment on me as an unlawful 
 Wife, but to follow your Affection, already setled, on 
 that Party, for whose sake I am now as I am, whose 
 Name I could some good while since have pointed un- 
 to : your Grace being not ignorant of my suspicion 
 therein. 
 
 But if you have already determined of me, and that 
 not only my Death, but an infamous slander must 
 bring you the enjoying of your desired happinessj then 
 I desire of God, that he will pardon your great sin 
 therein, and likewise mine Enemies, the Instrument 
 thereof; and that he will not call you to strict 
 account for your unprincely and cruel usage of me, 
 at his General Judgment-Seat, where both you and 
 my self must shortly appear, and in whose Judgment 
 I doubt not (whatsoever the World may think of me) 
 mine Innocence shall be openly known, and sufficiently 
 cleared. 
 
 My last and only request shall be, That my self 
 
lO FOUR CURIOUS 
 
 may only bear the burthen of your Grace's displeasure, 
 and that it may not touch the innocent Souls of those 
 poor Gentlemen, who (as I understand) are likewise 
 in strait Imprisonment for my sake. If ever I have 
 found favour in your sight, if ever the Name of Ann 
 Boleyn hath been pleasing in your ears, then let me 
 obtain this request j and I will so leave to trouble 
 your Grace any further, with mine earnest Prayers to 
 the Trinity to have your Grace in his good keeping, 
 and to direct you in all your Actions. From my 
 doleful Prison in the Tower this 6th of May. 
 Your most Loyal and ever 
 Faithful Wife, 
 
 Ann Boleyn. 
 
 ^>^^^^^^^ 
 
 The {j'roj::lamati0n of hn^^^ $zx\z 
 ^ratj's Title to the ^rotxrn. 
 
 JANE, by the Grace of God, Queen of England, 
 France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and 
 of the Chuoch of England, and also of Ireland, under 
 Christ in Earth the Supream Head. To all our most 
 Loving, Faithful, and Obedient Subjects, and to 
 every of them, Greeting. Whereas our most dear 
 Cousin Edward the 6th, late King of England, France, 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. II 
 
 and Ireland, Defender of the Faith ; and in Earth, 
 Supream Head, under Christ, of the Church of Eng- 
 land and Ireland j by his Letters Patents, signed with 
 his own Hand, and sealed with his Great Seal of 
 England, bearing the date 21st day of June, in the 
 seventh Year of his Reign j in the presence of the 
 most part of his Nobles, his Councellors, Judges, and 
 divers other grave and sage Personages, for the profit 
 and surety of the whole Realm, thereto assenting and 
 subscribing their Names to the same, hath, by the 
 same his Letter Patents, recited, Thiat forasmuch as 
 the Imperial Crown of this Realm, by an Act made in 
 the 35th Year of the Reign of the late King, of 
 worthy memory, King Henry the 8th, our Progenitor, 
 and great Uncle, was, for lack of Issue of his Body, 
 lawfully begotten j and for lack of Issue of the Body 
 of our said late Cousin King Edward the 6th, by the 
 same Act, limited and appointed to remain to the 
 Lady Mary his eldest Daughter, and to the Heirs of 
 her Body lawfully begotten : And for default of such 
 Issue, the Remainder thereof to the Lady Elizabeth, by 
 the Name of the Lady Elizabeth his second Daughter, 
 and the Heirs of her Body lawfully begotten ; with 
 such Conditions as should be limited and appointed by 
 the said late King of worthy memory. King Henry 
 the 8th, our Progenitor, our Great Uncle, by his 
 Letters Patents under his Great Seal, or by his last 
 Will in writing, signed with his Hand. And foras- 
 much as the said Limitation of the Imperial Crown 
 
12 FOUR CURIOUS 
 
 of this Realm being limited, as is afore-said, to the 
 said Lady Mary, and Lady Elizabeth, being illegiti- 
 mate, and not lawfully begotten, for that the Marriage 
 had, between the said late King, King Henry the 8th, 
 our Progenitor, and Great Uncle, and the Lady 
 Katherine, Mother to the said Lady Mary ; and also 
 the Marriage had between the said late King, King 
 King Henry the 8th, our Progenitor, and Great Uncle, 
 and the Lady Ann, Mother to the said Lady Elizabeth, 
 were clearly and lawfully undone, by Sentences of 
 Divorce, according to the Word of God, and the 
 Ecclefiastical Laws j and which said several Divorce- 
 ments, have been severally ratified and confirmed by 
 Authority of Parliament, and especially in the 28th 
 Year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th, our said 
 Progenitor, and Great Uncle, remaining in force, 
 strength, and effect, whereby, as well the said Lady 
 Mary, as also the said Lady Elizabeth, to all intents 
 and purposes, are, and have been clearly disabled, to ask, 
 claim, or challenge the said Imperial Crown, or any 
 other of the Honours, Castles, Manours, Lordships, 
 Lands, Tenements, or other Hereditaments, as Heir 
 or Heirs to our said late Cousin King Edward the 
 6th, or as Heir or Heirs to any other Person or 
 Persons whatsoever, as well for the Cause before 
 rehearsed, as also for that the said Lady Mary, and 
 Lady Elizabeth, were unto our said late Cousin but of 
 the half Blood, and therefore by the Ancient Laws, 
 Statutes, and Customs of this Realm, be not inherit- 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. I3 
 
 able unto our said late Cousin, although they had 
 been born in lawful Matrimony j as indeed they were 
 not, as by the said Sentences of Divorce, and the said 
 Statute of the 28th Year of the Reign of King Henry 
 the 8th, our said Progenitor and great Uncle, plainly 
 appeareth. And forasmuch also, as it is to be thought, 
 or at the least much to be doubted, that if the said 
 Lady Mary, or Lady Elizabeth, should hereafter have, 
 or enjoy the said Imperial Crown of this Realm, and 
 should then happen to marry with any Stranger born 
 out of this Realm, that then the said Stranger, having 
 the Government and Imperial Crown in his Hands, 
 would adhere and practice, not only to bring this 
 Noble, Free Realm into the Tyranny and Servitude of 
 the Bishops of Rome, but also to have the Laws and 
 Customs of his or their own Native Country or 
 Countries, to be practised and put into use within 
 this Realm, rather than the Laws, Statutes, and 
 Customs here of long time used j whereupon the 
 Title of inheritance, of all and singular the Subjects of 
 this Realm do depend, to the peril of Conscience, and 
 the utter subversion of the Common-Weal of this 
 Realm: Whereupon our said late dear Cousin, weigh- 
 ing and considering within himself, which ways and 
 means were most convenient to be had for the stay of 
 the said Succession, in the said Imperial Crown, if it 
 should please God to call our said late Cousin out of 
 this transitory Life, having no Issue of his Body. 
 And calling to his remembrance, that We, and the 
 
