W MV3EVMoFTHEAnEll.ICAN INDIAN I) ii.iii.,.i.,n I, .11111. mm i i iNllllNlllllllill H" 'I "< 'i|l Nllimilii llilMll.lllMlillllillMIII FREDERICK W. HODGE COLJ-ECTION Cornell University Library The original of this bool< is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924104080886 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION 1540-154:2 GUilOR&E PARKER ^\^Ilsrsi-IIF' EXTRACT FROM THE FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY WASHINGTON GOTEENMBNT PRINTING OFFICE 1896 THE COROMDO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 Q-EORQ-E PARKER ^W^INSHIR 329 CONTENTS Page Introductory note 339 Itinerary of the Coronarlo expeditions, 1527-1547 341 Historical introduction 345 The causes of the Coronado expedition, 1528-1539 345 Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 345 The governors of New Spain, 1530-1537 350 The reconnoissance of Friar Marcos de Niza 353 The effect of Friar Marcos' report 362 The expedition to New Mexico and the great plains 373 The organization of the expedition 373 The departure of the expedition 382 The expedition by sea under Alarcon 385 The journey from Culiacan to Cibola 386 The capture of the Seven Cities 388 The exploration of the country 389 The Spaniards at Zuni 389 The discovery of Tusayan and the Grand canyon 390 The Rio Grande and the great plains 390 The march of the army from Culiacan to Tiguex 391 The winter of 1540-1541 along the Rio Grande '. 392 The Indian revolt 392 The stories about Quivira 393 The journey across the buffalo plains 395 The winter of 1541-1542 399 The friars remain in the country 400 The return to New Spain 401 The end of Coronado 402 Some results of the expedition 403 The discovery of Colorado river 403 The voyage of Alarcon 403 The journey of Melchior Diaz 406 The Indian uprising in New Spain, 1540-1542 408 Further attempts at discovery 411 The voyage of Cabrillo 411 Villalobos sails across the Pacific 412 The narrative of Castaneda 413 Bibliographic note 413 The Spanish text 414 Proemio 414 Primera parte 416 Capitulo primero donde se trata como se supo la primera pobla- cion (le las siete fiudades y como Nuno de guzman hif.oa rmada para descubrirlla - 416 331 332 CONTENTS [ETH.Aira.u The narrative of Castafieda — Continued. Page The Spanish text — Continued. Primera parte — Continued. Capitulo segundo oomo bino a ser gouernador fran^isco uasques coronado y la segundo relation que die cabepa de uaca 417 Capitulo terjero como niataron los de cibola a el negro esteuan y fray niarcos bolbio huyendo 418 Capitulo quarto como el buen don Antonio de mendof a hif o Jor- nada para el descubrimiento de Cibola 419 Capitulo quinto que trata quienes fueron por capitanes a cibola. . 420 Capitulo sexto como se juntaron en conpostela todas las capitanias y salieron en orden para la Jornada 421 Capitulo septimo como el campo llego a chiametla y mataron a el maestre de canpo y lo que mas acaegio hasta Uegar a culiacan. . 422 Capitulo otauo como el campo entro on la uilla de culiacan y el recebimiento que se hiQO y lo que mas acaepio hasta la partida. . 423 Capitulo nueve como el canpo salio de culiacan y llego el general a fibola y el campo a sefiora y lo que mas acaepio 424 Capitulo defimo como el campo salio de la iiilla do senora qne- dando la uilla poblada y como llego a pibola y lo que le a nino en el camino a el capitan melohior diasyeudo en demanda de los nabioB y como desoubrio el rio del tison 425 Capitulo onfe oomo don pedro de touar descubrio a, tusayan o tutahaco y don garci lopes de cardenas bio el rio del tison y lo que mas acaecion 428 Capitulo dope como binieron a gibola gentes de ciouye a bar los christianos y como fue heriio de aluarado a ber las uacas 430 Capitulo trece como el general llego con poca gente la uia de tuta- haco y dexo campo a don tristan que lo llebo a tiguex 432 Capitulo catorce como el campo salio de sibola para tiguex y lo que les acaegio en el camino con niebe 432 Capitulo quinge como se alf o tiguex y el castigo que en ellos ubo sin que lo ubiese en el causador 433 Capitulo desiseis como se puso perco a tiguex y se gano y lo que mas aoontencio mediante el cerco 435 Capitulo desisiete como binieron a el campo mensajeros del ualle de senora y oomo murio el capitan melchior dias en la Jornada de tizon 438 Capitulo desiocho como el general procure dexar asentada la tierra para ir en demanda de quisuira donde defia el turco auia el prin- pipio de la riquega 439 Capitulo desinueve como salieron en demanda de quiuira y lo que aconteoio eu el camino 44O Capitulo ueinte como cayerou grandes piedras en el campo y como se descubrio otra barranca donde se dibidio el campo en dos partes 442 Capitulo ueinte y uno como el campo bolbio a tiguex y el general llego a quiuira 443 Capitulo ueinte y dos como el general bolbio de quiuira y se hijie- ron otras entradas debajo del norte 445 Segunda parte en que se trata de los pueblos y prouincias de altos y de BUS ritos y costumbres recopilada por pedro de castaneda uef ino de lagiudad de Naxara 44g Capitulo primero de la prouincia de Culiacan y de sns ritos y cos- tniiibres 441T wiNSHipj CONTENTS 333 The narrative of Castafieda — Continued. Page The Spanish text— Continued. Segunda parte — Continue peace so aai to go in search of Quivira, where the Turk said there was the most wealth 502 Chapter 19, of how they started in search of Quivira and of what happened on the way 504 Chapter 20, of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they discovered another ravine, where the army was divided into two parts 506 Chapter 21, of how the army returned to Tignex and the general reached Quivira 508 Chapter 22, of how the general returned from Quivira and of other expeditions toward the north 510 Second Part, which treats of the high villages and provinces and of their habits and customs, as collected by Pedro de Castafieda, native of the city of Najara 512 Chapter 1, of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and customs 513 Chapter 2, of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited country as far as Chichilticalli 514 Chapter 3, of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its customs and habits, and of other things 51g Chapter 4, of how they live at Tiguex, and of the province of Tiguex audits neighborhood 519 Chapter 5, of Cicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, aud of how Nome people came to conquer this country 523 wiNSHip] CONTENTS 335 The narrative of Castafieda — Continued. Page Translation of the narrative of CastaHeda — Continued. Second Part — Continued. Chapter 6, which gives the number of villages which were seen in the country of the terraced houses, and their population 524 Chapter 7, which treats of the plains that were crossed, of the cows, and of the people who inhabit them 526 Cliapter 8, of Quivira, of where it is and some information about it / 528 Third Part, which describes what happened to Francisco Vazquez Coronado during the winter, and how he gave up the expedition and returned to New Spain 530 Chapter 1, of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Sefiora with some men, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started back to New Spain 530 Chapter 2, of the general's fall and of ho w the return to New Spain was ordered 531 Chapter 3, of the rebellion at Suya and the reasons the settlers gave for it 533 Chapter 4, of how Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained in the country and the army prepared to return to Mexico 534 Chapter 5, of how the army left the settlements and marched to Culiacan, and of what happened on the way 537 Chapter 6, of how the general started from Culiacan to give the viceroy an account of the army with which he had been in- trusted 538 Chapter 7, of the adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he was bringing reenforcements through the revolted country 540 Chapter 8, which describes some remarkable things that were seen on the plains, with a description of the bulls 541 Chapter 9, which treats of the direction which the army took, and of how another more direct way might be found if anyone was going to return to that country 544 Translation of the letter from Jlendoza to the King, April 17, 1540 547 Translation of the letter from Coronado to Mendoza, August 3, 1540 552 Translation of the Traslado de las Nuevas 564 Relaci6n postrera de Sivola 566 Spanish text 566 Translation 568 Translation Of the Eelacion del Suceso 572 Translation of a letter from Coronado to the King, October 20, 1541.. 580 Translation of the narrative of Jaramillo 584 Translation of the report of Hernando de Al varado 594 Testimony concerning those who went on the expedition with Francisco Vaz- quez Coronado 596 A list of works useful to the student of the Coronado expedition 599 ILLUSTRATIONS Page Plate XXXVIII. The New Spain and New Mexico country 345 XXXIX. TheUlpius globe of 1542 349 XL. Sebastian Cabot's map of 1544 353 XLI. Map of the world by Ptolemy, 1548 357 XLII. Battista Agnese's New Spain, sixteenth century 361 XLIII. The City of Mexico about 1550, by Alonzode Santa Cruz 365 XLIV. Zaltieri's karte, 1566 369 XLV. Mercator's northwestern part of New Spain, 1569 373 XLVI. Mercator's interior of New Spain, 1569 377 XLVII. Abr. Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis Terraruni, 1570 381 XL VIII. Dourado's Terra Antipodv Eegis Castele Inveta, 1580 385 XLIX. Western hemisphere of Meroator, 1587 389 L. Northeruhalf of DeBry's America Sive Novvs Orbis, 1596. .. 393 LI. Wytfliet's Vtrivsqve Hemispherii Delineatlo, 1597 397 LII. Wytfliet's New Granada and California, 1597 401 LIII. Wytfliet's kingdoms of Quivira, Anian, and Tolm, 1597 405 LIV. Matthias Quadus' Fasciculus Geographicus, 1608 409 LV. Thobuflfalo of Gomara, 1554 512 LVI. Thebuifaloof Thevet, 15.58 516 LVII. The buffalo of De Bry, 1595 520 LVIII. On the terraces at Zuni 525 LIX. Middle court at Zuni 527 LX. Zuni court, showing "balcony" 529 LXI. Zuni interior 531 LXII. Zunis in typical modern costume 534 LXIII Hopi maidens, showing primitive Paeblo hairdressiug 536 LXIV. -Hopi grinding and paper-bread making 539 LXV. Hopi basket maker 543 LX VI. Pueblo pottery making 547 LXVIl. Pueblo spinning and weaving 551 LXVIII. The Tewa pueblo of P'o-who-gi or San Ildefonso 555 LXIX. Pueblo of Jemez 559 LXX. Ruins of Spanish church above .Jemez 562 LXXI. The Keres pueblo of Sia 569 LXXII. The Keres pueblo of Cochiti 571 LXXin. The Tewa pueblo of Nambe 573 LXXIV. A Nambe Indian in war costume 576 LXXV. A Nambe water carrier 578 LXXVI. The Keres pueblo of Katishtya or San Felipe 583 LXX VI I. The south town of the Tiwa pueblo of Taos 585 LXXVIII. The Tewa pueblo of K'hap6o or Santa Clara 587 LXXIX. The Tewa pueblo of Ohke or San Juan 589 LXXX. A native of San Juan 592 LXXXI. A native of Pecos 596 LXXXII, Facsimile of pages of Castaneda's relacion 456 LXXXIII. Facsimile of pages of Castaneda's relacion 442 LXXX IV. Facsimile of pages of Castaneda's relacion 466 14 ETH 22 337 THE OOEONADO EXPEDITIOlvr, 1540-1542 By George Parker Winship IlSrTEODTJCTORY. NOTE The following historical introduction, with the accompanying trans- lations, is the result of work in the Seminary of American History at Harvard University. Undertaken as a bit of undergraduate study, it has gradually assumed a form which has been considered worthy of publication, chiefly because of the suggestions and assistance which have been given with most generous readiness by all from whom I have had occasion to ask help or advice. To Dr Justin Winsor; to Profes- sor Henry W. Haynes, who opened the way for students of the early Spanish history of the North American southwest; to Dr J. Walter Fewkes, who has freely offered me the many results of his long-con- tinued and minute investigations at Tusayan and Zuni; and to the careful oversight and aid of Mr F. W. Hodge and the other members of the Bureau of Ethnology, much of the value of this work is due. Mr Augustus Hemenway has kindly i)ermitted the use of the maps and documents deposited in the archives of the Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Expedition by Mr Adolph F. Bandelier. My indebted- ness tQ the researches and writings of Mr Bandelier is evident through- out. Senor Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta — whose death, in November, 1894, removed the master student of the documentary history of Mexico — most courteously gave me all the information at his command, and with his own hand copiied the Relacion postrera de Sivola, which is now for the first time printed. The Spanish text of Oastaiieda's narra- tive, the presentation of which for the first time in its original language affords the best reason for the present publication, has been copied and printed with the consent of the trustees of the Lenox Library in New York, in whose custody is the original manuscript. I am under many obligations to their librarian, Mr Wilberforce Eames, who has always been ready to assist me by whatever means were within his power. The subject of this research was suggested by Professor Ohanning of Harvard. If my work has resulted in some contribution to the litera- ture of the history of the Spanish conquest of America, it is because of his constant guidance and inspiration, and his persistent refusal to 339 340 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.U cousent to any abandoning of the work before the results had been expressed in a manner worthy of the university. Before the completion of the arrangements by which this essay becomes a part of the annual report of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, it had been accepted for publication by the Department of History of Harvard University. Geokgb Parker Winship Assistant in American History in Harvard University. Cambridge, Massachusetts, February, 1895. ITINEEAEr OF THE COEONADO EXPEDITIONS, 1527-1547 152T June 17 Narvaez sails from Spain to explore the mainland north of the Gulf of Mexico. 152S April IS Narvaez lands in Florida. Sept. 22 The failure of the Narvaez expedition is assured. 1535 Cortes makes a settlement in Lower California. Mendoza comes to Mexico as viceroy of New Spain. 1536 AprU Cabeza de Vaca and three other survivors of the Narvaez expedition arrive in New Spain. The Licenciate de la Torre takes the residencia of Nuno de Guzman, who is imprisoned until June 30, 1538. 153V Franciscan friars labor among the Indian tribes living north of New Spain. Coronado subdues the revolted miners of Amatepeque. The proposed expedition under Dorantes comes to naught. April 20 De Soto receives a grant of the mainland of Florida. 1538 September It is rumored that Coronado has been nominated governor of New Galicia. 153Q Pedro de Alvarado returns from Spain to the New World. March 7 Friar Marcos de Niza, accompanied by the negro Estevan, starts from Culiacan to find the Seven Cities. April 18 The appointment of Coronado as governor of New Galicia is confirmed. May De Soto sails from Habana. May g Friar Marcos enters the wilderness of Arizona. May 21 Friar Marcos learns of the death of Estevan. May 25 De Soto lands on the coast of Florida. July 8 Ulloa sails from Acapuico nearly to the head of the Gulf of California in command of a fleet furnished by Cortes. August Friar Marcos returns from the north and certifies to the truth Sept. 2 of his report before Mendoza and Coronado. October The news of Niza's discoveries spreads through New Spain. 341 342 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN.14 November Mendoza begins to prepare for an expedition to conquer the Seven Cities of Cibola. Melohior Diaz is sent to verify the reports of Friar Marcos. De Soto finds the remains of the camp of Narvaez at Bahia de los Cavallos. Nov. 13 Witnesses in Habaua describe the effect of the friar's reports. 1540 Jan. I Mendoza celebrates the new year at Pasquaro. Jan. g Coronado at Guadalajara. Feb. 5 Cortes stops at Habana on his way to Spain. February The members of the Cibola expedition assemble at Compos- tela, where the viceroy finds them on his arrival. Feb. 22 Review of the army on Sunday. Feb. 23 The army, under the command of Francisco Vazquez Coro- nado, starts for Cibola (not on February 1). Feb. 26 Mendoza returns to Compostela, having left the army two days before, and examines witnesses to discover how many citizens of New Spain have accompanied Coronado. He writes a letter to King Charles V, which has been lost. March The army is delayed by the cattle in crossing the rivers. The death of the army master, Samaniego, at Chiametla. Return of Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldivar from Chichilti- calli. March 3 Beginning of litigation in Spain over the right to explore and conquer the Cibola country. March 28 Reception to the army at Culiacan, on Easter day. April The army is entertained by the citizens of Culiacan. Mendoza receives the report of Melchior Diaz' exploration, perhaps at Jacona. Coronado writes to Mendoza, giving an accoant of what has already happened, and of the arrangements which he has made for the rest of the journey. This letter has been lost. April 17 Mendoza writes to the Emperor Charles V. April 22 Coronado departs from Culiacan with about seventy-five horsemen and a few footmen. April Coronado passes through Petatlan, Cinaloa, Los Cedros, May Yaquemi, and other places mentioned by Jaramillo. May 9 Alarcon sails from Acapulco to cooperate with Coronado. The army starts from Culiacan and marches toward the Corazones or Hearts valley. May 26 Coronado leaves the valley of Corazones. He proceeds to Chi- june chilticalli, passing Senora or Sonora and Ispa, and thence crosses the Arizona wilderness, fording many rivers. The army builds the town of Sau Hieronimo in Corazones valley. ITINERAEY, 1540-1541 343 WINSHIP] July 7 Coronado reaches Cibola and captures the first city, the pueblo of Hawikuh, which he calls Granada. July II The Indians retire to their stronghold on Thunder mountain. July 15 Pedro de Tovar goes to Tusayan or Moki, returning within thirty days. July 19 Ooronado goes to Thunder mountain and returns the same day. Aug. 3 Ooronado writes to Mendoza. He sends Juan Gallego to Mexico, and Melchior Diaz to Corazones with orders for the army. Friar Marcos accompanies them. Aug.25(?) Lopez de Cardenas starts to find the canyons of Colorado river, and is gone about eighty days. Aug. 26 Alarcon enters the mouth of Colorado river. Aug. 29 Hernando de Alvarado goes eastward to Tiguex, on the Eio Grande, and to the buffalo plains. Pedro de Alvarado arrives in New Spain. Sept. 7 Hernando de Alvarado reaches Tiguex. Diaz and Gallego reach Corazones about the middle of Sep- tember, and the army starts for Cibola. Coronado visits Tutahaco. September The army reaches Cibola, and goes thence to Tiguex for its to winter quarters. The natives in the Eio Grande i)ueblos January revolt and are subjugated. The Turk tells the Spaniards about Quivira. October Diaz starts from Corazones before the end of September, with twenty-five men, and explores the country along the Gulf of California, going beyond Colorado river. Diego de Alcaraz is left in command of the town of San Hieronimo. Nov. 29 Mendoza and Pedro de Alvarado sign an agreement in regard to common explorations and conquests. Jan. 8 Diaz dies on the return from the mouth of the Colorado, and his companions return to Corazones valley. March Alcaraz, during the spring, moves the village of San Hier- onimo from Corazones valley to the valley of Suya river. April 20 Beginning of the Mixton war in New Galicia. Ooronado writes a letter to the King from Tiguex, which has been lost. Tovar and perhaps Gallego return to Mexico April 23 Coronado starts with all his force from Tiguex to cross the buffalo plains to Quivira. May The army is divided somewhere on tbe great plains, perhaps on Canadian river. The main body returns to Tiguex, arriving there by the middle or last of June. De Soto crosses the Mississippi. 344 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 June Coronado, with thirty horsemen, rides north to Quivira, where he arrives forty-two ( ?) days later. June 24 Pedro de Alvarado is killed at ifochistlan, in New Galicia. August Coronado spends about twenty-five days in the country of Quivira, leaving "the middle or last of August." Sept. 28 The Indians in Ifew Galicia attack the town of Guadalajara, but are repulsed. Oct. 2 Coronado returns from Quivira to Tiguex and writes a letter to the King. November Cardenas starts to return to Mexico with some other inva- lids from the army. He finds the village of Suya in ruins and hastily returns to Tiguex. December Coronado falls from his horse and is seriously injured. The Mixton peiiol is surrendered by the revolted Indians during holiday week. 154:2 Coronado and his soldiers determine to return to I(ew Spain. They start in the spring, and reach Mexico probably late in the autumn. The general makes his report to the viceroy, who receives him coldly. Coronado not long after resigns his position as governor of Few Galicia and retires to his estates. April 17 De Soto reaches the mouth of Eed river, where he dies, May 21. June 27 Cabrillo starts on his voyage up the California coast. He dies in January, 1543, and the vessels return to New Spain by April, 1544. Nov. I Villalobos starts across the Pacific. His fleet meets with many misfortunes and losses. The survivors, five years or more later, return to Spain. Nov. 25 Friar Juan de la Cruz is killed at Tiguex, where he remained when the army departed for New Spain. Friar Luis also remained in the new country, at Cicuye, and Friar Juan de Padilla, at Quivira, where he is killed. The compan- ions of Friar Juan de Padilla make their way back to Mexico, arriving before 1552. 1544 Nov. 30 Promulgation of the New Laws for the Indies. Sebastian Cabot publishes his map of the New World. 154 V Mendoza, before he leaves New Spam to become viceroy of Peru, answers the charges preferred against him by the oflacials appointed to investigate his administration. >- cc h z ^ o o o o >< 5 kl z Q Z < 0. w z Ui I H HISTOEIOAL INTRODUCTION The Causes of the Coeonado Expedition, 1528-1539 ALVAR NUNEZ CABEZA DE VACA The American Indians are always on the move. Tribes shift the location of their homes from season to season and frpm year to year, while individuals wander at will, hunting, trading or gossiping. This is very largely true today, and when the Europeans first came in contact with the American aborigines, it was a characteristic feature of Indian life. The Shawnees, for example, have drifted from Georgia to the great lakes, and part of the way back, during the period since their peregrinations can first be traced. Traders from tribe to tribe, in the days when European commercial ideas were unknown in North America, carried bits of copper dug from the mines in which the abo- riginal implements are still found, on the shores of Lake Superior, to the Atlantic coast on the one side and to the Eocky mountains on the other. The Indian gossips of central Mexico, in 1535, described to the Spaniards the villages of New Mexico and Arizona, with their many- storied houses of stone and adobe. The Spanish colonists were always eager to learn about unexplored regions lying outside the limits of the white settlements, and their Indian neighbors and servants in the val- ley of Mexico told them many tales of the people who lived beyond the mountains which hemmed in New Spain on the north. One of these stories may be found in another part ofAhis memoir, where it is pre- served in the narrative of Pedro CastaBleda, the historian of the Coro- nado expedition. Castaneda's hearsay report of the Indian story, which was related by an adventurous trader who had penetrated the country far to the north, compares not unfavorably with the somewhat similar stories which Marco Polo told to entertain his Venetian friends.^ But whatever may have been known before, the information which led to the expedition of Friar Marcos de Niza and to that of Francisco Vaz- quez Coronado was brought to New Spain late in the spring of 1536 by Alvar Nunez Oabeza de Vaca. In 1520, before Cortes, the conqueror of Motecuhzoma, had made his peace with the Emperor Charles V and with the authorities at Cuba, Panfilo de Narvaez was dispatched to the Mexican mainland, at the 'The Indian's story is in the first chapter of Castaneda's Narrative. Some additional information is given in Bandelier's Contributions to the History of the Southwest, the first chapter of which is entitled ' ' Sketch of the knowledge which the Spaniards in Mexico possessed of the countries north of the province of New Galicia previous to the return of Oabeza de Vaca." For bibliographic references to this and other works referred to throughout this memoir, see the list at the end of the paper. 345 346 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U head of a considerable force. He was sent to subdue and supersede the conqueror of Mexico, but when they met, Cortes quickly proved that he was a better general than his opponent, and a skillful politician as well. Narvaez was deserted by his soldiers and became a prisoner in the City of Mexico, where he was detained during the two years which followed. Cortes was at the height of his power, and Narvaez must have felt a longing to rival the successes of the conqueror, who had. won the wealth of the Mexican empire. After Cortes resumed his dutiful obedience to the Spanish crown, friends at home obtained a royal order which effected the release of Narvaez, who returned to Spain at the earliest opportunity. Almost as soon as he had estab- lished himself anew in the favor of the court, he jietitioned the King for a license which should permit him to conduct exjjlorations in the IsTew World. After some delay, the desired i)atent was granted. It authorized Narvaez to explore, conquer, and colonize the country between Florida and the Eio de Palmas, a grant comprising all that portion of North America bordering on the Gulf of Mexico, which is now included within the limits of the United States. Preparations were at once begun for the complete organization of an expedition suit- able to the extent of this territory and to the power and dignity of its governor. On June 17, 1527, Narvaez, governor of Florida, Eio de Palmas and Espiritu Santo — the Eio Grrande and the Mississippi on our modern maps — sailed from Spain. He went first to Cuba, where he refitted his fleet and replaced one vessel which had been lost in a hurricane during the voyage. When everything was ready to start for the unexplored mainland, he ordered the pilots to conduct his fleet to the western limits of his jurisdiction — our Texas. They landed him, April 15, 1528, on the coast of the present Florida, at a bay which the Spaniards called Bahia de la Cruz, and which the map of Sebastian Cabot enables us to identify with Apalache bay. The pilots knew that a storm had driven them out of their course toward the east, but they could not calculate on the strong current of the gulf stream. They assured the commander that he was not far from the Eio de Palmas, the desired destination, and so he lauded his force of 50 horses and 300 men — just half the number of the soldiers, mechanics, laborers, and priests who had started with him from Spain ten months before. He sent one of his vessels back to Cuba for recruits, and ordered the remaining three to sail along the coast toward the west and to wait for the army at the fine harbor of Panuco, which was reported to be near the mouth of Palmas river. The fate of these vessels is not known. Narvaez, having completed these arrangements, made ready to lead his army overland to Panuco. The march began April 19. For a while, the Spaniards took a northerly direction, and then they turned toward the west. Progress was slow, for the men knew nothing of the country, and the forests and morasses presented many diiflculties to the soldiers wiNSHip] THE EXPEDITION OP NAEVAEZ 347 unused to woodcraft. Little help could be procured from the Indians, who soon became openly hostile wherever the Spaniards encountered them. Food grew scarce, and no persuasion could induce the natives to reveal hidden stores of corn, or of gold. On May 15, tired and dis- couraged, the Spaniards reached a large river with a strong current flowing toward the south. They rested here, while Oabeza de Vaca, the royal treasurer accompanying the expedition, took a small party of soldiers and followed the banks of the river down to the sea. The fleet was not waiting for them at the mouth of this stream, nor could anything be learned of the fine harbor for which they were searching. Disappointed anew by the report which Cabeza de Yaca made on his return to the main camp, the Spanish soldiers crossed the river and continued their march toward the west. They plodded on and on, and after awhile turned southward, to follow down the course of another large river which blocked their westward march. On the last day of July they reached a bay of considerable size, at the mouth of the river. They named this Bahia de los Oavallos, perhaps, as has been surmised, because it was here that they killed the last of their horses for food. The Spaniards, long before this, had become thoroughly disheartened. Neither food nor gold could be found. The capital cities, toward which the Indian captives had directed the wandering strangers, wJien reached, were mere groups of huts, situated in some cases on mounds of earth. Not a sign of anything which would reward their search, and hardly a thing to eat, had been discovered during the months of toilsome marching. The Spaniards determined to leave the country. They constructed forges in their camp near the seashore, and hammered their spurs, stirrups, and other iron implements of warfare into nails and saws and axes, with which to build the boats necessary for their escai)e from the country. Ropes were made of the tails and manes of the horses, whose hides, pieced out with the shirts of the men, were fash- ioned into sails. By September 22, five boats were ready, each large enough to hold between 45 and 50 men. In these the soldiers embarked. Scarcely a man among them knew anything of naviga- tion, and they certainly knew nothing about the navigation of this coast. They steered westward, keeping near the land, and stopping occasionally for fresh water. Sometimes they obtained a little food. Toward the end of October they came to the moiith of a large river which poured forth so strong a current that it drove the boats out to sea. Two, those which contained Narvaez and the friars, were lost. The men in the other three boats were driven ashore by a storm, some- where on the coast of western Louisiana or eastern Texas.' This was » *The most important source of information regarding the expedition of Narvaez ia the Relation written hy Cabeza de Vaca. This is best consulted in Buckingham Smith's translation. Mr Smith iBcludes in his volume everything which he could find to supplement the main narration. The beat study of the route followed by the survivors of the expedition, after they landed in Texas, is that of Baudelier in the second chapter of his Contributions to the History of the Southwest. In this essay Bandelier has brought together all the documentary evidence, and he writes with the knowledge obtained by traveling through the different portions of the country which Cabeza de Vaca must have 348 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ank.m in the winter of 1528-29. Toward the end of April, 1536, Gabeza de Vaca, Alonso del Castillo Maldonado, Andres Dorantes, and a negro named Estevan, met some Spanish slave catchers near the Eio de Peta- tlan, in Sinaloa, west of the mountains which border the Gulf of Cali- fornia. These four men, with a single exception,^ were the only survivors of the three hundred who had entered the continent with Narvaez eight years before. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions stayed in Mexico for several months, as the guests of the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. At first, it was probably the intention of the three Spaniards to return to Spain, in order to claim the due reward for their manifold sufferings. Mendoza says, in a letter dated December 10, 1537,' that he purchased the negro Estevan from Dorantes, so that there might be someone left in New Spain who could guide an expedition back into the countries about which the wanderers had heard. An earlier lettfer from the viceroy, dated February 11, 1537, commends Cabeza de Vaca and Fran- cisco Dorantes — he must have meant Andres, and perhaps wrote it so in his original manuscript — as deserving the favor of the Empress. Maldonado is not mentioned in this letter, and no trace of him has been found after the arrival of the four survivors in Mexico. All that we know about him is that his home was in Salamanca.' Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes started from Vera Cruz for Spain in October, 1536, but their vessel was stranded before it got out of tbe harbor. This accident obliged them to postpone their departure until the following spring, when Cabeza de Vaca returned home alone. He told the story of his vs'anderings to the court and the King, and was rewarded, by 1540, with an appointment as adelantado, giving him the command over the recently occupied regions about the Eio de la Plata. The position was one for which he was unfitted, and his subordinates traversed. Br J. G, Shea, in his chapter in the Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii, p. 286, disagrees in some points with Mr Baiidelier'a interpretation of the route of Caheza de Vaca west of Texas, and also with Mr Smith's identifiGations of the different points in the march of the main army before it embarked from the Bahia de los Cavallos. Other interesting coD.iectures are given in H. H, Bancroft's North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 63, and map at p. 67. 'Buckingham Smith collected in his Letter of Hernando de Soto, pp. 57-61, and in his Narrative of the Career of Hernando de Soto (see index), all that is known in regard to Ortiz, one of the soldiers of Narvaez, who was found among the Indians by De Soto in 1540. -Mendoza to Charles V, 10 Diciemhre, 1537. Cabeza de Vaca y Dorantes, . . . despues de haber Uegadoaqui, determinaron deirsoenEspana, yviendo que si V. M. eraservidode enviar aquella tierra alguna gente para saber do ciertolo que era, no quedaba persona quo pudiesc ircon ella nidarninguna razon, compr6 & Dorantes para este ofecto un negro que vino de allfl y se hall6 con elloa en todo, que se llama Estfihan, por ser persona de razon. Despues sucedid, como el navio en que Dorantes iba se volvi6 al puerto, y sabido esto, yo le escribi A la Vera-Cruz, rog&ndole que viniese aqui ; y como Ueg6 ii esta ciudad, yo le habl6 dici6ndole que hubiese por bien de volver il esta tierra con algunos religiosos y gente de caballo, que yo le daria A calalla, y saber de cierto lo que en ella habia. Y 61 vista mi voluntad, y el servicio que yo le puse delantre que hacia con ello & Dios y il V. M., me respondid que holgaba dello, y asi ostoy determinado de euvialle allA con la gente de caballo y religiosos que digo. Pienso que ha de redundar dello gran servicio & Dios y d V. M From the text printed in Pacheco y Cardenas Docs, de Indias, ii, 206. *Som6 recent writers have been misled by a chance comma inserted by the copyist or printer in one of the old narratives, which divides the name of Maldonado— Alonso del Castillo. Maldonado— making it appear as if there were five instead of four survivors of the Narvaez expedition who made their way to Mexico. CD o o > O CO Z wiNSHip] SURVIVORS OF NARVAEZ' EXPEDITION 349 sent him back to Spain. The complaints against him were investi- gated by the Council for the Indies, but the judgment, if any was given, has never been published. He certainly was not punished, and soon settled down in Seville, where he was still living, apparently, twenty years later.^ While Doxantes was stopping at Vera Cruz during the winter of 1536-37, he received a letter from Mendoza, asking him to return to the Gity of Mexico. After several interviews, the viceroy induced Doran- tes to remain in New Spain, agreeing to provide him with a party of horsemen and friars, in order to explore more thoroughly the country through which he had wandered. Mendoza explains the details of his plans in the letter written in December, 1537, and declares that he expected many advantages would be derived from this expedition which would redound to the glory of God and to the profit of His Majesty the King. The viceroy was prepared to expend a large sum — 3,500 or 4,000 pesos — to insure a successful undertaking, but he promised to raise the whole amount, without taking a single maravedi from the royal treas- ury, by means of a more careful collection of dues, and especially by enforcing the payment of overdue sums, the collection of which hitherto had been considered impossible. This reform in the collection of rents and other royal exactions and the careful attention to all the details of the fiscal administration were among the most valuable of the many services rendered by Mendoza as viceroy. The expedition under Do- rantes never started, though why nothing came of all the preparations, wrote Mendoza in his next letter to the King, " I never could find out.'" The three Spaniards wrote several narratives of their experiences on the expedition of Karvaez, and of their adventurous journey from the gulf coast of Texas to the Pacific coast of Mexico.' These travelers, who had lived a savage life for so long that they could wear no clothes, and were unable to sleep except upon the bare ground, had a strange tale to tell. The story of their eight years of, wandering must have been often repeated — of their slavery, their buffalo-hunting expedi- tions, of the escape from their Indian masters, and their career as traders and as medicine men. These were wonderful and strange expe- • Besides the geaeral historians, we have Cabeza de Vaca's own account of his career in Paraguay in his Comentarios, reprinted in Vedia, Historiadores PrimitiTOS, vol. i. Ternaux translated this narrative into French for his Voyages, part vi. *Tbe Spanish text of this letter lias not "been seen since Eamusio used it in making the translation for his Viaggi, vol. iii, fol. 355, ed. 1556. There is no date to the letter as Eamusio gives it. Ternaux- Compans translated it from Eamusio for his Cibola volume (Voyages, vol. ix, p. 287). It is usually cited from Ternaux's title as the " Premifere lettre de Mendoza." I quote from the French text the portion of the letter which explains my narrative: " . . Andres Dorantfts, ua de ceux qui firent partie de I'ar- m6e de Pamphilo Narvaez, vint pr6s de moi. J'eus de frequents entretiens avec lui; j e pensai qu'il pouvait rendre un grand service k votre majeste ; si.je I'dxpfidiais avec quarante ou cinquante chevaux et tons les objets nficessaires pour dfecouvrir ce pays. Je d6pensai beaucoup d'argent pour l'exp6dition, mais jene sais pas comment il sefit que I'affairen'eut pas de suite. De tons les pr6paratifs que j 'avals faita, 11 ne me resta qu'un n6gre qui est venu avec Dorant^s, quelques esclaves que j 'avals achet6s, et des Indiens, naturels de ce pays, que j 'avals fait rasaembler." 3Two of these are extant — the Eelacion of Cabeza deVaca and Oviedo's version of an account signed by the three Spaniards and sent to the Real Audiencia at Santo Domingo, in his Historia General de las Indias, lib. xxxv, vol. iii, p. 582, ed. 1853, 350 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 riences, but the story contained little to arouse the eager interest of the colonists in New Spain, whose minds had been stirred by the accounts which came from Peru telling of the untold wealth of the Incas. A few things, however, had been seen and heard by the wan- derers which suggested the possibility of lands worth conquering. "A copper hawks- bell, thick and large, figured with a face," had been given to Cabeza de Vaca, soon after he started on his journey toward Mexico. The natives who gave this to him said that they had received it from other Indians, "who had brought it from the north, where there was much copper, which was highly esteemed." After the travelers had crossed the Eio Grande, they showed this bell to some other Indians, who said that "there were many plates of this same metal buried in the ground in the place whence it had come, and that it was a thing which they esteemed highly, and that there were fixed habitations where it came from."' This was all the treasure which Cabeza de Vaca could say that he had seen. He had heard, however, of a better region than any he saw, for the Indians told him "that there are pearls and great riches on the coast of the South sea (the Pacific), and all the best and most opulent countries are near there." We may be sure that none of this was omitted whenever he told the Spanish colonists the story of the years of his residence in Texas and of the months of his journey across northern Mexico." THE GOVERNORS OF NEW SPAIN, 1530-1537 Don Antonio de Mendoza, " the good viceroy," had been at the head of the government of New Spain for two years when Cabeza de Vaca arrived in Mexico. The effects of his careful and intelligent adminis- tration were already beginning to appear in the increasing prosperity of the province and the improved condition of the colonists and of their lands. The authority of the viceroy was ample and extensive, although he was limited to some extent by the audiencia, the members of which had administered the government of the province since the retire- ment of Cortes. The viceroy was the president of this court, which had resumed more strictly judicial functions after his arrival, and he was ofiacially advised by his instructions from the King to consult with his fellow members on all matters of importance. NuiQO de Guzman departed for New Spain in 1528, and became the head of the first audiencia. "Within a year he had made himself so deservedly unpopular that when he heard that Cortes was coming back to Mexico from Spain, with the new title of marquis and fresh grants of power frDm the King, he thought it best to get out of the way of his rival. Without relinquishing the title to his position in the capital ' See Buckingham Smith's translation of Cabeza de Vaoa's Narrative, p. 150. 2The effect of the stories told hy Cabeza de Vaca, and later by Friar Marcos, is considered in a paper printedin the Proceedings of the American Historical Association at Washington, 1894, "Why Coro- nado went to New Mexico in 1540." wiNSHip] GUZMAN, TORRli, AND ONATE 351 city, Gazman. collected a considerable force and marched away toward the Wf st and north, determined to win honor and security by new con- quests. He explored and subdued the country for a considerable dis- tance along the eastern shores of the Gulf of California, but he could find nothing there to rival the Mexico of Motecuhzoma. Meanwhile reports reached Charles V of the manner in which Guzman had been treating the Indians and the Spanish settlers, and so, March 17, 1536,i the King appointed the Licentiate Diego Perez de la Torre to take the residencia^ of Guzman. At the same time Torre was commissioned to replace Guzman as governor of Few Galicia, as this northwestern prov- ince had been named. The latter had already determined to return to Spain, leaving Don Christobal de Onate, a model executive and admin- istrative official, in charge of his province. Guzman almost succeeded in escaping, but his judge, who had landed at Yera Cruz by the end of 1536, met him at the viceroy's palace in Mexico city, and secured his arrest before he could depart. After his trial he was detained in Mex- ico until June 30, 1538, when he was enabled to leave New Spain by an order which directed him to surrender his person to the officers of the Casa de Contratacion,^ at Seville. Guzman lost no time in going to Spain, where he spent the next four years in urging his claims to a right to participate in the northern conquests. Torre, the licentiate, had barely begun to reform the abuses of Guz- man's government when he was killed in a conflict with some revolted Indian tribes. Onate again took charge of affairs until Mendoza appointed Luis Galindo chief justice for Few Galicia. This was merely a temporary appointment, however, until a new governor could be selected. The viceroy's nomination for the position was confirmed by the King, in a cedula dated April 18, 1539, which commissioned Fran- cisco Vazquez Coronado as governor.* Cortes had been engaged, ever since his return from Spain, in fitting out expeditions which came to nothing,' but by which he hoped to accomplish his schemes for completing the exploration of the South sea. His leisure was more than occupied by his effi)rts to outwit the agents of the viceroy and the audiencia, who had received orders from the King to investigate the extent and condition of the estates held by Cortes. In the spring of 1535, Cortes established a colony on the oppo- site coast of California, the supposed Island of the Marquis, at Santa ^Tlie best sources for tliese proceedings is in Mota Padilla'a Historia de la Hueva Galicia (ed. Icazbalceta, pp. 104-109). A more available account in English is in H. H. Bancroft's Mexico, vol. ii, p. 457. *An official InTestfgatlon into the administration of an official who is about to be relieved of his duties. 'The best account, in English, of the Casa de Contratacion is given by Professor Bernai'd Moses, of Berkeley, California, in the volume of papers read before the American Historical Association at its 1894 meeting. 'See Fragmentos de una Historia de la Nueva Galicia, by rather Telle (loazbalceta, Documentos de Mexico, vol. ii, p. 369). *Mendoza, in the "premiere lettre, " gi'ves a brief sketch of the efforts ■which Cortes had been mak- ing, and then adds : " n ne put done jamais en faire la conqufite ; il semblait m6me que Dieu voultit miraculeuaement I'en 61oigner." Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 287. ^ 352 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U Cruz/ near the modern La Paz. Storms and shipwreck, hunger and surfeiting, reduced the numbers and the enthusiasm of the men whom he had conducted thither, and when his vessels returned from the mainland with the news that Mendoza had arrived in Mexico, and bringing letters from his wife urging him to return at once, Cortes went back to Mexico. A few months later he recalled the settlers whom he had left at Santa Cruz, in accordance, it may be, with the command or advice of Mendoza.^ When the stories of Cabeza de Vaca suggested the possibility of making desirable conquests toward the north, Cortes possessed a better outfit for undertaking this work than any of the others who were likely to be rivals for the privilege of exploring and occupying that region. Pedro de Alvarado was the least known of these rival claimants. He had been a lieutenant of Cortes until he secured an independent command in Guatemala, Yucatan and Honduras, where he subdued the natives, but discovered nothing except that there was nowhere in these regions any store of gold or treasures. Abandoning this field, he tried to win a share in the conquests of Pizarro and Almagro. He approached Peru from the north, and conducted his army across the mountains. This march, one of the most disastrous in colonial history, so completely destroyed the efficiency of his force that the conquerors of Peru easily compelled him to sell them what was left of his expedi- tion. They paid a considerable sum, weighed out in bars of silver which he found, after his return to Panama, to be made of lead with a silver veneering.' Alvarado was ready to abandon the work of con- quering America, and had forwarded a petition to the King, asking that he might be allowed to return to Spain, when Mendoza, or the audiencia which was controlled by the enemies of Alvarado, furthered his desires by ordering him to go to the mother country and present , himself before the throne. This was in 1536. While at court Alvarado t must have met Cabeza de Vaca. He changed his plans for making a voyage to the South seas, and secured from the King, whose favor he had easily regained, a commission which allowed him to build a fleet in Central America and explore the South sea — the Pacific toward the west or the north. He returned to America early in 1539, bringing with him everything needed in the equipment of a large fleet. Mendoza, meanwhile, 1536-1539, had been making plans and prepa- rations. He had not come to the New "World as an adventurer, and he lacked the spirit of eager, reckless, hopeful expectation of wealth and fame, which accomplished so much for the geographical unfolding of the two Americas. Mendoza appears to have arranged his plans as carefully as if he had been about to engage in some intrigue at court. He rec- ' On the maps it is usually designated as S. t. 2Tlio details of this episode are given in the relations and petitions of Cortes. H. H. Bancroft tells the story in his North Mexican States, vol. 1, p. 77. The Cortes map of 1636 is reproduced from a tracing, in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. li, p. 442. ' ^This is the story which Garoilaso de la Vega tells in his Commentales Eeales, pt. ii, lib. ii. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEBASTIAN CABOT'S 1| After Kretith, FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XL r'S MAP OF 1544 Ischmer wiNSHip] EXPEDITIONS PLANNED BY MENDOZA 353 ognized his rivals and their strength. Nuno de Guzman was in disgrace and awaiting a trial, but he was at the court, where he could urge his claims persistently in person. Cortes was active, but he was where Mendoza could watch everything that he tried to do. He might suc- ceed in anticipating the viceroy's plans, but his sea ventures heretofore had all been failures. So long as he kept to the water there seemed to be little danger. Mendoza's chief concern appears to have been to make sure that his rivals should have no chance of uniting their claims against him. Representing the Crown and its interests, he felt sure of everything else. The viceroy had no ambition to take the field in person as an explorer, and he selected Alvarado as the most available leader for the expedition which he had in mind, probably about the time that the latter came back to the New World. He wrote to Alvarado, suggesting an arrangement between them, and after due consideration on both sides, terms and conditions mutually satisfactory were agreed on. Mendoza succeeded in uniting Alvarado to his inter- ests, and engaged that he should conduct an expedition into the country north of Mexico. This arrangement was completed, apparently, before the return of Friar Marcos from his reconnoissance, which added so largely to the probabilities of success. THE RECONNOISSANCE OF FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA Mendoza did not confine himself to diplomatic measures for bringing about the exploration and conquest which he had in mind. In his undated "premiere lettre" the viceroy wrote that he was prepared to send Dorantes with forty or fifty horses and everything needed for an expedition into the interior; but nothing was done. About this time, 1537-38, Friar Juan de la Asuncion seems to have visited the inland tribes north of the Spanish settlements. Mr Ban- delier has presented all the evidence obtainable regarding the labors of this Mar.' The most probable interpretation of the statements which refer to his wanderings is that Friar Juan went alone and without oflScial assistance, and that he may have traveled as far north as the river Gila. The details of his journey are hopelessly confused. It is more than probable that there were a number of Mars at work among the outlying Indian tribes, and there is no reason why one or more of them may not have 'wandered north for a considerable dis- tance. During the same year the viceroy made an attempt, possibly in person, to penetrate into the country of Topira or Topia, in north- western Durango,^ but the mountains and the absence of provisions forced the party to return. It may be that this fruitless expedition was the same as that in which, according to Castaneda, Coronado took part, while Friar Marcos was on his way to Cibola. It is not unlikely, also, ■Contribations to the History of the Southwest, pp 79-103. 'This region is identified by Bandolier in his Contribntions, p. 104, note. The letter from which the details are obtained, written to accompany the report of Friar Marcos when this was transmitted to the King, is in Bamusio, and also in Ternaux, Cibola Tolnme, p. 286. 14 ETH 23 354 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 Ieth.ann.W that Friar MarcoS may have made a preliminary trip toward the north, during the same year, although this is hardly more than a guess to ex- plain statements, made by the old chroniclers, which we can not under- stand. As yet nothing had been found to verify the reports brought by Gabeza de Vaca, which, by themselves, were hardly sufficient to justify the equipment of an expedition on a large scale. But Mendoza was bent on discovering what lay beyond the northern mountains. He still had the negro Estevan, whom he had purchased of Dorantes, besides a number of Indians who had followed Cabeza de Vaca to Mexico and had been trained there to serve as interpreters. The experience which the negro had gained during the years he lived among the savages made him invaluable as a guide. He was used to dealing with the Indians, knew something of their languages, and was practiced in the all-important sign manual. Friar Marcos de Ifiza was selected as the leader of the little party which was to find out what the viceroy wanted to know. Aside from his reconnoitering trip to Cibola, very little is known about this friar. Born in Nice, then a part of Savoy, he was called by his contemporaries a Frenchman. He had been with Pizarro in Peru, and had witnessed the death of Atahualpa. Eeturning to Central America, very likely with Pedro de Alvarado, he had walked from there barefooted, as was his custom, up to Mexico. He seems to have been somewhere in the northwestern provinces of New Spain, when Cabeza de Vaca appeared there after his wanderings. A member of the Franciscan brother- hood, he had already attained to some standing in the order, for he signs his repoj-t or personal narration of his explorations, as vice- commissary of the Franciscans. The father provincial of the order, Friar Antonio de Oiudad-Eodrigo, on August 26, 1539,' certified to the high esteem in which Friar Marcos was held, and stated that he was skilled in cosmography and in the arts of the sea, as well as in theology. This choice of a leader was beyond question an excellent one, and Mendoza had every reason to feel confidence in the success of his under- taking. The viceroy drew up a set of instructions for Friar Marcos, which directed that the Indians whom he met on the way should receive the best of treatment, and provided for the scientific observations which all Spanish explorers were expected to record. Letters were to be left wherever it seemed advisable, in order to communicate with a possible sea expedition, and information of the progress of the party was to be sent back to the viceroy at convenient intervals. These instructions are a model of careful and explicit directions, and show the characteristic interest taken by Mendoza in the details of every- thing with which he was concerned. They supply to some extent 'This certiflcation, with the report of I'riar Marcos and other doouments relating to liim, is printed in the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion, vol. iii, pp. 325-351. wiNSHip] NIZA. AND ESTEVAN 355 also, the loss of the similar instructions which Coronado must have received when he started on his journey in the following February.^ Friar Marcos, accompanied by a lay brother. Friar Onorato, accord- ing to Mendoza's "premiere lettre," left Culiacan on March 7, 1539. Coronado, now acting as governor of New Galicia, had escorted them as far as this town and had assured a quiet journey for a part of the way beyond by sending in advance six Indians, natives of this region, who had been "kept at Mexico to become proficient in the Spanish language and attached to the ways of the Christians."^ The friars proceeded to Petatlan, where Friar Onorato fell sick, so that it was necessary to leave him behind. During the rest of the journey, Friar Marcos was the only white man in the party, which consisted of the negro Estevan, the Indian interpreters, and a large body of natives who followed him from the different villages near which he passed. The friar continued his journey to. "Vacapa," which Mr Bandelier identi- fies with the Eudeve settlement of Matapa in central Sonora, where he arrived two days before Passion Sunday, which in 1539 fell on March 23.^ At this place he waited until April 6, in order to send to the seacoast and summon some Indians, from whom he hoped to secure further information about the pearl islands of which Cabeza de Vaca had heard. The negro Estevan had been ordered by the viceroy to obey Friar Marcos in everything, under pain of serious punishment. While the friar was waiting at Vacapa, he sent the negro toward the north, instruct- ing him to proceed 50 or 60 leagues and see if he could find anything which might help them in their search. If he found any signs of a rich and populous country, it was agreed that he was not to advance farther, but should return to meet the friar, or else wait where he heard the good news, sending some Indian messengers back to the friar, with, a white cross the size of the palm of his hand. If the news was very promising, the cross was to be twice this size, and if the country about which he heard promised to be larger and better than 'Sew Spain, a cross still larger than this was to be sent back. Castaneda preserves a story that Estevan was sent ahead, not only to explore and pacify the country, but also because he did not get on well with his superior, who objected to his eagerness in collecting the turquoises and other things which the natives prized and to the moral effect of his relations with the women who followed him from the tribes which they met on their way. Friar Marcos says nothing about this in his narrative, but he had different and much more important ends to accomplish by his report, compared with those of Castaneda, who may easily have gathered the gossip from some native. ^The instructions given to Friar Marcos have been translated \ty Bandeiier in Ma Contributions, p. 109. The best account of Friar Marcos and his explorations is given in that volume. ''Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. vii, cap.vii. 'Bandelier, in his Contributions, p. 122, says this was "about the middle of April," hut his chro- nology at this point must he atfault. 356 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 Estevan started on Passion Sunday, after dinner. Four days later messengers sent by him brought to the friar " a very large cross, as tall as a man." One of the Indians who had given the negro his informa- tion accompanied the messengers. This man said and affirmed, as the Mar carefully recorded, "that there are seven very large cities in the first province, all under one lord, with large houses of stone and lime; the smallest one-story high, with a flat roof above, and others two and three stories high, and the house of the lord four stories high. They are all united under his rule. And on the portals of the principal houses there are many designs of turquoise stones, of which he says they have a great abundance. And the people in these cities are very well clothed. . . . Concerning other provinces farther on, he said that each one of them amounted to much more than these seven cities." All this which the Indian told Friar Marcos was true; and, what is more, the Spanish friar seems to have correctly understood what the Indian meant, except that the Indian idea of several villages having a common allied form of government was interpreted as meaning the rule of a single lord, who lived in what was to the Indians the chief, because the most populous, village. These villages of stone and lime — or rather of stone and rolls or balls of adobe laid in mud mortar and sometimes whitened with a wash of gypsum' — were very large and wondrous affairs when compared with the huts and shelters of the Seri and some of the Piman Indians of Sonora." The priest can hardly be blamed for translating a house entrance into a doorway instead of picturing it as a bulkhead or as the hatchway of a ship. The Spaniards — those who had seen service in the Indies — ^had outgrown their earlier custom of reading into the Indian stories the ideas of government and of civiliza- tion to which they were accustomed in Europe. But Friar Marcos was at a disadvantage hardly less than that of the companions of Cortes, when they first heard of Moctecuhzoma, because his experience with the wealth of the New "World had been in the realm of the Incas. He interpreted what he did not understand, of necessity, by what he had seen in Peru. The story of this Indian did not convince the friar that what he heard about the grandeur of these seven cities was all true, and he decided not to believe anything until he had seen it for himself, or had at least received additional proof. The friar did not start immediately for the seven cities, as the negro had advised him to do, but waited until he could see the Indians who had been summoned from the seacoast. These told him about pearls, which were found near their homes. Some "painted" Indians, living to the eastward, having their faces, chests and arms tattooed or decorated with pigments, who were perhaps the Pima or Sobaipuri Indians, also visited him while he was staying at Vacapa and gave him an extended account of the seven cities, very similar to that of the Indian sent by Estevan. iSeer.W.Hoflge, " Aboriginal Use of AdoboB," The ArohsBologist, Columbus, Ohio, August 1895 = These are described in the Castafleda narrative. ' wiNSHip) MARATA, ACUS, AND TOTONTEAC 357 Friar Marcos started on the second day following Pascua Florida, or Easter, which came on April 6, 1539. He expected to find Eatevan waiting at the village where he had first heard about the cities. A second cross, as big as the first, had been received from the negro, and the messengers who brought this gave a fuller and much more specific account of the cities, agreeing in every respect with what had previ- ously been related. When the friar reached the village where the negro had obtained the first information about the cities, he secured many new details. He was told that it was thirty days' journey from this village to the city of Cibola, which was the first of the seven. Not one person alone, but many, described the houses very particularly and showed him the way in which they were built, just as the messengers had done. Besides these seven cities, he learned that there were other kingdoms, called Marata, Acus, and Totonteac. The linguistic students, and especially Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing, have identified the first of these with Matyata or Makyata, a cluster of pueblos about the salt lakes southeast of ZuQi, which were in ruins when Alvarado saw them in 1540, although they appeared to have been despoiled not very long before. Acus is the Acoma pueblo and Totonteac was in all. probability the province of Tusayan, northwestward from Zuni. The friar asked these people why they went so far away from their homes, and was told that they went to get turquoises and cow skins, besides other valuable things, of all of which he saw a considerable store in the village. Friar Marcos tried to find out how these Indians bartered for the things they brought from the northern country, but all he could under- stand was that "■ with the sweat and service of their persons they went to the first city, which is called Cibola, and that they labored there by digging the earth and other services, and that for what they did they received turquoises and the skins of cows, such as those people had." We now know, whatever Friar Marcos may have thought, that they doubtless obtained their turquoises by digging them out of the rocky ground in which they are still found in New Mexico, and this may easily have seemed to them perspiring labor. It is not clear just how they obtained the buffalo skins, although it was doubtless by barter. The friar noticed fine turquoises suspended in the ears and noses of many of the people whom he saw,* and he was again informed that the principal doorways of Cibola were ceremonially ornamented with designs made of these stones. Mr Cushing has since learned, through tradition, that this was their custom. The dress of these people of Cibola, including the belts of turquoises about the waist, as it was described to the friar, seemed to him to resemble that of the Bohe- mians, or gypsies. The cow skins, some of which were given ta him, were tanned and finished so well that he thought it was evident that they had been prepared by men who were skilled in this work. ' In lieu of turquoises the Pima and Maricopa today frequently wear small beaded rings pendent from the ears and septum. 358 THE COBONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ank.U At tliis point iu his narrative Friar Marcos first uses the word pueblo, village, in referring to the seven cities, a point which would be of some interest if only we could be sure that the report was written from notes made as he went along. He certainly implies that he kept some such record when he speaks of taking down the statements of the Indian who first told him about the seven cities. It looks as if the additional details which he was obtaining gradually dimmed his vision of cities comparable to those into which he had seen Pizarro gather the golden ransom of Atahualpa. Friar Marcos had not heard from Bstevan since leaving Vacapa, but the natives told him that the negro was advancing toward Cibola, and that he had been gone four or five days. The friar started at once to follow the negro, who had proceeded up Sonora valley, as Mr Bandelier traces the route. Estevan had planted several large crosses along the way, and soon began to send messengers to the friar, urging the latter to hasten, and promising to wait for him at the edge of the wilder- ness which lay between them and the country of Cibola. The friar followed as fast as he could, although constantly hindered by the natives, who were always ready to verify the stories he had already heard concerning Cibola. They pressed him to accept their offers of turquoises and of cow skins in spite of his persistent refusals. At one village, the lord of the place and his two brothers greeted the friar, having collars of turquoises about their necks, while the rest of the people were lill' encaconados, as they called it,' with turquoises, .which hung from their ears and noses. Here they supplied their visitor with deer, rabbits, and quail, besides a great abundance of corn and pinon seed. They also continued to offer him turquoises, skins, fine gourds, and other things which they valued. The Sobaipuri Indians, who were a branch of the Papago, among whom the friar was now traveling, according to Bandelier, seemed to be as well acquainted with Cibola as the natives of j^ew Spain were with Mexico, or those of Peru with Cuzco. They had visited the place many times, and whatever they possessed which was made with any skill or neatness had been brought, so they told him, from that country. Soon after he encountered these people, the friar met a native of Cibola. He was a well-favored man, rather old, and appeared to be much more intelligent than the natives of this valley or those of any of the districts through which the friar had passed in the course of his march. This man reported that the lord of Cibola lived and had his seat of government in one of the seven cities called Abacus, and that he appointed men in the other cities who ruled for liim. Abacus is readily identified with Hawikuh, one of the present ruins near K'iap- kwainakwin, or Ojo Caliente, about 15 miles southwest of Zuni. On questioning this man closely, the friar learned that Cibola — by which, as Bandelier and Cushing maintain, the Indian meant the whole range occupied by the Zuni people — was a large city, in which a great many wiNSHip] THE ROUTE OF NIZA 359 people dwelt and which had streets and open squares or plazas. In some parts of it there Avere very large houses, which were ten stories high, and the leading men met together in these on certain days of the year. Possibly this is one of the rare references in the accounts of these early visits to Zuiii, to the ceremonials of the Pueblo Indians, which have been studied aud described with so much care by later visitors, notably by Mrs M. 0. Stevenson and by Dr J. Walter Pewkes of the Hemen- way Southwestern Archeological Expedition. This native of Cibola verified all the reports which the friar had already heard. Marata, he said, had been greatly reduced by the lord of Cibola during recent wars. Totonteac was a much larger and richer place, while Acus was an independent kingdom and province. The strange thing about all these reports is not that they are true, and that we can identify them by what is now known concerning these Indians, but the hard thing to understand is how the Spanish friar could have comprehended so well what the natives must have tried to tell him. When one considers the difficulties of language, with all its technicali- ties, and of radically different conceptions of every phase of life and of thought, the result must be an increased confidence in the common sense and the inherent intelligence of mankind. On his way up this valley of Sonora, Friar Marcos heard that the sea- coast turned toward the west. Eealizing the importance of this point, he says that he "went in search of it and saw clearly that it turns to the west in 35 degrees." He was at the time between 31 and 31J degrees north, just opposite the head of the Gulf of California. If Bande- lier's identification of the friar's route is accepted — and it has a great deal more in its favor than any other that can be proposed with any due regard to the topography of the country — Friar Marcos was then near the head of San Pedro valley, distant 200 miles in a direct line from the coast, across a rough and barren country. Although the Franciscan superior testified to Marcos' proficiency in the arts of the sea, the friar's calculation was 3^ degrees out of the way, at a latitude where the usual error in the contemporary accounts of expeditions is on the average a degree and a half. The direction of the coast line does change almost due west of where the friar then was, and he may have gone to some point among the mountains from which he could satisfy himself that the report of the Indians was reliable. There is a week or ten days, during this part of the journey, for which his narrative gives no specific reckoning. He traveled rather slowly at times, making frequent stops, so that the side trip is not necessary to fill this gap. The point is a curious one; but, in the absence of any details, it is hardly likely that the friar did more than secure from other Indians stories confirming what he hq,d already been told. Friar Marcos soon reached the borders of the wilderness — the country in and about the present Wh ite Mountain Apache reservation in Arizona. He entered this region on May 9, and twelve days later a young man 360 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U who had been with Estevan, the son of one of the Indian chiefs accom- panying the friar, met him and told the story of the negro's death. Estevan had hastened to reach Cibola before the friar, and just prior to arriving at the first city he had sent a notice of his approach to the chief of the place. As evidence of his position or authority, he sent a gourd, to which were attached a few strings of rattles and two plumes, one of which was white and the other red. While Cabeza de Vaca and his companions were traveling through Texas, the natives had flocked to see these strange white men and soon began to worship them, pressing about them for even a touch of their garments, from which the Indians trusted to4NOL3GV T T ?' T '*> '»' '7> '?" «f> '» o- '♦> 1 40 — iTi — ^ — ^i — ^ t -^^ifl? INCOGNI TA/ ♦1 '^T-,^«P«fi ,^«<«' n^iiut,i&/M« 4l«U^r< S-barl^otoTn4tf ■Roccm.j>^Tt<^^ ^m-l I I I I I I I I MAR ZQ.VIN0TT1AI.E '<5 • « '« 14a '?> >^ii '!> I*» '« 150 140 '« 1)0 I2J BATTISTA AGNESE'S NEW SPl After Kreti FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XUI VJ, SIXTEENTH CENTURY wiNSHip] THE DEATH OF ESTEVAN 361 when he reached the village in person. He proceeded thither at once, but instead of being admitted, he was placed under guard in a house near by.' All the turquoises and other gifts which he had received from the Indians during his journey were taken from him, and he was confined with the people who accompanied him, over night, without receiving anything to eat or drink. The next morning Bstevan tried to run away, but was overtaken and killed. The fugitives who brought this news to Friar Marcos said that most of their companions also had been killed. The Indians who had followed the friar forthwith began to mourn for three hundred of their relations and Mends, who had per- ished, they declared, as a result of their confidence in his forerunner. This number was undoubtedly an exaggeration. Oastafieda heard that the natives of Cibola kept a few lads from among those who were with the negro, " and sent back all the rest, numbering about sixty." The story of Estevan's death is reputed to have been preserved among the legends of the Indians of Zuni. According to this tradition, the village at which the " Black Mexican" was killed was K'iakima, a village now in ruins, situated on a bluff at the southwestern angle of Thunder mountain mesa; but this is totally at variance with the historical evi- dence, which seems to point quite conclusively to Hawikuh, the first village encountered from the southwest, as the scene of Estevan's death.^ One of the Indian stories of Estevan's death is that their wise men took the negro out of the pueblo during the night, and "gave him a powerful kick, which sped him through the air back to the south, whence he came ! " The killing of Bstevan made it impossible for Friar Marcos, alone and unprepared for fighting, to enter the Cibola region. The first reports of the disaster, as is usually the custom, told of the death of all who accompanied the negro, and in consequence there was much wailing among the Indians who had followed the friar. They threatened to desert him, but he pacified them by opening his bundles and distribut- ing the trinkets brought from Mexico. While they were enjoying these, he withdrew a couple of stone-throws for an hour and a half to pray. Meanwhile, the Indians began again to think of their lost friends, and decided to kill the friar, as the indirect cause of the catastrophe. But when he returned from his devotions, reinvigorated, and learned of their determination, he diverted their thoughts by producing some of the things which had been kept back from the first distribution of the contents of his packs. He expounded to them the folly of killing him, since this would do him no hurt because he was a Christian and so would go at once to his home in the sky, while other Christians would come in search of him and kill all of them, in spite of his own desires to prevent, if possible, any such revenge. "With many other words" he • This 18 precisely the method pursued by the Zufiis today against any Mexicans -who may be found in their vicinity during the performance of an outdoor ceremonial. 2 This question has been fully discussed by F. W. Hodge. See "The First Discovered City of Cibola," American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1895. 362 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 succeeded at last in quieting them and in persuading two of the chief Indians to go with him to a point where he could obtain a view of the "city of Cibola." He proceeded to a small hill, from which he saw that it was situated on a plain on the slope of a round height. "It has a very fine appearance for a village," he writes, "the best that I have seen in these parts. The houses, as the Indians had told me, are all of stone, built in stories, and with flat roofs. Judging by what I could see from the height where I placed myself to observe it, the settlement is larger than the city of Mexico. ... It appears to me that this land is the best and largest of all those that have been discovered." " With far more fright than food," the friar says he retraced his way toward iNew Spain, by hasty marches, During his journey to Cibola, he had heard of a large and level valley among the mountains, dis- tant four or five days from the route which he followed, where he was told that there were many very large settlements in which the people wore clothes made of cotton. He showed his informants some metals which he had, in order to find out what there was in that region, and they picked out the gold, saying that the people in the valley had vessels made of this material and some round things which they hung from their ears and noses. They also had sonle little shovels of this same metal, with which they scraped themselves to get rid of their sweat. On his way back, although he had not recovered from his fright, the friar determined to see this valley. He did not dare to venture into it, because, as he says, he thought that those who should go to settle and rule the country of the seven cities could enter it more safely than he. He did not wish to risk his own life, lest he should be prevented from making the report of what he had already seen. He went as far as the entrance to the valley and saw seven good-looking settlements at a distance, in a very attractive country, from which arose a great deal of smoke. He understood from the Indians that there was much gold in the valley, and that the natives used it for ves- sels and ornaments, repeating in his narrative the reports which he had heard on his outward journey. The friar then hastened down the coast to Ouliacan, where he hoped but failed, to find Ooronado, the governor of the province. He went on to Compostela, where Coronado was staying. Here he wrote his report, and sent the announcement of his safe return to the viceroy. A similar notification to the provincial of his order contained a request for instructions as to what he should do next. He was still in Com- postela on September 2, and as Mendoza and Ooronado also were there he took occasion to certify under oath before them to the truth of all that he had written in the report of his expedition to Cibola. THE EFFECT OF FRIAR MARCOS' REPORT In his official report it is evident that Friar Marcos distinguished with care between what he had himself seen and what the Indians had told him. But Cortes began the practice of attacking the veracity and wiKSHip] DECLARATIONS AGAINST NIZA 363 good faith of the friar, Gastaiieda continued it, and scarcely a writer on these events failed to follow their guidance until Mr Bandelier undertook to examine the facts of the case, and applied the rules of ordinary fairness to his historical judgment. This vigorous defender of the friar has successfdlly maintained his strenuous contention that Marcos neither lied nor exaggerated, even when he said that the Cibola pueblo appeared to him to be larger than the City of Mexico. All the witnesses agree that these light stone and adobe villages impress one who first sees them from a distance as being much larger than they really are. Mexico in 1539, on the other hand, was neither imposing nor populous. The great communal houses, the " palace of Monte- zuma," had been destroyed during or soon after the siege of 1521. The pueblo of Hawikuh, the one which the friar doubtless saw, contained about 200 houses, or between 700 and 1,000 inhabitants. There is some- thing naive in Mr Bandelier's comparison of this with Eobert Tomson's report that the City of Mexico, in 1556, contained 1,500 Spanish house- holds.^ He ought to have added, what we may be quite sure was true, that the population of Mexico probably doubled in the fifteen years pre- ceding Tomson's visit, a fact which makes Niza's comparison even more reasonable.'' The credit and esteem in which the friar w^s held by the viceroy, Mendoza, is as convincing proof of his integrity as that derived from a close scrutiny of the text of his narrative. Meudoza's testimony was given in a letter which he sent to the King in Spain, inclosing the report written by Friar Marcos, the "premiere lettre" which Ternaux translated jfrom Eamusio. This letter spoke in laudatory terms of the friar, and of course is not wholly unbiased evidence. It is at least sufftcient to counterbalance the hostile declarations of Cortes and Cas- taneda, both of whom had far less creditable reasons for traducing the friar than Mendoza had for praising him. " These friars," wrote Mendoza of Marcos and Onorato, "had lived for some time in the neighboring countries; they were used to hard labors, experienced in the ways of the Indies, conscientious, and of good habits." It is pos- sible that Mendoza felt less confidence than is here expressed, for before he organized the Coronado expedition, late in the fall of this year 1539, he ordered Melchior Diaz to go and see if what he could dis- cover agreed with the account which Friar Marcos gave.' However careful the friar may have been, he presented to the vice- roy a report in which gold and precious stones abounded, and which stopped just within sight of the goal — ^the Seven Cities of Nuno de Guz- man and of the Indian traders and story tellers. Friar Marcos had 'Tomaon'a exceedingly interesting narrative of his experiences in Mexico is printed in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 447, ed. 1600. ^Compare the ground plan of Hawikuli, by Victor Mindeleflf, in the eighth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pi. xLvi, with the map of the city of Mexico (1550?), by Alonzo de Santa Cruz, pi. XLiii of this paper. *Diaz started November 17, 1539. The report of his trip is given In Mendoza's letter of April 17, 1640, in Pacheco y Cardenas, ii, p. 356, and translated herein. 364 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 something to tell which interested his readers vastly more than the painful, wonderful story of Gabeza de Yaca. The very fact that he took it for granted, as he says in his report, that they would go to populate and rule over this land of the Seven Cities, with its doorways studded with turquoises, was enough to insure interest. He must, indeed, have been a popular preacher, and when the position of father provincial to the Franciscans became vacant, just now, brother Marcos, already high in the order and with all the fresh prestige of his latest achievements, was evidently the subject for promotion. Castaueda, who is not the safest authority for events preceding the expedition, says that the promotion was arranged by the viceroy. This may have been so. His other statement is probable enough, that, as a result of the promotion, the pulpits of the order were filled with accounts of such marvels and wonders that large numbers were eager to join in the con- quest of this new land. Whatever Friar Marcos may have sacrificed to careful truth was atoned for, we may be sure, by the zealous, loyal brethren of blessed Saint Francis. Don Joan Suarez de Peralta was born, as Senor Zaragoza shows in his admirable edition of the Tratado del Descubrimiento de las Yndias y su Conquista, in Mexico between 1535 and 1540, and probably nearer the first of these five years. In the Tratado, Suarez de Peralta gives a most interesting description of the effect produced in Mexico by the departure and the return of the Coronado expedition. He can hardly have had very vivid personal recollections of the excitement produced by the reports of Friar Marcos, yet his account is so clear and circum- stantial that it evidently must be the narrative of an eyewitness, though recorded, it may be, at secondhand. He tells us that "the country was so stirred up by the news which the friar had brought from the Seven Cities that nothing else was thought about. For he Said that the city of Cibola was big enough to contain two Sevilles and over, and the other places were not much smaller; and that the houses were very fine edifices, four stories high; and in the country there are many of what they call wild cows, and sheep and goats and rich treasures. He exaggerated things so much, that everybody was for going there and leaving Mexico depopulated The news from the Seven Cities inspired so eager a desire in every one that not only did the viceroy and the marquis (Cortes) make ready to start for there, but the whole country wanted to follow them so much that they traded for the licenses which permitted them to go as soldiers, and peo- ple sold these as a favor, and whoever obtained one of these thought that it was as good a& a title of nobility at the least. For the friar who had come from there exaggerated and said that it was the best place in the world; the people in that country very prosperous, and all the Indians wearing clothes and the possessors of much cattle; the mountains like those of Spain, and the climate the same. For wood, they burnt very large walnut trees, which bear quantities of BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY THE CITY OF MEXICO ABOUT 155 FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XUH 1S50, BY ALONZO DE SANTA CRUZ ^'"SHip] ACCOUNTS OP NIZA'S JOURNEY 365 walnuts better than those of Spain. They have many mountain grapes, which are very good eating, chestnuts, and Alberts. According to the way he painted it, this should have been the terrestrial paradise. For game, there were partridges, geese, cranes, and all the other winged creatures — it was marvelous what was there." And then Suarez adds, writing half a century later, "He told the truth in all this, because there are mountains in that country, as he said, and herds, especially of cows There are grapes and game, without doubt, and a climate like that of Spain." ' Second-hand evidence, recorded fifty years after the occurrence, is far from conclusive. Fortunately, we are able to supplement it by legal testimony, taken down and recorded under oath, with all the for- malities of the old Spanish law customs. When the news of Friar Marcos' journey reached Spain there was much rivalry among those who claimed the privilege of completing the discovery. Much evi- dence was presented and frequent pleas were entered by all the men who had an active part and leadership in the conquest of the northern portion of the New World. In the course of the litigation the repre- sentative of the adelantado Hernando de Soto, presented some testi- mony which had been given in the town of San Cristobal de la Habana de la Isla Fernandina— Habana and Cuba — dated November 12, 1539. There were seven witnesses, from a ship which had been obliged to put into this port in order to procure water and other supplies, and also because some persons aboard had become very sick. Bach witness declared that a month or more before — Friar Marcos arrived back in Mexico before the end of August, 1539 — he had heard, and that this was common talk in Mexico, Vera Cruz, and in Puebla de los An- geles, that a Franciscan Mar named Fray Marcos, who had recently come from the inland regions, said that he had discovered a very rich and very populous country 400 or 500 leagues north of Mexico. " He said that the country is rich in gold, silver and other treasures, and that it contains very large villages; that the houses are built of stone, and terraced like those of Mexico, and that they are high and imposing. The people, so he said, are shrewd, and do not marry more than one wife at a time, and they wear coarse woolen cloth and ride on some ani- mals,'? the name of which the witness did not know. Another testified that the common report was that this country " was very rich and pop- ulous and had great walled cities, and that the lords of the cities were called kings, and that the people were very shrewd and use the Mexican language." But the witness to whose deposition we are most indebted was Andres Garcia. This man declared that he had a son-in-law who was a barber, who had shaved the friar after he came back from the new country. The son-in-law had told the witness that the friar, while being ' The Spanish text from which I ha^e translated may be found on pages Hi and 148 of Zaragoza's edition of Suarez de Peralta's Tratado. This edition is of the greatest usefulness to every student of early Mexican history. 366 THE CORONABO. EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 tETH.ANN.U shaved, had talked about the country which he had discovered beyond the mountains. '^ After crossing the mountains, the friar said there was a river, and that many settlements were there, in cities and towns, and that the cities were surrounded by walls, with their gates guarded, and were very wealthy, having silversmiths, and that the women wore strings of gold beads and the men girdles of gold and white woolen dresses; and that they had sheep and cows and partridges and slaugh- terhouses and iron forges."^ Friar Marcos undoubtedly never willfully tbld an untruth about the country of Cibola, even in a barber's chair. But there seems to be little chance for doubting that the reports which he brought to Kew Spain were the cause of much talk as well as many sermons, which gave rise to a considerable amount of excitement among the settlers, whose old-world notions had been upset by the reputed glory of the Montezumas and the wealth of the Incas. Yery many, though perhaps not all, of the colonists were stirred with an eager desire to participate in the rich harvest awaiting the conquerors of these new ^Tho depositions as printed in tlie Paeheco y Cardenas Docs, de Indiaa, vol. xv., pp. 392-398, are as follows: Pedro Kufiez, testigo rescebido en la dicha razon, jur6 eegun dereclio, 6 dyo: . . . que estando en la ciudad de M6xico, puede liaber tres meses [the evidence being taken November 12, 1539], poco mas 6 menos, oyd decir este testigo ptiblicameate, que habia venido un fraile Francisco, que se dice Fray Marcos, que venia la tierra adentro, 6 que decia el dicho fraile que se habia descobierto una tierra muy rica 6 muy poblada; 6 que habia cuatroclentas legnas dende Mexico alld; 6 qne dice que ban de ir allA por cerca del rio de Palmas ; . G-arcia Navarro, . . . oy6 decir publicamente, puede haber un mes 6 mes y medio [and so all the remaining witnesses] que habia venido un fraile, nuevamente, de una tierra, nuevamente descobierta, que dicen ques quinientas leguas de M6xico, en la tierra de la Florida, que dicen qnes b&cia la part« del Korte de la dicha tierra; la cual diz, que es tierra rica de oro 6 plata 6 otros resgates, 6 grandes pueblos ; que las casas son de piedra 6 terrados & la manera de M6xico, 6 que tienen peso 6 medida, 6 gente de razon, 6 que no casan mas de una vez, 6 que visten albornoces, & que andan cabalgando en unos animales, que no sabe cdmo se Uaman, .... Francisco Serrano, ... el fraile venia por tierra, por la via de Xalisco ; 6 ques muy rica 6 muy' poblada 6 grandes cludades cercadas ; 6 qne los 8e£tores dellas, se nombran Keyes ; 6 que las casas son sobradas, 6 ques gente de mucha razon ; que la lengua en mexicana, . . Pero Sanchez, tinturero . una tierra nueva muy rica 6 muy poblada de cludades 6 villas; . . . por la via de Xalisco . . hdcia en medio de la tierra. . , . Francisco de Leyva . . . en la Vera-Cruz, oy6 decir que habia venido un fraile de una tierra nueva muy rica 6 muy poblada de cludades 6 villas, e ques A la banda del Sur, . . . Otrosi, dixo : que es verdad que no embargante que no toca en este puerto, d^aba de seguir su viaje ; pero que entrd en este puerto por necesidad que Uevaba de agua 6 otros bastimentos 6 de.ciertas personas que venian muy enfermos. Hernando de Sotomayor . . . questando en la Puebla de los Angeles . pdblicamente se decia . . 6 que las casas sou de piedras sobradadas, 6 las ciudades cercadas, 6 gente de razon; . . 