14 FOUR CURIOUS 
 
 Lady Katharine, and the Lady Mary, our Sisters 
 (being the Daughters of the Lady Frances, our natura 
 Mother, and then, and yet, Wife to our natural and 
 most loving Father, Henry Duke of Suffolk ; and 
 the Lady Margaret, Daughter of the Lady Elianor, 
 then deceased, Sister to the said Lady Frances, and 
 the late Wife of our Cousin Henry Earl of Cumberland) 
 were very nigh of his Graces Blood, of the part of his 
 Fathers side, our said Progenitor, and Great Uncle j 
 and being naturally born here, within the Realm. 
 And for the good Opinion our said late Cousin had of 
 our said Sisters and Cousin Margarets good Education, 
 did therefore, upon good deliberation and advice herein 
 had, and taken, by his said Letters Patents, declare, 
 order, assign, limit, and appoint, that if it should 
 fortune himself, our said late Cousin King Edward the 
 Sixth, to decease, having no Issue of his Body lawfully 
 begotten, that then the said Imperial Crown of England 
 and Ireland, and the Confines of the fame, and his 
 Title to the Crown of the Realm of France, and all 
 and singular Honours, Castles, Prerogatives, Privileges, 
 Preheminencies, and Authorities, Jurisdictions, Domi- 
 nions, Possessions, and Hereditaments, to our said late 
 Cousin K. Edward the Sixth, or the said Imperial 
 Crown belonging, or in any wise appertaining should, 
 for lack of such Issue of his Body, remain, come, and 
 be to the eldest Son of the Body of the said Lady 
 Frances, lawfully begotten, being born into the World 
 in his Lifetime, and to the Heirs Males of the Body 
 of such eldest Son lawfully begotten j and so from Son 
 
HISTORICAL UOCUMEN'li. 15 
 
 to Son, as he should be of vicinity of Birth of the 
 Body of the said Lady Frances, lawfully begotten, 
 being bom into the World in our said late Cousins 
 Life-time, and to the Heirs IVTale of the Body of 
 every such Son lawfuUy begotten. And for default of 
 such Son born into the World in his life-time, of the 
 Body of the said Lady Frances, lawfully begotten; and 
 for lack of Heirs Males of every such son lawfully 
 begotten, that then the said Imperial Crown, and all 
 and singular other the Premises, should remain, come, 
 and be to us, by the Name of the Lady Jane, eldest 
 Daughter of the said Lady Frances, and to the Heirs 
 Males of our Body lawfully begotten ; and for lack of 
 such Issue, then to the Lady Katherine, aforesaid, our 
 said second Sister, and the Heirs Males of her Body 
 lawfully begotten, with divers other Remainders, as by 
 the same Letters Patents more plainly and at large it 
 may and doth appear. Sithence the making of our 
 Letters Patents, that is to say, on Thursday, which 
 was the 6th day of the instant Month of July, it hath 
 pleased God to call unto his infinite Mercy, our said 
 most dear and entirely beloved Cousin, Edward the 
 Sixth, whose Soul God pardon ; and forasmuch as he 
 is now deceased, having no Heirs of his Body begotten; 
 and also there remaineth at this present time no Heirs 
 lawfully begotten, of the Body of our said Progenitor, 
 and Great Uncle, King Henry the Eighth ; And for- 
 asmuch also as the said Lady Frances, our said Mother, 
 had no Issue Male begotten of her Body, and born into 
 the World, in the life-time of our said Cousin King 
 
l6 FOUR HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 Edward the Sixth, so as the said Imperial Crown, and 
 other the Premises to the same belonging, or in any 
 wife appertaining, now be, and remain to us, in our 
 Actual and Royal Possession, by Authority of the 
 said Letters Patents : We do therefore by these Pre- 
 sents signify, unto all our most loving, faithful, and 
 obedient Subjects, That like-as we for our part shall, 
 by God's Grace, shew our Self a most gracious and 
 benign Soveraign (^'^een and Lady to all our good 
 Subjects, in all their just and lawful Suits and Causesj 
 and to the uttermost of our Power, shall preserve and 
 maintain God's most Holy Word, Christian Policy, 
 and the good Laws, Customs, and Liberties of these 
 our Realms and Dominions ; so we mistrust not, but 
 they, and every of them, will again, for their parts, at 
 all Times, and in all Cases, shew themselves unto Us, 
 their natural Liege <^ueen and Lady, most faithful, 
 loving, and obedient Subjects, according to their 
 bounden Duties and Allegiance, whereby they shall 
 please God, and do the things that shall tend to their 
 own preservation and sureties j willing and command- 
 ing all Men, of all Estates, Degrees, and Conditions, to 
 see our Peace and accord kept, and to be obedient to 
 our Laws, as they tender our Favour, and will answer 
 for the contrary at their extream Perils. In witness 
 whereof we have caused these our Letters to be made 
 Patents. Witness our Self, at our Tower of London, 
 the tenth day of July, in the first Year of our Reign. 
 
 Cob sabe tfie <!Sucni. 
 
A Letter of liueen lllurg to her 
 Jt'ather. |i.mja i53i!.' 
 
 MOST humbly prostrate before the Feet of your 
 most excellent Majesty, your most humble, 
 faithful, and obedient Subject, which hath so extreamly 
 offended your most gracious Highness, that mine 
 heavy and fearful Heart dare not presume to call you 
 Father, nor your Majesty hath any cause by my 
 deserts, saving the benignity of your most blessed 
 Nature, doth surmount all Evils, Offences, and Tres- 
 passes, and is ever merciful and ready to accept the 
 Penitent, calling for Grace in any convenient time. 
 Having received, this Thursday at Night, certain 
 Letters from Mr. Secretary, as well advising me to 
 make my humble submission immediately to your 
 Self; which because I durst not, without your 
 gracious License, presume to do before, I lately sent 
 unto him j as signifying that your most merciful 
 Heart, and fatherly Pity, had granted me your Bless- 
 ing, with condition, that I should persevere in that I 
 had commenced and begun, and that I should not eft- 
 soons offend your Majesty by the denial or refusal of 
 any such Articles and Commandments, as it may 
 please your Highness to address unto me, for the 
 
 * Cotton Libr. Otho. C. ao. 
 B 
 
l8 FOUR CURIOUS 
 
 perfect trial of my Heart and inward Affection, and 
 for the perfect declaration of the bottom of my 
 Heart and Stomach. 
 
 First, I acknowledge my self to have most unkindly 
 and unnaturally offended your most excellent High- 
 ness, in that I have not submitted my self to your 
 most just and vertuous Laws. And for mine Offences 
 therein, which I must confess were in me a thousand 
 fold more grievous than they could be in any other 
 living Creature, I put my self whoUy and entirely to 
 your gracious Mercy, at whose hand I cannot receive 
 that punishment for the same that I have deserved. 
 
 Secondly, To open mine heart to your Grace, in 
 these things which I have heretefore refused to con- 
 descend unto, and have now written with mine own 
 hand, sending the same to your Highness herewith, I 
 shall never beseech your Grace to have pity and com- 
 passion of me, if ever you shall perceive that I shall 
 privily or apertly vary or alter from one piece of that 
 I have written and subscribed, or refuse to confirm, 
 ratify, or declare the same, where your Majesty shall 
 appoint me. 
 
 Thirdly, As I have, and shall, knowing your excel- 
 lent Learning, Vertue, Wisdom, and Knowledge, put 
 my Soul into your direction j and by the same hath, 
 and will in all things from henceforth direct my Con- 
 science, so my Body I do wholly commit to your 
 Mercy, and fatherly Pity, desiring no State, no Condi- 
 tion, nor no meaner degree of Jiving, but such as 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. I9 
 
 your Grace shall appoint me ; knowledging and con- 
 fessing, That my State cannot be so vile, as either the 
 extremity of Justice would appoint unto me, or as 
 mine Offences have required or deserved. 
 
 And whatsoever your Grace shall command me to 
 do, touching any of these points, either for things 
 past, present, or to come, I shall as gladly do the 
 same, as your Majesty shall command me. Most 
 humbly therefore beseeching your Mercy, most gracious 
 Soveraign Lord and Benign Father, to have pity and 
 compassion of your miserable and sorrowful Child, 
 and with the abundance of your inestimable Goodness, 
 so to overcome mine Iniquity towards God, Your 
 Grace, and Your whole Realm, as I may feel some 
 sensible Token of Reconcilation, which, God is my 
 Judg, I only desire, without other respect. To whom 
 I shall pray daily for the preservation of Your High- 
 ness, with the Queens Grace, and that it may please 
 him to send You Issue. 
 
 From Hunsdon, this Thursday, at eleven of the 
 Clock at Night. 
 
 Your Graces most humble 
 
 and obedient Daughter 
 
 and Handmaid, 
 
 Mary. 
 
Printed by E. b' G. Goldsmid, Edinburgh. 
 
IDisitation of flDonasteries 
 
HISTORICAL REPRINTS.-Xlll. 
 
 Jnstructions of 
 
 OF THE 
 
 3I0KASTEKIES AND KUWNEEIES. 
 1538-39. 
 
 CZSSS5Z; 
 
 TRIVATELY PRINTED. 
 EDINBURGH. 
 
 1886. 
 
 lo 
 
 'lyy. 
 
This edttton is limited io 200 ■•mall-j -opus, 
 
 and fo large-paper c opies. 
 
i^enry IJIIt.'s Instructions for the 
 
 General llisitation of the 
 
 Monasteries and 
 
 nunneries.* 
 
 Articuli Regire Inquisitionis, in Monasticam 
 vitam agentes, exponendi, et preedpue in 
 exempt OS a juris dictione Diocasana, jam 
 tantum Regime Majestati et ejus juris- 
 diction! subditos et suhjectos, ac hujus 
 inclyti sui Regni Statutis et legibus, 
 nullisq ; aliis penitus, obmxios et astric- 
 tos. 
 
 '• '^T'N pr'imii ,• Whether Divine Service be solemn- 
 
 I ly sung, said, observed, and kept in this 
 
 I Monastery, according to the Number and 
 
 H the Abilities thereof, by Night and by Day, 
 
 in due time and hours ? and how many be 
 
 present commonly at Mattins, and other Service, and 
 
 * Cott. Libr. Clcop, E, 4. 
 
b VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 
 
 who be absent, and so accustomed to be, without 
 cause or sickness? 
 
 it. Item ; How many Monks, Cannons Regulars, 
 or Nuns, be within this Monastery, and how many 
 there ought to be, and whether the number be com- 
 pleat according to the Founder's Will, or the Statutes, 
 Ordinances, and laudable custom of this House j and 
 whether the number be augmented or diminished now 
 of late ? 
 
 3. Item; Who were the first Founders of this 
 House ? 
 
 Futidathnem pr'imam^ secundam^ ttrtiam^ ct t^uoi- 
 quot habent exhibeant. 
 
 4. Item ; Whether this House hath had any en- 
 crease of Lands given to it sithence the first Founda- 
 tion thereof? by whom? how many? and when ? 
 
 5. Item; To what Sum of Mony those Revenues 
 and Rents of this House do extend and amount unto 
 yearly ? 
 
 6. Item; Whether this House was ever translated 
 from one habit and order to another ? by whose Autho- 
 rity ? and for what Cause ? 
 
 Tramlat'wnem exhibeant. 
 
 7. Item; How the Lands and Possessions apper- 
 taining unto this Monastery, given by the first Foun- 
 der, and all other Lands given sithence the first 
 Foundation, were granted, given, and established, and 
 so first brought to Morte main ? whether by the only 
 
VISITAriOxN OF MONASTERIES. 7 
 
 Authority of the Giver, or by the Authorization of 
 the Prince for that time reigning, and by what tenour 
 and form ye hold them ? 
 