6 questa dicha tierra es la parte donde vino Borantes 6 Cabeza de Vaca, los cuales escaparon de la ai-mada de Narvaez ; 6 que sabe 6 vido este testigo, que fu6 mandado al maestre por mandado del Virey 6 con su mandamiento, que no tocase en parte ninguna, salvo que faese derechamente & Espafia, con la dicha nao, 6 quel secretario del Virey hizo un requiriraiento al dicbo maestre, viniendo por la mar, que no tocase en este puerto ni en otra parte destas islas. . [This statement appears in each deposition.] Andr6s G-arcia, dixo : . , . questando en la ciudad ■ de M6xico, un Francisco de Blllegas le di6 cartas para dar eii esta villa, para daral AdeLantado D. Hernando de Soto, 6 si no lo hallase, que las Uevase & Espaila € las diese al hacedor suyo ; 6 queste testigo tiene un yemo barbero que afeitaba al fraile que vino de la dicha tierra; & quel dicho su yerno, le dixo este testigo, questando afeitando al dicho fraile, le dixo como antes que Uegaaen & ra dicha tierra estaba una sierra, 6 que pasando la dicha sierra estaba uu rio, 6 que habia muohas poblazones de ciudades 6 villas, 6 que las ciudades son cercadas 6 guardadas & las pi^ertas, 6 may ricas ; 6 que habia plateros ; 6 que las mugeres traian sartas de oro 6 los hombres cintos de oro, 6 que habia albamios 6 obejas 6 vacas 6 perdices 6 camicerias 6 herreria, 6 peso 6 medida; e que un Bocanegra, dixo & este testigo que se quedare, que se habia descobierto un nuevo munclo. . . . wiNSHip] CHARACTEE OF NIZA 367 lauds. Friar Marcos was not a liar, but it is impossible to ignore the cbarges against him quite as easily as Mr Bandelier has done. Pedro Castaneda makes some very damaging statements, which are not conclusive proof of the facts. Like the statements of Suarez de Peralta, they represent the popular estimation of the father provincial, and they repeat the stories which passed current regarding him, when the later explorations had' destroyed the vision that had been raised by the reports of the friar's exploration. The accusations made by Cortes deserve more careful consideration. Cortes returned to Spain about the time that the preparations for the Coronado expedition were defi- nitely begun. Soon after his arrival at court, June 25, 1540,^ he addressed a formal memorial to the King, setting forth in detail the ill treatment which he had received from Mendoza. In this he declared that after the viceroy had ordered him to withdraw his men from their station on the coast of the mainland toward the north — where they were engaged in making ready for extended inland explorations — ^he had a talk with Friar Marcos. "And I gave him," says Cortes, "an account of this said country and of its discovery, because I had deter- mined to send him in my ships to follow up the said northern coast and conquer that country, because he seemed to understand something about matters of navigation. The said friar communicated this to the said viceroy, and he says that, with his permission, he went by land in search of the same coast and country as that which I had discov- ered, and which it was and is my right to conquer. And since his return, the said friar has published the statement that he came within sight of the said country, which I deny that he has either seen or dis- covered ; but instead, in all that the said friar reports that he has seen, he only repeats the account I had given him regarding the information which I obtained from the Indians of the said country of Santa Cruz, because everything which the said friar says that he discovered is just the same as what these said Indians had told me : and in enlarging upon this and in pretending to report what he neither saw nor learned, the said Friar Marcos does nothing new, because he has done this many other times, and this was his regular habit, as is notorious in the provinces of Peru and Guatemala; and suf&cient evidence regarding this will be given to the court whenever it is necessary." " This is a serious charge, but so far as is known it was never substan- tiated. Cortes was anxious to enforce his point, and he was not always scrupulous in regard to the exact truth. The important point is that such charges were made by a man who was in the position to learn all 1 The document, as printed in Doc. In6d. Hist. EspaBa, vol. It, pp. 209-217, is not dated. Tlie date given in the text is taken from the heading or title to the petition, which, if not the original, has at least the authority of SeEor ITavarrete, the editor of this Coleooion when the earlier volumes were printed. This memorial appears, from the contents, to have been one of the documents submitted In the litigation then going on between the rival claimants for the privilege of exploring the country discovered by Friar Marcos, although the document is not printed with the other papers in the case. 2 Documentos In6ditos Hist. EspaBa, vol. Iv, p. 211 : Memorial que di6 el Marqu6s del Valle en Madrid 4 25 de Junio de 1540. . . . "Al tiempo que yo vine de la dicha tierra el dicho Eray Marcos 368 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 the facts, and that the accusations were made before anyone knew how little basis there was for the stories which were the cause of the whole trouble. Without trying to clear the character of Cortes, it is possible to suggest the answer to the most evident reply to his accusations — that he never published the stories which he says he received from the Indians, Cortes certainly did persist in his endeavors to explore the country lying about the head of the Gulf of California. If he ever heard from the Indians anything concerning the Cibola region— which is doubtful, partly because Cortes himself complains that if Mendoza had not interfered with the efficiency of his expeditions, he would have secured this information — it would still have been the best policy for Cortes to keep the knowledge to himself, so that possible rivals might remain ignorant of it until he had perfected his own plans. It may be questioned how long such secrecy would have been possible, but we know how successfully the Spanish authorities managed to keep from the rest of the world the correct and complete cartographical informa- tion as to what was being accomplished in the New World, throughout the period of exploration and conquest. The truce — ^it can hardly be called a friendship — between Mendoza and Cortes, which prevailed during the first years of the viceroy's admin- istration, could not last long. Mendoza, as soon as he was fairly set- tled in his position in New Spain,' asked the King for a license to make explorations. Cortes still looked on every rival in the work of extend- ing this portion of the Spanish world as an interloper, even though he must have recognized that his prestige at the court and in the l^ew World was rapidly lessening. The distrust with which each of the two regarded the other increased the trouble which was inevitable so soon as the viceroy, urged on by the audiencia, undertook to execute the royal orders which instructed him to investigate the extent of the estates held by Cortes, and to enumerate the Indians held to service by the conqueror. Bad feeling was inevitable, and the squabbles over forms of address and of precedence, which Suarez de Peralta records, were only a few of many things which reveal the relations of the two leading men in New Spain. habl6 conmigo . . . 6 yo le dl noticia de esta diclia tierra y descubrimiento de ella, porque tenia determinacion de enviarlo en mis navios en prosegnimiento y conqnista de la dicha costa y tierra, porque parescia gae se le entendia algo de cosas de navegacion : el cnal dicho fraile lo comunicd con el dicho viaorey, y con an licencia diz que fu6 por tierra en demanda de la misma costa y tierra que yo habia descnbierto, y que era y es de mi conqnista; y despues que volvi6 el dlcbo fraile ha pubUcado que diz que lleg6 & Tieta de la dicba tierra ; lo cual yo niego haber 61 Tisto ni descnbierto, antes lo qne el dicbo fraUe refiere haber Tisto, lo ha dicho y dice por sola la relaeion que yo le habia hecho de la noticia que tenia de loa indios de la dicha tierra de Santa Cruz que yo trtye, porque todo lo que el dicho fraile se dice que refiere, es lo mismo que los dichos indios & ml me dijeron ; y en haherse en esto adelantado el dicho Fray Marcos fingiendo y refiriendo lo que no sabe ni Tid, no hizo cosa nueva, porque otras muchas veces loha hecho y lo tiene por costumbre como es notorio en las provincial del Perd y Guate- mala, y se dard de ello informacionbastante luego en esta corte, siendo necesario.'* iThe request occurs in the earliest letters from the viceroy, and is jepeated in that of December 10, 1537. This privilege was withdrawn from all governors In the colonies by one of the New Laws of 1513. (Icazbalceta, Col. Eigt. Mexico, ii, 204.) The ill success of Coronado's efforts did not weal£en Mendoza's desire to enlarge his territory, for he begs hifi agent in Spain, Juan de AguUar, to secure for him a fresh grant of the privilege in a later letter. (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. iii, p. 506; B. Smith, Tlorida, p. 7.) tJURLAU OF ETHNOLOGY a (tor ' =^ "* \ na~ Ca.lcraL{ CHIN- AN ;\r^ , R O . wiNSHir] PLANS OF CORTES 369 We can not be certain what the plans of Cortes were, nor can we tell just how much he did to carry his schemes into execution, during the years from 1537 to 15i0. Shortly after the men whom Cortes had established at Santa Cruz were recalled, a decree was issued, in the name of the audiencia, to forbid the sending of any expedition for exploration or conquest from New Spain. Cortes declared that he had at this time, September, 1538, niae good ships already built. He was naturally unwilling to give up all hope of deriving any benefit from, his previous undertakings, as would be inevitable if Mendoza should succeed in his projects for taking advantage of whatever good things could be found toward the north. The danger must have seemed clear , so soon as he learned of the departure of Friar Marcos and the negro ontheir journey toward the Seven Cities. There is no means of know- ing whether Cortes had learned of the actual discovery of Cibola, when he suddenly ordered Francisco de Ulloa to take three vessels and sail up the coast toward the head of the Gulf of California. The friar may have sent Indian messengers to the viceroy so soon as he heard the native reports about the seven cities of Cibola, and it is possible that the news of his approaching return may have reached New Spain before the departure of Ulloa, which took place July 8, 1539, from Acapulco.* It seems clear that this action was unexpected, and that it was a suc- cessful anticipation of preventive measures. In the statement of his grievances, Cortes declares that Mendoza not only threw every possible, obstacle in his way, seizing six or seven vessels which failed to get away with Ulloa, but that even after Ulloa had gone, the viceroy sent a strong force up the coast to prevent the ships from entering any of the ports. When stress of weather forced one of the ships to put into Guatulco, the pilot and sailors were imprisoned and the viceroy persistently refused to return the ship to its owner. About the same time, a mes-, senger who had been sent to Cortes from Santiago in Colima was seizedi and tortured, in the hope of procuring from him information about the plans of Cortes.^ After Friar Marcos came back from the north and filled the people in New Spain with the desire of going to this new country, Cortes realized that he could do nothing, even in the city which he had won for his, King and for Europe, to prevent the expedition which Mendoza was already organizing. Early in 1540-^we know only that he was on his, way when he wrote to Oviedo from Habana ^ on February 5 — the con-, queror of Motecuhzoma's empire left Mexico for the last time, and wenti to see what he could gain by a personal application at the court of His. Majesty the Emperor, Charles V. • ^TJlloa's Kelation is translated from Eamusio in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 397, ed. 1600. 'Memorial que di Two classes of colonists are essential to the security and the perma- nent prosperity of every newly opened country. In New Spain in the sixteenth century these two classes, sharply divided and almost antago- nistic — the established settlers and the free soldiers of fortune — were both of considerable importance. Cortes, so soon as he had conquered the country, recognized the need of providing for its settlement by a stable population. In the petitions and memorials which he wrote in 374 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.amn.U 1539 and 1540 he continually reiterates the declaration of the pains and losses sustained on account of his efforts to bring colonists from Spain to populate the New World. Whether he accomplished all that these memorials claim is doubtful, for there ate comparatively few ref- erences to this class of immigrants during the years when Cortes was in a position to accomplish his designs. Mendoza declared that the increase of the European population in New Spain came largely after his own arrival there, in 1535, and this was probably true. The "good viceroy" unquestionably did more than anyone else to place the prov- ince on a permanent basis.* Mendoza supervised with great care the assignment of land to the newcomers, and provided tools and stock for those who had not the means of equipping their farms. As a royal decree forbade the grant- ing of land to unmarried men, besides directing an increase of royal favor and additional grants proportionate to the increase of children, the viceroy frequently advanced the money which enabled men who were desirous of settling down to get married. When he came from Spain in 1535, he brought with him a number of eligible spinsters, and it is quite probable that, after these had found husbands, he main- tained the supply of maids suitable to become the wives of those colo- nists who wished to experience the royal bounty and favor. Alvarado engaged in a similar undertaking when he came out to Guatemala in 1539, but with less success than we may safely hope rewarded the thoughtfnlness of Mendoza.'' A royal order in 1538 had decreed that all who held encomiendas should marry within three years, if not already possessed of a wife, or else forfeit their estates to married men. Some of the bachelor landholders protested against the enforcement of this order in Guatemala, because eligible white women could not be found nearer than Mexico. To remove this objection, Alvarado brought twenty maidens from Spain. Soon after their arrival, a reception was held, at which they were given a chance to see their prospective hus- bands. During the evening, one of the girls declared to her companions that she never could marry one of these "old fellows, . . . who were cut up as if they had just escaped from the infernal regions, ... for some of them are lame, some have only one hand, others have no ears or only one eye, and some of them have lost half their faces. The best of them have one or two scars across their foreheads." ' TTagmento Viaita: Mendoza, Icazbalceta's Mexico, toI. ii, p. 90, § 86, " Porqne antes que eldicho Tisorey Tinieae . . habia may poca gento y loa corregimientos liaataban para pro veelloa yansten- talloe, ycomodespuesde la venida del dicho Tisorey creci6 la gentey ae anmentd, y decada dia vienen gentea pobree A qnien se ba de proveer de comer, con la dicba baja y Tacacionea ae ban proveido y remediado, y ain ella bnbieran padecido y padecieran gran necesidad, y no ae poblara tanto la lierra y dello se di6 noticia 4 S. M. y lo aprobd y ae tnvo por aervido en ello. § 194 (p. 117) : Deapuea que el dicbo viaorey vino & eata Nueva Eapana, continamente ba acogido en au caaa i caballeroa y otraa ner- aonas que vienen necesitadoa de Eapana y de otraa partes, ddndoles de comer y veatir, caballoa y arraaa con que airvan d S. M." . . . 'Garcilasode la Vega, Comentarioa Bealea, part ii, cap. i, lib. ii, p. 58 (ed. 1722), tells the story of Alvarado'a experiment. The picture of the life and character of the Spaniah conqnerora of America, in the eyes of a girl fresh from Earope, is so vivid and suggestive that ita omiaaion would be nniusti- fiable. WIN8HIP] EAELY CONDITION OF NEW SPAIN 375 The story is that one of the "old fellows" overheard this outburst, reported it to his friends, and promptly went off and married the daughter of a powerful cacique. Besides assisting his colonists to get wives, Mendoza did a great deal to foster the agricultural interests of the province. He continued the importation of cattle, which Cortes had begun, and also procured horses and sheep from Spain. He writesin one of his letters of the espe- cial satisfaction that he felt because of the rapid increase of his merino sheep, in spite of the depredations of the natives and of wild animals. The chief concern of the officials of the audiencia had been the gold mines, which yielded a considerable revenue in certain districts; but Mendoza, without neglecting these, proved how large and reliable was the additional revenue which could be derived from other sources. The viceroy's success in developing the province can not be shown more clearly than by repeating the description of New Spain in 1555, written by Eobert Tomson, an English merchant engaged in the Span- ish trade. In the course of a business tour Tomson visited the City of Mexico. His commercial friends in the city entertained him most hospitably, and did their best to make his visit pleasant. He refused, however, to heed their warnings, and his indiscreet freedom of speech finally compelled the officials of the Inquisition to imprison him, thus adding considerably to the length of his residence in the city. After he returned home, he wrote a narrative of his tour, in which he says of New Spain: "As for victuals in the said Citie, of beefe, mutton, and hennes, capons, quailes, Gniny-cookes, and such like, all are very good cheape : To say, the whole quarter of an oxe, as much as a slaue can carry away from the Butchers, for flue Tomynes, that is, fiue Royals of plate, ■which is iust two shillings and sixe pence, and a fat sheepe at the Butchers for three Royals, which is 18. pence and no more. Bread is as good cheape as in Spaine, and all other kinde of fruites, as apples, peares, pomegranats, and quinces, at a reasonable rate. . . . [The country] doth yeeld great store of very good silke, and Cochinilla. . . . Also there are many goodly fruits, whereof we haue none such, as Plantanos, Guyaues, Sapotes, Tunas, and in the wildernes great store of blaoke cheries, and other wholsome fruites. . . . Also the Indico that doeth come from thence to die blew, is a, certaine hearbe. . . . Balme, Salsaperilla, cana fistula, suger, oxe hides, and many other good and seruiceable things the Countrey doeth yeeld, which are yeerely brought into Spaine, and there solde and distributed to many nations." ' The other class among the colonists of New Spain in the second quarter of the sixteenth century "floated like cork on the water" on those who had established their homes in the New World.^ The men ' Tomson 's -whole narratiTe, in Haklayt, Voyages, vol. iii, p. 447 (ed. 1600), is well worth reading. Considerable additional information in regard to the internal condition of "New Spain, at a little later date, may be found in the " Discourses " which follow Tomson's Narrative, in the same volume of Hakluyt. 2 The proof text for this quotation, as for many of the following statements which are taken from Hota Padilia's Historia de la Nueva Galicia, may be found in footnotes to the passages which they illustrate in the translation of Castaneda's narrative. I hope this arrangement will prove most con- venient for those who study the documents included in this memoir. I shall not attempt in the introductory narrative to make any further references showing my indebtedness to Mota Fadilla's invaluable work. 376 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.U who made it possible to live in security on the farms and ranches of the province had rendered many and indispensable services, and there was much that they might still do to enlarge its boundaries and make the security more certain. They were, nevertheless, a serious hindrance to the prosperity of the settlements. For the most part they were young men of all sorts and degrees. Among them were many sons of Spanish noblemen, like Mendoza the viceroy, whose brother had just succeeded his father as Marquis de Mondejar. Very much of the extension of the Spanish world by discovery and conquest was due to the sons of men of rank, who had, perhaps generally, begun to sow their wild oats in Spain and were sent across the Atlantic in order to keep them out of mischief at home, or to atone, it may be, for mischief already done. In action, these young caballeros were most eflScient. By personal valor and ability, they held the positions of leadership everywhere, among men who followed whom and when they chose, and always chose the man who led them most successfully. "When inactive, these same cavaliers were a most trying annoyance to any community in which they happened to be. Armed with royal letters and compre- hensive introductions, they had to be entertained, at heavy charges. Masters of their own movements, they came as they liked, and very often did not go away. Lovers of excitement, they secured it regard- less of other men's wives or property. There had been few attractions to draw these adventurers away ftom Mexico, the metropolis of the mainland, for some time previous to 1539. Peru still offered excitement for those who had nothing to gain or lose, but the purely personal struggle going on there between Pizarro and Almagro could not arouse the energies of those who were in search of glory as well as of employment. A considerable part of the rabble which followed Nuno de Guzman during the conquest of New Galicia went to Peru after their chief had been superseded by the Licentiate de la Torre, so that one town is said to have disappeared entirely from this cause; but among these there were few men of good birth and spirit. Mendoza had been able, at first, to accommodate and employ those who accompanied him from Spain, like Vazquez Ooronado, "being chiefly young gentlemen." But every vessel com- ing from home brought some companion or friend of those who were already in New Spain, and after Cabeza de Vaca carried the reports of his discoveries to the Spanish court, an increasing number came each season to join the already burdensome body of useless members of the viceregal household. The viceroy recognized the necessity of relieving the community of this burden very soon after he had established him- self in Mexico, and he was continually on the watch for some suitable means of freeing himself from these guests. By 1539 the problem of looking after these young gentlemen— whose number is determined quite accurately by the two hundred and fifty or three hundred "gen- tlemen on horseback" who left New Spain with Ooronado in the 8 wiNSHip] OEGANIZATION OF THE EXPEDIIION 377 spriug of 1540 — had become a serious one to the viceroy. The most desirable employment for all this idle energy would be, of course, the exploration and conquest of new country, or the opening of the border territory for permanent settlement. But no mere work for work's sake, no wild-goose chase, would do. These young gentlemen had many friends near to Charles V, who would have resented any abuse of privilege or of confidence. A suitable expedition could be undertaken only at considerable expense, and unless the cost could all be made good to the accountants in Spain, complaints were sure to be preferred against even the best of viceroys. So Mendoza entertained his guests as best he could, while they loafed about his court or visited his stock farms, and he anxiously watched the reports which came from the offi- cials of the northwestern province of New Galicia'and from the priests who were wandering and working among the outlying Indian tribes. When, late in the summer of 1539, Friar Marcos returned from the north, bringing the assurance that Cibola was a desirable field for conquest, the viceroy quickly improved the opportunity for which he had been waiting. Within a month and a half Mendoza had begun to organize the force which was to conquer this new country. Compostela, on the Pacific coast, was announced as the place at which the force should assemble. The viceroy desired to have the army begin its march so soon as the roads were passable in the spring, and he wished also to relieve the Indians living in the districts between Mexico and the coast from as much as possible of the annoyance and loss which would be inevitable if the army started from Mexico and marched through this territory in a body. How much this forethought for the Indians was needed appears from Mendoza's reply to the accusations against him filed during the visita of 1547, which showed that all his care had not saved the Indians of Michoacan from needless injury at the hands of those who were on their way to join the gathering at Com- postela. Incidentally, this arrangement also gave the capital city an earlier relief from its unwelcome guests. Popular as was the expedition to the Seven Cities, there was a little opposition to the undertaking. When it became evident that a large force was about to leave the country, some of those who were to re- main behind complained that all Few Spain was being depopulated, and that no one would be left to defend the country in case of an Indian uprising. When Mendoza reached Compostela, by the middle of February, 1540, Coronado asked him to make an official investiga- tion of these complaints. The formal request is dated February 21, and on the following day, Sunday, the viceroy held a grand review of the whole array, with everyone ready equipped for the march. As the men passed before the viceregal party the secretaries made an exact count and description of the force, but this document is not now known. Its loss is partly supplied by the sworn testimony of the officials who were best acquainted with the inhabitants of all parts of Few Spain, 378 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. anm. 14 recorded a few days after the departure of the expedition. They declare that in the whole army there were only two or three men who had ever been settled residents in the country; that these few were men who had failed to make a living as settlers, and that, in short, the whole force was a good riddance.' The men who assembled at Oompostela to start for the Seven Cities numbered, Mendoza stated at the time of the visita in 1547, "about two hundred and fifty Spaniards on horseback, . . . and about three hundred Indians, a few more or less." Mota Padilla, who must have used documents of the very best authority, nearly all of which have since disappeared, gives the number of the force as "two hundred and sixty horsemen, . . seventy footmen, . . and more than a thousand friendly Indians and Indian servants." Herrera, who used official documents, says that there were one hundred and fifty horsemen and two hundred footmen. Mendoza's statement of the num- ber of Indians may be explained, if we suppose him to have referred only to the friendly Indians who went on the expedition as native allies. His statement is made in the course of a defense of his adminis- tration, when he was naturally desirous of giving as small a number as possible. Oastafieda says that there were three hundred horsemen, and this number occurs in other early narratives. Mendoza spared neither pains nor expense to insure the success of the expedition. Arms, horses, and supplies were furnished in abundance; money was advanced from the royal chest to any who had debts to pay before they could depart, and provision was made for the support of those who were about to be left behind by fathers, brothers, or hus- bands. The equipment of the force was all that the viceroy could desire. Arms and military supplies had been among the things greatly needed in New Spain when Mendoza reported its condition in his first letters to the home government. In 1537 he repeated his request for these supplies with increased insistence. The subject is not again men- tioned in his letters, and we may fairly suppose that he had received the weapons and munitions of war, fresh from the royal arsenals of Spain, with which he equipped the expedition on whose success he had staked so much. It was a splendid array as it passed in review before Mendoza and the officials who helped and watched him govern Few Spain, on this Sunday in February, 1540. The young cavaliers curbed the picked horses from the large stock farms of the viceroy, each resplendent in long blankets flowing to the ground. Each rider held his lance erect, while his sword and other weapons hung in their proper places at his side. Some were arrayed in coats of mail, polished to shine like that of their general, whose gilded armor with its brilliant trappings was to bring him many hard blows a few months later. Others wore iron hel- mets or vizored headpieces of the tough bullhide for which the country > The Testimonio contains so muoh that is of interest to the historical student that I have trans- lated it in full herein. wrasHip] ANTECEDENTS OF COEONADO 379 has ever been famous. The footmen carried crossbows and harquebuses, while some of them were armed with sword and shield. Looking on at these white men with their weapons of European warfare was the crowd of native allies in their paint and holiday attire, armed with the club and the bow of an Indian warrior. When all these started off next morning, in duly ordered companies, with their banners flying, upward of a thou- sand servants and followers, black men and red men, went with them, leading the spare horses, driving the pack animals, bearing the extra baggage of their masters, or herding the large droves of "big and little cattle," of oxen and cows, sheep, and, maybe, swine,' which had been collected by the viceroy to assure fresh food for the army on its march. There were more than a thousand horses in the train of the force, besides the mules, loaded with camp supplies and provisions, and car- rying half a dozen pieces of light artillery — the pedreros, or swivel guns of the period. After the review, the army assembled before the viceroy, who addressed to them an exhortation befitting the occasion. Each man, whether captain or foot soldier, then swore obedience to his commander and officers, and promised to prove himself a loyal and faithful vassal to his Lord the King. During the preceding week the viceroy had divided the force into companies, and now he assigned to each its cap- tain, as Oastaneda relates, and announced the other officers of the army. Francisco Vazquez Coronado — de Goronado it is sometimes written — was captain-general of the whole force. "Who he is, what he has already done, and his personal qualities and abilities, which may be made useful in the various affairs which arise in these parts of the Indies, I have already written to Your Majesty," writes Mendoza to the Emperor, in the letter of December 10, 1537. This previous letter is not known to exist, and there is very little to supply the place of its description of the character and antecedents of Vazquez Coronado. His home was in Salamanca,^ and he came to America in the retinue of Mendoza in 1535. His relations with his patron, the viceroy, previ- ous to the return of the expedition from Cibola, appear always to have been most cordial and intimate. In 1537 Coronadd'*inarried Beatrice de Estrada, a cousin by blood, if gossip was true, of the Emperor, Charles V. Her father, Alonso, had been royal treasurer of New Spain. Erom his mother-in-law Coronado received as a marriage gift a consid- erable estate, "the half of Tlapa," which was confirmed to him by a royal grant. Cortez complained that the income from this estate was worth more than 3,000 ducados, and that it had been unduly and incon- siderately alienated from the Crown. Coronado obtained also the estate of one Juan de Burgos, apparently one of those who forfeited 'Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, hb. ix, cap. si, vol. iii, p. 204 (ed. 1730), mentions pigs among the food supply of the army. Eor the above description, which is not so fanciful aa it sounds, see notes from Mota PadiUa, etc, accompanying the translation of Castaiieda. ^CastaSieda's statement is supported by Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. v, cap. ix, vol. iii, p. 121 (ed. 1730), and by Telle, in Icazbalceta's Mexico, vol. ii, p. 370. ■^ -4jUy^a/y1^^i-^l^ /^o^ou/^U^ "'■^ '6ci-n-^«-i-v.^«^, '/I67J^I . ' ^ J:i:U. ^j WYTFLIET'S NEW QR» FOURTITFNTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Lll ID CALIFORNIA, 1597 wiNBHip] EARLY MISSIONARIES AMONG THE PUEBLOS 401 The friar was successful in his labors until he endeavored to enlarge the sphere of his influence, when the jealousy, or possibly the cupidity, of the Indians led them to kill him, rather than permit the transfer- ence to some other tribe of the blessings which he had brought to them.' Friar Juau de la Cruz is not mentioned by Castaueda nor by Jara- millo, but Mendieta and Mota Padilla are very clear in their accounts of him. He was an older man than the others, and had been engaged in missionary work among the natives of the Jalisco country before he joined this expedition. Goronado left him at Tiguex, wh^re he was killed, according to Mota Padilla. The date, in the martyrologies, is November 25, 1542. Many natives of the Mexican provinces stayed in the Pueblo country when Coronado abandoned it. Some of these were still at Cibola when Antonio de Espejo visited it in 1583, while others doubtless made their way back to their old homes In New Spain, and . they may have brought the information about the death of Friar Juan. Friar Luis Descalona, or de Ubeda as Mota Padilla calls him, was a lay brother, who selected Gicuye or Pecos as the seat of his labors in New Mexico. Neither the Spanish chronicles nor the Indian tradi- tions which Mr Bandelier was able to obtain give any hint as to his fate or the results of his devotion to the cause of Christianity. THE RETURN TO NEW SPAIN The army started on its return from Tiguex to Cibola and thence to Ouliacan and Mexico early in the spring of 1642. The march was with- out interruption or diversion. As the soldiers reentered New Galicia and found themselves once more among settlements of their own race, beyond the reach of hostile natives, the ranks dwindled rapidly. The men stopped to rest and to recruit their strength at every opportunity, and it was only with the greatest difl&culty that Coronado was able to keep together the semblance of a force with which to make his entry into the City of Mexico. Here he presented his personal report to the viceroy. He had little to tell which could interest the disappointed Mendoza, who had drawn so heavily on the royal treasure box two years before to furnish those who formed the expedition with everything that they might need. Besides the loss in his personal estate, there was this use of the royal funds which had to be accounted for to the ^Vetancurt, in the Menologia, gives the date of the martyrdom of Fray Juan de Padilla aa Novem- ber 30, 1544, and I see no reason to prefer the more general statements of Jaramillo, CastaHeda, and Mota Padilla, which seem to imply that it took place in 1542. Docampo and the other companions of the friar brought the news to Mexico. They must have retamed some time previous to 1552, for Gomara mentions their arrival in Tampico, on the Mexican gulf, in his Conquista de Mexico published in that year. Herrera and Gomara say that the fugitives had been captured by Indians and detained as slaves for ten months. These historians state also that a dog accompanied the fugitives. Further mention of dogs in connection with the Coronado expedition is in the stories of one accompanying Estevan which Alaroon heard along Colorado river, also in the account of the death of Melchior Diaz, and in the reference by Castafieda to the use of these animals as beasts of burden by certain plains tribes. Mendieta and Vetancurt say that, of the two donados, Sebastian died soon after his return, and the other lived long as a missionary among the Zacatecas. 14 ETH ^26 402 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.annw oflBcials in Spain. It is the best proof of the strength of Mendoza's able and economical administration that no opposition ever succeeded in influencing the home government against him, and that the failure of this expedition, with the attendant circumstances, furnished the most serious charge which those who had displayed hostility toward him were able to produce. When Ooronado reached the City of Mexico, "very sad and very weary, completely worn out and shamefaced," Suarez de Peralta was a boy on the streets. We catch a glimpse of him in the front rows of a crowd watching an execution, this same winter of 1542-43, and we may be sure that he saw all that was going on, and that he picked up and treasured the gossip of the city. His recollections give a vivid picture of the return of the expedition, when Ooronado "came to kiss the hand of the viceroy and did not receive so good a reception as he would have liked, for he found him very sad." For many days after the general reached the city the men who had followed him came straggling in, all of them worn out with their toils, clothed in the skins of animals, and showing the marks of their misfortunes and sufferings. "The country had been very joyous when the news of the discovery of the Seven Cities spread abroad, and this was now supplanted by the greatest sadness on the part of all, for many had lost their friends and their fortunes, since those who remained behind had entered into partnerships with those who went, mortgaging their estates and their property in order to pro- cure a share in what was to be gained, and drawing up papers so that those who were to be present should have power to take possession of mines and enter claims in the name of those who were left behind, in accordance with the custom and the ordinances which the viceroy had made for Kew Spain. Many sent their slaves also, since there were many of these in the country at this time. Thus the loss and the grief were general, but the viceroy felt it most of all, for two reasons : Because this was the outcome of something about which he had felt so sure, which he thought would make him more powerful than the greatest lord in Spain, and because his estates were ruined, for he had labored hard and spent much in sending off the army. Finally, as things go, he succeeded in forgetting about it, and devoted himself to the govern- ment of his province, and in this he became the best of governors, being trusted by the King and loved by all his subjects." THE END OF CORONADO We do not know what became of Vazquez Ooronado. The failure of the expedition was not his fault, and there is nothing to show that he ever sought the position which Mendoza intrusted to him. Neither is there any evidence that Mendoza treated him with any less marks of friendship after his return than before. The welcome home was not cordial, but there are no reports of upbraiding, nor any accusations of negligence or remissness. Ooronado soon gave up his position as gov- wiMSHip] THK END OF CORONADO 403 ernor of New Galicia, but we need not suppose that lie was compelled to resign. There was every reason why he should have desired to escape from a position which demanded much skill and unceasing active administration, but which carried with it no hope of reward or of honor. It is pleasant to believe that Ooronado withdrew to his estates and lived happily ever after with his wife and children, spending his leisure in supervising the operations on his farm and ranch, and leading the uneventful life of a country gentleman. The only break in the monot- ony of which we happen to know — and this is the only part of this belief for which there is the slightest evidence that it is correct — came when he was accused, in 1544 and again in 1547, of holding more Indians to labor on his estates than were allowed by the royal regulations. We do not even know the outcome of this accusation. Vazquez Ooronado sinks into oblivion after he made his report to the viceroy in the autumn of 1542. Some Eesults op the Expedition — 1540-1647 the discovery of colorado river the voyage op alakcon Ooronado found no gold in the land of the Seven Oities or in Quivira, but his search added very much to the geographical knowledge of the Spaniards.! In addition to the exploration of the Pueblo country of New Mexico and Arizona, and of the great plains as far north as Kansas or Nebraska, the most important subsidiary result of the expe- dition of 1540-1542 was the discovery of Oolorado river. Hernando de Alarcou, who sailed from Acapulco May 9, 1540, continued his voyage northward along the coast, after stopping at the port of Ouliacan to add the San Gabriel to his fleet, until he reached the shoals and sand- bars at the head of the Gulf of Oalifornia. The fleet which Oortes 1 The maps of tlie !N6w World drawn and published between 1542 and 1600, reproductions of several of which accompany this memoir, give a better idea of the real value of the geographical discoveries made by Ooronado than any bare statement could give. In 1540, European cartographers luiew nothing about the country north of New Spain. Cortes had given them the name — Nueva Bspana or Hispania Nova— and this, with the name of the continent, served to designate the inland region stretching toward the north and west. Such was the device which Mercator adopted when he drew his double cordiform map in 1538 (plates XLV, XLVI). Six years later, 1544, Sebastian Cabot published his elabo- rate map of the New World (see plate XL). He had heard of the explorations made by and for Cortes toward the head of the G-ulf of California, very likely from the lips of the conqueror himself. He confined New Spain to its proper limits, and in the Interior he pictured Indians and wild beasts. In 1548 the maps of America in Ptolemy's Geography for the first time show the results of Coronado's discov- eries (see plate XLI), During the remainder of the century Oranada, Cibola, Quivira, and the other places whose names occur in the various reports of the expedition, appear on the maps. Their loca- tion, relative to each other and to the different parts of the country, constantly changes. Quivira moves along the fortieth parallel from Espiritu Santo river to the Pacific coast. Tiguex and Totonteac are on any one of half a dozen rivers flowing into the Gulf of Mexico, the Espiritu Santo, or the South sea. Acuco and Cicuye are sometimes placed west of Cibola, and so a contemporary map maker may be the cause of the mistaken title to the report of Alvarado's expedition to the Eio Grande. But many as were the mistakes, they are insignificant in comparison with the great fact that the people of Europe had learned that there was an inhabited country north of Mexico, and that the world was, by so much, larger than before. 404 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.14 had sent out under the command of TJlloa the previous summer, turned back from these shoals, and Alarcon's sailors begged him not to venture among them. But the question of a passage by water through to the South, or Pacific, sea, which would make au island of the California peninsula, was still debated, and Alarcon refused to return until he had definitely determined the possibility of finding such a passage. His pilots ran the ships aground, but after a careful examination of the channel, the fleet was floated across the bar in safety, with the aid of the rising tide. Alarcon found that he was at the mouth of a large river, with so swift and strong a current that it was impossible for the large vessels to make any headway against it. He determined to explore the river, and, taking twenty men in two boats, started upstream on Thursday, August 26, 1540, when white men for the first time floated on the waters of the Colorado. Indians appeared on the river banks dur- ing the following day. The silence with which the strangers answered the threatening shouts of the natives, and the presence of the Indian interpreters in the boats, soon overcame the hostile attitude of the sav- ages. The European trifles which had been brought for gifts and for trading completed the work of establishing friendly relations, and the Indians soon became so well disposed that they entirely relieved the Spaniards of the labor of dragging the boats up the stream. A crowd of Indians seized the ropes by which the boats were hauled against the current, and from this time on some of them were always ready to render this service to their visitors. In this fashion the Spaniards con- tinued northward, receiving abundant supplies of corn from the natives, whose habits and customs they had many excellent opportunities for observing. Alarcon instructed these people dutifully in the worship of the cross, and continually questioned them nbout the places whose names Friar Marcos had heard. He met with no success until he had traveled a considerable distance up the river, when for the flrst time he found a man with whom his interpreter was able to converse. This man said that he had visited Cibola, which was a month's jour- ney distant. There was a good trail by which one might easily reach that country in forty days. The man said he had gone there merely to see the place, since it was quite a curiosity, with its houses three and four stories high, filled with people. Around the houses there was a wall half as high again as a man, having windows on each side. The inhabitants used the usual Indian weapons — bows and arrows, clubs maces, and shields. They wore mantles and ox hides, which were painted. They had a single ruler, who wore a long shirt with a girdle and various mantles over this. The women wore long white cloaks which completely covered them. There were always many Indians waiting about the door of their ruler, ready in case he should wish for anything. They also wore many blue stones which they dug out of a rock — ^the turquoises of the other narratives. They had but one wife and when they died all their effects were buried with them. When 14 URFAU OF ETHNOLOOV M a Si r 4s i. '--IK, /mi. kA' ^ k'h J3ekg! mvuo, ^ l^ "^ ■.C^ fortMia Jn-mOi ../is > ^T^ .£;« Corn, lUi A!> i^ VW r, i'S ^4 f' ^"'^i % r««i«l>ftj»« -»^ l£ Linic> Oociuenos ||i WYTFLIET'S Kl ING FOUnTrCNTH ANNUAL RL'PORT "■ — 1 — 7 — I 1 r — I 1 — 1 — "T — -i— -T-^"i- -, ~ - —Y^.-T — .r-"--"' 1^ _i^ __ j;^ ^ciilus Ar^s ,_:^^f ^ NVM . iii ivegiium . S5 so ANIAN, AND TOLM, 1597 wiNSHip] ALARCON AMONG YUMAN TEIBES 405 their rulers ate, many men waited about the tables. They ate with napkins, and had baths — a natural inference from any attempt to describe the stuffy underground rooms, the estufas or kivas of the Pueblos. Alarcon continued to question the Indian, and learned that the lord of Cibola had a dog like one which accompanied the Spaniards, and that when dinner was served, the lord of Cibola had four plates like those used by the Span iards, except that they were green. He obtained these at the same time that he got tlie dog, with some other things, from a black man who wore a beard, whom the people of Cibola killed. A few days later, Alarcon obtained more details concerning the death of the negro " who wore certain things on his legs and arms which rattled." When asked about gold and silver, the Indians said that they had some metal of the same color as the bells which the Spaniards showed them. This was not made nor found in their country, but came " from a certain moun- tain where an old woman dwelt." The old woman was called Guatu- zaca. One of Alarcon's informants told him about people who lived farther away than Cibola, in houses made of painted mantles or skins during the summer, and who passed the winter in houses made of wood two or three stories high. The Indian was asked about the leather shields, and in reply described a very great beast like an ox, but more than a hand longer, with broad feet, legs as big as a man's thigh, a head 7 hands long, and the forehead 3 spans across. The eyes of the beast were larger than one's fist, and the horns as long as a man's leg, " out of which grew sharp points an handful long, and the forefeet and hind- feet about seven handfuls big." The tail was large and bushy. To show how tall the animal was, the Indian stretched his arms above his head. In a note to his translation of this description, Hakluyt sug- gests, " This might be the crooke backed oxe of Quivira." Although the height and the horns are clearly those of a buck deer, the rest of the description is a very good account of the bison. The man who told him all this was called ashore, and Alarcon noticed an excited discussion going on among the Indians, which ended in the return of his informant with the news that other white men like him- self were at Cibola. Alarcon pretended to wonder at this, and was told that two men had just come from that country, where they had seen white men having "things which shot fire, and swords." These latest reports seemed to make the Indians doubt Alarcon's honesty, and espe- cially his statements that he was a child of the Sun. He succeeded in quieting their suspicions, and learned more about Cibola, with which these people appeared to have quite frequent intercourse. He was told that the strangers at Cibola called themselves Christians, and that they brought with them many oxen like those at Cibola "and other little blacke beastes with wool! and homes." Some of tbem also had animals upon which they rode, which ran very swiftly. Two of the party that had recently returned from Cibola, had fallen in with two of the Chris- 406 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.w tians. The white men asked them where they lived and whether they possessed any fields sown with corn, and gave each of them little caps for themselves and for their companions. Alarcon did his best to induce some of his men to go to Cibola with a message to Coronado, but all refused except one negro slave, who did not at all want to go. The plan had to be given up, and the party returned to the ships. It had taken fifteen days and a half to ascend the river, but they descended with the swift current in two and a half. The men who had remained in the ships were asked to undertake the mission of opening communi- cation with Coronado, but proved as unwilling as the others. Much against the will of his subordinates, Alarcon determined to make a second trip up the river, hoping to obtain farther information which might enable him to fulfill the purposes of his voyage. He took "three boats filled with wares of exchange, with corne and other seedes, hennes and cockes of Castille." Starting September 14, he found the Indians as friendly as before, and ascended the river, as he judged, about 85 leagues, which may have taken him to the point where the canyons begin. A cross was erected to inform Coronado, in case an expedition from Cibola should reach this part of the river,' that he had tried to fulfill his duty, but nothing more was accomplished.' While Alarcon was exploring the river, one of the ships was careened and repaired, and everything made ready for the return voyage. A chapel was built on the shore in honor of Nuestra Seuora de Buena- guia, and the river was named the Buenaguia, out of regard for the viceroy, who carried this as his device. The voyage back to Colima in New Spain was uneventful. THE JOURIfEY OF MELCHIOR DIAZ lu September, 1640, seventy or eighty of the weakest and least reli- able men in Coronado's army remained at the town of San Hiero- nimo, in the valley of Corazones or Hearts. Melchior Diaz was placed in command of the settlement, with orders to maintain this post and protect the road between Cibola and Ifew Spain, and also to attempt to find some means of communicating with the fleet under Alarcon. After he had established everything in the town as satisfactorily as possible, Diaz selected twenty-five of these men to accompany him on an ex- ploring expedition to the seacoast. He started before the end of Sep- tember, going into the rough country west of Corazones valley, and flndiug only a few naked, weak-spirited Indians, who had come, as he understood, from the land on the farther side of the water, i. e.. Lower 'See Caatafleda'a account of the finding of sirailar message by the party under Diaz. ^Theaocountof this trip in HeiTora (dec. vi, lih. ix, cap. xv, ed. 1728) is as follows : " Haviendo Degado k ciertas Moutanas, adonde el Kio se estrechaba mucho, supo, que vn Encantador andaba preguntando por donde havia de pasar, y haviendo entendido, que por el Kio, puao desde vna Ribera h laotraalgunas Cafias, que debian de aer hechi9adaa ; pero laa Barcas paaaron sin da&o ; y haviendo llegado mui arriba preguntaodo porcosaa de la Tierra, para entender, si descubrii ia alguna noticia de Francisco Vazquez de Cornado. . . . Viendo Alarcon, que no ballaba lo que doaeaba, i que havia subido por aquel Kio 85 Leguas, determine debolver." . . . wiNsflip] DIAZ ON THE COLORADO 407 California. He hurried across this region and descended the mountains on the west, where he encountered the Indian giants, some of whom the army had already seen. Turning toward the north, or northwest, he proceeded to the seacoast, and spent several days among Indians who fed him with the corn which they raised and with fish. He traveled slowly up the coast until he reached the mouth of a river which was large enough for vessels to enter. The country was cold, and the Spaniards observed that when the natives hereabouts wished to keep warm, they took a burning stick and held it to their abdomens and shoulders. This curious habit led the Spaniards to name the river Firebrand — Eio del Tizon. Near the mouth of the river was a tree on which was written, " A letter is at the foot of this." Diaz dug down and found a jar wrapped so carefully that it was not even moist. The inclosed papers stated that " Francisco de Alarcon reached this place in the year '40 with three ships, having been sent in search of Fran- cisco Vazquez Coronado by the viceroy, D. Antonio de Mendoza; and after crossing the bar at the mouth of the river and waiting many days without obaining any news, he was obliged to depart, because the ships were being eaten by worms," the terrible Teredo navalis.^ Diaz determined to cross the river, hoping that the country might become more attractive. The passage was accomplished, with con- siderable danger, by means of certain large wicker baskets, which the natives coated with a sort of bitumen, so that the water could not leak through. Five or six Indians caught hold of each of these and swam across, guiding it and transporting the Spaniards with their baggage, and being supported in turn by the raft. Diaz marched inland for four days, but not finding any people in the country, which became steadily more barren, he decided to return to Corazones valley. The party made its way back to the country of the giants without accident, and then one night while Diaz was watching the camp, a small dog began to bark and chase the flock of sheep which the men had taken with them for food. Unable to call the dog off, Diaz started after him on horse- back and threw his lance while on the gallop. The weapon stuck up in the ground, and before Diaz could stop or turn his horse, which was running loose, the socket pierced his groin. The soldiers could do little to relieve his sufferings, and he died before they reached the set- tlement, where they arrived January 18, 1541. A few months later, Alcaraz, who had been placed in charge of the town when Diaz went away, abandoned Corazones valley for a more attractive situation on Suya river, some distance nearer Cibola. The post was maintained here ' Mota Padilla (p. 158, § 1) . "Los ludios, para resistir el irio, Uevan en laa manos un troncon ardiendo que les calienta el pecho, y del mismo inodo la espalda; Hieudo esto tan coraun en todou log indios, que por eao los uueatros pusieron 6, este rio el jiombre del rio del Tisou , cerca de fel vieron un ^rbol en el cual estaban escritas uuas letras, que decian; al pi6 cstd una carta*, y con efecto; la hallaron en una olla, bien enruelta, porque no se humedeciese, y su contenido era; que ei ano de40 lleg6 alli Fran- cisco de Alarcou con tres navioa, y entrando por la barra de aquel rio, enviado por el virey D. Anto- nio do Mendoza, en bnsca de Francisco Vazquez Coronado , y que babiendo estado alli mucbos dias Siii noticia alguna lefue preciso salir porque los navios se comian de broma." 408 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.u until late in the summer, when it became so much weakened by dissen- sions and desertions that the Indians had little difficulty in destroying it. The defenders, with the exception of a few who were able to make their way back to Ouliacan, were massacred. THE INDIAN UPRISING IN NEW SPAIN, 1540-1542 Of the arguments advanced by those who wished to hinder the ex- pedition which Mendoza sent ofi' under Coronado, none was urged more persistently than the claim that this undertaking would require all the men available for the protection of New Spain. It was sug- gested by all the parties to the litigation in Spain, was repeated by Cortes again and again, reappeared more than once during the visita of 1547, and was the cause of the depositions taken at Oompostela on February 26, 1540. These last show the real state of affairs. The men who were withdrawn constituted a great resource in case of danger, but they were worse than useless to the community when things were peaceful. The Indians of New Spain had been quiet since the death of De la Torre, a few years before, but signs of danger, an increasing restlessness, unwilling obedience to the masters and encomenderos, and frequent gatherings, had been noticed by many besides Cortes. There were reasons enough to justify an Indian outbreak, some of them abuses which dated from the time of Nuno de Guzman, but there is every reason to suppose that the withdrawal of Coronado's force, following the irritation which was inevitably caused by the necessity of collecting a large food supply and many servants, i^robably brougiit matters to a crisis. Oiiate, to whom the administration of New Galicia had again been intrusted during the absence of his superior, began to prepare for the trouble which he foresaw almost as soon as Coronado was gone from the province. In April he learned that two tribes had rebelled and murdered one of their encomenderos. A force was sent to put down the revolt. The rebels requested a conference, and then, early next morning, surprised the camp, which was wholly unprepared for defense. Ten Spaniards, including the unwary commander, and nearly two hundred native allies were killed. Thus began th-e last and the fiercest struggle of the Indians of New Spain against their Euro- pean conquerors — the Mixton war. Ouate prepared to march against the victorious rebels, as soon as the news of the disaster readied him, but when this was followed by addi- tional information from the agents among the Indians, showing how widespread were the alliances of those who had begun the revolt, and that the Indians throughout the province of New Galicia were already in arms, he retired to Guadalajara. The defenses of this town were strengthened as much as possible, and messengers were dispatched to Mexico for reenfbrcements. The viceroy sent some soldiers and sup- plies, but this force was not sufficient to prevent the Indians — who were animated by their recent successes, by their numbers, by the knowledge of the weak points as well as of the strong ones in their oppressors and Ic ^S^TYPvs ORBI5 *teurae:v:m, Ar> IMl m X£ iC K A aV S T R Iwi Qi?^ ^^ POTEST VTDERI JVTAGNVM IN KEB^ FOURTEENTH ANNUAL fiEPOBT F'L. LIV STEM ATNIVERSALIS GERHAUBT MEKCAT0RI5 ^ GEOGHAPHICUS, 1608 wiNSHipj ALLIANCE OP MENDOZA AND ALVARADO 409 who were guided by able leaders possessing all the prestige of religious authority — from attacking the frontier settlements and forcing the Span- iards to congregate in the larger towns. There was much fighting during the early summer of 1540, in which the settlers barely held their own. In August, the adelantado Pedro de Alvarado sailed into the harbor of La Natividad. As the news of his arrival spread, requests were sent to him from many directions, asking for help against the natives. One of the most urgent came from those who were defending the town of Puriflcacion, and Alvarado was nbout to start to their assistance, when a message from Mendoza changed his plans. The two men arranged for a personal interview at Tiripitio in Michoacan, where the estate of a relative afforded Alvarado a quasi neutral territory. After some difftculties had been overcome, the terms of an alliance were signed by both parties November 29, 1540. Each was to receive a small share in whatever had already been accomplished by the other, thus providing for any discoveries which might have rewarded Coronado's search before this date. In the future, all con- quests and gains were to be divided equally. It was agreed that the expenses of equipping the fleet and the army should offset each other, and that all future expenses should be shared alike. Bach partner was allowed to spend a thousand castellanos de minas yearly, and all expend- iture in excess of this sum required the consent of the other party. All accounts were to be balanced yearly, and any surplus due from one to the other was to be paid at once, under penalty of a fine, which was , assured by the fact that half of it was to go into the royal treasury. Mendoza secured a half interest in the fleet of between nine and twelve vessels, which were then in the ports of Acapulco and of Santi- ago de Oolima. Cortes accused the viceroy of driving a very sharp bar- gain in this item, declaring that Alvarado was forced to accept it because Mendoza made it the condition on which he would allow the ships to obtain provisions.' Mendoza, as matters turned out, certainly had the best of the bargain, although in the end it amounted to noth- ing. Whether this would have been true if Alvarado had lived to prosecute his schemes is another possibility. Alvarado took his chances on the results of Coronado's conquests, and it is very likely that, by the end of November, the discouraging news contained in Coronado's letter of August 3 was not generally known, if it had even reached the viceroy. The contract signed, Alvarado and Mendoza went to Mexico, where they passed the winter in perfecting arrangements for carrying out their plans. The cold weather moderated the fury of the Indian war some- what, without lessening the danger or the troubles of the settlers in New Galicia, all of whom were now shut up in the few large towns. Alva- rado returned to the Pacific coast in the spring of 1541, and as soon as * The accusation was made by others at the time. H. H. Bancroft repeats the charge in his Mexico, but it should always be remembered that Mr Bancroft, or his compilers, in everythins connected with the conqueror, repeat whatever it may have pleased Cortes to write, without criticism or question. 410 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION,' 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U Onate learned of this, lie sent an urgent request for help, telling of the serious straits in which he had been placed. The security of the prov- ince was essential to the successful prosecution of the plans of the new alliance. Alvarado immediately sent reinforcements to the differ- ent garrisons, and at the head of his main force hastened to Guadala- jara, where he arrived June 12, 1541. OHate had received reports from the native allies and the Spanish outposts, who were best acquainted with the situation and plans of the hostile Indians, which led him to urge Alvarado to delay the attack until he could be certain of success. An additional force had been promised from Mexico, but Alvarado felt that the glory and the booty would both be greater if secured unaided. Scorning the advice of those who had beeu beaten by savages, he hastened to chastise the rebels. The campaign was a short one. On June 24 Alvarado reached the fortified height of Ifochistlan, where he encountered such a deluge of men and of missiles that he was not able to maintain his ground, nor even to prevent the precipitate retreat of his soldiers. It was a terrible disaster, but one which reflected no dis- credit on Alvarado after the fighting began. The flight of the Span- iards continued after the Indians had grown tired of the chase. It was then that the adelantado tried to overtake his secretary, who had been one of those most eager to get away from the enemy. Alva- rado was afoot, having dismounted in order to handle his men and control the retreat more easily, but he had almost caught up with his , secretary, when the latter spurred his jaded horse up a rocky hiU. The animal tried to respond, fell, and rolled backward down the hill, crushing the adelantado under him. Alvarado survived long enough to be carried to Guadalajara and to make his will, dying on the 4th of July. This disaster did not fully convince the viceroy of the seriousness of the situation. Fifty men had already started from Mexico, arriving in Guadalajara in July, where they increased the garrison to eighty- five. Nothing more was done by Mendoza after he heard of the death of Alvarado. The Indians, emboldened by the complete failure of their enemies, renewed their efforts to drive the white men out of the land. They attacked Guadalajara on September 28, and easily destroyed all except the chief buildings in the center of the city, in which the gar- rison had fortified themselves as soon as they learned that an attack was about to be made. A fierce assault against these defenses was repulsed only after a hard struggle. The miraculous appearance of Saint lago on his white steed and leading his army of allies, who blinded the idolatrous heathen, alone prevented the destruction of his faithful believers, according to the record of one contemporary chron- icler. At last Mendoza realized that the situation was critical. A force of 450 Spaniards was raised, in addition to an auxiliary body of between 10,000 and 50,000 Aztec warriors. The native chieftains were rendered loyal by ample promises of wealth and honors, and the warriors were granted, for the first time, permission to use horses and Spanish wiNSHip] END OP THE MIX TON WAR 411 weapons. With the help of these Indians, Mendoza eventually suc- ceeded in destroying or reducing the revolted tribes. The campaign was a series of fiercely contested struggles, which culminated at the Mixton peflol, a strongly fortified height where the most bitter enemies of the Spanish conquerors had their headquarters. This place was sur- rendered during the Christmas holidays, and when Coronado returned in the autumn of 1542, the whole of New Spain was once more quiet. FURTHER ATTEMPTS AT DISCOVERY THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO Mendoza took possession of the vessels belonging to Alvarado after the death of the latter. In accordance with the plans which the two partners had agreed on, apparently, the viceroy commissioned Juan Eodriguez Cabrillo to take command of two ships in the port of La Natividad and make an exploration of the coast on the western side of the peninsula of Lower California. Cabrillo started June 27, 1542, and sailed north, touching the land frequently. Much bad weather inter- fered with his plans, but he kept on till the end of December, when he landed on one of the San Lucas islands. Here Cabrillo died, January 3, 1643, leaving his chief pilot, Bartolome Ferrel or Ferrelo, "a native of the Levant," in command. Ferrel left the island of San Miguel, which he named Isla de Juan Eodriguez, on January 29, to continue the voyage. In a little more than a month the fleet had reached the southern part of Oregon or thereabouts, allowing for an error of a degree and a half in the observations, which said that they were 44° north. A severe storm forced the ships to turn back from this point. The report of the expedition is little more than an outline of distances sailed and places named, although there are occasional statements which give us valuable information regarding the coast Indians.' Among the most interesting of these notes are those showing that the news of the expeditions to Colorado river, and perhaps of the occupancy of the Pueblo country by white men, had reached the Pacific coast. About September 1, 1542, a party from the fleet went ashore near the southern boundary of California. Five Indians met the Spanish sailors at a spring, where they were filling the water casks. "They appeared like intelligent Indians," and went on board the ships without hesitation. "They took note of the Spaniards and counted them, and made signs that they had seen other men like these, who had beards and who brought dogs and cross-bows and swords . . . and showed by their signs that the other Spaniards were five days' journey distant. . . . The captain gave them a letter, which he told them to carry to the Spaniards who they said were in the interior." September 28, at San ' The report or memoranduni was written by Juan Paez, or more probably by the pilot Terrel. It has been translated in the reports of the United States Geological Survey West of the One Hundredth Meridian. (Appendix to part i, vol. vii, ArchiEology, pp. 293-314.) The translation is accompanied by notes identifying the places named, on which it is safe enough to rely, a.nd by other notes of somewhat doubtful value. 412 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.14 Pedro bay, Perrel again found Indiana who told Mm by signs that "they had passed people like the Spaniards in the interior." Two days later, on Saturday morning, "three large Indians came to the ship, who told by signs that men like us were traveling in the interior, wearing beards, and armed and clothed like the people on the ships, and carrying cross-bows and swords. They made gestures with the right arm as if they were throwing lances, and went running in a pos- ture as if riding on horseback. They showed that many of the native Indians had been killed, and that this was the reason they were afraid." A week later, October 7, the ships anchored off the islands of Santa Oruz and Anacapa. The Indians of the islands and also of the main- land opposite, near Santa Barbara or the Santa Clara valley, gave the Spaniards additional descriptions of men like themselves in the interior. The rest of the year 1542 was spent in this locality, off the coast of southern California, and then the voyage northward was resumed. Many points on the land were touched, although San Francisco bay quite escaped observation. Just before a severe storm, in which one of the vessels was lost, forcing him to turn back, Perrel observed floating drift and recognized that it meant the neighborhood of a large river, but he was driven out to sea before reaching the mouth of the Columbia. The return voyage was uneventful, and the surviving vessel reached the harbor of Natividad in safety by April 14, 1543. VILLALOBOS SAILS ACROSS THE PACIFIC Cortes and Alvarado had both conceived plans more than once to equip a great expedition in New Spain and cross the South sea to the isles of the Western ocean. After the death of Alvarado, Mendoza adopted this scheme, and commissioned Ruy Lopez de Villalobos to take command of some of the ships of Alvarado and sail westward. He started on All Saints day, the 1st of November, 1542, with 370 Spanish soldiers and sailors aboard his fleet. January 22, 1547, Friar Jeronimo de Santisteban wrote to Mendoza "from Cochin in the Indies of the King of Portugal." He stated that 117 of the men were still with the fleet, and that these intended to keep together and make their way as best they could home to Spain. Thirty members of the expedition had remained at Maluco, and twelve had been captured by the natives of various islands at which the party had landed. The rest, including Euy Lopez, had succumbed to hunger and thirst, interminable labors and suffering, and unrelieved discouragement — the record of the pre- vious months. This letter of Friar Jeronimo is the only published account of the fate of this expedition. The brief and gloomy record of the voyage of Villalobos is a fit end- ing for this story of the Coronado expedition to Cibola and Quivira, of how it came about, of what it accomplished, and of what resulted from it. NoTHiNa is the epitome of the whole story. The lessons which it teaches are always warnings, but if one will read history rightly, every warning will be found to be an inspiration. THE NAERATIVE OF GASTANEDA BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE A perusal of the narratives of the expeditions of Coronado and of Friar Marcos of Nice, which were translated by Henri Ternaux-Com- pans fpr the ninth volume of his Collection de Yoyages, convinced me that the style and the language of these narratives were much more characteristic of the French translator than of the Spanish conquista- dores. A comparison of Ternaux's translations with some of the Span- ish texts which he had rendered into French, which were available in the printed collections of Spanish documents in the Harvard University library, showed me that Ternaux had not only rendered the language of the original accounts with great freedom, but that in Several cases he had entirely failed to understand what the original writer endeav- ored to relate. On consulting Justin Winsor's E^arrative and Critical History of America, in the second edition, I found that the Spanish manuscript of the Castaneda narrative, from which most of our knowl- edge of Coronado's expedition is derived, was in the Lenox Library in New Tork City. ' The trustees of this library readily granted my request, made through Dr Winsor, for permission to copy the manu- script. The Lenox manuscript is not the original one written by Cas- taneda, but a copy made toward the end of the sixteenth century. It contains a number of apparent mistakes, and the meaning of many passages is obscure, probably due to the fact that the Spanish copyist knew nothing about the North American Indians and their mode of living. These places I have pointed out in the notes to my translation of the narrative, and I have called attention also to the important errors and misconceptions in Ternaux's version. Diligent inquiry among the custodians of the large Spanish libraries at Simancas, Madrid, and at Seville where the Lenox manuscript was copied in 1596, has failed to bring me any information in regard to the original manuscript. The Lenox copy is the one used by Ternaux. The Spanish text of the Eelacion Postrera de Sivola is printed now for the first time, through the kindness of the late Senor Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, who copied it for me from a collection of papers iu his possession, which formerly belonged to the Father Motolinia, the author of a very valuable description of the Indians of New Spain. In the preface to this work, dated 1541, Motolmia says that he was in communication with the brethren who had gone with Coronado. The Eelaci6n Postrera appears to be a copy made from a letter written to some of the Franciscans in New Spain by one of the friars who accom- panied Coronado. 413 414 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.u lu the bibliography are the references to the exact location of the Spanish texts from which I have translated the other narratives. I am not aware that any of these have been translated entire, althongh Mr Bandelier has quoted from them extensively in his Documentary History of Zuni. There is one other account of the Ooronado expedition which might have been included in the present volume. Mota Padilla wrote his Historia de la ISTueva Galicia two centuries after the return of Ooronado, but he had access to large stores of contemporary documents concern- ing the early history of New Spain, most of which have since been de- stroyed. Among these documents were those belonging to Don Pedro de Tovar, one of the captains in Ooronado's army. Mota Padilla's account of this expedition is nearly if not quite as valuable as that of Castaneda, and supplements the latter in very many details. The length of the narrative and the limitations Inevitable to any work of this nature forced me to abandon the idea of translating it for the present memoir. Much of the text of Mota Padilla will be found, how- ever, in the notes to the translation of Castaneda, while the second half of the historical introduction is based primarily on Mota Padilla's nar- rative, and a large portion of it is little more than a free rendering of this admirable work. THE SPANISH TEXT' . Relacion de la Jornada de Cibola conpuesta por Pedro de Castaneda de Na^era. Donde se trata de todos aquellos poblados y ritos, y costumbres, la qual fue el Alio de 1540. Historia del Conde Fernando Gonzales impressa. PROEMIO. Cosa por sierto me parece muy magniflco senor ligeta y que es exergi- gio de hombres uirtuosos el desear saber y querer adquirir para su memoria la noticia berdadera de las cosas acasos acontegidos en partes remotas de que se tiene poca noticia lo qual yo no culpo algunas per- sonas especulatiuas que por uentnra con buen gelo por muchas ueces me an sido inportunos no poco rogadome les dixese y aclarase algunas dudas que tenian de cosas particulares ^ al bulgo auian oydo en cosas y casos acontecidos en la Jornada de cibola o tierra nueba que el buen uisorey que dios aya en su gloria don Antonio de Mendoca ordeno y higo hager donde embio por general capitan a francisco uasques de coronado y a la berdad ellos tienen ragon de querer saber la uerdad porqne como el bulgo muy muchas ueces y cosas que an oydo y por uentura a quien de ellas no tubo noticia ansi las hacen mayores o menores que ellas son y las que son algo las hacen nada y las no tales las hacen ta admirables que parogen cosas no creederas podria tan bien ' This text is, as far aa possible, a copy of the Kelacion in the Lenox Library. No attempt has' been made to add marks of punctuation, to accent, or to alter what may have been slips of the copyist's pen. wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 415 causarlo que como aquello tierra no permanecio no ubo quien quisiese gastar tienpo en escrebir sus particularidades porque se perdiese la noticia de aquello que no fue dios seruido que gosasen el sabe por que en berdad quien quisiera exercitarse en escrebir asi las cosas acaegidas en la Jornada como las cosas se bieron en aquellas tierras los ritos y tratos delos naturales tubiera harta materia por donde paregiera su juigio y creo que no le faltara de quedar relagion que tratar de berdad fuera tam admirable que pareciera increyble. y tambieu creo qiie algunas nobelas que se quentan el aber como a ueinte anos y mas que aquella Jornada se hi90 lo causa digo esto porque algunas la liagen tierra inabitable otros conflnante a la florida otros a la India mayor quenoparece pequenodesbario puedentomar algunaocagion y causa sobre que poner su fundamento tambien ay quien da noticia de algunos animales bien remotos que otros con aber se hallado en aquella Jornada lo niegan y aflrman no aber tal ni aberlos bisto otros uaria en el rumbo de las prouincias y aun en los tractos y trajes atribuyendo lo que es -de los unos a los otros todo lo qual a sido gran parte muy mag- niflco sefior a me mober aunque tarde a querer dar una brebe noticia general para todos los que se arrean de esta uirtud especulatiua y por ahorrar el tiempo que con inportunidades soy a quexado donde se halla- ran cosas por sierto harto graues de crer todas o las mas bistas por mis ojos y otras por notigia berdadera inquiridas de los propios natu- rales creyendo que teniendo entendido como lo tengo que esta mi pe- quena obra seria en si ninguna o sin autoridad sino faese faboregida y anparada de tal persona que su autoridad quitase el atrebimiento a los que sin acatamiento dar libertad a sus murmuradores lenguas y cono- Qiendo yo en quanta obligacion siempre e sido y soy a vra md humil- mente suplico de baxo de su anparo como de berdadero seruidor y criado sea recebida e^ta pequeSa obra la qual ba en tres partes repartida para que mejor se de a entender la primera sera dar noticia del descubri- miento y el armada o campo que higo con toda la Jornada con los capi- tanes que alia fneron la segunda los pueblos y prouinyias que se hallaron y en que rumbos y que ritos y costumbres los animales fructas y yerbas y en que partes de la tierra. la tergera la buelta que el campo higo y las ocaciones que ubo para se despoblar aun que no licitas por ser el mejor paraje que ay para se descubrir el meoUo de la tierra que ay en estas partes de poniente como se uera y despues aca se tiene entendido y en lo ultimo se tratara de algunas cosas admirables que se bieron y por donde con mas facilidad se podra tornar a descubrir lo que no bimos que suelo mejor y que no poco haria al caso para por tierra entrar en la tierra de que yba en demanda el marques del ualle don fer""" cortes de baxo de la estrella del poniente que no pocas armadas le costo de mar plega a nf senor me de tal gragia que con mi rudo entendimiento y poca abilidad pueda tratando berdad agradar con esta me pequena obra al sabio y prudente lector siendo por vra md aceptada pues mi intincion no es ganar gracias de buen componedor ni retorico salbo querer dar berdadera 416 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH.Aim.l4 noticia y hacer a vfa md este pequeno seruicio el qual reciba como de berdadero seruidor y soldado que se hallo presente y aunque no por estilo pulido escrebo lo que paso lo que a oydo palpo y bido y tratrato. siempre beo y es ansi que por la mayor parte quando tenemos entre las manos alguna cosa preciosa y la tratamos sin inpedimento no la tene- mos ni la pre^'iamos en quanto uale si entendemos la falta que nos haria si la perdiesemos y por tanto de continuo la bamos teniendo en menos pero despues que la abemos perdido y carecemos del benefficio de ella abemos gran dolor en el cora§on y siempre andamos ymagina- tibos buscando modos y maneras como la tornemos a cobrar y asi me pare?e acaegio a todos aquellos o a los mas que fuerou a la Jornada quel ano de nfo saluador jesu christo de mill y quinientos y quarenta hico francisco uasques coronado en demanda de las siete ciudades que puesto que no ballaron aquellas riquegas de que les auian dado notigia halla- ron aparejo para las buscar y principio de buena tierra que poblar para de alii pasar adelante y como despues aca por la tierra que conquista- ron y despoblaron el tiempo les a dado a entender el rumbo y aparejo donde estaban y el principio de buena tierra que tienan entre manos Uoran sus coracones por aber perdido tal oportunidad de tiempo y como sea sierto que ben mas lo honbres quando se suben a la talanquera que quando andan en el coso agora que estan fuera cognogen y entienden los rumbos y el aparejo donde se hallauan y ya que ben que no lo pue- den gogar ni cobrar y el tiempo perdido deleytanse en contar lo que bieron y aun lo que entienden que perdieron especial aquellos que se Lallan pobres oy tanto como quando alia fueron y no an dexado de tra- bajar y gastado el tienpo sin probecho digo esto porquetengo entendido algunos de los que de alia binieron holgarian oy como fuese para pasar adelante boluer a cobrar lo perdido y otros holgarian oy y saber la causa porque se descubrio y pues yo me ofrecido a contarlo tomarlo e del prin- cipio que pasa asi. PRIMERA PARTE.l Gapitulo primero donde se trata como se supo la primera pohlacion de las siete giudades y como Nuno de guzman hifo armada para deseubrirlla. en el ano y quinientos y treinta siendo presidente de la nueba espafia Nuno de guzman ubo en su poder un indio natural del ualle o ualles de oxitipar a quien los espanoles nombran tejo este indio dixo que el era hijo de un mercader y su padre era muerto pero que siendo el chiquito su padre entraua la tierra adentro a mercadear con plum as ricas de aues para plumages y que en retorno traya un mucha cantidad de oro y plata que en aquella tierra lo ay mucho y que el fue con el una o dos ueges y que bido muy grandes pueblos tanto que los quiso comparar con mexico y su comarca y que aula uisto siete pueblos muy grandes donde auia calles de plateria y que para ir a ellos tardauan desde su tierra quarenta dias y todo despoblado y que la tierra por do yban no J The Primera Parte begine a new leaf in the originaL wiNSHip] NARRATIVE Or CASTANEDA 417 tenia yerba sino muy chiquita de un xeme y que el I'umbo que Ueuaban era al largo de la tierra entre las dos mares siguiendo la lauia del norte debaxo de .esta noti5ia iJfuBo de guzman junto casi quatrosientos hom- bres espauoles y uelnte mill amigos de la nueua espana y como se hallo a el presente en mexico atrabesando la tarasca que es tierra de me- cbuacan para hallandose el aparejo quel indio degia boluer atrabesando la tierra hacia la mar del norte y dariau en la tierra que yban a buscar a la qual ya nombrauan las siete ciudades pues conforme a los quarenta dias quel texo decia haUaria que abiendo andado do9ienta8 leguas podrian bien atrabesar la tierra quitado a parte algunas fortunas que pasaron en esta Jornada desque fueron llegados en la prouincia de culiacan que fue lo ultimo de su gouernagion que es agora el nueuo reyno de galigia quisieron atrabesar la tierra y ubo muy gran diflcultad porque la cordillera de la sierra que cae sobre aquella mar estan agra que por mucbo que trabajo fue inposible hallar camino en aquella parte y a esta causa se detubo todo su campo en aquella tierra de culia- can hasta tanto que como yban con el hombres poderosos que tenian repartimientos en tierra de mexico mudaron las boluntades y de cada dia se querian boluer fuera de esto Nuuo de guzman tubo nueua como auia benido de espana el marques del ualle don fernando cortes con el nueuo titulo y grandes fabores y prouinyiones y como nuno de guzman en el tiempo que fue presidente le ubiese sido emulo muy grande y hecho mucbos danos en sus haciendas y en las de sus amigos temiose que don fer*» cortes se quisiese pagar en otras semej antes obras o peores y determino de poblar aquella uiUa de culiacan y dar la buelta con la demas gente sin que ubiese mas efecto su Jornada y de buelta poblo a xalisco que es la giudad de conpostela y atonala que Uaman guadalaxara y esto es agora el nuebo reyno de galicia la guia que Ueua- ban que se decia texo murio en estos comedios y ansi se quedo el nombre de estas siete ciudades y la demanda de ellas hasta oy dia que no sean descubierto. Gapitulo segundo como bino a ser gouernador frangisco uasques coro- nado y la segunda relagion que dio catena de uaca. pasados que fueron ocho ailos que esta Jornada se auia hecho por E^uno de guzman abiendo sido preso por un juez de residengia que uino de espana para el efecto con prouigiones bastantes llamado el lie''" diego de la torre que despues mnriendo este juez que ya tenia en si la gouer- nafion de aquella tierra el buen don Antonio de mendoga uisorey de la nueua espana puso por gouernador de aquela gouernagion a francisco uasques de coronado un cauallero de salamanca que a la sacon era casado en la giudad de mexico c5 una seiiora hija de Alonso de estrada thesorero y gouernador que auia sido de mexico uno por quien el bulgo dice ser hijo del rey catholico don fernando y muchos lo aflrman por osa sierta digo que a la sacon que francisco uasques fue probeydo por gouernador andaba por uisitador general de la nueua espafia por donde 14 ETH ^27 418 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.amk.u tubo amistad y conuersa9iones de muchas personas nobles que despues le siguieron en la Jornada que M90 aconte9io a la sagon que llegaron a mexico tres espanoles y un negro que auian por nombre cabega de uaca y dorantes y castillo maldonado los quales se auian perdido en la armada que metio pamfllo de narbaes en la florida y estos salieron por la uia de culiacan abiendo atrabesado la tierra de mar a mar como loberan los que lo quisieren saber por un tratado que el mismo cabega de uaca lugo diri- gido a el principe don phelipe que agora es rey de espana y senor nf o y estos dieron notigia a el buen don Antonio de mendoga en como por las tierras que atrabesaron tomaron lengua y notigia grande de unos pode- rosos pueblos de altos de quatro y ginco doblados y otras cosas bien dife- rentes de lo que paregio por berdad esto comunico el buen uisorey con el nuebo gouernador que fue causa que se apresurase dexando la bisita que tenia entre manos y se partiese para su gouernagion Ueuando cou- sigo el negro que aula bendido con los tres frayles de la orden do san fran"" el uno aula por nombre fray marcos de niga tbeologo y saser- dote y el otro fray daniel lego y otro fray Antonio de santa maria y como llego a la prouincia de culiacan luego despidio a los frayles ya nonbrados y a el negro que aula jior nombre esteuan para que fuesen en demanda de aquella tierra porque el fray marcos de niga se preflrio de Uegar a berla por que este frayle se aula ballado en el peru a el tienpo que don pedro de albarado passo por tierra ydos los dichos frayles y el negro esteuan parege que el negro no yba a fabor de los frayles porque lleuaba las mugeres que le daban y adquiria turquesas y hagia balumen de todo y aun los indios de aquellos poblados por do yban entendiasen mejor con el negro como ya otra uez lo auian uisto que fue causa que lo ubieron becbar delante que fuese descubriendo y paci- flcando para que quando ellos Uegasen no tubiesen mas que entender de en tomar la relacion de lo que buscauan. Cwpitulo tergero como mataron los de cibola a el negro esteuan y fray marcos bolbio huyendo. apartado que se ubo el esteuan de los dichos frayles presumio ganar en todo reputacion y bonra y que se le atribuyese la osadia y atrebi- miento de auer el solo descubierto' aquellos poblados de altos tan nom- brados por aquella tierra y Ueuando consigo de aquellas gentes que le seguian procuro de atrabesar los despoblados que ay entre cibola y lo poblado que aula andado y auiase les adelantado tanto a los frayles que quando ellos llegaron a chichieticale ques principio del despoblado ya el estaua a cibola que son ocbenta leguas de despoblado que ay desde culiacan a el principio del despoblado docientas y ueinte leguas y en el despoblado ochenta que son trecientas diez mas o menos digo ansi que Uegado que fue el negro esteuan a cibola llego cargado de grande numero de turquesas que le auian dado y algunas mugeres bermosas que le auian dado y lleuauan los indios que le acompariauan y le seguian 1 This 13 a marginal correction of what iu clearly a slip of the pen in the text. wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OP CASTANEDA 419 de todo lo poblado que aula pasado los quales en yr debajo de aa amparo creyan poder atrabesar toda la tierra sin riesgo ninguno pero como aquellas gentes de aquella tierra fuesen de mas ragon que no los que se- guiau a el esteuan aposentaronlo en una sierta hermita que tenian fuera del pueblo y los mas uiejos y los que gouernauan oyeron sus ragones y procuraron saber la causa de su benida en aquella tierra y bien infor- mados por espagio de tres dias entraron en su consulta y por la noti§ia quel negro les dio como atras uenian dos hombres blancos embiados por un gran senor que eran entendidos en las cosas del cielo y que aquellos los uenian a industriar en las cosas diuinas consideraron que debia ser espia o guia de algunas nagiones que los querian yr a conquis- tar porque les paregio desbario decir que la tierra de dpnde uenia era la gente blanca siendo el negro y enbiado por eUos y fueron a el y como despues de otras ragones le pidiese turquesas y mugeres parecioles cosa dura y determiaronse a le matar y ansi lo hicieron sin que mata- sen a nadie de los que con el yban y tomaron algunos muchachos y a los de mas que serian obra de sesenta personas dexaron bolber libres a sus tierras pues como estos que bolnian ya huyendo atemorlsados llega- sen a se topar y ber con los frayles en el despoblado sesenta leguas de 9ibola y les diesen la triste uueba pusieron los en tanto temor que aun no se flando de esta gente con aber ydo en compania del negro abrieron las petacas que lleuaban y les repartieron quanto trayan que no les quedo salbo los hornamentos de de9ir misa y de alii dieron la buelta sin ber la tierra mas de lo que los indios les degian antes caminaban dobla- das jornadas haldas en sinta. Gapitulo quarto como el buen don Antonio de mendoga higo Jornada para el descubrimiento de Cibola. despues que francisco uasques coronado ubo embiado a fray marcos de niQa y su conpana en la demanda ya dicha quedando el en culiacan entendio en negocios que conbenian a su gouernacio tubo sierta rela- gion de una prouingia que corria en la trabesia de la tierra de culiacan a el norte que se decia topira y luego salio para la ir a descubrir con algunos conquistadores y gente de amigos y su yda higo poco efecto por que auiap de atrabesar las Cordilleras y fue les muy dificultoso y la notigia no la hallaron tal ni muestra de buena tierra y ansi dio la buelta y llegado que fue hallo a los frayles que auian acabado de Uegar y fueron tantas las grandegas que les dixeron de lo que el esteuan el negro aula descubierto y lo que ellos oyeron a los indios y otras noticias de la mar del sur y de ylas que oyeron degir y de otras riquesas quel gouernador sin mas se detener se partio luego para la ciudad de mexico lleuando a el fray marcos consigo para dar notigia de ello a el bisorey en grandesiendo las cosas con no las querer comunicar con nadie, sino de baxo de puridad y grande secreto a personas particula res y llegados a mexico y bisto con don Antonio de mendoga luego se comengo a publicar como ya se abian descubierto las siete giudades 42,0 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 ieth.ann.14 que Nuno de guzman buscaba y hager armada y portar gente para las yr a conquistar el buen birrey tubo tal orden con los frayles de la orden de san fran9isco que hicierou a fray marcos proulncial que fue causa que andubiesen los pulpites de aquella orden llenos de tantas marabillas y tan grades que en pocos dias se juntaron mas de tresien- tos hombres espanoles y obra de ochocientos indios naturales de la nue (ua) espana y entre los espanoles honbres de gran calidad tantos y tales que dudo en indias aber se juntado tan noble gente y tanta en tarn pequeno numero como faeron tregientos bombres y de todos ellos capitan general franclsco uasques coronado gouernador de la nueba galigia por aber sido el autor de todo bico todo esto el buen uirey don Antonio porque a la sagon era fran"=» uasques la persona mas allegada a el por pribanca porque tenia entendido era hombre sagaz abil y de buen consejo allende de ser cauallero como lo era tenido tubiera mas aten9ion y respecto a el estado en que lo ponia y cargo que llebaua que no a la renta que dexaba en la nueba espana o a lo menos a la honra que ganaba y aula de ganar lleuando tales caualleros de baxo de su bando pero no le salio ansi como a delante se bera en el fin de este tratado ni el supo conserbar aquel estado ni la gouernacion que tenia. Gapitulo quinto que trata quienes fueron por capitanen a cibola, ya quel bisorey don Antonio de mendoga bido la muy noble gente que tenia junta y con los animos y uoluntad q todos se le auian ofregido cognofiendo el ualor de sus personas a cada uno de ellos quisiera hager capitan de un exergito pero como el numero de todos era poco no pudo lo que quisiera y ansi ordeno las conductas y capitanias que le parecjio porque yendo por su mano ordenado era tam obedecido y amado que nadie saliera de su mandado despues que todos entedieron quien era su general lii§o alferez general a don ijedro de touar cauallero mangebo hijo de don fernando de tobar guarda y mayordomo mayor de la reyna doSa Juana nra natural seiiora que sea en gloria y maestre de campo a lope de samaniego alcayde de las atara9anas de mexico cauallero para el cargo bien 8ufi9iente capitanes fueron don tristan de arellano don pedro de gueuara hijo de don juan de gueuara y sobrino del conde de oiiate don gar9i lopes de cardenas don rodrigo maldonado cufiado del duque del infantado diego lopes ueinte y quatro de seuilla diego gutierres de la caualleria todos los demas caualleros yban debajo del guion del gene- ral por ser peronas senaladas y algunos de ellos fueron despues capi- tanes y permanecieron en ello por ordena9ion del birey y otros por el general francisco uasques nombrare algunos de aquellos de que tengo memoria que fueron frau9isco de barrio nuebo un cauallero de granada juan de saldibar fran9isco de auando juan gallego y melchior dias capi- tan y alcalde mayor que aula sido de culiacan, q aunque no era caua- llero mere9ia de su persona el cargo que tubo los demas caualleros que fueron sobresalientes fueron don Alonso manrique de lara don lope de urrea cauallero aragones gomes suares de flgneroa luis ramires de uargas wiHSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 421 juan de sotomayor francisco gorbalan el factor riberos y otros caua- Ueros de que agora no me acuerdo y hombres de mucho calidad capitan de infanteria fue pablo de melgosa burgales y de la artilleria bernando de albarado cauallero montanes digo que con el tiempo e perdido la memoria de muchos buenos hijos dalgo que fuera bueno que los nom- brara por que se biera y cogno§iera la racon que tengo de decir que aula para esta Jornada la mas lucida gente que sea juntado en indias para yr en demandas de tlerras nuebras siuo fueran desdichados en lleuar capitan que dexaba rentas en la nueba espana y muger moga noble y generosa que no fueron pocas espuelas para lo que bino a lia9er. Gapitulo sexto como se juntaron en conpostela todas las capitanias y salieron en orden para la Jornada. , hecho y ordenado por el birey don Antonio de mend 05a lo que abemos dicho y hechas las capitanias o capitanes dio luego a la gente de guerra socorros de la caxa de su magestad a las personas mas menesterosas y por paregerle que si salia el campo formado desde mexico haria algunos agrauios por las tierras de los amigos ordeno que se fuesen a juntar a la ciudad de conpostela cabe5a del nuebo reyno de galicia ciento. y diez leguas de mexico para que desde alii ordenadamente comencasen su Jornada lo que paso en este uiaje no ay para que dar de ello relagion pues al flu todos se juntaron en conpostela el dia de carnes tollendas del afio de quarenta y uno y como ubo bechado toda la gente de Mexico dio orden en como pedro de alarcon saliese con dos nauios que estaban en el puerto de la nabidad en la costa del sur y fuese a el puerto de xalisco a tomar la ropa de los soldados que no la pudiesen lleuar para que costa a costa fuese tras del campo porque se tubo entendido que segun la notigia auian de ir por la tierra gerca de la costa de el mar y que por los rios sacariamos los puertos y los nauios siempre tendrian noticia del campo lo qual despues paregio ser falso y ansi se perdio toda la ropa o por mejor degir la perdio cuya era como adelante se dira asi que despachado y concluido todo el uisorey se partio para conpostela acompauado de muchos caualleros y ricos honbres y tubo el ano nuebo de quarenta y uno en pasquaro que es cabega del obispado de mechua- can y de alii con mucha alegria y placer y grandes regebimientos atra- beso toda la tierra de la nueba espaiia hasta Conpostela que son como tengo dicho giento y diez leguas adonde hallo toda la gente junta y bien tratada y hospedada por christobal de onate que era a la sagon la persona que tenia enpeso aquella gouernagion y la aula sostenido y era capitan de toda aquella tierra puesto que francisco uasques era gouernador y llegado con mucha alegria de todos higo alarde de la gete que embiaba y hallo toda la que abemos seHalado y repartio las capi- tanias y esto hecho otro dia despues de misa a todos juntos ansi capi- tanes como a soldados el uisorey les hico una muy eloquente y breue oragion encargandoles la fldelidad q debian a su general dandoles bien a entender el probecho que de hager aquella Jornada podia redundar a 422 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U si a la conuergion de aquellas gentes como en pro de los que conquista- sen.aquella tierra y el seruicio de su magestad y la obligagion en que le auian puesto para en todo tiempo los faborecer y socorrer y acabada tomo juramento sobre los euagelios en un libro misala todos general- mente asi a capltanes como a soldados aunque por orden que siguirian a su general y harian en aquella Jornada y obedecerian todo aquello que por el les fuese mandado lo qual despues cumplieron flelmente como se bera y esto hecho otro dia salio el campo con sus banderas tendidas y el uirey don Antonio le acompano dos jornados y de alii se despidio dando la buelta para la nueua espana aconpanado de sus amigos. Capitulo septimo como el campo llego a chiametla y mataron a el maestre de canpo y lo que mas acaegio hasta llegar a culiacan. partido que fue el uirey don Antonio el campo camino por sus jorna- das y como era for§ado lleuar cada uno sus aberes en cauallos y no todos los sabian apareiar y los cauallos salian gordos y holgados en las primeras jornadas ubo grande diflcultad y trabajo y muchos dexaron muchas preseas y las daban de gracia a quien las queria por no las cargar y a el fin la necesidad que es maestra con el tiem|)o los higo maestros donde se pudiera ber muchos caualleros tornados harrieros y que el que se despreciaba del officio no era tenido por hombre y con estos trabajos que entonges tubieron por grandes llego el canpo en chiametla donde por fastar bastimentos fue forijado de tenerse aUi algunos dias en los quales el maestre de campo lope de samaniego con sierta compania fue a buscar bastimentos y en un pueblo por entrar indiscretamente por un arcabuco en pos de los enemigos lo flecharon por un ojo y le pasaron el celebro de que luego murio alii y flecharon otros cinco o seis companeros y luego como fue muerto diego lopes ueinte y quatro de seuilla recogio la gente y lo embio a hager saber a el general y puso guarda en el pueblo y en los bastimentos sabido dio gran turbacion en el campo y fue enter- rado yhicieron algunas entradas de dode truxeron bastimentos y algunos presos de los naturales y se ahorcaron a lo menos los que parecieron ser de a quella parte a do murio el maestre de campo. parece que a el tiempo que el general frangisco uasques partio de culiacan con fray marcos a dar la noticia ya dicha a el bisorey don Antonio de mendoja aula dexado ordenado que saliese el capitan melchior dias y juau de saldibar con una dogena de buenos hombres de culiacan en demada de lo que fray marcos aula bisto y oydo los quales salieron y fueron hasta chichilticale que es principio del despoblado dogientas y ueinte leguas de Culiacan y no hallaron cosa de tomo bolbieron y a el tiempo que el campo queria salir de chiametla Uegaron y hablaron a el general y por secreto que se trato la mala nueua luego suenaubo algunos dichos que aunque se doraban no dexaban de dar lustre de lo que eran fray marcos de niga cognociendo la turbacion de algunos deshagia aquellos nublados prometiendo ser lo que bieron lo bueno y que el yba alii y poruia el campo en tierra donde hinchesen las manos y con I ■) KINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 423 esto se aplaco y mostraron buen semblante y de alii camino el campo hasta Uegar a culiacau hagiendo algunas entradas en tierra de guerra por tomar bastimentos Uegaron a dos legnas de la uilla de culiacan uispera de pasqua de resure^ion a donde salieron los uecinos a regebir a su gouernador y le rogaron no entrase en la uilla hasta el segundo dia de pasqua. Gapitulo otauo como el campo entro en la uilla de culiacan y el recebi- miento que se Mgo y lo que mas acaegio hasta la partida. como fuese segund6 dia de pasqua de resure5ion el campo salio de manana para entrar en la uilla y en la entrada en un campo esconbrado los de la uilla ordenados anso de guerra a pie y a cauallo por sus exqua- drones teniendo asetada su artilleria que eran siete piegas de bronce salieron en muestra de querer defender la uilla estaban con ellos alguna parte de nf os soldados nf o campo por la misma orden comencaron con ellos una escaramuga y ansi fueron romprendo despues de aber jugado el artilleria de ambas partes de suerte que les fue tomada la uilla por fuerga de armas que fue una alegre demostra^ion y re§ebimiento axin que no para el artillero que se llebo una mano por aber mandado poner fuego antes que acabase de sacar el atacador de un tiro tomada la uilla fderon luego bien aposentados y hospedados por los ueginos que como eran todos liombres,muy honrados en sus propias posadas metieron a todos los caualleros y personas le calidad que yban en el campo aunque aula aposento hecho para todos fuera de la uilla y no les fue algunos uecinos mal gratiflcado este hospedaje por que como todos benian adere- sados de ricos atabios y de alii auian de sacar bastimentos en sus bestias y de tnerqa, auian de dejar sus preseas muchos quisieron antes dar las a sus buespedes que no ponerlas a la bentura de la mar ni que se las llebase los nabios que auian benido por la costa signiendo el campo para tomar el fardaje como ya se dixo ansi que llegados y bien aposentados en la uilla el general por orden del bisorey don Antonio puso alii por capitan y tiniente a fernandarias de saabedra tio de bernandarias de saabedra coude del castellar que fue algua9il mayor de seuilla y alii reposo el canpo algunos dias porque los ueginos auian cogido aquel ano muchos bastimentos y partieron con la gente de nfo campo con mucho amor especial cada uno con sus huespedes de manera que no solamente ubo abudanQia para gastar alii mas aun ubo para sacar que a el tiempo de la partida salieron mas de seigientas bestias cargadas y los amigos y seruigio que fueron mas de mill personas. pasados quinse dias el general ordeno de se partir delante con hasta sinquenta de acauallo y pocos peones y la mayor parte de los amigos y dexar el campp que le siguiese desde a quinse dias y dexo por su teniente a don tristan de arellano. en este comedio antes que se partiese el general aconteyio un caso donoso y yo por tal lo quento y fue que un soldado man9ebo que se decia trugillo flngio aber bisto una bi9ion estando banandose en el rio y faQiendo del disflgorad o fue traydo ante el general adonde dio a enten- = Iri-eytt'/iyiiUx^ , 1 1 /«, ^ ■' ' >■ .rC 424 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U der que le auia dicho el demonio que matase a el general y lo casaria con dona beatris su muger y le daria grandes thesoros y otras cosas bien donosas por donde fray marcos de nlga hi§o algunos sermones atribuyen- dolo a que el demonio con embidia del bien que de aquella Jornada auia de resultar lo queria desbaratar por aquella uia y no solamente paro en esto smo que tambien los frayles que yban en la Jornada lo escribieron a sus conbentos y fue causa que por los pulpitos de mexico se dixesen hartas fabulas sobre ello. El general mando quedar a el truxillo en aquella uilla y que no biciese la Jornada que fue lo que el pretendio quando lii§o aquel embuste segun despues paregio por berdad el general salio con la gente ya dicba siguiendo su Jornada y despues el campo como se dira. Capitulo nueue como el canpo salio de culiacan y llego el general a fibola y el campo a senora y lo que mas acaefio. el general como esta dicho salio del ualle de culiacan en seguimiento de su uiaje algo a la ligera lleuando consigo los frayles que ninguno quiso quedar con el campo y a tres jornados un frayle llamado fray Antonio uictoria se quebro un pierna y este frayle era de misa y para que se curase lobolbieron del camiuoy despues fue con el campo que no fue poca consolagion para todos el general y su gente atrabesaron la tierra sin contraste que todo lo que hallaron de p&x porque los indios cognogian a fray marcos y algunos de los que auian ydo con el capitan melcbior dias quando auia ydo el y juan de saldibar a descubrir como el general ubo atrabesado lo poblado y llegado a cbicbilticale principio del despoblado y no bio cosa buena no dexo de sentir alguna tristesa porque aunque la noticjia de lo de adelante era grande no auia quien lo ubiese uisto sino los indios que fueron con el negro queya los auian to- rnado en algunas mentiras por todos se sintio mucho ber que la fama de chichilticale se resumia en una casa sin cubierta aruynada puesto que paregia en otro tiempo aber sido casa fuerte en tiempo que fue poblada y bien se cogno5ia ser hecha por gentes estrangeras puliticas y guerras benidas de lejos era esta casa de tierra bermeja desde alii prosiguieron el despoblado y llegaron en quinse dias a ocho leguas de ^ibola a un rio que por yr el agua turbia y bermeja le Uamaron el rio bermejo en este rio se hallaron barbos como en espana a qui fue adonde se bieron los primeros Indios de aquella tierra que fueron dos que huyeron y fueron a dar mandado y otro dia a dos leguas del pueblo siendo de noche algu- nos indios en parte segura dieron una grita que aunque la gente estaba aper5ebida se alteraron algunos en tanta manera que ubo quien hecho la silla a el rebes y estos fueron gente nueba que los diestros luego caualgaron y corrieron el campo los indios huyeron como quien sabia la tierra que ninguno pudo ser abido, otro dia bien en orden entraron por la tierra poblada y como bie- ron el primer pueblo que fue §ibola fueron tantas las maldiciones que algunos hecharon a fray marcos quales dios no permita le comprehendan. wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OP CASTANEDA 425 el es uu pueblo pequeSo ariscado y apenuscado que de lejos ay estaa- ■eias en la nueua espafiaque tienen mejor aparen5ia es pueblo de hasta dogieutos hombres de guerra de ties y de quatro altos y las casas chicas y poco espaciosas no tienen patios un patio sirue a un barrio aula se juutado alii la gente de la comarca porque es una prouiu5ia de siete pueblos donde ay otros harto mayores y mas fuertes pueblos que* no §ibola estas gentes esperaro en el campo hordenados con sus exqua- drones a uista del pueblo y como a los requerimientos que le hicieron con las lenguas no quisieron dar la pax antes se mostraban brauos diese Santiago en ellos y fueron desbaratados luego y despues fueron a tomar el pueblo que no fue poco diflcultoso que como tenian la entrada angosta y torneada a el entrar deribaron a el general con una gran piedra tendido y ansi le mataran sino fuera por don garci lopes de cardenas y her- nando de albarado que se deribaron sobre el y le sacaron recibiendo ellos los golpes de piedras que no fueron pocos pero como a la primera furia de los espanoles no ay resistengia en menos de una ora se entro y gano el pueblo y se descubrieron los bastimentos que era de lo que mas necesidad auia y de ay adelante toda la prouincia bino de pax. el campo quo auia quedado a don tristan de arellano partio en segui- miento del general cargados todos de bastimentos las langas en los onbros todos a pie por sacar cargados los cauallos y no con pequeiio trabajo de jornadas en jornadas llegaron a una prouingia que cabega de uaca puso por nombre cora9ones -a causa que alii les ofrecieron muchos coragones de animales y luego la comengo a poblar una uilla y poner le nombre sant Meronimo de los coragones y luego la comengo a poblar y bisto que no se podia sustentar la paso despues a un ualle que llama persona digo senora y los espanoles le Uamarou seiiora y ansi le Uemare de aqui adelante desde alii se fue a buscar el puerto el rio abajo a la costa de la mar por saber de los nabios y no los liallaron don rodrigo maldonado que yba por caudillo en busca de los nabios de buelta truxo consigo un indio tarn grande y tam alto que el mayor honbre y tan alto quel mayor hombre del campo no le llegaua a el pecho deciase que en a quella costa auia otros indios mas altos alii reposaron las aguas y des- pues paso el campo y la uilla senora por que auia en aquella comarca bastimentos para poder aguardar mandado del general. mediado el mes de otubre melchior dias y juan gallego capitanes binieron de gibola el juan gallego para nueba espana y melchior dias para quedar por capitan en la nueba uilla de los cora§ones con la gente que alii quedase y para que fuese a descubrir los nabios por aquella costa. Oapitulo degimo como el campo salio de la uilla de senora quedando la uilla poblada y como llego a gibola y lo que le a uino en el camino a el capitan melchior dias yendo en demanda de los nabios y como descubrio el rio del tison. luego como fue Uegado en la uilla de senora melcWor dias y juan gallego se publico la partida del campo para cibola y como auia de que- 426 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.H dar en aquella uilla melchior dias por capitan con ochenta honbres y como juan gallego yba con mensaje para la uuebaespana a el bisoreyy llebaba en su compania a fray marcos que no se tubo por seguro quedar en cibola biendo que aula salldo su relagion falsa en todo porque ni se hallaron los reynos ^ degia ni ciudades populosas ni riquesas de oro ui pedreria rica que se publico ni brocados ni otras cosas que se dixeron por los pulpites pues luego que esto se publico se repartio la gente que aula de quedar y los demas cargaron de bastimentos y por su orden mediado setiembre se partieron la uia de gibola siguiendo su general don tristan de arellano quedo en esta nueba uilla con la gente de menos estofa y asi nunca dexo de aber de alii adelante motines y contrastes porque como fue partido el canpo el capitan melchoir dias tomo uiente y 9inco bombres de los mas escogidos dexando en su lugar a un diego de alcaraz hombre no bien acondicionado para tener gente debaxo de su mando y el salio en demanda de la costa de la mar entre norte y poniente con guias y abiendo caminado obra de §ieto y sinquenta leguas dieron en una prouingia de getes demasiadamente de altos y membrudos ansi como gigantes aunque gente desnuda y que hacia su abitafion en cbofas de paja largas a manera de sa hurdas metidas debaxo de tierra que no salia sobre la tierra mas de la paja entraban por la una parte de largo y salian por la otra dormian en una chosa mas de cien personas chicos y grandes lleuaban de peso sobre las cabe^as quando se pargauan mas de tres y de quatro quintales biose querer los nf os traer un madero para el fuego y no lo poder traer seis liombres y llegar uno de aquellos y leuantarlo en los bra50s y ponerselo el solo en la cabe^a y Ueuallo muy liuianamente. comen pan de mais cosidoso el rescoldo de la senisa tam grandes como hogasas de castilla grandes. para caminar de unas partes a otras por el gran frio sacan un tison en una mano con que se ban calentado la otra y el cuerpo y ansi lo ban trocando a trechos y por esto a un gran rio que ba por aquella tierra lo nobran el rio del tison es poderoso rio y tiene de boca mas de dos leguas por alii tenia media legua de trabesia alii tomo lengua el capita como los nabios auian estado tres jornadas de alii por bajo hacia la mar y Uegados adonde los nabios estubieron que era mas de quin§e leguas el rio arriba de la boca del puerto y hallaron en un arbol escripto aqui Uego alarcon a el pie de este arbol ay cartas sacaronse las cartas y por ellas bieron el tiempo que estubieron aguar- dando nuebas de el campo y como alarcon aula dado la buelta desde alii para la nueba espafia con los nabios porque no podia correr ade- lante porque aquella mar era anco que tornaba a bolber sobre la isla del marques que digen California y dieron relagion como la California no era isla sino punto de tierra flrme de la buelta de aquel ancon. uisto esto por el capitan torno a bolber el rio arriba sin ber la mar por buscar bado para pasar a la otra banda para seguir la otra costa y como andubieron cinco o seis jornadas parecioles podrian pasar con bal- sas y para esto Uamaron mucha gente de los'de la tierra los quales wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 427 querian ordenar de hacer salto en los nf os y andaban buscando oca9ion oportnna y como bieron que querian pasar acudieron a lia9er las balsas con toda prestesa y diligen9ia por tomar los ansi en el agua y ahogarlos o dibidos de suerte que no se pudiesen faboreQer ni ayudar y en este comedio que las balsas se hacian un soldado que auia ydo a campear bido en un mote atrabesar gran numero de gente armada que aguarda- ban a que pasase la gente dio de ello noti9ia y secretamente se engerro un indio para saber de el la berdad y como le apretasen dixo toda la orden que tenian ordenada para quando pasasen q era que como ubiesen pasado parte de los nfos y parte fuesen por el rio y parte quedasen por pasar que los de las balsas procurasen a liogar los que lleuaban y las demas gente saliese a dar en ambas partes de la tierra y si como tenian cuerpos y fuer9as tubieran discri9ion y esftier90 ellos saliera con su empresa. bisto su intento el capitan hi90 matar secretamente el indio que confeso el hecho y aquella noche se hecbo en el rio con una pesga porque los indios no sintiesen que eran sentidos y como otra dia sin- tieron el re9elo de los nfos mostraronse de guerra becMdo ro9iadas de flechas pero como los cauallos los comen9aron a alcan9ar y las lan9as los lastimaban sin piadad y los arcabu9eros tambien hacian buenos tiros ubieron de dexar el campo y tomar el monte hasta que no pare9io bon- bre de ellos bino por alii y ansi paso la gente a buen recaudo siendo los amigos balseadores y espanoles a las bueltas pasando los cauallos a la par de las balsas donde los dexaremos caminando. por contar como fue el campo que caminaba para 9ibola que como yba caminando por su orden y el general lo auia dexado todo de pax por do quiera hallaban la gente de la tierra alegre sin temer y que se dexaban bien mandar y en una prouin9ia que se di9e uacapan auia gran cantidad de tunas que los naturales lia9en conserua de ellas en cantidad y de esta conserua presentaron mucba y como la gente del campo comio de ella todos cayeron como amodoridos con dolor de cabe9a y flebre de suerte que si los naturales quisieran hicieran gran dano en la gente duro esto ueinti y quatro oras naturales despues que salieron de alii caminando llegaron a cMchilticale despues que saliero de alii un dia los de la guardia bieron pasar una manada de carneros y yo los bi y los segui eran de grande cuerpo en demasia el pelo largo los cuernos muy gruesos y grandes para correr enhiestran el rostro y hecha los cuernos sobre el lomo corren mucbo por tierra agra que no los pudi- mos alcan9ar y los ubimos de dexar. entrando tres jornadas por el despoblado eu la riuera de uu rio que esta en unas grandes honduras de barrancas se hallo un cuerno quel general despues de aber lo uisto lo dexo alii para que los de su canpo le biesen que tenia de largo una bra9a y tam gordo por el na9imiento como el muslo de un hombre en la faieron pare9ia mas ser de cabron que de otro animal fue cosa de ber pasando adelante y a quel canpo yba una Jornada de 9ibola comen90 sobre tarde un gran torbellino de ayre frigidissimo y luego se signio gran lubia de niebe que fue harta 428 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.aito.u con frigiou para la gente de serui9io el campo camino hasta Uegar a linos penascos de socareuas donde se llego bien noclie y cou harto riesgo de los amigos que como eran de la nueba espana y la mayor parte de tierras calientes sintierou mucho la frialdad de aqnel dia tanto que ubo harto que hager otro dia en los reparar y Uebar a cauallo yen- do los soldados a pie y con este trabajo llego el campo a gibola donde los aguardaba su general hecho el aposento y alii se torno a jutar aunque algunos capitanes y gente faltaua que auian salido a descubrir otras prouingias. Gapitulo onge como don pedro de touar descuhrio a tusayan o tutahaco y don garci lopes de cardenas bio el rio del tison y lo que mas acaecion. en el entre tanto que las cosas ya diclias pasaron el general franco uasques como estaba en cibola de pax procure saber de los de la tierra que prouincias le cayan en comarca y que ellos diesen noticia a sus amigos y uecinos como eran benidos a su tierra cristianos y que no querian otra cosa salbo ser sus amigos y aber notigia de buenas tieirras que poblar y que los biniesen aber y comunicar y ansi lo higieron luego saber en aquellas partes que se comunicaban y trataban con ellos y dieron notigia de una prouincia de siete pueblos de su misma calidad aunque estaban algo discordes que no se trataban con ellos esta prouin- cia se dige tusayan esta de cibola ueinte y ginco leguas son pueblos de altos y gente belicosa entre ellos. el general aula embiado a ellos a don pedro de touar con desisiete hombres de a cauallo y tres o quatro peones fue con ellos un fray juan de padilla frayle frangisco que en su mosedad aula sido hombre belicoso Uegados que fueron entraron por la tierra tam secretamente que no fueron sentidos de ningun honbre la causa fue que entre prouincia y proningia no ay poblados ni caserias ni las gentes salen de sus pueblos mas de hasta sus heredades en espegial en aquel tienpo que tenian noticia de que gibola era ganada por gentes ferosissimas que andaban en uuos animales que comian gentes y entre los que no auian bisto cauallos era esta notigia tam grande que les ponia admiragion y tanto que la gente de los nros llego sobre noche y pudieron Uegar a encubrirse se debajo de la barranca del pueblo y estar alii oyendo hablar los naturales en sus casas pero como fue de manana fueron descubiertos y se pjisieron en orden los de la tierra salieron a ellos bien ordenados de arcos y rodelas y porras de madera en ala sin se desconsertar y ubo lugar que las lenguas hablasen con ellos y se les higiese requerimientos por ser gente bien. entendida pero con todo esto hacian rayas requiri- endo que no pasasen los nuestros aquellas rayas hacia sus pueblos que fuesen porte pasaronse algunas rayas andando hablando con ellos bino a tanto que uno se ellos de desmesuro y con una porra dio un golpe a un cauallo en las camas del freno. el fray juan enojado del tiempo que se mal gastaba cOn ellos dixo a el capitan en berdad yo no se a que beniihos aca bisto esto dieron Santiago y fue tam supito que derribaron muchos indios y luego fueron desbaratados y huyeron a el pueblo y a wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 429 otros no les dieron ese lugar fue tanta la prestesa con que del pueblo salieron de pax con presentes que luego se mando recoger la geute y que no se liiciese mas dano el capitan y los que con el se hallaron buscaron sitio para asentar su real gerca del pueblo y alii se hallaron digo se apearon dode llego la gente de pax diciendo que ellos benian a dar la obiden9ia por toda la prouingia y que los queria tener por amigos que recibiesen aquel presente que les daban que era alguna ropa de algodon aunqu© poca por no lo aber por aquella tierra dieron algunos cueros adobados y mucha harina y pinol y mais y abes de la tierra despues dieron algunas turquesas aunque pocas aquel dia se recogio la gente de la tierra y binieron a dar la obiden9ia y dieron abiertamente sus pueblos y que entrasen en ellos a tratar comprar y bender y cambiar. rigese como 9ibola por ayuntamiento de los mas an§ianos tenien sus gouernadores y capitanes seria lados aqui se tubo notigia de un gran rio y que rio abajo a algunas jornadas aula ggtes muy grandes de cuerpo grande. como don pedro de touar no llebo mas comigion bolbio de alii y die esta notigia al general que luego despacho alia a don gargi lopes de Cardenas con hasta doge conpaneros para ber este rio que como llego a tusayan siendo bien regebido y hospedado de los naturales le dieron guias para proseguir sus jornadas y salieron de alii cargados de basti- mentos por que auian de yr por tierra despoblada hasta el poblado que los indios degian que eran mas de ueinte jornadas pues como ubieron andado ueinte jornadas llegaron a las barrancas del rio que puestos a el bado de ellas paregia al otro bordo que aula mas de tres o quatro leguas por el ayre esta tierra era alta y Uena de pinales bajos y encor- bados frigidissima debajo del norte que con ser en tiempo caliente no se podia biuir de frio en esta barranca estubieron tres dias buscando la bajada para el rio que paregia de lo alto tendria una bragada de trabesia el agua y por la notigia de los indios tendria media legua de ancho fue la baxada cosa inposible porque acabo de estos tres dias paregiendo les una parte la menos diflcultosa se pusieron a abajar por mas ligeros el capitan melgosa y un Juan galeras y otro conpanero y tadaron baxando a bista de ellos de los de arriba hasta que los perdieron de uista los bultos quel biso no los alcansaba aber y bolbieron a ora de las quatro de la tarde que no pudieron acabar de bajar por grandes difl- cultades que hallaron porque lo que arriba parecia fagil no lo era antes muy aspero y agro dixeron que auian baxado la tergia parte y que desde donde llegaron parecia el rio muy grande y que conforme a lo que bieron era berdad tener la anchura que los indios degian de lo alto determinaban unos penol sillas desgarados de la baranca a el pa.recer de un estado de hombre juran los que baxaron que llegaron a ellos que eran mayores que la torre mayor de seuilla no caminaron mas arrimados a la barranca de el rio porque no aula agua y hasta alii cada dia se desbiaban sobre tarde una legua o dos la tierra adentro en busca de las aguas y como andubiesen otras quatro jornadas las guias dixeron 430 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U que no era posible pasar adelante porque no aula agua en tres ni quatro jornadas porque ellos quando caminauan por alii sacaban mugeres cargadas de agua en calabagos y que en aquellas jornadas enterraban los calabagos del agua para la buelta y que lo que caminaban los nues- tros en dos dias lo caminaban ellos en uno. este rio era el del tison mucbo mas hacia los nacimientos del que no por donde lo auian pasado melcbior dias y su gente estos indios eran de la misma calidad segun despues paregio desde alii dieron la buelta que no tubo mas efecto aquella jornado y de camino bieron un des- colgadero de aguas que baxaban de una pena y supieron de las guias que unos rasimos que colgauan como sinos de christal era sal y fueron alia y cogieron cantidad de ella que trugeron y repartieron quando llegaron en gibola donde por escripto dieron quenta a su general de lo que bieron por que aula ydo con don gargi lopes un pedro de soto- mayor que yba por coronista de el campo aquellos pueblos de aquella prouingia quedaron de paz que nunca mas se bigitaron ni se supo ni procuro buscar otros poblados por aquella uia. Gapitulo doge como Mnieron a gibola gentes de cicuye a her los chris- tianos y comofue her^ de aluarado a her las uacas. en el comedio que andaban en estos descubrimientos binieron a gibola siertos indios de un pueblo que esta de alii setenta leguas la tierra adentro al oriente de aquella prouincia a qnien nombran cicuye benia entre ellos un capitan a quien los nfos pusieron por nombre bigot^s por que traya los mostachos largos era mangebo alto y bien dispuesto y robusto de rostro este dixo al general como ellos benian a le seruir por la noticia que les auian dado para que se les oftegiese por amigos y que si auian de yr por su tierra los tubiesen por tales amigos hicieron sierto presente de cueros adobados y rodelas y capagetes fue regebido con muclio amor y dio les el general basos de bidrio y quetas margaritas y caxcabeles que los tubieron en mucho como cosa nunca por ellos uista dieron notigia de uacas que por una que uno de ellos traya pintada en las carnes se saco ser uaca que por los cueros no se podia entender a causa quel pelo era merino y burelado tanto que no se podia saber de que eran aquellos cueros ordeno el gene- ral que fuese con ellos hernando de aluarado con ueinte companeros y ocbenta dias de comigion y quien bolbiese a dar relagion de lo que hallauan este capitan aluarado prosiguio su Jornada y a ginco jornadas llegaron a un pueblo que estaba sobre un penol deciase acuco era de obra de dogientos hombres de guerra salteadores temidos por toda la tierra y comarca el pueblo era fortissimo porque estaba sobre la entrada del penol que por todas partes era de pena tajada en tan grande altura que tubiera un arcabuz bien que hager en hechar una pelota en lo alto del tenia una sola subida de escalera lifecha a mano que comencaba sobre un repecho que hacia aquella parte hagia la tierra esta escalera era ancha de obra de dogieutos escalones hasta llegar a la pena aula otra luego wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 431 angosta arrimada a la peaa de obra de cien escalones y en el remate de ella auian de subir por la peSa obra de tres estados por agugeros dode hincaban las puntas de los pies y se asian con las manos en lo alto aula nua albarrada de piedra seca y grade que sin se descubrir podian derri- bar tanta que no fuese poderoso ningun exer^ito a les entrar en lo alto auia espagio pa sembrar y coger gran cautidad de maix y cisternas para recoger nieue y agua esta gente salio de guerra abajo en lo llano y no aprobechaba con ellos ninguna buena rayon hayiendo rayas y queriendo defender que no las pasasen los nuestros y como bieron que se les dio un apreton luego dieron la playa digo la pax antes que se les higiese dano hicieron sus serimonias de pax que llegar a los cauallos y tomar del sudor y untarse con el y hacer cruges con los dedos de las manos y aun que la pax mas flga es trabarse las manos una con otra y esta guardan estos inbiolablemente dieron gran cantidad de gallos de papada muy grandes muclio pan y cueros de benado adobados y pinoles y harina y mais. de alii en tres jornadas Uegaron a una prouingia que se dice triguex salio toda de pax biendo que yban con bigotes hombres temido por todas aquellas prouinyias de alii embio aluarado a dar auiso a el gene- ral para que se biniese a inbernar aquella tierra que no poco se holgo el general con la nueba que la tierra yba mejorando de alii a cinco jor- nadas llego a cicuyc un pueblo muy fuerte de quatro altos los del pueblo salieron a recebir a her^° de aluarado y a su capitan con muestras de alegria y lo metieron en el pueblo con atambores y gait as que alii ay muchos a manera de pifanos y le higieron grade preseute de ropa y tur- quesas que las ay en aquella tierra en cantidad alii holgaron algunos dias y tomaron lengua de un indio esclabo natural de la tierra de aquella parte que ba hacia la florida ques la parte que don fer*° de soto descubrio en lo ultimo la tierra adentro este dio notiyia que no debiera de grandes poblados Uebolo hernando de aluarado por guia para las uacas y fueron tantas y tales cosas las que dixo de las riquegas de oro y plata que auia en su tierra que no curaron de busoar las uacas mas de quanto bieron algunas pocas luego bolbieron por dar a el gene- ral la rica notigia a el indio llamaron turco porque lo pareyia en el aspecto y a esta sacon el general auia embiado a don garcia lopes de lopes de cardenas a tiguex con gente a liager el aposeto para lleuar alii a inbernar el campo que a la sason auia Uegado de senora y quando hernando de albarado llego a tiguex de buelta de cicuyc liallo a don garcia lopes de cardenas y fue negesario que no pasase adelante ycomo los naturales les inportase que biesen digo diesen a donde se aposenta- sen los espanoles fue les foryado desamparar un pueblo y recogerse ellos a los otros de sus amigos y no llebaron mas que sus personas y ropas y alii se descubrio notigia de muchos pueblos debajo del norte que creo fuera harto mejor seguir aquella uia que no a el turco que fue causa de todo el mal suseso que ubo. 432 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 Gwpitulo trece como el general llego con poca gente la uia de tutahaco y dexo el campo a don tristan que lo llebo a tiguex. todas estas cosas ya dichas auian pasado quando dou tristan de are- llano llego de senora en cibola y como llego luego el general por noticia que tenia de una prouincia de ocho pueblos tomo treinta hombres de los mas descansados y fue por la uer y de alii tomar la buelta de tiguex con buenas guias que lleuaba y dexo ordenado que como descansase la gente ueinfce dias don tristan de arellano saliese con el campo la uia derecba de tiguex y asi siguio su camino donde le acontecio que desde un dia q salieron de un aposento hasta tergero dia a medio dia que bieron una sierra nebada donde fueron a buscar agua no la bebieron ellos ni sus cauallos ni el seruicio pudo soportala por el gran frio aun que con gran trabajo en ocho jornadas Uegaron a tutahaco y alii se snpo que aquel rio abaxo auia otros pueblos estos salieron de pax son pue- blos de terrados como los de tiguex y del mismo traje salio el general de alii bisitando toda la probingia el rio arriba hasta llegar a tiguex donde hallo a hernando de aluarado y a el turco que no pocas fueron las alegrias que higo con tam buena nueba porque degia que auia en su tierra un rio en tierra liana que tenia dos leguas de ancho a donde auia pe5es tan grandes como cauallos y gran numero de canoas grandissi- mas de mas de a ueinte remeros por banda y que lleuaban uelas y que los senores yban a popa sentados debajo de toldos y en la proa una grande aguila de oro de9ia mas quel senor de aquella tierra dormia la siesta debajo de un grande arbol donde estaban colgados gran cantidad de caxcabeles de oro que con el ayre le daba solas de§ia mas quel comun seruicio de todos en general era plata labrada y los jarros platos y escu- dillas eran de oro Uamaba a el oro Acochis diose le a el presente credito por la eflca9ia con que lo de9ia y porque le ensenaron joyas de alaton y oliolo y degia que no era oro y el oro y la plata cognogia muy bien y de los otros metales no hacia caso de ellos. embio el general a her- nando de albarado otra bez a cicuyc a pedir unos brasaletes de oro que de9ia este turco que le tomaron a el tiempo que lo prendieron albarado fue y los del pueblo recibieron como amigo y como pidio los bracaletes negaron los por todas uias diciendo quel turco los enganaba y que men- tia el capitan aluarado biendo que no auia remedio procuro que biniese a su tienda el capitan bigotes y el gouernador y benidos prendio les en cadenalos del pueblo lo salieron de guerra hechando flechas y denostando a hernando de albarado di9iendole de honbre que quebrantaba la fee y amistad her"!" de albarado partio con ellos a tiguex al general donde los tubieron presos mas de seis meseis despues que fue el principio de desacreditar la palabra que de alii adelanto se les daba de paz como se uera por lo que despues su9edio. Gapitulo catorce como el campo salio de sibola para tiguex y lo que les acaegio en el camino con niche. ya abemos dicho como quando el general salio de 9ibola dexo man- dado a don tristan de arellano saliese desde a ueinte dias lo qual se hi90 WIN8HIP] NAEKATIVE OF CASTANEDA 433 que como bido que la gente estaba ya desoansada y probeydos de bas- timeutos y gauosos de salir en busca de su general salio con su gente la buelta de tigues y el primero dla fueron a ha§er aposento a uu pueblo de aquella probin^ia el mejor mayor y mas hermoso solo este pueblo tiene casas de siete altos que son casas particulares que siruen en el pueblo como de fortaleyas que son superiores a las otras y salen por encima como torres y en ellas ay troneras y saeteras para defender Ids altos por que como los pueblos no tienen calles y los terrados son parejos y comunes anse de ganar primero los altos yestas casas mayo- res es la defenga de ellos alii nos comen§o a nebar y faboregiose la gente solas las aues digo alaues del pueblo que salen a fuera unos como bal- cones con pilares de madera por baxo por que comunmete se mandan por escaleras que suben a aquellos balcones que por baxo no tienen puertas. como dexo de nebar salio de alii el campo su camino y como ya el tiempo lo Ueuaba que era entrada de di9iembre en diez dias que tardo el canpo no dexo de nebar sobre tarde y casi todas las noches de suerte que para hager los aposentos donde llegaban auian de apalancar un coldo de niebe y mas no se bio camino empero las guias atino guiaban cognociendo la tierra ay por toda la tierra sauinas y pines baciase de ello grandes hogueras quel humo y calor ha9ia a la niebe que caya que se desbiase una braQa y dos a la redonda del fuego era nieue seca que aunqne cay medio estado sobre el fardaje no mojaba y con sacudilla caya y quedaba el hato linpio como caya toda la noche cubria de tal manera el fardaje y los soldados en sus leclios que si de supito alguien diera en el campo no biera otra cosa que montones de niebe y los cauallos" aunque fuese medio estado se soportaba y antes daba calor a los que estaban debajo. paso el campo por Acuco el gran penol y como estaban de paz hiyieron buen hospedaje dando bastimentos y abes auque ella es poca gente como tengo dicho a lo alto subieron muchos compaiieros por lo ber y los pasos de la pena con gran dificultad por no lo aber usado porqiie los naturales lo suben y bajan tam liberalmente que ban cargados de bastimentos y las mugeres con agua y jjarece que no tocan las manos y los nfos .para subir auian de dar las armas los unos a los otros por el paso arriba. desde alii pasaron a tiguex donde fueron bien recebidos y aposenta- dos y la tam buen a nueba del turco que no dio poca alegria segun alibia- ba los trabajos aunque quando el campo llego hallamos aleada aquella tierra o probincia por ocagion que para ello ubo que no fue pequena como se dira y auian ya los nros quemado un pueblo un dia antes que el campo llegase y bolbian a el aposento. Oapitulo quinge como se algo tiguex y el eastigo que en ellos ubo sin que lo uMese en el causador. dicho sea como el general llego a tiguex donde hallo a don garci lopes de cardenas y a hernando de albarado y como lo toruo a embiar a cicuye y truxo preso a el capitan bigotes y a el gouernador del pueblo que 14, BTH 28 434 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 era uu hoinbre angiano de esta pricion los tiguex no sintieron bien jun- tose con esto q el general quiso recoger alguna ropa para repartir a la gente de guerra y para esto 11190 llamar a un indio principal de tiguex que ya se tenia con el mucho conosimiento y conbersagion a qaien los nuestros Uamauan juan aleman por un jiian aleman que estaba en mexico a quien dcQian pare9er a queste hablo el general diciendo que le probeyese de tresientas piegas de ropa o mas que auia menester para dar a su gente el dixo que aquello no era a el hager lo sino a los gouernadores y que sobre ello era menester entrar en consulta y repartirse por los pueblos y que era menester pedir lo particularmente a cada pueblo por si ordenolo ausi el general y que lo fuesen a pedir siertos hombres senalados de los que con el estaban y como eran doge pueblos que fuesen unos por la una parte del rio y otros por la otra y como fuese de manos aboca no les dierou lugar de se consul tar ni tratar sobre ello y como Uegaria a el pueblo luego se les pedia y lo abian de dar porque ubiese lugar de pasar ade- lante y con esto no tenian mas lugar de quitarse los pellones de engima y darlos hasta que llegase el numero que se les pedia y algunos solda- dos de los que alii ybaii que los cogedores les daban algunas mantas o pellones sino eran tales y bian algun indio con otra mejor trocabanse la sin tener mas respecto ni saber la calidad del que despojaban que no poco sintieron esto allende de lo dicho del pueblo del aposento salio un sobre saliente que por su honra no le nombrare y fue a otro pueblo una legua de alii y biendo una muger hermosa Uamo a su marido que le tubiese el cauallo de rienda en lo bajo y el subio a lo alto y como el pueblo se man- daba por lo alto creyo el indio que yba a otra parte y detenido alii ubo sierto rumor y el bajo y tomo su cauallo y fuese el indio subio y supo que auia forgado o querido fbrgar a su muger y juntamente con las per- sonas de calidad del pueblo se uino a quexar digiendo que un hombre le auia forgado a su muger y conto como auia pasado y como el general higo pareger todos los soldados y personas que con el estaban y el indio no lo conogio o por aberse mudado la ropa o por alguna otra ocagion que para ello ubo pero dixo que conogeria el cauallo porq lo tubo de rienda fue lleuado por las cauallerisas y hallo un cauallo enmantado hobefo y dixo que su dueno de aquel cauallo era el dueno nego biendo quel no abia conogido y pudo ser que se herro en el cauallo finalmente el se fue sin aber en mienda de lo que pedia otra dia uino un indio del canpo que guardaba los cauallos herido y huyendo diciendo que le auian muerto un companero y que los indios de la tierra se Uebarian los cauallos ante cogidos hacia sus pueblos fueron a recoger los cauallos y faltaron muchos y siete mulas del general. otro dia fue don garci lopes de cardenas a ber los pueblos y tomar de ellos lengua y hallo los pueblos serrados con palenques y gran grita detro corriendo los cauallos como en coso de toros y flechandolos y todos de guerra no pudo hager cosa por que no salieron a el campo que como son pueblos fuertes no les pudieron enojar luego ordeno el general que don gargi lopes de cardenas fuese a gercar un pueblo con toda la WIN8HIP1 NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 435 demas gente y este pueblo era donde se higo el mayor dano y es donde acaegio lo de la India fueron rauchos capitanes que auian ydo delante con el general como fue juan de saldiuar y barrio nuebo y diego lopes y melgosa tomaron a los indios tain de sobresalto que luego les ganaron los altos con mucho riesgo porque les hirieron muchos de los nuestros por saeteras que hacian por de dentro de las casas estubieron los nues- tros en lo alto a mucho riesgo el dia y la noche y parte de otro dia ha- giendo buenos tiros de ballestas y arcabuges la geute de a cauallo en el campo con muchos amigos de la nueba espana y daban por los sotanos que auian aportillado grandes humasos de suerte que pidieron la paz hallaronse aquella parte pablos de melgosa y diego lopes ueinti quatro de seuilla y respondieronles co las mismas senales que ellos hagian de paz que es hager la cruz y ellos luego soltaron las armas y se dieron a md Uebabanlos a la tienda de don garyia el qual segun se dixo no supo de la paz y creyo que de su boluntad se daban como hombres benzidos y como tenia mandado del general que no los tomase a uida porque se hiciese castigo y los demas temiesen mando que luego Uin- casen dogientos palos para los quern ar biuos no ubo quien le dixese de la paz que les auian dado que los soldados tan poco lo sabian y los que la dieron se lo callaron que no higieron caso de ello pues como los ene- migos bieron que los yban atando y los comenyaban a quemar obra de gien hombres que estaban en la tienda se comengaron a hager fuertes y defenderse con lo que estaba dentro y con palos que saliau a tomar la gente nuestra de a pie dan en la tieda por todas partes estocadas que los hacian desmanparar la tienda y dio luego la gente de a cauallo en ellos y como la tierra era liana no les quedo hombre a uida sino fueron algunos que se auian quedado escondidos en el pueblo que huye- ron a quella noche y dieron mandado por toda la tierra como no les guardaron la paz que les dieron que fue despues harto mal y como esto fue hecho y luego les nebase desampararon el pueblo y bolbieronse a el aposento a el tiepo que llegaba el campo de cibola. Gapitulo desiseis- como se puso ^erco a tiguex y se gano y lo que mas acontencio mediante el cerco. como ya e coutado quando acabaron de ganar aquel pueblo comengo a nebar en aquella tierra y nebo de suerte que en aquellos dos meses no se pudo hager nada salbo yr por los caminos a les abisar que biniesen de pax y que serian perdonados dandoles todo seguro a lo qual ellos res- pondierou que no se fiarian de quien no sabia guardar la fe que daban que se acordasen que tenian preso a bigotes y que en el pueblo quemado no les guardaron la paz fue uno de los que fueron a les hager estos requerimientos don garcia lopes de cardenas que salio con obra de treinta companeros un dia y fue a el pueblo de tiguex y a hablar con juan aleman y aunque estaban de guerra binieron a hablalle y le dixe- ron que si queria hablar con ellos q se apease y se Uegauan a el a hablar de paz y que se desbiase la gente de a cauallo y harian apartar su gente 436 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.anm.U y llegaroa a el el juan aleman y otro capitan del pueblo y fae hecho ansi como lo pedian y a que estaba ^erca de ellos dixeron que ellos no trayan armas que se las quitase don garcia lopes lo lii90 por mas los asegurar co gana que tenia de los traer de pa/ y como llego a ellos el juan aleman lo bino a abragar en tanto los dos que con el benian sacaron dos magetas que secretamente trayan a las espaldas y dieronle sobre la gelada dos tales golpes que casi lo aturdieron hallaron dos soldados de a cauallo gerca que no se auian querido apartar aunque les fue man- dado y arremetleron con tanta prestega que lo sacaron de entre sus manos aunque no puedieron enojar a los enemigos por tener la acogida gerca y grandes rosiadas de flechas que luego binieron sobre ellos y a el uno le atrabesaron el cauallo por las narises la gente de acauallo llego toda de tropel y sacaron a su capitan de la priesa sin poder danar a los enemigos antes salieron muchos de los nfos mal heridos y asi se retira- ron quedando algunos ha§iendo rostro don gargia lopes de cardenas con parte de la gente paso a otro pueblo que estaba media legua ade- lante porque en estos dos lugares se auia recogido toda la mas gente de aquellos pueblos y como de los requerimientos que les higierou no liigie- ron caso ni de dar la paz antes con grandes gritos tiraban flechas de lo alto y se bolbio a la compania que auia quedado haciendo rostro a el pueblo de tiguex entonges salieron los del pueblo en gran cantidad los nfos a media rienda dieron muestra que huyan de suerte que sacaron los enemigos a lo llano y rebulbieron sobre ellos de manera que se ten- dieron algunos de los mas seiialados los demas se recogieron al pueblo y a lo alto y ansi se bolbio este capitan a el aposento. el general luego como esto paso ordeno delos yr agercar y salio uu dia con su gente bien ordenada y con algunas escalas llegado asento su real junto a el pueblo y luego dieron el combate pero como los enemigos auia muchos dias que se pertrechaban hecharon tanta piedra sobre los nfos que a muchos tendieron en tierra y hirieron de flechas gerca de gien hombres de que despues murieron algunos por mala cura de un ma] surugano que yba en el campo el gerco duro sinquenta dias en los quales algunas ueces se les dieron sobresaltos y lo que mas les aquexo fue que no tenian agua y higierou dentro del pueblo un poso de gran- dissima hondura y no pudieron sacar agua antes se les derrumbo a el tiempo que lo hacian y les mato treinta personas murieron de los yerca- dos dogientos hombres de dentro en los combates y un dia que se les dio un combate recio mataron de los nfos a francisco de obando capitan y maestre de campo que auia sido todo el tiempo que don garcia lopes de cardenas andubo en los descnbrimientos ya dichos y a un francisco de pobares buen hidalgo a francisco de obando metieron en el pueblo que los nfos no lo pudieron defender q no poco se sintio por ser como era persona setialada y por si tarn honrado afable y bien quisto que era marauilla antes que se acabase de ganar uu dia llamaron a habla y sabida su demanda fue degir que tenian cognogido que las mugeres ni a los ninos no haciamos mal que querian dar sus mugeres y hijos por wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 437 que les gastaban el agua no se pudo acabar con ellos que se diesen de paz diyiendo que no les guardaria la palabra y asi dieron obra de glen per- sonas de niiios y mugeres que no quisieron salir mas y mientras las dieron estubieron los nfos a cauallo en ala delante del pueblo don lope de urrea a cauallo y sin gelada andaba re9ibiendo en los bragos los ninos y ninas y como ya no quisieron dar mas el don lope les inportunaba que se diesen de pax hagiendo les grandes prome^as de seguridad ellos le dixeron que se desbiase que no era su uoluntad de se fiar de gente que no guardaba la amistad ni palabra que daban y como no se quisiese desbiar salio uno con un argo a flechar y con una iiecha y amenasolo con ella que se la tiraria sino se yba de alii y por boges que le dieron que se pusiese la gelada no quiso di9iendo que mientras alii estubiese no le harian mal y como el indio bido que no se queria yr tiro y bincole la flecha par de las manos de el cauallo y en arco luego otra y torno le a de9ir que se fuese sino que le tirarian de beras el don lope se puso su gelada y paso ante paso se uino a meter entre los de a cauallo sin que recibiese enojo de ellos y como le bieron que ya estaba en salbo con gran grita y alarido comencaron arrogiar flecheria el general no quiso que por a quel dia se les diese bateria por ber si los podian traer por alguna uia de paz lo qual ellos jamas quisieron, desde a quin9e dias determinaron de salir una noche y ansi lo bicieron y tomando en medio las mugeres salieron a el quarto de la modorra uelauan aquel quarto quarenta de a cauallo y dando aclarma los del quartel de don rodrigo maldonado dieron en ellos los enemigos derribaron un espanol muerto y un cauallo y hirieron a otros pero ubieron los de romper y ha9er matan9a en ellos basta que retirandose dieron consigo en el rio que yba corriente y frigidissimo y como la gente del real acudio presto fueron pocos los que escaparou de muertos o heridos otro dia pasaron el rio la gente del real y hallaron muchos heridos que la gran frialdad los auia deribado en el campo y trayan los para curar y siruirse de ellos y ansi se acabo aquel 9erco y se gano el pueblo aun que algunos que quedaron en el pueblo se rrecibieron en un barrio y fueron tomados en pocos dias. el otro pueblo grande mediate de 9erco le auian ganado dos capitanes que fueron don diego de gueuara y ju" de saldibar que yendo les una madrugada a ecbar una 9elada para coger en ella sierta gente de guerra que acostumbraba a salir cada manana a ba9er muestra por poner algun temor en nf o real las espias que tenia puestas para quando los biesen benir bieron como salia gentes y caminaban ha9ia la tierra salieron de la 9elada y fueron para el pueblo y bieron huir la gente y siguieron la haciendo en ellos matan9a como de esto se dio mandado salio gente del real que fueron sobre el pueblo y lo saquearon prediendo toda la gente que en el hallaron en que ubo obra de 9ien mugeres y ninos acabose este 9erco en fln de marco del aiio de quarenta y dos en el qual tiempo acae- cieron otras cosas de que podria dar noti9ia que por no cortar el bilo las he dexado pero de9ir sean agora porque conbienese sepan para enten- der lo de adelante. 438 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH.Aim.l4 Capitulo desisiete eomo binieron a el campo mensajeros del ualle de senora ycomo murio el cwpitan melchior dias en la Jornada de tizon. ya diximos como melchior dias el capitan aula pasado en balsas el rio del tigon para proseguir adelante el descubrimiento de aquella costa pues a el tiempo que se acabo de erooUegaron mensajeros a el canpo de la uilla de san hieronimo con cartas de diego de alarcon que aula que- dado alii en lugar del melchior dias trayan nuebas como melchior dias aula muerto en la demanda que lleuaba y la gente se aula buelto sin ber cosa de lo que deseaban y paso el caso desta man era. como ubieron pasado el rio caminaron en demanda de la costa que por alii ya daba la buelta sobre el sur o entre sur y oriente porque aquel ancon de mar entra derecho al norte y eate rio entre en el remate del ancon trayendo sus corrientes debaxo del norte y corre a el sur yedo como yban caminando dieron en unos medaiios de genisa ferbiente que no podia nadie entrar a ellos porque fuera entrarse a hogar en la mar la tierra que hollaban temblaba como tenpano que paregia que estaban debaxo algunos lagos parecio cosa admirable que asi herbia la §enisa en algunas partes que parecia cosa infernal y desbiando se de aqui por el peligro que parecia que llebauan y por la falta del agua un dia un lebrel que lleuaba un soldado antojo se le dar tras de unos carneros que llebauan para bastimento y como el capitan lo bido arronjole la langa de enquentro yendo corriendo y hincola en tierra y no pudiendo detener el cauallo fue sobre la langa y enclabose la por el muslo que le salio el hierro a la ingle y le rompio la begiga bisto esto los soldados dieron la buelta con su capitan siendo teniendo cada dia refriegas con los indios que auian quedado rebelados bibio obra de ueinte dias que por le traer pasaron gran trabajo y asi bolbieron hasta que murio con buena orden sin perder un honbre ya yban saliendo de lo mas trabajoso Uegados a senora higo alcaraz los mensajeros ya dichos haciendolo saber y como algunos soldados estaban mal asentados y procuraban algunos motines y como aula sentenciado a la horca a dos que despues se le auian huydo de la prigion. el general bisto esto enbio a quella uilla a don pedro de touar para que entresacase algana gente y para que Uebase consigo mensajeros que embiaba a el uisorny don Antonio de mendoga con recaudos de lo acontegido y la buena nueba del turco. don pedro de touar fue y llegado alia hallo que auian los naturales de aquella probingia muerto con una flecha de yerba a un soldado de una muy pequena herida en una mano sobre esto auian ydo alia algunos soldados y no fueron bien recebidos don pedro de tobar embio a diego de alcaraz con gente aprender a los pringipales y senores de un pueblo que Uaman el ualle de los uellacos que esta en alto llegado alia los prendieron y presos parecio le a diego de alcaraz de los soltar a trueque de que diesen algun hilo y ropa y otras cosas de que los soldados tenian necesi- dad bien dose sueltos alsarose de guerra y subieron a ellos y como estaban fuertes y tenian yerba mataron algunos espanoles y hirieron otros que despues murieron en el camino bolbiendose retirandose para wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 439 su uilla y sino Ueuaran consigo amigos de los coragones lo pasaron peor bolbierou a la nilla dexando muertos desisiete soldados de la yerba que con pequeHa herida morian rabiando rompiendose las carnes con un pesteleucial hedor inconportable bisto por don pedro de touar el dafio pare9iendoles que no quedaban seguros en aquella uilla la paso quarenta leguas mas hagia §ibola al ualle del suya donde los dexaremos por contar lo que a bino a el general con el campo despues del cerco de tiguex. Capitulo desiocho eomo el general procuro dexar asentada la tierrapara ir en demanda de quisuira donde de^ia el turco aula elpringipio de la riquega. mediante el gerco de tiguex el general quiso yr a cicuye Uebando con- sigo a el gouernador para lo poner en libertad con promesas que quando saliese para quiuira daria libertad a bigotes y lo dexaria en su pueblo y como Uego a cicuye fue regibido de paz y entro en el pueblo con algunos soldados ellos re§ibieron a su gouernador con mucho amor y fiesta bisto que ubo el pueblo y hablado a los naturales dio la buelta para su canpo quedando cicuye de paz con esperan^a de cobrar su capitan bigotes. acabado que fue el 9erco como ya abemos dicbo embio un capitan a ehia un buen pueblo y de mucha gente que aula embiado a dar la obiden5ia que estaba desbiado del rio al poniente quatro leguas y ballaronle de paz a qui se dieron aguardar quatro tiros de bronge ques- taban mal acondifionados tambien fueron a quirix probiucia de siete pueblos seis companeros y en el primer pueblo que seria de gien ueginos liuyeron que no osaron a esperar a los nfos y los fueron atajar arrienda suelta y los bolbieron a el pueblo a sus casas con toda seguridad y de alii abisaron a los demas pueblos y los aseguraron y asi poco a poco se fue asegurando toda la comarca en tanto quel rio se deshelaba y se dexaba badear para dar lugar a la Jornada aunque los doge pueblos de tiguex nunca en todo el tiempo que por alii estubo el campo se poblo ninguno por seguridad ninguna que se les diese. y como el rio fue deshelado que lo auia estado casi quatro meses que se pasaba por engima del yelo a cauallo ordenose la partida para quibira donde decia el turco que auia algun oro y plata aunque no tanto como en Arche [Arehe?] y los guaes ya auia algunos del campo sospe- chosos del turco porque mediante el cerco tenia cargo del un espanol que sellamaua seruantes y este espanol juro con solenidad que auia bisto a el turco hablar en una oUa de agua con el demonio y que teniendolo el debaxo de llaue que nadie podia hablar con el le auia preguntado el turco a el que a quien auian muerto de los cristianos los de tiguex y el le dixo que a no nadie y el turco le respondio mientes que ginco Chris- tianos an muerto y a un capitan y que el geruantes biendo que degia berdad se lo congedio por saber del quien se lo auia dicho y el turco le dixo quel lo saliia por si y que para aquello no auia negesidad que nadie se lo dixese y por esto lo espio y bio hablar con el demonio en la oUa como e dicho. con todo esto se higo alarde para salir de tiguex a este tiempo llegaron gentes de cibola a ber a el general y el general les encargo el buen trata- 440 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [kth.ann.M miento de los espanoles que biniesen de senora con don pedro de touar y les dio cartas que le dieseu a don pedro en que le daba abiso de lo que debia de hager y como abia de yr en busca del campo y que hallaria cartas debajo de las cru9es en las jornadas que el campo abia de lia§er salio el campo de tiguex a ginco de mayo la buelta de cicuyc que como tengo dicho son ueinte y cinco jornadas digo leguas de alii lleuando de alii a bigotes llegado alia les dio a su capitan que ya andaba suelto con guardia el pueblo se holgo mucho con el y estubieron de paz y dieron bastimentos y bigotes y el gouernador dieron a el general un mancebete que se degia xabe natural de quiuira para que del se informasen de la tierra este de§ia que abia oro y plata pero no tanto como degia el turco toda uia el turco se aflrmaua y fue por guia y asi salio el campo de alii. Gapitulo desinueue como salieron en demanda de quiuira y lo que aconte- cio en el camino. salio el campo de cicuye dexando el pueblo de paz y a lo que paregio contento y obligado a mautener la amistad por les aber restituydo su gouernador y capitan y caminando para salir a lo llano que esta pasada toda la Cordillera a quatro dias andados de camino dieron en un rio de gran corriente hondo que baxaba de hacia cicuyc y a queste se puso nombre el rio de cicuyc detubieron se aqui por hager puente para le pasar acabose en quatro dias con toda diligengia y prestesa hecha paso todo el campo y ganados por ella y a otras diez jornadas dieron en unas racberias de gente alarabe que por alii son llamados querechos y auia dos dias que se auian uisto uacas esta gente biuen en tiendas de cueros de uacas adobados andan tras las uagas ha9iendo carne estos aun que bieron nfo campo no higieron mudamiento ni se alteraron antes salieron de sus tiendas a ber esentamente y luego binieron a hablar con la auan- guardia y dixeron que se a el campo y el general hablo con ellos y como ya ellos auian hablado con el turco que yba en la auanguardia cofor- maron con el en quanto degia era gente muy entendida por senas que paregia que lo decian y lo daban tan bien a entender que no auia mas necesidad de interprete estos dixeron que baxando hagia do sale el sol auia un rio muy grande y que yria por la riuera del por poblados no- uenta dias sin quebrar de poblado en poblado degian quese decia lo primero del poblado haxa y que el rio era de mas de una legua de ancho y que auia muchas canoas estos salieron de alii otro dia con harrias de perros en quellebaba sus aberes desde a dos dias que todauia caminaba el campo a el rumbo que auian salido de lo poblado que era entre norte y oriente mas hagia el norte se bieron otros querechos rancheados y grande numero de uacas que ya paregia cosa increibble estos dieron gradissima notigia de poblados todo a el oriente de donde nos hallamos a qui se quebro don gargia un brago y se perdio un espanol que salio a casa y no aserto a boluer al real por ser la tierra muy liana decia el - turco que auia a haya una o dos jornadas el general embio adelante a wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 441 el capitan diego lopes a la ligera con diez eompaSeros dandole rumbo por una guia de mar lxa9ia adonde salia el sol que caminase dos dias a toda priesa y descubriese a haxa y bolbiese a se topar con el canpo otro dia salio por el mesmo rumbo y fue tan to el ganado que se topo que los que yban en la auanguardia cogiero por delaute un gran numero de toros y como huyan y unos a otros serreupugaban dieron en una barranca y cayo tanto ganado dentro que la emparejaron y el demas ganado paso por engima la gete de a cauallo que yba en pos de ellos cayeron sobre el ganado sin saber lo que hagian tres cauallos de los que cayeron ensi- Uados y enfrenados se fueron entre las bacas que no pudieron mas ser abidos. Como a el general le parecio que seria ya de buelta diego lopes higo que seis compaJieros siguisen una ribera arriba de un pequeno rio y otros tantos la riuera abajo y que se mirase por el rastro de los cauallos en las entradas o las salidas del rio porque por la tierra no es po- sible hallarse rastro porque la yerua en pisaftdola se torna a leuantar hallose por donde auian ydo y fue bentura que a las bueltas auian ydo Indies del campo en busca de fruta una gran legua de donde se hallo rastro y toparon con ellos y ansi bajaron el rio abajo a el real y dieron por nueua a el general que en ueinte leguas que auian andado no auian uisto otra cosa sino uacas y gielo yba en el campo otro indio pintado natural de quiuira que se degia sopete este indio siempre dixo que el turco mentia y por esto no hagian caso del y aunque en esta sagon tambien lo degia como los querechos auian informado con el y el y sopete no era creydo. desde aqui embio el general delante a don rodrigo maldonado con su compania el qual camino quatro dias y Uego a una barranca grande como las de colima y hallo en lo bajo de ella gran rancheria de gente por aqui aula atrabesado cabega de uaca y dorantes aqui presStaron a don rodrigo un monton de cueros adobados y otras cosas y una tienda tan grande como una casa en alto lo qual mando que asi la guardasen hasta quel campo Uegase y embio copaneros que guiasen el campo hagia aquella parte porque no se perdiesen aunque auian ydo hagiendo mojones de guesos y bonigas para que el campo se siguiese y desta manera se guiaba ya el campo tras la abanguardia. Uego el general con su campo y como bio tan gran multitud de cueros penso los repartir co la gente y higo poner guardas para que mirasen por ellos pero como la gente Uego y bieron los companeros que el general embiaba algunos hombres partlculares con senas para que les diesen las guardas algunos cueros y los andaban a escoger enojados de que no se repartia co orden dan saco mano y en menos de quarto de ora no dexaron sino el saelo limpio. los naturales que bieron aquello tambien pusieron las manos en la obra las mugeres y algunos otros quedaron Uoraudo porque creyeron que no les auian de tomar nada sino bendegirse lo como auian hecho cabega de uaca y dorantes quando por alii pasaron aqui se hallo una India tarn 442 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.14 blanca como muger de castilla saluo que tenia labrada la barua como morisca de berberia que todas se labran en general de aqueUa manera por alii se ahogolan los ojos. Capitulo ueinte como cayeron grandes piedras en el campo y como se deseubrio otra barranca donde se dibidio el campo en dos partes. estando descansando el campo en esta barranca que abemos dicho una tarde comengo un torbellino con grandissimo ayre y granigo y en pequeno espagio bino tarn grande multitud de piedra tarn grandes como escudillas y mayores y tam espesas como lubia que en parte cubrieron dos y tres palmos y mas de tierra y uno dexo el cauallo digo que ningun cauallo ubo que no se solto sino fueron dos o tres que acudieron a los tener negros enpabesados y conseladas y rrodelas que todos los demas Uebo por delante hasta pegallos con la barranca y algunos subio donde con gra trabajo se tornaron abajar y si como los tomo alii dentro fuera en lo llano de arriba quedara el campo a gran rriesgo sin cauallos que muchos no se pudieran cobrar rrompio la piedra muchas tiendas y aboUo muchas geladas y lastimo muchos cauallos y quebro toda la losa del canpo y calabagos que no puso poca negesidad porque por alii no ay losa ni se bage ni calabagos ni se siembra maiz ni comen pan salbo carne cruda o mal asada y fructas. desde alii embio el general a descubrir y dieron en otras rancherias a quatro jornadas a manera de alixares era tierra muy poblada adonde aula muchos frisoles y siruelas como las de castilla y parrales duraban estos pueblos de rancherias tres jornadas desiase cona desde aqui salieron con el campo algunos teyas porque asi se deyian aquellas gentes y caminaron con susharriasdeperrosymugeresyhijos hasta la prostera Jornada de las otras donde dieron guias para pasar adelante a donde fue el canpo a una barranca grande estas gtiias no las dexaban hablar con el turco y no hallauan las notigias que de antes degian que quiuira era hacia el norte y que no hallauamos buena derrota con esto se comengo a dar credito a ysopete y ansi llego el campo a la prostera barraca que era una legua de borbo a bordo y un pequeno rio en lo bajo y un llano lleno de arboleda con mucha uba morales y resales que es fruta que la ay en frangia y sirue de agraz en esta barranca la aula madura abia nueses y galinas de la calidad de las de la nueba espafia y siruelas como las de castilla y en cantidad en este camino se bio a un teya de un tiro pasar un toro por ambas espaldas que un arcubuz tiene bien que hager es gete bien entendida y las mugeres Men tratadas y de berguenga cubren todas sus carnes traen gapatos y borseguiez de cuero adobado traen mantas las mugeres sobre sus faldellines y mangas cogi- das por las espaldas todo de cuero y unos como sanbeuitillos con rapa- sejos que llegan a medio muslo sobre los faldellines. en esta barranca holgo el campo muchos dias por buscar comarca hicieronse hasta aqui treinta y siete jornadas de camino de a seis y de a siete leguas porque se daba cargo a quien fuese tasanda y un con 17 BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY "2:' 9?^ a^^ ?^^^^>^^^^ <*i/«<^ Or ^«»^ FACSIMILE OF PAGES OF From the Manuscript FOURTEFNTH ANNUAL RE P ' Cfiv%PiJL ^^9^i A^ ,n «-^ — j-i^ ■^^:^ 4: =tELACION rary WIH8HIP] . NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 443 tando por pasos de9iaii que auian a el pobJado do dogientas y sinquenta leguas bisto ya y cognoQido por el general fran™ uasques como hasta alii auian andado enganados por el turco y que faltauan los bastimentos a el campo y que por alii no auia tierra dode se pudiesen probeer llamo a los capitanes y alferes a junta para acordar lo que les paresiese se debiese ha9er y de acuerdo de todos fue quel general contreinta de a cauallo y media dogena de peones y fuese en demanda de quiuira y que do tristan de arellano bolbiese con todo el campo la buelta de tiguex sabido esto por la gente del canpo y como ya se sabia lo acordado supli- caron de ello a su general y que no los dexase de Ueuar adelante que todos querian morir con el y no bolber atras esto no aprobecho aunque el general les congedio que les embiaria mensajeros dentro de ocho dias si cobiniese seguirle o no y con esto se partio con las guias que Ueuaba y con ysopete el turco yba arrecando en cadena. Gapitulo ueinte y uno como el campo bolbio a tiguex y el general llego a quiuira. partio el general de la barranca con las guias que los teyas le auian dado liigo su maestre de campo a el ueinte y quatro diego lopes y Uebo de la gete que le paregio mas escogida y de mejores cauallos el canpo que- do con alguna esperan9a que embiaria por el general y tornaron se lo a embiar a suplicar a el general con dos hombres de a cauaUo a la ligera y por la posta. el general llego digo que se le huyeron las guias en las primeras jornadas y ubo de bolber diego lopes por guias a el campo y con mandado quel capo bolbiese a tiguex a buscar bastimentos y a aguar- dar a el general dieronle otras guias que les dieron los teyas de bolun- tad aguardo el campo sus mensajeros y estubo alii quin§e dias lia9iendo carnaje de bacas para lleuar tubose por quenta que se mataron en estos quinse dias quinientos toros era cosa increyble el numero de los que auia sin bacas perdiose en este comedio mucba gente de los que salian a ca9a y en dos ni tres dias no tornaban a bolber a el campo andando desatinados a una parte y a otra sin saber bolber por donde auian ydo y con aber aquella barranca que arriba o abaxo auian de atinar y como cada noche se tenia quenta con quien faltaua tirauan artilleria y tocauan trompetas y a tam bores y lia9ian grandes hogaredas y algunos se halla- ron tam desbiados y abian desatinado tanto que todo esto no les apro- bechaua nada aunque a otros les balio el remedio era tornar adonde mataban el ganado y ha9er una uia a una parte y a otra hasta que daban con la barranca o topaban con quien los encaminaua es cosa de notar que como la tierra es tam liana en siendo medio dia como an andado desatinados en pos de la ca9a a una parte y a otra sean de estar cabe la ca9a quedos hasta que decline el sol para ber a que rumbo an de bolber a donde salieron y aun estos auian de ser hombres entendidos y los- que no lo eran se auian de encomendar a otros. el general siguio sus guias hasta Uegar a quiuira en que gasto qua- renta y ocho dias de camino por la grande cayda que auian hecho sobre 444 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. ann.14 la florida y fue re5ebido de paz por las guias que lleuaba preguntaron a el turco que porqne aula metido y los aula guiado tarn abieso dixo que su tierra era ha9ia aquella parte y que allende de aquello los de cicuye le auian rogado que los truxese perdidos por los Uauos por que faltando les el bastimento se muriesen los cauallos y ellos flacos quando bolbie- sen los podrian matar sin trabajo y bengarse de lo que auian beclio y que por esto los abia desrumbado creyendo que no supieran cagar ni mantenerse sin maiz y que lo del oro que no sabia adonde lo aula esto dixo ya como desesperado y que se hallaba corrido que auain dado cre- dito a el ysopete y los aula guiado mejor que no el y temiendose los que alii yban que no diese algun abiso por donde les biniese algun dano le dieron garrote de que el ysopete se holgo porque siepre solia de9ir que el ysopete era un bellaco y que no sabia lo que se decia y siempre le estorban ban que no hablase con nadie no se bio entre aquellag ente oro ni plata ni noticia de ello el senor traya al cuello una patena de cobre y no la tenia en poca. los mensajeros quel campo embio en pos del general bolbieron como dixe y luego como no truxeron otro recaudo que el que el ueinti quatro aula dicho el campo salio de la barranca la buelta de los teyas a donde tomaron guias que los bolbiesen por mas derecbo camino ellos las dieron de boluntad porque como es gente que no para por aquellas tierras en pos del ganado todo lo saben guiaban desta manera luego por la manana miraba a donde salia el sol y tomaban el rumbo que auian de tomar y tiraban una flecha y antes de Uegar a ella tirauan otra por engima y desta manera yban todo el dia hasta las aguas adonde se aula de liager Jornada y por este or den lo que se auia andado a la yda en treinta y siete jor- nadas se bolbio en ueinte y ginco cagado en el camino uacas hallaronse en este camino muchas lagunas de sal que la auia en gran cantidad auia sobre el agua tablones della mayores que mesas de quatro y de ginco dedos de grueso debajo del agua a dos y tres palmos sal en grano mas sabrosa que la de los tablones por que esta amargaba un poco era cris- talina auia por aquellos llanos unos animales como hardillas en gran numero y mucha suma de cueuas de ellas uino en esta buelta a tomar el campo el rio de cicuye mas de treinta leguas por bajo de ella digo de la puente que se auia hecho a la yada y subiose por el arriba que en gene- ral casi todas sus riueras tenian rosales que son como ubas moscateles en el comer nagen en unas uaras delgadas de un estado tiene la oja como peregil auia ubas en agraz y mucho uino y oregano degian las guias que se juntaba este rio con el de tiguex mas de ueinte jornadas de alii y que boluian sus corrientes a el oriente creese que ban a el poderoso rio del espiritu santo que los de don hernando de soto descubrieron en la florida en esta Jornada a la yda se hundio una India labrada a el capi- tanguan de saldibar y fue las barrancas abajo buyendo que reconogio la tierra por que en tiguex donde se ubo era esclaua esta india ubieron a las manos siertos espanoles de los de la florida que auian entrado descu- briendo hacia aquella parte yo les oy degir quado bolbieron a la nueba wiNBHip] NAEEATIVE OF CASTANEDA 445 espaua que les aula dicho la India que aula nuebe dias que se aula buy do de otros y que nombro capitanes por donde se debe creer que no Uegamos lejos de lo que ellos descubrierou aunque dicen que estaban enton9es mas de dosientas leguas la tierra adentro creese que tiene la tierra de trabesia por aquella parte mas de seicientas leguas de mar a mar. pues como digo el rio arriba fue el campo hasta Uegar a el pueblo de cicuye el qual se hallo de guerra que no quisieron mostrarse de paz ni dar ningun socorro de bastimento de alii fueron a tiguex que ya algunos pueblos se auian tornado a poblar que luego se tornaban a despoblar de temor. Capitulo ueinte y dos como el general bolbio de quiuira y se higieron otros entradas debajo del norte. luego que don tristan de arellano llego en tiguex mediado el mes de jullio del ano de quarenta y dos hiqo recoger bastimentos para elinbierno benidero y enbio a el capitan francisco de barrio nuebo con alguna gete el rio arriba debajo del norte en que bio dos prouingias que la una se decia hemes de siete pueblos y la otra yuqueyunque los pueblos de hemes salieron de paz y dieron bastimentos los de yuqueyunque en tanto que el real se asentaba despoblaron dos muy hermosos pueblos que tenian el rio en medio y se fueron a la sierra a donde tenian quatro pueblos muy fuertes en tierra aspera que no se podia yr a ellos a cauallo en estos dos pueblos se ubo mucho bastimento y loga muy hermoya y bedriada y de muchas labores y hechuras tambien se hallaron muchas if oUas llenas de metal escogido reluciente con que bedriabau la losa era senal que por aquella tierra aula minas de plata si se buscaran. ueinte leguas adelante el rio arriba auia un poderoso y grande rio digo pueblo que se decia braba a quien los nfos pusiepon ualladolid tomaba el rio por medio pasabase por puentes de madera de muy largos y grandes pinos quadrados y en este pueblo se bieron las mas grandes y brabas estufas que en toda aquella tierra porque eran de doge pilares que cada uno tenia dos bragas de ruedo de altura de dos estados este pueblo auia uisitado hernando de aluarado quando descubrio a gicuye es tierra muy alta y flgridissima el rio yba hondo y de gran corrieute sin ningun uado dio la buelta el capitau barrio nuebo dexando de pax aquellas prouingias. otro capitan fue el rio abajo en busca de los poblados que degian los de tutahaco auia algunas jornadasde alii estecapitan bajo ochenta leguas Eioquesey hallo quatro pueblos grandes que dexo de paz y andubo hundi. hasta que hallo quel rio se sumia debaxo de tierra como guadiana en extremadura no paso adeMte donde los indios decian q salia muy poderoso por uo llebar mas comigion de ocheta leguas de camino y como bolbio este capitan y se Uegaba el plago en que el capitan abia de bolber de quiuira y no bolbia don tristan senalo quarenta conpaiieros y dexando el campo a fran™ de barrio nuebo salio con ellos a buscar el fc,=^.ea«.^j?fcA>fcfe /*^-i-,*^. -J^ '^'^ /> 446 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 general y como llego a cicuye los del pueblo salieron de guerra que fue causa que se detubiesen alii quatro dias por les hager algun dano como se les higo que con tiros quese asentaron a el pueblo les mataron alguna gete por que no salian a el canpo a causa quel primer dia les mataron dos hombres seualados. en este comedio Uegaron nuebas [niebas?] como el general benia y por esto tambiea ubo de aguardar alii don tristan para asegurar aquel paso Uegado el general fue bien re9ebido de todos con grande alegria el indio xabe que era el man9ebo que aulan dado los de cicuye a el general quando yba en demanda de quiuira estaba con don tristan de arellano y como supo que el general benia dando muestras que se holgaba dixo agora que biene el general bereis como ay oro y plata en quiuira aunque no tanta como de9ia el turco y como el general llego y bio como no auian hallado nada quedo triste y pasmado y aflrmado que la aula higo creer a muchos que era asi porque el general no entro la tierra adentro que no oso jjor ser muy poblado y no se hallar poderoso y dio la buelta por lleuar sus gentes pasadas las aguas porque ya por alia Uobia que era entrada de agosto quando salio tardo en la buelta quarenta dias con buenas gnias con benir a la ligera como bolbieron decia el turco quando salio de tiguex el canpo que para que cargauan los cauallos tanto de bastimetos que se cansarian y no podrian despues traer el oro y la plata donde parese bien andaba con engano. llegado el general con su gete a cicuye luego se partio para tiguex dexando mas asentado el pueblo por que a el luego salieron de paz y le hablaron llegado a tiguex procure de inbernar alii para dar la buelta con todo el campo porque degia traya noticia de grandes poblaciones y rios poderossissimos y que la tierra era muy pareciente a la de espaua en las frutas y yerbas y temporales y que no benian satisfechos de creer que no aula oro antes trayan sospecha que lo aula la tierra adentro porque puesto que lo negauan entendian que cosa era y tenia nombre entre ellos que se degia acochis con lo qual daremos fin a esta primera parte y trataremos en dar relagion de las pronincias. Sbgunda parte en que se teata de los pueblos y pbouin- cias de altos t de sus kitos t costumbrbs recopilada poe PEDRO DE OASTANEDA UEQINO DE LA giUDAD DE NAXAEA.^ laus deo. no me parece que quedara satisfecho el lector em aber bisto y enten- dido lo que e contado de la Jornada aunque en ello ay bien que notar en la discordangia de las notigias porque aber fama tan grande de grandes thesoros y en el mismo lugar no hallar memoria ni aparengia de aberlo cosa es muy de notar en lugar de poblados hallar grandes despoblados y en lugar de ciudades populosas hallar pueblos de dogien- 1 The Segunda Parte begins a new page in tlie manuscript. wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 447 tos uecinos y el mayor de ocho cientos o mill no se si esto les dara mate- ria para considerar y pesar en la bariedad de esta uida ypara poderlos agradar les quiero dar rela9ion particular de todo lo poblado que se bio y descubrio en esta Jornada y alguuas costnnbres que tienen y ritos conforme a lo que de ellos alcan9amos a saber y en que rumbo cae cada prouiugia para que despues se pueda entender a que parte esta la flori- da y a que parte cae la India mayor y como esta tierra de la nueba espana es tierra flrme con el peru ansi lo es con la India mayor o de la china sin que por esta parte aya entrecho que la dibida ante es estan grtode la ancbura de la tierra que da lugar a que aya tan grandes despoblados como ay entre las dos mares por que la costa del norte sobre la florida buelbe sobre los bacallaos y despues torna sobre la nuruega y la del sur a el poniente haciendo la otra punta debaxo del sur casi como en arco la buelta de la india dando lugar a que las tierras que siguen las Cordilleras de anbas costas se desbien en tanta manera Unas de otras que dexen en medio de si grandes llanuras y tales que por ser inabitables so pobladas de ganados y otros muchos animales de dibersas maneras aunque no de serpientes por ser como son esentos y sin montes antes de todo genero de caga y aues como adelante se dira dexando de contar la buelta quel campo dio para la nueba espaiiahasta que se bea la poca ocagion que para ello ubo comen9aremos a tratar de la uilla de culiacan y bersea la diferen9ia que ay de la una tierra a la otra para que meresca lo uno estar poblado de espanoles y lo otro no abiendo de ser a el contrario quanto a cristianos porque en los unos ay ra9on de hombres y en los otros barbaridad de animales y mas que de bestias. Gapitulo primero de la prouinda de Ouliacan y de sus ritos y costumbres. Culiacan es lo ultimo del nuebo reyno de gali9ia y fue lo primero que poblo Nuno de guzman quando conquisto este reyno esta a el poniente de mexico do9ientas y diez leguas en esta prouin9ia ay tres leguas prin9i- pales sin otras bariables que de ella responden la primera es de tahus que era la mejor gente y mas entendida y los que en esta sa9on estan mas domesticos y tienen mas lumbre de la fe estos ydolatraban y ha9ian presentes a el demonio de sus aberes y reque9as que era ropa y tur- quesas no comian carne humana ni la sacriflcauan aconstumbraban a criar muy grandes culebras y tenian las en benera9ion aula entre ellos hombres en abito de mugeres que se casaban con otros honbres y les seruian de mugeres canonicaban con gran fiesta a las mugeres que querian bibir solteras con un grande areyto o bayle en quese juntaban todos los senores de la comarca y sacaban la a baylar en cueros y des- que todos abian baylado con ella metian la en un rancho que para aquel efecto estaba bien adornado y las senoras la adere9aban de ropa y bra- 9a]etes de finas turquesas y luego entrabran a usar con ella los senores uno a uno y tras de ellos todos los demas que querian y desde alii ade- lante no abian de negar a nadie pagandoles sierta paga que estaba cons- 448 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.amk. U tituyda para ello y aunque despaes tomaban maridos no por eso eran reseruadas de cuplir con quien se lo pagaba sua mayores fiestas son mercados auia una costumbre que las mugeres que se casaban los mari- dos las compraban a los padres y parlentes por gran pre9io y luego la Uebaban a un senor que lo teuian como por saserdote para que las des- birgase y biese si estaba don9el]a y si no lo estaba le abian de bolber todo el pregio y estaba en su escoger si la queria por muger o no o dexalla para que fuese canonigada hagian grandes borracberas a sus tiempos. la segunda lengua es de pacaxes que es la gente que abitan en la tierra que esta entre lo llano y las serranias estos son mas barbara gente algunos comen carne humana que son los que confinan con las serranias son grandes someticos toman muchas mugeres aunque sean hermanas adoran en piedras pintados de entalladura son grandes abu- gioneros y hechigeros, la tercera lengua son acaxes aquestos pose en gran parte de la tierra por la serrania y toda la cordillera y asi andan a ca§a deliombres como a caga de benados comen todos carne humana y el que tiene mas guesos de hombre y calaberas colgadas a el rededor de su caga es mas temido y en mas tenido biben a barrios y en tierra muy aspera huyen de lo llano para pasar de un barrio a otro a de aber quebrada en medio que aunque se hable no puedau pasar tarn ligeramete a una grita se juntan quinientos hombres y por pequena ocagion se matan y se comen estos an sido malos de sojuzgar por la asperega de la tierra que es muy grande. an se ballado en esta tierra muchas minas de plata ricas no ban a lo hondo acabase en breue desde la costa de esta prouingia comienga el ancon que mete la mar debajo del norte que entra la tierra adentro dogientas y sinquentas leguas y fenese en la boca del rio del tigon esta tierra es la una punta a el oriente la punta del poniente es la California ay de punta a punta segun he oydo a hombres que lo an nabegado treinta leguas porque perdiendo de bista a esta tierra ben la otra el ancon digen es ancho dentro a tener de tierra a tierra giento y sinquenta leguas y mas desde el. rio del tigon da la buelta la costa a el sur hagiendo arco hasta la California que buelue a el poniente hagiendo aquella punta que otro tiempo se tubo por isla por ser tierra baxa y arenosa poblada de gente bruta y bestial desnuda y que comen su mismo estiercol y se juntaban hombre y muger como animales ponieu- dose la hembra en quatro pies publicamente. G(vpitulo segundo de la prouincia de petlatlan y todo lo poblado hasta chioMUicale. petlatlan es una poblagion de casas cubiertas con una manera de esteras hechas de causo congregadas en pueblos que ban a el luego de un rio desde la sierras hasta la mar son gente de la calidad y ritos de los tahues culhacaneses ay entre ellos muchos someticos tienen grande poblagion y comarca de otros pueblos a la serrania difieren en la lengua ■wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 449 de los tahues alguii tauto puesto que se entienden los unos a los otros dixose petlatlan por ser las casas de petates dura esta manera de casas por aquella parte docientas y quarenta leguas y mas que ay hasta el principio del despoblado de cibola desde petlatlan hace raya aquella tierra cogno9idamente la causa porque desde alii para adelante no ay arbol sin espina ni ay frutas sino son tunas y mesquites y jiitahayas ay desde culiacan alia ueinte leguas y desde jjetlatlan a el ualle de senora ciento y treinta ay entre medias muchos rios poblados de gente de la misma suerte como son sinoloa, boyomo, teocomo, y aquimi yotros mas pequenos estan tambien los coragones ques nuestro caudal abajo del ualle de seiiora. senora es un rio y ualle muy poblado de gente muy dispuesta las mugeres bisteu naguas de cuero adobado de benados y sanbeni- tillos hasta medio cuerpo los que soa senores de los pueblos se ponen a las mananas en unos altillos que para aquello tienen liechos y a mauera de pregones o pregoneros estan pregonando por espa9io de una ora como administrando les en lo que an de lia9er tiene unas casi- Uas pequenas de adoratorios en que hincan muchas flechas que las ponen por de fuera como un eriso y esto bagen quando asperan tener guerra a el rededor de esta prouincia hacia las sierras ay grandes pobla- piones en probincillas apartadas y congregadas de diez y do9e pueblos y ocho o siete de ellos que se los nombres so com u patrico, moehilagua y arispa, y el uallecillo ay otros que no se bieron. desde senora a el ualle de suya ay quarenta leguas en este ualle se uino a poblar la uilla de san hieronimo que despues se alcaron y mata- ron parte de la gente que estaba poblada como se bera adelante en lo ter9era parte en este ualle ay muchos pueblos que tienen en su torno son las gentes de la calidad de los de senora y de un traje y lengua ritos y costumbres con todo los demas que ay hasta el despoblado de chichilticale las mugeres se labran en la barba y los ojos como moriscas de berberia ellos son grandes someticos beben bino de pitahayas que es fruta de cardones que se abre como granadas hacen se con el bino tontos ha9en conserua de tunas en gran cantidad conseruanse en su sumo en gran cantidad sin otra miel ha9en pan de mesquites como quesos conseruase todo el ano ay en esta tierra melones de ella tarn grandes que tiene una persona que lleuar en uno ha9en de ellos tasajos y curan los a el sol son de comer del sabor de higos pasado guisados son muy buenos y dulces guardanse todo el ano asi pasado. y por esta tierra se bieron aguilas candoles tienen las los senores por grande9a en todos estos pueblos no se bieron gallinas de ninguna suerte salbo en este ualle de suya que se hallaron gallinas como las de castilla que no se supo por donde entraron tanta tierra de guerra teniendo como todos tienen guerra unos con otros entre suya y chichilticale ay muchos carneros y cabras montesas grandissimas de cuerpos y de cuernos espanoles ubo que afirman aber bisto manada de mas de 9iento juntos corren tanto que en brebe se desparesen. 