 Donationem et Confirmatknem exhibeant. 
 
 8. Item ; What evidence have you to shew for all 
 and singular your Lands, Manors, Tenements, and 
 other your Possessions Mortisate, and given unto you, 
 and this your Monastery ? 
 
 9. Item; Wherefore, for what Causes and Con- 
 siderations ye were exempt from your Diocesan ? and 
 what was your Suggestion and Motive at the obtain- 
 ing of your said Exemption ? 
 
 Exemptionem exhibeant. 
 
 10. Item; Whether ye have any private, peculiar, 
 or local Statutes, Confirmations, Ordinances, or 
 Rules, made only for the behoof, good order, and 
 singular weal of this House, besides the Rules of your 
 Profession ? and whether they were made either by 
 your Founders before your Exemption, or by the good 
 Fathers of this House, with the whole consent of the 
 Brethren, being sithence your exemption : to what use 
 they were made, and how ye observe them ? 
 
 Statuta ilia localia^ et alia quotquot liabent, 
 exhibeant. 
 
 11. Item; By what way and form the Master of 
 this House was elected and chosen ? And whether 
 all the Brethren having, or ought to have by the Law, 
 Statutes, or laudable custom of this House, Voices in 
 
o VISITATION OF MONASTEIUES. 
 
 the Election, were present in the same Election, or 
 lawfully called or cited to it ? 
 
 12. Item; Whether any Persons Excommunicate, 
 Suspended, or Interdicted, did give Voices in the 
 same Election ? 
 
 13. Item ; Within what time after the Election was 
 made and done, the Master of this House was con- 
 firmed ? and by whom ? 
 
 14.. Item; Whether unto the Confirmation, all 
 that had Interest, or that would object against the 
 same, were lawfully cited, monished, and called ? 
 
 Exhibeat EUctionem, Confirmationem^ ci Titulum 
 iua Incumbentide. 
 
 15. Item; What Rule the Master of this House, 
 and other the Brethren, do profess ? 
 
 16. Item; How many be ProfFessed, and how many 
 be Novices j and whether the Novices have like 
 Habit, or use to wear an Habit distinct from the 
 Habit of the Brethren Professed ? 
 
 17. Item; Whether ye do use to profess your 
 Novices in due time, and within what time and space 
 after they have taken the Habit upon them ? 
 
 18. Item ; Whether the Brethren of this House do 
 know the Rule that they have professed, and whether 
 they keep their Profession according to that their 
 Rule, and Custom of this House j and in especial, the 
 three substantial and principal Vows, that is to say, 
 Po-verty-, Charity^ and Obedience f 
 
VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 9 
 
 ig. Item i Whether any of the Brethren use any 
 propriety of Mony, or of Plate, in their Chambers ; 
 or of any other manner thing unaware of the Master, 
 and without his knowledg and license, or by his 
 sufferance and knowledg ? aud for what cause ? 
 
 20. Item ; Whether ye do keep Chastity, not using 
 the company of any suspect Woman within this 
 Monastery, or without ? And whether the Master, 
 or any Brother of this House be suspected upon In- 
 continency, or defamed for that he is much conver- 
 sant with Women ? 
 
 21. Item; Whether Women useth and resorteth 
 much to this Monastry by back-ways, or otherwise ? 
 and whether they be accustomably, or at any time 
 lodged within the Precinct thereof ? 
 
 22. Item ; Whether the Master, or any Brother of 
 this House, useth to have any Boys or young Men 
 laying with him ? 
 
 23. Itim ; Whether the Brethren of this House 
 keep their Obedience, being ready at their Master's 
 Commandment, in all things honest, lawful, and 
 reasonable ? 
 
 Sequuntur Regula Ctzremmiales. 
 
 24. Item ; Whether ye do keep silence in the 
 Church, Cloister, Fraitrie, and Dormitorie, at the 
 hours and time specified itl your Rule ? 
 
 25. Item ; Whether ye do keep Fasting and Absti- 
 nence, according to your Rules, Statutes, Ordinances, 
 and laudable Customs of this House? 
 
lO VISITATION or MONASTERIES. 
 
 26. Iicm ; Whether ye abstain from Flesh in time 
 of Ad'vent, and other times declared and specified by 
 the Law, Rules, and laudable Customs of this House ? 
 
 27. Item ; Whether ye wear Shirts and Sheets of 
 Woollen, or that ye have any Constitution, Ordi- 
 nance, or Dispensation, granted or made to the con- 
 trary, by sufficient and lawful Authority ? 
 
 Projitcntes Regulam Benedicti quam arctissme tenen- 
 
 tur ad pftiedicta Coercmonialia obser'uanda. 
 
 28. Item; Whether ye do sleep altogethers in the 
 DormiioriCy under one Roof, or not ? 
 
 29. Item; Whether ye have all separate Beds, or any 
 one of you doth lay with an other ? 
 
 30. lum; Whether ye do keep the Fraitry at 
 Meals, so that two parts, or the least, the two part of 
 the whole Covent be always there, unless the Master 
 at every one time dispense with you to the contrary ? 
 
 31. Item; Whether ye do wear your Religious 
 jiabit continually, and never leave it of} when you go 
 bed? 
 
 32. Item; Whether every Brethren of this House 
 have lightly departed hence, and hath gone to any 
 other House of like Order and Profession, without 
 special Letters and License of their Master, 
 
 33. Item; Whether the Master and Brethren of 
 this House have received and admitted any Brother of 
 another House, without special License and Letters of 
 his Master and Head ? 
 
VISITATION OF MONASTERIKS. I I 
 
 34. Item; Whether any of you, sithence the time 
 of your Profession, hath gone out of this House to his 
 Friends, or otherwise ? 
 
 35. Item ; How oftimes he did so, and how long at 
 every time ye tarried forth ? 
 
 36. Item ; Whether ye had special license of your 
 Master so to go forth, or not ? 
 
 37. Item; Whether at every time of your being 
 forth, ye changed or left off your habit, or every part 
 thereof ? 
 
 38. Item ; Whether ye, or any of you be, or hath 
 been, in manifest Apostasy, that is to say, Fugitives or 
 Vagbonds ? 
 
 39. Item ; For what cause or occasion ye have so 
 gone forth and been in Apostasy ? and whether the 
 cause of your going forth was by reason of the great 
 cruelty of your Master, or by his negligence, not 
 calling you home to your Cloister ? 
 