14 ETH 29 450 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [kth.ann.U en chicMlticale torna la tierra a hacer raya y pierde la arboleda espinosa y la causa es que como el Ancon Uega hasta aquel paraje y da buelta la costa asi da buelta la cordillera de las sierras y alii se biene a trabesar la serrania y se rompe para pasar a lo llano de la tierra Gwpitulo tercero de lo ques chicMlticale y el despoblado de cibola sus costumbres y ritos y de otras cosas. chicWlticale dixose asi porque ballarou los frayles en esta comarca una casa que fue otros tiempos poblada de gentes que rresquebrabau de 9ibola era de tierra Colorado o bermeja la casa era grande y bien paregia ien ella aber sido fortalega y debio ser despoblada por los de la tierra que es la gente mas barbara de las que se bieron hasta alii biuen en rancherias sin poblados biben de casar y todo lo mas es despoblado y de grandes pinales ay pifiones en gran cantidad son los pinos donde se dan parrados de hasta de dos a tres estados de alto ay enginales de bellota dulce y fanonas que dan una fruta como confltes de culantro seco es muy dulce como asucar ay berros en algunas fuetes y resales y poleo y oregano. en los rios deste despoblado ay barbos y picones como en espafla ay leones pardos que se bieron desde el principio del despoblado siempre se ba subiendo la tierra hasta llegar a 9ibola que son ochenta leguas la uia del norte y hasta llegar alii desde culiacan se aula caminado Ueuando el norte sobre el ojo isquierdo. gibola son siete pueblos el mayor se dice ma9aque comunmente son de tres y quatro altos las casas en macaque ay caias de quatro altos y de siete estas gentes son bien entendidas andan cubiertas sus berguen- 9a8 y todas las partes deshonestas con panos a manera de serbilletas de mesa con rapasejos y una borla en cada esquina atan los sobre el quadril bisten pellones de plumas y de pelo de liebres matas de algodon las mugeres se bisten de mantas que las atan o anudan sobre el honbro isquierdo y sacan el bra9o derecho por en9ima siriense las a el euerpo traen capotes de cuero pulidos de buena fay9ion cogen el cabello sobre las dos orejas hechos dos ruedas que paresen papos de cosia. esta tierra es un ualle entre sierras a manera de pefiones siembran a hoyos no crese el maiz alto de las ma9orcas desdel pie tres y quatro cada cafia gruesas y grandes de a ocho 9ietos granos cosa no bista en estas partes ay en esta prouincia osos en gran cantidad leones gatos 9eruales y nutrias ay muy flnas tratan turquesas aunque no en la cantidad que de9ian recogen y entrogan pifiones para su ano no tiene un hombre mas de una muger ay en los pueblos estufas que estan en los patios o placas donde se juntan a consulta no ay sen ores como por la nueba espana rigense por consejo de los mas biejos tieuen sus saser- dotes a quien Uaman papas que les predican estos son uiejos subense en el terrado mas alto del pueblo y desde alii a manera de pregoneros predican a el pueblo por las mananas quando sale el sol estando todo el pueblo en silen9io asentados por los corredores escuchando dicen les wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 451 como au de bibir y creo que les di^en algunos maudamieutos que an de guardar porque entre ellos uo ay borrachera ni sodomia ni sacriflcios ni comen carne humaua ni liurtan de comun trabajan eu el pueblo la estufas son comunes es saorilegio que las mugeres entren a dormir en las estufas per senal de paz dar cruz queman los muertos hechan con ellos en el fuego los instrumentos que tienen para usar sus officios. tienen a tusayan entre norte y ponieute a ueinte leguas es prouiufia de siete pueblos de la misma suerte trajes ritos y costumbres. que los de gibola abra en estas dos prouin9ia8 que son cator9e pueblos hasta ties o quatro mill hombres y ay hasta tiguex quarenta leguas o mas la buelta del norte ay entre medias el penon de acuco que contamos en la primera parte. Capitulo quarto como se tratan los de tiguex y de la prouincia de tiguex y sus comarcas. tiguex es prouincia de doge pueblos riberas de uu rio grande y cau- daloso unos pueblos de una parte y otros de otra es ualle espagioso de dos leguas en ancho tiene a el oriente una sierra nebada muy alta y aspera a el pie de ella por las espaldas ay siete pueblos quatro en llano y los tres metidos en la halda de la sierra. tiene a el norte a quirix siete pueblos a siete leguas tiene a el nordeste la prouincia de hemes siete pueblos a quarenta leguas tiene a el norte o leste a Acha a quatro leguas a el sueste a tutahaco prouingia de oclio pueblos todos estos pueblos en general tienen unos ritos y costumbres aunque tienen algunas cosas en particulares que no las tienen los otros gobiernanse por acuerdo de los mas uiejos labran los ediflcios del pueblo de comun las mugeres entienden en hager la mescla y las paredes los hombres traen la madera y la asientan no ay cal pero hagen una mescla de genisa de carbon y tierra ques poco menos que de cal porque con aber de tener quatro altos la casa no hacen la pared de mas gordor que de media bara juntan gran cantidad de rama de tomillos y corriso y ponen le fuego y como esta entre carbon y genisa hechan mucha tierra y agua y hagen lo mescla y de ella hacen pellas redondas que ponen en lugar de piedra despues de seco y traban con la misma mescla de suerte que despues es como argamasa los mangebos por casar siruen a el pueblo en general y traen la lefia que se a de gastar y la ponen en rima en los patios de los pueblos de donde la toman las mugeres para lleuar a sus casas su abitagion de los mangebos es en las estufas que son en los patios de el pueblo debajo de tierra quadrados o redondos con pilares de pino algunas se bieron de doge pilares y de quatro por nabe de gor- dor de dos bragas los comunes eran de tres o quatro pilares los suelos de losas grandes y lisas como los banos que se usan 6 europa tienen dentro un fogon a manera de una bitacora de nabio donde ensienden un puno de tomillo con que sustentan la calor y pueden estar dentro como en bano lo alto en pareja con la tierra alguna se bio tan espaciosa que tendra juego de bola quando alguno se a de casar a de ser por orden de 452 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.W los que gobiernaii a de hilar y texer una manta el baron y ponerle la muger delante y ella cubre con ella y queda por su muger las casas son de las mugeres las estufas de los hombres si el uaron repudia la muger a de ir a ello a la estufa es biolable cosa domir las mugeres en la estufa ni entrar a niugun negogio mas de meter de comer a el marido o a los hijos los hombres hilan y texen las mugeres crian los hijos y guisan de comer la tierra es tan fertil que no desyerban en todo el auo mas de para sembrar porque luego cae la niebe y cubre lo senbrado y debajo de la niebe cria la ma9orca cogen en un ano para siete ay gradissimo numero de guillas y de ansares y cuerbos y tordos que se mantieuen por los sem- brados y con todo esto quando bneluen a sembrar para otro aiio estan los campos cubiertos de maiz que no lo an podido acabar de encerrar. aula en estas prouincias gra cantidad de gallinas de la tierra y gallos de papada sustentabanse muertos sin pelar ni abrir sesenta dias sin mal olor y los hombres muertos lo mismo y mas tiempo siendo inbierno los pueblos son limpios de inmundi^ias porque salen fuera a estercolar y desaguan en basijas de barro y las sacan a basiar fuera del pueblo tienen bien repartidas las casas en grande limx)ie9a donde guisan de comer y donde muelen la harina que es un apartado o retrete donde tienen un farnal con tres piedras asentado con argamasa donde entran tres mugeres cadauna en su piedra que la una frangoUa y la otra muele y la otra remuele antes q entren dentro a la puerta se descal9.in los sapatos y cogen el cabello y sacuden la ropa y cubre la cabega mientras que muele esta un hombre sentado a la puerta tanedo con una gayta al tono traen las piedras y canta a tres boges muelen de una bez mucha cantidad porque todo el pan hagen de harina desleyda con agua caliente a manera de obleas cogen gran cantidad de yeruas y secan las para guisar todo el ano para comer no ay en la tierra frutas saluo piiiones tienen sus predicadores no se hallo en ellos sodomia ni comer carne humana ni sacriflcarlla no es gente cruel porque en tiguex estubieron obra de quarenta dias muerto a frangisco de ouando y quando se acabo de ganar el pueblo lo hallaron entero entre sus muertos sin otra ligiou mas de la herida de que murio bianco como niebe sin mal olor de un indio de los nuestros que aula estado un ano catibo entre ellos alcanse a saber algunas cosas de sus costumbres en especial preguntadole yo que porque causa en aquella proulngia andaban las mugeres moQas en cueros hagiendo tam gran frio dixome que las dongellas auian de andar ansi hasta que tomasen maridos y que en cognogiendo uaron se cubrian trayan los hombres por alii camisetas de cuero de benado adobado y engima sus pellones ay por todas estas prouincias loca bedriada de alcohol y jarros de extremadas labores y de hechuras que era cosa de ber. Ga/pilmlo quinto de cicuyo y los pueblos de su contorno y de como unas gentes bmieron a conquistar aquella tierra. ya abemos dicho de tiguex y de todas las proningias que estan en la costa de aquel rio por ser como sou todos de una calidad de gente y una wiNSHip] NAERATIVE OF CASTANEDA 453 condi§ioii y costumbres no sera menester en ellos particulari9ar ninguna cosa solo quiero de5ir del ayiento de cicuye y unos pueblos despoblados que le caen en comarca en el camino derecho quel campo llebo para alia y otros que estan tras la sierra nebada de tiguex que tambien caen en aquella comarca fu6ra del rio. cicuyc es un pueblo de liasta quinientos bombres de guerra es temido por toda aquella tierra eu su sitio es quadrado asentado sobre peua en medio un gran patio o plaga con sus estufas laa casas son todas parejas de quatro altos por lo alto se anda todo el pueblo sin que aya calle que lo estorbe a los dos primeros doblados es todo gercado de corredores que se anda por ellos todo el pueblo son como balcones que salen a fuera y debajp de ellos se pueden amparar no tienen las casas puertas por lo bajo con escaleras leuadlsas se siruen y suben a los corre- dores que son por de dentro del pueblo y por alii se mandan que las puertas de las casas salen a aquel alto al corredor sirue el corredor por calle las casas que salen a el campo hagen espaldas con las de dentro del patio y en tiempo de guerra se mandan por las de dentro es gercado de una gerca baja de piedra tiene dentro una fuente de agua que se la pueden quitar la gente deste pueblo se pregia de que nadie los a podido sojuzgar y los sojuzgan los pueblos que quieren son de la misma con- digion y costumbres que los otros pueblos tambien andan las doncellas desnudas hasta que toma maridos por que digen que si hacen maldad que luego se bera y ansi no lo haran ni tiene de que tener berguenga pues andan qual nagieron, ay entre cicuye y la prouingia de quirix un pueblo chico y fuerte a quien los espanoles pusieron nonbre ximena y otro pueblo casi despo- blado que no tiene poblado sino un barrio este pueblo era grande segun su sitio y fresco parecia aber sido destruydo aqueste se Uamo el pueblo de los cilos porque se hallarou en el grandes silos de maiz. adelante auia otro pueblo gra.nde todo destruido y asolado en los patios del muchas pelotas de piedras tan grandes como botijas de arroba que paregia aber sido hechadas con ingenios o trabucos con que des- truyeron aquel pueblo lo que de ello se alcanso a saber fue que abria desiseis anos que unas gentes Uamados teyas en gran uumero auian benido en aquella tierra y auian destruydo aquellos pueblos y auian tenido gercado a cicuye y no lo auian podido tomar por ser fuerte y que quando salieron de aquella tierra auian kecho amistades con toda la tierra paregio debio de ser gente poderosa y que debia de tener ingenios para derriba los pueblos no saben decir de que parte binieron mas de senalar debajo del norte generalmente llaman estas gentes teyas por gentes ualietes como digen los mexicanos chichimecas o teules porque los teyas que el campo topo puesto que eran ualientes eran cognogidos de la gente de los poblados y sus amigos y que se ban a inbernar por alia los inbiernos debaxo de los alaues de lo poblado porque detro no se atreben a los regebir porque no se deben flar de ellos y puesto que los regiben de amistad y tractan con ellos de noche no quedan en los pueblos sino 454 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. ann. 14 ftiera solas alaues y los pueblos se belanabo 9ina y grito grito como las fortalegas de espana. otros siete pueblos ay a la orllla deste camino hacia la sierra nebada que el uno quedo medio destruydo de estas gentes ya dichas que esfcan debaxo de la obidien9ia de cicuye esta cicuye en un pequeno ualle entre sierras y montaflas de grandes pinales tiene una pequefia riuera que lleba muy buenas truchas y niltrias crianse per aqui muy grandes osos y buenos halcones. Gapitulo sexto en que se declara quantos fueron los pueblos que se uieron en los poblados de terrados y lo poblado de ello. paregiome antes que saiga degir de los llanos de las bacas y lo poblado y rancheado de ellos que sera bien que se sepa que tanto fue lo po- blado que se bio de casas de altos en pueblos congregados y en que tanto espa9io de tierra digo que fibola es lo primero. gibola siete pueblos tucayan siete pueblos el penon de acuco uno tiguex doge pueblos tutahaco ocho pueblos por abajo del rio estauan estos pueblos. quirix siete pueblos a la sierra nebeda siete pueblos ximena tres pueblos. cicuye uno pueblo. hemes siete pueblos aguas calientes tres pueblos. yuqueyunque de la sierra seis pueblos. ualladolid dicho braba un pueblo. chia un pueblo. por todos son sesenta y seis pueblos como parece tiguex es el rifion de los pueblos ualladolid lo mas alto el rio arriba a el nordeste los quatro pueblos a el rio abaxo al sueste porque el rio boltea hagia leuante que desde la una punta de lo que se bio el rio abaxo a la otra que se bio el rio arriba en que esta todo lo poblado ay giento y treinta leguas diez mas o menos que por todos los pueblos con los de las trabesias son sesenta y seis como tengo dicho en todos ellos puede auer como ueinte mill hombres lo qual se puede bien considerar y entender por la poblagion de los pueblos y entre medias de unos y otros no ay caserias ni otra abitacion sino todo despoblado por donde se be que segun son poca gente y tan diferengiados en trato gouierno y poligia de todas las nagiones que se an bisto y descubierto en estas partes de poniente son benedigos de aquella parte de la India mayor que cae su costa debaxo del poniente de esta tierra que por aquella parte pueden aber baxado atrabesando aquellas cordilleras baxando por aquel rio abajo poblando en lo mejor que les paregia y como an ydo multiplicando an ydo poblando hasta que WINSBIPj NARRATIVE OP CASTANEDA 455 no hallaron rio porque se same debaxo de tierra baciendo sus corrientes hagia la florida baxando del nordeste donde se hallaua notiyia todauia de pueblos quese dexo de seguir al turco que lo de^ia sin aquellas Cor- dilleras do nace aquel rio se atrabesaran yo creo se tomaran ricas noti- cias y se entrara en las tierras de donde aquellas gentes progeden que segun el rilbo es principio de la iadia mayor aun que partes innotas y no sabidas ni cognosidas porque segun la demostragion de la costa es muy la tierra adentro entre la nuruega y la china en el comedio de la tierra de mar a mar es graude anchura segun de muestran los rumbos de ambas costas asi lo q descubrio el capitan uillalobos yendo por esta mar de poniente en demanda de la china como lo que sea descubierto por la mar del norte la buelta de los bacallaos que es por la costa de la florida arriba hacia la nuruega. ausi que tornado a el proposito de lo comen9ado digo q en espa5io de setenta leguas en el ancho de aquella tierra poblada y de ciento y treinta leguas al luego del rio de tiguex no se bieron ni hallaron mas poblados ni gentes de los ya dichas que ay repartimientos en la nueba espana no uno sino muchos de mayor numero de gentes en muchos pue- blos de ellos se hallaron metales de plata que los tenian parabedriar y pintar losrrotro. * Gapitulo septimo que trata de los llanos que se atrabesaron de hacas y de las gentes que los habitan. dicho abemos de lo poblado de altos que segun parese esta en el comedio de la cordillera en lo mas llano y espa9ioso de ella porque tiene de atrabesia 9iento y sinquenta leguas hasta entrar en la tierra liana que esta entre las dos cordilleras digo la que esta a la mar del norte y la que esta a la mar del sur que por esta costa se podria mejor degir a la mar de poniente esta cordillera es la que esta a el mar del sur pues para entender como lo poblado que digo es ba en el comedio de la cor- dillera digo que desde chichilticale que es el principio de la trabesia a 9ibola ay ochenta leguas de 9ibola que es el primer pueblo a cicuye que es el prostero en la trabesia ay setenta leguas de cicuye a los llanos ay treinta leguas hasta el prin9ipio de ellos puede ser aberse atrabesado algo por trabesia o a el sesgo por do parece aber mas tierra que si se atrabesara por medio y pudiera ser mas diiicultoso y aspero y esto no se puede bie entender por la buelta que la cordillera ha9e tras de su costa del Ancon del rio del tizon. agora diremos de los llanos que es una tierra liana y espa9iosa que tiene en anchura mas de quatro cientas leguas por aquella parte entre las dos cordilleras la una la que atrabeso francisco uasques coronado a la mar del sur y la otra la que atrabeso la gente de don fernando de soto a la mar del norte entrando por la florida lo que de estos llanos se bio todo era despoblado y no se pudo ber la otra cordillera ni 9erro ni 9ierra que tubiese de altura tres estados con andar do9ientas y sinquenta leguas por ellos atrechos se hallauan algunas lagunas redondas como 456 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [^th.ann.m platos de un tiro de piedra de ancho y mayores alganas dulges y alga- nas de sal en estas lagunas ay alguna yerba cresida fuera de ellas toda es muy cliica de un geme y menos es la tierra de hechura de bola que donde quiera que un hombre se pone lo gerca el gielo a tiro de ba- llesta no tiene arboleda sino en los rios que ay en algunas barrancas que son tarn encubiertas que hasta que estan a el bordo de ellas no son bistas son de tierra muerta tienen entradas que hageu las bacas para eiitrar a el agua que esta honda por estos llanos andan gentes como tengo dicho en la primera parte en pos de las bacas lia9iendo caga y adobado cueros para lleuar a bender a los poblados los inbiernos porque ban a inbernar a ellos cada compania a donde mas gerca se halla unos a los poblados de cicuye otros hagia quiuira otros hagia la florida a los poblados que estan hagia aquella parte y puerto estan gentes que los llama querechos y teyas dan relagion de grandes poblados y segun lo que de estas gentes se bio y de otros que ellos daban notigia que auia por otras partes ella es harto mas geute que no la de los poblados mas dispuesta y mayores hombres de guerra y mas temidos andan como alarabes con sus tiendas y harrias de perros aparejados con lomillos y en xalmas y sincha quando se les tuerge la carga aullan llamando quien los aderese comen esta gente la carne cruda y beben la sagre no comen carne humana es gente amoroso y no cruel tienen flel amistad son muy entendidos por sefias secan la carne a el sol cortandola delgada como una oja y seca la muelen como harina para guardar y hager magamo- rras para comer que con un puiio que hechan en una oUa se hinche por que crege mucho guisan lo con manteca que siempre procuran traer quando matan la baca uagian una gran tripa y liincben la de sangre y hechan la a el cuello para beber quando tienen sed quando an abierto lapanga de la baca ai)rietan para abajo la yerua mascada y el sumo que queda arriba lo beben que digen que esto da la sustangia de el bientre abren las bacas por el lomo y deshagen los por sus coyunturas con un pedernal grande como un dedo atado en un paiito co tauta fagilidad como si fuese con una muy buena herramienta dando les los fllos en sus propios dientes es cosa de ber y de notar la prestega con que lo hagen. ay por estos llanos muy gran cantidad de lobos que anda tras de las bacas tienen el pelo bianco los sieruos sou remendados de bianco el pelo ancho y que muriendo ansi con la mano se pelan en caliente y quedan como puerco pelado las liebres que son en gran numero andan tan abobadas que yendo a cauallo las matan con las langas esto es de andar hechas entre las bacas de la gente de pie huyen. Oapitulo ocho de quiuira y en que rumbo esta y la notigia que dan. quiuira es a el poniente de aquellas barrancas por el medio de la tierra algo arrimada a la cordillera de la mar porque hasta quiuira es tierra liana y alii se comengan a ber algunas sierras la tierra es muy poblada segun el principio de ella se bio ser esta tierra muy aparente a la de 16 BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGV r' \ ^<^/^ ^^-^ ^^/^ iZa^ ^^^iW,V^ FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, LXXXIV C^ i/^ C^ tCfj^ VS RELACION « Library wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 467 pues querer contar la fagion de los toros tambien es de admirar que ningun cauallo ubo a los principios que los biese de cara que no huyese de su bista porque ellos tienen el rrostro ancho y corto de ojo a ojo dos palmps de frente los ojos salidos por el lado que yendo huyendo ben a quien los sigue tienen barbas como cabrones muy grandes quaudo huyen lleuan la cabeca baxa la barba arrastrando por el suelo del medio cuetpo para atras son senidos el pelo muy merino como de ouejas muy flnas y de la sinta para adelante el pelo muy largo de faicion de leon raspante y una gra corcoba mayor que de camello los cuernos cortos y gordos que se descubren poco por cima del pelo mudan el pelo de medio cuerpo atras por mayo en un bellon y quedan perfectos leones para mudarse arrima a algunos arboles pequenos que ay en algnnas barranquillas y alii se rrefriegan hasta que dexan el bellon como la culebra el pelejo tienen la cola corta y un pequeno y sopo a el cabo lleuan la quando corren alta a manera de alacra es cosa de ber que quando son begerricos son berme- jos y de la manera de los nuestros y con el tiempo y la edad se mudan en color y faigion. ay otra cosa que todos los toros que se mataron tenian a la oreja isquierda hendida teniendolas sanas quando chiquitos este fue un secreto que no se pudo alcan9ar la causa de ello de la lana segun la flnesa se harian buenos panes aunque no de colores por ser ella de color de buriel. otra cosa es de notar que andan los toros sin bacas en tanto numero que no ay quien los pueda numerar y tarn apartados de las uacas que desde donde comengamos a ber toros jasta adonde comengamos a ber uacas auia mas de quarenta leguas y la tierra adonde andaban era tan liana y esconbrada que por do quiera que los mirasen se bia el cielo por entre las piernas de suerte quesiestaban algo lejos pare9ian escombra- .dos pinos que juntaban las copas por lo alto y si un solo toro estaba pare(jia quatro pinos y por serca que estubiese no se podia mirando por encima ber tierra de la otra parte causaba todo esto ser la tierra tam redonda que do quiera que un hombre. se ponia paregia que estaba en la cumbre y uia el 5ielo a el rededor de si a tiro de ballesta y por poca cosa que se le ponia delante le quitaba la uista de la tierra. otras cosas sebieron que por no ser de tanta calidad no las escribe ni hago de ellas min§ion aunque no parece es de callar el tener como tienen en benera§ion en algunas partes de los poblados de altos la senal de la cruz por que en acuco en una fuente que estaba en lo llano tenian una cruz de dos palmos de alto de gordor de un dedo hecha de palo con su pena de una uara de quadro y muchos palitos adornados de plumas a el rededor y muchas flores secas desmenu9adas. en tutahaco en un sepulcro fuera del pueblo parecia aber se enterrado en el frescamente alguien estaua otra cruz a la cabe9era de dos palitos atados con hilo de algodon y flores desmenusadas secas yo digo que a mi parcQer por alguna uia tienen alguna lunbre de cruz de christo nuestro redentor y podria ser por la uia de la India de do ellos pro9edeD. 468 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1B42 [eth.ahn.U Gapitulo nono que trata el rumbo que llebo el campo y como se podria yr a huscar otra uia que mas derecha fuese abiendo de boluer aquella tierra. mucho quisiera yo agora que para dar a entender lo que quiero degir ubiera en mi alguna parte de cosmografia o jumetria para que pudiera tatitear o compasar la bentaja que puede aber y ay si otra uez saliesen de la nueba espatia gentes en demanda de aquella tierra en yr alia por el riSon de la tierra o seguir el camino quel campo llebo pero ayudandome la gratia del senor dire lo que alcanso dandolo a entender lo mejor que a mi sea posible. ya me pare§e que se tiene entendido quel portugues campo 'fue el soldado que se escape quando los de quiuira mataron a fray juan de padilla el quel uino a salir a la nueba espana por panuco abiendo andado por la tierra de los llanos hasta que uino atrabesar la cordillera de la mar del norte dexando siempre la tierra que descubrio don hernando de soto sobre mano isquierda porque este hombre nuuca bio el rio del espiritu santo y quando bino acabar de atrabesar la cordillera de la mar del norte cayo sobre panuco de manera que si no se pusiera a demandar por la mar del norte ubiera de salir por la comarca de la marca o tierra de los sacatecas de que ya agora se tiene lambre. y para aber de boluer en demanda de quiuira seria aquella uia harto mejor y mas derecha pues ay guias en la nueba espana de las que binieron con el portugues aunque digo que seria mejor y mas derecho por la tierra de los guachichules arrimandose siempre a la cordillera de la mar del sur porque es mas poblada y abria bastimento porque engolfarse en la tierra liana seria perderse por la gran anchura que tiene y ser esteril de comidas aunque sea berdad que dando en las uacas no se pasaria mucha necesidad y esto es solamente para yr en demanda de quiuira y de aquellos pueblos que decia el indio que Uemauan turco porque yr por donde fue el campo de fran"" uasques coronado el grandissimo rodeo porque salen de mexico a el poniente siento y diez leguas y despues a el nordeste cien leguas y a el norte docientas y sinquenta y todo esto es hasta los barrancos de las uacas y con aber andado ocho§ientas y sinquenta leguas por rumbo derecho no se an desbiado de mexico quatro sientas leguas si es querer yr a la tierra de tiguex para desde alll bolber a el poniente en demanda de la tierra de la India a se de lleuar el camino quel campo llebo porque aunque se quiera tomar otro camino no lo ay que no da lugar el ancon de mar que entra por esta costa adentro hacia el norte sino es que se ubiese de hacer armada de mar que fuese atrabesando este ancon de mar a desembarcar en el paraje de la isla de negros y por alii entrar la tierra adentro atrabesando la cordillera en basca de la tierra do proyeden los de tiguex o de otras gentes que tengan aquella poligia porque aber de entrar por tierra de la florida por la mar del norte ya se a uisto y conosido que quantas jornadas por alii se an hecho an sido infeliyes y no bien afortunadas allende de ques la tierra de aquella parte llena de cienegas y ahogadiya esteril y la mas mala que calienta el sol sino ban wiHSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 469 • a desembarcar pasado el rio del espiritu santo como liigo don hernando de soto y oon todo me aflrmo que aunque se pase muclio trabajo es lo mejor por la tlerra que aya andado y se sepan los aguajes porque se lleuauan las cosas necesarias con mas fagilidad y mas abundosamente y en las tierras nueuas los cauaUos es lo mas negesario y lo que mas ha§e temer a los enemigos y los que son senores del campo tambien es temida el artilleria donde no saben el uso de ella y para poblados como los que fran"" uasques descubrio fuera buena alguna pie§a de artilleria gruesa para derribar porque el no Uebo sino uersillos menores y no hombre ingenioso para que hiciese un trabuco ni otra maquina que los atemorisas el qual es muy necesario. digo pues que con la lunbre que el dia de oy se tiene de los rumbos que an corrido los nauios por esta costa de la mar del sur an andado descubriedo por esta parte de poniete y lo que se sabe de la mar del norte lia5ia la nuruega ques la costa de la florida arriba los que agora entrasen a descubrir por donde fran"" uasques entro y se hallasen en tierra de 9ibola o de tiguex bien sabrian a que parte auia de yr en de- manda de la tierra quel marques del ualle don hernando cortes buscaba y la buelta que da el ancon del tigon para tomar el rumbo berdadero y esto bastara para dar flu a nuestra relajion en todo lo demas probe a aquel poderoso senor de todas las cosas dios omnipotente quel sabe el como y quando estas tierras seran descubiertas y para quien esta guar- dada esta buena uentura. laus dec. Acabose de tresladar sabado a ueinte y seis de otubre de mill y qui- nientos y noueta y seis anos en seuilla. TEAFSLATION OF THE NAEEATIVE OP CASTAS^EDA Account of the Expedition to Cibola which took place in the year 1540, in which all those settlements, their ceremonies and customs, are described. Written by Pedro de Castafieda, of Najera.' PREFACE To me it seems very certain, my very noble lord, that it is a. worthy ambition for great men to desire to know and wish to preserve for pos- terity correct information concerning the things that have happened in distant parts, about which little is known. I do not blame those inquisitive persons who, perchance with good intentions, have many times troubled me not a little with their requests that I clear up for them some doubts which they have had about different things that have been commonly related concerning the events and occurrences that took place during the expedition to Cibola, or the New Land, which the good viceroy — may he be with God in His glory ^ — Don Antonio de Mendoza, ordered and arranged, and on which he sent Francisco Vaz- quez de Coronado as captain-general. In truth, they have reason for wishing to know the truth, because most people very often make things of which they have heard, and about which they have perchance no knowledge, appear either greater or less than they are. They make nothing of those things that amount to something, and those that do, not they make so remarkable that they appear to be something impos- sible to believe. This may very well have been caused by the fact that, as that country was not permanently occupied, there has not been any- one who was willing to spend his time in writing about its peculiarities, because all knowledge was lost of that which it was not the pleasure of God — He alone knows the reason — that they should enjoy. In truth, he who wishes to employ himself thus in writing out the things that happened on the expedition, and the things that were seen in those lands, and the ceremonies and customs of the natives, will have matter enough to test his judgment, and I believe that the result can not fail to be an account which, describing only the truth, will be so remarkable that it will seem incredible. 'There were several representatives of ibe family of CastaBeda among the Spaniards in America as early as the middle of the sixteenth centnry, hut the only possible mention of this Pedro of the Biscayan town of Najera, which I have seen outside of the present document, is the following item from a Belacion do los pesos de oro que estdn seSalados por indios vacos & los conqnistadores de Nueva Espana y & sus hijos, cuyos nombres se oxpresan (afio 1554), in Paoheco y Cardenas, Doe. de Indias, xiv, 206: "A los nueve hijos de Pero Franco, conquistador, 6 su mnjer, que son: Maria de Acosta, madre de todos, Pero Fraiicisco de CastaBeda, Juana de Castaueda, In6s de Castafieda Fran- cisco de Caatafieda, Lorenzo Franco, Marta de CastaBeda, Anton de Vargas y Juana de CastaBeda lea estfin seBalados de entretenimiento en cada un ano duzientos y setenta pesos. CCLXX." 'Mendoza died in Lima, July 21, 1552. 470 wiNSHiPi TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 471 And besides, I think that the twenty years and more since that expedition took place have been the cause of some stories which are related. For example, some make it an uninhabitable country, others have it bordering on Florida, and still others on Greater India, which does not appear to be a slight difference. They are unable to give any basis upon which to found their statements. There are those who tell about some very peculiar animals, who are (jontradicted by others who were on the expedition, declaring that there was nothing of the sort seen. Others differ as to the limits of the provinces and even in regard to the ceremonies and customs, attributing what pertains to one people to others. All this has had a large part, my very noble lord, in making me wish to give now, although somewhat late, a short gen- .eral account for all those who pride themselves on this noble curiosity, and to save myself the time taken up by these solicitations. Things enough will certainly be found here which are hard to believe. All or the most of these were seen with my own eyes, and the rest is from reliable information obtained by inquiry of the natives themselves. Under- standing as I do that this little work would be nothing in itself, lacking authority, unless it were favored and protected by a person whose authority would protect it from the boldness of those who, without reverence, give their murmuring tongues liberty, and knowing as I do how great are the obligations under which I have always been, and am, to your grace, I humbly beg to submit this little work to your protec- tion. May it be received as from a faithful retainer and servant. It will be divided into three parts, that it may bo better understood. The first will tell of the discovery and the armament or army that was made ready, and of the whole journey, with the captains who were there; the second, of the villages and provinces which were found, and their limits, and ceremonies and customs, the animals, fruits, and vegetation, and in-what parts of the country these are; the third, of the return of the arnjy and the reasons for abandoning the country, although these were insufflcient, because this is the best place there is for discoveries — the marrow of the land in these western parts, as will be seen. And after this has been made plain, some remarkable things which were seen will be described at the end, and the way by which one might more easily return to discover that better land which we did not see, since it would be no small advantage to enter the country through the land which the Marquis of the Valley, Don Fernando Cor- tes, went in search of under the Western star, and which cost him no small sea armament. May it please our Lord to so favor me that with my slight knowledge and small abilities I may be able by relating the truth to make my little work pleasing to the learned and wise readers, when it has been accepted by your grace. For my intention is not to gain the fame of a good composer or rhetorician, but I desire to give a faithful account and to do this slight service to your grace, who will, I hope, receive it as from a faithful servant and soldier, who took part iu 472 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.U it. Although not in a polished style, I write that which happened — that which I heard, experienced, saw, and did. I always notice, and it is a fact, that for the most part when we have something valuable in our hands, and deal with it without hindrance, we do not value or prize it as highly as if we understood how much we would miss it after we had lost it, and the longer we continue to have it the less we value it; but after we havelost it and miss the advantages of it, we have a great pain in the heart, and we are all the time imag- ining and trying to find ways and means by which to get it back again. It seems to me that this has happened to all or most of those who went on the expedition which, in the year of our Savior Jesus Christ 1540, Francisco Vazquez Coronado led in search of the Seven Cities. Granted that they did not find the riches of which they had been told, they found a place in which to search for them and the beginning of a good country to settle in, so as to go on farther from there. Since they came back from the country which they conquered and abandoned, time has given them a chance to understand the direction and locality in which they were, and the borders of the good country they had in their hands, and their hearts weep for having lost so favorable an opportunity. Just as men see more 9,t the bullfight when they are upon the seats than when they are around in the ring,' now when they know and understand the direction and situation in which they were, and see, indeed, that they can not enjoy it nor recover it, now when it is too late they enjoy telling about what they saw, and even of whal they realize that they lost, especially those who are now as poor as when they went there. They have never ceased their labors and have spent their time to no advantage. I say this because I have known several of those who came back from there who amuse themselves now by talking of how it would be to go back and proceed to recover that which is lost, while others enjoy trying to find the reason why it was discovered at all. And now I will proceed to relate all that happened from the beginning. FIRST PART. Chapter 1, which treats of the way we first came to know about the Seven Cities, and of how Nuno de Guzman made an expedition to discover them. In the year 1530 Nuno de Guzman, who was President of New Spain,' had in his possession an Indian, a native of the valley or valleys of Oxitipar, who was called Tejo by the Spaniards. This Indian said he was the son of a trader who was dead, but that when he was a little boy his father had gone into the back country with fine feathers to trade for ornaments, and that when he came back he brought a large amount of gold and silver, of which there is a good deal in that country. He ' Temanx renders this: "C'estainsi qne rhommequise place derrifere la barriftrequi. dans les courses des taureaux, s6pare le spectateur des combattants, volt bien mienx la position dans laqnelle 11 se trouvait lorsqu'il combattait, qu'alors m6ine qu'il 6tait dans la carriftre." 'President, or head, of the Andiencia, the administrative and judicial board which governed the province. WIN8B1P] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 473 went with Mm once or twice, and saw some very large villages, which he compared to Mexico and its environs. He had seen seven very large towns which had streets of silver workers. It took forty days to go there from his country, through a wilderness in which nothing grew, except some very small plants about a span high. The way they went was up through the country between the two seas, follow- ing the northern direction. Acting on this information, Nuno de Guz- man got together nearly 400 Spaniards and 20,000 friendly Indians of New Spain, and, as he happened to be in Mexico, he crossed Tarasca, which is in the province of Michoacan, so as to get into the region which the Indian said was to be crossed toward the North sea, in this way getting to the country which they were looking for, which was already named "The Seven Cities." ^ He thought, from the forty days of which the Tejo had spoken, that it would be found to be about 200 leagues, and that they would easily be able to cross the country. Omit- ting several things that occurred on this journey, as soon as they had reached the province of Culiacan, where his government ended, and where the New Kingdom of Galicia is now, they tried to cross the country, but found the dlfQculties very great, because the mountain chains which are near that sea are so rough that it was impossible, after great labor, to find a passageway in that region. His whole army had to stay in the district of Ouliacan for so long on this account that some rich men who were with him, who had possessions in Mexico, changed their minds, arid every day became more anxious to return. Besides this, Nuno de Guzman received word that the Marquis of the Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, had come from Spain with his new title,* and with great favors and estates, and as Nuno de Guzman had been a great rival of his at the time he was president,' and had done much damage to his property and to that of his friends, he feared that Don Fernando Cortes would want to pay him back in the same way, or worse. So he decided to establish the town of Culiacan there and to go back with the other men, without doing anything more. After his return from this expedition, he Bo SBeera rXalisco, where the city of Compostela is situated, and atTonala, which is called Guadalaxara,* and now this is the New Kingdom of Galicia. The guide they had, who was called Tejo, died about this time, and thus the name of these Seven Cities and the search for them remains until now, since they have not been discovered.' ' TheSegiuidaKelaGion Andnima de la Jornada qae hizo ^a&o de Guzman, 1529, in Icazbelceta's Docu- meutos para la Historia de Mexico, Tol. ii, p. 303, also implies that the name of the " Seven Cities " had already been given to the country ■which he was trying to discover. 'Marques del Valle de Oaxaca y Capitan General de la Nneva Espafia y de la Costa del Snr. ' Guzman had presided over the trial of Cortes, who was in Spain at the time, for the murder of his first wife seven years previously (October, 1522) . See Zaragoza's edition of Suarez de Peralta's Tra- tado, p. 315. *The name was changed in 1540. *The best discussion of the stories of the Seven Caves and the Seven Cities is in Bandolier's Con- tributions, p. 9, ff. 474 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ank.U Chapter S, of how Francisco Vazquez Goronado came to be governor, and the second account which Gabeza de Vaca gave. Biglit years after Naiio de Guzman made this expedition, he was put in prison by a juez de residencia,' named the licentiate Diego de la Torre, who came from Spain with sufiScient powers to do this.' After the death of the judge, who had also managed the government of that country himself, the good Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, appointed as governor of that province Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, a gentleman from Salamanca, who had married a lady in the city of Mexico, the daughter of Alonso de Estrada, the treasurer and at one time governor of Mexico, and the son, most people said, of His Catholic Majesty Don Ferdinand, and many stated it as certain. As I was saying, at the time Francisco Vazquez was appointed governor, he was traveling through New Spain as an oflQcial visiio», and in this ^jLt-dti-r- way he gained the friendship of many worthy men who afterward went on his expedition with him. It happened that just at this time three Spaniards, named Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, and Castillo Maldonado, and a negro, who had been lost on the expedition which Pamfilo de Narvaez led into Florida, reached Mexico.^ They came out through Culiacan, having crossed the country from sea to sea, as anyone who wishes may find out for himself by an account which this same Cabeza de Vaca wrote and dedicated to Prince Don Philip, who is now King of Spain and our sovereign.'' They gave the good Don Antonio de Men- doza an account of some large and powerful villages, four and five stories high, of which they had heard a great deal in the countries they had crossed, and other things very different from what turned out to be the truth. The noble viceroy communicated this to the new governor, who gave up the visits he had in hand, on account of this, and hurried his departure for his government, taking with him the negro who had come [with Cabeza de Vaca] with the three friars of the order of Saint Francis, one of whom was named Friar Marcos of Nice, a regular priest, and another Friar Daniel, a lay brother, and the other Friar Antonio de Santa Maria. When he reached the province of Culiacan he sent the friars just mentioned and the negro, who was named Stephen, off in search of that country, because Friar Marcos offered to go and see it, because he had been in Peru at the time Don Pedro de Alvarado went there overland. It seems that, after the friars I have mentioned and the negio had started, the negro did not get on well with the friars, because he took the women that were given him and collected tur- quoises, and got together a stock of everything. Besides, the Indians in those places through which they went got along with the negro bet- ter, because they had seen him before. This was the reason he was sent ^Ajndfre appointed to inreatigate the accounts and administration of a royal official. 2A full account of the licentiate de la Torre and his administration is given by Mota Padilla {ed, Icazhalceta, pp. 103-106). He was appointed juez March 17, 1536, and died during 1538. *They appeared in New Spain in April, 1536. before Coronado's appointment. Castafieda may be right in the rest of his statement. '*This account has been translated by Buckingham Smith. See Bibliography for the full title. wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OP CASTANEDA 475 on ahead to open up the way and pacify the Indians, so that when the others came along they had nothing to do except to keep an account of the things for which they were looking. Chapter 3, of how tliey killed the negro Stephen at Oibola, and Friar Marcos returned in flight. After Stephen had left the friars, he thought he could get all the reputation and honor himself, and that if he should discover those settlements with such famous high houses, alone, he would be con- sidered bold and courageous. So he proceeded with the people who had followed him, and suoooefl^a fn crossiag the wilderness which lies between the country he had passed through and Oibola. He was so far ahead of the friars that, when these reached Chichilticalli, which is on the edge of the wilderness, he was already at Cibola, which is 80 leagues beyond. It is 220 leagues from Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness, and 80 across the desert, which makes 300, or perhaps 10 more or less. As I said, Stephen reached Oibola loaded with the large quantity of turquoises they had given him afid acvcrarprotty women]«rt4i<'>*^ /^f^ J-n-ou'c^^^,^ ^»© had boon given him. The Indians who accompanied him carried ^ ^^-^^^ n^-^/c^:^ -.^^th. his things. These had followed him from all the settlements he had passed, believing that under his protection they could traverse the whole world without any danger. But as the people in this country were more intelligent than those who followed Stephen, they lodged him in a little hut they had outside their village, and the older men and the gov- ernors heard his story and took steps to find out the reason he had come to that country. For three days they made inquiries about him and held a council. The account which the negro gave them of two white men who were following him, sent by a great lord, who knew about the things in the sky, and how these were coming to instruct them in divine matters, made them think that he must be a spy or a guide from some nations who wished to come and conquer them, because it seemed to them unreasonable to say that the people were white in the country from which he came and that he was sent by them, he being black. Besides these other reasons, they thought it was hard of him to ask them for turquoises and women, and so they decided to kill him. They did this, but they did not kill any of those who went, with him, although they kept some young fellows and let the others, about 60 persons, return freely to their own country. As these, who were badly scared, were returning in flight, they happened to come upon the friars in the desert 60 leagues from Oibola, and told them the sad news, which frightened them so much that they would not even trust these folks who had been with the negro, but opened the packs they were carrying and gave away everything they had except the holy vestments for saying mass. They returned from here by double marches, prepared for anything, without seeing any more of the country except what the Indians told them. 476 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.asm.m Chapter 4, of how the noble Don Antonio de Mendoza made an expedi- tion to discover Cibola. After Francisco Vazquez Goronado had sent Friar Marcos of Mce and his party on the search already related, he was engaged in Culia- can about some business that related to his government, when he heard an account of a province called Topira/ which was to the north of the country of Guliacan. He started to explore this region with several of the conquerors and some friendly Indians, but he did not get very far, because the mountain chains which they had to cross were very difflcult. He returned without finding the least signs of a good coun- try, and when he got back, he found the friars who had just arrived, and who told such great things about what the negro Stephen had dis- covered and what they had heard from the Indians, and other things they had heard about the South sea and islands and other riches, that, without stopping for anything, the governor set off at once for the City of Mexico, taking Friar Marcos with him, to tell the viceroy about it. He made the things seem more important by not talking about them to anyone except his particular friends, under promise of the greates.t secrecy, until after he had reached Mexico and seen Don Antonio de Mendoza. Then be began to ^n%8tfnc^ £^' thoy had really found the Seven Cities^ which Nuno de Guzman had trioS^o ^^^ and for the con - qu e st of which ho had oollootcd a force ,^ 'The'^MD^ vlceroy"'arranged with the friars of the order of Saint Francis so that Friar Marcos was made father provincial, as a result of which the pulpits of that order were filled with such accounts of marvels and wonders that more than 300 Spaniards and about 800 natives of New Spain collected in a few days.^' There were so many men of such high quality among the Spaniards, that such a noble body was never collected in the Indies, nor so many men of quality in such a small body, there being 300 men. Francisco Vazquez Coronado, governor of New Galicia, was captain- general, because he had been the author of it all. The good viceroy Don Antonio did this because at this time Francisco Vazquez was his closest and most intimate friend, and because he considered him to be wise, skillful, and intelligent, besides being a gentleman. Had he paid more attention and regard to the position in which he was placed and the charge over which he was placed, and less to the estates he left behind in New Spain, or, at least, more to the honor he had and might secure from having such gentlemen under his command, things would not have turned out as they did. When this narrative is ended, it will be seen that he did not know how to keep his position nor the government that he held. ■ Bandelier (Contributions, p. 11)4) says this was Topia, in Dorango, a locality since noted for ita rich mines. 'MotaPadilla, xxii, 2, p. Ill : " DeterminiS el virey lograr la ocasion de la mncha gente noble que habla en Mexico, que como corcho sobre el agua reposado, se andaba sin tener qu6 hacer ni en qu^ ocuparse todos atenidos i que el virey les hiciese algunas mercedes, y i que los Tecinosde Mexico les susten- tasen & sns mesas ; y asi, le fu6 ftcil aprestar mas de trescientos hombres, los mas de i oaballo, por- que ya se criaban muchos j ditfles & treinta pesos y prometioles repartimientos en la tierra que se poblase, y mas cuando se afirmaba haber un cerro de plata y otras minas." •wrasHiP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 477 Chapter 5, concerning the captains who went to Cibola. When the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, saw what a noble com- pany had come together, and the spirit and good will with which they had all" presented themselves, knowing the worth of- these men, he would have liked very well to make every one of them captain of an army; but as the whole number was small he. could not do as he would have liked, and so he i^)pbinyc^th(f oop^us an^^facorB , fe'^useiF^ seemed to him that if they were appointed by him, as he was so well obeyed and beloved, nobody would find fault with his arrangements. After everybody had heard who the general was, he made Don Pedro de Tovar ensign general, a young gentleman who was the son of Don Fernando de Tovar, the guardian and lord high steward of the Queen Doiia Juana, our demented mistress — may she be in glory — and Lope de Samaniego, the governor of the arsenal at Mexico,' a gentleman ftilly equal to the charge, army-master. The captains were Don Tris- tan de Arellano; Don Pedro de Guevara, the son of Don Juan de Guevara and nephew of the Count of Onate; Don Garcia Lopez de Car- denas; Don Eodrigo Maldonado, brother-in-law of the Duke of the Infantado; Diego Lopez, alderman of Seville, and Diego Gutierres, for the cavalry. All the other gentlemen were placed under the flag of the general, as being distinguished persons, and some of them became captains later, and their appointments were confirmed by order of the viceroy and by the general, Francisco Vazquez. To name some of them whom I happen to remember, there were Francisco de Barrionuevo, a gentleman from Granada; Juan de Saldivar, Francisco de Ovando, Juan Gallego, and Melchior Diaz — a captain who had been mayor of Culiacan, who, although he was not a gentleman, merited the position he held. The other gentlemen^ who were wortBy^CTiDBtltutoo, were Don Alonso Manrique de Lara; Don Lope de Urrea, a gentleman from Aragon; Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Luis Ramirez de Vargas, Juande Sotomayor, Francisco Gorbalan, the commissioner Eiberos, and other gentlemen, men of high quality, whom I do not now recall.^ The infantry captain was Pablo de Melgosa of Burgos, and of the artillery, Her- nando de Alvarado of the mountain district. As I say, since then I have forgotten the names of many good fcllowa . It would be well if I could name some of them, so that it might be clearly seen what cause I had for saying that they had on this expedition the most brilliant company ever collected in the Indies to go in search of new lands. But they were unfortunate in having a captain who left in New Spain estates and a pretty wife, a noble and excellent lady, which were not the least causes for what was to happen. 1 See Mendoza's letter to the Xing, regarding Samaniego'a position. 'MotaPadilla, xxii,iii, p. 112, mentions among those who had commands on the expedition D. Diego de Guevara and Diego Lopez de Cardenas. The second error Jnay he due to the presence of another Diego Lopez in the party. 478 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ank.U diopter 6, of how all the companies collected in Gompostela and set off on the journey in good order. When the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza had fixed and arranged everything as we have related, and the companies and captaincies had been arranged, he advanced a part of their salaries from the chest of His Majesty to those in the army who were in greatest need.. And as it seemed to him that it would be rather hard for the friendly Indians in the country if the army should start from Mexico, he ordered them to assemble at the city of Gompostela, the chief city in the New Kingdom of Galicia, 110 leagues from Mexico, so that they could begin their journey there with everything in good order. There is nothing to tell about what happened on this trip, since they all finally assembled at Gompostela by shrove-tide, in the year (fifteen hundred and) forty-one.' „ After the whole force had left Mexico, he ordered Don ©edWiie Alarcon ^;^fc-vrt There is much additional information of the siege and capture of Tiguex in the account given by Hota Padilla, xxxii, 8, p. 161: "Habi^ndose puesto el cerco, estuvieron loa indies rebeldes A los requerimientos, por lo que se intentd abrir brecha, y rota la argamasa superficial, se advirtid que el centre del muro era de palizada, troncos y mimhres bien hincados en la tierra, por lo que resistian los golpes que daban con unas malas barras, en cuyo tiempo hacian de las azoteas mucho dano en los nuestros con las piedras y con la flechas per las troneras; y quoriendo un soldado tapar con lodo una tronera de donde se hacia mucho dafio, por un ojo le entraron una decha, de que cay6 muerto: llam^- base Francisco Pobares ; y & otro que se Uamaba Juan Paniagua, muy buen cristiano y persona noble, le dieron otro fiechazo en el p^rpado de un ojo, y publicaba que & la devocion del rosario, que siempre rezaba, dobi6 lavida; otro soldado, Uamado Francisco de Ovando, se entr6 do bruzas por una porta- fiuela, y apenas hubo asomado la cabeza, cuando le asieron y le tiraron para adeutro, quitd.udole la vida; pdsose unaeacala por donde &todo trance subieron algunos; pero con arte, los Indies tenian muchaa piezas & ciele descubierto, para que se no comunicasen; y como 6. cortas distancisls habia torrecillas con muchas saeteras y troneras, hacian muche dafio, de suerte que hirieron maa de sesenta, de los que murieron tres: un fulane Carbajal, hermano de Hernando Trejo, quien fu6 des- puestenientedegobernadorpor Francisco de Ibarra, enChametla: tambien muri6 un vizcaino, Uamado Alonso de Castaneda, y un fulane Benitez; y esto fu6 por culpa de ellos, puea ya que habia pocas armas de fuego con que efender, pudieron haber pegado 'aego A los mures, pues eran de troncones y palizadas con solo el embarrado de tierra. "9. Viendo el gobemador el poco efecte de bu invasion, mand6 se tocase & recoger, con ilnimo de ren- dirlos per falta de agua, ya que no por hambre, porque sabia tenian buenas trojes de maiz. Trataron de curar loa heridos, aunque se enconarou, y se cicatrizaban ; y segun se supo, era la causa el que en Unas vasijaB de mimbre encerraban loa indies vlvoras, y con las flechaa las tocaban para que mordie- sen las puntas y quedasen venenosas; y habi6ndose mantenido algun tiempo, cuando se eaperaba padeciesen falta do agua, comenz6 & nevar, con cuya nieve so aocorrieron y mantuvierou des moses, en los que intentaron los nuestros muchos deaatinos : el uno fu6 formar unos ingenioa con unos maderes, que llamaban vaivenes, y son los antiguos arietea con que se batian las fertalezas en tiempo que no se conocia la p61vora; mas no acertaron : despuea, por falta de artilleria, intentaron hacer unos cafiones de madera bien liadoa de cordeles & modo de cohetes; mas tampoco sirvid; y no arbitraron el arrimar lefia & los muroa y prenderles fuego : & mi ver entiendo que la crueldad con que quitaron la vida & loa clento y treinta gandules, los hizo indignos del triunfo; y asi, en una uoche loa sitiados salieron y se pusioron en fuga, dejando A lea nuestros hurlados y sin cesa do provecho que lograsen per despojos de la plaza sltiada y ae salieron los indies con au valeroso hecho. "10. Per la parte que salieron estaban de centinelas des soldadoa poco apercibidos, de los cuales el uno nepareci6, y el otro fu6 ballade con el corazon atravesado con una fLecha; y traido el cuerpo, le pusieron junto & la lumbrada comun del campoj y cuando volvieron los aoldados,que intentaron el alcance de los indios, al desmontar uno de ellos del caballo, le pis6 la boca al miserable, y se atribuy6 au fatal muerte & haber sido reuegador y blasfemo. Luego que amanecid, se trat6 de reconecer el pueblo, y entrande, se halW abastecido pero sin agua, y se reconoci6 un pozo profundo en la plaza que aquelloa Indies abrieron en busca de agua, y por no encontrarla, se resolvieron & la fuga, que consiguieron." . . wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 501 try. The soldiers left the ambuscade and went to the village and saw the people fleeing. They pursued and killed large numbers of them. At the same time those in the camp were ordered to go over the town, and they plundered it, making prisoners of all the people who were found in it, amounting to about a hundred women and children. This siege ended the last of March, in the year '42.' Other things had happened in the meantime, which would have been noticed, but that it would have cut the thread. I have omitted them, but will relate them now, so that it will be possible to understand what follows. Chapter 17, of how messengers reached the artAyfrom the valley ofSenora and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expedition to the Firebrand river. We have already related how Captain Melchior Diaz crossed the Firebrand river on rafts, in order to continue his discoveries farther in that direction. About the time the siege ended, messengers reached the army irom the city of San Hieroaimo with letters Irom Diego de Alarcon,^ who had remained there in the place of Melchior Diaz. These contained the news that Melchior Diaz had died while he was conduct- ing his search, and that the force had returned without finding any of the things they were after. It all happened in this fashion : After they had crossed the river they continued their search for the coast, which here turned back toward the south, or between south and east, because that arm of the sea enters the land due north and this river, which brings its waters down from the north, flowing toward the south, enters the head of the gulf. Continuing in the direction they had been going, they came to some sand banks of hot ashes which it was impos- sible to cross without being drowned as in the sea. The ground they were standing on trembled like a sheet of paper, so that it seemed as if there were lakes underneath them. It seemed wonderful and like something infernal, for the ashes to bubble up here in several places. After they had gone away from this place, on account of the danger they seemed to be in and of the lack of water, one day a greyhound belonging to one of the soldiers chased some sheep which they were taking along for food. When the captain noticed this, he threw his lance at the dog while his horse was running, so that it stuck up in the ground, and not being able to stop his horse he went over the lance so that it nailed him through the thighs and the iron came out behind, rupturing his bladder. After this the soldiers turned back with their captain, having to fight every day with the Indians, who had remained hostile. He lived about twenty days, during which they proceeded with great difficulty on account of the necessity of carrying him.' They ' Temaux translated thia, "^ la fin de 1542." Professor Haynes corrected the error in a note in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii, p. 491, saying that "it is evident that the siege must have been concluded early in 1541." ' Should be Alcaraz. sMota Fadilla's account of the ileath of Diaz is translated in the Introduction. 502 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. anh.u returned in good order without losing a man, until he died, and after that they were relieved of the greatest difficulty. When they reached Senora, Alcaraz dispatched the messengers already referred to, so that the general might know of this and also that some of the soldiers were ill disposed and had caused several mutinies, and that he had sen- tenced two of them to the gallows, but they had afterward escaped from the prison. When the general learned this, he sent Don Pedro de Tovar to that city to sift out some of the men. He was accompanied by messengers whom the general sent to Don Antonio de Mendoza the viceroy, with an account of what had occurred and with the good news given by the Turk. When Don Pedro de Tovar arrived there, he found that the natives of that province had killed a soldier with a poisoned arrow, which had made only a very little wound in one hand. Several soldiers went to the place where this happened to see about it, and they were not very well received. Don Pedro de Tovar sent Diego de Alcaraz with a force to seize the chiefs and lords of a village in what they call the Valley of Knaves (de los Vellacos), which is in the hills. After getting there and taking these men prisoners, Diego de Alcaraz decided to let them go in exchange for some thread and cloth and other things which the soldiers needed. Finding themselves free, they renewed the war and attacked them, and as they were strong and had poison, they killed several Spaniards and wounded others so that they died OB the way back. They retired toward the town, and if they had not had Indian allies from the country of the Hearts, it would have gone worse with them. They got back to the town, leaving 17 soldiers dead from the poison. They would die in agony from only a small wound, the bodies breaking out with an insupportable pestilential stink. When Don Pedro de Tovar saw the harm done, and as it seemed to them that they could not safely stay in that city, he moved 40 leagues toward Gibola into the valley of Suya, where we will leave them, in order to relate what happened to the general and his army after the siege of Tiguex. Chapter 18, of how the general managed to leave the country in peace so as to go in search of Quivira, where the Turlc said there teas the most wealth. During the siege of Tiguex the general decided to go to Cicuye and take the governor with him, in order to give him his liberty and to promise them that he would give Whiskers his liberty and leave him in the village, as soon as he should start for Quivira. He was received peacefully when he reached Cicuye, and entered the village with several soldiers. They received their governor with much joy and gratitude. After looking over the village and speakin g with the natives ^ he returned * Compare the Spanisli text. Ternaux; "Le g6n6raller6tablit dans sadignitfi, examina le pays, et retouma au camp." 'KINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 503 to his army, leaving Cicuye at peace, in the hope of getting back their captain Whisters. After the siege was ended, as we have already related, he sent a captain to Ghia, a fine village with many people, which had sent to offer its submission. It was 4 leagues distant to the west of the river. They found it peaceful and gave it four bronze cannon, which were in poor condition, to take care of. Six gentlemen also went to Quirix, a province with seven villages. At the first village, which had about a hundred inhabitants, the natives fled, not daring to wait for our men ; but they headed them ott" by a short cut, riding at full speed, and then they returned to their houses in the village in perfect safety, and then told the other villagers about it and reassured them. In this way the entire region was reassured, little by little, by the time the ice in the river was broken up and it became possible to ford the river and so to continue the journey. The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were not repopulated at all during the time the. army was there, in spite of every promise of security that could possibly be given to them. And when the river, which for almost four months had been frozen over so that they crossed the ice on horseback, had thawed out, orders were given for the start for Quivira, where the Turk said there was some gold and silver, although not so much as in Arche and the Guaes. There were already some in the army who suspected the Turk, because a Spaniard named Servantes,^ who had charge of him during the siege, solemnly swore that he had seen the Turk talking with the devil in a pitcher of water, and also that while he had him under lock so that no one could speak to him, the Turk had asked him what Christians had been killed by the people at Tiguex. He told him "nobody," and then the Turk answered: "You lie; five Christian's are dead, including a captain." And as Cervantes knew that he told the truth, he confessed it so as to find out who had told him about it, and the Turk said he knew it all by himself and that he did not need to have anyone tell him in order to know it. And it was on account of this that he watched him and saw him speaking to the devil in the pitcher, as I have said. While all this was going on, preparations were being made to start from Tiguex. At this time people came from Cibola to see the general, and he charged them to take good care of the Spaniards who were coming from Seiiora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave them letters to give to Don Pedro, informing him what he ought to do and how he should go to find the army; and that he would find letters under the crosses which the army would put up along the way. The army left Tiguex on the 5th of May^ and returned to Cicuye, which, as I have said, is twenty- fivemarches, which means leagues, from there, taking Whiskers with them. Arrived there, he gave them their captain, who already went about freely with a guard. The village was very glad to see him, and the people were peaceful and offered food. The governor and ^ Or Cervantes, as Ternaux spells it. '' Coronado says, in his letter of October 20, that he started April 23. 504 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U Whiskers gave the general a young fellow called Xabe, a native of Quivira, who could give them information about the country. This fel- low said that there was gold and silver, but not so much of it as the Turk had said. The Turk, however, continued to declare that it was as he had said. He went as a guide, and thus the army started off from here. Chapter 19, of how they started in search of Quivira and of what happened on the way. The army started from Oicuye, leaving the village at peace and, as it seemed, contented, and under obligations to maintain the friendship because their governor and captain had been restored to them. Pro- ceeding toward the plains, which are all on the other side of the moun- tains, after four days' journey they came to a river with a large, deep current, which flowed -iflewa toward Oicuye, and they named this the Oicuy^ river.' They had to stop here to make a bridge so as to cross it. It was finished in four days, by much diligence and rapid work, and as soon as it was done the whole army and the animals crossed. After ten days more they came to some settlements of people who lived like Arabs and who are called Querechos in that region. They had seen the cows for two days. These folks live in tents made of the tanned skins of the cows. They travel around near the cows, killing them for food. They did nothing unusual when they saw our army, except to come out of their tents to look at us, after which they came to talk with the advance guard, and asked who we were. The general talked with them, but as they had already talked with the Turk, who was with the advance guard, they agreed with what he had said. That they were very intelligent is evident from the fact that although they conversed by means of signs they made themselves understood so well that there was no need of an interpreter.^ They said that there was a very large river over toward where the sun came from, and that one could go along this river through an inhabited region for ninety days without a break from settlement to settlement. They said that the first of these settlements was called Haxa, and that the river was more than a league wide and that there were many canoes on it. These folks started off from here next day with a lot of dogs which dragged their possessions. For two days, during which the army marched in the same direction as that in which they had come from the settlements that is, between north and east, but more toward the north^ — they saw 'The Rio Pecos. The bridge, however, was doubtless built across the upper waters of the Canadian. ^There is an elaborate account of the sign language of the Indians, by Garrick Mallery, in the first annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1879-80. 3Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 3, p. 165, says: '^Hastaalllcaminaronlosnuestros, guiados por el Turco para el Oriente, con mucha inclinacion al Norte, y desde ent6nces los gui6 via recta al Oriente ; y habiendo andado tres jornadas, hubo de hacer alto el gobernador para conferir sobre si seria acertado deyarse llevar do aijuel indio, habiendo mudado de rumbo, en cuyo intermedio un soldado, 6 por travesura 6 por hacer carne, ae apartd, y aunque lo oaperaron, no se supo mas de 61; y d dos jornadas que anduvieron, guiados todavia del indio, pasaron una barranca profunda, que fu6 la primera quiebra quo vieron de la tierra desde Tigiies." Compare the route of the expedition in the Introauction and also in the translation of Jaramillo. wiNBHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 505 other roaming Querechos and such great numbers of cows that it already seemed something incredible. These people gave a great deal of information about settlements, all toward the east from where we were. Here Don Garcia broke his arm and a Spaniard got lost who went off hunting so far that he was unable to return to the camp, because the country is very level. The Turk said it was one or two days to Haya (Haxa). The general sent Captain Diego Lopez with ten companions lightly equipped and a guide to go at full speed toward the sunrise for two days and discover Haxa, and then return to meet the army, which set out in the same direction next day. They came across so many animals that those who were on the advance guard killed a large num- ber of bulls. As these flied they trampled one another in their haste until they came to a ravine. So many of the animals fell into this that they filled it up, and the rest went across on top of them. The men who were chasing them on horseback fell in among the animals with- out noticing where they were going. Three of the horses that fell in among the cows, all saddled and bridled, were lost sight of completely. As it seemed to the general that Diego Lopez ought to be on his way back, he sent six of his companions to follow up the banks of the little river, and as many more down the banks, to look for traces of the horses at the trails to and from the river. It was impossible to find tracks in this country, because the grass straightened up again as soon as it was trodden down. They were found by some Indians from the army who had gone to look for fruit. These got track of them a good league off, and soon came up with them. They followed the river down to the camp, and told the general that in the 20 leagues they had been over they had seen nothing but cows and the sky. There was another native of Quivira with the army, a painted Indian named Ysopete. This Indian had always declared that the Turk was lying, and on account of this the army paid no attention to him, and even now, although he said that the Querechos had consulted with him, Ysopete was not believed.' The general sent Don Eodrigo Maldonado, with his company, for- ward from here. He traveled four days and reached a large ravine like those of Colima,^ in the bottom of which he found a large settle- ment of people. Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had passed through this place, so that they presented Don Eodrigo with a pile of tanned skins and other things, and a tent as big as a house, which he directed them to keep until the army came up. He sent some of his compan- ions to guide the army to that place, so that they should not get lost, although he had been making piles of stones and cow dung for the army to follow. This was the way in which the army was guided by the advance guard. 'Compare the Spanish. Ternaux: f'Maiscette fois on n'avait pas voulu le croire; lea Querechos ayantrapport6 la m6me chose que le Xurc." 'Ternaux read this Coloma. The reference is clearly to the district of Colima in western Mexico, -where one of the earliest Spanish settlements was made. ' 506 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.14 When the general came up with the army and saw the great quantity of skins, he thought he would divide them among the men, and placed guards so that they could look at them. But when the men arrived and saw that the general was sending some of his companions with orders for the guards to give them some of the skins, and that these were going to select the best, they were angry because they were not going to be divided evenlyj and made a rush, and in less than a quarter of an hour nothing was left but the empty ground. The natives who happened to see this also took a hand in it. The women and some others were left crying, because they thought that the strangers were not going to take anything, but would bless them as Oabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done when they passed through here. They found an Indian girl here who was as white as a Castiliau lady, except that she had her chin painted like a Moorish woman. In general they all paint themselves in this way here, and they decorate their eyes. Chapter 20, of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they discov- ered another ravine, where the army icas divided into two parts. While the army was resting in this ravine, as we have related, a tempest came up one afternoon with a very high wind and hail, and in a very short space of time a great quantity of hailstones, as big as bowls, or bigger, fell as thick as raindrops, so that in places they covered the ground two or three spans or more deep. And one hit the horse — or I should say, there was not a horse that did not break away, except two or three which the negroes protected by holding large sea nets over them, with the helmets and shields which all the rest wore ; ' and some of them dashed up on to the sides of the ravine so that they got them down with great dif&culty. If this had struck them while they were upon the plain, the army would have been in great dan- ger of being left without its horses, as there were many which they were not able to cover.^ The hail broke many tents, and battered many helmets, and wounded many of the horses, and broke all the crockery of the army, and the gourds, which was no small loss, because they do not have any crockery in this region. They do not make gourds, nor sow corn, nor eat bread, but instead raw meat — or only half cooked and fruit. > The Spanish text Is very confused. Temaux says : " Les chevaux rompirent leurs liens et s'^chap- pftrent tous k I'exception de deux ou trois qui furent retenus par des n^gres qui avaient pris des cas- ques et des boucliers pour se meltre & I'abri. Le vent en enleva d'autres et les coUa centre les parois du ravin." ' Mota Fadilla, zxxiii, 3, p. 165 : " A la primera barranca. . . . ^ las tres de la tarde hicieron alto y repentinamente un recio viento les llev6 una nube tan cargada, que caas6 horror el granizo, q'ue des- pedia tan gruesos como nueces, huevos de gallina y de dnsares, de suerte que era necesario arrodelarse para la resistenoia ; los caballos dieron estampida y se pusieron en fuga, y no se pudieran hallar si la barranca no los detiene; las tlendaa que se babian armado quedaron rotas, y qnebradas todas las oUas cazuelas, comales y demas vasijas ; y afligldos con tan varios sucesos. deterininaron en aquel dia que fu6 el de Ascension del SeBor de 541, que el ^6rcito se volviese 4 Tigiles & reparar, como que era tierra abastecida de todo." wrasHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 507 From here the general seut out to explore the country,' and they found another settlement four days from there ^ . . , The country was well inhabited, and they had plenty of kidney beans and prunes like those of Castile, and tall vineyards. These village settlements extended for three days. This was called Cona. Some Teyas,^ as these people are called, went with the army from here and traveled as far as the end of the other settlements with their packs of dogs and women and children, and then they gave them guides to proceed to a large ravine where the army was. They did not let these guides speak with the Turk, and did not receive the same statements from these as they had from the others. These said that Quivira was toward the north, and that we would not find any good road thither. After this they began to believe Ysopete. The ravine which the army had now reached was a league wide from one side to the other, with a little bit of a river at the bottom, and there were many groves of mulberry trees near it, and rosebushes with the same sort of fruit that they have in France. They made verjuice from the unripe grapes at this ravine, although there were ripe ones.'' There were walnuts and the same kind of fowls as in New Spain, and large quantities of prunes like those of Castile. During this journey a Teya was seen to shoot a bull right through both shoulders with an arrow, which would be a good shot for a musket. These people are very intelligent ; the women are well made and modest. They cover their whole body. They wear shoes and buskins made of tanned skin. The women wear cloaks over their small under petticoats, with sleeves gathered up at the shoulders, all of skin, and some wore something like little sanbenitos^ with a fringe, which reached half-way down the thigh over the petticoat. The army rested several days in this ravine and explored the country. Up to this point they had made thirty-seven days' marches, traveling ^Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi.lib. ix, cap. xi, xii, vol.iii, p. 206, ed. 1728: "La relacion que este Indiohacia, de Janianeracon quese goveTBaban envDaProTinciamasadelazite, llamada Harae, i jazgan- dose, que era imposible quo alii dexase de haver algunos Christianos perdidos del Armada de Panfilo de Narvaez, FranclBCO Vazquez acord6 de escrivir vna Carta, i la embi6 con el Indio fiel de aquellos doa, porque el que havia de quedar, aiempre le Uevaron de Eetaguarda, porque el bueno no le viese. . . . Etnblada la Carta, dando cuenta de la Jornada que hacia el Exercito, 1 adonde bavia llegado, pidiendo aviso, i relacion de aquella Tierra, 1 llamando aquellos Christianos, si por caso los huviese, 6 que avisasen de lo que havian menester para salir de cautiverio." ^A manera de alixares. The margin reads Alexeres, whicb I can not find in the atlases. The word means threshing floor, whence Xernaux: "autres cabanes semblables k dea bruyferes (alixares)." sBandelier suggests that the name may have originated in the Indian exclamation, Texia ! Tezia ! — friends ! friends ! — with whicb they first greeted the Spaniards. *Ternaux: "il y avait des vignes, des mftriers et des roaiers irosalea), dont le fruit que Ton trouve en France, sert en guiae de vorjus ; il y en avait de mftr." ^CaptainJohn Stevens'a New" Dictionary says the sanbenitowas "thebadgeputupon converted Jews brought out by the Inquisition, being in the nature of a scapula or a broad piece of cloth hanging before and behind, with a large Saint Andrews cross on it, red and yellow. The name corrupted from Saco Benito, answerable to the sackcloth worn by penitents in the primitive church." Kobert Tomson, in his Voyage into Nova Hispania, 1555, in Hakluyt, iii, 536, describes his imprisonment by the Holy Office in the city of Mexico : " We were brought into the Church, euery one with a S. Benito vpon his backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with a hole to put in a mans head in the middest, and cast ouer a mans head : both flaps hang one before, and another behinde, and in the middest of euery flap, a S. Andrewes crosse, made of red cloth, sowed on vpon the same, and that is called S. Benito." 508 THE COEONABO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [kth.aiin. 14 6 or 7 leagues a day. It had been the duty of one man to measure and count his steps. They found that it was 260 leagues to the settlements.^ When the general Francisco Vazquez realized this, and saw that they had been deceived by the Turk heretofore, and as the provisions were giving out and there was no country around here where they could procure more, he called the captains and ensigns together to decide on what they thought ought to be done. They all agreed that the general should go in search of Quivira with thirty horsemen and half a dozen foot-soldiers, and that Don Tristan de Arellano should go back to Tiguex with all the army. When the men in the army learned of this decision, they begged their general not to leave them to conduct the further search, but declared that they all wanted to die with him and did not want to go back. This did not do any good, although the general agreed to send messengers to them within eight days saying whether it was best for them to follow him or not, and with this he set off with the guides he had and with Ysopete. The Turk was taken along in chains. Chapter 21, of how the army returned to Tiguex and the general reached Quivira. The general started from the ravine with the guides that the Teyas had given him. He appointed the alderman Diego Lopez his army- master, and took with him the men who seemed to him to be most effi- cient, and the best horses. The army still had some hope that the general would send for them, and sent two horsemen, lightly equipped and riding post, to repeat their petition. The general arrived — I mean, the guides ran away during the first few days and Diego Lopez had to return to the army for guides, bring- ing orders for the army to return to Tiguex to find food and wait there for the general. The Teyas, as before, willingly furnished him with new guides. The army waited for its messengers and spent a fortnight here, preparing jerked beef to take with them. It was estimated that during this fortnight they killed 500 bulls, The number of these that were there without any cows was something incredible. Mahy fellows were lost at this time who went out hunting and did not get back to the army for two or three days, wandering about the country as if they were crazy, in one direction or another, not knowing how to get back where they started from, although this ravine extended in either direction so that they could find it.^ Every night they took account of who was missing, fired guns and blew trumpets and beat drums and built great fires, but yet some of them went off so far and wandered about so much that all this did not give them any help, although it helped others. The only way was to go back where they had killed an animal and start from there in one direction and another until ' The Tiguex country is often referred to as the region where the settlements were. Ternaux says "depnis Tiguex .juscju'au dernier village." 2 Compare the Spanish text. wiKSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 509 they struck the ravine or fell in with somebody who could put them on the right road. It is worth noting that the country there is so level that at midday, after one has wandered about in one direction and another in pursuit of game, the only thing to do is to stay near the game quietly until sunset, so as to see where it goes down, and even then they have to be men who are practiced to do it. Those who are not, had to trust themselves to others. The general followed his guides until he reached Quivira, which took forty-eight days' marching, on account of the great detour they had made toward Florida.^ He was received peacefully on account of the guides whom he had. They asked the Turk why he had lied and had guided them so far out of their way. He said that his country was in that direction and that, besides this, the people atCicuye had asked him to lead them off on to the plains and lose them, so that the horses would die when their provisions gave out, and they would be so weak if they ever returned that they could be killed without any trouble, and thus they could take revenge for what had been done to them. This was the reason why he had led them, astray, supposing that they did not know how to hunt or to live without corn, while as for the gold, he did not know where there was any of it. He said this like one who had given up hope and who found that he was being persecuted, since they had begun to believe Ysopete, who had guided them better than he had, and fearing lest those who weie there might give some advice by which some harm would come to him. They garroted him, which pleased Ysopete very much, because he had always said that Ysopete was a rascal and that he did not know what he was talking about and had always hindered his talking with anybody. Neither gold nor silver nor any trace of either was found among these people. Their lord wore a copper plate on his neck and prized it highly. The messengers whom the army had sent to the general returned, as I said, and then, as they brought no news except what the alderman had delivered, the army left the ravine and returned to the Teyas, where they took guides who led them back by a more direct road. They readily furnished these, because these people are always roaming over this country in pursuit of the animals and so know it thoroughly. They keep their road in this way: In the morning they notice where the sun rises and observe the direction they are going to take, and then shoot an arrow in this direction. Before reaching this they shoot another over it, and in this way they go all day toward the water where they are to end the day. In this way they covered in 25 days ■Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, yol. iii, p. 206 (ed. 1728) : "Loa treinta Caballos fueron en busca de la Tierra poblada, i hallaron buenos Pueblos, fundados junto k Buenos Arroios, que Tan k dkr al Eio Grande, que pasaron. Anduvieron cinco, 6 seis dias per eatos Pueblos, Uegaron £t lo vltimo de Quivira, que decian los Indios ser mucho, i hallaron vn Eio de mas Agua, i poblacion que los otros; i preguntando^que si adelante bavia otra cosa, dixeron, que de Quivira no havia sino Karae,i que era de la mlsma manera en Poblaciones, i tamano. . . Embidse h Uamar al Senor, el qual era vn Hombre grande, y de grandes miembros, de buena proporcion, llevd docientos nombres desuudos, imal cubiertas sus cames, llevaban Arcos, i Flechas, i Plu.^r.s en las oiibc as." Compare Jaramillo's statement and Coronado's letter, as discussed in the introduction. 510 THE OORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.-14 what had taken them 37 days going, besides stopping to hunt cows on the way. They found many salt lakes on this road, and there was a great quantity of salt. There were thick pieces of it on top of the water bigger than tables, as thick as four or five fingers. Two or three spans down under water there was salt which tasted better than that in the floating pieces, because this was rather bitter. It was crystal- line. All over these plains there were large numbers of animals like squirrels and a great number of their holes. On its return the army reached the Oicuye river more than 30 leagues below there — I mean below the bridge they had made when they crossed it, and they fol- lowed it up to that place. In general, its banks are covered with a sort of rose bushes, the fruit of which tastes like muscatel grapes.' They grow on little twigs about as high up as a man. It has the parsley leaf. There were unripe grapes and currants (?)'' and wild marjoram. The guides said this river joined that of Tiguex more than 20 days from here, and that its course turned toward the east. It is believed that it flows into the mighty river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo), which the men with Don Hernando de Soto discovered in Florida. A painted Indian woman ran away from Juan de Saldibar and hid in the ravines about this time, because she recognized the country of Tiguex where she had been a slave. She fell into the hands of some Spaniards who had entered the country from Florida to explore it in this direc- tion. After I got back to New Spain I heard .them say that the Indian told them that she had run away from other men like them nine days, and that she gave the names of some captains ; from which we ought to believe that we were not far from the region they discovered, although they said they were more than 200 leagues inland. I believe the land at that point is more than 600 leagues across from sea to sea. As I said, the army followed the river up as far as Oicuye* which it found ready for war and unwilling to make any advances toward peace or to give any food to the army. From there they went on to Tiguex where several villages had been reinhabited, but the people were afraid and left them again. Chapter 33, of how the general returned from Quivira and of other expeditions toward the North. After Don Tristan de Arellano reached Tiguex, about the middle of July, in the year '42,' he had provisions collected for the coming winter. Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo was sent up the river toward the north with several men. He saw two provinces, one of which was called Hemes and had seven villages, and the other Tuqueyunque.* The inhabitants of Hemes came out peaceably and furnished provisions. At Yuqueyunque the whole nation left two very fine villages which ' Ternaux : " les rives, qui sont couverteR d'uno plante dont le fruit ressemble au raisin muscat. " ' Compare the Spanish text; Ternaux omits this sentence. 'CastaSeda's date is, as usual, a year later than the actual one. 4Tuge-ning.ge, as Bandolier spells it, is the aboriginal name of a former Tewa village, the site of which is occupied by the hamlet of Chamita, opposite San Juan. The others are near by.' wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OP CASTANEDA 511 they had on either side of the river entirely vacant, and went into the mountains, vhere they had four very strong villages in a rough country, where it was impossible for horses to go. In the two villages there was a great deal of food and some very beautiful glazed earthen- ware with many figures and different shapes. Here they also found manyjbowls fu ll of a carefully selected shining metal with which they /ffiazey ^ho earth e nware ."'^ This shows that mines of silver would be found in that country if they should hunt for them. There was a large and powerful river, I mean village, which was called Braba, 20 leagues farther up the river, which our men called Valladolid.^ The river flowed through the middle of it. The natives crossed it by wooden bridges, made of very long, large, squared pines. At this vil- lage they saw the largest and finest hot rooms or cstufas that there were in the entire country, for they had a dozen pillars, each one of which was twice as large around as one could reach and twice as tall as a man. Hernando de Alvarado visited this village when he discovered Cicuye. The country is very high and very cold. The river is deep and very swift, without any ford. Captain Barrionuevo returned from here, leaving the province at peace. Another captain went down the river in search of the settlements which the people at Tutahaco had said were several days distant from there. This captain went down 80 leagues and found four large villages which he left at peace. He proceeded until he found that the river sank into the earth, like the Guadiana in Estremadura.'* He did not go on to where the Indians said that it came out much larger, because his com- mission did not extend for more than 80 leagues march. After this cap- tain got back, as the time had arrived which the captain had set for his return from Quivira, and as he had not come back, Don Tristan selected 40 companions and, leaving the army to Francisco de Barrionuevo, he started with them in search of the general. When he reached Cicuye the people came out of the village to fight, which detained him there four days, while he ijunished them, which he did by firing some volleys into the village. These killed several men, so that they did not come out against the army, since two of their principal men had been killed on the first day. Just then word was brought that the general was com- ing, and so Don Tristan had to stay there on this account also, to keep the road open.' Everybody welcomed the general on his arrival, with great joy. The Indian Xabe, who was the young fellow who had been given to the general at Cicuye when he started off in search of Quivira, was with Don Tristan de Arellano and when he learned that the gen- ^Taos, or Xe-iiat-ha. See Bandelier's Final Keport, Tol. i, p. 123, for the identification of these places. -This rendering, doubtless correct, is due to Ternaux. The Guadiana, however, reappears above ground some time before it begins to mark the boundary of the Spanish province of !Estremadura. The Castaneda family had its seat in quit© the other end of the peninsula. 8 Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 4., p. 165 : "Al cabo de dos meses, poco mas 6 mSnos, volvi6 con su gente el gen- eral & Tigiies, y dieron razon que habiendo caminado mas de cien leguas. ■ • • Quivira se hallo ser un pueblo de hasta cien casas." NL ^ Ji /3a^y. // /!>■ /^- 1-. /'■ff. '^ Iilenibeuen,vift!£n,cal5an , y liazeii muchas coias ■•de Io»cueros,caias,cal5ado,veftido y Jbgas:deIos iiueflaS,punisones:delos ncruios,y pelo5> hiloide Jo's ciwvnoSjbuchcSjy bexigas , vafos'.dclas bont-r ^3SjIitmbre:y dclas terrjeras , odrcs , en quelraen "4 ytieocn agua: hazenen fin tantas cofas dellos ^** fqwantaslianmenpfterjOquantaslaS baftanp'ars 4il biwenda.Ay tambicn otros animales, tan grant 'A •^es <;0iwo cauailos^que por tencr cuernos , y lan« ,/ ,^ii§^os Hainan <:arBeros,y dizen , que cada cuer^' 'nopeJados airouas-Ajr tanjMen grandcsperros;- THE BUFFALO OF GOMARA, 1554 wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 513 this laad of New Spain is part of the mainland with Peru, and with Greater India or China as well, there not being any strait between to separate them. On the other hand, the country is so wide that there is room for these vast deserts which lie between the two seas, for the coast of the North sea beyond Florida stretches toward the Bacallaos^ and then turns toward Norway, while that of the South sea turns toward the west, making another bend down toward the south almost like a bow and stretches away toward India, leaving room for the lands that border on the mountains on both sides to stretch out in such a way as to have between them these great plains which are full of cattle and many other animals of different sorts,~since they ar« not inhabited, as I will relate farther on. There is every sort of game and fowl there, but no snakes, for they are free ^ from these. I will leave the account of the return of the army to New Spain until 1 have shown what slight occasion there was for this. We will begin our account with the city of Culiacan, and point out the differences between the one country and the other, on account of which one ought to be settled by Spaniards and the other not. It should be the reverse, however, with Christians, since there are intelligent men in one, and in the other wild animals and worse than beasts. Chapter 1, of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and customs. Culiacan is the last jilace in the New Kingdom of Galicia, and was the first settlement made by Nuno de Guzman when he conquered this kingdom. It is 210 leagues west of Mexico. In this province there are three chief languages, besides other related dialects. The first is that of the Tahus, who are the best and most intelligent race. They are now the most settled and have received the most light from the faith. They worship idols and make presents to the devil of their goods and riches, consisting of cloth and turquoises. They do not eat human flesh nor sacrifice it. They are accustomed to keep very large snakes, which they venerate. Among them there are men dressed like women who marry other men and serve as their wives. At a great festival they consecrate the women who wish to live unmarried, with much singing and dancing,' at which all the chiefs of the locality gather and dance naked, and after all have danced with her they put her in a hut that has been decorated for this event and the chiefs adorn her with clothes and bracelets of fine turquoises, and then the chiefs go in one by one to lie with her, and all the others who wish, follow them. From this time on these women can not refuse anyone who pays them a certain amount agreed on for this. Even if they take husbands, this does not exempt them from obliging anyone who pays them. The greatest festivals are on market days. The custom is for the husbands to buy the women 1 The Newfoundland region . ^Ternaux'3 rendering. Compare the Spanish text. •Compare the Spanish. Several words in the manuscript are not very clear. Temanx omits them, as usual. 14 ETH 33 514 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 whom they marry, of their fathers and relatives at a high price, and then to take them to a chief, who is considered to be a priest, to deflower them and see if she is a virgin; and if she is not, they have to return the whole price, and he can keep her for his wife or not, or let her be consecrated, as he chooses. At these times they all get drunk. The second language is that of the Pacaxes, the people who live in the country between the plains and the mountains. These people are more barbarous. Some of them who live near the mountains eat human flesh.' They are great sodomites, and have many wives, even when these are sisters. They worship painted and sculptured jstones. and are much given to witchcraft and sorcery. The third language is that of the Acaxes, who are in possession of a large part of the hilly country and all of the mountains They go hunt- ing for men just as they hunt animals. They all eat human flesh, and he who has the most human bones and skulls hung up around his house is most feared and respected. They live in settlements and in very rough country, avoiding the plains. In passing from one settlement to another, there is always ^ ravine in the way which they can not cross, although they can talk together across it.^ At the slightest call 500 men collect, and on any pretext kill and eat one another. Thus it has been very hard to subdue these people, on account of the roughness of the country, which is very great. Many rich silver mines have been found in this country. They do not run deep, but soon give out. The gulf of the sea begins on the coast of this province, entering the land 250 leagues toward the north and ending at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) river. This country forms its eastern limit, and California the western. From what I have been told by men who had navigated it, it is 30 leagues across from point to point, because they lose sight of this country when they see the other. They say the gulf is over 150 leagues broad (or deep), from shore to shore. The coast makes a turn toward the south atthe Firebrand river, bending down to California, which turns toward the west, forming that peninsula which was formerly held to be an island, because it was a low sandy country. It is inhabited by brutish, bestial, naked people who eat their own offal. The men and women couple like animals, the female openly getting down on all fours. Chapter 3, of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited country as far as Chichilticalli. Petlatlan is a settlement of houses covered with a sort of mats made of plants.^ These are collected into villages, extending along a river from the mountains to the sea. The people are of the same race and ' Omitted by Temaux, who (p. 151) calls these the Facaaas. ■' Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux (p. 152) renders : "Hs ont soin de Mtir lenrs villages de maniire a. ce qu'ila aoient s6par£8 lea una des autres par des ravins impossibles ^ franchir," which ia perhaps the meaning of the Spanish. "Ternaux, p. 156: "couvertes en nattes de glaieul." The Spanish manuscript ia very obscure. wmsHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 515 habits as the Guluacanian Tahues. There is much sodomy among them. In the mountain district there is a large population and more settle- ments. These people have a somewhat difierent language from the Tahues, although they understand each other. It is called Petlatlan because the houses are made of petates or palm-leaf mats.^ Houses of this sort are found for more than 240 leagues in this region, to the beginning of the Cibola wilderness. The nature of the country changes here very greatly, because from this point on there are no trees except the pine,^ nor are there any fruits except a few tunas,^ mesquites,^ and pitahayas.^ Petlatlan is 20 leagues from Ouliacan, and it is 130 leagues from here to the valley of Senora. There are many rivers between the two, with settlements of the same sort of people — for example, Sinoloa, Boyomo, TeocomOj Yaquimi, and other smaller ones. There is also the Corazones or Hearts, which is in our possession, down the valley of Senora.° Senora is a river and valley thickly settled by able-bodied people. The women wear petticoats of tanned deerskin, and little san benitos reaching halfway down the body.'^ The chiefs of the villages go up on some little heights they have made for this purpose, like public criers, and there make proclamations for the space of an hour, regulating those things they have to attend to. They have some little huts for shrines, all over the outside of which they stick many arrows, like a hedgehog. They do this when they are eager for war. All about this province toward the mountains there is a large population in sepa- rate little provinces containing ten or twelve villages. Seven or eight of them, of which I know the names, are Comupatrico, Mochilagua, Arispa, and the Little Valley." There are others which we did not see. It is 40 leagues from Senora to the valley of Suya. The town of Saint Jerome (San Hieronimo) was established in this valley, where there was ^An account of these people ia given in the Trivmphos, lib. 1, cap. ii, p. 6, Andres Perez de Bibas, S. J. "Estas [caaaa] hazian, vnas de varas de monte hincadasen tierra, entretexidas, y atadaa con Tejucos, que son Tnas ramas como de 9ar9aparrilla, muy fuertes, y que duran mncho tiepo. Las paredes que hazia con eaaa barazon las afortauan cou vna tortade barro, para que no las penetrasse el Sol, nilos vlentos, cubriendo la casa con madera, y encima tierra, 6 barro, con que hazian a9otea, y con esso se contentauan. Otros hazian sua caaas de petates q es genero de esteras texidas de cana taxada." Bandolier found the Opata Indians living in houses made with " a slight foundation of cob- blestones which supported a frame-work of posts standing in a thin wall of rough stones and aiud, while a slanting roof of yucca or palm leaves covered the whole." — Final Eeport, pt. i, p. 58. "The meaning of this sentence in the Spanish is not wholly clear. Temaux, p. 156: "Cettemanitoe de batir . . . change dans cet endroit probablement, parce qn'll n'y a pins d'arbres sans Opines." » The Opuntia tuna or prickly pear. * Froaopis julijlora. fi Oereus thurberii. * Sonora. ' Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii, p. 610 (ed. 1853) : " Toda esta gente, dende las primeras caaas delmahiz, andan los hombres muy deshonestoa, sin se cobrir coaa alguna de sus peraonaa ; 6 las mugeres muy honestas, con Unas sayas de cueros de venados hasta los pi6s, 6 con falda que detrds les arrastra algnna cosa, 6 abiertas por delante hasta el suelo y enla^adas con unas correas. E traen debaxo, por donde eat&n abiertas, una mantilla de algcion i otra en9ima, 6 unas gorgueras de algodon, que les cubren todos los pechos." "Temaux, pp. 157-158: " une multitude de tribus k part, rfiunis en petitea nations de sept ou huit, dix ou douze villages, ce sont : TJpatrloo, Mochila, Guagarispa, El Vallecillo, et d'autres qiii son pr48 des montagues." 516 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-,542 [eth.ann.U a rebellion later, and part of the people who had settled there were killed, as will be seen in the third part. There are many villages in the neigh- borhood of this valley. The people are the same as those in Senora and have the same dress and language, habits, and customs, like all the rest as far as the desert of Chichilticalli. The women paint their chins and eyes like the Moorish women of Barbary. They are great sodomites. They drink wine made of the pitahaya, which is the fruit of a great thistle which opens like the pomegranate. The wine makes them stupid. They make a great quantity of preserves from the tuna; they preserve it in a large amount of Its sap without other honey. They make bread of the mesquite, like cheese, which keeps good for a whole year.' There are native melons in this country so large that a person can carry only one of them. They cut these into slices and dry them in the sun. They are good to eat, and taste like figs, and are better than dried meat; they are very good and sweet, keeping for a whole year when prepared in this way.^ In this country there were also tame eagles, which the chiefs esteemed to be something flne.^ No fowls of any sort were seen in any of these villages except in this valley xjf Suya, where fowls like those of Castile were found. Nobody could And out how they came to be so far inland, the people being all at war with one another. Between Suya and Chichil- ticalli there are many sheep and mountain goats with very large bodies and horns. Some Spaniards declare that they have seen flocks of more than a hundred together, which ran so fast that they disappeared very quickly. At Chichilticalli the country changes its character again and the spiky vegetation ceases. The reason is that the gulf reaches as far up as this place, and the mountain chain changes its direction at the same time that the coast does. Here they had to cross and pass through the mountains in order to get into the level country. Chapter 3, of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its customs and habits, and of other things. Chichilticalli is so called because the friars found a house at this place which was formerly inhabited by people who separated from Cibola. It was made of colored or reddish earth.'' The house was large and appeared to have been a fortress. It must have been destroyed by the people of the district, who are the most barbarous people that have yet been seen. They live in separate cabins and not in settlements. They live by hunt- ' Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. Ill, quotes from the Kelaciones of Zdrate-Salmeron, of some Arizona Indians; "Tambien tienen para su sustento Mescali quees conservade raiz de maguey." Tbe strong liquor is made from the root of tbe Mexican or American agave. 'These were doubtless cantaloupes. Tbe southwestern Indians still slice and dry them in a manner similar to that hero described. 'The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zuili and Hopi, keep eagles for their feathers, which are highly prized because of their reputed sacred character, •Chichiltic-calli.ared objector house, according to Molina's Vocabulario Mexicano, 1555. Bandelier Historical Introduction, p. 11, gives reterencea to the ancient and modern descriptions. The location is discussed on page 387 of the present memoir. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVI y i f li g /f tim w'm^^ . IBS S ING VLARITE7 irecejle Floride z^ Lriuierede Palme fi irouuenti Toreau ^iuerfesej^ecesdehcfiesmonjlrueufistentre lefj^uel- % ttuag •lgjli,f^.pgf^-^glf^jjgij^cci^ggfiiff2sta.ureaux,f< tdftscornes longuesfittlementd'ynptey (rfurleJos ~)ine tumuettr ou eminence, Come >» chamean: le poU Ion? par tout le corps,dHquel U cottleur s approchefart decelle d'ynemulefa,uue ,(:r encores I' efi pltit cctuy eui eft- dejjoubs le mento.Lon en amena Imcfiis deux torn '\ifs en Ejj>agne,de l"\n defquels j'a.y~)ictt Upedu Cr non autre chcfe,0^ nj/peurentl/iiire long temps. Cejl animal ainji ftte Ion dit,efi pcrpetuel ennemy dt* cheual,C^ne lepeut endurerpres de luy. De la Flort- Cap vie de tirantat* promontoire de Baxe ,fi trouue^el^ue Baxe. petite rimere,eu les ejclaues liontpejcher fiftttres, qut . portent perles . Or depttis quefimmes lienift tufjue la. (lortans perles ,5 qiite de toucher la colleSlion des huitreSj ne lieux ou^ . blierpar q^uelmojen, Us paries enfint iireesjtant aitX ' fndes THE BUFFALO OF THEVET, 1558 T^iNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 517 ing. The rest of the country is all wilderness, covered with pine forests. There are great quantities of the pine nuts. The pines are two or three times as high as a man before they send out branches. There is a sort of oak with sweet acorns, of which they make cakes like sugar plums with dried coriander seeds. It is very sweet, like sugar- Watercress grows in many springs, and there are rosebushes, and pennyroyal, and wild marjoram. There are barbels and picones/ like those of Spain, in the rivers of this wilderness. Gray lions and leopards were seen.^ The country rises continually from the beginning of the wilderness until Cibola is reached, which is Sjf^ leagues, going north. From Guliacan to the edge of the wilderness the route had kept the north on the left hand. Cibola^ is seven villages. The largest is called^ Ma9aque.'* The houses are ordinarily three or four stories high, but in Ma9aque there are houses with four and seven stories. These people are very intelli- gent. They cover their privy parts and all the immodest parts with cloths made like a sort of table napkin, with fringed edges and a tassel at each corner, which they tie over the hips. They wear long robes of feathers and of the skins of hares, and cotton blankets.^ The women wear blankets, which they tie or knot over the left shoulder, leaving the right arm out. These serve to cover the body. They wear a neat well-shaped outer garment of skin. They gathef^heir hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned headdress.® ' Temaux (p. 162) succeeded no better than I have in the attempt to identify this fish. ^Temaux, p. 162: "A Tentr^e du pays inhabits on rencontre une espdce de lion de couleur fauve." Compare the Spanish text. These were evidently the mountain lion and the wild cat. ^Alberts. Gatschet, in his Zwolf Sprachen, p. 106, says that this word is now to be found only in the dialect of the pueblo of Isleta, under the form sibiiloda, buffalo. ■*Matsati, the ruina of which are at the northwestern base of Thunder mountain. See Bandelier's Final Eeport, pt. i, p. 133, and Hodge, First Discovered City of Cibola. ^The mantles of rabbit hair are still worn at Moki, but those of tarkey plumes are out of use alto- gether. See Bandelier's Final Report, pt. i, pp. 57 and 158. They used also the fiber of the yucca and agave for making clothes. * J. G. Owens, Hopi Natal Ceremonies, in Journal of American Archseology and Ethnology, vol. ii, p. 165 n., says : "The dress of the Hopi [Moki, or Tusayan] women consists of a black blanket about 3^ feet square, folded around the bodj' from the left side. It passes under the left arm and over the light shoulder, being sewed together on the right side, except a hole about 3 inches long near the upper end through which the arm is thrust. This is belted in at the waist by a sash about 3 inches wide. Sometimes, though not frequently, a shirt is worn under this garment, and a piece of muslin^ tied together by two adjacent corners, is usually near by, to be thrown over the shoulders. Most of the women have moccasins, which they put on at certain times."' Gomara, ccxlii, describes the natives of Sibola ; ' ' Hazen con todo esao vnas mantillas de pieles de conegos, y liebres, y de venados, que algodon muy poco alcan9an : caiman ^apato^ de cuero, y de inuierno vnas como botas hasta las rodillas. Las mugeres van vestidas de Metl hasta en pies, andan cenidas, tren9an los cabellos, y rodeauselos ala cabega por sobre las orejas. La tierraea arenosa, yde poco frnto, oreo q por pereza dellos, pues donde siembran, Ueua mayz, frisoles, calaba9as, y frutas, y auu se crian en ella gallipauoa, que no se hazen en todos caboa." In hia Eelacion de Vi^'e, p. 173, Espejo says of Zuhi : "en esta provincia se visten algunoa de los naturalea, de mantas de algodon y cueros de las vacas, y de gamuzas aderezadas; y las mantas de algo- don las traen puestas al uso mexicano, eceto que deba^io de partes vergonzosas traen unoa panes de algodon pintados, y algunoa dellos traen camisas, y laa mugeres traen naguas de algodon y muchaa dellas bordadas con hilo de colores, y encima una manta como la traen los indios mexicanos, y atada con un paxio de manoa como tohalla labrada, y ae lo atan por la cintura con sua borlas, y las naguas Bon que sirven de faldas de camisa d, raiz de las carnes, y esto cada una lo trae con la mas ventaja que pnede; y todos, aai hombres como mujeres, andan calzadoa con zapatos y botas, laa auelas de cuero 518 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.akn.w This country is a valley between rocky mountains. They cultivate corn, which does not grow very high. The ears start at the very foot, and each large fat stalk bears about 800 grains, something not seen / before in these parts.' There are large numbers of bears in this prov- ^ ince, and lions, wild-cats, deer, and otter. There are very fine turquoises,] although not so many as was reported. They collect the pine nuts each year, and store them up in advance. A man does not have more than one wife. There are estufas or hot rooms in the villages, which are the courtyards or places where they gather for consultation. They do not have chiefs as in New Spain, but are ruled by a council of the oldest men.^ They have priests who preach to them, whom they call papas.' These are the elders. They go up on the highest roof of the viUage and preach to the village from there, like public criers, in the morning while the sun is rising, the whole village being silent and sitting in the galleries to listen.^ They tell them how they are to live, and I believe that they give certain commandments for them to keep, for there is no drunken- ness among them nor sodomy nor sacrifices, neither do they eat human flesh nor steal, but they are usually at work. The estufas belong to the whole village. It is a sacrilege for the women to go into the estufas to sleep.^ They make the cross as a sign of peace. They burn their dead, and throw the implements used in their work into the fire with the bodies.^ de vacas, y lo de encima de cuero de venado aderezado ; las mugeres traen el cabello muy peinado y bien puesto y con bus moldes que traen en la cabeza uno de una parte y otro de otra, & donde ponen el cabello con curiosidad Bin traer nengun tocado en la cabeza." Mota Padilla, xxxil, 4, p. 160 : "Los indios son de buenas estaturas, las indias bien dispuestas : traen unaB mantas blanca^, que las cubren desde los hombros hasta los pi6s y por estar cerradas, tienen por donde sacar los brazes; asimisuLO, usan traer sobre las dichas otras mantas que se ponen sobre el hombro izquierdo, y el nn cabo tercian por debajo del brazo dereoho oomo capa : estiman en jnucbo los cabelloa ; y asi, los traen muy peinados, y en una jicara de agua, se miran come en un espejo ; p4r- tense el cabello en dos trenzas, liadas con cintas de algodon de colores, y en cada lado de la cabeza forman dos ruedas 6 circulos, que dentro de ellos rematan, y dejau la punta del cabello levantado come plumajes y en unas tablitas de basta tres dedos, fijan con pegamentos unas piedras verdes que Uatnan cbalchi- buites, de que se dice hay minas, como tambien se dice las bubo cerca de Sombrerete. en un real de minas que se nombra Chalchibuites, por estarazou; . . . con dicbas piedras forman sortijas que con unos palillos fijan sobre el cabello como ramillete: son las indias limpias, y se precian de no parecermal." 'Ternaux, p. 164: "les 6pis partent presqne tous du pied, et chaqae 6pi a sept ou buit cents grains, ce que Ton n'avait pas encore vu aux Indes." The meaning of the Spanish is by no means clear, and there are several words in the manuscript which have been omitted in the translation. ^Ternaux, p. 164: "ni de conseils devieillards." 'Papa in the Zufii language signifies "elder brother," and may allude either to age or to ranlc. ■■Dr J. Walter Fewkes, in his Few Summer Ceremonials at the Tusayan Fueblos, p, 7, describes the Da'wa-w^mp-ki-yas, a small number of priests of the sun. Among other duties, they pray to the rising sun, whose course they are said to watch, and they prepare offerings to it. Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p. 160, says that at Cibola, " no se vi6 templo alguno, ni se les conoci6 idolo, por lo que se tuvo entendido adoraban al sol y 4 la luna, lo que se confirm6, porque una noche que hnbo un eclipse, alzaron todos mucba griterla. " — 'Ternaux, p. 165 : "Les 6tnves sont rares dans ce payft. lis regardent comme un sacrilege que les femmes entrent deux k la fois dans nn endroit." In his Few Summer Ceremonials at Tusayan, p. 6, Dr Fewkes says that "with the exception of their own dances, women do not take part in the secret kibva [estufa] ceremonials ; but it can not be said that they are debarred entrance as assistants in making the paraphernalia of the dances, or when they are called upon to represent dramatizations of traditions in which women figure.'' » Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing, in the Compte-rendu of the Congrfes International des American- istes, Berlin, 1888, pp. 171-172, speaking of the excavations of "Los Muertoa" in southern Arizona wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 519 It is 20 leagues to Tusayan, going northwest. This is a province with seven villages, of the same sort, dress, habits, and ceremonies as at Cibola. There may be as many as 3,000 or 4,000 men in the fourteen villages of these two provinces. It is 40 leagues or more to Tiguex, the road trending toward the north. The rock of Acuco, which we described in the first i)art, is between these. Chapter 4, ofhotv they live at Tiguex^ and of the province of Tiguex and its neighborhood, Tiguex is a province with twelve villages on the banks of a large, mighty river; some villages on one side and some on the other. It is a spacious valley two leagues wide, and a very high, rough, snow-covered mountain chain lies east of it. There are seven villages in the ridges at the foot of this — four on the plain and three situated on the skirts J of the mountain, s ^ j- There are seven villages 7 leagues to the north, at Quirix, and the J seven villages of the province of Hemes are 40 leagues 'iiorthj?f;(^st." It is 40 leagues north or east to Acha,^ and 4 leagues southeast to Tuta- saya : ' 'All the skeletons, especially of adults [in the intramural burials] , were, with bat few exceptions, disponed with the heads to the east and slightly elevated as though resting on pillows, so as to face the west ; and the hands were usually placed at the sides or crossed over the breast. With nearly all were paraphernalia, household utensils, articles of adornment, etc. This paraphernalia quite invariably partook of a sacerdotal character." In the pyral mounds outside the commurial dwellings, ' ' each burial consisted of a vessel, large or small, according to the age of the person whose thoroughly cremated remains it was designed to receive, together, ordinarily, with traces of the more valued and smaller articles of personal property sacrificed at the time of cremation. Over each such vessel was placed either an inverted bowl or a cover (roughly rounded by chipping) of potsherds, which latter, in most cases, showed traces of having been firmly cemented, by means of mud plaster, to the vessels they covered. Again, around each such burial were found always from two or three to ten or a dozen broken vessels, often, indeed, a complete set ; namely, eating and drinking bowl's, water-jar and bottle, pitcher, spheroidal food receptacle, ladles large and small, and cooking-pot. Sometimes, however, one or another of these vessels actually designed for sacrifice with the dead, was itself used as the receptacle of his or her remains. In every such case the vessel had been either punctured at the bottom or on one side, or else violently cracked — from Zuiii customs, in the process of 'killing' it." The remains of other articles were around, burned in the same fire. Since the above note was extracted, excavations have been conducrted by Dr. J. Walter Fewkea at the prehistoric Hopi pueblo of Sikyatki, an exhaustive account of which will be published in a forth- coming report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Sikyatki is located at the base of the First Mesa of Tusayan, about 3 miles from Hano. The house structures were situated on an elongated elevation, the western extremity of the village forming a sort of acropolis. On the northern, western, and southern slopes of the height, outside the village proper, cemeteries were found, and in these most of the excavations were conducted. Many graves were uncovered at a depth varying from 1 foot to 10 feet, but the skeletons were in such condition as to be practically beyond recovery. Accompany- ing these remains were hundreds of food and water vessels iu great variety of form and decoration, and in quality of texture far better than any earthenware previously recovered from a pueblo people. With the remains of the priests there were found, in addition to the usual utensils, terra cotta and stone pipes, beads, prayer -sticks, quartz crystals, arrowpoints, stone and shell fetiches, sacred paint, and other paraphernalia similar to that used by the Hopi of today. The house walls were con- structed of small, flat stones brought from the neighboring mesa, laid in adobe mortar and plastered with tho same material. The rooms were invariably small, averaging perhaps 8 feet square, and the walls were quite thin. 'No human remains were found in the houses, nor were any evidences of cremation observed. Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p, 160, describes a funeral which was witnessed by the soldiers of Core- nado's army : " en una ocasion vieron los espanoles, que habiendo muerto un ihdio, armaron una grande balsa 6 luminaria de lena, sobre que pusieron el cuerpo cubierto' con una manta, y luego todos los del pueblo, hombres y mujeres, fueron poniendo sobre la cama de lena, pinole, calabazas, frijoles, atole, raaia tostado, y de lo demas que usaban comer, y dieron fuego por todas partes, de suerte que en breve todo Be convirti6 en cenizas con el cuerpo. " ' The pueblo of Picuris, 520 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U haco, a province with eight villages. In general, these villages all have the same habits and customs, although some have some things in par- ticular which the others have not.^ They are governed by the opinions of the elders. They all work together to build the villages, the women being engaged in making the mixture and the walls, while the men bring the wood and put it in place.^ ■ They have no lime, but they make a mixture of ashes, coals, and dirt which is almost as good as mortar, for when the house is to have four stories, they do not make the walls more than half a yard thick. They gather a great pile of twigs of thyme and sedge grass and set it afire, and when it is half coals and ashes they throw a quantity of dirt and water on it and mix it all together. They make round balls of this, which they use instead of stones after they are dry, fixing them with the same mixture, which comes to be like a stiff clay. Before they are married the young men serve the whole village in general, and fetch the wood that is needed for use, putting it in a pile in the courtyard of the villages, from which the women take it to carry to their houses. The young men live in the estufas, which are in the yards of the village.^ They are underground, square or round, with pine pillars, 1 Bandelier gives a general account of the internal condition of the Pueblo Indians, with references to the older Spanish writers, in his Final Report, pt. i, p. 135, ^Bandolier, Final Keport, pt. i, p. 141, quotes from Benavides, Memorial, p. 43, the following account of how the churches and convents in the pueblo region were built: "los ha hecho tan eolamete las mugeres, y los mnchachos, y muchachas de la dotrlna; porque entre estos naciones se vsa hazer las mugeres las paredes, y los hombres hilan y texen sus mantas, y van A la guerra, y a la caza, y si obli- gamos a algu hombre A hazer pared, se corre dello, y las mugeres se rien." MotaFadilla, cap.xxxii, p. 159: "estoa pueblos [de Tigiies y TzibolaJ estaban murados . . si bien se diferenciaban en que los pueblos de Tzibola son fabricados do pizarras unidas con argamasa de tierra; ylosde Tigiies sonde una tierragiiijosa, aunque muy fuerte ; sus fAbricas tienen las puertas para adentro del pueblo, y la entrada de estoa muros son puertas pequenas y se sube por unas escalerillas angostas, y se entra de ellas A una sala de terraplen, y por otraescalerase bajaal plan de lapoblacion.'' Several days before Friar Harcos reached Chichilticalli, the natives, who were telling him about Cibola, described the way in which these lofty houses were built : ' ' para ddrmelo & entender, tomaban tierra y ceuiza, y eohAbanle agua, y senaUbanrae como ponian la piedra y como subian el edificio arriba, poniendo aquello y piedra hastaponello en lo alto; pregunt^bales & los hombres de aquella tierra si tenian alas para subir aqnellos sobrados ; reianse y seual&banme el escalera, tambien como la podria yo senalar, y tomaban un palo y ponlanlo sobre la cabeza y decian que aquel altura hay de sobrado A sobrado." Relacion de Fray Marcos in Fachecn y Cardenas, Doc, de Indiaa, vol. iii, p. 339. Lewis H, Morgan, in his Kuius of a Stone Pueblo, Peabody Museum Reports, vol. xii, p. 541, says : "Adobe is a kind of pulverized clay with a bond of considerable strength by mechanical cohesion. In southern Colorado, in Arizona, and New Mexico there are immense tracts covered with what is called adobe soil. It varies somewhat in the degree of its excellence. The kind of which they make their pottery has the largest per cent of alumina, and its presence is indicated by the salt weed which grows inthis particular soil. This kind also makes the best adobe mortar. Theludiana useitfroelyinlaying their walls, as freely as our masons use lime mortar ; and although it never acquires the hardness of cement, it disintegrates slowly . . . This adobe mortar is adapted only to the dry climate of southern Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico, where the precipitation is less than 5 inches per annum ... To the presence of this adobe soil, found in such abundance in the regions named, and to the saudstono of the bluffs, where masses are often found in fragments, we must attribute the great progress made by these Indians in house building." ^Bandelier discusses the estufas in his Final Report, pt. i, p. 144 ff., giving quotations from the Spanish writers, with his usual wealth of footnotes. Dr Fewkes, in bis Zufii Summer Ceremonials, says : "These rooms are semisubterranean Un ZuSi), situated on the first or ground floor, never, so far as Ihave seen, on the second or higher stories. They are rectangular or square rooms, built of stone with openings just large enough to admit the head serving as windows, and still preserve the old form of entrance by ladders through a sky hole m the roof. Within, the estufas have bare walls and are unfurnished, but have a raised ledge about the walls, serving as seats." BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, LVII THE BUFFALO OF DE BRY, 1595 wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 521 Some were seen with twelve pillars and with four in the center as large as two men could stretch around. They usually had three or four pil- lars. The floor was made of large, smooth stones, like the baths which they have in Europe. They have a hearth made like the binnacle or compass box of a ship,' in which they burn a handful of thyme at a time to keep up the heat, and they can stay in there just as in a bath. The top was ou a level with the ground. Some that were seen were large enough for a game of ball. When any man wishes to marry, it has to be arranged by those who govern. The man has to spin and weave a blanket and place it before the woman, who covers herself with it and becomes his wife.* TLe houses belong to the women, the estufas to the men. If a man repudiates his woman, he has to go to the estufa.^ It is forbidden for women to sleep in the estufas, or to enter these for any purpose except to give their husbands or sons something to eat. The men spin and weave. The women bring up the children and prepare the food. The country is so fertile that they do not have to break up the ground the year round, but only have to sow the seed, which is presently liovered by the fall of snow, and the ears come up under the snow. In one year they gather enough for seven. A very large number of cranes and wild geese and crows and starlings live on what is sown, and for all this, when they come to sow for another year, the fields are covered with corn which they have not been able to finish gathering. There are a great many native fowl in l^ese provinces, and cocks with great hanging chins." When dead, these keep for sixty days, and longer in winter, without losing their feathers or opening, and without any bad smell, and the same is true of dead men. The villages are free from nuisances, because they go outside to 6xcrete, and they pass their water into clay vessels, which they empty • The Spanish is almost illegible . Ternaux (pp. 169-170) merely says ; "Au milieu estun foyer §llum6." ^Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 160: "En los casamientos [& Tigiiea] hay coatumbre, que cuando un mozo da en servir 4 una doncella, la eapera en la parte donde va A acarrear agua, y coge el c^utaro, con cuya demostracion manifiesta & los deudoa de ella, la voluntad de caaarse : no tienen estos indies mas que una muger." Villagra, Hiatoria de la Nueva Mexico, canto xv, fol. 135 : T tienen vna cosa aquestas gentes, Que en sallendo las mozas de donzellas, Son & todoa comunea, sin escusa, Con tal que se lo paguen, y sin paga, Es vna vil bageza, tal delito, Mas lucgo que se casan viuen castas, Contenta cada qual con sa marido, Cuia costumhre, con la grande fuer9a. Que por naturaleza ya tenian, Teniendo por certissimo nosotros, Seguiamos tambien aquel camino, luntaron mucbas mantas bien pintadas. Para alcan9ar las damas Castellanas, Que mucbo apetecieron y quisieron . It is hoped that a translation of this poem, valuable to the historian and to the ethnologist, if not to the student of literature, may be published in the not distant future. 3This appears to be the sense of a sentence -which Ternaux omits. 4The American turkey cocks. 522 THE COEONAUO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ethann.U at a distance from the village.^ They keep the separate houses where they prepare the food for eating aud where they grind the meal, very clean. This is a separate room or closet, where they have a trough with three stones fixed in stiff clay. Three women go in here, each one hav- ing a stone, with which one of them breaks the corn, the next grinds it, and the third grinds it again.* They take oft their shoes, do up their hair, shake their clothes, and cover their heads before they enter the door. A man sits at the door playing on a fife while they grind, mov- ing the stones to the music and singing together. They grind a large quantity at one time, because they make all their bread of meal soaked in warm water, like wafers. They gather a great quantity of brushwood and dry it to use for cooking all through the year. There are no fruits good to eat in the country, except the pine nuts. They have their preachers. Sodomy is not found among them. They do not eat human flesh nor make sacrifices of it. The people are not cruel, for they had Francisco de Ovando in Tiguex about forty days, after he was dead, and when the village was captured, he was found amongtheir dead, whole aud without any other wound except the one which killed him, white as snow, without any bad smell. I found out several things about them from one of our Indians, who had been a captive among them for a whole year. I asked him especially for the reason why the young women in that province went entirely naked, however cold it might be, and he told me that the virgins had to go around this way until they took a husband, and that they covered themselves after they had known man. The men here wear little shirts of tanned deerskin and their long robes over this. In all these provinces they have earthenware glazed with antimony and jars of extraordinary labor and workmanship, which were worth seeing.' > A cuatom still common at Zufii and other pneblos. Before the introdaction of manufactured dyes the Hopi used urine as a mordant. ' Mr Owens, in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. ii, p. 103 n., describes these mealing troughs: "In every house will be found a trough about 6 feet long, 2 feet wide, and 8 inches deep, divided into three or more compartments. In the older honses the sides and partitions are made of stone slabs, hut in some of the newer ones they are made of boards. Within each compartment Is a stone (trap rock preferred) about 18 inches long and a foot wide, set in a bed of adobe and inclined at an angle of about 35°. This is not quite in the center of the compartment, but is set about 3 inches nearer the right side than the left, and its higher edge is against the edge of the trough. This con- stitutes the nether stone of the mill. The upper stone is about 14 inches long, 3 inches wide, and varies in thickness according to the fineness of the meal desired. The larger stone is called a mdta and the smaller one a matdki. The woman places the corn in the trough, then kneels behind it and grasps the matdki in both hands. This she slides, by a motion from the back, back and forth over the mita. At intervals she releases her hold with her left hand and with it places the material to be ground upon the upper end of the m^ta. She usually sings in time to her grinding motion." There is a more extended account of these troughs in Mindeleffs Pueblo Architecture, in the Eighth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 208. This excellent monograph, with its wealth of illus- trations, is an invaluable introduction to any study of the southwestern village Indians. Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 3, p. 159 : "tienen las indias sua cocinas con mucho aseo, yen el moler el maiz so diferencian de las demas poblaciones [4 Tigiies], porque en una piedra mas ispera martajan el maiz, y pasa 6. la segunda y tercera, de donde le sacan en polvo como harina; do usan tortillas que son el pan de las indias y lo fabrican con primor, porque en unas ollas ponen & darle al maiz un cocimi- ento con una poca de cal, de donde lo sacan ya con el nomhre de mixtamal.*' 3 See W. H. Holmes, Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, Fourth Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Eth- nology ; also his Illustrated Catalogue of a portion of the collections made during the Held season of 1881, in the Third Annual Eeport. See p. 519n., regarding pottery found at Sikyatki. wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 523 Chapter 5, of Gicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, and of how some people came to conquer this country. We have already said that the i)eople of Tiguex aud of all the prov- inces on the banks of that river were all alike, having the same ways of living and the same customs. It will not be necessary to say any- thing particular about them. I wish merely to give an account of Gicuye and some depopulated villages which the army saw on the direct road which it followed thither, and of others that were across the snowy mountains near Tiguex, which also lay in that region above the river. Cicuye ' is a village of nearly five hundred warriors, who are feared throughout that country. It is square, situated on a rock, with a large court or yard in the middle, containing the estufas. The houses are all alike, four stories high. One can go over the top of the whole village without there being a street to hinder. There are corridors going all around it at the Urst two stories, by which one can go around the whole village. These are like outside balconies, and they are able to protect themselves under these.^ The houses do not have doors below, but they use ladders, which can be lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up to the corridors which are on the inside of the village. As the doors of the houses open on the corridor of that story, the corridor serves as a street. The houses that open on the plain are right back of those that open on the court, and in time of war they go through those behind them. The village is inclosed by a low wall of stone. There is a spring of water inside, which they are able to divert.' The people of this village boast that no one has been able to conquer them and that they conquer whatever villages they wish. The people and their customs are like those of the other villages. Their virgins also go nude until they take husbands, because they say that if they do anything wrong then it will be seen, and so they do not do it. They do not need to be ashamed because they go around as they were born. There is a village, small and strong, between Cicuye and the province of Quirix, which the Spaniards named Ximena,^ and another village almost deserted, only one part of which is inhabited.' This was a large village, and judging from its condition and newness it appeared to have been destroyed. They called this the village of the granaries or silos, because large underground cellars were found here stored with corn. There was another large village farther on, entirely destroyed and ■Bandelier, in his Visit to Pecos, p. 114, n., states that the former name of the pueblo was ^quiu, and suggests the possibility of Castaneda having originally written Acuy6. The Kelacion del Suceso, translated herein, has Acuique. As.may be seen by examining the Spanish text, the Lenox manu> script copy of Castaneda spella the name of this village sometimes Cicuye and sometimes Cicuye. 'Compare Bandolier's translation of this description, from Ternaux's text, in his Gilded Man, p. 206. See the accompanying illustrations, especially of Zuili, which give an excellent idea of these terraces or "corridors" with their attached balconies. 'The spring was " still triclsling out beneath a massive ledge of rocks on the west sill" when Ban- delier sketched it in 1880. ^The former Tano pueblo of G-alisteo, a mile and a half northeast of the present town of the same name, in Santa F6 county, p' 'SV^ r \ • I \ s According to Mota Padilla, this was called Coquite. in ^ uC»^ ( '^ ^'^ } 524 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.u pulled down, la the yards of which there were many stone balls, as big as 12-quart bowls, which seemed to have been thrown by engines or catapults, which had destroyed the village. All that I was able to find out about them was that, sixteen years before, some people called Teyas,' had come to this country in great numbers and had destroyed these villages. They had besieged Cicuye but had not been able to cap- ture it, because it was strong, and when they left the region, they had made peace with the whole country. It seems as if they must have been a powerful people, and that they must have had engines to knock down the villages. The only thing they could tell about the direction these people came from was by pointing toward the north. They usually call these people Teyas or brave men, just as the Mexicans say chichimecas or braves,^ for the Teyas whom the army saw were brave. These knew the people in the settlements, and were friendly with them, and they (the Teyas of the plains) went there to spend the winter under the wings of the settlements. The inhabitants do not dare to let them come inside, because they can not trust them. Although they are received as friends, and trade with them, they do not stay in the vil- lages over night, but outside under the wings. The villages are guarded by sentinels with trumpets, who call to one another just as in the for- tresses of Spain. There are seven other villages along this route, toward the snowy mountains, one of which has been half destroyed by the people already referred to. These were under the rule of Cicuye. Cicuye is in a little valley between mountain chains and mountains covered with large pme forests. There is a little stream which contains vfery good trout and otters, and there are very large bears and good falcons hereabouts, Chapter 6, which gives the number of villages which were seen in the country of the terraced houses, and their population. Before I proceed to speak of the plains, with the cows and settlements and tribes there, it seems to me that it will be well for the reader to know how large the settlements were, where the houses with stories, gathered into villages, were seen, and how great an extent of country they occupied.' As I say, Cibola is the first: Cibola, seven villages. Tusayan, seven villages. The rock of Acuco, one. 'These Indiana wore seen by Coronado during his journey across the plains. As Mr Hodge has su*'- gested, they may have been the Comanches, who on many occasions are known to have made inroads on the pueblo of Pecos. ^Ternaux's rendering of the uncertain word teules in the Spanish text. Molina, in the Vocabulario Mexicano (1555), fol. 36, has "brauo hoiubre . . . tlauele." Gomara spealts of the chichimecas in the quotation in the footnote on page 529. The term was applied to all wild tribes- >Bandelicr, Final Report, pt. i, p. M: " With the exception of Acoma , there is not a single pueblo stand- ing where it was at the time of Coronado, or even sixty years later, when Juan de Onate accomplished the peaceable reduction of the Kew Mexican village Indians." Compare with the discussion in this part of Ins Final Heport, Mr Bandelier's attempt to ideatil'y the various clusters of villages, in his Historical Introduction, pp. 22-24. wiNsHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 625 Tiguex, twelve villages. Tutahaco,' eight villages. Tbese villages were below the river. Quirix,^ seveu villages. In the snowy mountains, seven villages. Ximena,' three villages. Cicuye, one village. Hemes,'' seveu villages. Aguas Calientes,'' or Boiling Springs, three villages. Yuqueyunque,^ in the mountains, six villages. Valladolid, called Braba," one village. Chia,' one village. In all, there are sixty-six villages." Tiguex appears to be in the center of the villages. Valladolid is the farthest up the river toward the northeast. The four villages down the river are toward the south- east, because the river turns toward the east.^ It is 130 leagues — 10 more or less — from the farthest point that was seen down the river to the farthest point up the river, and all the settlements are within this region. Including those at a distance, there are sixty-six villages in all, as I have said, and in all of them there may be some 20,000 men, which may be taken to be a fair estimate of the population of the villages. There are no houses or other buildings between one village and another, but where we went it is entirely uninhabited.'" These people, since they are few, and their manners, government, and habits are so different from all the nations that have been seen and discovered in these western regions, must come from that part of Greater India, the coast of which lies to the west of this country, for they could have come down from, that country, crossing the mountain chains and following down the river, settling in what seemed to them the best place." As they multiplied, they have kept on making settlements until ,they lost the river when it buried itself underground, its course being in the direction of Florida. It comes down from the northeast, where they'^ could certainly have found signs of villages. He preferred, however, to follow the reports of 'For the location of this group of pueblos see page 492, not«. 'The Queres district, now represented by Santo Domingo, Saa Felipe, Santa Ana, Sia (Castaueda's Chia) , and Cochiti . Acoma and Laguna, to the westward, belong to the same linguistic group . Lagnna, however, is a modem pueblo. 3 One of these was the Tano pueblo of G-alisteo, as not«d on page 523. *The Jemes pueblo clusters in San Diego and G-uadalupe canyons. See pi. Lxx. *The Tewa pueblo of Tugeuingge, where the village of Chamita, above Santa F6, now stands. «Tao8. 'The Kerea or Qneres pueblo of Sia. ''As Ternaux observes, Castaneda mentions seventy-one. Sia may not have been the only village whicb he counted twice. "The trend of the river in the section of the old pueblo settlements is really westward. "> Compare the Spanish text. " The Tusayan Indians belong to the same linguistic stock as the TTte, Comanche, Shoshoni, Ban* nock, and others. The original habitat of the main body of these tribes was in the far north, although certain clans of the Tusayan people are of southern origin. See Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, 7th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 108. " The Spaniards under Coronado. The translation does not pretend to correct the rhetoric or the grammar of the text. 526 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.u the Turk, but it would have been better to cross the mountains where this river rises. I believe tliey would have found traces of riches and would have reached the lands from which these people started, which from its location is on the edge of Greater India, although the region is neither known nor understood, because from the trend of the coast it appears that the land between Norway and China is very far up.' The country from sea to sea is very wide, judging from the location of both coasts, as well as from what Captain Villalobos discovered when he went in search of China by the sea to the west,^ and from what has been dis- covered on the North sea concerning the trend of the coast of Florida toward the Bacallaos, up toward Norway.' To return then to the proposition with which I began, I say that the settlements and people already named were all that were seen in a region 70 leagues wide and 130 long, in the settled country along the river Tiguex.* In New Spain there are not one but many establish- ments, containing a larger number of people. Silver metals were found in many of their villages, which they use for glazing and. painting their 6a*theBwai?e.^ c.j-»-i->^'* «--» I. <» ' 1 jl^^j. *' Chapter 7, which treats of the plains that were crossed, of the cows, and of the people who inhabit them. "We have spoken of the settlements of high houses which are situated in what seems to be the most level and open part of the mountains, since it is 150 leagues across before entering the level country between the two mountain chains which I said were near the North sea and the South sea, which might better be called the Western sea along this coast. This mountain series is the one which is near the South sea.* In order to show that the settlements are in the middle of the mountains, I will state that it is 80 leagues from Chichilticalli, where we began to cross this country, to Cibola; from Cibola, which is the first village, to Cicuye, which is the last on the way across, is 70 leagues; it is 30 leagues from Cicuye to where the plains begin. It may be we went across in an indirect or roundabout way, which would make it seem as if there was more country than if it had been crossed in a direct line, and it may be more difficult and rougher. This can not be known cer- tainly, because the mountains change their direction above the bay at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) river. •Temaux, p. 184 : " D'aprftp la route qu'ils ont saivie, ils ont d1i venir de rextr6mit6 de I'lnde orien- tale, et d'une partie tr^sinoonnue qui, d'aprts la configuration des cfites, serait sltufie tr^s-avant dans I'intfirieur des terrea, entre la Chine et la Norwdge." ^See the Carta escrita por Santiateban & Mendoza, which tells nearly everything that is known of the voyage of Villalobos. We can only surmise what Castafieda may have known about it. >The Spanish text fully justifies Castafieda's statement that he was not skilled in the arts of rhet- oric and geography. 'Compare the Spanish text. I here follow Ternaux's rendering. "In a note Ternaux, p. 185, says ; " Le [dernier] mot eat illisible, mais comme I'aateur parle de certain 6mail qne Ics Espagnols trouvteent, . . . - j'ai cm pouvoir hasarder oette interpretation." The word is legible enough, bnt the letters do not make any word for which I can find a meaning. 6 More than once CastaSeda seems to be addressing those about him where he ia writing in Culiacan. y ■f., . J.:r :_ a ..'ic/C'^v, yi. /5:^.'/. a., f^. CfCj^ vv-^ ■wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 527 JSTow we will speak of the plains. The country is spacious and level and is more than 400 leagues wide in the part between the two moun- tain ranges — one, that which Francisco Vazquez Coronado cirossed, and the other that which the force under Don Fernando de Soto crossed, near the North sea, entering the country from Florida. No settlements were seen anywhere on these plains. In traversing 250 leagues, the other mountain range was not seen, nor a hill nor a hillock which was three times as high as a man. Sev- eral lakes were found at intervals; they were round as plates, a stone's throw or more across, some fresh and some salt. The grass grows tall near these lakes; away from them it is very short, a span or less. The country is like a bowl, so that when a man sits down, the horizon sur- rounds him all around at the distance of a musket shot.' There are no groves of trees except at the rivers, which ilow at the bottom of some ravines where the trees grow so thick that they were not noticed until one was right on the edge of them. They are of dead earth.^ There are paths down into these, madeby the cows when they go to the water, which is essential throughout these plains. As I have related in the first part, people follow the cows, hunting them and tanning the skins to take to the settlements in the winter to sell, since they go there to pass the winter, each company going to those which are nearest, some to the settlements at Cicuye,' others toward Quivira, and others to the settlements which are situated in the direction of Florida. These people are called Querechos and Teyas. They described some large settle- ments, and judging from what was seen of these people and from the accounts they gave of other places, there are a good many more of these people than there are of those at the settlements.* They have better figures, are better warriors, and are more feared. They travel like the Arabs, with their tents and troops of dogs loaded with poles' and having Moorish pack saddles with girths." When the load gets disarranged, the dogs howl, calling some one to fix them right. These people eat raw flesh and drink blood. They do not eat human flesh. They are a kind people and not cruel. They are faithful friends. They are able to make themselves very well understood by means of signs. They dry the flesh in the sun, cutting it thin like a leaf, and when dry they grind it like meal to keep it and make a sort of sea soup of it to eat. A handful thrown into a pot swells up so as to increase very ' Ternaux omits all this, evidently failing completely in the attempt to understand this description of the rolling western prairies. 'Compare the Spanish. This also is omitted by Ternaax. ^Espejo, Relacion, p. 180: "los serranos acuden & servir & los de las poblaciones, y los de las pobla- ciones les llaman &, estos, querechos ; tratan y contratan con los de las poblaciones. llevandoles sal y caza, Tenados, conejos y liebres y gamuzas aderezadas y otros g6neros de cosas, & trueque de mantas de algodon y otras cosas con que les satisfacen la paga el gobierno." ' * Compare the Spanish. fi TIw well known travois of the plains tribes. * Benavides : Memorial (1630), p. 74 : " T las tiendas las lleuan cargadas en requas de perros aparejados CO sus en xalmillas^ y son los perros medlanos, y suele lleuar quinietos perros en vna requa vno delante de otro, y la gente lleua cargada su mercaduria, que trueca por ropa de algodon, y per otras cosas de q carecen." 528 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.u much. They season it with fat, which they always try to secure when they kill a cow.' They empty a large gut and fill it with blood, and carry this around the neck to drink when they are thirsty. When they open the belly of a cow, they squeeze out the chewed grass and drink the juice that remains behind, because they say that this contains the essence of the stomach. They cut the hide open at the back and pull i;t off at the joints, using a flint as large as a finger, tied in a little stick, with as much ease as if working with a good iron tool. They give it an edge with their own teeth. The quickness with which they do this is something worth seeing and noting.^ There are very great numbers of wolves on these plains, which go around with the cows. They have white skins. The deer are pied with white. Their skin is loose, so that when they are killed it can be pulled off with the hand while warm, coming off like pigskin.' The rabbits, which are very numerous, are so foolish that those on horseback killed them with their lances. This is when they are mounted among the cows. They fly from a person on foot. Chapter 8, of Quivira, of where it is and some information about it. Quivira is to the west of those ravines, in the midst of the country, somewhat nearer the mountains toward the sea, for the country is level as far as Quivira, and there they began to see some mountain chains. The country is well settled. Judging from what was seen on the bor- ders of it, this country is very similar to that of Spain in the varieties of vegetation and fruits. There are plums like those of Castile, grapes, nuts, mulberries, oats, pennyroyal, wild marjoram, and large quantities of flax, but this does not do them any good, because they do not know how to use it.^ The people are of almost the same sort and appear- ance as the Teyas. They have villages like those in New Spain. The houses are round, without a wall, a,nd they have one story like a loft, under the roof, where they sleep and keep their belongings. The roofs ' Pemmican ' Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 2, p. 165 : " Habiendo andado cuatro joinadas por estos llanos, con grandes neblinas, advirtieron los Bnldados rastro como de picas de lanzaa airastradas por el snelo, y llevados por la curiosidad, le siguieron hasta dar cod cincuenta gandules, que con sua faiuilias, seguian uuas manadas de dichas vacas, y en unos perrillos no corpulentos, cargaban unas varas y pieles, con las que forma- ban sus tiendas 6 toritos, en donde se eutraban para resistir el sol 6 el agua. Los indios son de buena estatura, y no se supo si eran haraganes 6 tenian pueblos ; presnmiiise los tendrian, porq ue ninguna de las indjas llevaba nifio pequeno ; andaban vestidas con unos i'aldelliues de cuero de venado de la cintura para abajo, y del mismo cuero unos capisayos 6 vizcalnas, con que se cubren ; traeu unas medias calzas de cuero adobado y sandalias de cuero ccndo: ellos andan desnudos, y ouaudo mas lea aflige el frio, se cubren con cueros adobados ; no usan, ni los hombres ni las mr^eres, cabello largo, sino trasquilados y de media cabezapara la frente rapados A navaja; usan por armas las flechas, y con los sesos de las mismas vacas beneflcian y adobanlos cueros: ll^manse cibolos, y tienen mas impetu para embestir que log toros, aunque no tanta fortaleza ; y en las fiestas reales que se celebraron en la ciudad de M6xico per la jura de nuestro rey D. Lnis I, hizo el conde de San Mateo de Valparaiso se llevase una cibola para que se torease, y por solo verla so despobltS K6xico, por ballar lugar cu la plaza, que le fu6 niuy fltil al tabia jero aquel dia." ' Compare the Spanish. Omitted by Ternaux. ' Mr Savage, in the Transactions of the Nebraska Historical Society, vol. i, p. 198, sliovrs how closely the descriptions of CastaQeda, Jaramillo, and the others on the expedition, harmonize with the flora and fauna of his State. wiNBHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 529 are of straw. There are other thickly settled provinces around it con- taining large numbers of men. A friar named Juan de Padilla remained in this province, together with a Spanish-Portuguese and a negro and a half-blood and some Indians from the province of Capothan,' in New Spain. They killed the friar because he wanted to go to the province of the Guas/ who were their enemies. The Spaniard escaped by taking flight on a mare, and afterward reached New Spain, coming out by way of Panuco. The Indians from New Spain who . accompanied the friar were allowed by the murderers to bury him, and then they followed the Spaniard and overtook him. This Spaniard was a Portuguese, named Campo.^ The great river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo),* which Don Fer- nando de Soto discovered in the country of Florida, flows through this country. It passes through a province called Arache, according to the reliable accounts which were obtained here. The sources were not visited, "because, according to what they said, it comes from a very distant country in the mountains of the South sea, from the part that sheds its waters onto the plains. It flows across all the level country and breaks through the mountains of the North sea, and comes out where the people with Don Fernando de Soto navigated it. This is more than 300 leagues from where it enters the sea. On account of this, and also because it has large tributaries, it is so mighty when it enters the sea that they lost sight of the laud before the water ceased to be fresh.' This country of Quivira was the last that was seen, of which I am able to give any description or information . Now it is proper for me to return and speak of the army, which I left in Tiguex, resting for the winter, so that it would be able to proceed or return m search of these settle- ments of Quivira, which was not accomplished after all, because it was ^Ternaux, p, 194, read this Capetlan. 'Temaux, ibid., miscopied it G-uyas. 'Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol. iii, p. 207 (ed. 1730) : " Toda esta Tierra [Qui- viraj tiene mejor aparencia, que ninguna de las megores de Europa, porque so es miii doblada, sine de Lomas, Llanos, i Bios de hermosa vista, i buena para Ganados, pues la experiencia lo mostraba. Hallaronse Ciruelas de Castilla, entre coloradas, i verdes, de mui gentil sabor; entre las Vacas se liaU6 Lino, que produce la Tierra, mui perfecto, que come el Ganado no lo come, se queda per alii con sus cabeQuelas, i flor azul; i en algunos Arroios, se hallaron Tbas de buen gusto. Moras, Nueces, i otras Prutas ; las Casas, que estos Indios teniau eran de Paja, muchas de ellas redondas, que la Faja llegaba hasta el suelo, i encima vna como Capilla, 6 Garita, de donde se asomaban." Gomara, cap. ccxliii; "Esta Quiaira en quarenta grades, es tierra templada, de buenas aguas, de mucbas yeruas, ciruelas, moras, nuezes, melones, y vuas, que maduran bien : no ay algodon, y visten cueros de vacas, y venados. Vieron por la costa naos, que trayan arcatrazes de oro, y de plata en las proas, CO mercaderias, y pensaron ser del Catayo, y China, porq sefialanan auer navegado treynta dias. Fray luan de Padilla se quedo en Tiguex, con otro frayle Francisco, y torno a Quiuira, con hasta doze Indies de Mechuacan, y con Andres do Campo Portugues, bortelano de Francisco de Soils. Lleuo caualgaduras, y azemilas con prouision. Leuo ouejas, y gallinas de Castilla, y qmamentos para dezir missa. Los de Quiuira mataron a los frayles, y escapose el Portugues, con algunos Mechuacanes. El qual, aun que se libro entonces de la muerte, no se libro de catiuerio, porque luego le prendieron ; mas de alii a diez meses, que fue esclauo, huyo con dos perros. Santiguaua por el camino con vna cruz, aque le ofrecian mucho, y do quiera que Uegaua, le dauan limosna, aluergue, y de comer. Vino a tierra de Chicbimecas, y aporto a Panuco." 4 The Mississippi and Missouri rivers. •This is probably a reminiscence of Cabeza de Vaoa's narrative. 14 ETH 34 530 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.M God's pleasure that these discoveries should remain for other peoples and that we who had been there should content ourselves with saying that we were the first who discovered it and obtained any information concerning it, just as Hercules knew the site where Julius Caesar was to found Seville or Hispales. May the all-powerful Lord grant that His will be done in everything. It is certain that if this had not been His will Francisco Vazquez would not have returned to New Spam with- out cause or reason, as he did, and that it would not have been left for those with Don Fernando de Soto to settle such a good country, as they have done, and besides settling it to increase its extent, after obtaining, as they did, information from our army.' Thikd Pakt, which desokibbs what happened to Feancisco Vazquez Coronado during the winter, and how he gave UP the expedition and returned to i^^EW Spain. Laus Deo. Chapter 1, of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Senora with some men, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started back to New Spain. At the end of the first part of this book, we told how Francisco Vazquez Coronado, when he got back from Quivira, gave orders to winter at Tiguex, in order to return, when the winter was over, with his whole army to discover all the settlements in those regions, Don Pedro de Tovar, who. had gone, as we related, to conduct a force from the city of Saint Jerome (San Hieronimo), arrived .in the meantime with the men whom he had brought. He had not selected the rebels and seditious men there, but the most experienced ones and the best soldiers — men whom he could trust — wisely considering that he ought to have good men in order to go in search of his general in the country of the Indian called Turk. Although they found the army at Tiguex when they arrived there, this did not please them much, because they had come with great expectations, believing that they would find their general in the rich country of the Indian called Turk. They consoled themselves with the hope of going back there, and lived in anticipation of the pleasure of undertaking this return expedition, which the army would soon make to Quivira. Don Pedro de Tovar brought letters from New Spain, both from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, and from individuals. Among these was one for Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, which informed him of the death of his brother, the heir, and summoned him to Spain to receive the inheritance. On this account he was given permission, and left Tiguex with several other persons who 'MotaPadilla, cap. xxxiii, 4, p. 166, gives his reasons for the failure of the expedition: "It was moat likely the chastiBement of God that riches were not found on this expedition, because, -when this ought to have been the secondary object of the expedition, and the conversion of all those heathen their first aim, they bartered with fate and struggled after the secondary; and thus the misfortune is not so much that all those labors were without fruit, but the worst is that such a number of souls have remained in their blindness." wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 531 received permission to go and settle their affairs. There were many others who would have liked to go, but did not, in order not to appear faint-hearted. During this time the general endeavored to pacify sev- eral villages in the neighborhood which were not well disposed, and to make peace with the people at Tiguex. He tried filso to procure some of the cloth of the country, because the soldiers were almost naked and poorly clothed, full of lice, which they were unable to get rid of or avoid. The general, Francisco Vazquez Ooronado, had been beloved and obeyed by his captains and soldiers as heartily as any of those who have ever started out in the Indies. Necessity knows no law, and the captains who collected the cloth divided it badly, taking the best for themselves and their friends and soldiers, and leaving the rest for the soldiers, and so there began to be some angry murmuring on account of this. Others also complained because they noticed that some favored ones were spared in the work and in the watches and received better portions of what was divided, both of cloth and food. On this account it is thought that they began to say that there was nothing in the country of Quivira which was worth returning for, which was no slight cause of what afterward happened, as will be seen. Chapter 2, of the general's fall, and of how the return to New Spain was ordered. After the winter was over, the return to Quivira was announced, and the men began to prepare the things needed. Since nothing in this life is at the disposition of men, but all is under the ordination of Almighty God, it was His will that we should not accomplish this, and so it hap- pened that one feast day the general went out on horseback to amuse himself, as usual,^ riding with the captain Don Eodrigo Maldonado. He was on a powerful horse, and his servants had put on a new girth, which must have been rotten at the time, for it broke during the race and he fell over on the side where Don Eodrigo was, and as his horse passed over him it hit his head with its hoof, which laid him at the point of death, and his recovery was slow and doubtful.^ During this time, while he was in his bed,^ Don Garcia Lopez de Car- denas, who had started to go to New Spain, came back in flight from Suya, because he had found that town deserted and the people and horses and cattle all dead. When he reached Tiguex and learned the sad news 'Or perhaps as Ternaux, p. 202, rendered it, " oourir la bague." sMota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 6, p. 166 : "aai el [gobemador] como los demas capitanes del ej6rcito, debian estar tan ciegos de la pasion de la codicia de riquezas, que no trataban do radicarae poblando en aquel paraje que veiau tan abastecido, ni de reducir d los indioa 6 instruirlos en algo de la f6, que ea la que debian propagar: solo trataruu de engordar sua caballos para lo que ae ofrecieao paaado el inTierno; y audando adiestrando el gobernador uno que tenia muy brioao, se le fu6 la silla, y dando la boca en el auelo, quedd ain aentido, y aunque despuea se recobrd, el juicio le qued6 diminuto, con lo cual trataron todoa de deaistir de la empresa." Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: "Cayo en Tiguex^del cauallo Franciaco Vaz- quez, y conelgolpe aaliodo sentido, y deuaneaua: lo qua! vuoatiiuieropor dolor, yotrosporfingido.ca eatauau mal con el, porque no poblaua." 3 Or, During the time that be was confined to bis bed, . , 532 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. ann.u that the general was near his end, as already related, they did not dare to tell him until he had recovered, and when he finally got up and learned of it, it affected him so much that he bad to go back to bed again. He may have done this in order to bring about what he afterward accom- plished, as was believed later. It was while he was in this condition that he recollected what a scientific friend of his in Salamanca had told him, that he would become a powerful lord in distant lands, and that he would have a fall from which he would never be able to recover. This expectation of death made him desire to return and die where he had a wife and children. As the physician and surgeon who was doc- toring him, and also acted as a talebearer,^ suppressed the murmurings that were going about among the soldiers, he treated secretly and under- handedly with several gentlemen who agreed with him. They set the soldiers to talking about going back to New Spain, in little knots and gatherings, and induced them to hold consultations about it, and had them send papers to the general, signed by all the soldiers, through their ensigns, asking for this. They all entered into it readily, and not much time needed to be spent, since many desired it already. When they asked him, the general acted as if he did not want to do it, but all the gentlemen and captains supported them, giving him their signed opinions, and as some were in this, they could give it at once, and they even persuaded others to do the sarae.^ Thus they made it seem as if they ought to return to New Spain, because they had not found any riches, nor had they discovered any settled country out of which estates could be formed for all the army. When he had obtained their signa- tures, the return to New Spain was at once announced, and since noth- ing can ever be concealed, the double dealing began to be understood, and many of the gentlemen found that they had been deceived and had made a mistake. They tried in every way to get their signatures back again from the general, who guarded them so carefully that he did not go out of one room, making his sickness seem very much worse, and putting guards about his person and room, and at night about the floor on which he slept. In spite of all this, they stole his chest, and it is said that they did not find their signatures in it, because he kept them in his mattress ; on the other hand, it is said that they did recover them. They asked the general to give them 60 picked men, with whom they would remain and hold the country until the viceroy could send them support, or recall them, or else that the general would leave them the army and pick out 60 men to go back with him. But the soldiers did not want to remain either way, some because they had turned their prow toward New Spain, and others because they saw clearly the trouble that would arise over who should have the command. The gentlemen I do not know whether because they had sworn fidelity or because they 'Compare the Spanish. Ternaux, p. 203: " Le ohirurgien qui lo pamsalt et qui Im servait en iii6me temps d'espion, I'avait averti du in6coiiteiiteineiit des soldats." 2 Compare the Spanish. wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 533 feared that the soldiers would not support them, did what had been decided on/ although with an ill-will, and from this time on they did not obey the general as readily as formerly, and they did not show any atfection for him. He made much of the soldiers and humored them, with the result that he did what he desired and secured the return of the whole army. Chapter 3, of the rebellion at Suya and the reasons the settlers gave for it. We have already stated in the last chapter that Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas came back from Suya in flight, having found that country risen in rebellion. He told how and why that town was deserted, which occurred as I will relate. The entirely worthless fellows were all who had been left in that town, the mutinous and seditious men, besides a few who were honored with the charge of public affairs and who were left to govern the others. Thus the bad dispositions of the worthless secured the power, and they held daily meetings and councils and declared that they had been betrayed and were not going to be rescued, since the others had been directed to go through another part of the country, where there was a more convenient route to New Spain, which was not so, because they were still almost on the direct road. This talk led some of them to revolt, and they chose one Pedro de Avila as their captain. They went back to Ouliacan, leaving the captain, Diego de Alcaraz, sick in the town of San Hieronimo, with only a small force. He did not have anyone whom he could send after them to compel them to return. They killed a number of people at several villages along the way. Finally they reached Ouliacan, where Hernando Arias de Saabedra, who was waiting for Juan Grallego to come back from Few Spain with a force.,-detained them by means of promises, so that Gallego could take them back. Some who feared what might happen to them ran away one night to New Spain. Diego de Alcaraz, who had remained at Suya with a small force, sick, was not able to hold his position, although he would have liked to, on account of the poisonous herb which the natives use. When these noticed how weak the Spaniards were, they did not continue to trade with them as they formerly had done. Veins of gold had already been discovered before this, but they were unable to work these, because the country was at war. The dis- turbance was so great that they did not cease to keep watch and to be more than usually careful. The town was situated on a little river. One night all of a sudden^ they saw fires which they were not accustomed to, and on this account they doubled the watches, but not' having noticed anything during the whole night, they grew careless along toward morning, and the enemy entered the village so silently that they were not seen until they began to kill and plunder. A number of men reached the plain as well as ^ Compare the Spanish text. * Temaux, p. 209 : " k una heure tr68-avanc6e.' ' 534 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U they could, but while they were getting out the captain was mortally wounded. Several Spaniards came back on some horses after they had recovered themselves and attacked the enemy, rescuing some, though only a few. The enemy went off with the booty, leaving three Spaniards killed, besides many of the servants and more than twenty horses. The Spaniards who survived started off the same day on foot, not having any horses. They went toward Ouliacan, keeping away from the roads, and did not find any food until they reached Corazones, where the Indians, like the good friends they have always been, pro- vided them with food. Prom here they continued to Culiacan, under- going great hardships. Hernandarias de Saabedra,' the mayor, received them and entertained them as well as he could until Juan Gallego arrived with the reinforcements which he was conducting, on his way to find the army. He was not a little troubled at finding that post deserted, when he expected that the army would be in the rich country which had been described by the Indian called Turk, because he looked like one. Chapter 4, of how Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained in the cowntry and the army prepared to return to Mexico. When the general, Francisco Vazquez, saw that everything was now quiet, and that his schemes had gone as he wished, he ordered that everything should be ready to start on the return to New Spain by the beginning of the month of April, in the year 1543.* Seeing this, Friar Juan de Padilla, a regular brother of the lesser order,^ and another. Friar Luis, a lay brother, told the general that they wanted to remain in that country — Friar Juan de Padilla in Qui- vira, because his teachings seemed to promise fruit there, and Friar Luis at Oicuye. On this account, as it was Lent at the time, the father made this the subject of his sermon to the companies one Sunday, establishing his proposition on the authority of the Holy Scriptures. He declared his zeal for the conversion of these peoples and his desire to draw them to the faith, and stated that he had received permission to do it, although this was not necessary. The general sent a company to escort them as far as Oicuye, where Friar Luis stopped, while Friar Juan went on back to Quivira with the guides who had conducted the general, taking with him the Portuguese, as we related, and the half- blood, and the Indians from New Spain. He was martyred a short time after he arrived there, as we related in the second part, chapter 8. Thus we may be sure that he died at martyr, because his zeal was holy and earnest. Friar Luis remained at Oicuye. Nothing more has been heard about him since, but before the army left Tiguex some men who went to take ' Compare the spelling of this name on page 460 'of the Spanish text. * The correct date is, of course, 1542. 'A Franciscan. He was a "frayle demifla." BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXII 2UNIS IN TYPICAL MODERN COSTUME J!e% wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 535 him a number of sheep that were left for him to keep, met him as he was on his way to visit some other villages, which were 15 or 20 leagues from Oicuye, accompanied by some followers. He felt very hopeful that he was liked at the village and that his teaching would bear fruit, although he complained that the old men were falling away from him. I, for my part, believe that they finally killed him. He was a man of good and holy life, and may Our Lord protect him and grant that he may convert many of those peoples, and end his days in guid- ing them ill the faith. We do not need to believe otherwise, for the people in those parts are pious and not at all cruel. They are friends, or rather, enemies of cruelty, and they remained faithful and loyal friends.^ 'General W. W. H. Davis, in his Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, p. 231, gives the following extract, translated from an old Spanish MS. at Santa F6: " When Coronado returned to Mexico, he left behind him, among the Indiana of Cibola, the father fray Francisco Juan de PadiUa, the father fray Juan de la Cruz, and a Portuguese named Andrea del Campo. Soon after the Spaniards departed, Padilla and the Portuguese set off in search of the country of the Grand Quivira, where the former understood there were innumerable souls to be saved. After traveling several days, they reached a large settlement in the Quivira country. The Indiana came out to receive them in battle array, when the friar, knowing their intentions, told the Portuguese and his attendants to take to flight, while he woulrl await their coming, in order that they might vent their fury on him as they ran. The former took to flight, and, placing themselves on a height within view, aaw what happened to the friar. Padilla awaited their coming upon his knees, and when they arrived where he was they inunediately put him to death. The same happened to J'uan de la Cruz, who was left behind at Cibola, which people killed him. The Portuguese and his attendants made their escape, and ulti- mately arrived safely in Mexico, where he told what had occurred." In reply to a request for further information regarding this manuscript, General Davis stated that when he revisited Santa F6, a, few years ago, he learned that one of his successors in the post of governor of the territory, having despaired of disposing of the immense mass of old documents and, records deposited in his office, by the slow process of using them to kindle fires, had sold the entire lot — an invaluable collection of material bearing on the history of the southwest and its early European and native inhabitants — as junk. Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 7, p. 167, gives an extended account of the friars : ' ' Pero porque el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla cuando acompan6 d. D. Francisco Vazquez Coronado hasta el pueblo de Quivira, puso en 61 una craz, protestando no desampararla aunque le costase la vida, por tener entendido hacer fruto en aquellos indios y en los comarcanos, determind volverse, y no bastaron las instancias del gobernador y demaa capitaues para que desistiese por ent6nces del pensamiento. £1 padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda rog6 tambien le d^asen volver con el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla hasta el pueblo de Coquite, en donde le parecia podrian servir de domesticar algo &, aquellos indios por parecerle se hallaban con alguna disposicion; y que pues 61 era viejo, emplearia la corta Tida que le quedase en procurar la salvacion de las almas de aquellos miserables. A su imitacion tambien el padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, religioso lego (como lo era Fr. Luis de Ubeda) pretendi6 qiiedarse en aquellas provincias de Tigiies, y porque se discurrid que con el tiempo se conseguiria la poblacion de aquellas tierras, condescendid el gobernador d los deseos de aquellos apostblicos varones, y les dejaronproveidos de lo que por ent6nces parecid necesario; y tambien quiso quedarse un soldado, de nacion portugues, Uamado Andres del Campo. con dnimo de servir al padre Padilla, y tambien dos indizuelos donados nombrados Ldcas y Sebastian, naturales de Michoacan ; y otros dos indizuelos que eu el ^6rcito haciau oficios de sacri- stanes, y otro muchacho mestizo : dejAronle a dicho padre Padilla ornamentos y provision para que eelebrase el santo sacrificlo de la misa. y algunoa bienecillos que pudiese dar A los indios para atraerlos & su voluntad. "8. . . Quedaron estos benditos religiosos como corderos entre lobos; y vi6ndose solos, tratKiel padre Fr. Juan de Padilla. con los de Tigiies, el fin que le movia A quedarse entre ellos, que no era otro que el de tratar dela salvacion de sus almas ; que y a los soldados se habian ido, que no les serian molestos, que 61 pasaba A otras poblaciones y lea d^aba al padre Fr. J'uan de la Cruz para que les fuese inatruyendo en loque debian saber para ser cristianos6 hijos dela Santa Iglesia, como necesario para salvar sus almas, que les trata3enbien,y que 61 procurana volver S, consolarles: despldese con gran ternura, dejando, como prelado, lleno de bendiciones, & Fr. Juan de la Cruz, y los indios de Tigiies senalaron una escuadra de sus soldados que guiasen a dichoa padres Fr. Juan de Padilla y Fr. Luis de Ubeda hastael pueblo de Coquite, en Uonde les recibieron con deraostraciones de alegria, y haciendo la mismareco- mendacion por el padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda, le d^6, y guiado de otros naturales del mismo pueblo, saliti 536 THE OORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann.14 After the Mars had gone, the general, fearing that they might be injured if people were carried away from that country to Kew Spain, ordered the soldiers to let any of the natives who were held as servants go free to their" villages whenever they might wish. In my opinion, though I am not sure, it would have been better if they had been kept and taught among Christians. The general was very happy and contented when the time arrived and everything needed for the journey was ready, and the army started from Tiguex on its way back to Cibola. One thing of no small note happened during this part of the trip. The horses were in good con- dition for their work when they started, fat and sleek, but more than thirty died during the ten days which it took to reach Cibola, and there was not a day in which two or three or more did not die. A large number of them also died afterward before reaching Culiacan, a thing that did not happen during all the rest of the journey. After the army reached Cibola, it rested before starting across the wilderness, because this was the last of the settlements in that country. The whole country was left well disposed and at peace, and several of our Indian allies remained there. ^ para Quivira con Audres del Campo, donados indizuelos y el muchacho mestizo: Ueg6 & Quivira y se postr6 al pi6 de la cruz, que balld en donde la haMa colocado; y con limpieza, toda la circunfe- rencia, como lo habia encargado, de que se alegr6, y luego comenz6 A, bacer los oficios de padre maes- tro y ap6stol de aquellas gentes ; y hall^ndolas dbciles y con buen finimo, se iuflamd su corazon, y le pareci6 corto ntimero de almas para Dies las de aquel pueblo, y trat6 deensaucbarlos senos de nuestra madre la Sauta Iglesia, para que acogiese A cuantos se le decia baber en mayores distancias. "9. Sali6 de Quivira, acompaSado de su corta comitiva, contra la voluntad de los indios de aquel pueblo, que le amaban como ^ su t>£tdFe, mas & una Jornada le salieron indios do guerra, y conociendo mal ^nimo de aquellos bd,rbaro9, le rogd al portugues, que pues iba A caballo buyese, yque en su conserva llevaae aquellos donados y mucbacbos, que como tales podrian correr y escaparse : bici6ronlo asi por no ballarse capacea de otro modo para la defensa, y el bendito padre, bincado de rodillas ofreci6 la Tida, que por reducir almas & Bios tenia sacrificada, logrando los ardientes deseos de su corazon, la felicidad de ser muerto flecbado per aquellos indios b^rbaros, quienes le arrojaron en un hoyo, cubriendo el cuerpo con innumerables piedras. T vuelto el portugues con los indizuelos & Quivira, dieron la noticia, la que sintieron mucbo aquellos naturales, por el amor que tenian & dicbo padre, y mas lo sintieran si bubieran tenido pleno conocimiento de la faltaqueles bacia; no sabe el dia de su muerte, aunque si se tiene por cierto baber side en el ano de 542: y en algunos papeles que dej6 escritos D. Pedro de Tovar en la villa de Culiacan, se dice que los indios bablan salido & matar & este bendito padre, per robar los ornamentos, y que babia memoria de que en su muerte se vieron grandes prodigios, como fii6 inundarse la tierra, verse globes de fuego, cometas y oscurecerse el sol. "10. . . . Del padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, la noticia que se tiene os, quedespues de baber trabajado en lainstruccion de los indios en Tigiies y en Coquite, muri6 flecbado de Indios, porque no todos abrazaron su doctrina y consejos, con los que trataba detestaaen sus bArbaraa costumbres, aunque por lo general era muy estiraado de los caciques y demaa naturales, que babian viato la veneracion con que el general, capitancs y soldados le trataban. 3E1 padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda ae mantenia en una cboza por celda 6 cu^va, en donde le ministrabauloa indioa,con unpoco de atole, tortillas y frijoles, el limitado austento, y no ae supo de su muerte; si quedd entre cuantos le conocieron la memoria de su pefecta vida." ■ Wben tbe reports of tbese martyrdoma reacbed New Spain, a number of Franciscans were fired witb tbe zeal of entering tbo country and carrying on tbe work tbus begun. Several received official permission, and went to tbe pueblo country. One of tbem was killed at Tiguex, wh ere most of tbem settled. A few went on to Cicuye or Pecos, wbero tbey found a cross wbicb Padilla bad set up. Proceeding to Quivira, tbe natives tbere counaeled tbem not to proceed fartber. Tbe Indians gave tbem an account of tbe deatb of Fray Padilla, and said tbat if be bad taken their advice be would not bave been killed. 1 Antonio de Espejo, in tbe Kelacion of his visit to New Mexico in 1582 (Pacbeco y Cardenas, Docu- mentoa de Xndias, vol. xv, p. 180), states tbat at Zuiii-Cibola, "hallamos tres indios criatianos que se digeron llamar Andres de Cuyacau y Gaspar de Mexico y Anton de GruadaUgara, que digeron baber entrado con Ftancisco Vazquez, y reform&ndoloe en la lengua mexicana que ya casi la tenian olvi- dada; destos sapimos que babia Uegado alU el dicbo Francisco Vazquez Coronado." BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, LXlll HOP! MAIDENS, SHOWING PRIMITIVE PUEBLO HAIRDRESSING wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 537 Chapter 5, of how the army left the settlements and marcned to GuUaean, and of what happened on the way. Leaving astern, as we might say, tlje settlements that had been dis- covered in the new land, of which, as I have said, the seven villages of Cibola were the first to be seen and the last that were left, the army started off, marching across the wilderness. The natives kept following the rear of the army for two or three days, to pick up any baggage or servants, for although they were still at peace and had always been loyal friends, when they saw that we were going to leave the country entirely, they were glad to get some of our people in their power, although I do not think that they wanted to injure them, from what I was told by some who were not willing to go back with them when they teased and asked them to. Altogether, they carried off several people besides those who had remained of their own accord, among whom good interpreters could be found today. The wilderness was crossed without opposition, and on the second day before reaching Ohichilticalli Juan Gallego met the army, as he was coming from New Spain with reenforce- ments of men and necessary supplies for the army, expecting that he would find the army in the country of the Indian called Turk. When Juan Gallego saw that the army was returning, the first thing he said was not, "I am glad you are coming back," and he did not like it any better after he had talked with the general. After he had reached the army, or rather the quarters, there was quite a little movement among the gentlemen toward going back with the new force which had made no slight exertions in coming thus far, having encounters every day with the Indians of these regions who had risen in revolt, as will be related. There was talk of making a settlement somewhere in that region until the viceroy could receive an account of what had occurred. Those soldiers who had come from the new lauds would not agree to anything except the return to E"ew Spain, so that nothing came of the proposals made at the consultations, and although there was some opposition, they were finally quieted. Several of the mutineers who had deserted the town of Corazones came with Juan Gallego, who had given them his word as surety for their safety, and even if the general had wanted to punish them, his power was slight, for he had been dis- obeyed already and was not much respected. He began to be afraid again after this, and made himself sick, and kept a guard. In several places yells were heard and Indians seen, and some of the horses were wounded and killed, before Batuco' was reached, where the friendly Indians from Corazones came to meet the army and see the general. They were always friendly and had treated all the Spaniards who passed through their country well, furnishing them with what food they needed, and men, if they needed these. Our men had always treated them well and repaid them for these things. During this journey the juice of the quince was proved to be a good protection against the poison of the ^ There "were t^ro settlements in Sonora bearing this name, one occupied by the Eudeve and the other hy the Tegul division of the Opata. The former village is the one referred to by Castaneda. 538 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [bth.ann. U natives, because at one place, several days before reaching Senora,' the hostile Indians wounded a Spaniard called Mesa, and he did not die, although the wound of the fresh poison is fatal, and there was a delay of over two hours before curing him with the juice. The poison, how- ever, had left its mark upon him. The skin rotted and fell off until it left the bones and sinews bare, with a horrible smell. The wound was in the wrist, and the poison had reached as far as the shoulder when he was cured. The skin on all this fell off.^ The army proceeded without taking any rest, because the provisions had begun to fail by this time. These districts were in rebellion, and so there were not any victuals where the soldiers could get them until they reached Petlatlan, although they made several forays into the cross country in search of provisions. Petlatlan is in the province of Culiacan, and on this account was at peace, although they had several surprises after this.