 4.0. Item; Whether ye be weekly shaven, and do 
 not nourish or suffer your Hair to be long? and 
 whether ye wear your Apparel according to the Rule, 
 not too excessive, not too exquisite ; and in like wise 
 the trappo's of your Horses, and other your bearing 
 Beasts ? 
 
 41. Item; Whether the Master and Head of this 
 House do use his Brethren charitably, without parti- 
 ality, malice, envy, grudg, or displeasure more shewed 
 to one than to another ? 
 
 42. Item ; Whether he do use his Disciplines, Cor- 
 
12 Vli^ITATTON OF MONASTERIES. 
 
 rections, amd Punishments upon his Brethren, with 
 mercy, pity, amd charity, without cruelty, rigorousness, 
 and enormous hurt, no more favouring one than 
 another ? 
 
 43. Item ; Whether any Brother, or Religious Per- 
 son of this House, be incorrigible ? 
 
 44. Item ; Whether the Master of this House do 
 use his Brethren charitably when they be sick and 
 diseased ? and whether in time of their sickness he do 
 procure unto them Physicians, and all other neces- 
 saries ? 
 
 45. Item ; Whether he make his Accompts (as he 
 ought to do) once every year before his Brethren, and 
 chiefly the Seniors and Officers, to the intent they 
 may be made privy to the state and condition of the 
 House, and know perfectly the due administration 
 thereof ? 
 
 46. Item ; Whether the Prior, Subprior, Sellerar, 
 Kitchener, Terrure, Sacristen, or any such-like Offi- 
 cer, having Administration of every manner Revenues 
 of this House, do make his whole and true Accompt, 
 according as he is bound to do, not applying any thing 
 by him received to his own proper use or commodity? 
 
 47. Item ; Whether any Religious Person of this 
 House do bear, occupy, or exercise more Offices than 
 one, for, and to his own singular commodity, advan- 
 tage, or profit, by the partial dealing of the Master ? 
 
 48. Item ; Whether all and singular the Revenues 
 and Profits of this House be converted and employed 
 
VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. I3 
 
 to the behove and use thereof, and of the Brethren, 
 and according to the Founder's mind and Giver ? 
 
 49. Item ; Whether the Master do make sufficient 
 reparations upon his Monastery, as the Church and all 
 other housing thereto adjoined, and also upon all other 
 the Lands, Granges, Farms, and Tenements belong- 
 ing to the same, and whether he suffer any dilapida- 
 tion, decay, or ruine in any part of them ? 
 
 50. Item •, Whether there beany Inventory made of 
 all and singular the Moveables, Goods, which from 
 time to time have been, and yet be in this House, as 
 of Jewels, Reliques, Ornaments, Vestiments, ready 
 Mony, Plate, Bedding, with other Utensils ; also of 
 Corn, Chattels, and other Commodities, to the intent 
 the state and condition of this House may be always 
 known ? 
 
 51. hem J That ye express truly and sincerely the 
 whole state and condition of this House, as in Mony, 
 Plate, Cattel, Corn, and other Goods ? 
 
 52. Item ; Whether this Monastery be indebted ? 
 to whom ? and for what cause ? 
 
 53. Item J Whether any of the Lands be sold, or 
 mortgaged ? and for what Sums ? 
 
 54. Item ; Whether any be lett to Farm by the 
 Master of this House, for term of years, and for how 
 many years ? and specially whether they be letten for 
 small Sums, or for less Sums than they were wont to 
 be letten for, to the intent to have great sums of 
 ready Mony before hand ? 
 
14 VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 
 
 55. Item ; Whether he do enforce, compel, or con- 
 strain his Brethren, or any of them, to consent to the 
 sealing of any Leases, Grants, Farm-Holds, Annuities, 
 Corrodies, or any other Alienations ? 
 
 56. Item J Whether the Plate and Jewels, or any 
 part or parcel thereof, or of any other moveable 
 Goods of this House be laid to pledg, sold, or alienated 
 for a time, or for ever ? for what cause, and to 
 whom ? or otherwise imbezled, or consumed ? 
 
 57. Item ; Whether the Master of this House be 
 wont to give under his Seal of OfRce, or Covent-Sea!, 
 Farms, Corrodies, Annuities, or Offices, to his Kins- 
 folk:, Alliances, Friends, or Acquaintance, for term of 
 years, or otherwise, to the hurt, hindrance, dammage, 
 and impoverishment of this House ? 
 
 58. Itein ; Whether he be wont to grant any 
 Patent, or Covent-Seal, without the consent of 
 his Brethren ? 
 
 59. Item ; Whether the Covent-Seal of this House 
 be surely and safely kept under three Keys j that is to 
 say, one remaining and being in the custody of the 
 Master, and the other two in the custody of two 
 Senlours ? 
 
 60. Ite?n i Whether the Muniments and Evidences 
 of the Lands, Rents, and Revenues of this House, be 
 safely kept from Vermine and Moistness ? 
 
 61. Item J Whether the Master do keep Hospitality 
 according to the ability of his House, and in Hke 
 manner as other Fathers hereof have done heretofore ? 
 
VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 15 
 
 62. Item ; Whether the Master of thia House, in 
 receiving any Novice, being of willing and toward 
 mind to enter into Religion, hath demanded or 
 received, or convented to receive any Mony, Rewards, 
 or any other temporal Commodities of him 30 
 entring, or willing to enter, or of any other his 
 Friends ? and whether for not promising, granting, or 
 giving such Rewards or Gifts, any hath been repelled 
 and not received ? 
 
 63. //c/« ; Whether the Novices, and other received 
 into Religion, have a Perceptor and Master deputed 
 unto them to teach them Gramar and good Letters ? 
 
 64. Item ; Whether any Seniour of this House be 
 deputed to declare, inform, and instruct them their 
 Rules, and whereunto they shall be boundento observe 
 and keep, after their Profession ? 
 
 65. Itetn i Whether any of you have talcen upon 
 him the Habit and Profession of your Religion, 
 chiefly for the intent, hope, or trust to be made Head 
 and Master of this House ? 
 