^ The army rested here several days to get provisions. After leaving here they were able to travel more quickly than before, for the 30 leagues of the valley of Ouliacan, where they were welcomed back again as ijeople who came with their governor, who had suffered ill treatment. Chapter 6, of how the general started from Culiacan to give the viceroy an, account of the army with which he had been intrusted. It seemed, indeed, as if the arrival in the valley of Ouliacan had ended the labors of this journey, partly because the general was governor there and partly because it was inhabited by Christians. On this account some began to disregard their superiors and the authority which their captains had over tbem, and some captains even forgot the obedi- ence due to their general. Each one.played his own game, so that while the general was marching toward the town, which was still 10 leagues away, many of the men, or most of them, left him in order to rest in the valley, and some even proposed not to follow him. The general under- stood that he was not strong enough to compel them, although his position as governor gave him fresh authority. He determined to accom- plish it by a better method, which was to order all the captains to pro- vide food and meat from the stores of several villages that were under his control as governor. He pretended to be sick, keeping his bed, so that those who had any business with him could speak to him or he with 'MotaPadilla.cap.xxxiii.S.p.iee.saysthatatSonora . . "muriOnnfulanoTemiBo, hermanode Baltasar EaBnelos, uno do los quatro mineros de Zacatecas ; Luis Hernandez, Domingo Fernandez y otroa." *Rudo Ensayo, p. U: "Mago, en lengua Opata [of Sonera], es un arbol peijueflo, mni lozano de verde, y hermoBO A la vista ; pero contiene una leche mortal que A corta incision de su corteza biota con la que los Naturales suelen untar sua flecbas; y por esto la Uaman hierba de la flecha, pero ya pocos lo usan. Sirbe tambien dicha lecbe para abrir tumores rebeldes, aunque no lo aconseiara por sn calidad venenoso." This indicates a euphorbiacea. Bandolier (Final Report, pt. i, p. 77) believes that no credit is to be given to the notion that the poison used by the Indians may have been snake poison. The Seri are the only Indians of northern Mexico who in recent times have been reported to use poisoned arrows. 'Temaux, p. 223: "On parvlnt ainsi k Petatlan, qui depend de la province de Culiacan. A cette fipoque, ce village 6tait soumis. Mais quoique depuis il y ait eu plusieurs soulfevements, on y resta quelques jours pour se refaire." Compare the Spanish. < E cc z < A O o 2 E 3: s wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OP CASTANEDA 539 them more freely, without hindrance or obsorvation, and he kept send- ing for his particular friends in order to ask them to be sure to speak to the soldiers and encourage them to accompany him back to New Spain, and to tell them that he would request the viceroy, Doif Antonio de Mendoza, to show them especial favor, and that he would do so him- self for those who might wish to remain in his government. After this had been done, he started with his armyat averybad time, when the rains were beginning, for it was about Saint. John's day, at which season it rains continuously. In the uninhabited country which they passed through as far as Compostela there are numerous very dangerous rivers, full of large and fierce alligators. While the army was halting at one of these rivers, a soldier who was crossing from one side to the other was seized, in sight of everybody, and carried off by an alligator without it being possible to help him. The general proceeded, leaving the men who did not want to follow him all along the way, and reached Mexico with less than 100 men. He made his report to the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, who did not receive him very graciously, although he gave him his discharge. His reputation was gone from this time on. He kept the government of New Galicia, which had been entrusted to him, for only a short time, when the viceroy took it himself, until the arrival of the court, or audieucia, which still governs it. And this was the end of those discoveries and of the expedition which was made to these new lands.' It now remains for us to describe the way in which to enter the country by a more direct route, although there is never a short cut without hard work. It is always best to tind out what those know who have prepared the way, who know what will be needed.^ This can be found elsewhere, and I will now tell where Quivira lies, what direction the army took, and the direction in which Greater India lies, which was what they pretended to be in search of, when the army started thither. Today, since Villalobos has discovered that this part of the coast of the South sea trends toward the west, it is clearly seen and acknowledged that, since we were in the north, we ought to have turned to the west instead of toward the east, as we did. With this, we will leave this subject and will proceed to finish this treatise, since there are several noteworthy things of which I must give an account, which I have left to be treated more extensively in the two following chapters. 1 Gomara, cap. ccxiiii : '* Qaando Uego a Mexico traya el cabello muy largo, y la barua trexi9ada, y con- taua estranezas de las tierras, rios, y montafias, q a traueaso. Muclio peso a don Antonio de Mendo9a, que se boluiessen, porqne auia gastado mas de sesenta mil pesos de oro en la empresa, y aun deuia mucbos dellos, y no trayan coaa ninguna de alia, ni miiestra de plata, ni de oro, ni de otra riqueza. Mncboa quisieron q uedarse alia, mas Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, que rico, y rezien casado era con bermosa muger, no quiso, diziendo, que no se podrian sustentar, nl defender, en tan pobre tierra, y tan lexos del socorro. Caminaron mas de nouecientas leguas de largo esta Jornada. " *Ternaux, p. 228: "iln'y ait pas de succfes d. esp6rersana peine; mais il vaut mieux que ceux qui voudront tenter I'entreprise, soient informfis d'avanoe des peinee et des fatigues qu'ont ^prouy6es leuis pr6d6cesseur8." 540 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.akn.14 Chapter 7, of the adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he was bringing reenforcements through the revolted country. One might well have complained when in the last chapter I passed in silence over the exploits of Captain Juan Gallego with his 20 com- panions. I will relate them in the present chapter, so that in times to come those who read about it or tell of it may have a reliable authority on whom to rely. I am not writing fables, like some of the things which we read about nowadays in the books of chivalry. If it were not that those stories contained enchantments, there are some things which our Spaniards have done in our own day in these parts, in their conquests and encounters with the Indians, which, for deeds worthy of admiration, surpass not only the books already mentioned, but also those which have been written about the twelve peers of France, because, if the deadly strength which the authors of those times attributed to their heroes and the brilliant and resplendent arms with which they adorned them, are fully considered, and compared with the smaU stature of the men of our time and the few and poor weapons which they have in these parts,' the remarkable things which our people have undertaken and accomplished with such weapons are more to be wondered at today than those of which the ancients write, and just because, too, they fought with barbarous naked people, as ours have with Indians, among whom there are always men who are brave and valiant and very sure bowmen, for we have seen them pierce the wings while flying, and hit hares while running after them. I have said all this in order to show that some things which we consider fables may be true, because we see greater things every day iu our own times, just as in future times people will greatly wonder at the deeds of Don Fernando Cortez, who dared to go into the midst of New Spain with 300 men against the vast number of people in Mexico, and who with 500 Spaniards succeeded in subduing it, and made himself lord over it in two years. The deeds of Don Pedro de Alvarado in the conquest of Guatemala, and those of Montejo in Tabasco, the conquests of the mainland and of Peru, were all such as to make me remain silent concerning what I now wish to relate; but since I have promised to give an account of what happened on this journey, I want the things I am now going to relate to be known as well as those others of which I have spoken. The captain Juan Gallego, then, reached the town of Culiacan with a very small force. There he collected as many as he could of those who had escaped from the town of Hearts, or, more correctly, from Suya, which made in all 22 men, and with these he marched through all of the settled country, across which he traveled 200 leagues with the country in a state of war and the people in rebellion, although they bad formerly been friendly toward the Spaniards, having encounters with 'The letters of Mendoza during the early part of his administration in Mexico repeatedly call attention to the lack of arms and ammunition among the Spaniards in the New World. wiNSBipj TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 541 the enemy almost every day. He always marched with the advance guard, leaving two-thirds of his force behind with the baggage. With six or seven Spaniards, and without any of the Indian allies whom he had with him, he forced his way into their villages, killing and destroy- ing and setting them on Are, coming upon the enemy so suddenly and with such quickness and boldness that they did not have a chance to collect or even to do anything at all, until they became so afraid of him that there was not a town which dared wait for him, but they fled before him as from a powerful army; so much so, that for ten days, while he was passing through the settlements, they did not have an hour's rest. He did all this with his seven companions, so that when the rest of the force came up with the baggage there was nothing for them to do except to pillage, since the others had already killed and captured all the people they could lay their hands on and the rest had fled. They did not p^use anywhere, so that although the villages ahead of him received some warning, they were upon them so quickly that they did not have a chance to collect. Especially in the region where the town of Hearts had been, he killed and hung a large number of people to punish them for their rebellion. He did not lose a companion during all this, nor was anyone wounded, except one soldier, who was wounded in the eyelid by an Indian who was almost dead, whom he was stripping. The weapon broke the skin and, as it was poisoned, he would have had to die if he had not been saved by the quince juice; he lost his eye as it was. These deeds of theirs were such that I know those people will remember them as long as they live, and especially four or five friendly Indians who went with them from Oorazones, who thought that they were so wonderful that they held them to be something divine rather than human. If he had not fallen in with our army as he did, they would have reached the country of the Indian called Turk, which they expected to march to, and they would have arrived there without dan- ger on account of their good order and the skill with which he was leading them, and their knowledge and ample practice in war. Several of these men are still in this town of Culiacan, where I am now writing this account and narrative, where they, as well as I and the others who have remained in this province, have never lacked for labor in keeping this country quiet, in capturing rebels, and increasing in poverty and need, and more than ever at the present hour, because the country is poorer and more in debt than ever before. Chapter 8, which describes some remarkable things that icere seen on the plains, with a description of the bulls. My silence was not without mystery and dissimulation when, in chap- ter 7 of the second part of this book, I spoke of the plains and of the things of which I will give a detailed account in this chapter, where all these things may be found together; for these things were remarkable and something not seen in other parts. I dare to write 542 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 , [eth.ann.U of them because I am writing at a time when many men are still living who saw them and who will vouch for my account. Who could believe that 1,000 horses and 500 of our cows and more than 5,000 i'ams and ewes and more than 1,500 friendly Indians and servants, in traveling over those plains, would leave no more trace where they had passed than if nothing had been there — nothing — ho that it was neces- sary to make piles of bones and cow dung now and then, so that the rear guard could follow the army. The grass never failed to become erect after it had been trodden down, anrd, although it was short, it was as fresh and straight as before. Another thingwas a heap of cowbones, a crossbow shot long,or a very little less, almost twice a man's height in places, and some 18 feet or more wide, which was found on the edge of a salt lake in the southern part,' and this in a region where there are no people who could have made it. The only explanation of this which could be suggested was that the waves which the north winds must make in the lake had piled up the bones of the cattle which had died in the lake, when the old and weak ones who went into the water were unable to get out. The noticeable thing is the number of cattle that would be necessary to make such a pile of bones. Now that I wish to describe the appearance of the bulls, it is to be noticed first that there was not one of the horses that did not take flight when he saw them first, for they have a narrow, short face, the brow two palms across from eye to eye, the eyes sticking out at the side, so that, when they are running, they can see who is following them. They have very long beards, like goats, and when they are running they throw their heads back with the beard dragging on the ground. There is a sort of girdle round the middle of the body.^ The hair is very woolly, like a sheep's, very fine, and in front of the girdle the hair is very long and rough like a lion's. They have a great hump, larger than a camel's. The horns are short and thick, so that they are not seen much above the hair. In May they change the hair in the middle of the body for a down, which makes perfect lions of them. They rub against the small trees in the little ravines to shed their hair, and they continue this until only the down is left, as a snake changes his skin. They have a short tail, with a bunch of hair at the end. When they run, they carry it erect like a scorpion. It is worth noticing that the little calves are red and just like ours, but they change their color and appearance with time and age. Another strange thing was that all the bulls that were kiUed had their left ears slit, although these were whole when young. The reason for this was a puzzle that could not be guessed. The wool ought to •Ternaux, p. 236: "I'ou tronva sur le bord oriental d'un des lacs 8al6s qm sont vers le sud un endroit qui ayait environ une demi-port6e de mousqnet de longneur, et qui 6tait entiiirement couvert d'os do bisons jusqu'i la hauteur de deux toises sur trois de large, ce qui est surprenant dans un pays dfisert, et oil peraonne n'aurait pu rassembler ces os." 2 Compare the Spanish. Ternaax, p. 237: "lis ont sur la partie antfirieure du corps uu poil frlsfi semblablo k la lalne de moutons, 11 est tr^B-fin sur la croupe, et hsee conune la crinidre du lion." H Z UJ il> CO S < E o ■= X a WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 543 make good cloth ou account of its fineness, although the color is not good, because it is the color of buriel.' Another thing worth noticing is that the bulls traveled without cows in such large numbers that nobody could have counted them, and so far away from the cows that it was more than 40 leagues from where we began to see the bulls to the place where we began to see the cows. The country they traveled over was so level and smooth that if one looked at them the sky could be seen between their legs, so that if some of them were at a distance they looked like smooth-trunked pines whose tops joined, and if there was only one bull it looked as if there were four pines. When one was near them, it was impossible to see the ground on the other side of them. The reason for all this was that the country seemed as round as if a man should imagine himself in a three-pint measure, and could see the sky at the edge of it, about a crossbow shot from him, and even if a man only lay down on his back he lost sight of the ground.^ •The kersey, or coarse woolen cloth out of -which the habits of the Franciscan friars were made. Hence the name, grey friars. ^Tbe earliest description of the American buffalo by a European is in Cabeza de Vaca's Naufragios, lol. xxvii verso (ed 1555) : ' ' AlcaD9a aqui vacas y yo las he visto tres vezes, y comido dellas : y paresceme que seran del tamaiio de las de Espaua : tiene los euernos pequeuos como moriscas, y el pelo muy largo merino como vna bemia, vnas son pardillas y otraa negras : y a mi pareacer tienen mejor y mas grues- sa carne que de las de aca. De las que no son grandes hazen los indios matas para cubrirse, y de las mayores bazeu ^apatos y rodelas: eatas vienen de hazia el norte . . mas de quatrocietaa leguas* y en todo este camino por los Talles por donde ellas viene baxan las gentes que por alii habi- tan y se mantieuen dellas, y meten en la tierra grande contidad de cueros. " Fi'ay Marcos heard about these animals when he was in southern Arizona, on his way toward Cibola- Zufii : "Aqui . . . me truxeron nn cuero, tanto y medio mayor que de una gran vaca, y me dixeroa ques de un animal, que tiene solo un cuemo en la frente y queste cuerno es corbo hdcia los pechos, y que de alU sale una punta derecha, en la cual dicen que tiene tanta fuerza, que ninguna cosa, por recia que sea, dexa de romper, si topa con ella ; y dicen que hay muchos animales destos en aquella tierra ; la color del cuero es d manera de cabron y el pelo tan largo como el dedo.'' — Pacheco y Cardenas, Docu- mentos de Indlas, vol. iii, p. 341. Gomara, cap. ccxv, gives the following description to accompany his picture of these cows (plate lv, herein) : " Son aquellosbueyes del tamafio, y color, que nuestros toros, pero no de tan grandes euernos. Tienen rna gran giba sobre Ja cruz, y mas pelo de medio adelante, que de medio atras, y es lana. Tienen comoclines sobre el espinazo, y mucho pelo, y muy largo de lasrodillasabaxo. Cuelganes por lafrontegrandes gnedejas, y parece que tienen baruas, segun los muchos pelos del gar^nero, y varrillaa. Tienen la cola muy largalosmachos.y con vnflneco grande al cabo: asaiquealgo tienen deleon, yalgo de camello. Hieren con los euernos, corren, alcan9an, y matan vn cauallo, quando ellos se embrauecen, y enojan : finalmente es animal feo y fiero de rostro, y cuerpo. Huye de los caualloa por su mala cata- dura, o por uunca los auer visto. No tienen sns dueiios otrariqueza, ui hazienda, dellos comen, beuen, visten, cal9an, y hazen muchas cosas de los cueros, caaas, cal9ado, vestido y sogaa: delos huessos, pun9nnea: de los nemios, y pelos, hilo: de los cuemos, buches, y bexigas, vasos: de las boSigas, lumbre: y delas terneras, odres, en que traen y tienen agua: hazen en fin tantas cosas dellos quantas ban menester, o quantas las bastan para su binienda. Ay tambien otros animales, tan grandes como cauallos, que por tener euernos, y lana fina, los llaman carneros, y dizen, que cada cuerno pesa dos arrouas. Ay tambien grandes perros, que lidian con vn toro, y que lleuan dos arrouaa de carga sobre aalmas, quando va a Ga9a, o quando se mudan con el ganado, y hato. " Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, p. 164, says : ' ' son estas vacas menorea que las nuestras ; su lana mennda y mas fina que la merina ; por encima un poco morena, y entre si un pardillo agraciado, & la parte de atras es la lana mas menuda ; y do alll para la cabeza, crianunosguedejonesgrandesnotanfinos; tienen euer- nos pequenos, y en todo lo demas son de la heohura de las nuestras, aunque mas cencenaa : los toros son mayores, y sua pieles se curten dejAndoles la lana, y sirven, por su suavidad, de mullidas camas; no se vi6 becerrilla alguna, y puede atribuirse, 6 & los muchos lobos que hay entre ellaa, 6 & tener otros parajes mas aeguros en que queden las vacas con sus crias, y deben de mudarse por temporadas, 6 porque falten las aguas de aquellas lagunas, 6 porque conforme el sol se retira, lea dane la mutacion del temperamento, y por eso se advierten en aquellos llanos, triUados caminos 6 veredas por donde entran y salen, y al mismo movimiento de las vacas, se mueven cuadrillas de indios. . . . y se dijo ser desabrida la came de la hembra. y es providencia del Altisimo, para que los Indios maten los machos y reaerven las hembras para el multiplico." 544 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542. [eth.ann.U I have not written about other things which were seen nor made any mention of them, because they were not of so mucli importance, although it does not seem right for me to remain silent concerning the fact that they venerate the sign of the cross in the region where the settlements have high houses. For at a spriug which was m the plain near Acuco they had a cross two palms high and as thick as a finger, made of wood with a square twig for its crosspiece, and many little sticks decorated with feathers around it, and numerous withered flow- ers, which were the offerings.' In a graveyard outside the village at Tutahaco there appeared to have been a recent burial. Near the head there was another cross made of two little sticks tied with cotton thread, and dry withered flowers. It certainly seems to me that in some way they must have received some light from the cross of Our Eedeemer, Christ, and it may have come by way of India, from whence they proceeded. Chapter 9, which treats of the direction which the army took, and of how another more direct way might be found, if anyone was to return to that country. I very much wish that 1 possessed some knowledge of cosmography or geography, so as to render what I wish to say intelligible, and so that I could reckon up or measure the advantage those people who might go in search of that country would have if they went directly through the center of the country, instead of following the road the army took. However, with the help of the favor of the Lord, I will state it as well as I can, making it as plain as possible. It is, I think, already understood that the Portuguese, Campo, was the soldier who escaped when Friar Juan de Padilla was killed at Qui- vira, and that he finally reached New Spain from Panuco,^ having trav- eled across the plains country until he came to cross the North Sea mountain chain, keeping the country that Don Hernando de Soto dis- covered all the time on his left hand, since he did not see the river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo) at all.' After he had crossed the North Sea mountains, he found that he was in Panuco, so that if he had not tried to go to the North sea, he would have come out in the ' Scattered through the papers of Dr J. Walter Fewkes on the Zufii and Tasayan Indians will be found many descriptions of the pAhos or prayer sticks and other forms used as offerings at the shrines, together with exact accounts of the manner of making the offerings. 2 The northeastern province of New Spain. ' The conception of the great Inland plain stretching between the great lakes at the head of the St Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico came to cosmographers very slowly. Almost all of the early maps show a disposition to carry the mountains which follow the Atlantic coast along the Gulf coast as far as Texas, a result, doubtless, of the fact that all the expeditions which started inland from Florida found mountains. Coronado's journey to Quivira added but little to the detailed geographical knowl- edge of America. The name reached Europe, and it is found on the maps, along the fortieth parallel, almost everywhere from the Pacific coast to the neighborhood of a western tributary to the St Law'- rence system. See the maps reproduced herein. Castaneda could have aided them considerably, but the map makers did not know of his book. wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 645 neighborhood of the border land, or the country of the Sacatecas,' of which we now have some knowledge. This way would be somewhat better and more direct for anyone going back there in search of Quivira, since some of those who came with the Portuguese are still in New Spain to serve as guides. Nev- ertheless, I think it would be best to go through the country of the Guachichules,^ keeping near the South Sea mountains all the time, for there are more settlements and a food supply, for it would be suicide to launch out ou to the plains country, because it is so vast and is bar- ren of anything to eat, although, it is true, there would not be much need of this after coming to the cows. This is only when one goes in search of Quivira, and of the villages which were described by the Indian called Turk, for the army of Francisco Vazquez Coronado went the very farthest way round to get there, since they started from Mexico and went 110 leagues to the west, and then 100 leagues to the northeast, and 2$0 to the north,^ and all this brought them as far as the ravines where the cows were, and after traveling 850 leagues they were not more than 400 leagues distant from Mexico by a direct route. If one desires to go to the country of Tiguex, so as to turn from there toward the west in search of the country of India, he ought to follow the road taken by the army, for there is no other, even if one wished to go by a different way, because the arm of the sea which reaches into this coast toward the north does not leave room for any. But what might be done is to have a fleet and cross this gulf and disembark in the neighborhood of the Island of Negroes * and enter the country from there, crossing the mountain chains in search of the country from which the people at Tiguex came, or other peoples of the same sort. As for entering from the country of Florida and from the North sea, it has already been observed that the many expeditions which have been undertaken from that side have been unfortunate and not very successful, because that part of the country is full of bogs and poisonous fruits, barren, and the very worst country that is warmed by the sun. But they might disembark after passing the river of the Holy Spirit, as Don Hernando de Soto did. Neverthe- less, despite the fact that I underwent much labor, I still think that the way I went to that country is the best. There ought to be river courses, because the necessary supplies can be carried on these more easily in 'Captain John Stevens' Dictionary says that this is " a northern province of Korth America, rich in silver mines, but ill provided with water, grain, and other substances ; yet by reason of the mines there are seven or eight Spanish towns in it." Zacatecas is now one of the central states of the Mexican confederation, being south of Coahuila and southeast of Durango. ^Ternaux, p. 242, miscopied it Quachichiles. ^Ternaux, p. 243, reads: "puis pendant six cent cinquante vers lenord, . . . De sorte qu'apr^s avoirfait plus de huit cent cinquantelieues." . . . The substitution of six for two may possibly give a number which is nearer the actual distance traversed, but the fact is quite unimportant. The impression which the trip left on Castaueda is -nhat should interest the historian or the reader. ^The dictionary of Domingaez says: "Isla de negros; 6 isla del Almirantazgo, en el grande 0o6ano equinoccial; grande isla de la Am6rica del Norte, aobre la costa oeste.'* Apparently the location of this island gradually drifted westward with the increase of geographical knowledge, until it was finally located in the Philippine group. 14 ETH 35 546 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 large quantities. Horses are the most necessary things in the new countries, and they frighten the enemy most. . . . Artillery is also much feared by those who do not know how to use it. A piece of heavy artillery would be very good for settlements like those which Francisco Vazquez Ooronado discovered, in order to knock them down, because he had nothing but some small machines for slinging and nobody skill- ful enough to make a catapult or some other machine which would frighten them, which is very necessary. I say, then, that with what we now know about the trend of the coast of the South sea, which has been followed by the ships which explored the western part, and what is known of the North sea toward Norway, the coast of which extends up from Florida, those who now go to discover the country which Francisco Vazquez entered, and reach the country of Oibola or of Tiguex, will know the direction in which they ought to go in order to discover the true direction of the country which the Marquis of the Valley, Don Hernando Cortes, tried to find, following the direction of the gulf of the Firebrand (Tizon) river. This will suffice for the conclusion of our narrative. Everything else rests on the powerful Lord of all things, God Omnipotent, who knows how and when these lands will be discovered and for whom He has guarded this good fortune. Laus Deo. Finished copying, Saturday the 26th of October, 1596, in Seville. St Ti < Z UJ — 9 E TRANSLATION OF THE LETTEE FROM MENDOZA TO THE KING, APRIL 17, 1540. i S.C. CM.: I wrote to Your Majesty from Gompostela the last of February, giving you an account of my arrival there and of the departure of Francisco Vazquez with the force which I sent to jjacify and settle in the newly discovered country, and of how the warden, Lope de Sam- aniego, was going as army master, both because he was a resiDonsilDle person and a very good Christian, and because he has had experience in matters of this sort; as Your Majesty had desired to know. And the news which I have received since then is to the effect that after they had passed the uninhabited region of Ouluacan and were approaching Chiametla, the warden went off with some horsemen to JGlnd provisions, and one of the soldiers who was with him, who had strayed from the force, called out that they were killing him. The warden hastened to his assistance, and they wounded him in the eye with an arrow, from which he died. In regard to the fortress," besides the fact that it is badly built and going to pieces, it seems to me that the cost of it is excessive, and that Your Majesty could do without the most of it, because there is one man who takes charge of the munitions and artil- lery, and an armorer to repair it, and a gunner, and as this is the way it was under the audiencia, before the fortresses were made conformable to what I have written to Your Majesty, we can get along without the rest, because that fortress was built on account of the brigantines, and not for any other purpose.^ And as the lagoon is so dry that it can do no good In this way for the present, I think that, for this reason, the cost is superfluous. I believe that it will have fallen in before a reply can come from Your Majesty. Some days ago I wrote to Your Majesty that I had ordered Melchior Diaz, who was in the town of San Miguel de Culuacan, to take some horsemen and see if the account given by the father. Friar Marcos, agreed with what he could discover. He set out from Culuacan with fifteen horsemen, the 17th of November last. The 20th of this present 'From the Spanish text in Pacheoo y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, toI. ii, p. 356. The letter mentioned in the opening sentence is not known to exist. ^Presumably the fortress of which Samaniego was warden. ^Buckingham Smith s Florida gives many documents relating to the damage done by French brigantines to the Spanish West Indies during 1540-41. 547 548 THE COUONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann. U March I received a letter from him, which he sent me by Juan de Zal- dyvar and three other horsemen. In this he says that after he left Culnacan and crossed the river of Petatlan he was everywhere very well received by the Indians. The way he did was to send a cross to the place where he was going to stop, because this was a sign which the Indians received with deep veneration, making a house out of mats in which to place it, and somewhat away from this they made a lodging for the Spaniards, and drove stakes where they could tie the horses, and supplied fodder for them, and abundance of corn wherever they had it. They say that they suffered from hunger in many places, because it had been a bad year. After going 100 leagues from Culuacan, he began to find the country cold, with severe frosts, and the farther he went on the colder it became, until he reached a point where some Indians whom he had with him were frozen, and two Spaniards were in great danger. Seeing this, he decided not to go any farther until the winter was over, and to send back, by those whom I mentioned, an account of what he had learned concerning Cibola and the country beyond, which is as follows, taken literally from his letter: "I have given Your Lordship an account of what happened to me along the way; and seeing that it is impossible to cross the uninhabited region which stretches from here to Cibola, on account of the heavy snows and the cold, I will give Your Lordship an account of what I have learned about Cibola, which I have ascertained by asking many persons who have been there fifteen and twenty years; and I have secured this in many different ways, taking some Indians together and others sep- arately, and on comparison they all seem to agree in what they say. After crossing this large wilderness, there are seven places, being a short day's march from one to another, all of which are together called Cibola. The houses are of stone and mud, coarsely worked. They are made in this way : One large wall, and at each end of this wall some rooms are built, partitioned off 20 feet square, according to the descrip- tion they give, which are planked with square beams. Most of the houses are reached from the flat roofs, using their ladders to go to the streets. The houses have three and four stories. They declare that there are few having two stories. The stories are mostly half as high again as a man, except the first one, which is low, and only a little more than a man's height. One ladder is used to communicate with ten or twelve houses together. They make use of the low ones and live in the highest ones. In the lowest ones of all they have some loopholes made sideways, as in the fortresses of Spain. The Indians say that when these people are attacked, they station themselves in their houses and fight from there; and that when they go to make war, they carry shields and wear leather jackets, which are made of cows' hide, colored, and that they fight with arrows and with a sort of stone maul and with some other weapons made of sticks, which I have not been able to make out. They eat human flesh, and they keep those whom they capture in war as slaves. There are many fowls in the wiNSHip] MENDOZA'S letter, APRIL 17, 1540 i 549 country, tame. They have much corn and beans and melons [squashes]. In their houses they keep some hairy animals, like the large Spanish hounds, -which they shear, and they make long colored wigs from the hair, like this one which I send to Your Lordship, which they wear, and they also put this same stuff in the cloth which they make.^ The men are of small stature [plate lxii]; the women are light colored and of good appearance, and they wear shirts or chemises which reach down to their feet. They wear their hair on each side done up in a sort of twist [plate lxiii], which leaves the ears outside, in which they hang many turquoises, as well as on their necks and on the wrists of their arms. The clothing of the men is a cloak, and over this the skin of a cow, like the one which Oabeza de Vaca and Dorantes brought, which Your Lordship saw; they wear caps^ on their heads; in summer they wear shoes made of painted or colored skin, and high buskins in winter.^ They were also unable to tell me of any metal, nor did they say that they had it. They have turquoises in quantity, although not so many as the father provincial said. They have some little stone crystals, like this which I send to Your Lordship, of which Your Lordship has seen many here in !New Spain. They cultivate the ground in the same way as in New Spain. They carry things on their heads, as in Mexico. *In his paper on the Humau Bones of the Hemenway Collection (Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, vi, p. 156 et seq.). Br Washington Matthews discusses the possible former existence of a variety of the llama in certain parts of the southwest. ' The headbands are doubtless here referred to. 'The Spanish text for the foregoing paragraph is as follows: *'Salidos deste despohlado grande, estdn siete Ingares y babrA una Jornada pequena del uno al otro, & loa quales todos juntos llaman Civola ; tienen las casaa de piedra y barro, toscamente labradas, son desta manera hechas : una pared larga y desta pared & un cabo y & otro salen unas c^maras atajadas de veinte pi^s en cuadra, segand senalan, las cuales estdn maderadas devigas por labrar; las m&s casas se mandan por las azoteas con SUB escaleras d las calles ; son las casas de tres y de cuatro altos ; aiirman haber pocas de dos altos, los altos son dem^s de estado y medio en alto, ecebto el primero ques b^o, que no temd sino algo m&s que nn estado ; mandd,nse diez 6 doce casas juntas por una escalera, de los bajos se sirven y en los m&s altos habitan; en el m&s b^jo de todos tienen uuas saeteras hecbas al|so9layo como en fortalezas en Espafia. Dicen los indios que cuando les vienen & dar guerra, que se meten en BUS casas todos y de alU pelean, y que cuando ellos van 4 hacer guerra, que llevau rodelas y unas cueras vestidas que son de vacas de colorea, y que pelean con flechaa y con unas macetas de piedra y con otras armas de palo que no he podido entender. Comen came humana y los que prenden en la guerra tifinenlos por esclavos. Hay muchas gallinas en la tierra, mansas, tienen mucho maiz y frisoles y melones, tienen en sus casas unos animalea bedigudos como grandes podeu- cos de Castilla, los quales tresquilan, y del pelo hacen cabelleras de colores que se ponen, como esa que envio A Y. S., y tambien en la ropa que hacen echan de lo mismo. Loa hombres son de pequena estatura; las mujeres son blancas y de buenos gestos, andan vestidas con unas camisas que lea Uegan hasta los pi6s, y los cahellos part6nselo8 & manera de lados con ciertas vueltaa, que les quedan las orejas de fuera, en las cuales se cuelgan muchas turquesas y al cuello y en laa munecas do loa brazos. El vestido de los hombrea son mantas y encima cueroa de vaca, como el que V. S. veria que llevb Cabeza de Vaca y Dorantes ; en laa cabezas se ponen unas tocas ; traen en verano zapatos de cuero pintados 6 de color, y en el Inviemo borceguies altos. "De la miama manera, no me saben dar razon de metal ninguno, ni dicen que lo tengan; turquesas tienen en cantidad, aunque no tantas como el padre provincial dice ; tienen unas pedrezuelas de chriatal como esa que envio A V. S., de las cualea V. S. habia visto hartas en esa Nueva Eapana; labran las tierras & uso de la Nueva Eapana; cArgause en la cabeza como en Mexico ; los hombrea t^'en la ropa 6 hilan el algodon; comen sal de una laguna queatA & dos jomadas de laprovincia de Civola. Los indios hacen sus bailes y cantos con unas filautas que tienen sus puntos do ponen los dedos, haceu muchos soijes, cantan juntamente con los que ta&en, y los que cantan dan palmas 4 nueatro modo. Aiin indio de los que llev6 Est6ban el Negro, questuvo allA cautivo, le vl tafler, que selo mostraron alU, y otros cantaban como digo, aunque no muy desenvueltos; dicen que se juutan cincodseis^ taner, y que son las flautaa unas mayores que otras." 550 THE CORONADO EXPEDITIOK, 1540-1542 [eth.anx.u The men weave clotli and spin cotton. They have salt from a marshy- lake, which is two days from th6 province of Cibola.' The Indians have their dances and songs, with some flutes which have holes on which to put the fingers. They make much noise. They sing in unison with those who play, and those who sing clap their hands in our fash- ion. One of the Indians that accompanied the negro Esteban, who had been a captive there, saw the playing as they practiced it, and others singing as I have said, although not very vigorously. They say that five or six play together, and that some of the flutes are better than others.' Tbey say the country is good for corn and beans, and that they do not have any fruit trees, nor do they know what such a thing is.' They have very good mountains. The country lacks water. They do not raise cotton, but bring it from Totonteac* They eat out of flat bowls, like the Mexicans. They raise considerable corn and beans and other similar things."' They do not know what sea fish is, nor have they ever heard of it. I have not obtained any information about the cows, except that these are found beyond the province of Cibola. There is a great abundance of wild goats, of the color of bay horses; there are many of these here where I am, and although 1 have asked the Indians if those are like these, they tell me no. Of the seven settlements, they describe three of them as very large; four not so big. They describe them, as I understand, to be about three cross- bow shots square for each place, and from what the Indians say, and their descriptions of the houses and their size, and as these are close together, and considering that there are people in each house, it ought to make a large multitude. Totonteac is declared to be seven short days from the province of Cibola, and of the same sort of houses and people, and they say that cottgji grows there. I doubt this, because they tell me that it is a cold country. They say that there are twelve villages, every one of which is larger than the largest at Cibola. They also tell me that there is a village which is one day from Cibola, and that the two are at war,^ They have the same sort of houses and people and customs. They declare this to be greater than any of those described ; I take it that there is a great multitude of people there. They are very well known, on account of having these houses and abundance of food and turquoises. I have not been able to learn more than what I have 'The same salt lake from which the Zuliis obtain their salt supply today. ^Compare with this hearsay description of something almost unknown to the Spaniards, the thor- oughly scientific descriptions of the Hopi dances and ceremonials recorded by Dr J. Walter Fewkes. ^The peaches, watermelons, cantaloupes, and grapes, now so extensively cultivated by the Pneblos, were introduced early in the seventeenth century by the Spanish missionaries. ^At iirst glance it seems somewhat strange that although Zufii is considerably more than 100 miles south of Totonteac, or Tusayan, the people of the former villages did not cultivate cotton, but in this I am reminded by Mr Hodge that part of the Tusayan people are undoubtedly of southern origin and that in all probability tbey introduced cotton into that group of villages. The Pimas raised cotton as late as 1860. H-one of the Pueblos now cultivate the plant, the introduction of cheap fabrics by traders having doubtless brought the industry to an end. See page 574. '*'T otras simillas como chia" is the Spanish text. ^DoubtleHS the pueblo of Marata (Makyata) mentioned by Harcos de Niza. This village was situ- ated nea r the o al tteke and had been destroyed by the Zufiis some years before Niza visited New Mexico. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVK PUEBLO SPINNING AND WEAVING (From photograph of a model in the National Museumj wiNsHip] MENDOZA's letter, APRIL 17, 1540 551 related, although, as I have said, I have had with me Indians who have lived there fifteen and twenty years. "The death of Bsteban the negro took place in the way the father, Friar Marcos, described it to your lordship, and so I do not make a report of it here, except that the people at Oibola sent word to those of this village and in its neighborhood that if any Christians should come, they ought not to consider them as anything peculiar, and ought to kill them, because they were mortal — saying that they had learned this because they kept the bones of the one who had come there; and that, if they did not dare to do this, they should send word so that those (at Oibola) could come and do it. I can very easily believe that all this has taken place, and that there has been some communication between these places, because of the coolness with which they received us and the sour faces they have shown us." Melchior Diaz says that the people whom he found along the way do not have any settlements at all, except in one valley which is 150 leagues from Culuacan, which is well settled and has houses with lofts, and that there are many people along the way, but that they are not good for anything except to make them Christians, as if this was of small account. May Your Majesty remember to provide for the service of God, and keep in mind the deaths and the loss of life and of provinces which has taken place in these Indies. And, moreover, up to this present day none of the things Your Majesty has commanded, which have been very holy and good, have been attended to, nor priests provided, either for that country or for this. For I assure Your Maj- esty that there is no trace of Christianity where they have not yet arrived, neither little nor much, and that the poor people are ready to receive the priests and come to them even when they flee from us like deer in the mountains. And I state this because I am an eyewitness, and I have seen it clearly during this trip. I have importuned Your Majesty for friars, and yet again I can not cease doing it much more, because unless this be done I can not accomplish that which I am bound to do. After I reach Mexico, I will give Your Majesty an account of every- thing concerning these provinces, for while 1 should like to do it today, I can not, because I am very weak from a slow fever which I caught in Colima, which attacked me very severely, although it did not last more than six days. It has pleased Our Lord to make me well already, and I have traveled here to Jacona, where I am. May Our Lord protect the Holy Catholic CsBsarian person of Your Majesty and aggrandize it with increase of better kingdoms and lord- ships, as we your servants desire. From Jacona, April 17, 1540. S. C. C. M. Your Holy Majesty's humble servant, who salutes your royal feet and hands, D. Antonio de Mendoza. TEANSLATION OF THE LETTEE FEOM COEOKADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540.' The Account given by Peanoisco Vazquez de Ooeonado, Captain-G-enbeal op the poecb which was sent in the name OP His Majesty to the newly discoveeed countey, op what HAPPENED to the EXPEDITION AFTEE APEIL 22 OP THE YEAE MDXL, WHEN HE STAETED FOEWAED PEOM CULIAOAN, AND OP WHAT HE POUND IN THE COUNTEY THEOUGH WHICH HE PASSED. Francisco Vazquez starts from Ouliacan with his army, and after suffer- ing various inconveniences on account of the badness of the way, reaches the Valley of Hearts, where he failed to find any corn, to procure which he sends to the valley called Senora. Me receives an account of the important Valley of Hearts and of the people there, and of some lands lying along that coast. On the 22d of the month of April last, I set out from the province of Ouliacan with a part of the army, having made the arrangements of which I wrote to Your Lordship. Judging by the outcome, I feel sure that it was fortunate that I did not start the whole of the army on this undertaking, because the labors have been so very great and the lack of food such that I do not believe this undertaking could have been completed before the end of this year, and that there would be a great loss of life if it should be accomplished. For, as I wrote to Tour Lord- ship, I spent eighty days in traveling to Ouliacan,^ during which time I and the gentlemen of my company, who were horsemen, carried on our backs and on our hbrses a little food, in such wise that after leaving this place none of us carried any necessary effects weighing more than a pound. For all this, and although we took all possible care and fore- thought of the small supply of provisions which we carried, it gave out. And this is not to be wondered at, because the road is rough and long, and what with our harquebuses, which had to be carried up the moun- tains and hills and in the passage of the rivers, the greater part of the iTranslatedfromtheltalianversion, inEamusio's Viaggi,vol.lii, fol. 359(ed. 1556). There is another English translation in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii, p. 373 (ed. 1600). Hakluyt's translation is reprinted in Old South Leaflet, general series, No. 20. Mr Irving Bahbitt, of the French department in Harvard University, has assisted in correcting some of the errors and omissions in Hakluyt's version. The proper names, excepting such as are properly translated, are spelled as in the Italian text. ''This statement is probably not correct. It may he due to a blunder by Ramnsio in translating from the original text. See note on page 382. Eighty days (see pp. 564, 572) would be nearly the time ■which Coronado probably spent on the journey from Guliacan to Cibola, and this interpretation would render the rest of the sentence much more intelligible. 552 wiNSHiPi CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 553 corn was lost. And since I send Your Lordship a drawing of this route, I will say no more about it here. Thirty leagues before reaching the place which the father provincial spoke so well of in his report,' I sent Melchior Diaz forward with fifteen horsemen, ordering him to make but one day's journey out of two, so that he could examine everything there before I arrived. He traveled through some very rough mountains for four days, and did not find any- thing to live on, nor people, nor information about anything, except that he found two or three poor villages, with twenty or thirty huts apiece. From the people here he, learned that there was nothing to be found in the country beyond except the mountains, which continued very rough, entirely uninhabited by people. And, because this was labor lost, I did not want to send Your Lordship an account of it. The whole company felt disturbed at this, that a thing so much praised, and about which the father had said so many things, should be found so very different; and they began to think that all the rest would be of the same sort. When I noticed this, I tried to encourage them as well as I could, tell- ing them that Your Lordship had always thought that this part of the trip would be a waste of effort, and that we ought to devote our atten- tion to those Seven Cities and the other provinces about which we had information — that these should be the end of our enterprise. With this resolution and purpose, we all marched cheerfully along a very bad way, where it' was impossible to pass without making a new road or repair- ing the one that was there, which troubled the soldiers not a little, con- sidering that everything which the friar had said was found to be quite the reverse; because, among other things which the father had said and declared, he said that the way would be plain and good, and that there would be only one small hill of about half a league. And the truth is, that there are mountains where, however well the path might be fixed, they could not be crossed without there being great danger of the horses falling over them. Aud it was so bad that a large number of the ani- mals which Your Lordship sent as provision for the army were lost along this part of the way, on account of the roughness of the rocks. The lambs and wethers lost their hoofs along the way, and I left the greater part of those which I brought from Culiacan at the river of Lachimi,^ because they were unable to travel, and so that they might proceed more slowly. Pour horsemen remained with them, who have just arrived. They have not brought more than 24 lambs and 4 wethers; the rest died from the toil, although they did not travel more than two leagues daily. I reached the Valley of Hearts at last, on the 26th day of the month of May, and rested there a number of days. Between Culiacan and this place I could sustain myself only by means of a large supply of corn bread, because I had to leave all the corn, as it was not yet ripe. In this Valley of Hearts we found more people than in any part of the country ^Tlie valley into -whicli Priar Marcos did not dare to enter. See the Historical Introduction, p. 362. "Doubtless tlie Yaquimi or Yaqui river. L 554 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.anx.U whicli we had left behind, and a large extent of tilled ground. There was no corn for food among them, but as I heard that there was some in another valley called Senora, which I did not wish to disturb by force, I sentMelchior Diaz with goods to exchange for it, so as to give this to the friendly Indians whom we brought with us, and to some who had lost their animals along the way and had not been able to carry the food which they had taken from Ouliacan. By the favor of Our Lord, some little corn was obtained by this trading, which relieved the friendly Indians and some Spaniards. Ten or twelve of the horses had died of overwork by the time that we reached this Yalley of Hearts, because they were unable to stand the strain of carrying heavy burdens and eating little. Some of our negroes and some of the Indians also died here, which was not a slight loss for the rest of the expedition. They told me that the Valley of Hearts is a long five-days' journey from the western sea. I sent to summon Indians from the coast in order to learn about their condition, and while I was waiting for these the horses rested. I stayed there four days, during which the Indians came from the sea, who told me that there were seven or eight islands two days' journey from that seacoast, directly opposite, well populated with peo- ple, but poorly supplied with food, and the people were savages.' They told me they had seen a ship pass not very far from the land. I do not know whether to think that it was the one which was sent to discover the country, or perhaps some Portuguese.^ They come to Chichiltioale; after having taken two days' rest., they enter a country containing very little food and hard to travel for 30 leagues, beyond which the country becomes pleasant, and there is a river called the River of the Flax (del Lino); they fight against the Indians, being attacked by these; and having by their victory secured the city, they relieve themselves of the pangs of their hunger. I set out from the Hearts and kept nearjthe^eacQast as well as I could judge, but in fact I found myself continually farther off, so that when I reached Chichilticsfle I found that I was fifteen days' journey distant from the sea,' although the father provincial had said that it was only 5 leagues distant and that he had seen it. We all became very distrustful, and felt great anxiety and dismay to see that everything was the reverse of what he had told Your Lordship. The Indians of Chichilticale say that when they go to the sea for fish, or for anything else that they need, they go across the country, and that it takes them ' These were doubtless the Seri, of Tuman stock, who occupied » atrip of the Gulf coast between latitude 28° and 29° and the islands Angel de la Guardia and Tiburon. The latter island, as well as the coast of the adjacent mainland, is still inhabited by this tribe. ^As Indian news goes, there is no reason why this may not have been one of Ulloa's ships, which sailed along this coast during the previous summer. It can hardly have been a ship of Alarcon's fleet. sRamusio; " mi ritrouauo lunge dal mare quindioigiomate.'' Hakluy t (ed. 1600) ; " I found my selfe tenne dayes ioumey from the Sea." wiNSHip] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 555 ten days; and this information which I have received from the Indians appears to me to be true. The sea turns toward the west directly oppo- site the Hearts for 10 or 12 leagues, where I learned that the ships of Your Lordship had been seen, which had gone in search of the port of Chichiltioale, which the fother said was on the thirty-fifth degree. God knows what I have suffered, because I fear that they may have met with some mishap. If they follow the coast, as they said they would, as long as the food lasts which they took with them, of which I left them a supply in Culiacan, and if they have not been overtaken by some mis- fortune, I maintain ray trust in God that they have already discovered something good, for which the delay which they have made may be pardoned. I rested for two days at Chichilticale, and there was good reason for staying longer, because we found that the horses were becom- ing so tired; but there was no chance to rest longer, because the food was giving out. I entered the borders of the wilderness region on Saint John's eve, and, for a change from our past labors, we found no grass during the first days, but a worse way through mountains and more dangerous passages than we had experienced previously. The horses were so tired that they were not equal to it, so that in this last desert we lost more horses than before; and some Indian allies and a Span- iard called Spinosa, besides two negroes, died from eating some herbs because the food had given out. I sent the army-master, Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, with 15 horsemen, a day's march ahead of me, in order to explore the country and prepare the way, which he accom- plished like the man that he is, and agreeably to the confidence which Tour Lordship has had in him. I am the more certain that he did so, because, as I have said, the way is very bad for at least 30 leagues and more, through impassable mountains. But when we had passed these 30 leagues, we found fresh rivers and grass like that of Castile, and especially one sort like what we call Scaramoio; many nut and mul- berry trees, but the leaves of the nut trees are different from those of Spain. There was a considerable amount of flax near the banks of one river, which was called on this account El Rio del Lino. No Indians were seen during the first day's march, after which four Indians came out with signs of peace, saying that they had been sent to that desert place to say that we were welcome, and that on the next day the tribe would provide the whole force with food. The army-master gave them aicross, telling them to say to the people in their city that they need not fear, and that they should have their people stay m their own houses, because I was coming in the name of His Majesty to defend and help them. After this was done, Ferrando Alvarado came back to tell me that some Indians had met him peaceably, and that two of them were with the army-master waiting for me. I went to them forthwith and gave them some paternosters and some little cloaks, telling them to return to their city and say to the people there that they could stay quietly in their houses and that they need not fear. After this I ordered 556 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-]542 [eth.ann.u the army master to go and see if there were any bad passages which the Indians might be able to defend, and to seize and hold any such until the next day, when I would come up. He went, and found a very bad place in our way where we might have received much harm. He immediately established himself there with the force which he was conducting. The Indians came that very night to occupy that place so as to defend it, and finding it taken, they assaulted our men. Accord- ing to what I have been told, they attacked like valiant men, although in the end they had to retreat in flight, because the army-master was on the watch and kept his men in good order. The Indians sounded a little trumpet as a sign of retreat, and did not do any injury to the Spaniards. The army-master sent me notice of this the same night, so that on the next day I started with as good order as I could, for we were in such great need of food that I thought we should all die of hun- ger if we continued to be without provisions for another day, especially the Indians, since altogether we did not have two bushels of corn, and so I was obliged to hasten forward without delay. The Indians lighted their fires from point to point, and these were answered from a distance with as good understanding as we could have shown. Thus notice was given concerning how we went and where we had arrived. As soon as I came within sight of this city, I sent the army-master, Don Garcia Lopez, Friar Daniel and Friar Luis, and Ferrando Vermizzo, with some horsemen, a little way ahead, so that they might find the Indians and tell them that we were not coming to do them any harm, but to defend them in the name of our lord the Emperor. The summons, in the form which His Majesty commanded in his instructions, was made intelligible to the people of the country by an interpreter. But they, being a proud people, were little affected, because it seemed to them that we were few in number, and that they would not have any difficulty in conquering us. They pierced the gown of Friar Luis with an arrow, which, blessed be God, did him no harm. Meanwhile I arrived with all the rest of the horse and the footmen, and found a large body of the Indians on the plain, who began to shoot with their arrows. In obedience to the orders of Your Lordship and of the marquis,' I did not wish my company, who were begging me for permission, to attack them, telling them that they ought not to offend them, and that what the enemy was doing was nothing, and that so few people ought not to be insulted. On the other hand, when the Indians saw that we did not move, they took greater courage, and grew so bold that they came up almost to the heels of our horses to shoot their arrows. On this account I saw that it was no longer time to hesitate, and as the priests approved the action, I charged them. There was little to do, because they suddenly took to flight, part running toward the city, which was near and well fortified, and others toward the plain, wherever chance led them. Some Indians 'It is possible that this is a blunder, in Eamusio's text, for "His Majesty." The Maiqnis in New Spain, is always Cortes, for whom neither Mendoza nor Coronado had any especial regard. wmsHip] CORONA.DO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 557 were killed, and others might have been slain if I could have allowed them to be pursued. But I saw that there would be little advantage in this, because the Indians who were outside were few, and those who had retired to the city were numerous, besides many who had remained there in the first place. As that was where the food was, of which we stood in such great need, I assembled my whole force and divided them as seemed to me best for the attack on the city, and surrounded it. The hunger which we suffered would not permit of any delay, and so I dismounted with some of these gentlemen and soldiers. I ordered the musketeers and crossbowmen to begin the attack and drive back the enemy from the defenses, so that they could not do us any injury. I assaulted the wall on one side, where I was told that there was a scal- ing ladder and that there was also a gate. But the crossbowmen broke all the strings of their crossbows and the musketeers could do nothing, because they had arrived so weak and feeble that they could scarcely stand on their feet. On this account the people who were on top were not prevented at all from defending themselves and doing us whatever injury they were able. Thus, for myself, they knocked me down to the ground twice with countless great stones which they threw down from above, and if I had not been protected by the very good headpiece which I wore, I think that the outcome would have been bad for me. They picked me up from the ground, however, with two small wounds in my face and an arrow in my foot, and with many bruises on my arms and legs, and in this condition I retired from the battle, very weak. I think that if Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas had not come to my help, like a good cavalier, the second time that they knocked me to the ground, by placing his own body above mine, I should have been in much greater danger than I was. But, by the pleasure of God, these Indians surrendered, and their city was taken with the help of Our Lord, and a sufllcient supply of corn was found there to relieve our necessities. The army-master and Don Pedro de Tovar and Ferrando de Alvarado and Paulo de Melgosa, the infantry captain, sustained some bruises, although none of them were wounded. Agoniez Quarez was hit in the arm by an arrow, and one Torres, who lived in Panuco, in the face by another, and two other footmen received slight arrow wounds. They all directed their attack against me because my armor was gilded and glittered, and on this account I was hurt more than the rest, and not because I had done more or was farther in advance than the others; for all these gentlemen arid soldiers bore themselves well, as was expected of them. I praise God that I am now well, although somewhat sore from the stones. Two or three other soldiers were hurt in the battle which we had on the plain, and three horses were killed — one that of Don Lopez and another that of Vigliega and the third that of Don Alfonso Manrich — and seven or eight other horses were wounded ; but the men, as well as the horses, have now recovered and are well. 558 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.14 Of the situation and condition of the Seven Cities called the kingdom of Cevola, and the sort of people and their customs, and of the animals which are found there. It now remains for me to tell about this city and kingdom and prov- ince, of which the Father Provincial gave Your Lordship an account. In brief, I can assure you that in reality he has not told the truth in a single thing that he said, but everything is the reverse of what he said, except the name of the city and the large stone houses. For, although they are not decorated with turquoises, nor made of lime nor of good bricks, nevertheless they are very good houses, with three and four and five stories, where there are very good apartments and good rooms with corridors,' and some very good rooms under ground and paved, which are made for winter, and are something like a sort of hot baths.'' The ladders which they have for their houses are all movable and port- able, which are taken up and placed wherever they please. They are made of two pieces of wodd, with rounds like ours. [ See plates LViii, LVIX.] The Seven Cities are seven little villages, all having the kind of houses I have described. They are all within a radius of 5 leagues. They are all called the kingdom of Cevola, and each has its own name and no single one is called Cevola, but all together are called Cevola. This one which I have called a city I have named Granada, partly because it has some similarity to it,' as well as out of regard for Your Lordship. lu this place where I am now lodged there are perhaps 200 houses, all surrounded by a wall, and it seems to me that with the other houses, which are not so surrounded, there might be altogether 500 families. There is another town near by, which is one of the seven, but somewhat larger than this, and another of the same size as this, and, the other four are somewhat smaller. I send them all to Your Lord- ship, painted with the route. The skin on which the painting is made was found here with other skins. The people of the towns seem to me to be of ordinary size and intelligent, although I do not think that they have the judgment and intelligence which they ought to have to build these houses in the way in which they have, for most of them are entirely naked except the covering of their privy parts, and they have painted mantles like the one which I send to Your Lordship. They do not raise cotton, because the country is very cold, but they wear mantles, as may be seen by the exhibit which I send. It is also true that some cotton thread was found in their houses. They wear the hair on their heads like the Mexicans. They all have good figures, and are well bred. I think that they have a quantity of turquoises, which they had removed with the rest of their goods, except the corn when I arrived, because I did not find any women here nor any men 'HaWuyt: . . . "very excellent good houses of three or foure or flue lofts high, wherein are good lodgings and faire chambers with lathers in stead of staires." 2 The kivas or ceremonial chambers. "See the footnote on page 664 in regard to the similarity of names. The note was written without reference to the above passage. wiNSHip] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 559 under 15 years or over 60, except two or three old men who remained in command of all the other men and the warriors. Two points of emerald and some little broken stones which approach the color of rather poor garnets' were found in a paper, besides other stone crystals, which I gave to one of my servants to keep until they could be sent to Your Lordship. He has 'lost them, as they tell me. We found fowls, K but only a few, and yet there are some. The Indians tell me that they do not eat these in any of the seven villages, but that they keep them merely for the sake of procuring the feathers.^ I do not believe this, because they are very good, and better than those of Mexico. The climate of this country and the temperature of the air is almost like that of Mexico, because it is sometimes hot and sometimes it rains. I have not yet seen it rain, however, except once when there fell a little shower with wind, such as often falls in Spain. The snow and the cold are usually very great, according to what the natives of the country all say. This may very probably be so, both because of the nature of the country and the sort of houses they build and the skins and other things which these people have to protect them from the cold. There are no kinds of fruit or fruit trees. The country is all level, and is nowhere shut in by high mountains, although there are some hills and rough passages.^ There are not many birds, probably because of X the cold, and because there are no mountains near. There are no trees fit for firewood here, because they can bring enough for their needs from a clump of very small cedars 4 leagues distant.'' Very good grass is found a quarter of a league away, where there is pasturage for our horses as well as mowing for hay, of which we had great need, because our horses were so weak and feeble when they arrived. The food which they eat in this country is corn, of which they have a great abundance, and beans and venison, which they probably eat (although they say that they do not), because we found many skins of deer and hares and >t. rabbits. They make the best corn cakes I have ever seen anywhere, and this is what everybody ordinarily eats. They have the very best arrangement and machinery for grinding that was ever seen [plate lxiy]. One of these Indian women here will grind as much as four of the Mexi- cans. They have very good salt in crystals, which they bring from a lake a day's journey distant from here. No information can be obtained among them about the North sea or that on the west, nor do I know how to tell Yoiir Lordship which we are nearest to. I should judge that it is nearer to the western, and 150 leagues is the nearest that it seems to me it can be thither. The North sea ought to be much farther away. Tour Lordship may thus see how very wide the country is. They have ■Many garnets are found on the ant-hilla thronghout tlie region, especially in tlie Ifavajo country. 'TlienatiTes doubtless told the truth. Eagle and turkey feathers are still highly prized by them for use iu their ceremonies. 'It should be noted that Coronado clearly distinguishes between hills or mesas and mountains. Zuni valley is hemmed in by heights varying from 500 to 1,000 feet. *Thi8 accords perfectly with the condition of the vegetation in Zuni valley at the present time. 560 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U many animals— bears, tigers, lions, porcupines, and some sheep as big as a horse, with very large horns and little tails. I have seen some of their horns the size of which was something to marvel at." There are also wild goats, whose heads I have seen, and the paws of the bears and the skins of the wild boars. For game they have deer, leopards, and very large deer,- and every one thinks that some of them are larger than that animal which Your Lordship favored me with, which belonged to Juan Melaz. They inhabit some plains eight days' journey toward the north. They have some of their skins here very well dressed, and they prepare and paint them where they kill the cows, according to what they tell me. Of the nature and situation of the kingdoms of Totonteac, Marata, and Acus, wholly different from the account of Friar Marcos. The confer- ence which they had with the Indians of the city of Granada, which they had captured, who had been forewarned of the coming of Christians into their country fifty years before. The account which was obtained from them concerning seven other cities, of which Tucano is the chief, and how he sent to discover them. A present sent to Mendoza of various things found in this country by Vazquez Goronado. These Indians say that the kingdom of Totonteac, which the father provincial praised so much, saying that it was something marvelous, ard of such a very great size, and that cloth was made thiare, is a h. lake, on the edge of which there are five or six houses.' There used to be some others', but these have been destroyed by war. The ' ingdom of Marata can not be found, nor do these Indians know any- hiug about it. The kingdom of Acus is a single small city, where they raise cotton, and this is called Acucu.* I say that this is the country, because Acus, with or without the aspiration, is not a word in this region; and because it seems to me that Acucu may be derived from Acus, I say that it is this town which has been converted into the kingdom of Acus. They tell me that there are some other small ones not far from this settlement, which are situated on a river which I have seen and of which the Indians have told me. God knows that I wish I had better news to write to Tour Lordship, but I must give you the truth, and, as I wrote you from Ouliacan, I must advise you of the good as well as of the bad. But you may be assured that if there had been all the riches and treasures of the world, I could not have done more in His Majesty's service and in that of Tour Lordship than I have done, in coming here where you commanded me to go, carrying, both my companions and myself, our food on our backs for 300 leagues, and 'See the translatiou of CastaSieda'B narrative, p. 487. 'DoubUesa a slip ol Bamusio's pen for cows, i. e., tuffalos. ^Coronado doubtless misinterpreted what the natives intended to commnnicate. The "hot lake" was in all probability the salt lake alluded to on page 5S0, near which Marata was situated. Toton- teac was of course Tusayau, or "Tucano." *This is a form of the ZuBi name for Acoma^Hakakla. wiNSHip] OOEONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST «, 3540 561 traveling on foot many days, making our way over hills and rough mountains, besides other labors which I refrain from mentioning. Nor do I think of stopping until my death, if it serves His Majesty or Your Lordship to have it so. Three days after I captured this city, some of the Indians who lived here came to offer to make peace. They brought me some turquoises and poor mantles, and I received them in His Majesty's name with as good a speech as I could, making them understand the purpose of my coming to this country, which is, in the name of His Majesty and by the commands of Your Lordship, that they and all others in this prov- ince should become Christians and should know the true God for their Lord, and His Majesty for their king and earthly lord. After this they returned to their houses and suddenly, the next day, they packed up their goods and property, their women and children, and fled to the hills, leaving their towns deserted, with only some few remaining in them. Seeing this, I went to the town which I said was larger than this, eight or ten days later, when 1 had recovered from my wounds. I found a few of them there, whom I told that they ought not to feel any fear, and I asked them to summon their lord to me. By what I can find out or observe, however, none of these towns have any, since I have not seen any principal house by which any superiority over others could be shown.' Afterward, an old man, who said he was their lord, came with a mantle made of many pieces, with whom I argued as long as he stayed with me. He said that he would come to see me with the rest of the chiefs of the country, three days later, in orde^^jo arrange the relations which should exist between us. He did so, and they brought me some little ragged mantles and some turquoises, jj said that they ought to come down from their strongholds and returj} to their houses with their wives and children, and that they should become Christians, and recognize His Majesty as their king and lord. But they still remain in their strongholds, with their wives and all their property. I commanded them to have a cloth painted for me, with all the animals that they know in that country, and although they are poor painters, they quickly painted two for me, one of the animals and the other of the birds and fishes. They say that they will bring their children so that our priests may instruct them, and that they desire to know our law. They declare that it was foretold among them more than fifty years ago that a people such as we are should come, and the direction they should come from, and that the whole country would be conquered. So far as I can find out, the water is what these Indians worship, because they say that it makes the corn grow and sustains their life, and that the only other reason they know is because their ancestors did so.^ I have tried in every way to find out from the natives of these settlements whether they know of any other peoples ^As clear a description of the form of tribal government among tlie Pueblo Indians as is anywhere to be found is in Bandelier's story, The Delight Makers. Mr Eandelier has been most successful in hia effort to picture the actions and spirit of Indian life. 'Dr J. Walter Fewkea has conclusively shown that the snake dance, probably the most dramatic of Indian ceremonials, is essentially a prayer for rain. Coming as it does just as the natural rainy season approaches, the prayer is almost invariably answered. 14 ETH 36 562 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U or provinces or cities. They tell me about seven cities which are at a considerable distance, which are like these, except that the houses there are not like these, but are made of earth [adobe], and small, and that they raise much cotton there. The first of these four places about which they know is called, they say, Tucano. They could not tell me much about the others. I do not believe that they tell me the truth, because they think that I shall soon have to depart from them and return home. But they will quickly find that they are deceived in this. I sent Don Pedro de Tobar there, with his company and some other horsemen, to see it. I would not have dispatched this packet to Your Lordship until I had learned what he found there, if I thought that I should have any news from him within twelve or fifteen days. How- ever, as he will remain away at least thirty, and, considering that this information is of little importance and that the cold and the rams are approaching, it seemed to me that I ought to do as Your Lordship com- manded me in your instructions, which is, that as soon as I arrived here, I should advise you thereof, and this I do, by sending you the plain narrative of what I have seen, which is bad enough, as you may perceive. I have determined to send throughout all the surrounding regions, in order to find out whether there is anything, and to sufler every extremity before I give up this enterprise, and to serve His Majesty, if I can find any way in which to do it, and not to lack in diligence until Your Lordship directs me as to what I ought to do. We have great need of pasture, and you should know, also, that among all those who are here there is not one pound of raisins, nor sugar, nor oil, nor wine, except barely half a quart, which is saved to say mass, since everything is consumed, and part was lost on the way. Now, you can provide us with what appears best; but if you are thinking of sending us cattle, you should know that it will be necessary for them to spend at least a year on the road, because they can not come in any other way, nor any quicker. I would have liked to send to Your Lordship, with this dispatch, many samples of the things which they have in this country, but the trip is so long and rough that it is difScult for me to do so. However, I send you twelve small mantles, such as the people of this country ordinarily wear, and a garment which seems to me to be very well made. I kept it because it seemed to me to be of very good workmanship, and because I do not think that anyone has ever seen in these Indies any work done with a needle, unless it were done since the Spaniards settled here. And I also send two cloths painted with the animals which they have in this country, although, as I said, the painting is very poorly done, because the artist did not spend more than one day I in painting it. I have seen other paintings on the walls of these houses which have much better proportion and are done much better. I send you a cow skin, some turquoises, and two earrings of the same, and fifteen of the Indian combs,' and some plates decorated with these turquoises, and two baskets made of wicker, of which the Indians have a large supply. I also send two rolls, such as the women usually wear on their heads when they bring water from the spring, the ^ Possibly those used in weaving. BUREAU OF ETHNOUOQy FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PU LXX RUINS OF SPANISH CHURCH ABOVE JEMEZ wiNSHip] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 563 same way that they do in Spain. One of these Indian women, with one of these rolls on her head, will carry a jar of water up a ladder without touching it with her hands. And, lastly, I send you samples of the weapons with which the natives of this country light, a shield, a ham- mer, and a bow with some arrows, among which there are two with bone points, the like of which have never been seen, according to what these conquerors say. As far as I can judge, it does not appear to me that there is any hope of getting gold or silver, but I trust in God that, if there is any, we shall get our share of it, and it shall not escape us, through any lack of diligence in the search.' I am unable to give Your Lordship any certain information about the dress of the women, because the Indians keep them guarded so carefully that I have not seen any, except two old women. These had on two long skirts reaching down to their feet and open in front, and a girdle, and they are tied together with some cotton strings. I asked the Indians to give me one of those which they wore, to send to you, since they were not willing to show me the women. They brought me two mantles, which are these that I .send, almost painted over. They have two tassels, like the womeii of Spain, which hang somewhat over their shoulders. The death of the negro is perfectly certain, because many of the things which he wore have been found, and the Indians say that they killed him here because the Indians of Chichilticale sadd that he was a bad man, and not like the Christians, because the Christians never kill women, and he killed them, and because he assaulted their women, whom the Indians love better than themselves. Therefore they determined to kill him, but they did not do it in the way that was reported, because they did not kill any of the others who came with him, nor did they kill the lad from the province of Petatlan, who was with him, but they took him and kept him in safe custody until now. When I tried to secure him, they made excuses for not giving him to me, for two or three days, saying that he was dead, and at other times that the Indians of Acucu had taken him away. But when I finally told them that I should be very angry if they did not give him to me, they gave him to me. He is an interpreter; for although he can not talk much, he understands very well. Some gold and silver has been found in this place, which those who know about minerals say is not bad. I have not yet been able to learn from these people where they got it. I perceive that they refuse to tell me the truth in everything, because they think that I shall have to depart from here in a short time, as I have said. But I trust in God that they will not be able to avoid answering much longer. I beg Your Lordship to make a report of the success of this expedition to His Majesty, because there is nothing more than what I have already said. I shall not do so until it shall please God to grant that we find what we desire. Our Lord God protect and keep your most illustrious Lordship. From the province of Cevola, and this city of Granada, the 3d of August, 1540. Francisco Vazquez de Coronado kisses the hand of your most illustrious Lordship. ' This whole sentence is omitted by Hakluyt. Tbe conquerors, in the literature of New Spain, are almost always those who shared with Cortes in the labors and the glory of the Spanish conquest of Mexico. TEANSLATIOK OF THE TEASLADO DE LAS NUEVAS Copy of the bepokts and descriptions that have been received regarding the discovert of a city which is CALLED Cibola, situated in the new country. His grace left the larger part of his army in the valley of Culiacan, and with only 75 companions on horseback and 30 footmen, he set out for here Thursday, April 22. The army which remained there was to start about the end of the month of May, because they could not find any sort of sustenance for the whole of the way that they had to go, as far as this province of Cibola, which is 350 long leagues, and on this account he did not dare to put the whole army on the road. As for the men he took with him, he ordered them to make provision for eighty days, which was carried on horses, each having one for him- self and his followers. With very great danger of suffering hunger, and not less labor, since they had to open the way, and every day dis- covered waterways and rivers with bad crossings, they stood it after a fashion, and on the whole journey as far as this province there was not a peck of corn.'' He reached this province on Wednesday, the 7th of July last, with all the men whom he led from the valley very well, praise be to Our Lord, except one Spaniard who died of hunger four days from here and some negroes and Indians who also died of hunger and thirst. The Spaniard was one of those on foot, and was named Espinosa. In this way his grace spent seventy- seven days on the road before reach- ing here, during which God knows in what sort of a way we lived, and whether we could have eaten much more than we ate the day that his grace reached this city of Granada, for so it has been named out of regard for the viceroy, and because they say it resembles the Albaicin.^ The force he led was not received the way it should have been, because they all arrived very tired from the great labor of the journey. This, and the loading and unloading like so many muleteers, and not eating as much as they should have, left them more in need of resting several days than of fighting, although there was not a man in the army who would not have done his best in everything if the horses, who suffered the same as their masters, could have helped them. The city was deserted by men over sixty years and under twenty, and by women and children. All who were there were the fighting 1 Translated from Paxihecoj CardeDas, Documentos de Xndias, vol. xix, p. 629. This document is anonymous, but it is evidently a copy of a letter from some trusted companion, written from G-ranada- Hawikuh, about the time of Coronado's letter of August 3, 1540. In the title to the document as printed, the date is given as 1531, but there can be no doubt that It is an account of Coronado's journey. 'The printed Spanish text reads: " que como venian abriendo y descobriendo, cada dia, camino los arcabucos y rios, y males pasos, se llevaban en parte." ... 'A part of Grranada, near the Alhambra. There is a curious similarity in the names Albaicin and Ha^ll£uh, the latter being the native name of Coronado's Granada. 564 wiKSHipj TRASLADO DE LAS NUEVAS 565 men who remained to defend the city, and many of them came out, about a crossbow shot, uttering loud threats. The general himself went forward with two priests and the army-master, to urge them to sur- render, as is the custom in new countries. The reply that he received was from many arrows which they let fly, and they wounded Hernando Bermejo's horse and pierced the loose flap of the frock of father Friar Luis, the former companion of the Lord Bishop of Mexico. When this was seen, taking as their advocate the Holy Saint James,' he rushed upon them with all his force, which he had kept in very good order, and although the Indians turned their backs and tried to reach the city, they were overtaken and many of them kUled before they could reach it. They killed three horses and wounded seven or eight. When my lord the general reached the city, he saw that it was sur- rounded by stone walls, and the houses very high, four and five and even six stories apiece, with their flat roofs and balconies. As the Indians had made themselves secure within it, and would not let anyone come near without shooting arrows at him, and as we could not obtain anything to eat unless we captured it, his grace decided to enter the city on foot and to surround it by men on horseback, so that the Indians who were inside could not get away. As he was distinguished among them all by his gilt arms and a plume on his headpiece, all the Indians aimed at him, because he was noticeable among all, and they knocked him down to the ground twice by chance stones thrown from the flat roofs, and stunned him in spite of his headpiece, and if this had not been so good, I doubt if he would have come out alive from that enter- prise, and besides all this — praised be Our Lord that he came out on his own feet — they hit him many times with stones on his head and shoulders and legs, and he received two small wounds on his face and an arrow wound in the right foot; but despite all this his grace is as sound and well as the day he left that city. And you^ may assure my lord of all this, and also that on the 19th of July last he went 4 leagues from this city to see a rock where they told him that the Indians of this province had fortified themselves,' and he returned the same day, so that he went 8 leagues in going and returning. I think I have given you an account of everything, for it is right that I should be the author- ity for yoa and his lordship, to assure you that everything is going well with the general my lord, and without any hesitation I can assure you that he is as well and sound as the day he left the city. He is located within the city, for when the Indians saw that his grace was deter- mined to enter the city, then they abandoned it, since they let them go with their lives. We found in it what we needed more than gold and silver, and that was much corn and beans and fowls, better than those of New Spain, and salt, the best and whitest that I have seen in all my life. ' uttering the war cry ofSantiago. ' The printed manuscript ia V. M.. which signifies Xour Majesty. ' Doubtless Thunder mountain. EELACIOK POSTEERA DB SIVOLA' ESTA BS LA BELACION POSTKERA DE SiVOLA, Y DE MAS DE CUATBO- CIENTAS LBGTJAS ADELANTE. Desde Culhuac4n A Sivola hay m^s de trescieutas leguas; poco del camino poblado : hay inuy poca gente : es tierra est^ril : haymuymalos caminos : la gente anda del todo desnuda, salvo las mujeres, que de la ciutura abajo traen cueros de venados adobados, blancos, & manera de faldillas hasta los pies. Las casas que tienen son de petlatles hechos de canas: son las casas redondas y pequenas, que apenas cabe un hombre en pie dentro. Donde estdn congregados y donde siembran es tierra arenosa : cogen maiz, aunque poco, y frisoles y calabazas, y tambi^n se mantienen de caza, conejos, liebres y venados. No tienen sacriflcios. Esto es desde Culhuacan 4 Slbola. Sivola es un pueblo de hasta ducientas casas : son k dos y tres y cuatro y cinco sobrados : tienen las paredes de un palmo de ancho : los palos de la maderacion son tan gruesos como por la muneca, y redondos; por tablazon tienen canas muy menudas con sus hojas, y encima tierra presada: las paredes sonde tierra ybarro: laspuertasde las casas son de la manera de escotillones de iiavios : estdn las casas juntas, asidas Unas con otras : tienen delante de las casas unas estufas de barro de tierra donde se guarecen en el invierno del frio, porque le hace muy grande, que nieva seis meses del ano. De esta gente algunos traen mantas de algod6n y de maguey, y cueros de venados adobados, y traen zapatos de los mismos cueros, hasta encima de las rodillas. Tambi6n hacen mantas de pellejos de liebres y de conejos, con que se cubren. Andan las mujeres vestidas de mantas de maguey hasta los pies : andan cenidas: traen los cabellos cogidos encima de las orejas, como rodajas: cogen maiz y frisoles y calabazas, lo que les basta para su mantenimiento, porque es poca gente. La tierra donde siembran es toda arena; son las aguas salobres: es tierra muy seca: tienen algunas gallinas, aunque pocas; no saben qu6 cosa es pescado. Son siete pueblos en esta pro- vincia de Sivola en espacio de cinco leguas: el mayor ser4 de ducientas casas, y otros dos, de 4 ducientas, y los otros 4 sesenta y 4 eincuenta y 4 treinta casas. Desde Sivola al rio y provinoia de Tibex hay sesenta leguas : el primer pueblo es cuarenta leguas de Sivola : 114mase Acuco. Este pueblo est4 encima de un peiiol muy fuerte: ser4 de duzientas casas, asentado 4 la 'The source of this document is stated in the bibliographic note, p. 413. Tliia appears to be a tran- pcript from letters written, probably at Tiguex on the Eio Grande, during the late summer or early fall of 1541. 566 wiNSHip] relaci6n posteeea de sivola 567 manera de Sivola que es otra lengua. Desde alli al rio de Tiguex hay veinte leguas. El rio es cuasi tan anCbo como el de Sevilla, aunque no estanhondo: va por tierra liana: esbuenagua: tiene algiin pescMo : nace al norte. El que esto dice vi6 doce pueblos en cierto comp4s del rio: otros vieron m4s: dicen el rio arriba: abajo todos son pueblos pequenos, salvo dos que ternAn d ducientas casas : estas casas con las paredes como A manera de tapias de tierra 6 arena, muy recias : son tan anchas como un palmo de una mano. Son las casas de 6, dos y tres te- rrados : tienen la maderacion como en Sivola. Es tierra muy fria : tiene sus estufas como en Sivola; y hi^lase tan to el rio, que pasan bestias cargadas por 61, y pudieran pasar carretas. Cogen maiz lo que ban menester, y frisoles y calabazas: tienen algunas gallinas, las cuales guardan para hacer mantas de la pluma. Cogen algoddn, aunque poco : traen mantas de ello, y zapatos de cuero como en Sivola. Es gente que deflende bien su capa, y desde sus casas, que no curan de salir fuera. Es tierra toda arenosa. Desde la provincla y rio de Tiguex, k cuatro jornadas toparon cuatro pueblos. El primero ternd treinta casas. Bl segundo es pueblo grande destruido de sus guerras : tenia hasta treinta y cinco casas pobladas : el tercero [sic] hasta Estos tres son de la manera de los del rio en todo. El cuarto es un pueblo grande, el cual est^ entre unos montes : IMmase Cicuic : tenia hasta cincuenta casas con tantos terrados como los de Sivola : son las paredes de tierra y barro como las de Sivola. Tienen harto maiz y frisoles y calabazas y algunas gallinas. A cuatro jorna- das de este pueblo toparon una tierra llaua como la mar, en los cuales llanos hay tanta multitud de vacas, que no tienen numero. Estas vacas son como las de Oastilla, y algunas inayores que tienen en la cruz una corva pequefia, y son mds bermejas, que tiran & negro : cu^l- gales una lana m^s larga que un palmo entre los cuernos y orejas y barba, y por la papada abajo y por las espaldas, como crines, y de las rodillas abajo todo lo m^s es de lana muy pequenita, 4 manera de merino : tienen muy buena carne y tierna, y mucho sebo. Andando muchos dias por estos llanos, toparon con una rancheria de hasta duzientas casas con gente: eran las casas de los cueros de las vacas adobados, blancas, & manera de pabellones 6 tiendas de campo. El mantenimiento 6 sustentamiento de estos indios es todo de las vacas, porque ni siembran ni cogen maiz : de los cueros hacen sus casas, de los cueros visten y calzan, de los cueros hacen sogas y tambi^n de la lana : de los niervos hacen hilo con que cosen sus vestiduras y tambi^n las casas: de los huesos hacen alesnas: las bonigas les sirven de lena; porque no hay otra en aquella tierra: los buches les sirven de jarros y vasijas con que beben: de la carne se man tienen: comenla medio asada 6 un poco caliente encima de las bonigas, la otra cruda, y tom^ndola con los dientes, tiran con la una mano, y en la otra tienen un navajon de pedernal y cortan el bocado ; ansi lo tragan como aves medio mas- cado : comen el sebo crudo, sin calentallo : beben la sangre, ausi como 568 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U sale de las vacas, y otras veces despu^s de salida, fria y cruda : no tienen otro mantenimiento. Esta gente tiene perros como los de esta tierra, salvo que son algo mayores, los cuales perros cargan como A bestias, y las hacen sus enjalmas como albardillas, y las cinchan con sus correas, y andan matados como bestias, en las cruces. Cuando van d caza cdrganlos de mautenimientos ; y cuando se mueven estos indios, porque no est^n de asiento en una parte, que se andan dpnde andan las vacas para se mantener, estos perros les Uevan las casas, y Uevan los palos de las casas arrastrando, atados A las albardillas, allende de la carga que Uevan encima: podr4 ser la carga, segiin el perro, arroba y media y dos. Hay de este Sibola 4 estos llanos adonde llegaron, treinta leguas, y aun mds. Los llanos proceden adelante, n'i se sabe qu6 tanto. El capitto Francisco Ydzquez fu6 por los llanos adelante con treinta de d caballo, y Er. Juan de Padilla con 61 : toda la demds gente se vol- vieron d la poblacion del rio, para esperar A Francisco Vazquez, porque an si se lo mandd: no se sabe si es vuelto &c. Es la tierra tan liana, que se pierden los hombres apartdndose media legua, como se perdio uno & caballo, que nunca mds parecio, y dos caba- llos ensillados y enfrenados que nunca mds parecieron. No queda rastro ninguno por donde van, y 4 esta causa tenian necesidad de amojonar el camino por donde iban, para volver, con bonigas de vacas, que no babia piedras ni otra cosa. Marco Polo, veneciano, en su tratado, en el cap. xv, trata y dice que [ha visto 1] las mesmas vacas, y de la mesma manera en la corcova ; y en el mesmo capitulo dice que tambi^n hay carneros tamanos como caballos. McoMs, veneciano, did relaci6n & Micer Pogio, florentino, en el libro segundo, cerca del fin, dice como en la Etiopia hay bueyes con corcova, como camellos, y tienen los cuernos largos de tres codos, y echan los cuernos encima sobre el espinazo, yhace un cuerno de estos un c^ntaro de vino. Marco Polo, en el capitulo ciento y treinta y cuatro dice que en la tierra de los t^rtaros, h^cia el norte, se hallan canes tan grandes 6 poco menos que asnos; 4 los cuales echan uno como carro y entran con ellos en una tierra muy lodosa, toda cenagales, que otros animales no podrian entrar nl salir sin se anegar, y por eso Uevan perros. IScripsi ei contuli, Mexico, Marzo 11, 189S. Joa^'. Garcia Icazbalceta, 1 translation This is the latest account of Cibola, and op more than pour hundred leagues beyond. It is more than 300 leagues from Culiacan to Cibola, uninhabited most of the way. There are very few people there ; the country is sterile; the roads are very bad. The people go around entirely naked, wmsHip] RELA.C16N POSTREEA DE SIVOLA 569 except the women, who wear white tanned deer skins from the waist down, something like little skirts, reaching to the feet. Their houses are of mats made of reeds; the houses are round and small, so that there is hardly room inside for a man on his feet. The country is sandy where they live near together and where they plant. They raise corn, but not very much, and beans and melons, and they also live on game — rabbits, hares, and deer. They do not have sacrifices. This is between Culiacan and Cibola. Cibola is a village of about 200 houses. They have two and three and four and five stories. The walls are about a handbreadth thick ; the sticks of timber are as large as the wrist, and round; for boards, they have very small bushes, with their leaves on, covered with a sort of greenish-colored mud ; the walls are of dirt and mud, the doors of the houses are like the hatchways of ships. The houses are close together, each joined to the others. Outside of the houses they have some hot- houses (or estufas) of dirt mud, where they take refuge from the cold in the winter — ^because this is very great, since it snows six months in the year. Some of these people wear cloaks of cotton and of the maguey (or Mexican aloe) and of tanned deer skin, and they wear shoes made of these skins, reaching up to the knees. They also make cloaks of the skins of hares and rabbits, with which they cover themselves. The women wear cloaks of the maguey, reaching down to the feet, with girdles ; they wear their hair gathered about the ears like little wheels. They raise corn and beans and melons, which is all they need to live on, becaxise it is a small tribe. The laud where they plant is entirely sandy ; the water is brackish ; the country is very dry. They have some fowls, although not many. They do not know what sort of a thing fish is."^ There are seven villages in this province of Cibola within a space of 5 leagues; the largest may have about 200 houses and two others about 200, and the others somewhere between 60 or 50 and 30 houses. It is 60 leagues from Cibola to the river and province of Tibex [Tiguex], The first village is 40 leagues from Cibola, and is called Acuco. This village is on top of a very strong rock ; it has about 200 bouses, built in the same way as at Cibola, where they.speak another language. It is 20 leagues from here to the river of Tiguex. The river is almost as wide as that of Seville, although not so deep; it flows through a level country; the water is good; it contains some fish; it rises in the north. He who relates this, saw twelve villages within a certain distance of the river; others saw more, they say, up the river. Below, all the villages are small, except two that have about 200 houses. The walls of these houses are something like mud walls of dirt and sand, very rough; they are as thick as the breadth of a hand. The houses have two and three stories; the construction is like those at Cibola. The country is very cold. They have hot-houses, as in Cibola, and the river freezes so thick that loaded animals cross it, and it would be possible for carts to do so. They raise as much corn as they need, J 570 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 fETH-ANNU and beans and melons. They have some fowls, which they keep so as to make cloaks of their feathers. They raise cotton, although not much ; they wear cloaks made of this, arid shoes of hide, as at Cibola. These people defend themselves very well, and from within their houses, since they do not care to come out. The country is all sandy. Four days' journey from the province and river of Tiguex four villages are found. The first has 30 houses; the second is a large village destroyed in their wars, and has about 35 houses occupied ; the third about These three are like those at the river in every way. The fourth is a large village which is among some mountains. It is called Cicuic, and has about 50 houses, with as many stories as those at Cibola. The walls are of dirt and mud like those at Cibola. It has plenty of corn, beans and melons, and some fowls. Pour days from this village they came to a country as level as the sea, and in these plains there was such a multitude of cows that they are numberless. These cows are like those of Castile, and somewhat larger, as they have a little hump on the withers, and they are more reddish, approaching black; their hair, more than a span long, hangs down around their horns and ears and chin,, and along the neck and shoulders like manes, and down from the knees; all the rest is a very fine wool, like merino; they have very good, tender meat, and much fat. Having proceeded many days through these plains, they came to a settlement of about 200 inhab- ited houses. The houses were made of the skins of the cows, tanned white, like pavilions or army tents. The maintenance or sustenance of these Indians comes entirely from the cows, because they neither sow nor reap corn. With the skins they make their houses, with the skins they clothe and shoe themselves, of the skins they make rope, and also of this wool; from the sinews they make thread, with which they sew their clothes and also their houses ; from the bones they make awls ; the dung serves them for wood, because there is nothing else in that coun- try; the stomachs serve them for pitchers and vessels from which they drink; they live on the flesh; they sometimes eat it half roasted and warmed over the dung, at other times raw; seizing it with their fingers, they pull it out with one hand and with a flint knife in the other they cut off mouthfuls, and thus swallow it half chewed; they eat the fat raw, without warming it; they drink the blood just as it leaves the cows, and at other times after it has run out, cold and raw ; they have no other means of livelihood. These people have dogs like those in this country, except that they are somewhat larger, and they load these dogs like beasts of burden, and make saddles for them like our pack saddles, and they fasten them with their leather thongs, and these make their backs sore on the withers like pack animals. When they go hunting, they load these with their necessities, and when they move for these Indians are not settled in one place, since they travel wherever the cows move, to support themselves — these dogs carry their houses and they have the sticks of their houses dragging along tied on to the y^ "^^••^^\ 5 wiNSHip] relaci6n postreea de sivola 571 pack-saddles, besides the load which they carry on top, and the load may be, according to the dog, from 35 to 50 pounds. It is 30 leagues, or even more, from^^ibola to these plains where they went. The plains stretch away beyond, nobody knows how far. The captain, Francisco Vazquez, went farther across the plains, with 30 horsemen, and Friar Juan de Padilla with him ; all the rest of the force returned to the set- tlement at the river to wait for Francisco Vazquez, because this was his command. It Is not known whether he has returned. The country is so level that men became lost when they went off half a league. One horseman was lost, who never reappeared, and two horses, all saddled and bridled, which- they never saw again. Ko track was left of where they went, and on this account it was necessary to mark the road by which they went with cow dung, so as to return, since there were no stones or anything else. Marco Polo, the Venetian, in his treatise, in chapter 15, relates and says that (he saw) the same cows, with the same sort of hump ; and in the same chapter he says that there are sheep as big as horses. Nicholas, the Venetian, gave an account to Micer Pogio, the Floren- tine, in his second book, toward the end, which says that in Ethiopia there are oxen with a hump, like camels, and they have horns 3 cubits long, and they carry their horns up over their backs, and one of these horns makes a wine pitcher. Marco Polo, in chapter 134, says that in the country of the Tartars, toward the north, they have dogs as large or little smaller than asses. They harness these into a sort of cart and with these enter a very miry country, all a quagmire, where other animals can not enter and come out without getting subinerged, and on this account they take dogs. TEANSLATION OP THE RELACION DEL SUCESO' Account op what Happened on the Journey which Francisco Vazquez made to Discover Cibola. When the army reached the valley of Ouliacan, Francisco Vazquez divided the army ou account of the bad news which was received regarding Cibola, and because the food supply along the way was small, according to the report of Melchor Diaz, who had just come back from seeing it. He himself took 80 horsemen and 25 foot soldiers, and a small part of the artillery, and set out from Culiacan, leaving Don Tristan de Arellano with the rest of the force, with orders to set out twenty days later, and when he reached the Valley of Hearts (Oorazones) to wait there for a letter from him, wh'ch would be sent after he had reached Cibola, and had seen what was there; and this was done. The Valley of Hearts is 150 leagues from the valley of Culiacan, and the same distance from Cibola.' * This whole distance, up to about 50 leagues before reaching Cibola, is inhabited, although it is away from the road in some places. The population is all of the same sort of jjeople, since the houses are all of palm mats, and some of them have low lofts. They all have corn, although not much, and in some plapes very little. They have melons and beans. The best settlement of all is a valley called Senora, which is 10 leagues beyond the Hearts, where a town was afterward settled. There is some cotton among these, but deer skins are what most of them use for clothes. Francisco Vazquez passed by all these on account of the small crops. There was no corn the whole way, except at this valley of Senora, where they collected a little, and besides this he had what he took from Culi- acan, where he provided himself for eighty days. In seventy-three days we reached Cibola, although after hard labor and the loss of many horses and the death of several Indians, and after we saw it these were all doubled, although we did find corn enough. We found the natives peaceful for the whole way. ■ The Spanish text of this document is printed in Buckingham Smith's Florida, p. 147, from a copy made by Mufioz, and also In Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. xiv, p. 318, from a copy found in the Archives of the Indies at Seville. The important variations in the texts are noted in the footnotes. See page 398 in regard to the value of this anonymous document. No dat« is given in the document, but there can he no doubt that it refers to Coronado's expedition. In the heading to the document in the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion, the date is given as 1531, and it is placed under that year in the chronologic index of the Coleccion. This translation, as well as that of the letter to Charles V, which follows, has already been printed in American History Leaflet, No. 13. 2 The spelling of Cibolji and Culiacan is that of the Pacheco y Cardenas copy. Buckingham Smith prints Olvola and Gulnacan . 572 wiNSHip] RELACION DEL SUCESO 573 The day we reached the first village part of them came out to fight us, and the rest stayed in the village and fortified themselves. It was not possible to make peace with these, although we tried hard enough, so it was necessary to attack them and kill some of them. The rest then drew back to the village, which was then surrounded and attacked. We had to withdraw, on account of the great damage they did us from the flat roofs, and we began to assault them from a distance with the artillery and muskets, and that afternoon they surrendered. Francisco Vazquez came out of it badly hurt by some stones, and I am certain, indeed, that he would have been there yet if it had not been for the army-master, D. Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, who rescued him. When the Indians surrendered, they abandoned the village and went to the other villages, and as they left the houses we made ourselves at home in them. Father Friar Marcos understood, or gave to understand, that the region and neighborhood in which there are seven villages was a single village which he called Cibola, but the whole of this settled region is called Cibola. The villages have from 150 to 200 and 300 houses; some have the houses of the village all together, although in some vil- lages they are divided into two or three sections, but for the most part they are all together, and their courtyards are within, and in these are their hot rooms for winter, and they have their summer ones outside the villages. The houses have two or three stories, the walls of stone and mud, and some have mud walls. The villages have for the most part the walls of the houses ; the houses are too good for Indians, espe- cially for these, since they are brutish and have no decency in anything except in their houses. For food they have much corn and beans and melons, and some fowls, like those of Mexico, and they keep these more for their feathers than to eat, because they make long robes of them, since they do not have any cotton; and they wear cloaks of heniquen (a fibrous plant), and of the skins of deer, and sometimes of cows. Their rites and sacrifices are somewhat idolatrous, but water is what they worship most, to which they offer small painted sticks and feathers and yellow powder made of flowers, and usually this offering is made to springs. Sometimes, also, they offfcr such turquoises as they have, although poor ones. From the valley of Culiacan to Cibola it is 240 leagues in two direc- tions. It is north to about the thirty-fourth-and-a-half degree, and from there to Cibola, which is nearly the thirty-seventh degree, toward the northeast. Having talked with the natives of Cibola about what was beyond, they said that there were settlements toward the west, Francisco Vazquez then sent Don Pedro de Tobar to investigate, who found seven other villages, which were called the province of Tuzan;> this is 35 1 Buckingham Smith prints Xovar and Tu5an. y 574 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.m leagues to the west. The villages are somewhat larger than those of Cibola, and in other respects, in food and everything, they are of the same sort, except that these raise cotton. While Don Pedro de Tobar had gone to see these, Francisco Vazquez dispatched messengers to the viceroy, with an account of what had happened up to this point.' He also prepared instructions for these to take to Don Tristan, who as I have said, was at Hearts, for him to proceed to Cibola, and to leave a town established in the valley of Senora, which he did, and in it he left 80 horsemen of the men who had but one horse and the weakest men, and Melchor Diaz with them as captain and leader, because Francisco Vazquez had so arranged for it. He ordered him to go from there with half the force to explore toward the west; and he did so, and traveled 150 leagues, to the river which Hernando de Alarcon entered from the sea, which he called the Buenaguia. The settlements and people that are in this direction are mostly like those at the Hearts, except at the river and around it, where the people have much better figures and have more corn, although the houses in which they live are hovels, like pig pens, almost under ground, with a covering of straw, and made without any skill whatever. This river is reported to be large. They reached it 30 leagues from the coast, where, and as far again above, Alarcou had come up with his boats two months before they reached it. This river runs north and south there. Melchor Diaz passed on toward the west five or six days, from which he returned for the reason that he did not find any water or vegetation, but only many stretches of sand; and he had some fighting on his return to the river and its vicinity, because they wanted to take advantage of him while crossing the river. While returning Melchor Diaz died from an acci- dent, by which he killed himself, throwing a lance at a dog. After Don Pedro de Tobar returned and had given an account of those villages, he then dispatched Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, the army-master, by the same road Don Pedro had followed, to go beyond that province of Tuzan to the west, and he allowed him eighty days in which to go and return, for the journey and to make the discoveries. He was conducted beyond Tuzan by native guides, who said there were settlements beyond, although at a distance. Having gone 50 leagues west of Tuzan, and 80 from Cibola, he found the edge of a river down which it was impossible to find a path for a horse in any direction, 6r even for a man on foot, except in one very diflScult place, where there was a descent for almost 2 leagues. The sides were such a steep rocky precipice that it was scarcely possible to see the river, which looks like a brook from above, although it is half as large again as that of Seville, according to what they say, so that although they sought for a passage with great diligence, none was found for a long distance, during which they were for several days in great need of water, which could not be found, and they could not approach that of the river, although they > See the letter of August 3, 1510, p. 562. "■'"SH'i-l EELACION DEL SUCESO 575 could see it, and on this account Don Garcia Lopez wa,s forced to return. This river comes from the northeast and turns toward the southsouth- west at the place where they found it, so that it is without any doubt the one that Melchor Diaz reached. Four days after Francisco Vazquez had dispatched Don Garcia Lopez to make this discovery, he dispatched Hernando de Alvarado to explore the route toward the east. He started off, and 30 leagues from Cibola found a rock with a village on top, the strongest position that ever was seen in the world, which was called Acuco^ in their language, and father Friar Marcos called it the kingdom of Hacus. They came out to meet us peacefully, although it would have been easy to decline to do this and to have stayed on their rock, where we would not have been able to trouble them. They gave us cloaks of cotton, skins of deer and of cows, and turquoises, and fowls and other food which they had, which is the same as in Cibola. Twenty leagues to the east of this rock we found a river which runs north and south,^ well settled; there are in all, small and large, 70 villages near it, a few more or less, the same sort as those at Cibola, except that they are almost all of well-made mud walls. The food is neither more nor less. They raise cotton — I mean those who live near the river — the others not. There is much corn here. These people do not have markets. They are settled for 50 leagues along this river, north and south, and some villages are 15 or 20 leagues distant, in one direction and the other. This river rises where these settlements end at the north, on the slope of the mountains there, where there is a larger village different from the others, called Turaba.^ It is settled in this fashion: It has 18 divisions; each one has a situation as if for two ground plots ;^ the houses are very close together, and have five or six stories, three of them with mud walls and two or three with thin wooden walls, which become smaller as they go up, and each one has its little balcony outside of the mud walls, one above the other, all around, of wood. In this village, as it is in the.mountains, they do not raise cotton nor breed fowls; they wear the skins of deer and cows entirely. It is the most populous village of all that country; we estimated there were 15,000 souls in it. There is one of the other kind of villages larger than all the rest, and very strong, which is called Cicuique.^ It has four and five stories, has eight large courtyards, each one with its balcony, and there are fine houses in it. They do not raise cotton nor keep fowls, because it is 15 leagues away from the river to the east, toward the plains where the cows are. After Alvarado had sent an account of this 1 Tte Acoma people call their pueblo Ako, while thtt name for themselves is Ak6me, signifying "people of the white rock." The Zaiii name of Acoma, as previously stated, is Hikukia ; of the Acoma people, Hdkukwe. Hacus was applied by KTiza to Hawikuh, not to Acoma,— Bodge. 'The Eio Grande. ■Evidently Taos, the native name of which is TtiatA, the Picuris name being Tuopd, according to Hodge. ^The Spanish text (p, 323) is: " Tiene diez 6 ocho barrios; cada uno tiene tanto sitio corao dos solares, las casas muy juntas." 'Identical with Caataneda's Cicnyc or Cicuye — the pueblo of Pecos. 576 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ask.u river to Francisco Yazquez, he proceeded forward to these plains, and at the borders of these he found a little riv er which flows to the south- west, and after four days' march he found the cows, which are the most monstrous thing in the way of animals which has ever been seen or read about. He followed this river for 100 leagues, finding more cows every day. We provided ourselves with some of these, although at first, until we had had experience, at the risk of the horses. There is such a quan- tity of them that I do not know what to compare them with, except with the fish in the sea, because on this journey, as also on that which the whole army afterward made when it was going to Quivira, there were so many that many times when we started to pass through the midst of them and wanted to go through to the other side of them, we were not able to, because the country was covered with them. The flesh of these is as good as that of Castile, and some said it was even better. The bulls are large and brave, although they do not attack very much; but they have wicked horns, and in a fight use them well, attacking fiercely; they killed several of our horses and wounded many. We found the pike to be the best weapon to use against them, and the musket for use when this misses. When Hernando de Alvarado returned from these plains to the river which was called Tiguex, he found the army-master Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas getting ready for the whole army, which was coming there. When it arrived, although all these people had met Hernando de Alva- rado peacefully, part of them rebelled when all the force came. There were 12 villages uear together, and one night they killed 40 of our horses and mules which were loose in the camp. They fortified them- selves in their villages, and war was then declared against them. Don Garcia Lopez went to the first and took it and executed justice on many of them. When the rest saw this, they abandoned all except two of the villages, one of these the strongest one of all, around which the army was kept for two months. And although after we invested it, we entered it one day and occupied a part of the flat roof, we were forced to abandon this on account of the many wounds that were received and because it was so dangerous to maintain ourselves there, and although we again entered it soon afterward, in the end it was not possible to get it all, and so it was surrounded all this time. We finally captured it because of their thirst, and they held out so long because it snowed twice when they were just about to give themselves up. In the end we captured it, and many of them were killed because they tried to get away at night. Francisco Vazquez obtained an account from some Indians who were found in this village of Oicuique, which, if it had been true, was of the richest thing that has been found in the Indies. The Indian who gave the news and the account came from a village called Harale, 300 leagues east of this river. He gave such a clear account of what he told, as if it was true and he had seen it, that it seemed plain afterward that it was the devil who was speaking in him. Francisco Vazquez and all of BUREAU OF ETHNOLdfiY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIV A NAMBE INDIAN IN WAR COSTUME ■^'^smv] RELACION DEL SUCESO 577 US placed much confidence in him, although he was advised by several gentlemen not to move the whole army, but rather to send a captain to find out what was there. He did not wish to do this, but wanted to take every one, and even to send Don Pedro de Tobar to the Hearts for half the men who were in that village. So he started with the Avhole army, and proceeded 150 leagues, 100 to the east and 50 to the south,' and the Indian failing to make good what he had said about there being a settlement there, and corn, with which to pVoceed farther, the other two guides were asked how that was, and one confe^ed that what the Indian said was a lie, except that there was a province which was called Quivira, and that there was corn and houses of straw there, but that they were very far off, because we had been led astray, a distance from the road. Considering this, and the small supply of food that was left, Francisco Vazquez, after consulting with the captains, determined to proceed with 30 of the best men who were well equipped, and that the army should return to the river; and this was done at once. Two days before this, Don Garcia Lopez' horse had happened to fall with him, and he threw his arm out of joint, from which he suffered much, and so Don Tristan de Arellano returned to the river with the army. On this journey they bad a very hard time, because almost all of them had nothing to eat except meat, and many suffered on this account. They killed a world of bulls and cows, for there were days when they brought UO and 70 head into camp, and it was necessary to go hunting every day, and on this account, and from not eating any corn during all this time, the horses suffered much. Francisco Vazquez set out across these plains in search of Quivira, more on account of the story which had been told us at the river than from the confidence which was placed in the guide here, and after pro- ceeding many days by the needle (i. e., to the north) it pleased God that after thirty days' march we found the river Quivira, which is 30 leagues below the settlement. While going up the valley, we found people who were going hunting, who were natives of Quivira. All that there is at Quivira is a very brutish people, without any decency whatever in their houses nor in anything. These are of straw, like the Tarascan settlements; in some villages there are as many as 200 houses; they have corn and beans and melons; they do not have cotton nor fowls, nor do they make bread which is cooked, except under the ashes. Francisco Vazquez went 25 league s through these settlements, to where he obtained an account of what was beyond, and they said that the plains come to an end, and that down the river there are people who do not plant, but live wholly by hunting. They also gave an account of two other large villages, one of which was called Tareque' and the other Arae, with straw houses at Tareque, and at Arae some of straw and some of skins. Copper was found here, ' Southeast, in Buckingbam Smith's Muiioz copy. ^Tiixeque, in the Muiioz copy. 14 ETH 37 578 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. a»n. 14 c and they said it came from a distance. From what the Indian had said, it is possible that this village of Arae contains more,' from the clear description of it which he gave. We did not find any trace or news of it here. Francisco Vazquez returned from here to the river of Tiguex, where he found the army. We went back by a more direct route, because in going by the way we went we traveled 330 leagues, and- it is not more than 200 by that by which we returned. Quivira is in the fortieth degree and the ]*iver in the thirty-sixth. It was so dangerous to travel or to go away from the camp in these plains, that it is as if one was traveling on the sea, since the only roads are those of the cows, and they are so level and have no mountain or prominent land- mark, that if one went out of sight of it, he was lost, and in this way we lost one man, and others who went hunting wandered around two or three days, lost. Two kinds of people travel around these plains with the cows ; one is called Querechos and the others Teyas ; they are very well built, and painted, and are enemies of each other. They have no other settlement or location than comes from traveling around with the cows. They kill all of these they wish, and tan the hides, with which they clothe themselves and make their tents, and they eat the flesh, sometimes even raw, and they also even drink the blood when thirsty. The tents they make are like field tents, and they set them up over some poles they have made for this purpose, which come together and are tied at the top, and when they go from one place to another they carry them on some dogs they have, of which they have many, and they load them with the tents and poles and other things, for the country is so level, as I said, that they can make use of these, because they carry the poles dragging along on the ground. The sun is what they worship most. The skin for the tents is cured on both sides, without the hair, and they have the skins of deer and cows left over.'' They exchange some cloaks with the natives of the river for corn. After Francisco Vazquez reached the river, where he found the army, Don Pedro de Tobar came with half the people from the Hearts, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started off for Mexico, who, besides the fact that his arm was very bad, had permission from the viceroy on account of the death of his brother. Ten or twelve who were sick went with him, and not a man among them all who could fight. He reached the town of the Spaniards and found it burned and two Spaniards and many Indians and horses dead, and he returned to the river on this account, escaping from them by good fortune and great exertions. The cause of this misfortune was that after Don Pedro started and left 40 men there, half of these raised a mutiny and fled, and the Indians, who remembered the bad treatment they had received, attacked them one night and overpowered them because of their carelessness and weak ness, and they fled to Culiacan. Francisco Vazquez fell while running > Or mines, as Mufioz guesses. ^ And jerked beef dried in the sun, in the MnflOK copy only. BUREAU OP ETHNOLOQY fourtelEnth annual report PL. LXXV A NAMBE WATER CARRIER wiNSHin] RELACION DEL SUCESO 579 a horse about this time and was sick a long time, and after the winter was over he determined to come back, and although they may say some- thing difl'ereTit, he did so, because he wanted to do this more than any- thing, and so we all came together as far as Culiacan, and each one went where he pleased from there, and Francisco Vazquez came here to Mexico to make his report to the nceroy, who was not at all pleased with his coming, although he pretended so at lirst. He was pleased that Father Friar Juan de Padilla had stayed there, who went to Quivira, and a Spaniard and a negro with him, and Friar Luis, a very holy lay brother, stayed in Cicuique. We spent two very cold winters at this river, with much snow and thick ice. The river froze one night and remained so for more than a month, so that loaded horses crossed on the ice. The reason these villages are settled in this fashion is supposed to be the great cold, although it is also partly the wars which they have with one another. And this is all that was seen and found out about all that country, which is very barren of fruits and groves. Quivira is a better country, having many huts and not being so cold, although it is more to the north. TEANSLATION OF A LETTBE FROM COEONADO TO THE KING, OCTOBER 20, 1641' Letter from Francisco Vazquez Coronado to His Majesty, in which he gives an account op the discovery of the Province of Tiguex. Holy Catholic C^sarian Majesty : On April 20 of this year I wrote to Your Majesty from this province of Tiguex, in reply to a let- ter from Your Majesty dated in Madrid, June 11 a year ago. I gave a detailed account of this expedition, which the viceroy of New Spain ordered me to undertake in Your Majesty's name to this country which was discovered by Friar Marcos of Nice, the provincial of the order of Holy Saint Francis. I described it all, and the sort of force I have, as Your Majesty had ordered me to relate in my letters; and stated that while I was engaged in the conquest and pacification of the natives of this province, some Indians who were natives of other provinces beyond these had told me that»in their country there were much larger villages and better houses than those of the natives of this country, and that they had lords who ruled them, who were served with dishes of gold, and other very magnificent things; and although, as I wrote Your Majesty, I did not believe it before I had set eyes on it, because it was the report of Indians and given for the most part by means of signs, yet as the report appeared to me to be very fine and that it was important that it should be investigated for Your Majesty's service, I determined to go and see it with the men I have here. I started from this province on the 23d of last April, for the place where the Indians wanted to guide me. After nine days' march I reached some plains, so vast that I did not find their limit anywhere that I went, although I traveled over them for more than 300 leagues. And I found such a quan- tity of cows in these, of the kind that I wrote Your Majesty about, which they have in this country, that it is impossible to number them, for while I was journeying through these plains, until I returned to where I first found them, there was not a day that I lost sight of them. And after seventeen days' march I came to a settlement of Indians who are called Querechos, who travel around with these cows, who do not plant, and who eat the raw flesh and drink the blood of the cows they kill, and they tan the skins of the cows, with which all the people 'The text of this letter is printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de ludias, vol. iii, ti. 363, from a copy made by Munoz, and also in the same collection, vol. xiii, p. 261, from a copy in the Archives of the Indies at Seville. There is a French translation in Teruaux, Cibola volume, p, 355. See the footnote to the preceding document. 580 ■wiN&Hip] CORONADO TO THE KING, OCTOBER 20, 1541 681 of this country dress themselves here. They have little field tents made of the hides of the cows, tanned and greased, very well made, in which they live while they travel around near the cows, moving with these. They have dogs which they load, which carry their tents and poles and belongings. These people have the best figures of any that I have seen in the Indies. They could not give me any account of the country where the guides were taking me. I traveled iive days more as the guides wished to lead me, until I reached some plains, with no more landmarks than as if we had been swallowed up in the sea, where they strayed about, because there was not a stone, nor a bit of rising ground, nor a tree, nor a shrub, nor anything to go by. There is much very fine pasture land, with good grass. And while we were lost in these plains, some horsemen who went oft' to hunt cows fell in with some Indians who also were out hunting, who are enemies of those that I had seen in the last settlement, and of another sort of people who are called Teyas; they have their bodies and faces all painted, are a large people like the others, of a very good build; they eat the raw flesh just like the Quere- chos, and live and travel round with the cows in the same way as these. I obtained from these an account of the country where the guides were taking me, which was riot like whatthey had told me, because these made out that the houses there were not built of stones, with stones, as my guides had described it, but of straw and skins, and a small supply of corn there. This news troubled me greatly, to find myself on these lim- itless plains, where I was in great need of water, and often had to drink it so poor that it was more mud than water. Here the guides confessed to me that they had not told the truth in regard to the size of the houses, because these were of straw, but that they had done so regarding the large number of inhabitants and the other things about their habits. The Teyas disagreed with this, and on account of this division between some of the Indians and the others, and also because many of the men I hart with me had not eaten anything except meat for some days, because we had reached the end of the corn which we carried from this province, and because they made it out more than forty days' journey from where I fell in with the Teyas to the country where the guides were taking me, although I appreciated the trouble and danger there would be in the journey owing to the lack of water and corn, it seemed to me best, in order to see if there was anything there of service to Tour Maj- esty, to go forward with only 30 horsemen until I should be able to see the country, so as to give Your Majesty a true account of what was to be found in it. I sent all the rest of the force I had with me to this province, with Don Tristan de Arellano in command, because it woul(^ have been impossible to prevent the loss of many men, if all had gone on, owing to the lack of water and because they also had to kill bulls and cows on which to sustain themselves. And with only the 30 horse- men whom I took for my escort, I traveled forty-two days after I left the force, living all this while solely on the flesh of the bulls and cows which we killed, at the cost of several of our horses which they killed, 682 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U because, as I wrote Your Majesty, they are very brave and fierce ani- mals; and going many days without water, and cooking the food with cow dung, because there is not any kind of wood in all these plains, away from the gallies and rivers, which are very few. It was the Lord's pleasure that, after having journeyed across these deserts seventy-seven days, I arrived at the province they call Quivira, to which the guides were conducting me, and where they had described to me houses of stone, with many stories; and not only are they not of stone, but of straw, but the people in them are as barbarous as all those whom I have seen and passed before this ; they do not have cloaks, nor cotton of which to make these, but use the skins of the cattle they kill, which they tan, because they are settled among these on a very large river. They eat the raw flesh like the Querechos and Teyas; they are enemies of one another, but are all of the same sort of people, and these at Quivira have the advantage in the houses they build and in planting corn. In this province of which the guides who brought me are natives, they received me peaceably, and although they told me when I set out for it that I could not succeed in seeing it all in two months, there are not more than 25 villages of straw houses there and in all the rest of the country that I saw and learned about, which gave their obedience to Your Majesty and placed themselves under your royal overlordship. The peo- ple here are large. I had several Indians measured, and found that they were 10 palms in height; the women are well proportioned and their fea- tures are more like Moorish women than Indians. The natives here gave me a piece of copper which a chief Indian wore hung around his neck; I sent it to the viceroy of New Spain, because I have not seen any other metal in these parts except this and some little copper bells which I sent him, and a bit of metal which looks like gold. I do not know where this came from, although I believe that the Indians who gave it to me obtained it from those whom I brought here in my service, because I can not find any other origin for it nor where it came from. The diversity of languages which exists in this country and my not having anyone who understood them, because they speak their own language in each village, has hindered me, because I have been forced to send cap- tains and men in many directions to find out whether there was any- thing in this country which could be of service to Your Majesty. And although I have searched with all diligence I have not found or heard of anything, unless it be these provinces, which are a very small affair. The province of Quivira is 950 leagues from Mexico. Where I reached it, it is in. the fortieth degree. The country itself is the best I have ever seen for producing all the products of Spam, for besides the land itself being very fat and black and being very well watered by the rivulets and springs and rivers, I found prunes like those of Spain [or I found everything they have in Spain] and nuts and very good sweet grapes and mulberries. I have treated the natives of this province, and all the others whom I found wherever I went, as well as was possible, ■' ''4 : #,* j!': ■' ; I '-f ;•,■■;: ;T:^:^ <- v.. ::S^^ f'.'^- m-"- 'Vr ^ ■ ■.•.'•' MM ' 4--', ■••■■SI.' wiNSHip] CORONADO TO THE KING, OCTOBER 20, ]541 583 agreeably to what Your Majesty had commanded, and they have received no harm in any way from me or from those who went in my company.' I remained twenty-five days in this province of Quivira, so as to see and explore the country and also to find out whether there was anything beyond which could be of servi'ce to Your Majesty, because the guides who had brought me had given me an account of other provinces beyond this. And what 1 am sure of is that there is not any gold nor any other metal in all that country, and the other things of which they had told me are nothing but little villages, and in many of these they do not plant anything and do not have any houses except of skins and sticks, and they wander around with the cows ; so that the account they gave me was false, because they wanted to persuade me to go therewith the whole force, believing that as the way was through such uninhabited deserts, and from the lack of water, they would get us where we and our horses would die of hunger. And the guides confessed this, and said they had done it by the advice and orders of the natives of these provinces. At this, after having heard the account of what was beyond, which I have given above, I returned to these provinces to provide for the force I had sent back here and to give Your Majesty an account of what this country amounts to, because I wrote Your Majesty that I would do so when 1 went there. I have done all that I possibly could to serve Your Majesity and to discover a country where God Our Lord might be served and the royal patrimony of Your Majesty increased, as your loyal servant and vassal. For since I reached the province of Cibola, to which the viceroy of New Spain sent me in the name of Your Majesty,, seeing that there were none of the things there of which Friar Marcos had told, 1 have managed to explore this country for 200 leagues and more around Cibola, and the best place I have found is this river of Tiguex where I am now, and the settlements here. It would not be possible to establish a settlement here, for besides being 400 leagues from the North sea and more than 200 from the South sea, with which it is impossible to have any sort of communication, the country is so cold, as I have written to Your Majesty, that apparently the winter could not possibly be spent here, because there is no wood, nor cloth with which to protect the men, except the skins which the natives wear and some small amount of cotton cloaks. I send the viceroy of New Spain an account of everything I have seen in the countries where I have been, and as Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas is going to kiss Your Majesty's hands, who has done much and has served Your Majesty very well on this expedition, and he will give Your Majesty an account of everything here, as one who has seen it himself, I give way to him. And may Our Lord protect the Holy Imperial Catholic person of Your Majesty, with increase of greater kingdoms and powers, as your loyal servants and vassals desire. From this province of Tiguex, Octo- ber 20, in the year 1541. Your Majesty's humble servant and vassal, who would kiss the royal feet and hands: Francisco Vazquez Ooronado. I Coronado had apparently forgotten tUe atrocities committed by the Spaniards at Tiguex. TRANSLATION OF THE NARRATIVE OF JAEAMILLO Account given by Captain Juan Jaeamillo of the Joukney which he made to the new countby, on which francisco Vazquez Coeonado was the General.' We started from Mexico, going directly to Oompostela, the whole way- populated and at peace, the direction being west, and the distance 112 leagues. From there we went to Culiacan, perhaps about 80 leagues ; the road is well known and much used, because there is a town inhab- ited by Spaniards in the said valleyof Culiacan, under the government of Oompostela. The 70 horsemen who went with the general went in a northwesterly direction from this town. He left his army here, because information had been obtained that the way was uninhabited and almost the whole of it without food. He went with the said horsemen to explore the route and prepare the way for those who were to follow. He pursued this direction, though with some twisting, until we crossed a mountain chain, where they knew about New Spain, more than 300 leagues distant. To this pass we gave the name of Ohichilte Calii, because we learned that this was what it was called, from some Indians whom we left behind. Leaving the said valley of Culiacan, he crossed a river called Pateat- lan (or Peteatlan), which was about four days distant. We found these Indians peaceful, and they gave us some few things to eat. From here we went to another river called Oinaloa, which was about three days from the other. From here the general ordered ten of us horse- men to make double marches, lightly equipped, until we reached the stream of the Cedar s (arroyo de los Cedros), and from there we were to enter a break in the mountains on the right of the road and see what there was in and about this. If more time should be needed for this than we gained on him, he would wait for us at the said Cedros stream. This was done, and all that we saw there was a few poor Indians m some settled valleys like farms or estates, with sterile soil. It was about five more days from the river to this stream. Prom there we went to the river called Yaquemi, which took about three days. We X^roceeded along a dry stream, and after three days more of marching, although the dry stream lasted only for a league, we reached another stream where there were some settled Indians, who had straw huts and storehouses of corn and beans and melons. Leaving here, we went to J The text of this narrativo is found in Bnckingham Smith's Florida, p. 154, from a copy made by Mufloz, and in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentoa de Indias, vol. xiv, p. 304, from the copy in the Archives of the Indies. A French translation is given in Xernaux-Corapans' Cibola volume, p. 364. 584 ^'^■SHu-] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO 685 tte Stream and village which is called Hearts (Corazoues), the name which was given it by Dorantes and Cabeza de Vaca and Castillo and the negro Estebanillo, because they gave them a present of the hearts of animals and birds to eat. About two days were spent in this village of the Hearts. There is an irrigation stream, and the country is warm. Their dwellings are huts made of a frame of poles, almost like an oven, only very much better, which they cover with mats. They have corn and beans and melons for food, which I believe never fail them. They dress in deerskins. This appeared to be a good place, and so orders were given the Spaniards who were behind to establish a village here, where they lived until almost the failure of the expedition. There was a poison here, the effect of which is, according to what was seen of it, the worst that could possibly be found; and from what we learned about it, it is the sap of a small tree like the mastick tree, or lentisk, and it grows in gravelly and sterile land.^ We went on from here, passing through a sort of gateway, to another valley very near this stream, which opens off from this same stream, which is called Sefiora. It is also irrigated, and the Indians are like the others and have the same sort of settlements and food. This valley continues for 6 or 7 leagues, a little more or less. At first these Indians were peaceful; and after- ward not, but instead they and those whom they were able to summon thither were our worst enemies. They have a poison with which they killed several Christians. There are mountains on both sides of them, which are not very fertile. Prom here we went along near this said stream, crossing it where it makes a bend, to another Indian settlement called Ispa.^ It takes one day from the last of these others to this place. It is of the same sort as those we had passed. From here we went through deserted country for about four days to another river, which we heard called Xexpa, where some poor Indians came out to see the general, with presents of little value, with some stalks of roasted maguey and pitahayas. We went down this stream two days, and then left the stream, going toward the right to the foot of .the mountain chain in two days' journey, where we heard news of whatis called Chlchiltic Calli. Crossingthe mountains, we came to a deep and reedy river, where we found water and forage for the horses. ^The Spanish text reads: "HabrA como dos jornadas (;) en este pueblo de los Gorazones. {es) Esun an'oyo de riego y de tierra caliente, y tienen sua viviendas de unos ranches que despues de armados loa pales, caai d. manera de homos, aunque muy mayores, los cubren con unos petates. Tienen maiz y Irisoles y calabazas para su comer, que creo que no le falta. Vistense de cueros de venados, y aqul por scr este puesto al parecer cosa decente, se mand6 poblar aqui una villa do los espafioles que iban traseros donde vivieron hasta casi que la Jornada peresci6. Aqui hay yerba y seguro (segund) lo que della ee vl6, y la operacion que hace es lamas mala que se puede hallax, y deloque tuvimoa entendido ser, era de la leche de un drbol pequeiio, a manera de lantisco en cuasci, (, E Kasce) en pizarrillas y tierra est^ril," This quotation follows the Pacheco y Cardenas text. The important variations of Buckingham Smith's copy are inclosed -within parentheses. The spelling of the two, in such mat- ters as the use of 6 and v, x and.?, and the punctuation, differ greatly. 'See Bandelier's Gilded Man, p. 175. This is Castaneda's " Guagarispa" as mistakenly interpreted by Ternaux-Compana, the present Arispe, or, in the Indian dialect, Huc-aritz-pa. The words ' ' Ispa, que " are not in the Pacheco y Cardenas copy. 586 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.u From this river back at Nexpa, as I have said, it seems to me that the direction was nearly northeast. From here, I believe that we went in the same direction for three days to a river which we called Saint John (San Juan), because we reached it on his day. Leaving here, we went to another river, through a somewhat rough country, more toward the north, to a river which we called the Eafts (de las Balsas), because we had to cross on these, as it was rising. It seems to me that we spent two days between one river and the other, and I say this because it is so long since we went there that I may be wrong in some days, though not in the rest./ From here we went to another river, which we called the Slough (de la Barranca.) It is two short days from one to the other, and the direction almost northeast. From here we went to another river, which we called the Cold river (el rio Frio), on account of its water being so, in one day's journey, and from here we went by a pine mountain, where we found, almost at the top of it, a cool spring and streamlet, which was another day's march. In the neighborhood of this stream a Spaniard, who was called Espinosa, died, besides two other persons, on account of poisonous plants which they ate, owing to the great need in which they were. From here we went to another river, which we called the Eed river (Bermejo), two days' journey in the same direction, but less toward the northeast. Here we saw an Indian or two, who afterward appeared to belong to the first settlement of Cibola. From here we came in two days' journey to the said village, the first of Cibola. The houses have flat roofs and walls of stone and mud, and this was where they killed Steve (Estebanlllo), the negro who had come with Dorantes from Florida and returned with Friar Marcos de Niza. In this province of Cibola there are five little villages besides this, all with flat roofs and of stone and mud, as I said. The country is cold, as is shown by their houses and hothouses (estufas). They have food enough for themselves, of corn and beans and melons. These villages are about a league or more apart from each other, within a circuit of perhaps 6 leagues. The country is somewhat sandy and not very salty {or barren of vegetation'), and on the mountains the trees are for the most part evergreen. The clothing of the Indians is of deerskins, very carefully tanned, and they also prepare some tanned cowhides, with which they cover themselves, which are like shawls, and a great protection. They have square cloaks of cotton, some larger than others, about a yard and a half long. The Indians wear them thrown over the shoulder like a gipsy, and fastened with one end over the other, with a girdle, also of cotton. From this first village of Cibola, looking toward the northeast and a little less, on the left hand, there is a province called Tucayan, about five days oii", which has seven flat-roof villages, with a food supply as good as or better than these, and ^ The Spanish text is either " ino luui s.iladji de yerva "' (B. Smith), or " y no muy solada de yerva" (Pacheco y Cardenas) . Doubtless the reference is to the alkali soil and vegetation. ■^ wiNfHip] NARRATIVE OF JAKAMILLO 587 ail even larger iiopulation ; and they also have the skins of cows and of deer, and cloaks of cotton, as I described.' • All the waterways we found as far as this one at Cibola- and I do not know but what for a day or two beyond — the rivers and streams run into the South sea, and those from here on into the North sea. From this first village of Cibola, as I have said, we went to another in the same province, which was about a short day's journey off, on the way to Tihuex. It is nine days, of such marches as we made, from this settlement of Cibola to the river of Tihuex. Halfway between, I do not know but it may be a day more or less, there is a village of earth and dressed stone, in a very strong position, which is called Tutahaco.^ All these Indians, except the first in the first village of Cibola, received us well. At the river of Tihuex there are 15 villages within a distance of about 20 leagues, all with flat-roof houses of earth, instead of stone, after the fashion of mud walls. There are other villages besides these on other streams which flow into this, and three of these are, for Indians, well worth seeing, especially one that is called Chia,^ a.nd an- other Uraba,* and another Cicuique.^ Uraba and Cicuique have many houses two stories high. All the rest, and these also, have corn and beans and melons, skins, and some long robes of feathers which they braid, joining the feathers with a sort of thread; and they also make them of a sort of plain weaving with which they make the cloaks with which they protect themselves. They all. have hot rooms underground, which, although not very clean, are very warm." They raise and have a very. little cotton, of which they make the cloaks which I have spoken of above. This river comes from the northwest and flows about southeast, which shows that it certainly flows into the l^orth sea. Leaving this settlement '^ and the said river, we passed two other vil- lages whose names I do not know,° and in four days came to Cicuique, which I have already mentioned. The direction of this is toward the northeast. From there we came to another river, which the Span- iards named after Cicuique, in three days; if I remember rightly, it seems to me that yre went rather toward the northeast to reach this river where we crossed it, and after crossing this, we turned more to ■The Spanisli text (p. 308) is: "el vestido de los indios es de oueros da venados, estremadiaimo el adobo, alcanzan ya algunos oueros de vaoas adobado con que se cobijan, que son A manera de bernias y de muoho abrigo ; tienen raantas de algodon oaadradas ; unaa mayores que otras, como de Tara y media en largo; las indias las traen puestas por el bombro & manera de gitanas y ceflidas una vuelta sobre otra por su cintura con una cinta del mismo algodon; estando en este pueblo primero de Cibola, el Tostro el Nordeste ; un poquito m^nos est* & la mano izquierda de 61, cinco jomadas, una provincia que 80 dice Tucayan." -Acoma. See note on page 492. ^Sia. 'Identical with Taos— Ibe Braba of Castafieda and the Turaba of the Eelaeion del Suceso. 'Pecos. In Pacheco y Cardenas this is spelled Tienique. 'All references to hot rooms or estufas are of course to be construed to mean thekivas or ceremo- nial chambers. f Tiguex is here doubtless referred to. 'One of the villages whose names Jaramillo did not know was probably the Ximeua (Galisteo) of Oaataiieda. 588 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.ann.U the left hand, wliicli would be more to the northeast, and began to enter the plains where the cows are, although we did not find them for some four or five days, after which we began to come across bulls, of which there are great numbers, and after going on in the same direc- tion and meeting the bulls for two or three days, we began to find ourselves in the midst of very great numbers of cows, yearlings and bulls all in together. "We found Indians among these first cows, who were, on this account, called Querechos by those in the flat roof houses. They do not live in houses, but have some sets of poles which they. carry with them to make some huts at the places where they stop, which serve them for houses. They tie these poles together at the top and stick the bottoms into the ground, covering them with some cowskins which they carry around, and which, as I have said, serve them for houses. From what was learned of these Indians, all their human needs are supplied by these cows, for they are fed and clothed and shod from these. They are a people who wander around here and there, wherever seems to them best. We went on for eight or ten days in the same direction, along those streams which are among the cows. The Indian who guided us from here was the one that had given us the news about Quevira and Arache [or Arahei) and about its being a very rich country with much gold and other things, and he and the other one were from that country I mentioned, to which we were going, and we found these two Indians in the flat-roof villages. It seems that, as the said Indian wanted to go to his own country, he proceeded to tell us what we found was not true, aud I do not know whether it was on this account or because he was counseled to take us into other regions by confusing us on the road, although there are none in all this region except those of the cows. We under- stood, however, that he was leading us away from the route we ought to follow and that he wanted to lead us on to those plains where he had led us, so that we would eat up the food, and both ourselves and our horses would become weak from the lack of this, because if we should go either backward or forward in this condition we could not make any resistance to whasuccessenelviaggio dalli ventidua d' Aprile di questo anno MDXL, die parti da Culiacan per innanzi, & di quel che trou6 nel paese done andaua. — Dalla prouincia di Ceuola & da questa cittji di Gra- nata il terzo di Agosto, 1540. liamuaio, in, fol. 859 (verso)-363, 6(1.1556. This letter 13 translated on pages 552-5U3 of the present volume. See note on page 386. An earlier English translation by Hakluyt has the following title : — The relation of Francis Vazquez de Coronado, Captaine generall of the people which were sent to the Coun- trey of Cibola newly disoonered, ■which he scut to Don Antonio de Meudofa viceroy of Mexico, of . . his voyage from the 22. of Aprill in the yeere 1540. which departed from Culiacan forward, and of such things as hee found in the Countrey which he passed. (August 3, 1540.) Bakluyt, in, 373-380 (ed. 1600), or in, 446 (e(1.1800). Reprinted in Old South Leaflet, gen. series. No. 20. Boston. — Carta de Francisco Vazquez Corona- do al Emperador, dSndole cuenta de la espedicion & la provincia do Qui- vira, y de la inexactitud de lo referido & Ft. Marcos de Niza, acerca de aquel pais. — Desta provincia de Tiguex, 20 Octuhre, 1541. Doc. de Indias, III, 363-369, and also xm, 261-268. Translated on pages 580-583 of the present volume, and also in A'mencan Mis- tory Leaflet,No.13. There is aFrench trans- lation in Ternaux, Cibola, app. V, p. 355-363. See note on page 580 ante. — Traslado de las nuevas y noticias que dieron sobre el descobrimiento de una cibdad, que llamaron de Cibola, situada en la tierra nueva. — Ano de 1531 [1541]. Doc. de Indias. xix, pp. 629-532. Trans- lated on pages 564-565 01 the present volume . — Eelacion del suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el descu- briraiento de Cibola. — Ano de 1531 [1541]. B. Smith, Florida, 147-154 ; Doc. de Indias, XIV, 318-329. Translated on pages 572-57!) of the present volume. See the notes to that translation. Also translated in American History Leajlet, No, 13. Cort6s, Hernan. Copia y relacion de los gastos y es- pensas qvie . . . Fernando Cortes hizo en el armada de que fu6por oap- itan Cristobal Dolid al Cabo de las Higueras . . . Se hizo ii primero de Agosto de 1523.— Fecho en Mexico, 9 Hebrero 1529. i)oc. de Indias, xii, 386-403. This docu- ment is printed again in the same volume, pp. 497-510. / Cort6s,. Hernan — Continued. — Titulo de capitan general de la Nueva-Espana y Costa del Sur, expe- dido 6, favor de Hernan-Cort^s por el Emperador Crtrlos V. — Dada en Bar- celona, & 6 Julio, 1529. Doc. de Indias, IV, 572-574, and also xii, • 384-380. — TItulo de marques del Valle (de Guaxaca) otorgado S, Hernando Cor- tes. — Barcelona, 6 Julio, 1529. Doc. de Indias, xii, 381-383. — Merced de ciertas tierras y solares en la Nueva Espan a, hecha S, Fernan Cor- tes, marquiSs del Valle, por el Empe- , rador. — Barcelona, 27 Julio, 1529. Doc. de Indias, xii, 376-378. It is printed also in Icazbalceta's Mexico, 11, 28-29. — Testimonio de una informaoion hecha en Mexico por el preaidento y oydores de aquella audiencia, sobre el modo de coutar los 23.000 indios, vasallos del Marques del Valle, de que el Eey le habia hecho merced. — Temixtitan, 23 Febrero, 1531. Doc. de Indias, xvi, 548-555. — Real provision sobre descubrimien- tos en el mar del Sur, y reapuesta de Cortes si la notificacion quesele hizo de ella. — Mexico, 19 Agosto, 1534; y respuesta, Mexico, 26 Setiembre, 1534. Icazbalceta's Mexico, 11, 31-40. — Traslado de una provision de la Au- diencia de Mexico, dirigidafiHeman- CortiSs, mand^ndole que no vaya & pacificar y poblar cierta isla del mar del Sur, insert ando otra provision quo con igual fecha se envi6 & NuBo de Guzman, gobernador de la Nneva Galicia, para el mismo efecto, y dili- gencias hechas en apelacion do la misma. — Fecho en M6xico, 2-26 Se- tiembre, 1534. Doc. de Indias, xii, 417-429. — Carta de Hernan Cortds al emperador, enviando un hijo suyo para servicio del principe. — Desta Nueva SpaiSa, diez de Hebrero, 1537. Doe. de Indias, 11, 568-569. — Carta de Hernan Cort(5s, al Consejo de ludias, pidiendo ayuda para con- tinuar sus armadas, y reconipensa para sus servicios, y dando algnuas noticias sobre la conatitucion de la propiedad de las tierras entre los in- dios. — Mexico, 20 Setiembre, 1538. Doc. de Indias, iii, 535-543. — Carta de Hernan Cort<^s al Empera- dor. — De Madrid 6, xxvi de Junio de 1540. Doc. Inad. Espana, oiv, 491-492. — Memorial que di6 al Rey el Marques del Valle en Madrid & 25 de junio de' 1540 sobre agravios que le habia hecho el Virey de Nueva Espaua D. Antonio de Mendoza, estorbifndole la prosecn- cion del descubrimiento de las coatas & islas del mar del Sur que le pertene- 604 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 Cortes, Hernan — Continued. cia al niismo Marques segun la ca- pitnlaoiou hecha cou S. M. el alio de 1529, & cuyo efecto habia despachado ya cuatro armadas, ydescubierto con ellas por si y por sus capitanes mu- clias tierras 6 islas, de cuyos viajes y el suceso que tuvo hace una relacion sucinta. Doc. Inid. Bspana, it, 209-217. — Memorial dado & la Magestad del Cesar I). C^irlos Quinto, Vrimero de EspaSa, por el Sr. 1). Hernando Cor- tes, Marques del Valle, halldndose en estos reinos, en que hace presentes sus dilatados servicios en la con- quista de Nueva Espaiia por los que pide las mercedes que contiene el mismo. Doe. Jned. Espafla, iv, 219-232. ' ' No tiene feclia. . . . despues de 1511." — Peticion que di6 Don Hernando Cor- if.s cont.ra Don Antonio de Mendoza, Virey, pidiendo resldencia contre 41. loazbalceta, Mexico, II, 62-71. About 1642- 43. — Historia de Nueva-Espana, escrita por Hernan Cortes, aumentada con otroB documentos, y uotas, por Don Francisco Antonio Lorenzana. — Me- xico, 1770. See page 325 and the map ; "Domingo del Castillo Piloto me Fecit en Mexico aiio , . . M. D. XLI." This volume contains the let- ters of Cortes to the Spanish King, for a bib- liographic account of which. see Sabin's Dictionary of American Soaks. These dis- }>atches may also be conveniently consulted in volume I of Earcia, Hietoriadoree. The above entries are chiefly such as are of interest for their bearing on the troubles between Cortes and Mendoza, which were very closely connected with the history of the Coronado expedition. The best guide to the study of the personal history and the conquests of Cortes is found in w insor's America, ii. pages 397-430. Cushing, Frank Hamilton. Zuni fetiches. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, pp. 9-46. — A study of pueblo pottery as illus- trative of Zuni culture growth. Fourth Annual Jteport of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1882-83, pp. 467-521. — Preliminary notes on ihe origin, ■working hypothesis and primary researches of the Hemenway south- western archaeological expedition. Congriis International des ArMricanisteg, 7»'" seaaion, 1888, pp. 161-194. Berlin, 1890. — Zuni breadstuff. The Millstone, Indianapolis, Jan., 1884, to Aug., 1885. — Outlines of Zuni creation myths. Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1891-92, pp. 321-447. Davila, Gil Gonzalez. Teatro eclesiastico de la primiti va igle- siade las Indias Occidentales, vidas de svs arzobispoa, obispos, y cosas Davila, Gil Gonzalez — Continued. memorables de svs sedes. — Madrid, M.DC.XLIX. These two volumes are a valuable source of biographical and other ecclesiastical in- formation, for much of which this is perhaps the only authority. Davis, William Watts Hart. The Spanish conquestof New Mexico. — Doylestown, Pa., 1869. The first 230 pages of this volume contain a very good outline of the narratives of the explorations of Cabeza de Yaca, Fray Mar- cos, and Coronado. — The Spaniard in New Mexico. Papers of the American Historical Asso- ciation, III, 1889, pp. 164-178. A paper read before the association, at Boston, M&y24, 1887. De Bry, Theodore. See Abelin. Diaz del Castillo, Bernal. Historia verdadera do la conqvista de la Nveva Espana, escrita por . . . vno de sus conquistadores. — Madrid, 1632. This interesting work, which counteracts many of the impressions given by the dis- patche'^ of Cortes, was reprinted in 1632 and again in 1796, 1837, 1854, and in volume xxvi (Madrid, 1853; of the Bibl. de Autorea Espa- notes. It was translated into English by Keating, London, 1800, reprinted at Salem, Mass., 1803; and byLockhart, London, 1844. Discurso y proposicion que se hace S, Vuestra Majjestad de lo tocante & los descubrimientos del Nnevo Mexico por sus capftulos de puntos difer- entes. J)oc. de Indias, xvi, 38-66. Documentos de Espana. Coleccion de documentos in^ditos para la historia de EspaHa. — Madrid, 1842 (-1895). There are now (1895) 112 volumes in this series, and two or three volumes are usually added each year. A finding list of the titles relating to America, in volumes i-cx, prepared by G. V. "Winship, was printed in the Bulletin of the Boston Public ikbrary for October, 1894. A similar list of titles in the Paoheco y Cardenas Coleccion is in prepa- ration. Cited as Doc. Inid. EspaHa. Documentos de Indias. See Pacheco- Cardenas. Donaldson, Thomas. Moqui Pueblo Indians of Arizona and Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. Extra Census Bulletin, Wasliington, 1893. This " special expert" report on the numbers and the life of the southwestern village In- dians contains a large number of reproduc- tions from photographs showing the people and theirhomes, which render it of very con- siderable interest and usefulness . The text is not reliable. Drake, Francis. See Fletcher, Francis. Emory, William Hemsley. Notes of a military reconnoissance from Fort licavenwortli, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California. — Washing- ton, 1848. Ex. Doc. 41, Thirtieth Congress, first ses- sion. w:nbhip] LIST OF WORKS 605 Espejo, Antonio de. Expediente y relaoion del viaje que hizo Antonio de Kspejo con catorce soldadosyuureligioso de ladrden de San Francisco, llamado Fray Au gustin Rodriguez: el cual debia de entender en la predicacion de aquella gente. Doc. de Indias. xv, 151-191. See also page 101 of the same volume. — El viaie qve hizo Antonio de Espeio en el anno de oohenta y trea : el qual con BUS companneros descubrieron vna tierra en que hallaion quinze Prouinoiaa todas llenas de pueblos, y de casas de quatro y cinco altos, a quien pusieron per nombre El nueuo Mexico. Hakluyt, ill, 383-389 (ed. 1600). The Span- ish text 18 followed by an English transla- tion, pp. 390-396. A satisfactory monograph on the expedition of Espejo, with annotated translations of the original narratives, would be a most desirable addition to the literature of the southwest, Evans, S. B. Observations on the Aztecs and their probable relations to the Pueblo In- dians of New Mexico. Congr&s International de>i AmSricanistes, 7"' session, 1888, pp. 226-230. Berlin, 1890. Fernandez Duio, Cesareo. Don Diego de Penalosa y su descubri- miento del reino de Quivira. Informe presentado -S la Eeal Academia de la Historia.— Madrid, 1882. On page 123 the author accepts the date 1531 as that of an expedition under Cor- onado, from the title of the Eelacion del SucesOf misprinted in volume xiv, 318, of the Doc. de Indias. Ferrelo, Bartolome. See Paez, Juan. Fewkes, Jesse ^W alter. A few summer ceremonials at Zufii pneblo. Journal American Ethnology and Archce- ology, I, Boston, 1891, pp. 1-61. — A few summer ceremonials at the Tusayan pueblos. Ibid., II, Boston, 1892, pp. 1-159. — Eeconnoissanee of ruins in or near the ZuDi reservation. Ibid., I, pp. 95-132 ; with map and plan. — A report on the present condition of a ruin in Arizona called Casa Grande. Ibid, n, pp. 179-193. — The snake ceremonials at Walpi. Journal American Ethnology and Archce- ology, iv, 1894. With map, illustrations, and an excellent bibliography of this peculiar ceremonial, which Dr Fewkes has studied with much care, under most favorable circumstances. The four volumes of the Journal of Amer- ican Ethnology and Archceology represent the main results of Dr Fewkes' studies at ZuBi and Tusayan, under the auspices of the Hemenway Southwestern Archseolog- ical Expedition, of which he was the head from 1889 to 1895. Besides the Journal, the Hemenwav expedition resulted in a large collection "of Pueblo pottery and ceremonial Fewkes, Jesse Walter — Continued. articles, which are, in part, now displayed in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, Massachusetts. — The Wa-wao-ka-tci-na. A Tusayan foot race. Bulletin Essex Institute, xxiv, Nos. 7-9, Salem, July-Sepfc., 1892, pp. 113-133. — A-wif,-to-bi : An archseological veri- fication of a Tusayan legend. American Anthropologist, Oct., 1893. — The prehistoric culture of Tusayan. American Anthropologist, May, 1896. — A study of summer ceremonials at Zufii and Moqui pueblos. Bulletin Essex Institute, xxii, Nos. 7-9, Salem, July-Sept., 1890, pp. 89-113. Consult, also, many other papers by this authority on all that pertains to the cere- monial life of the Pueblo Indians, in th& American Anthropologist, "Wsfehington, and. Journal of American Folk-Lore, Boston. Fiske, John. The discovery of America, with some account of ancient America and the Spanish conquest. — Cambridge, 1892. ^ ' , Oormiado and Cibola, ii, 500-510. Fletcher, Francis. The world encompassed by Sir Francis Drake. . . . Carefully collected out of the notes of Master Francis Fletcher preacher in this imploy- ment. — London, 1628. Eeprinted in 1635 and 1652, and in 1854 bj- the Makluyt Society, edited by "W". S. W, Vaux. Gallatin, Albert. Ancient semi-civilization of New Mex- ico, Rio Gila, and its vicinity. Tra/nsactions American Ethnological So- ciety, II, New York, 1848, pp. liii-xcvii. Galvano, Antonio. Tratado . . dos diuersos & desuayra- dos caminhos, ... & assi de todos 05 descobrimentos antigos & moder- nos, que sao feitos ate a, era de mil 6 quinhentos &. cincoenta. — (Colo- phon, 1563.) This work was reprinted at Lisboain 1731. An English translation was published by Eakluyt, London, 1601. The Portuguese and English texts were reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, edited by vice-admiral JBe- thune, London, 1862. For Coronado's expe- dition, see pages 226-220 of the 1862 edition; Carcilaso de la Vega, el Ynca. La Florida del Ynca. Historia del Adelantado de Soto . . . y de otros heroicos . caualleros Espanolefr fe Indies. — Lisbona, 1605. For an English version, see Barnard Shipp's History of Serna/ndo de Soto and Florida, Philadelphia, 1881. There were several early French editions. The Span- ish was reprinted at Madrid in 1723, and again in 1803 — Primera parte de los commentarioa reales, qve tratan del origeii de los Yncas, reyes qve fveron del Perv, de sv idolatria, leyes, y gouierno en paz. 606 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 Garcilaso de la Vega, el Ynca — Cont'd, y en guerra: de bus vidas y conquis- tas, y de todo lo que fiie aquel Impe- rio y sn Eepublica, antes que ]os Espafioles passaran a el. — Lisboa, M.DCIX. — Historia general del Perv. Trata el descvbrimienlo del, y oomo lo ganaron los Espauoles. Las guerras ciiiiles que liuuo entre Pigarros, y Almagros, sobre la partija de la tierra. Castigo y leuautamiento de tiranos : y otros sucessos particulares quo en la historia secontienen. — Cor- doua, 1616. Ln II parte de los commentarioa realesdel Peiii. ScEUDda impreaion; Madrid, 1721- 23. The two parts were ' ' rendred into Eng- lish, by Sir Pavl Kyoavt, Kt." London, 1688. A new translation, with notes by Clements K. Markhain, was published by the Sakluyt Society, London, 1869 and 1871. Gatschet, Albert Samuel. Classification into seven linguistic stocks of western Indian dialects con- tained in forty vocabularies. U. S. Geo!. Survey West of the 100th Me- ridian, VII, 399-485, Washington, 1879. — Zwolf sprachen aus dem siidwesten Nordamerikas. — Weimar, 1876. Girava, Hieronymo. Dos Ubros de cosmographia oompueatos nueuamente por Hieronymo Giraua Tarragones, — en Milan, M. D. LVI. See p. 230 for Ciuola. Gomara, Francisco Lopez de. Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias con todo eldes- cubrimiento y cosas notables que ban acaeoido dende que se ganarou ata el aiio de 1551. Con la coquista de Me- xico yde la nueuaEspana. — En Cara- go?a, 1553 (1552). There were at least fifteen editions of Go- mara's three worlis printed duriss the years 1552 to 1555. Before the end of the century translations into French and Italian had been reprinted a score of times. English translations of the Conquest of the Indies were printed in 1578 and 1596. Por Coro- nado. Bee cap. ccxii-ccxv of the Historia de las Indias. "Chapters 214-215 were trans- lated bv SaUuyt, III, 380-382 (ed. 1600), or III, 454 (ed. 1810). Gottfriedt, Johann Ludwig. See Abelin, Johann Phillip. Guatemala, Obispo de. Carta del Obispo de Guatemala & Su Magestad, en que se refiere &, lo que de Mexico esoribirsin sobre la muerte del adelantado Alvarado, y habla de la gobernacion que se le encomend6 y de los cargos de su raitra. — De San- tiago de Guatemala 20 Febrero, 1542. Doe. de Indias, XIII, 268-280. Guzman, Diego. Eelacioii de lo que yo Diego de Guzman he descobierto en la costa de la mar del Sur, porSu Magestad y'por elilus- tre seiior Nufio de Guzman, goberna- Guzman, Diego — Continued. dor de la Nueva Galicia. — Fresentd en el Consejo de Indias, 16 Marzo 1540. Doc. de Indias, XV, 325-340. Thia expedi- tion was made daring the autumn of 1533. Guzman, Nuno de. Provanza ad perpetuan, sobre lo de la villa de la Purificacion, de la gente que alii vino con mano armada. — En Madrid & 16 de Marzo de 1540 la pre- sents en el Consejo de las Indias de Su Magestad, XnQo de Guzman. Doc. de Indias, xvi, .539-547. — Fragmentos del proceso de residen- cia instruido contra Nuno de Guzman, en averiguacion del tormento y muer- te que mandd dar S, Caltzontzin, rey de Mechoacan. In Proceso. . . Alvarado (ed. Kamirez y Eayon) pp. 185-276. The full title is entered under Alvarado. Hakluyt, Richard. The principal navigations, voiages, traffiqves and disooueries of the English nation . . . Deuided into three seuerall volumes. — London, 1598. The third volume (1600) contains the narra- tives which relate to Ci bola, as well as those which refer to other portions of New Spain. There was an excellent reprint, London, 1809-1812, which contained all the pieces which were omitted in some of the earlier editions, with a fifth volume containing a number of rare pieces not easily avail^le elsewhere. The changes made by the editor of the 1890 edition render it almost a new work. The title is as follows : — The principal navigations, voyages, trafficjues, and discoveries of the English nation. Collected by Rich- ard Hakluyt, preacher, and edited by Edmund Goldsmid.— Edinburg, 1885- 1890. Sixteen volumes. Vol. xiv; America, part iii, pp. 59-137, contains the Cibola nar- ratives. Hakluyt Society, London. This most useful society began in 1847 the publication of a series of volumes contain- ing careful, annotated translations or re- priiita of works relating to the "naviga- tions, voyages, traffics, and discoveries" of Europeans during the period of colonial expansion. The work has been continued without serious interruption since that date. Ninety-seven volumes have been issued with the society's imprint, includ- ing the issues for 1895. Several of these are entered in the present list under the names of the respective authors. Hale, Edward Everett. Coronado's discovery of the seven cities. Proceedings American Antiquarian So- ciety, Worcester, new series I, 236-245. (April, 1881.) Includes a letter from Lieut John Gr. Bourke, arguing that the Cibola pueblos were the Moki viUages of Tusayan, in Arizona. Haynes, Henry Williamson. Early explorations of New Mexico. Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, II, 473-S03. wmsHip] LIST OP WORKS 607 Haynes, Henry Williamson — Coutinued. — What is tlie true site of "the seven cities of Cibola " visited by Coronado in 1540? Proceedinijs ATnerioan Antiquarimi So- ciety, "Worcester, new series, 1,421-435 (Oct., 1881). The revival of interest in the early his- tory of the southwestern tlnited States has been, in no slight measure, d\ie to the im- petus given by Professor Haynes of Boston. He was most active in furthering the re- searches of Mr Bandolier, under the aus- pices of the Archseologioal Institute of America, and to his careful editorial super- vision a large part of the accuracy and the value of Mr Bandolier's printed reports and communications are due. Herrera, Antonio de. Historia general de los heohos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del mar oceano. — Madrid, 1601-1615. There is a French translation of three Decades of Herrera, printed between 1659 and 1671, and an English translation of the sa^me three decades, Dy Captain John Ste- vens, London, 1725-26, and reissued in 1740, in which the arrangement of the worit is altered. The most available and also the best edition of the Spanish is the admira- ble reprint issued at Madrid by Barcia, in 1730. Some titles are dated as early as 1726, being altered as successive delays hindered the completion of the work. For CoronadOy see decada vi, libro v, cap. ix, and dec. VI, lib. Ix, cap. xi-xv. Hodge, Frederick ^Webb. A Zniii foot race. Am. Anthropologist, ill, "Washington,July, 1890. — Prehistoric irrigation in Arizona. Ibid., VI, July, 1893. — The first discovered city of Cibola. Ibid., viii, April, 1895. — The early Navajo and Apache. Ibid., VIII, July, 1895. , — Pueblo snake ceremonials. Ibid., IX, April, 1896. Holmes, William Henry. Beport on the ancient ruins of south- ^vestern Colorado. Tenth Annual Report of the (ECctyden) TT. S. Geol. Survey. Washington, 1876. — Illustrated catalogue of a portion of the collections made . . . during the field season of 1881. Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1881-82, pp. 427-510. — Pottery of the ancient Pueblos. Fowrth Annual Jteporl of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1882-83, pp. 265-360. Icazbalceta, Joaquin Garcia. Coleocion de documentos para la his- toria de Mexico. (2tomo8). — M&ico, 1858-1866. Cited in the preceding pages as Icazbal- ceta^ 8 Mexico. — Nueva coleoci6n de documentos para la historia de Mi^xico. (5 tomos). — Mexico, 1886-1892. Cited as Icazbalceta' t Nueva colecHon. Icazbalceta, Joaquin Garcia — Continued. — Don Fray Juan de Zuraiirraga primer obispo y arzobispo de M6xico. Es- tudio bio^r^fioo y bibligraflco. Con nn apdndice de documentos infiditos 6 raros. — Mexico, 1881. See also the entries under Cervantes de Salazar, Mendieta, Mota Fadilla, for works edited by Seflor Icazbalceta. Fossessed of ample means and scholarly tastes, untiring industry and great historical and literary ability, Seflor Garcialcazbalcetawill always be one of the masters of Spanish-American history. The extent of his researches, the accuracy and care which characterize all of his work, and the breadth and insight with which he treated whatever subject attracted him, leave little for future stu- dents to desire. The more intimate the student becomes with the first century of the history of New Spain, the greater is his appreciation of the loss caused by the death of Seiior Garcia Icazbalceta. Informacion del virrpy de Nueva Espaua, D. Antonio de Mendoza, de la gente que va S, poblar la Nueva Galicia con Francisco Vazquez Coronado, Gober- nador de ella. — Compostella, 21-26 Pebrero 1540. Doc. de Indias, xiv, 373-384. Partly trans- lated on pp. 596-597 ante. Informacion habida ante la justicia de la villa de San Crist6bal de la Habana, por do consta, el visorey (Mendoza) haber mandado 6 personado que na- vios algunos dedos qu61 embiaba [no] tooasen en la dioha villa, S fin 6 causa que no diesen noticiadelnuevo descobrimiento al Adelantado (de Soto).— 12 Noviembre, 1539 en Ha- bana. Presentd en Madrid, 23 Di- ciembre, 1540. Doc. de Indias, xv, 392-398. See page 370 ante. Jaramillo, Juan. Relacion hecha por el capitan Juan Jaramillo, de la Jornada que habia hecho £ila tierra nueva en Nueva Es- pafia y al descubrimiento de Cibola, yendo por general Francisco Vazquez Coronado. Doe. de Indias, xiv, 301-317. B. Smith's Florida, 154-1B3. Translated on pages .584- 593 ante. There is a French translation in Temaux, Cibola, app. vi, 361-382. King, Edward; Viscount Lord Kings- borough. Antiquities of Mexico : comprising fac- similes of ancient Mexican paintings and hieroglyphics . . . illustrated by many valuable inedited manu- scripts. — Mexico and London, 1830- 1848. , ^. Nine vols. Besides the reproductions of Mexican hieroglyphic writings, for which this magnificent work is best known, the later voluraes contain a number of wor^s printed from Spanish manuscripts. De- spite the statement on the last page of many copies, the work WEis never completed, Moto- linia's Historia breaking off abruptly in the midst of the text. See the note under King, in Sabin's Dietionary of American Boohs, 608 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 Kretschmer, Konrad, Die Entcleokung Amerika's in ihrer Be- dentung f lir d ie Geschlchte des Welt- bildes.— Berlin, 1892. Festschrift der G-esellschaft fiir Erdkundo zu Berlin zur Tierhundertijahrigen Peier der Entdeclcun^ Amerika's. The atlaa ■which accompanies this valuahle study is made up of a lar^e number of admirable fac- similes and copies uf early maps, some of ■which are reproduced in the present me- moir. It is certainly the heat single hook for the student of early American carto- graphy. Ladd, Horatio Oliver. TJie story of New Mexico. — BoBton, (1892). For JVifa and Coronado, see pp. 19-72. Leyes y ordenanfas naeaamete hechas por su magestadpalagouernacion de las Indias y buen tratamlento y con- seruacion ae los Indies: que so han de gnardar en el consejo y aii- diecias reales q en ellas residen : y por todos los otros gouernadores, juezes y personas particulares dellas. — (Colophon) Aloala de Henares, M. D. XLIII. These "]S"e"w Laws" "were reprinted in 1585 and again in 1603. A new edition, with English translation and an introduction hy Henry Stevens and 1'. 'W. Lucas, -was issueil in London, 1893. The La-wa are printed in Icazbalceta, Mexico, ir, 204-227. — See Recopilacion. Lummis, Charles F. — Some strange corners of our country. —New York, 1892. — The laud of poco tiempo. — New York, . 1893. — The Spanish pioneers. — Chicago, 1893. — The wau who married the moon and other Puehlo Indian folk-stories. — New York, 1894. Mallery, Garrick. Sign language among North American Indians compared with that among other peoples and deaf mutes. First Annual Heport Bureau of Ethnol- ogy, 1879-80, pp. 263-552. EuUy illustrated. Matthews, Washington. Human hones pf the Hemenway collec- tion in the United States Army Med- ical Museum. Memoirs National Academy of Science:^, vol. VI, pp. 139-286, Lix plates. Washing- ton, 1893. Mendieta.Fray Ger6nimo de. Historia eclesiiJstica Indiana; ohra eg- crita & fines del siglo XVI, ... la puhlica por priniera vez Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta. — M6xico, 1870. Mendoza, Antonio de. — Lo que D. Antonio de Mendoza, vi- rey y gobernador de la Nueva SpaSa y presidente en la nueva audiencja y chancilleri'a real que en ella resi- de, demas de lo que por otra instruc- Mendoza, Antonio de — Continued. cion se le ha mandado hacer por mandado de S. M. — Barcelona, 17 Abril, 1535. Doc. de Indias, xxni, 423-425. — Lo que D. Antonio de Mendoza vi- sorey y gobernador de la provincia de la Nueva Spana, ha de hacer en servicio de Dius y de esta repdblica, demas de lo contenido on suspoderea y comisiones, por mandado de S. M. — Barcelona, 25 Abril, 1535. . Doc. de Indias, xxni, 426-445. — Lo que don Antonio de Mendoza virey 6 gobernador de la Nueva Spana y presidente do la real audien- cia, ha de Hacer en la dicha tierra, por mandado de S. M. — Madrid, 14 Julio, 1536. Doc. de Indias, xxin, 454-407. — Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza it la emperatriz, participando que vieiien a Espana Cabeza de Vaca y Francisco Dorantes, que se eseaparon de la ar- mada de Pilufllo de Narvaez, A, hacer relaciou de lo que en ella sucedi6. — M(5,jico, 11 Hebrerol537. Doc. de Indiai, xiv, 235-236. — Provision dada por el virey don An- tonio de Mendoza al reverendo y magnifico seuor Don Vasco de Quiro- ga, Obispo electo de Mechoacau y oidor de M^jico, para contar los vasallos del marques del Valle, Don Plernando Cortes. — McSjioo, S, 30 No- viembre, 1537. Doc. da Indias, xn, 314-318. — Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza, virey de Nueva Espana, al Empera- dor, d^ndole cuenta de varies asun- tos de su gobierno. — De Mexico, 10 Diciembre, 1537. Doc. de Indias, ll, 179-211. B. Smith, Flori- da, 119-139, with facsimile of Mendoza's sig- nature. — Inatruccion de don Antonio de Men- doza, visorey de Nueva Espana, (al *^ Fray Marcos de Niza). Doc. de Indias, ni, 325-328, written previ- ous to December, 1538. There is a French translation in Ternaiix, Oi6oia, 249-253. A modern English translation is in Baudelier, Ooniributione, 109-112. — Lettere scritte dal illvstrissimo si- gner don Antonio di Mendozza, vice re dellanuouaSpagna, alia maestadell' Imperadore. Delli cauallieri quail con lor gran danno si sono aifaticati per scopriro il capo della terra ferma della nuoua Spagn a verso tramontana, il glouger del Vazquez con fra Marco k sau Michiel di Culuacan con com- missione d. quelU regenti di assicurare & non far pin schiaui gli Indian!. JCamusio,m,fo\. 355 (1556 ed.). There is a French translation in Ternaux, Cibola, 285-290. This appears to he the letter which Mendoza sent to the king to accompany the report of Fray Marcos de Niza. WIHSBff] LIST OP WORKS 609 Mendoza, Antonio de — Continued. — Carta del virey Dou Antonio de / Mendoza al Eitiporador. — De Jaoona, ^ 17 Abril, 1540. Doc. da Indim, n, 356-362. A Treuoh translation is in Ternaux, Vibola, 290-298. For an Englieii translation, see pp. 547-551 ante. — Inatruooion que debia observar el capitan Hernando de Alarcon en la expedition A la California que iba ii emprender de 6rden del virey D. Antonio de Mendoza. — lldxico, pos- trero dia del mes de mayo de myll y quinientos y quarenta 6 uno. B. Smith, Florida, 1-6. — Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza a Juan de Aguilar, pidiendo se la auto- rizase para avenirse con los Portu- gueses, sobre la posesion de territo- ries conquistados . . . para que dello haga relaoion d. S. A. y li los seuores de 8u consejo. Doc. de Indias, in, 506-511. B. Smitli, Florida. 7-10. "Acerca del descubrimiento de las siete ciudades de Foniente." Circa 1543. — Carta de Don Antonio de Mendoza virey de la Nueva Espana, al comenda- dor mayor de Leon, partioipitndole la muerte del adelantado de Guatemalii y Honduras, y el estado de otros varies asuntos. — Mexico, 10 marzo, 1542. Cartas de Indias, pp. 253-255, and in fac- simile. — Carta del virey Don Antonio de Men- doza, dando cuenta al prinoipe Don Felipe do liaber heclio el reparfco de la tierra de Nueva Espana, y exponiendo la necesidad que tenia de pasar & Cas- tilla, para tratar verbalmente con S. M. de ciertos negocios de gobernacion y hacienda. — Mexico,30octnbre, 1548. Cartas de Indias, pp. 206-257. — Carta del virey Don Antonio de Mendoza al Emperador Don Carlos, contestando ^ un mandato de S. M. relativo al repartimiento delosservi- cios personales eu la Nueva Espana.