 66. Ite^n ; Whether the Master of this House, in 
 giving any Advocation, Nomination, or Presentation, 
 or Collation of any Parsonage, Vicarage, Chapel, or 
 Benefice of the Patronage and Gift of this House, do 
 take, or use to take any manner Pension, Portion, or 
 other Commodity, or Gains ; or else doth make any 
 Convention or Compaction, whereby any lucre may 
 ensue to him in that behalf? 
 
 67. Item \ Whether he do receive, or use to 
 
l6 VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 
 
 receivCj the Fruits and Revenues of every such Bene- 
 fice vacant, or use to borrow any Mony of him to 
 whom he intendeth to give such Benefice unto, ex- 
 presly covenanting or intending, that he so obtaining 
 the said Benefice, shall freely and clearly remit the 
 said Mony so borrowed ? 
 
 68. Item 5 What, and how many Benefices the 
 Master of this House doth occupy and keep In his own 
 hands ? 
 
 69. Item ; Whether the same Benefices be appro- 
 priate and united to this House by sufficient authority? 
 
 70. Item \ Whether the Master of this House doth 
 make distributions amongst the Parlshoners of the 
 Benefices appropriate, and doth keep and observe all 
 and singular other Provisions and Ordinances specified 
 and expressed in the Appropriations of the same 
 Benefices ? 
 
 Exhiheant omnes et singidas Appropria- 
 tiones, itna cuvi Ordinationibus et 
 Dotationibiis Vicariatuiim. 
 
 71. Item \ Whether he do promote unto such 
 Benefices as be of his Gift, sufficient and able Persons 
 in Learning, Manners, and Vertue ? 
 
 72. Ite7n J Whether any Brother of this House do 
 serve any Parish-Church, being appropriate and united 
 to the same, and how many Churches appropriate be 
 so served ? 
 
 73. Item J Whether the Master of this House 
 
\ISrrATION OF MONA'.TERIKS. 17 
 
 hath and possesseth any Benefice with Cure, or any 
 other Dignity with his Abbey ? 
 
 Si aliqiiod tale habet, Dispensatioiiem ex- 
 hileat. 
 
 74.. Item ; Whether the Master of this House at 
 any time since he was first made Abbot, or Master, 
 did know or believe that he was Suspended, or Excom- 
 municate, either by the Law, or by any Judge ; and 
 whether he knowing or supposing himself to be, did 
 sing Mass in the mean time, and before he was 
 absolved ? 
 
 In Visitatione Monialium ad Prccmissa 
 addantur hcec. 
 75. Item J Whether this Monastery hath good and 
 sufficient Enclosure, and whether the Doors and Win- 
 dows be diligently kept shut, so that no man can have 
 any entry into the same, or any part thereof, at in- 
 convenient times ? 
 
 Propter quod necessarium erit Visitatori cir- 
 cumire Monasterium, ac videre et 
 rimare dispositionem adificioru7n, it an 
 sint aliqica loca pervia per quce secrete in- 
 ti-ari possit ; et una secum habeat Abba- 
 tissam ctun duabus aut tribus senioribus 
 MonialibuSy a quibus turn interroget, a7i 
 ostia MonaUerii singulis quibusque noc- 
 tibus sub clavibus cli.usa teneautur, et 
 c 
 
l8 VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 
 
 qtice eartan MoniaVnim seiiio C07ifectar7im^ 
 vel an Abbas ipsa clavitim atstodiam tem- 
 pore nocturno Jiabeant et teneani : yiafii 
 71071 est ttttu/fi davium cusiodiain Junior- 
 ibus committej'e. 
 
 76. Tte?n ; Whether Strangers, both Men and 
 Women, useth commonly to have communication 
 with the Sisters of this House, without license of the 
 Abbess of Prioress, specially in secret places, and in the 
 absence of their Sisters ? 
 
 77. Item ; Whether any Sister of this House were 
 possessed for any manner of compulsion of her Friends 
 and Kinsfolks, or by the Abbess or Prioress ? 
 
 78. Ite?7i ; Whether any of the Sisters of this 
 House useth to go forth any whither out of the Pre- 
 cinct thereof, without special license of their Abbess or 
 Prioress ? 
 
 79. Itei}t ; Whether any Sister doth use her Habit 
 continually out of her Cell ? 
 
 80. Iie7}i \ Wherein every one of you occupieth 
 herself, beside the time of Divine Service ? 
 
 81. Itent ; Whether any Sister of this House hath 
 any familiarity with Religious Men, Secular Priests, 
 or Lay-Men, being not near of kin unto them ? 
 
 82. Item ; Whether any Sister of this House hath 
 been taken and found with any such accustomably so 
 communing, and could not shew any reasonable cause 
 why they so did ? 
 
VISITATION OF MONASTRRIES. ig 
 
 83. Item ,* whether any of you cloth use to write 
 any Letters of Love, or lascivious fashion to any 
 Person, or receive any such, or have any privy Mes- 
 sengers coming and resorting unto you, or any of you, 
 with Token or Gifts, from any manner secular Person 
 or other ? 
 
 84. Item ; Whether any of you doth use to speak 
 with any manner of Person, by night or by day, by 
 Grates or back Windows, or other privy Places with- 
 in this Monastery, without license of your Head ? 
 
 85. Item ; Whether the Confessor of this House 
 be a discreet Man, of good learning, vertue and honest 
 behaviour, of good name and fame, and whether he 
 hath been always so taken ? 
 
 86. Itetii ; How oftimes in the year the Sisters of 
 this House useth to be Confessed and Communicate ? 
 
 Res tat pro Ecclesiis Collegiatis^ Hospitalibtis, 
 Ecclesiis Cathedralibus, Parrochialibtis^ 
 Ecclesiis^ Episcopo, et Archie piscopo^ pro 
 ordhu Jerosolomitarum ? 
 
 Exhibeant omnia scripta, ?nunimenta^ Inven- 
 taria^ Sceditlas, qtiascunque, wide aliquid cogni- 
 tionis eorum reformationi Afonasteriorum, sive 
 domortim utililati, necessario: explicari^ aut quo- 
 quo modo colligi possit. 
 
{general lujutactions to be ijiuen on 
 the fvixiQ's 3|ighness's behalf^ 
 in all Sionastries and other 
 Hoxises, of xuhatsoeirer ^Mer 
 or J^^eligion tbetj lie.* 
 
 — ^i»-3^^-!^^ 
 
 *Irst ; That the Abbot, Prior, or President, 
 and all other Brethren of the Place that 
 is visited, shall faithfully, truly, and 
 heartily, keep and observe, and cause 
 teach, and procure to be kept and obser- 
 ved of other, as much as in them may lie, all and 
 singular Contents, as well In the other of the King's 
 Highness Succession, given heretofore by them, as In 
 a certain Profession lately sealed w^Ith the Common 
 Seal, and subscribed and Signed vi^ith their own 
 hands : Also that they shall observe and fulfil, by all 
 the means that they best may, the Statutes of this 
 Realm, made, or to be made, for the suppression and 
 taking avi^ay of the usurped and pretended Jurisdiction 
 of the Bishop of Rome within this Realm : and for 
 the assertion and confirmation of the Authority, 
 Jurisdiction, and Prerogative of our most noble Sove- 
 reign Lord the King, and his Successors ; and that 
 they shall diligently instruct their Juniors and Young- 
 ers, and all other committed to their Cure, That the 
 
 '' Cott, Libr. Cleop. E, 4. 
 
VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 21 
 
 King's Power is by the Laws of God most excellent 
 of all under God in Earth ; and that we ought to 
 obey him afore all other Powers, by God's Prescript j 
 and that the Bishop of Rome's Jurisdiction or Autho- 
 rity heretofore usurped, by no means is founded or 
 established by Holy Scripture : but that the same, 
 partly by the craft and deceit of the same Bishop of 
 Rome, and by his evil and ambitious Canons and 
 Decretals ; and partly by the toleration and permis- 
 sion of Princes, by little and little hath grown up j 
 and therefore now, of most right and equity, is taken 
 away and clean expelled out of this Realm. 
 
 Also, that the Abbot, Prior, or President and 
 Brethren, may be declared, by the King's Supream 
 Power and Authority Ecclesiastical, to be absolved and 
 loosed from all manner Obedience, Oath, and Profes- 
 sion by them heretofore perchance promised, or made, 
 to the said Bishop of Rome, or to any other in 
 his stead, or occupying his Authority ; or to any 
 other Forreign Prince, or Person : And nevertheless 
 let it be enjoined to them, that they shall not promise 
 to give such Oath or Profession to any such Forreign 
 Potentate hereafter. And if the Statutes of the said 
 Order Religious, or Place, seem to bind them to 
 Obedience, or Subjection, or any other Recognizance 
 of Superiority to the said Bishop of Rome, or to any 
 other Forreign Power, Potentate, Person, or Place, by 
 any ways j such Statutes, by the King's Graces 
 Visitors, be utterly annihilate, broken, and declared 
 
22 VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 
 
 void and of none effect ; and that they be in no case 
 bounden or obligate to the same, and such Statutes to 
 be forthwith utterly put forth and abolished out of the 
 Books, or Muniments of that Religion, Order or 
 Place, by the President and his Brethren. 
 
 Also, that no Monk, or Brother of this Monastery, 
 by any means go forth of the Precinct of the same. 
 
 Also, that Women of what state or degree soevei 
 they be, be utterly excluded from entring into the 
 Limits or Circuit of this Monastery, or place, unless 
 they first obtain license of the King's Highness, or his 
 Visitor. 
 
 Also, that there be no entring into this Monastery 
 but one, and that by the great fore-gate of the same, 
 which diligently shall be watched and kept by some 
 Porter specially appointed for that purpose, and shall 
 be shut and opened by the same both day and night, 
 at convenient and accustomed hours ; which Porter 
 shall repel all manner Women from entrance into the 
 said Monastery, 
 
 Also, that all and singular Brethren, and Monks of 
 this Monastery, take their refections altogether in a 
 place called the Misericorde, such days as they eat 
 Flesh, and all other days in their Refectory ; and that 
 at every Mess there sit four of them, not of duty 
 demanding to them any certain, usual, or accustomed 
 duty or portion of Meat as they were wont to do ; 
 but that they be content with such Victuals as is set 
 before them, and there take their Refections soberly, 
 
VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 23 
 
 without excess, with giving due thanks to God ; and 
 that at every such Refection, some Chapter of the 
 New Testament, or Old, by some of the said Breth- 
 ren, be read and recited to the other, keeping silence, 
 and giving audience to the same. 
 
 Also, that the Abbot and President do daily prepare 
 one Table for himself and his Guests thither resorting, 
 and that not over-sumptuous, and full of delicate and 
 strange Dishes, but honestly furnished with common 
 Meats ; At which Table, the said Abbot, or some 
 Senior in his stead, shall sit to receive, and gently en- 
 tertain the Strangers and the Guests. 
 
 Also, that none of the Brethren send any part of his 
 Meat, or the leavings thereof to any Person, but that 
 there be assigned an Almoner, which shall gather the 
 Leavings, both of the Covent and Strangers Tables, 
 after that the Servants of the House have had their 
 convenient RefectionSj and distribute the same to 
 poor People ; amongst whom special consideration be 
 had of such, before other, as be Kinsfolk to any of the 
 said Brethren, if they be of like power and debility as 
 other be j and also of those which endeavour them- 
 selves, with all their will and labour, to get their living 
 with their hands, and yet cannot fully help them- 
 selves for their chargeable Household, and multitude 
 of Children : yet let not them be so cherished, that 
 they shall leave labour and fall to idleness j with con- 
 sideration also specially to be had of them, which by 
 weakness of their Limbs and Body be so impotent 
 
24 VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 
 
 that they cannot labour j and by no means let such 
 Alms be given to valiant mighty and idle Beggars and 
 Vagabonds, as commonly use to resort about such 
 places ; which rather, as drove-Beasts and Mychers, 
 should be driven away and compelled to labour, than 
 in their idleness and lewdness, against the form of the 
 King's Graces Statute in this behalf made, cherished, 
 and maintained, to the great hindrance and damage of 
 the Common-Weal. 
 
 Also, that all our Almes or Distributions due, or 
 accustomed to be made, by reason of the Foundation, 
 Statutes, or customes of this place, be made and given, 
 as largely and as liberally as ever they were at any 
 time heretofore. 
 
 Also, that the Abbot, Prior, or President, shall find 
 Wood and Fewel sufficient to make Fire in the 
 Refectory, from AUhallow-even to Good-Friday. 
 
 Also, that all the Brethren of this House, except 
 the Abbot, and such as be sick, or evil at ease, and 
 those that have fulfilled their Jubilee, lie together in 
 the Dormitory, every one by himself, in several Beds. 
 Also, that no Brother, or Monk, of this House, 
 have any Child or Boy laying, or privily accompany- 
 ing with him, or otherwise haunting unto him, other 
 than to help him to Mass. 
 
 Also, that the Brethren of this House, when they 
 be sick, or evil at eascj be seen unto, and be kept in 
 the Infirmary duly, as well for their sustenance of 
 Meat and Drink, as for their good keeping. 
 
VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 25 
 
 Also, that the Abbot, or President, keep and find in 
 some University, one or two of his Brothers, according 
 to the Ability and Professions of this House j which 
 Brethren, after they be learned in good and holy 
 Letters, when they return home, may instruct and teach 
 their Brethren, and diligently preach the "Word of God. 
 
 Also, that every day, by the space of one hour, u 
 Lesson of Holy Scripture be kept in this Covent, to 
 which all, under pain by this said President to be 
 moderated, shall resort ; which President shall have 
 Authority to dispense with them, that they, with a 
 low and treatable voice, say their long hours, which 
 were wont to be sung. 
 
 Also, that the Brethren of this House, after Divine 
 Service done, read or hear somewhat of Holy Scripture, 
 or occupy themself in some such Hke honest and 
 laudable exercise. 
 
 Also, that all and every Brethren of this House 
 shall observe the Rule, Statutes, and laudable Customs 
 of this Religion, as far as they do agree with Holy 
 Scripture and the Word of God. And that the 
 Abbot, Prior, or President of this Monastery, every 
 day shall expound to his Brethren, as plainly as may 
 be, in English, a certain part of the Rule that they 
 have professed, and apply the same always to the 
 Doctrine of Christ, and not contrariwise j and he shall 
 teach them, that the said Rule, and other their Prin- 
 ciples of Religion (so far as they be laudable) be taken 
 out of Holy Scripture ; and he shall show them the 
 C 
 
26 VISITA'llON OF MONASTERIES. 
 
 places from whence they were derived ; and that 
 their Ceremonies, and other observances of Religion, 
 be none other things than as the first Letters or Prin- 
 ciples, and certain Introductions to true Christianity, 
 or to observe an order in the Church. And that true 
 Religion is not contained in Apparel, manner of 
 going, shaven Heads, and such other marks ; nor in 
 silence, fasting, up-rising in the night, singing, and 
 such other kind of Ceremonies, but in cleanness of 
 mind, pureness of living, Christ's Faith not feigned, 
 and brotherly Charity, and true honouring of God in 
 Spirit and Verity : And that those above-said things 
 were instituted and begun, that they being first 
 exercised in these, in process of time might ascend to 
 those as by certain steps, that is to say, to the chief 
 point and end of Religion : and therefore let them be 
 diligently exhorted, that they do not continually stick 
 and surcease in such Ceremonies and Observances, as 
 tho they had perfectly fulfilled the chief and outmost 
 of the whole true Religion j but that when they have 
 once past such things, they endeavour themselves to 
 higher things, and convert their minds from such 
 external Matters, to more inward and deeper Con- 
 siderations, as the Law of God and Christian Religion 
 doth teach and show. And that they assure not 
 themselves of any Reward or Commodity any wise, by 
 reason of such Ceremonies and Observances, except 
 they refer all such to Christ, and for his sake observe 
 them ; and for that they might thereby the more 
 
VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 27 
 
 easily keep such things as he hath commanded, as well 
 to them as to all Christian People. 
 
 Also, that the Abbot and President of this Place 
 shall make a full and true reckoning and accompt of 
 his Administration every year to his Brethren, as well 
 of his Receipts as Expences ; and that the said 
 Accompt he written in a great Book remaining with 
 the Covent. 
 
 Also, that the Abbot and President of this House 
 shall make no waste of the Woods pertaining to this 
 House, nor shall set out unadvisedly any Farmes or 
 Reversions, without the consent of the more part of 
 the Convent. 
 
 Also, that there be assigned a Book and a Register 
 that may copy out into that Book all such Writings, 
 word by word, as shall pass under the Convent-Seal of 
 this House. 
 
 Also, that no man be suffered to profess or to wear 
 the Habit of Religion in this House e're he be 24 
 years of Age compleat j And that they entice nor 
 allure no Man with suasions and blandyments to take 
 the Religion upon him. 
 
 Item, that they shall not shew no Reliques, or 
 feigned Miracles, for encrease of Lucre, but that they 
 exhort Pilgrims and Strangers to give that to the 
 Poor, that they thought to offer to their Images 
 or Reliques. 
 
 Also, that they shall suffer no Fairs, or Markets, to 
 be kept or used within the limits of this House. 
 
28 VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 
 
 Also, that every Brother of this House that is, 
 a Priest, shall every day in his Mass, pray for the 
 most happy and most prosperous estate of our Sove- 
 reign Lord the King, and his most noble and lawful 
 Wife Queen Ann. 
 
 Also, that if either the Master, or any Brother of 
 this House, do infringe any of the said Injunctions, 
 any of them shall denounce the same, or procure to be 
 denounced, as soon as may be, to the King's Majesty, 
 or to his Visitor General, or his Deputy. And the 
 Abbott, or Master, shall minister spending Mony, and 
 other Necessaries, for the way to him that shall 
 so denounce. 
 
 Other Spiritual Injunctions may be added by the 
 Visitor, as the place and nature of the Comperts shall 
 require, after his discretion. 
 
 Reserving Power to give more Injunctions, and to 
 examine and discuss the Comperts, to punish and 
 reform them that be convict of any notable Crime, to 
 search and try the Foundations, Charters, Donations, 
 Appropriations and Muniments of the said Places j 
 and to dispose all such Papistical Escripts as shall be 
 there found, to the Right Honourable Mr. Thomas 
 Cromwell General-Visitor to the King's said Highness, 
 as shall seem most expedient to his high wisdom and 
 discretion.