^ Guastepeque, lOjunio, 1549. Cartas de Indies, pp. 258-259. — Fragmento de la visita hecha 4 don Antonio de Mendoza. Interrogatorio por el cual han de ser examinados los testigos que presente per su parte don Antonio de Mendoza. — 8 Enero, 1547. XLIV cargos, 303 paragrafos. Icazbalce- ta's Mexico, ii, 72-UO. — See tbe Asiento y Capitulaciones con Alvarado above. MindelefT, Cosmos. Casa grande ruin. mirteenfh Annual Report of the Sureau of Ethnology, 1891-92, pp. 295-319. — Aboriginal remains in Verde valley, Arizona. Ibid, pp. 179-261. 14 ETH 39 Mindeleff, Victor. A study of pueblo architecture: Tu- sayan and Cibola. Mighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87, pp. 1-228, oxi plates. The toxtand illustrationsof this admirable paper convey a very clear idea ofthopuoblo dwellings of Jfew Mexico and Arizona, and malie it, on this account, of great value to students who have never visited these regions. Molina, Alonso de. Aqui comieuQa vnvocabulario en lalen- gua Castellana y Mexioana — (Colo- phon) Mexico, 1555. Father Molina prepared a Vocabulario, Arte, and Confessionario in the Mexican languages, which are very valuable as a means of interpreting the native words adopted by the conquistadores. The origi- nals, and the later editions as well, of all three works are of very considerable rarity. Morgan, Lewis Henry. Houses and house life of the American aborigines. — Washington, 1881. Contributions to North American Ethnol- oqy, vol. IV. Houses of the Sedentary In- dians of New Mexico, cap. vi-viii, pp. 132- 197. — On the ruins of a stone pueblo on the Animas river, in New Mexico, vyith a ground plan. Report of the Peabody Museum, xir, Cam- bridge, 1880, pp. 536-656. — The seven cities of Cibola. North American Review. April, 1869, cviil, 457-498. Moses, Bernard, The Casa de Contratacion of Seville. Report of the American Historical Associa- tion for 1894, "Washington, 1896, pp. 93-123. Thispaperisaveryusefuloutlineofthelegal constitution and functions of the Casa de Contratacion, derived forthemostpartfrom Capt. John Stevens' English version (Lon- don, 1702) of Don Joseph de "Veitia Linage's Norte de la Contratacion de las Indias O'cci- dmtales. (Seville, 1672.) There is an admirable account of the form of government adopted by the Span- iards for New Spain, by Professor Moses, in the Yale Review, vol. iv, numbers 3 and 4 (November, 1895, andFebuary, 1896). Mota Padilla, Matias de la. Historia de la conquista de la provin- cia de la Nueva-GaliCia, escrita eu 1742.— Mexico, 1870. Published in the Roletki of the Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, and also issued separately with Notidas Bio- graficas by Seuor Garcia Icazbalceta, dated Marzo 12 de 1872. It is an extensive worlc of the greatest value, although there are rea- sons for fearing that the printed text is not an accurate copy of theoriginal manuscript. Cited as Mota t'adilla. Motolinia, Fray Toribio de Benavente ^ fleete was cap taiue the right worship- full knight Francis de Vlloa borne in the oitie of Merida. Sakluyt, m, 397-424 (ed. 1600). Translated from liamasio, ni, fol. 339-354 (ed. 1556). — See Alarcon. Vetancurt, Augustin de. Teatro Mexicano descripcion breve de los svcessos exemplares, historicos, politicos, militares y religiosos del nuevo mnndo Occidental de las lu- dias.— Mexico, 1698. — Menologio Franciscano de los Va- rones mas sefialados, que con sua vidas exemplares . . . ilustraron la Provincia de el Santo Evangelic de Mexico. This worlt forms a part of the second vol- ume of the Teatro Mexicano. Villagra, Caspar de. Historia de la Nveva Mexico. — Alcala, 1610. Villalobos, Ruy Lopez de. jSee Santiste- ban, Fray Gerdninio de. Ware, Eugene F. Coronado's march. Agora, Lawrence, Kansas, 2^ovJ, 1895 [not completed. J A translation of CastaSeda's narrative irom the French of Ternaux. Whipple, A. W., et al. Report upon the Indian tribes [of Ari- zona and New Mexico] . Pacific Sailroad Meports, vol. iii, pt. 3, TP'ashington, 1856. Winship, George Parker. A list of titles of documents relating to America, in volumes i-cx of the Coleccion de documentos inSditos para la historia de Espaua. Bulletin of the Boston Public Library^ October, 1894. Reprinted, 60 copies. — The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542. Fourteenth A nnual Beport Bureau of eth- nology, Washington, 1896. Contains the Spanish text of Castaneda, and translations of the original narratives. Winship, George Parker — Continued. — Why Coronado went to New Mexico in 1540. Papers of American historical Aseoda- (ion, 1894, "Washington, 1895, pp. 83-92. — New Mexico in 1540. Boston Transcript, Oct. 14, 1893. A trans- lation of the lielacion de lo que . . . Alvarado y Padilla descuhrieron. — Coronado's journey to New Mexico and the great plains. 1540-1542. American History Leaflet, No. 13, 'N&w York, 1894. Contains a translation of the Belacion del Suoeso, and of Coronado's Let- ter to Mendoza, 20 October, 1541. Winsor, Justin, Narrative and critical history of Amer- ica, edited by Justin Winsor (8 vol- umes). — Boston, 1889. Besides Professor Haynes' chapter in vol- ume II, pp. 473-503 {see entry under Haynes), the s^me volume contains chapters by Dr "Winsor on Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North Ameriea, pp. 431-472; by Clements K. Markham on Pizarro and the Conquest and Settlement of Peru and Chile, pp. 505- 573, andby John G. Shea on Ancient Florida, pp. 231-298. The fact that special investi- gators in minute fields of historical study have found omissions anderrors in this ency- clopedic TFork only serves to emphasize the value of the labors of Dr "Winsor. There is hardly a sub.iect of study in American history in ■which the student will not, of necessity, begin his work by consulting the critical and bibliographical portions of "Winsor's America. Wytfliet, Cornelius. Descriptionis Ptolemaicss Avgmentvm, siue Oocidentis Notitia Breui com- mentario illustrata Studio et opera Comely Wytfliet Louaniensis. — Lo- vanii, M.D.XCVII. For Coronado, see p. 170, or p. 91 of the French translation of 1611. Qvivira et Anian. See plates li-lui ante. Zamacois, Niceto de. Historia de M^jieo desde sus tiempos mas remotes. — M6jico, 1878-1888. Nineteen volumes. For the chroniclT of events in New Spain during the years 1 35- 1546, see vol. IV, 592-715. Zaragoza, Justo, Noticias hist6ricas de la Nueva Es- pana. — Madrid, 1878. In this volume Senor Zaragoza has added much to the inherent value of the Tratado of Suarez doPeralta (see entry above) by his ample and scholarly notes, and by a very use- ful "Indice geogrifico, biogrdinco, y de pa- labras Americanas." Theseindices, within their inevitable limitations, contain a great deal Qf information for which the student would hardly know whereelse to look. This is equally true of the indices to the Cartas de Jndias, for the excellence of which Seiior Zaragoza was largely responsible. EsTDEX TO PAET 1 Page Abnaki, genesis of tte 87 — Jugglery among tho 145 — , pictography of the xxxii — , totemio marks of the 65 Aboetion" produced by nso of hair 286 Absaroka, inTestigation of the xxxiv . ACAPTJLCO, port on coast of New Spain. . . 385 — , rendezvous for Alvarado's fleet 409 — , departure of Alarcon from 403 — , departure of UUoa froai 369 AcAXES indians of Culiacan 514 Accompanying papers, characterization of 1 AccuLTUBATlow of tho indious xxxiv ACHA pueblos 519 ACOCHIS, Indian name for gold 493, 512 AcOAtA, Jaramillo's name for 587 — , Tiguaname for 492 — , Zuiiiname for 490 — , Alvarado's description of 594 — , Caatafieda's description of 491 — , description of, by companions of Coro- nado 569, 575 — , reputation of, in Sonora 357 — , visit of AroUano to 494 —.visit of Spaniards to Ivii, 390 — , worship of cross at 544 — , see Acuco, Acus. AcoBNS, use of, by indians as food 517 AcosTA, JosiS DE, on Mexican sorcerers . . . 138 AcosTA, Maria de, wife of Pedro Casta- fieda 470 Acuco, location of 519, 524 — , visit of Alvarado to 490 — , cartographic history of 403 — , see AcoMA, Acus. Acucc, Coronado's comments on name of. 560 AcuiQUE, name for Cicuye 523 Acus, identified with Acoma 357 — , Coronado's account of 560 — , seeAcOMA, Acuco. Adobe, description of 520, 562, 569 — , making of, described 356 Agave, liquor made from 516 fiber, use of, for garments 517 Aquaiauale, seaport of Culiacan 385 Aquas Calientes, pueblo of 525 Aguilab, Juan de, Mendoza's agent in Spain 3®^ Abacus, identified with Hawikuh 358 AiAmita, genealogy of 56 Akkebwatsee, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Ako, native name for Acoma '. 575 Page AKdMJi, native name for people of Acoma. 575 Xkwinemi, mythic origin of name 218 — , genealogy of 46, 48 AiiARCON, D. DE, confusion of, with Alcaraz 501 Alarcon, H. de, expedition by sea, under. 385, 478 — , Colorado river discovered by 403,574 — , Estevan's death reported to 360 — , message of, found by Diaz 407, 486 — , Coronado's fears for 555 Albaicin, similarity of, with Hawikuh- - 564 Alcaraz, Diego de, lieutenant of Diaz. . 485, 501 502 533 495 507 15 586 — , incompetence of — , death of Aleman, Juan, inhabitant of Mexico Alexeres, uncertain meaning of ALGONfiiN habitat in 1634 Alkali soil, references to Alligators, danger from, in rivers of New Galicia Allouez, C, on Eabbit-rock myth Almagro, struggles of, in Peru against Pizarro Almagueb, Antonio de, secretary In New Spain Almidez Chebino, Pero, royal veedor for Now Spain 596,598 Almirantazgo, island of 545 Aloe, Mexican, use of, for clothing bj pueblo indians 569 Alvarado, Hernando de, appointment of -, Coronado protected by, at Cibola 539 117 376 598 477 483 — , expedition of, to Eio Grande.- Ivii, 390, 490, 575 — , report of discoveries by 594 — , Pecos chiefs imprisoned by 493 — , visit of, to Braha 511 — , wounded by indians 557 Alvaeado, Pedro de, lieutenant of Cor- tes, conqueror of Guatemala 352 — , failure of expedition to Peru 352 — , unites with Mendoza for exploration . 353 — , arguments before Council for the In- dies 372 — , efforts to provide wives for colonists - 374 — , arrival of, in New Spain 408 — , expedition of, to Peru 474 —.feats of 540 — , death of, at Nochistlan 410 AjtfATEPEQUE, revolt in, quelled by Coro- nado 380 Ambush, use of, by Spaniards 500 Ammunition, lack of, in New Spain 540 615 616 INDEX TO PART 1 [BTH. ANN. li Page Amulets of the Menomini 74 Anacapa island, visit of Ferrel to 412 Andrew Taeascan remains in pueblo country 592 Angel de La Guabdia, island of 554 Animakeh "Waba, Oj ib wa treaty signer . . 28 Animals of pueblo region 518 — taten by Coronado for food supply 553 Antiquities of the Menomini 36-39 Antonio de Ciudad-Eodhigo, Franciscan provincial in Mexico 354 Antonio de Santa Maria, FranciBcan friar — 474 Antonio Yictobia, friar, leg of, broken. . 482 Apache, arrow making by the 275,279 — , stone arrowpoints among the 283, 284 — , stone implements of the 256 — , gormandism among Ibe 287 Apalachb bat explored by Narvaez 346 Aqkiwasi, genealogy of 58 Aquiu, name for Cicuye 523 Abache, province of great plains 529, 588 Arae, indian village on great plains 577 Aeahei, province of, on great plains 588 Abapaho, gbost dance among the xxxix — language, study of the xli Abche, province near Qidvira 503 Abchbology, work in xxxiv Architecture of the Menomini 253 Arellano, Tristan de, lieutenant to Cor- onado 508 — t appointment of, as captain 477 — , command of, in Coronado's army 391, 481, 572, 577, 581 — at Corazones 485 — , arrival of, at Cibola and Tiguex.. 492,494,510 Abispa, settlement of 515 — , visit of Coronado to 585 Arivayp A CREEK in Arizona 387 Abizona, aboriginal remains in ^ xxxvli — , adobe of 520 Abizpe, see Abispa. Arkansas, novaculite quarries in xxxv Aekansas river followed by Coronado. 397 Arrow making by Arizona tribes 275 Arrowpoints, modem stone 281 — in graves at Sikyatki 539 — in "Wisconsin mounds 38 — of Arizona tribes 256 Arrows in Menomini myth 179 — , mystic, in Menomini myth 196 — of the Menomini 274 — used in gaming 245 Art products, classification of xxxvii Artillery, substitutes for, devised by Spaniards 500 — , use of, at Chiametla 481 ' — , use of, by Indians 524 — , use of, in exploring expeditions 546 Ashawakanau, genealogy of 57 Atahualpa killed by Pizarro 354 Athapascan bibliography, work on xlii Attikumaag, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Audiencia, definition of 472 — , functions of the 350 Page Audiencia, expeditions into new territory forbidden by 369 Aurora borealis in Menomini myth 210 AVTLA, Pedro de, ringleader in rebellion at Suya 533 AXA, province in great plains 492 AzTEO wurriors allies of Spaniardn in Mixton war - 410 Babbitt, Irving, acknowledgments to... 552 Bacallaos, name applied to Newfound- land 513, 526 Bachelors forbidden to hold laud in America 374 Bacqubville db la Potherie on jug- glery am jng Hudson Bay Indians 140 Badger in Menomini myth 133 Bag, see Beaded bag. Medicine bag. Batxjonibs, description of, in pueblo houses 523 Ball, mystic, in Menomini myth 224 Ball-Cabbier, folktale of the 223 Ball-game during Pontiao conspiracy . . . 130 — in Menomini myth 166 — of the Menomini 127-136, 244 — , mythic origin of 131 — , sacred character of 135 Balsas, Bio de las, crossed by Coronado on rafts 586 Bancroft, H. H., on Cabeza de Vaca's route 348 — , mistake in dating Alvarado's report. . 391 Bandelier, a. F., researches in south- western history 339 — , discussion of indian legends 345 — , on Cabeza de Vaca's route 347 — , on Friar Juan de la Asuncion 353 — , on route of Friar Marcos 358 — , defense of veracity of Friar Marcos . . . Ivi, 363 — , on date of Coronado's departure 382 — , on Coronado's route from Culiacan . . . 386 — , identification of Chichilticalli by 387, 516 — , identification of Hawikuh-G-ranada by 489 — , identification of pueblos by 511, 524 — , Querechos identified witb Apaches by 396 — , identification of Bio Vermej by 482 — , identification of Vacapaby 355 — , use of sources of Coronado expedition by 414 — , considers the Turk indian probably a Pawnee 394 — , on Arizona Indian liquor 516 — , on Opata poison 538 — , on indian government and estufas 520 — , on pueblo indian life and government . 561 — , on name of Cicuye 523 — , on name Teya or Texia 507 — , on name Tutahaco 492 — , on Indian giants 485 — , on Acoraa 490 — , on Ispa and Guagarispa 585 — , on location of Quivira 397 — , on location of Tiguex and Cicuye 491 — , onMatsaki 517 — , onPetlatlau 5I6 — , on the Seven Cities 473 ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 617 Page Bandelier, a. F,, on Topira 47B — , on Tuqueyunque 510 Bannock, linguistic affinity of the 525 BaNuelos, B., miner of Zacatecaa 538 Basbels, native American flsli 517 Bark used in mat malting 259 — , see BiRCHBAEK . Barranca, EiODKLA, crossed by Coronado 586 Bareiokuevo, Francisco de, companion of Coronado 479 — , explorations of 510 — , adventure of, at Tiguex 496 Basket making by the Menomini 259 Batuca, Opata settlement in Souora 537 Bautista, Juan, on Mexican rain con- jurers 150 Beaded bags of the Menomini 74 Beads found in graves at Sikyatki 519 Beadwork of the Menomini 264, 265, 269-272 Beans, stores of, kept by Indians 584 — , wild, found by Coronado 507 Bear and the Eagle folktale 217 — in Menomini mythology. 91, 131, 169, 175,200, 254 — totem, Menomini, importance of 45 — in pueblo region 518, 560 Beaver in Menomini myth 134 Beaver hunter and his sister, folktale of. 222 Beds of the Menomini 256 Bejarano, Sebvan, testimony of 598 Belts of the Menomini 272 Benavides, a. de, on methods of building pueblos 520 — , on use of dogs by plains Indiana 527 Benitez, death of 500 Bebmejo. See Yebmejo. Bebnalillo, location of Tiguex at 391, 491 Berries, use of, by the Menomini 291 BiBLiOGKAPHY, work in xlii — of Coronado expedition 599 BiDDLB, J. "W"., quoted on Tomau 54-55 — , on death of Tomau 56 BiQOTES, captain of Cicuye indians 490 — , see "Whiskers. BiLLEGAS, Francisco de, agent for De Soto in Mexico 366 — , correspondence of, with De Soto 370 BiLOXi, study of language of Is Birchbabk, Bongs recorded on 107 — uaed for canoes 293 — used for utensils 288 — used in house building 253 — nsed in juggler's lodge 140 — used in medicine lodge 72 Birds, Ma'nabiish and the 203 — of pueblo region 521 Bison first seen by Coronado's force 391 — , description of 527,541,543 — described by Cicuye indians 490 described by Colorado river indians . . • 405 described by companion of Coronado.. 570 — described by Coronado 580 — described by Jaramillo 587 — , AJvarado's journey among 576 — , Coronado's army supplied with meat of 577,581 — killed by plains indians 504 Bison, pile of bones of 542 — , skins of, found byCoronado at Cibola. 560. — , stampede of 505 Bitumen used by indians in making rafts. 407 Blackbird, A. J., on Menomini totems ... 44 — , on significance of Mii'nabflsh 162 Blackfeet, poisoned arrows used by the . 285 Blankets of native American cotton 517 Blase, Father, Menomini grammar and dictionary by 295 Blind men and the raccoon, folktale of. . . 211 Blizzard experienced by Coronado 506 Blowgun formerly nsed by indians 286 Blue J AY in Menomini myth 299 BoABDMAN, E., land-treaty witness 28 Boas, Franz, acknowledgments to xliii BocANEGRA, Hebnand Febez DE. See Perez. Bonesteel, a. D., on death of Oshkosh. . 47 Boston Transcript, translation of Alva- rado's report in 594 BouRKE, J. Gr., on Apache medicine-men. . 360 — , on classification of arrows 278 Bowlder, mystic, near Keshena, "Wis 38 Bowl game of the Menomini 241 Bows discussed 280 — of the Menomini 274 Bowstrings of the Menomini 275. 280 BowYEE, Colonel, on Sauk and Fox ex- pulsion 19 BOYOMO, river and settlement of 515 Braba, pueblo of 525 — , description of, by Alvarado 595 — , village of, visited by Spaniards 511 Bracelets of Tiu-k Indian 493 Braddock, GtENeral, defeat of 16 Bread of pueblo indians 522 — , use of, among Colorado river indians . 485 Bbevoort, H. B., land-treaty witness 28 Bridge built by Spaniards across Cana- dian river 397, 504 — , indian, across Bio Grande 511 — , mystic, in Menomini myth 225 Bbigantines, French, on the coast of New Spain 547 Bristles used in drilling 267 Brothebton land purchase 22 Beunson, Alfred, quoted on the Menom- ini 36 Brush, E. A., land-treaty witness 29 BUENAGUiA, Alarcon'a name for Colorado river 406, 574 Buffalo, see Bison. Buffalo plains visited by Spaniards Ivii Buffalo skins given to Coronado 505 — obtained through trade by Sonora in- dians 357 Bullet game of the Menomini 242 BOrgos, JUANDE, estates of, forfeited for bachelorhood 379 Burial among pueblo indians 518 — by Tiguex indians 595 — , see Mortuary customs. BuRiEL, a variety of cloth - 543 Burning of indian captives condemned by Spaniards 393 618 INDEX TO PART 1 [ETH. i.i(V. 11 Pago BuKHma of indians at stake by Spaniards. 497 BUTTB DES MOETS, treaty of 27, 46 BuzzABD in Menomini mythology 165,202 Cabbza de Vaoa, Alvab NdSez, arrival of, inNew Spain 345,474 — , royal treasurer on Narvaez' expedition 347 — ,jonmey of ^^^ — , narrative of Narvaez' expedition by - . 349 — , narrative of, translated by Temanx ... 349 — tells Alvarado of his discoveries 352 — , Indian traditions regarding 589 — , efforts to verify reports of 354 — , description of bison by 643, 548 ^ uses gourds of Indian niedioine-men . . 360 — , traces of, found by Coronado 505, 500 -;-, in Corazones valley 484,585 Cabot, Sebastian, map of, cited ... 1 403 Cabbillo, J. K., voyage of, along Califor- nia coast ^^^ Cactus spikes used forpoisoningarrows. 285 Califoenia, study of indians of xxxviii — , coast of, explored by Ferrel 412 -, exploration of gulf of 369, 514 — , peninsula of, mistaken for an island. . . 404, 486 — , natives of peninsula of 514 Calkins, Hieam, on Ojibwa jnfgglery 148 Campbell, Donald, at Detroit in 1761 — 17 Campo, Andeeb do, Portuguese compan- ion of Padilla ^C" — remains in Qnivira 529, 535 — , return of, to New Spain 401,544 Canadian eiteb, journey of Alvarado along 391,576 — crossed by Coronado 397,504 Cannibalism in Menomini myth . 168, 194, 229, 231 CAifOESof the Menomini 292 — , mythic origin of 126 — , bnrialsin 239 Cantelodpes, introduction of, into pueblo country 550 — , i:. dian use of, as food 516 Canyon of the Coloeado visited by Spaniards 390,489 Capetlan, Bee Capothan. C apothan, province in New Spain 529 Capotlan or Capotean, indians from, accompany Padilla 592 Captives held as slaveti... 35 Caebajal, death of Spaniard named 500 Cahdenas, DiEoo Lopez dh, name of, given by Mota Padilla 477 Caedenas, Garcia Lopez, succeeds Sa- maniego as field-master 388 — , appointment of, as captain 477 — , confusion of, with Urrea 489 — visits Colorado river Ivii, 390, 489, 674 — , Indian village attacked by 496 — , Coronado protected by, at Cibola. . 483, 557, 573 — , treachery of indians toward 498 — , indians interviewed by 497 — , interview of, with Indians 555, 556 — , atTiguex 493 — , preparations for winter quarters by.. 570 — , accident to 505, 577 — , death of brother of 530 Page Caedenas, Gaecia Lopez, recalled to Spain 399,678,583 Caedinal points in Potawatomi myth. . . 209 Caedona, Antonio Seeeano de. See Seeeano. Gabon, Josette, Menomini treaty signer. 28 — , tee Eabon. Caeron, genealogy of 50,53 — , medal presented to 18 Caeron family, importance of 45 Caetoqeaphio results of Coronado expe. dition 403 Caevee, Jonathan, medicine ceremony described by 111-113 — , on Cree jugglery 141-143 — , on Green Bay Indian habitat 19 — , on progress of Green Bay 18 Casa de Conteatacion, description of . . . 351 Casa Geande, attempts to identify with Chiohilticalli 387 Cass, Lewis, treaty commissioner 27, 28 — , experience of, at Ottawa ceremony 105 Cass manusceipts quoted on Canadian Indianmagjc 144 — quoted on Babbit.rock myth 117 CastaSeda, Alonso de, death of 500 CASTAf5EDA, Pedro de, narrative ofCoro. nado expedition by Iv, 413, 417 — , manuscript of, in Lenox library 339, 413 — , story of an Indian trader 345 — , explanation of troubles between Friar Marcos andEstevan 355 — , story of Estevan's death 360 — , says Friar Marcos' promotion was ar. ranged by Mendoza 364 — , accusations against Friar Marcos 366 — , mistake regarding departure of Alar- con 385 — , stories of revolt of Eio Grande indians. 393 — , credibility of his version of the Turk's stories of Quivira 394 — , family of 470 — , Spanish family name 511 — , difficulties in manuscript of 513, 514 — , peculiarities of style of 525, 526 Castillo, Alonso del, same as Maldon. ado 348 Catawba, proportion of warriors to pop- ulation 33 — , reseaAhes among the xl Catfish, folktale of the 214 Catlinite used for pipes by Menomini. . . 248 Cattle, early introduction of Ivi — imported into New Spain 375 Ca VAI.L0S, Bahia de LOS, site of Narvaez' camp 347 Cedeos, Aeeoyo de ixjs, crossed by Cor. onado 584 Centizpac, a river in New Galicia 382 Ceremonia l baton described and figured . 72-73 — MEAL, use of , on Moki trails 488 Ceremonies of pueblo indians 544, 550, 573 — , pueblo, studied by Fewkes 359 — of Tiguex indians 595 Cereus thcrbeeii, see Pitahaya. Ceetificate of Tshekatshakemau 45 BTH. A.KN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 619 Page Cervantes, a Spanish Boldier. 503 Cevola, see Cibola. Chakekenapok in Potawatomi myth 207 Chametla, see Chiametla. Chamita, on site of Tuqueyunque 510, 525 Channing, Edward, acknowledgments to 339 Chants, Menominl ceremonial 78, 79, 86-87, 105 Charcoal used in medicine 136 Charlevoix on Fox indian early habitat. 19 — on Huron jugglers 139 — on jugglery 152-153 — on the Menomini 34, 36 Charms, hunting, among Menomini 67 — , love, of the Menomini 154, 155 Chemehubvi, arrow making by the 275 —, hows of the 281 — , stone arrowpointa of the 283 — , stone chipping by the 283 — , stone implements of the 256 Gherino, Fero Almidez, see Almidez. Cherokee, proportion of warriors to pop- ulation 33 Cheyenne, ghost dance among xxxix — .study of language of xli Chia, indian village mentioned by Jara- millo 587 — , mention of road to 594 — , cannon deposited in villages of 503 — , see SiA. Chiametla, appointment of Trejo in 500 — , death of Samaniego at 480, 547 — , desertion of 383 Chicago, origin of name 238 Chichilticalli, description of 516 — described by Jaramillo 584 — described by Mota Padilla 487 — , limit of Diaz' exploration 303 — , first sight of, by Coronado 482 — visited by Coronado 387 — , Coronado's description of 554 — , visit of Diaz to 480 — , visit of Friar Marcos to 475 Chichimecas, Mexican word for braves. . 524 — , Mexican Indians 529 Chickasaw, ball-game of the • 129 Ceuckbny, member of Menomini court ... 35 Chiefs, Menomini, descent of 39, 43 — , Menomini, genealogy of - - 44-60 — , Menomini, succession of 44 Chimneys not built by Menomini 253 China, coast of, connected with America. 513, 526 Chinookan bibliography, work on xliii Chipiapoos in Potawatomi myth 207 Chipmunk in Menomini myth 229 Chippeway, see Ojibwa . Chipping, see Arrow making. Choctaw, hall game of the 129 , proportion of warriors to population- . 33 Chouteau, A., Menomini treaty commis- sioner 2Q,2\ Christianization of Indians, jugglery op- posed to 138.139 Chumash, shell drilling by the 266 Cibola described by Indians of Sonora. . . 356 , extent of range of 3^8 Page Cibola, storiesof, inspired by Priar Marcos 364 — captured by Coronado Ivii, 388, 556, 665, 573 — , CastaQeda's description of 482 — , Diaz' description of houses at 548 — , Coronado's description of 558 — , description of 517, 565, 569, 573 — , description of bouses at 520 — , cartographic history of 403 — , see ZuSi. Cicuic, see Cicuye, Pecos. CicuiQUE, see Cicuye. Cicuye, synonymous with Pecos 391 — , description of 523, 525 — described by companions of Coronado . 570, 573 — described by Jaramillo 587 — , indians from, visit Coronado 490 — , Alvarado's visit to 4dl — , visit of Coronado to 502 — , treachery of indians at 509 — , siege of, by Spaniards 511 — , cartographic history of 403 — , river of, crossed by Spaniards 504, 510 CiNALOA river crossed by Coronado 584 — north of Jlfl^ew Galicia 386, 515 Clan, see Totem. Clark, William, Menomini treaty com- missioner 20, 21 Classification of indian tribes xxvii Claude, see Konot. Claw-and-mirror trick 99-100 Climate of Cibola, Coronado's account of. 559 Clothing of the Hopi 517 — of indians at Quivira 582 — of indians at Sonora 515 — of indians taken by Spaniards '495 — of plains indians 507 — of pueblo indians 404, 517, 549, 562, 563, 569, 573, 586, 595 Clubs, indian 498 CoAHUiLA, a Mexican state 545 Cochin, letter from, to Mendoza 412 COCHITI, pueblo of 525 Coco, Alvarado's name for Acoma 594 Colima, town in western New Spain 385 — , illness of Mendoza at 551 — , ravines of 505 Colonists of New Spain, characteristics of 373 Colonization of New Spain 374 Color significance in Menomini ceremo- nial 76 Colorado, adobe of 520 Colorado river, discovery of 403, 574 — , visit of Diaz to 406,485 — , visit of Cardenas to 390,489 Columbia river, drift of, seen by Perrel. 412 Columbian exposition. Bureau collection at xxxvi, xxxix, xlvi Comanche, identification of, with Teya. . 524 — , ghost dance among the xxxix — , linguistic affinity of the 525 Combs, use of. In weaving 562 Compostela, establishment of 473 — , rendezvous of Coronado's army at 362 — , review of Coronado's force in 596 — , departure of Coronado from 377, 478 620 INDEX TO PART 1 [ETH. ANN. li Page CoMUPATEico, settlement of 515 CoNA, settlement of plains Indians 507 CONANT, S., land-treaty witness 29 Conner, Henry, land-treaty witness 29 CoNQUiSTADORES, meaning of term iu New Spain 563 COPALA, name of province in great plains- 492 COPPEE found by Coronado at Quivira. . . 397 509, 577, 582 — recognized by Colorado river Indians. . 405' — arrows poisoned by corrosion 285 — bell found among Texas Indians 350 — mines, ancient, in Michigan sxxv, 345 — spearheads on Menomini reserve 36, 37 CoQUiTE. pueblo of 523 CoEAZONES, settlement of, by Arellano. . . 572 — , river and settlement of 515 — , description of, by Jaramillo 585 — , food supply in 553 — , kindness of indiansof 534,637 — , or valley of Hearts, in Sonora 392 — , Coronado's array in valley of 484 Cordage of the Menomini 260, 273 Corn, description of native American. . . 518 — , stores of, kept by Indians 584 — , method of grinding, at pueblos 522, 559 — , see Maize. Coronado, Francisco Vazquez, commis- sion of, as governor of New Galicia 351 — , escorts Priar Marcos to Culiacan 355 — , returns to Mexico with Friar Marcos. 362, 381 — , accompanied Mendoza to Mexico 376 — , request by, for investigation of per. sonnel of force 377 — , marriage and history 379, 474 — , qnellsrevoltof minersatAmatepeque. 380 — , rumorsofhisappointmentasgovemor. 380 — , wounded at Cibola 573, 565, 388, 483, 557 — , departure of, for Quivira 395, 577 — , return of, to Mexico 401 — , end of career of 402 — , appointment of 474, 476 — , departure of, from Compostela 478 — , Tutahaco visited by 492 — , letter written by, to survivors of Nar- vaez' expedition 507, 590 — , separation of, from main army 508 ^, cause of illness of 531,538,579 — , departure of, from Culiacan 552 — , regrets of, for failure of expedition. . . 583 — , petition from, to Mendoza 596 Coronado expedition, memoir on . . 1, liv, 329-613 Cortes, Hernando, defeats Karvaez 346 — , Marquis del valle de Oxitipar 350 — , settlement at Santa Cruz 351 — , declares Friar Marcos' report to be a lie 9 367 — , troubles of, with Mendoza 368, 409 — , expedition under Ulloa to head of gulf of California 369 — , arguments before the Council for the Indies 371 — , efforts to populate New Spain 373 — , importation of cattle by 374 — , Dame Nueva Espa&a given by 403 — , rivalry of, with Guzman 473 Page Cortes Hernando, trial for murder of wife of 473 —, feats of 540 — , probably mistaken reference to, in Hamusio 556 Cosmology of the Menomini 20 Cotton at Acoma, Coronado's account of 560 — , cultivation of, on Rio Grande 575 — found at Cibola by Coronado 558 — , use of, by pueblo indians 569 — blankets, native American 517 — cloth atTusayan 489 Council for the Indies, investigates charges against Cabeza de Vaca 349 Court, INDIAN, among the Menomini 34 Cows, see Bison. CoYOTEin Selish myth 205 Cradles of the Menomini 258 Cranes in pueblo region 521 Cree, jugglery among the 141-143 Creek, proportion of warriors to popula tion 33 Ceematiok among pueblo indians 5 18 Crime among the Menomini 34 Cross, sign of, among pueblo indians 518 — , veneration for, amoug Indians 544, 548, 555 — raised by Coronado in Quivira 591 Crow Indians, arrows of the 279 — ,«ee Absaroka. Crows in Menomini myth 195, 233 — in pueblo region 521 Cruz, Bahia de la, explored by Narvaez. 346 Cucumbers, Menomini fondness fot 73 Culiacan, San Miguel de 547 —.foundation of, by Guzman 473 — , description of 513 — , arrival of Cabeza de Vaca at 474 — , Coronado entertained at 384 — , Coronado's departure from -552 —.return of Coronado to 538 Cult societies of the Menomini C6 CuLtTACAN, see Culiacan. Currants, wild, found by Coronado 510 CusHiNO, F. H.,on Acus, Totonteac, and Marata 357 — ,onindian burials 518 — , on Indian fruit preserves 487 — , work of XXX vi, xliv Cuyacan, Andres de, indian ally of Coro- nado 536 Bakota INDIANS, ball game of the 129 — , mounds attributed to the 38 — , poisoned arrows used by the 285 — , monograph on language of xl Dalton, Captain, on Menomini warriors in the Kevolution ig Dance-bags of the Menomini 272 Dance inclosure of the Dreamers 158, 159 Dance, war, of the "Winnebago 25 Dances of the Menomini 247 — of the Tabus 513 Daniel, Franciscan friarand lay brother.. 474, 556 Davis, Solomon, Oneida allotment ex- pendable by 30 ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 621 Page Davis, "W. W. H., on flestruotion of New Mexican docnraents 535 Da' WA-WYMP-KI-YA8, Tusayan sun priests 518 Day, mythic origin of 200 Daylight in Meuomiui mytliology 91 Deeb at Cibola 560 — , description of, by Colorado river In- dians 405 — in Menomiui myth 201 — in pueblo region 518 — of great plains 528 Deer brains, bows sized witb 281 Demotic classification of Indians xxvii, xxviii, xxxviii Descalona, Louis, labors of, at Pecos. . . 401 Descent among theiMenomini 43 De Soto, see Soto. Dialects among plains Indians 682 Dlaz, Melchior, position of 477 — , ordered to verify Friar Marcos' re- ports 363 — , Niza's report investigated by 547, 553, 572 — , on Niza's discoveries 383 — , in command of San Hieronimo 392 — , command of, at Corazones 484 — , exploration by 406, 480, 485, 574 — , death of 407,501 Dickson, Egbert, at capture of Macki- naw - 55 — , Indians under, in war of 1812 19 DiNWiDDiE, William, work of xxxvi Disease attributed to witchcraft 139 — , treatment of, by jugglery 149-150 — , treatment of, by sucking 149 Diving contest in Menomini myth 189 Divorce among pueblo Indians 52 1 — , see Marriage. Dodge, Eichabd I., on classification of arrows 278 Do CAMPb, see Campo. Dogs ceremonially eaten Ill in Menomini myth 179,194 — , mention of, in connection with Coro- nado expedition 401,405,407 —, use of. by plains Indians .. 504,507,527,570,578 DoMISQCEZ, quotations from dictionary of 545 DoNADO, ecclesiastical use of term 400 Dorajjtbs, Andres, survivor of Narvaez expedition 348 — , remains in Mexico to conduct explora- tions 349 —.travels of 474 — , traces of, found by Coronado 505, 506 Dorantes, Francisco, mistake for An- dres 348 — , see Cabeza db Vaca. DOBSEY, J. O., linguistic researches by- - . xl, xlv — , on Indian religions concepts 39 Drake, Francis, on indian giants 485 Deaper,L.C., on Eleazer Williams 23 — , quoted on Oshkosh 46 — , quoted on Tshekatshakemau 45 Dreamer society of the Menomini - - - 63, 157-161 Dreams, effect of certain 262 Dress, ceremonial, of the Menomini 74, 264 Page Dkeuillettes, G. , on the Green Bay tribes . 51 Drilling by the Menomini 264 Dbdm, medicine, of the Menomini 77, 112 — , mystic power of 93 — , significance of the 159 — used in Menomini jugglery 63 — used in moccasin game 242, 243 — at Pecos 491 Drunkenness, absence of, at Cibola 518 — among the Menomini 34 — among the Tahus 574 Dock in Menomini mythology 163, 203, 254 Durango, a Mexican state 545 — , province of New Spain 353 — , mines in 476 Dwellings of the Menomini 253 DzhO'seqkwai'o, genealogy of 57 Eagles in Menomini mythology- . 92, 131, 166, 217 ~, tame, kept by Indians 516 Eames, 'Wilbeeforce, acknowledgments to 339 Earth, Menomini personification of 87 Earthenware of Indians mentioned by CastaHeda 511 — , see Pottery. Earthquakes near mouth of Colorado river 501 Eclipse, effect of, atCibola 518 Edwards, N., Menomini treaty commis- sioner '. 20,21 Eels, Myron, acknowledgments to xliii Elk people, myth of the 182 Ellis, A. G., on Eleazer "Williams 23 — , on Menomini land cessions 22 — , on selection of Menomini chief 46 — , on the Stambaugh treaty 29 Encaconados, Sonoran use of term 358 Ernest, a Menomini, genealogy of 50 EsPEJO, Antonio de, Mexican Indians found at Cibola by 401,536 — , on clothing of Zuni Indians 517 — , on Coronado' s attack on Tiguex 496 — , on plains Indians 527 EspiNOSA, death of 555, 564, 586 EspiRiTU Santo river identified with Mis- sissippi 346 Estebanillo, see Estevan. EsTEVAN, survivor of Narvaez expedition . 348 — , qualifications as a guide 354 — proceeds to Cibola in advance of Niza. 355 — , travels of 474 — , death of 360,475,551,586 — , Coronado's account of the death of. - - 563 — , death of, described by Colorado river Indians 405 — , native legends of death of 361 Estrada, Alonzo de, royal treasurer for New Spain 379 — , parentage of 474 Estrada, Beatrice de, wife of Coronado. 379, 478 EsTHEM ADURA, Spanish province 51 1 ESTUFAS, descriptions of 520 — , description of, by Jaramillo 587 — , reference to 569 — atCibola 518 622 INDEX TO PART 1 [KTH. ANN. 14 Page JSSTUFAS, very large, at Braba 511 — , see KiVA. Eteehington, Captain, and the Pontiac conspiracy 130 Ethnology, status of xxx EUDEVE, branch of Opata Indians 537 EuPHORBiACEA, name of Opata poison.. . 538 Exploration by the Bureau xlvi irAGE-BTxA.CKENiNa as moumlng custom . . 241 Facial decohation of t^e Menomini.. 75-76, 156 Fasting, ceremonial, by the "Winnebago. 110 — in Henomini myth 224 Fauvbl, J. B. F., land-treaty witness 29 Feast in Menomini myth 227 — , ceremonial, of the Menomini 73 — , hunting, of the Menomini .'. 151 — , mortuary, of the Menomini 69 — , mortuary, of the Ojibwa 68 Feathkhing of arrows 276 Feathers, Indian trade in 472 — , significance of 268 — , use of, by pueblo indians 544, 559, 570 — , use of, for garments 517 — , war, of the Menomini : 268 Fences around Menomini graves 240-241 — of the Menomini 255 Ferdinand, King, family of 474 Fernandez, Domingo, Spanish soldier, death of 538 Fehrel, B. de, pilot and successor of Cabrillo 411 Fetiches, found in graves at Sikyatki . . . 519 Fewkbs, J.AV" alter, excavations by 519 — , researches at Tusayan and ZuBii 339, 359 — , on estufas 520 — , on Hopi ceremonials 544, 550 — , on snake dance 561 — , on sun priests and kiva ceremonies . . . 518 Figueroa, Gomez Suarez de, companion of Coronado 477 Financial statement xlix Fire, Menomini mythic origin of 40, 41, 126 — , Menomini personification of 87 — , perpetual, in Potawatomi myth 208 Firebrand, use of, by indians in travel- ing 485 Firebrand RIVER, «ee Colorado, Tizon. Fiee-handling by the "Wabeno 151 Fish in Menomini myth 125, 200, 217 — used by the Menomini 290 FiSHHAWK in Menomini myth 200 Fishing by the Menomini 272 Flax, river of 554, 555 — , "wild, on great plains 528,591 Fletcher, Francis, on indian giants 485 Fletcher, J. E., on "Winnebago ceremo- nial 110 Flight, symbols of 129 Flint, Menomini personification of 87 Florida explored by De Soto 370 — explored by Narvaez 346, 474 — , reputed bad character of country of.. 545 Flowers, use of, in pueblo ceremonials. . 544 Flutes at Pecos 491 Folktales of the Menomini 209-239 Page Food, animal, selection of, in myth 200 — of Acoma indians 491 — , supply of, in Acoma 594 — of the Menomini 273,286-292 — of pueblo indians . . 506, 527, 549, 559, 569, 586, 593 — supply of Tiguex indians 595 — supply of Spanish army 562 — of Tusayan Indians.. 489 — ofiferings to dead 239 — products, collection of xxxix Footprints in pictography 109 Foot racing among various tribes 246 — in Menomini myth 191 Forsyth, E. A., land-treaty witness 29 FowKB, Gerard, work of xxxvl, xxxvii Fowls, domestic, among the pueblos 516, 521,559 Fox in Menomini mythology 91, 172, 191 Fox INDIANS, early habitat of the 16, 19 — , expulsion of the 16 Franciscans, election of Niza by 476 — , dress of 543 — in New Spain 474 French inhabitants of Green Bay 24 — , marriage of, with Menomini 16 French and indian war 16 Feio, eio, crossed by Coronado 586 Fruit, introduction of, into pueblo coun- try 550 — , wild, of great plains 528 Funeral witnessed by Coronado 519 — , see Mortuary costoms. Furniture of the Menomini 256 Galbras, Juan, exploration of Colorado river canyons by 489 Galicia, New Kingdom of, in New Spain . 473 Galindo, Luis, chief justice for New Galicia 351 Galisteo, pueblo of 523, 525 — , mention of, by Jararaillo 587 Gallego, Juan, companion of Coronado. 477 — , messenger from Coronado to Mendoza- 392, 394 — , messenger from Mexico to Coronado.. 533, 534 — in Corazones 484 — , meets Coronado on his return 537 — , feats of 540 Gambling by tho Menomini 241 Game in pueblo region 518, 521, 560 — in Menomini region liv, 272 Games of the Menomini 241-247 GantTjS., Menomini treaty commissioner. 21 Garcia, Andres, on effect of Marcos' re- port 365 Gaecia Icazbalceta see Icazbalceta. Garnets found at Cibola by Coronado . . . 559 Garters of the Menomini 269 Gatschet, a. S., linguistic researches ijy xi — , on name of Cibola 517 Gauthisr family, pipe presented to 248 Geese in pueblo region 521 — in Menomini myth 204 Genealogy of Menomini chiefs 44-60 Genesis of the Abnaki 87 — of the Menomini 87, 113 ETH. ANN. U] INDEX TO PART 1 623 Page Geographical results of Coronado expe- dition 403 Ghost dance among the Menoniini 03 — religion, meraoir on 1, Ivili — , study of the ■ xxxix Ghost socuiTY of the Ojihwa C7 Giants in Menomiiiimjth 20j, 231 — , discovery of tribe of 392 — , indian, finding of, by Maldouado 434 — , Indian, visit of Diaz among 485 Gila river, possible early visit to 353 Gill, Db L, W., work of xxxvi, xlvii Gill, J. K., acknowledgments to xlii GiTSCHEE, "Waubezhaas, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Glode, genealogy of 57 — , see KONOT. Glue used by indians 276, 284 Goats, mountain, in pueblo country 550, 560 — , mountain, seen by Spaniards 516 Gold, discovery of, Suya 533 — found by Coronado at Cibola 5G3 — , reports of, from Quivira 503, 504, 512 — found at Quivira by Coronado 582 — in Menomini myth 225 — , use of, in indian trade 472 Gomara, r. L. de, on Chichimecas 524 — , on clothing of pueblo indians 517 — , description of bison by 543 — , on illness of Coronado 531 — , on return of Coronado 539 — , on capture of Cibola 483 — , on stories told by Turk indian 492 — , on Quivira and Padilla 529 — , quotation from 497 Goose, see Geese. Gorbalan, Fbancisco, companion of Cor- onado 477 GOBMANDiSM of the Menomini 287 Gobbell, James, Green Bay governed by . 17 — , abandonment of Green Bay by 18 — , Menomini friendliness toward 34 — , on Menomini population 32 Gourd used by Estevan as sign of au- thority 360 — , use of, for carrying water 490 Government of pueblo indians 356,518,561 — of Sonora indians 515 — of the Menomini 39 Graham, E., Menomini treaty commis- sioner 21 Granada, Coronado'snameforHawikuh. 389, 558, 564 — , see Hawikuh, Cibola. Grand Baptiste, see Eice, Jean B. Grand canyon, discovery of Ivii — , xee Colorado biver. Grand Medicine society, Menomini 66-138 Grapes, introduction of, into pueblo coun- try 550 — , wild, found by Coronado. . 507, 510, 528, 582, 591 Grasshoppers in Menomini myth 205 — used as food 287 Grave boxes, Menomini 74-75 Grave posts of the Menomini 74 Graves, see Mobtuaby customs. Page Great Mystery of Hhe Menomiui 39 Great plains, description of 527 — , description of, by companion of Cor- onado 570 — , Coronado's description of 580 — , dangers of traveling on 578 Great Spirit, see Spirituality. Green Bay, origin of name 15 — , Indians on, in 1766 19 — abandoned by English 18 — , land claims at 28 — , progress of 18 — visited by Jedidiab Morse 22-23 Grey friars, name of 543 Grignon, a., on Menomini characteris- tics -• 34 — , Menomini slavery 35 — , on progress of Green Bay 18 — , quoted on Ai^mita 56 — , quoted on Carron 51 — , quoted on Konot 52, 54 — , quoted on Toman 54,56,57 GuACHiCHULES, Mexican native province. 545 Guadalajara, citizens of, in Coronado's army 598 — , defense of, in Mixton war 408, 410 — , election of magistrates at 381 Guadalajara, Anton de, native ally of Coronado 536 Guadalaxara, name of, changed in 1540. . 473 Guadalupe canyon, pueblos in 525 GuADiANA, Spanish river 511 Guars, province near Quivira 503, 529 GUAGARispA, settlement of 515 — , seeARiSPA, ISPA. GuAS, province of great plains 503, 529 Guatemala explored by Alrarado ..*,... 352 — , wives for settlers imported into 374 GuATULCO, port of New Spain 369 Guatuzaca, indian mythological person- age 405 Guevara, Diego de, name of, cited by Mota Padilla 477 — , Indian village captured by 500 GUEVABA, Juan de, appointment of son of. 477 Guevaba, Pedeo de, appointment of, as captain 477 Gum used in blade mounting 285 GuTiERRES, Diego, appointment of, as cap- tain 477 GuYAS, see Guas. Guzman, NuRo de, president of Mexican audiencia 350 — , position of, in New Spain 472 — , conquest of New Galicia by 351 — , arguments of, before Council for the Indies 372 — , Culiacan settled by 513 — , expedition of, to Seven Cities 473 — , result of abuses of 408 — , imprisoned in Mexico 351 Hacus, use of name by Niza 575 Hailstones, effect of, in Coronado's camp . 506 Hair used for producing abortion 286 Haib-cutting as a mourning custom 241 Hair-dress of pueblo women 517 624 INDEX TO PART 1 [ETH. AlfN. 14 Page Hair-plucking by the Menomini 210 Haklutt, E., traiiBlatiou of Coronado's letter by 552 — , omissions in translation by 563 — , quotation from 554,558,500 — , Zufii name for Acoma 490, 560, 575 — , ZuiJi name for Aeoma people 490, 575 Hale, Horatio, actnowledgmenta to — xliii Hammocks of tbe Menomini 258 Hano, a Tnsayan village 519 Harahet, chief of, visits Coronado 590 Haral, see Haxa. Harale, description of, told to Coronado. 570 Harrison, T., Menomini treaty commis- sioner 21 Hawikuh captured by Coronado Ivii — , former importance of 358 — , scene of Este van's death 361 — , similarity of, with Albaicin 564 — , Spanish name for 389 Hawk in Menomini myth 92, 200, 233 Haxa or Haya, province near Mississippi river 504, 505, 507 Haynes, Henry "W., acknowledgments to. 339 — , error of Castafleda corrected by 501 — , on date of Coronado's departure 382 -^, on identification of Cibola 389 Headbands of pueblo Indians referred to. 549 Hearts of animals, use of, as food 484 Hearts valley, named by Cabeza de Vaca 392 — , See Corazones. Hell-diver in Menomini myth 204 Hbmenway, Augdstcs, acknowledg- ments to 339 Hemenway expedition, bones in collec- tion of - - -^ 549 Hemes pueblos. - .'. 519, 525 — , visit of Barrionuevo to 510 — , see Jemez. Hendrick, S. U., a Stockbridge chief 22, 25 Heniquen fiber used by pueblo Indians. 573 Hennepin, Louis, on sorcery among north- ern tribes 141 Henry, Alexander, on Ojibwa treatment of disease by jugglery 149 — , on the Ponti ac conspiracy 131 Henshaw, H. "W., work of xxxvi, xxxviii, xlv, xlvi Herbalists of the Menomini 67 — , see Medicine-men. Hernandez, Luis, Spanish soldier, death of 538 Herrera, a. de, on Coronado's visit to Quivira 509 — , on explorations by Diaz 406 ^, quoted on nagualism 65 — , quotation from 507 Hewitt, J. X. B., linguistic researches by xl, xli — , on arrow-poisoning among Iroqnolan tribes 285 HiLLEES, J. K,, photographic work by xlviii Hodge, F. W., work of xlv, Ivii — .acknowledgments to 339,599 — , identiiicatioQ of cities of Cibola 361,389 — , identification of plains Indians 396 Hodge, F. W., on Zufii name of Acoma. . 490 — , on probable identification of Teyas... 524 — , on cotton at Tusayan 550 — , on pueblo of Matsaki -517 — , on native names for Taos 575 — , on Zuni foot racing 247 Hoffman, TV. J., memoir by, on Menomini indians 1, 3-328 — , work of xxxiii Holland Land Company, sketch of 21 Holmes, "W. H., on pueblo pottery 522 — , researches of xxxv Honduras, exploration of, by Alvarado . . 352 Hoo TSHOOP, Menomini treaty signer 28 Hopi, tribal name of Indians at Tusayan. 390 — , discovery of the Ivii — , collections from the xxxix — , natal ceremonies of 517 — paraphernalia found in graves at Sik- yatki - 519 — , tame eagles among 516 — , use of urine by 522 — , see MoKi, Tusayan. Horses, epidemic among, in New Mexico. 536 —, utility of, in new countries 546 Houses of plains Indiana 528 — , see Adobe, Architecture, Lodge. Huc-ARiTZ-PA., see Arispa. Humming-bird in Menomini myth 233 Hunter and his sister, folktale of tho ... 222 — and the Elk people 182 — and the snow 216 — , young, myth concerning 181 Hunting by tho Menomini 272 — , decline of, among the Menomini 34 — feast of the Menomini 151 — medicine made by skunk 213 — medicine of the Menonimi, 155 — medicines, mystic origin of 93 Huron, jugglers among the 139 Ibarra, Francisco de, mention of 500 Iberville, L. d', colonization by 14 Icazbalceta, Joaquin G-arcla, acknowl- edgments to 339, 413, 568 Idolatry among Tahus 513 Illinois Indians, population pf, in 1634.. 15 Illustrations, preparation of xlvii Immigration, early, into New Spain 374 Implements of the Menomini 256 Incas, effect of stories of wealth of 350 India, coast of, connected with America. 513, 526 Inemikee, Menomini treaty commissioner 21 INFANTADO, DuKE OF, appointment of brother-in-law of 477 Initiation into Menomini Mitawit. . 67, 68, 85, 137 — into Winnebago society 110 Inquisition, badge of, described 507 Intermarriage among the Menomini 35 — , «C6 Marriage. Interpreters, followers of Cabeza de Vaca trained as 354 Intoxicants introduced among Menom- ini 215 Iroquoian languages, study of the xli Iroquois, jugglers among the 139 ETH. ANN, 14] INDEX TO PART 1 625 Page Iroquois, poisoned arrows used by the. . . 285 Irwin, Major, on Sauk aud Fox expul- sion 19 Island of the Marquis, same as Lower California 351 ISLETA, Coronado's visit to 492 — , name of Cibola at 517 ISOPETE, see YSOPBTB. ISPA, Indian settlement visited by Coro- nado 585 — , gee Arispa. Jacona, Mendoza's letter from 551 Japanese, bows of the 281 Jaramillo, Juan, on the visit to Quivira. 396 — , translation of narrative of 584 Jemes pueblos 525 — , see Hemes. Jeronimo de Santisteban, letter of, to Mendoza 412 Jesuit relations, abstracts from xlii Johnson, Sir "William, Indian council called by 18 — , instructions to Gorrell from 17 Jones, D. G., land-treaty witness 29 Jones, Peter, juggler lodgedeacribed by. 146 — , on Menoniini love powders 153 — , on Ojibwa witchcraft 143 — , on reputed power of medicine-bag 262 ^, on the Menomini "Wabeno 152 Joseph, a Menomini, genealogy of 58 Josephine, see Dzhoseqkwaio, Josette, genealogy of 57 JUANA, Queeuof Spain 477 JuanAleman, name given to pueblo In- dian 495 — , treachery of 498 JuAN DE LA Asuncion, Pranciscan friar in New Spain 353 Juan de la Cruz, death of, at Tiguex. . . 401, 535 Juan Kodrigues, Isla de, Spanish name for San Miguel 411 JUEZ DE residencia, functious of 474 Jugglers among Algonquian tribes 62 — , mystic power of 104, 139 — of the Menomini 66, 97, 138-151 Jugglery practiced by the "Winnebago. . 110 — , compensation for 149 — described by Carver 112 — lodge of the Menomini 146-147, 255 — , mystic origin of 93 Kakdene, myth of 205 Kanontewanteta, mother of "Williams. . 24 Kansas, Castaneda's deacription of 528 — , location of Quivira in 397, 591 — , see Quivira. Kansas river crossed by Coronado 397 Karkundego, Menomini treaty commis- sioner 21 Karon, genealogy of 56 — , seeCARRON. Karry-man-nee, Menomini treatysigner. 28 Kaw-kaw-say-kaw, Menomini treaty signer 28 Kaw-nee-shaw, Menomini treaty signer. 28 14 ETH 40 Pag& KcHEMNiTO in Menomini mythology 207 Kegissk, Menomini treaty signer 2ft Kerbs pueblo, tee Queres. Keshena, chief, agreement of, to land treaty 31 — , town, mounds near 36-38: Keshiene, genealogy of 59 Keshimnby, Menomini treaty signer 28- Key, Philip B., land-treaty witness 28 K'lAKiMA, apueblo of Cibola 389 — , legend of Estevan's death at 361 K'iapkwainakwin, location of 35ft KiBBE, Amos, Menomini treaty commis- sioner 2t Kichiaemtort, Menomini treatysigner.. 28' KiLLiKiNiK, of what composed 250 — , see Tobacco. Kimio WN, Menomini treaty signer 28 Kingfisher in Menomini myth * IIS KiNOKE, genealogy of 49 KiNziE, J,, JR., land-treaty witness 29i Kiowa, investigation of the xxxix; KiVA, Coronado's description of 55ft — described by Colorado river Indians. . . 405- — , see ESTUFA. Klallam, poisoned arrows used by the . . . 285- Knives of the Menomini 241, 260^ — , stone, of plains indiana 528- — , stone, of thelJte 282 Kohl, J. G., on Ojibwa mnemonic songs. 106, 107' KoMiNiKBY, Menomini treaty signer 2ft' KoNAPAMiK, see Shell. KONOT, genealogy of 51, 5ft KosBV, genealogy of 60 KosHKANOQNA'f, genealogy of 49 Lachimi river mentioned 553 — , see Yaqui, Yaquimi. La CROSSE, origin of game of 130 — played by Menomini 244 La Flesche, Frank, on source of Omaha medicine rituals 62" Laguna, pueblo of 525 Lahontan, Baron, on Algonquian treat- ment of disease 140 La ITatividad, arrival of Alvarado at. . . 409 Land assigned to Spanish settlers 374 — , Menomini, area of 31 — status of the Menomini 31 Langlade, C. de, Braddock defeated by . 16 — , Indian council under 18 — and the Pontiac conspiracy 130 Language as a basis of classification xxix — , development of xxxi — , diversity of, among plains Indians 582 — , difficulties of interpreting Indian 394 — , Menomini, effect of intermarriage on. 36 — , Menomini, foreign terms in 61 — , Menomini, publications in 294 — of Menomini cult rituals 60 — , see Vocabulary. La Paz, colony at, under Cortes 352 Lara, Alonso Manriqub de, companion of Coronado 477 Lard, Menomini fondness for 286 Larv.;e used as food 287 626 INDEX TO PAET 1 [ETH. ANN. 14 Page La Salle in Mississippi valley ]4 Lbbarnaco, Menoiuini treaty comraia- , sioner 21 Leoebdemain, see Juqoleby. Lenox Libhaky, acknowledgment to . . Iv, 339, 413 Leon, Juan de, copy of evidence made by . 598 Leopakd, see Wildcat. Leslie, Liedtenant, and the Fontiac con- spiracy 130 L'ESPAGNOL, Henomini treaty signer '28 Letva, Feancisoo de, on effect of Mar- cos' report 366 Ligney, — DE, expedition of 16 Linguistics, work in xxxix — , tee Lahquaoe. Lino, Eio del, reference to 554, 555 Lions, native American 517 — in pueblo region 518 — , mountain, found by Coronado at Ci- bola 560 LiPans, poisoned arrows used by the 285 Little Talley, settlement of 515 . Lizards used as food 287 Llama, former habitat of 549 Lodges, ceremonial, of the "Winnebago.. 110 — of the Menomini 253 — , see Medicine lodge. Jugglery. Longevity among the Menomini 45 Lopez, Diego, appointment of, as captain . 477 — , appointment of, as army-master 508 — , Saraaniego succeeded by 480 — , horse of, killed at Cibola 657 — , adventure of , at Tiguex 496 — , visit of, to Haxa 505 Lopez de Cabdenas, G.,see Caedenas. LORIMIER, a Caughnawaga chief 24 LosMuertos, excavations at, in Arizona. 518 Louisiana, Biloxl Indians of xl Love powders of the Menomini 67, 153-154 Lower California, early name of 351 — , colony in, under Cortes 351 — , Cortes' colony recalled from 369 Lucas, native companion of Padilla 400, 535 Luis, a Franciscan friar 556, 565, 579 Luis de Escalona, settlement of, at Cicuye 592 Luis DE TJbeda remains at Cicuye... 40<1, 534, 535 Lung Woman in Menominimyth 226 Macaque, a pueblo settlement 517 — , see Matsaki. MacCauley, Clay, on Menomini Dreamer society 160,101 McGee, "W J, researches of xxxviii McKenney, R. T., treaty commissioner.. 21 McKenney, T. L., treaty commissioner. . 27, 28 Mackinac,' myth concerning 199 Mackinaw, capture of ; 65 McNab, — , at Eleazer "Williams investi- gation 24 JIagic performed by the "Wabeno 151 — , see Jugglery. Mago, Opata word for poisonous plant. . . 538 Maguey, use of, for clothing by Indians. 669 Maize, description of 618 — , see Corn. Page Makyata, see Marata, Matyata. Maldonado, Alonso del Castillo, sur- vivorof Narvaez, expedition 348 Maldonado, Kodrigo, appointmentof, as captain 477 — , oidor in N"ew Spain 596 — , visit to seacoastby 484 — , explores Gulf of California 392 — , travels of 474 — , camp of, attacked 499 ~, buffalo skins given to, by Indians 505 — , horse of, injures Coronado 531 Mallery, Garrick, researches of xxxii — , Indian sign language 504 Mallets, Indian 498 — of the Menomini 260 Maluco, visit to, by Villalobos 412 Ma'nabOsh, etymology of 87, 114 — , signification 0^ 162 — , mythic origin of 87 — abode of 206 — and the ball game 131 — and the bear &n&maqkia 175 — and the birds 203 — and the buzzard 202 — and the kingfisher 116 — and the warriors 118 — and the water monstor 125 — a^ a hunter 182 — , myth concerning 73 — genesis myth 113. — , mystic gifts to 91, 118 — , search for 206 — , travels of 162,199 Manbasseaux, Menomini treaty signer . . 28 Mandan slaves among Menomini 35 Manidos, power derived from faith in . . . 105 — , Indian regard for 65 — of the Menomini 39 Manitouwauk, meaning of 19 Manrich, a. de, horse of, killed at Cibola. 567 Maneique de Lara, Alonso, see Lara. Manufactures of the Menomini 258 Map drawn by Coronado 392 — showing results of Coronado expedi- tion 403 Maple sirup, use of, by Menomini 286 Maple-sugar making 287 — , mythic origin of 173 MAqkatabi, genealogy of 57 Marata, Coronado's account of 560 — identified with Matyata 357 — , mention of, by Diaz 550 Maboo Polo, quotation from 571 — , stories of, compared with Castafieda. . 345 Marcos, see Niza. Marcoux, PfeRE, on early mission records. 24 Margaret, a Menomini, genealogy of 57 Marjoram, native American 517 — , wild, found by Coronado 510 — , wild, of groat plains 528 Marksmanship of Indians 499, 507 Marques, Isla del, name of, given to Lower California 486 Marquis of the "V"alley, title of, given to Cortes 473 ETU. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 627 Page Marquis of the Valley, see Cobtes. Makeiagk among the Tahus 613 — atCibola 518,521 of settlers favored by government .... 374 Martin, Domihgo, soldier with Goronado 597 Martin, M. L., on Menomiui land treaty. 26 Masha Manido, meaning of. 39 Maskotin habitat in 1634 15 Mason, 0. T., on arrow classifliation 275 — ,on arrow mounting 278 — , on compound bows 281 Mastodon in Potawatoml myth 209 Mi.TA, a pueblo millstone 522 M atAei, a pueblo millstone 522 Matapa, a settlement in Sonora 355 Mats of theMenomini 258 — used in honsebuilding 255, 514 — used in medicine lodge 71-72 Matsaki, Cibola pueblo, description of . . 493 — , ruins of pueblo settlement 517 — visited by Goronado 594 Matshikinb, member of Menomini court 35 Matthews, Washington, on llama in pueblo country 549 Matt ATA, former New Mexican pueblo. . 357 Maunkhay-haith, Menomini treaty signer 28 Maurault, J. A., on Abnaki genesis — 87 — ,on Abnaki jugglery 145 — , on Abnaki totemism 65, 66 Maya codices, study of xxxvii MCHEMNITO in Menomini mythology 207 Meal, sacred, use of, at Tusayan 488 Medal presented to Garron — 18 Medical preparations of the Menomini. . 69 Medicine defined 105 , hunting, of the Menomini 155, 213 mystery in Potawatoml myth 208 — , mystic origin of 89, 90, 92-93, 119, 208, 209 — , practice of, by jugglery 140 — preparations of the Menomini 153 — used in ball game 136 , see Disease, Jugglery, Magic. Medicine-bags of the Menomini 75, 83-84, 261 — of the Winnebago 110 — , origin of 114 — in Potawatomi myth 208 — , reputed power of 100, 102, 104, 111, 113, 156, 221, 262. Medicine-lodge of the Menomini 71, 255 , Menomini, construction of 70, 113, 136 — , Menomini, diagram of 75 , Ma'nabilsh's injunction regarding 199 — , orientation of 71, 86, 90, 113, 156 Medioine-mbn, authority of Ill, 360 — of the Menomini 66 Medicine-society of the Menomini 66,138 Medioine-song in Menomini ceremonial. Medicine-women, arrangement of, in Menomini ceremonial Melaz, Juan Melgosa, Pablo de, companion of Goro- nado ' — , wounded at Cibola ,• - - , exploration of Colorado river canyons by 94 477 557 Page Melgosa, Pablo dk, adventure of, at Tiguex 496 Melons, native American 516 — , stories of, kept by Indians 584 Mendibta, G. de, cited on work of friars in New Mexico 401 Mendoza, Antonio de, Cabeza de Vaca entertained by 348 — , unsuccessful expedition of, under Dorantes 349 — , effects of administration of 350 — , plans of, for exploring expeditions. . . 352 — , instructions from, for Niza 354 — , report of, on Niza's discoveries 363 — , petitions by, for right of conquest 368 — , endeavors to prevent Cortes' expedi- tions 369 — , interference with navigation by 370 — , right of, to explore oontirmed 373 — , importation of cattle by 375 —, family of 376 — , appointment of Goronado by 474 — , friendship of, for Coronado 476 — , address to soldiers by 478 — , instructions of, to avoid trouble with Indians y 496 — , complaints of, regarding arms 540 — , requests for arms by 378 — , disappointment of, on Coronado's re- turn 401 — , investigation ordered by 596 — , agreement with Alvarado 409 — , illness of 551 — , deathof 470 Menomini, investigation of the xxxiii — , memoir on the 1, 3-328 Menomini river, Menomini name of- - . . 39 Menstruation, mythic origin of 173 Mercatoe, Gr., map by, cited 403 Mesa, Spanish soldier, cured by quince juice 538 MESAKKUMMIKOKWIinPotawatomimyth. 209 Mescali, native American liquor 516 Mesquite, native American fruit 515 Messlah craze among the Menomini 63 — , >ee Ghost dAnce. Meteors in Menomini myth 210 Mexican sorcerers 138, 150-151 Mexico, city of, in 1556 363,375 Mgxioo, Gaspar de, native ally of Coro. nado 536 MicER PoGio, reference to 571 Michigan, ancient copper mines in xxxv Michilimackinac, siege of 18 Michoacan, province in New Spain 473 — , journey of Mendoza across 478 MiCMAC, pictography of the xxxii MiDEWiwiN of the Ojibwa 67 Migrations, extent of, of various tribes.. 345 — , southern, of Menomini 218 Mills of pueblo women 522 Mills, N., Menomini treaty commissioner. 21 Milwaukee, Indians at, in 1673 18 Mindeleff, Cosmos, researches by xxxvii MiNDELEFF, YiCTOE, reference to memoir hy xlviii 628 INDEX TO PART 1 [kth. axn. 14 Page. MiNDELEFF, VICTOR, ground plan of Ha"wi- kuhby 363 — , on pueblo mealing tronghs 522 Miner, Jesse, land-treaty -witness 29 Mink in Menomini myth 134, 164, 172 Minnesota, pipestone qaarries in xxxv MiSHAXiKEWETT, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Missionaries, Spanish, early success of, among Indians 551 — , Spanish, introduction of fruit by 550 Mississippi river described by Cas- taneda 529 — described to Coronado 504 — , description of 493 ^-, Menomini name of 218 — , mention of 510 — , Narvaez "nrecked at mouth of 347 Missouri slaves among the Menomini 35 — KiVEB mentioned by Castaneda 529 Mitawit of the Menomini 66-138 — , origin of the 114 — ceremonies, decline of 137, 157, ] 58 — , form of procession in 102-103 — , list of members of 84-85 MiTAWOK and Wabenoak compared 155 Mitchell, Maby M., illustrations pre- pared by xlvii Mixton peSol, capture of 411 — WAR, causes of 408 Mnemonic songs of the Ojibwa 106 MoAZONiNEE, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Moccasin game of the Menomini 242 Moccasins of the Menomini 268 — , use of, by pueblo women 517 MocHiLA, settlement of 515 MocHiLAGUA, Indian settlement of 515 Modeling, work in xlvii Mohave, foot racing by the 246 — , gormandism among the 287 Mohekunnitck, see Stockbridge. MoKi, rabbit-hair mantles at 517 — , name for pueblo settlements at Tu- sayan 390 — , see Hopi, Tusatan. MoLiNA/On name of Chichilticalli 516 — on meaning of tlauele 524 Moneeto Penaysee, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Monominee Cashee, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Montcalm, Menomini at fall of 16 MoNTEJO, ~, feats of, in Tabasco 540 Montezuma, see Motecuhzoma. Moon, folktale of the 209 MOONEY, James, memoir by, on ghost- dance religion l,lviii — , on identification of Querechos 396 — , researches by xxxvi, xxxix, xlv, xlvi Moore, N. H., Menomini treaty commis- sioner 21 Moose and the Catfish folktale 214 — people, defeat of the 182 Mora river, tributary of the Canadian. . 397 Morgan, Lewis H., on adobe 520 Morse, Jedidiah, on death of Tomau ... 55 — , on maple-sugar making 287 — , on Menomini food 290 — , on Menomini land claims 21 Page Morse, Jedidiah, on Menomini maiTiage 35 — , on Menomini population 33 — , on Saux and Fox expulsion 19 — , work accomplished by 22 Mortar, substitute for, among pueblo Indians 520 — , see Adobe. Mortars of the Menomini 257 Mortuary ceremonials, Menomini 73 — customs, Menomini 68-69, 239-241 — feast of the MIenomini 69 — feasts of the Ojibwa 68 Moses, Bernard, on Casa de Contratacion 351 Moss, mythic origin of. 164 Mota Padilla, M. de la, acknowledg- ments to 414 — , historian of New Galicia.. 375 — , description of Cibola by . . 1 483 — , on Chichilticalli 487 — , on Coronado's route from Culiacan 386 — , on death of ITriar Juan 401 —.J on death of Samauiego 480 — , on discovery of Colorado river 407 — , on Indian giants 485 — , on stories told by Turk Indian 492 — , on Torre's administration 474 — , quotations from writings of 476,477,479, 480, 483, 486, 487, 492, 497, 498, 500, 504, 506, 511, 518, 519, 520, 521, 522, 523,530, 531, 535, 538, 543 Motecuhzoma conquered by Cortes 345 MoTOLiNiA, T. DE, correspondence of, with friars accompanying Coronado 413 Mounds, exploration of xxxvii — on Menomini reservation 36, 37 Mountain goat, horns of, seen by Cor- onado 387 Mountain lion, see Lion. Mourning custom of the Menomini 241 Mouse in Menomini myth 182 MozOBODO, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Muequomota, Menomini treaty commis- sioner 21 Mulberries, wild, found by Coronado. 507, 528, 582 MuSoz, — , copy of Alvarado's report by 594 — , documents copied by 572, 580, 584 MUNSEE, land cession to 26, 31 — land purchase at Green bay 23 ~ population and lands 31 Music, Menomini, character of 105 — of Pecos indians 491 — of pueblo Indians 522, 550, 594 Musical instruments of the Winnebago 111 — used in ceremony 112 Muskrat in Menomini myth 134 Mutiny of Spanish settlers at San Hier- onimo 502 Myanmechetnabewat, Menomini treaty signer 28 Mysticism among indians 11 Mythology of the Menomini 161-239" — , work in xliv Myths concerning Menomini totems 39-41 Nagualism of the Mexicans 65, 115 — , SceJUGGLERY, MAGIO, MeDICINE-MEN. ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 629 Page Kajbra, birthplace of CastaHeda 470 Namatam, genealogy of 57 Nanaboojoo, see MA'nabush. If A^Ni Naioqta, folktale of 223 Karvaez, Panfilo de, ordered to conquer Cortes'. 345 — , imprisoned in Mexico 346 — , puthority for explorations granted to. 346 — , expedition of 349 — , loses voasel on voyage from Spain 34G — , route of expedition of 347 — , drowned off mouth of Mississippi 347 — . loss of expedition of 474 — , expedition, rumors of survivors of, heard by Coronado 507,590 K atividad, departure of Alarcon from . . . 478 IJavaho, collections from the xxxix Kavarrete, — , cited on date of petition of Cortes 367 Navakro. Garcia, on effect of Marcos* report 366 Nebraska, description of, hy Castaueda. 528 — , lucation of Qnivira in 397 — , description of Quivira 591 IIeedle, use of, among Indians 562 Kegro slave, Estovan a purchaser of 348 Negroes, island of 545 — , mention of, in New Spain 348, 379, 402, 406 — with Coronado 506, 592 — , death of, accompanying Coronado 555, 564 Nemoak society of the Menomini 157-161 Nepissing, jugglers among the 62, 138 Nevada, arrowpoint material found in. . . 283 Newfoundland, Spanish name for 513 New G-ALiciA, conquest of 372 — , demoralization of Coronado's army in. 401 — , description of 513 — explored by Nuiio de Guzman 351 — , uprising in, during Mixton war 408 New York Indians, land cession to 25, 26 — , land treaty with 29 — , westward removal of 23 Nexpa river followed by Coronado 585 — , identification of 387 Niagara, indian council at 18 NiAQTAWAPOMI, a Meuomini chief 44 — , member of Menomini <*ourt 35 — , portrait of 50 Nicholas, the Venetian, quotation from. 571 Nicollet, Jean, explorations by 12, 15 Night, mythic ongiu of 200 Ni6pet, a Menomini chief 44 — , genealogy of 48 — , member of Menomini court 35 — , portrait of 49 — , importance of family of 43 NiPiPSiNG regarded as sorrerers 62, 138 NizA, Marcos db, visit ol, to Cibola, 353 — , career of, in Peru 354 — , travels of ^7* — , visit of, to seacoast from San Pedro valley 359 — , experience of, after Estevan's death. . 360 — , visit of, to valley containing gold 362 , selection of, as provincial of Francis- cans 364,476 Page NiZA, Marcos de, effect of report of, in New Spain 365 — , reports of, investigated by Diaz. . 480, 547, 553 — , satisfies doubts raised by Diaz 384 — , mistakes of, concerning Cibola 573 — , description of bisou by 543 — , on indian pueblos 520 — , sermon by 482 —.return of, to Mexico 389,484 NocHiSTLAN, death of Alvarado at 410 NOKOMisin Menomini myth 87,114,126 NOQUET, habitat of the 36 NoTTAWAY, land cession to the 25, 26 NOUKEK INDIANS, identified 15 NOVACULITE quarries in Arkansas xxxv NuSez, Pedro, on effect of Marcos' report 366 Oats, wild, of great plains 528 Oaxaca, Marques del valle de, title of, given to Cortes 473 Obando, Francisco de, killing of, by Indians 499, 500 — , see OvANDO. Ockewazee, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Oderic, Father, Menomini grammar and dictionary by 295 Offensive food ". 287 Offering of tobacco by Menomini 252 Ogden, D. a., land sale to 22 Ogden land company, effect of Stam- baugh treaty on 30 — , operations of 22, 23 Ohio, archeologic explorations in xxxvii Ojibwa and Menomini intercourse 269 — , ball game of the 128-129 — , foot-racing by the 246 — infiuence on Menomini language 61 — , investigation of the xxxiv — , jugglery of the 146 — , land treaty with the 27 — , maple sugar among the 288 — , medicine society of the 67 — , Menomini country claimed by 38 — , mnemonic songs of the 106 — , snow-snake game derived from 244 — treatment of disease by jugglery 149 — , witchcraft among the 143 Ojo Caliente visited by Alvarado 594 — , a Zuni summer village 358 Okemawabon, genealogy of 60 Old South leaflet, translation of Coro- nado's letter in 552 Omaha, source of medicine rituals of 62 OSate, Christobal de, acting governor of New Galicia 351 — , Coronado entertained by 478 — , defense of New Galicia by 408 — , testimony of 598 ONate, Count of, appointment of nephew of 477 Onate, Juajjt de, reduction of pueblos by. 524 Oneida, Eleazer Williams among the 23 — land cession 26 — land purchase at Green Bay 23 — population and lands 31 630 INDEX TO PAST 1 [ETB. ANN. 14 Page Oneida, treaty with the 30 — visit to Green Bay 23 Onondaga land purchase at G-reen Bay . . 23 Onobato, companion of Friar Marcos 355 Opata, a tribe of Sonora 637 — , houses of the 515 Opontia Tdna. See Tuna. Obegon, coast of, explored by Cabrillo . . . 411 Orientation in juggler ceremony 147 - of medioine-lodge 71.86,90,156 Obnamentation of pipes 248 — of quivers 281 Oenambnts of the Menomini 75, 137, 264 Obonhiatekha, a Caughnawaga chief ... 24 Orozco V Bebba on Mexican nahualism. 151 Oetiz, survivor of Narvaez' expedition. . . 348 Osaob slaves among Menomini 35 OsKASHE, Menomini treaty signer 28 OsHEOSH, agreement of, to land treaty. . . 31 — , biographic notes on 46,47 — , Importance of family of 45 — , genealogy of family of 45 — ,familyof, of pureblood 35 — , genealogy of 46 — , grave of 240 — , meaning of. 46 Ottawa and Potawatomi intermarriage . . 44 — and Potawatomi relationship 44 — , enslavement of captives by the 35 — Indians at Braddock's defeat 16 — , original totem of the * 44 — sleight of hand 105 Otteb in Menomini myth 91, 134, 190 — in pueblo region 518 OvANDO, Feanoisco de, treatment of, by Indians 522 — , companion of Coronado 477 — , see Obando. OviEDO T Valdez, G. F. de. On Corazones. 484 — , on Indian clothing 515 OWANOQNIO, genealogy of 58 Owens, J. G., on Hopi dress 517 — , on Hopi mealing troughs 522 Owl in Menomini myth 91, 173, 200 OxiTiPAB, district of, in Kew Spain 472 Pacasas, Ternaux's name for Pacaxes. . . 514 Facaxes, Indian tribe of Cnliacan 514 Paddles made by the Menomini 294 Padilla, Juan de, leader of friars with Coronado 400 — , visitof, to Xnsayan 488 — , accompanies Alvarado 391 — , report of discoveries by 594 —, journey of, to Quivira 571,579,592 — , remains in Quivira 529, 534 Paez, Juan, report of Cabrillo's voyage by 411 Pahos, reference to 573 Paint found in graves in Sikyatki 519 — , sacred, origin of 91 Painting of pueblo Indians 558 Paiutb, stone arrowpoints of the 282 PALMOS, bio DE, probable identification of. 346 Panamint, stone arrowpoints of the 282 Paniagua, Juan, miraculous recovery of. 500 Panico, Bee PanUCO. Page Panthee and the rabbit, folktale of 221 Panooo, reference to 592 — bay, location of 346 Papa, title of, given to priests at Zn&i. . . 618 Pabkman, F., on d'Iberville's ooloniza- tion '. 14 — , on French and English relations with Indians 17 — , on Niagara Indian council 18 — , on the Pontiac conspiracy 130 Pasquabo, visit of Mendoza to 478 Pateatlan, see Petatlan. Pawnee mode of hair dressing 394 — slaves among the Menomini 36 Peace ceremonies at Tiguex 496 — , form of making, at Acoma 491 Peace pipe of Menomini tradition 218 Peaches, introduction of, into pueblo country 550 Peaels on coast of Gnlf of California 360 Pecos, labors of Friar Descalona at 401 — visited by Spaniards lvii,391 — , see CICUYE. Pecos EIVEB crossed by Spaniards 504 Pemabeme, Menomini treaty signer 28 Pemmican used by plains tribes 528 Penetbation of arrows 280 Pennyroyal, native American 517, 528 P^NONAME, Menomini treaty commis- sioner 21 Pboeia language, study of the xli Pebez, Alonso, companion of Coronado . 597 Peeez, Melchob, mention of slave of 592 PBEEZ DE BOCANEGEA, HEBNAND, teStl. mony of 696 Pebez de Sibas, Andbes, see Kibas. Personal names in Menomini myth 165, 166 Pebu, Alvarado's expedition to 352 Pestles of the Menomini 257 Petates, or mats, used for houses 515 Petatlan or Petlatlan, Indian settle- mentin New Galioia 355 — , description of 514,538 — , description of, by Jaramillo 584 — , description of Indians of 568, 572 — , Indian £rom, captive and interpreter at Cibola 563 — , friendly Indians at river of 548 — , river of, in Sinaloa 348 Petbatlan, see Petatlan. Phelps and Gobman Indian land pur- chase 21 Philip, King of Spain 474 Philippine islands 545 Philosophy of the Menomini lui Photoobaphic woek xlviii PicoNES, native American fish 5 17 Pictoqbaphy, mnemonic, of the Ojibwa. 106 — , work in xxxi PicUKis, pueblo of 519 — , name for Acoma among 492 — , name of Taos among 575 Pigeon in Menomini myth 233 Pike, Z. M., quoted on the Menomini 34 — , quoted on Tomau 54 ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 631 Pago Filling, J. C, bibliographic work of xlii, xlviii, xlix Pima, oultivation of cotton by the 350 — ,- Friar Mai'cos among the 356 Pine nuts, use of. as food 517, 518 PiNONNUTS, iiseof, as food 517,522 Pipes of the Menoiuini 159, 247, 253 — found at Sikyatki 519 PiPEBTONE quarries in Minnesota xxxv PiTAHAYA, native American fruit 515 PizARRO, Francisco, purchases Alvara- do'e expedition ' 352 — , struggles of, in Peru 376 Plains, Spanish soldiers lost on 508 .. 527,578.580 / — , descriptions of indians of — , see Great plains. Plants used as tobacco 250 — , 5ee Medicine. Plums of great plains 528 Plxjmstone game of the Menoiuini 241 — in Meuomini myth 188 PoB ARES, F., death of 499, 500 Poison, native, of Sonora 537, 541 — , use of, by indians 500, 50^ Poisoned arrows discussed 284 Pontiac, hostility of, toward English ... 18 — , ball game during conspiracy of 130 — , Menomini participation in conspiracy of 51 Population of the Menomini. 17, 32 — , proportion of warriors to 33 — statistics, difficulties of obtaining 33 Porcupixe, folktale of the 210 — found by Coronado at Cibola 560 PoTAWATOMi and Ottawa intermarriage. . 44 — and Ottawa relationship 44 — at Braddock's defeat 16 — , dreamer society of the 157 —, habitat of, in 1634 15 — story of Nanaboojoo 207 Potsherds in TTisconsin mounds 38 Pottery formerly made by Menomini 257 — found at Sikyatki 519 — of pueblo indians 522 Poultry houses of the Menomini 255 Powell, J. "W., on indinn linguistic stocks 525 — . stone knives collected by 283 Powoiysnoit, Menomini treaty signer ... 28 Prairie dogs seen by Coronado on great plains 510, 528 Presents, distribution of, at Mitawit cere- mony - 10^ Price, C. M., Menomini treaty commis- sioner Prickly pear, see Tuna. Priests of pueblo indians — , fee Medicinemen. Property, Menomini inheritance of — marks on arrows PROSOPIS JULIFLORA, SCe MESQUITE. Prostitution among the Tahus Prunes, wild, found by Coronado 507, 582, 591 Psychology, work in ^tlv Ptolemy, maps in geography of, cited ... 403 PuALA, Espejo'e name for Tiguex pueblo. 496 Publications, report on xlviii 21 518 513 Page Pueblo, use of term by Niza 358 — method of building 520 — settlements, description of, by Colorado river indians 404 — settlements, description of, by Sonora indians 356 PuBRCO river, pueblos on 491 Pui cell, — , on proportion of warriors to population 33 PURiFiCACiON, defense of, in Mixton war. 409 Pyromancy among Algonquian tribes ... 153 Quachichules, see Guachichules. Qua KEZ, Agoniez, wounded at Cibola 557 Quebec, Menomini at siege of 16 QUERBCHOS, description of 527, 578 — , description of, by Coronado 580 — , description of, by Jaramillo 587 — identified with Tonkawa 396 — .manner of life of 504 QuERES, pueblos of the 525 Quince juice, use of, as poison antidote. . 537, 541 QuiRix, Spaniards visit province of. . 503, 519, 525 — , see QuERES. Quivers of the Menomini 281 QuiviRA, causes for stories of Turkregard- ing 588 — , cartographic history of 403, 544 — , descriptions of, received by Coronado . 393, 576, 580 — , departure of Coronado for 503 — visited by Coronado Ivii, 508, 396 — , description of 521, 577 — , description of, by Coronado 582 — , description of, by Jaramillo 589 — , mention of 492 — , death of Friar Padilla at 401 Rabbit and the panther, folktale of 221 — and the saw- whet, folktale of 200 ._ in Menomini myth 87, 113, 126 - in Potawatomi myth 207 — rock, myth of the 117 — skins, use of, for garments 517 Raccoon and the blindmen, folktale of. . . 211 Races of the Menomini 245 — , see Foot-race. Rafts made for Diaz by Colorado river Indians 407 , use of, in crossing Colorado river 486 Rain, worship of, by pueblo indians 561 — ceremony of the Menomini 150 — , Menomini mythic origin of 40 Rainmaker among the Menomini 150 Ramirez de Yargas, Luis, see Yabgas. Ramusio, G. B., translation of Mendoza's letter by 349 J translation of Coronado's letter by 552 — .quotation from 554,556 Rattle described and figured 148 — , gourd, of the Menomini 77, 78 — in Menomini ceremony 81 — , mystic origin of 93 Reaume, Judge, on Menomini intermar- riage 35 Redbird in Menomini myth 235 632 INDEX TO PART 1 [ETH. ANN. U Page Bed river, identification of, with ZnSi river 482 — , possible southern limit of Coronado's rente across plains 399 Eeginald, a Menomini, genealogy of 49 Kelationship among the Menomini 43 Release of arrows 280 Belioion of plains Indians 578 .*— of puehlo indiaus 573 — of the Potawatomi 207 — oftheTahus 513 — of Tiguex indians 575 — comparative, study in Ix Eeliqious beliefs, classification of Ix Eesidenoia, definition of 474 Eevolt of pueblo indians 392 Ebvolution, Menomini warriors In 18 EiBAS, Andres Perez db, on I'etlatlan ... 615 EiBEROs, EL Factor, companion of Coro- nado 477 ElCE in Menomini mythology 40 — , wild, used by Menomini 290 EiCE, Jean B., a Caughnawaga chief 24 EiCE, Mary Ann, mother of 'Williams 24 EiQQS, S. E., linguistic manuscript by xl Eio DE LA Plata misgoverned by Cabeza de Vaca 348 Eio Grande, disappearance of, under- ground : 511 — , discovery of; by Alrarado 575, 594 — , ice of, crossed by Spaniards 503 — , limit of Narvaez' territory 346 — , pueblos near 519, 524 — visited by Spanish soldiers 390 EOPE-UAKINQ by the Menomini 260 Eose-bushes, wild, fonnd by Coronado . . . 507» 510, 517 Rowland, Thomas, land-treaty witness. - 29 EUDO EN8AYO, quotation from, on poison- 538 EuiNS, discovery of, by Alrarado 594 — , see Mound, Pueblo. EusHBS used for mats 259 Saabbdra, Fernandarias db, appoint- ment of, at Cbiametla 481 Saabedra, H. a. db, mayor of Culiacan . . 533, 534 Sacatbcas, see Zacatbcas. Saint Eegis land cession 26 Salazar, G. de, royal factor for New Spain 696,597 Saldivar, Juan de, companion of Coro- nado 477 — , lieutenant to Diaz 548 — , carries Diaz' report to Mendoza 382 — , explorations by 480 — , adventures of, at Tiguex 496 — , Indian village captured by 600 — , escape of Indian woman from 510 Salishah bibliography, work on xliii Salt amongpueblo Indians 550,559 — found at ZuDi 389 — found by Spaniards on great plains 510 — , natural crystals, finding of, in Ari- zona 490 — not used by the Menomini 286 Samaniego, Lope de, appointment of, as army.master 477 Page Samaniego, Lope de, death of 383, 480, 547 — , testimony concerning 597 Sanbenitos, description of 507, 515 Sanchez, Alonso, soldier with Coronado. 597, 698 Sanchez, Pbro, efifeot of Friar Marcos' report 366 Sandia, name for Acoma at 492 San Diego, pueblo of 525 San Felipe, puebloof B25 San Francisco bay overloolced by Ferrel. 412 San Gabriel, vessel in Alarcon's fleet . . . 385 San Eieronimo de los Corazones, found- ing of 484 — , settlement of, under Diaz 406 — ^, description of town of 515 — , events in, during Diaz' absence 501 — , destruction of 530 San Juan, pueblo of 510 San Juan river named by Coronado 586 Sanjurjo, Alvaro de, representative of De Soto in Mexico 380 San Lucas islands, death of Cabrillo at - 411 San Pedro bay visited by Ferrel 412 — RiVBBin Arizona 387 — valley visited by Niza 359 Santa Ana, pueblo of 525 Santa Barbara, visit of Ferrel to 412 Santa Clara, visit of Ferrel to 412 Santa Cruz, colony at, under Cortes 351 — island, visit of Ferrel to 412 — river in Arizona 387 Santa Cruz, Alonso db, early map of city of Mexico by 363 Santiago, use of, as war cry 388, 483, 565 Santo Domingo, pueblo of 525 Sar-ray-num-neb, Menomini treaty sign- er 28 Sauk, enslavement of captives by the 35 — , expiilsionof the 16 Sauk and Fox expelled from Green bay - 19 Sau-say-man-nee, Menomini treaty sign- er 28 Savage, James, on natural products of Nebraska 528 Savage, T. H., mound investigation by.. 36 Saw- whet, rabbit and the, folktale of 200 SCARAMOIO, name for a Spanish grass 555 Schoolcraft, H. E., land-treaty witness . 28 Sebastian, native companion of PadlUa. 400; 535 — , negro slave of Jaramillo 592 Sbdelmair, Padre, on Indian giants 485 Selish, beadwork introduced among 269 — myth of the coyote 205 Seminolb, proportion of warriors to pop. ulation 33 Seneca land purchase at Green bay 23 — , removal of, to Green bay 23 SeSora, see Sonoba. Sergeant, John, Stockbridge missionary 22 Seri, Coronado's account of 554 — , use of poison by 538 Serpent in Menomini myth 132 Serrano, Francisco, on effect of Maroos' report 366 Serrano de Cardona, Antonio, testimo- ny of 597 ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 633 Page Servantes, see Cervantes. Seven Cities, storiea aud legends con- cerning 363,553 — , expedition to, under Guzman 473 — , see Cibola, ZuSi. Shamans of the Menomiui 61-62 — , see Medicine-men. Shanot, genealogy of 57 Shashamaneb, Menomirii treaty commia- sioner 21 Shawano or Shawnee dance of the Me- nomini 248 — language, study of the xli — , meaning of term 247 — , migrations of the 345 Shea, J. G., on Cabeza de Yaca's route . . . 348 — , onMenomini language 60 — , on Menomini native name 13 — , on Menomini population 33 — , on possible conjunotion of Coronado and De Soto 371 Shebqad, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Sheep given to friars by Coronado 592 — , merino, imported by Mendoza 375 — , mountain, description of, by Castaiieda 487 — , native American 5I6 — taken by Spanish soldiers for food. 501,535,542 — , see Mountain goat. Sheewanbeketoan, Ojibwa treaty signer. 28 Shekkatshokwemau, see Tshbkatsha- ElEMAU. Shell, magic, of the Menomini 75 — , sacred, described and figured lOl — , sacred, given to Ma'nabtish 91 — , sacred, in pictography 109 — , sacred , mystic power of 102-104, 112 — , sacred, of the "Winnebago no — used as spoons 256,257 — used in bead-working 265 — working by California tribes 266 Shinguaba "Wossin, Ojibwa treaty signer. 28 Shivwits, stone knives among the 283 Shoank-ay-paw-kaw, Menomini treaty signer 28 Shoank Skaw, Menomini treaty signer. . 28 Shoank-tshunksiap, Menomini treaty signer 28 Shoshoni, linguistic aflEinity of the 525 — , stone arrowpointa of the 282 Sheines of Sonera Indians 515 Shunien, genealogy of 58 — , portrait of 59 Sia, pueblo of 525 — mentioned by Jaramillo 587 — .report on the xliv — , see Chia. SiBOLA, see Cibola. Sibu'loda', Isleta name for buffalo 517 Sign language, work in xxxi Signaling by various means xxxii Signs, use of, by plains Indians 504, 527 SiKTATKi, excavations at 519 Silver found by Coronado at Cibola 563 — found by Spaniards at Tuqueyunque . . 511 — , reports of, from Quivira 503, 504, 512 — mines in Culiacan 514 Page Silver, use of, by pueblo indiaus for glaz- ing 526 — , use of, in Indian trade 472 — workers, stories of 473 Simpson, jAMBsH.,onlocation of Quivira. 397 — on location of Tiguex 491 Sinew used for bowstrings 275 — used in arrow-making 276, 277, 278 — used in blade-mounting 284 SiNALOA, river and settlement of 515 — , seeCiNALOA. Sioux, ceremonials of the lU — , ghost dance among the xxxix SisSETON, poisoned arrows used by the. . . 285 Sitting Bull, character of 63-64 Six Nations, "Wisconsin land treaty with - 31 Skin-dressing by the Menomini 261 Skulls used by Acaxes to decorate houses 514 Skunk, folktale of the 213 — in Menomini myth 239 Slavery among pueblo indians 548 — at Pecos 491 — among the Menomini 35 Slaves, captive indians used as, by Span- iards 499-510 — in army of Coronado 402 Sleight of hand, see Jugglery, Smet, p. J. de, on story of Nanaboojoo 207 Smith, Buckingham, Cabeza de Taca's relation translated by 347, 474 — , copy of Alvarado's report printed by. 594 — , documents printed by 572, 584 — , quotation from document printed by 590 Smoke offering by the Potawatomi 209 Smoking among the Menomini 251 — , ceremonial, by the Menomini 78, 80, 81, 83, 85, 88, 99, 158, 159 — , ceremonial, in pictography 109 Snake BAG trick 97 Snake ceremony of the Menomini 36 Snake dance, significance of. 561 Snake poison, use of, by indians 500 Snakeroot, use of, by the Menomini 291 Snakes, absence of, on great plains 513 — , in Menomini myth 132 — , worship of, among Tahus 513 Snares of the Menomini 274 Snow, mythic destruction of 216 Snowshoes in Menomini myth 179 — of the Menomini 263 Snow-snake game of the Menomini 244 SoBAiPURi, Priar Marcos among the 356 — , knowledge of Cibola among 358 Societies, cult, of the Menomini 66 Sociology, work in xxxvii Sodomy, absence of, at Cibola 518, 522 — among indians of Petatlan 515 — among Indians at Snya ■ 516 — among Pacaxes 514 SoLis, !Fhancisco de 529 SoLis, IsiDORO DE, mention of, by Jara- millo 592 SoLis DE Meras, Gonzalo, mention of, by J aramillo 592 Solomon, S., Menomini treaty commis- sioner 21 634 INDEX TO PART 1 [ETH. ANN. 14 Page SOMATOLOGIC classiflcation of indians sxvii Sung, mnemonic, of the Ojibwa 106, 107 — oftheMenomlni 114,115,126 — of the moose 193 — , rabbit, in Menomini folktale 221 — , see Chant. SoNORA, description of 515 — , description of, by Jaramillo 585 — , food supply in 554 — river and valley 387 — -valley, location of 355 — valley, Spanish settlement in 484 — , settlement of, by Spaniards 572 — traversed by Friar Marcos 355 SOBCEUEB, see Jugglers. Sorcery among the Menomini lii^ — among Pacaxes 514 Soto, Hernando de, account of meeting ■with Ortiz 348 — , soldiers of, hear of Coronado 510 — , reputed route of 545 — .discoveries of 370,491 — , on great plains 529 — , right of, to Niza's discoveries 371 SoTOMATOE, Hernando de, on effect of Kiza's report 366 SoTOMATOR, Juan de, companion of Coro- nado 477 SoTOMAYOR, P. DE, chronicler of Cardenas' expedition 490 Spearheads, copper, on Menomini re- serve 36, 37 Spinosa, see Espinosa. Spirituality among the indians 39, 66 Squash, see Gourd, Melon. Squirrel in Menomini myth 126, 132 — , see Prairie dog. Stambaugh treaty 29 Starlings in pueblo region 521 Stephen, see Estevan. Stevens, John, quotation from dictionary of 66,547 Stevenson, James, reference to memoir by xlviii Stevenson, Matilda C, memoir revised by xlviii — , researches by xliv, 359 Stickney, G. p., cited on use of wild rice. 291 Stookbridgb land cession 22, 26, 31 — land purchase at Green bay 23 — population and lands 31 Stone art, classification of xxxvii Stone-chipping by Arizona tribes 276 Stone implements of Arizona tribes 256 — of the Menomini 260 STOVESof theMenomini 256 Stbada, see Estbada. Sturgeon in Menomini myth 202 — scales used in medicine 93 SUABEZ, Ag ANIEZ, wouuded at Cibola 388 SUAREZ DE FiGUEKOA, GOMEZ, See FlQ- UEROA. SuAREZ DE Peralta, Joan, reminiscences of Coronado'B departure 364 — , on return of Coronado 402 Sugar, see Maple sugar. Page SCMAC, -wild, in Quivira 591 Sun and the young hunter, folktale of 181 — , ceremony determined by position of. . . Ill — in Menomini mythology 92, 132, 209 — priests atTusayan 518 — worship by plains indians 578 — , see Orientation. Surgeon, mention of, in Spanish army . . . 498 Sutherland, — , on descent of Menomini chiefs 43 SuYA, San Hieronimo removed to 502 — , description of 515 — , massacre of settlers at 408 — , destruction of 399, 533, 578 i'i I. Swan in Menomini myth 203 Sweat-bath before medical treatment 149 — , efacacy of 104-105 — , importance of 117 — , mystic origin of 92 Sweat-lodge, construction of 117 — of the Menomini 255 Symbols of flight 129 Synonymy, work on xlv TAAnrALONE, a stronghold near ZnBi 390 — , see Thunder mountain. Tabu of animals among the Algonquian. . 64-65 — of animals by Menomini 44 Tahus, a tribe in CuUaoan 513 Tanning by the Menomini 261 Tano, a pueblo tribe 623 Taos, pueblo of 525 — mentioned by Jaramillo 587 — called Yalladolid by Spaniards 511 — , name for Acoma at 492 — , visit of Alvarado to 575 Tarahumara foot-raoing 247 Tabasca, a district in Michoacan 473 Tareque, Indian village' on great plains . - 577 Tartars, use of dogs by 571 T atarrax, name of Indian chief 492 Tattooed indians visit Friar Marcos 356 Tattooing among plainsindians 506 — , practice of, among Indians 516 Tecumtha among the Menomini 55 — , pipe of 248 — , war message to Menomini by 18 Tbgui branch of Opata indians 537 Tejo, stories told by 472 TemiSSo, Spanish soldier, death of 538 Tents of plains indians, description of . . 504, 578, 581, 583, 588, 591 Teocomo, river and settlement of 515 Teredo navalis, damage to Alarcon's ships by 407 Teenadx-Compans, Henri, translation of CastaSieda by Iv, 413 — , translation of Coronado's letter by 680 — , translation of Jaramillo by 584 —, mistake in translating 398 — , mistake of, regarding Ispa 685 — , quotations of translation of CastaSeda by • 472, 481, 489, 494, 496, 499, 501, 502. 503, 505, 506, 507, 508, 510, 511, 613, 514, 515, 517, 518, 521, 523, 624, 626, 527, 529, 531, 532, 533, 538, 539, 542, 545 ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 635 Page Te-uat-ha or Taos 511 Teules, a Mexican term 524 Tewa pueblos 525 Texas, copperfouuilin, byCabezadeVaca. 350 — , intended destination of Narvaez 346 — , limit of De Soto's government 370 Teyas, Cicuy e besieged by 524 — met by Coronado 507, 527, 578 —, description of, by Coronado 581 — identified with Comanche 396 Thomas, C yeus, researclies by xxx vii Threads of bassTvood fiber 259 Thunder in Potawatomi myth * 209 Thunder mountain, mesa near Zuni 390 — , rnins at 517 — , Tisit of Coronado to - 665 Thunderers inMenominimytb . 39, 40, 92. 131, 195 Tibex, see Tiquex. TiBURON ISLAND in gulf of California 554 TiENiquE, possible printer's error in Pacheco y Cardenas for Cicuye 587 Tigers found in Cibola by Coronado 560 TiGUA, name of Acoma among the 492 TiGUEX, cartographic history of 403 — , description of 519,520,524 — , description of, by companions of Cor- onado 569, 575 — , description of, by Jaramillo 587 — , discovery of, by Alvarado . . . Ivii, 390, 491, 594 — , Indians of, refuse to trust Spaniards. . 499, 503 — , revolt of Indians at 576 — , siege of, by Spaniards 497, 500 — , death of Friar Juan at 401 — , river of, identified with Kio Grande 390 TiRiPiTio, meeting of Alvarado and Men- doza at 409 TizoN, RIO DEL, Spanish name for Colo- rado river 407 — , reason for name of 485 — , see Colorado river. Tlapa, estate at, given to Coronado 379 Tlauele, Mexican word 524 Tobacco ceremony of the Menominl 215 — dance of the Menomini 247 — in Menomini myth 1 87 — , mystic origin of - 205, 253 — offering in Menomini ceremonial 85 — ofierings to the dead 69 — nsed in ball game 128 — , use of, by Menomini 249-253 — , see Smoking. TOBAR, see Tovar. TOMAU, genealogy of 54,58 — , death of 55-56 ToMSON, Egbert, on Mexico in 1556 363, 375 — , quotation from 507 Ton A LA. settlement of, by Guzman 473 Tonka WA identified with the Querecho . . 396 TOPIA or ToPiRA, in Durango 353 TopiBA, expedition of Coronado to 476 Torre, Diego Perez de la, appointed to replace Nufio de Guzman 357 — , administration of 474 — , mention of son of 592 Torres of Panuco, wounded at Cibola.. 557 ToTEMic MARKS of the Abnaki 65, 66 Page ToTEMic MARKS on graves 74, 240 — organization of the Menomini 42 Totems of the Menomini .- 39-42 ToTONTEAC, oartograpbio history of 403 — , Coronado's account of 560 — , cultivation of cotton at 550 — identified with Tusay an 357 — , see Hopi, Moki, Tusayan. Tovar, Fernando de, position of 477 Tovar, Pedro de, appointment of, as ensign 477 — , accompanies Gallego to Corazones 395 — , journey of, from Tiguex to Corazones- 577 — , at San Hieronimo 502 — , flight of, from Suya 530,533 — , discovery of Tusayan by.. 1 vii, 390, 488, 562, 574 — , wounded by Indians 557 — , use of papers of, by Mota Padilla 536 TowANAPEE, Menomini treaty commis- sioner 21 Trade between plains and pueblo Indians 578 — among plains Indians 527 — of Sonora Indians with Cibola J 357 — of Spaniards with Colorado river In- dians 406 — , indian stories of 472 Traditions preserved by medicine society 67 Trail, method of marking, on great plains 505,509,571 Transportation, see Dogs, Trayois. Traps of the Menomini 273 Tbavois, dog saddle used by plains In- dians 527 Treachery of indians in Mixtonwar 408 — of indians toward Spaniards 498 Treaties with the Menomini 20-31 Treaty of Butte des Morts 27 Tree-bubials of the Menomini 241 Trees, mystic, in Menomini ceremonial. . 90 Teejo, Hernando, death of brother of . . 500 Trenton gravels, study of the xxxv Troughs of the Menomini 257 Trowbridge, — , Kenomiui and Winne- bago treaty by 25 Truxillo, adventure of, with devil 481 TsHAYRO-TSHOAN Kaw, Menomini treaty signer 28 Tshekatshakemau, genealogy of 45, 52 TsHiSAQKA, see Jugglers. Tu-atA', native name of Taos 575 Tl'BES, bone, used in treatment of disease 149 Tuqan or TucANO, see Tusayan. Tuna, native American fruit 515 — , preserve made from 487 TuopA, Picuris name for Taos 575 Tcbk, name of indian slave who de- scribed Quivira 394 — , communications of, with devil 503 — , stories of 491 — , stories of, told by Castaneda 492 — , Coronado's version of stories of 580 — , reports of stories told by 576 — , motive of, in misleading Coronado 588 — , execution of 509,589,590 Turkey plumes, use of, for garments 517 Turkeys in pneblo region 491, 521 , S* ^^ 636 INDEX TO PART 1 [ETH. ANN. 14 Page TuRQUOis brought from north by Sonera indians 357 — , collection of, by Estevan 474 — of pueblo Indians 489, 518, 649, 561, 573 — , presents of, made to devil 51 3 Turtle in Menomini myth 91, 189, 218 ^, mystic power of the 148 TcsAYAN, ceremonials at 544 — , cultivation of cotton at 550 — , description of 519,524 — , description of, by Jaramillo 586 — , description of, by ZuQi Indian 488 — known to Sonora Indians -. 357 — . visit of Tovar to Ivii, 390, 562, 593 — , Tucano identified with 390 — , see HOPI, MOKI. TusKAEOEA land cession 26 TuskaeSea-English dictiomaey, work on ■ xlii TUTAHACO pueblos 519,525 — , Coronado's visit to 492 — , description of, by JaramiUo 587 — Vworship of cross at 544 TuTAHAIO, Tigua name for Acoma 492 TUTHEA-NAT, Tlgua name for Acoma 492 TuxEQUE, Indian village on gi-eat plains. 577 TnzAN, see Tusatan. Twine-making by the Menomini 260 Ubeda, F. Lms de, see Luis. TJixoA, Feancisoo de, explores gulf of California 369 — , limit of explorations of 404 TJmbwatgeezhig, OJibwa treaty signer . . 28 TJpATBioo, settlement of 515 Ueaba, Indian village mentioned by Jar- amillo 587 — , ieeEEABA, Taos, Tubaba. XTeine, use of, as mordant 522 TJREE A, Lope DE, companion of Coronado . 477 — , Indians interviewed by 499 TTte linguistic affinity 525 — stone knives 282,283 Utensils of the Menomini 256 Tacapa, identification of 355 Yacapan, province crossed by Coronado- 487 Valladoud, Spanish name for Braba 511, 625 Vallb de los Yellacos, see Yallet of Knaves. Yallecillo, settlement of 515 Yallet of Knaves, rebellious Indians in 502 Yaeqas, Luis Eamieez de, companion of " Coronado 477 Yaudeedil, Marquis de, Canada surren- dered by 16-17 Yeobtation of great pla ins 527 — of pueblo country 686 Yera Ceuz, port of New Spain 348 Yermejo, RIO, crossed by Coronado. - 686 — , identified with Colorado Chiquito 482 Yeemejo, Heenando, companion of Cor- onado 565 — , see Yermizzo. Yermizzo, Heenando, companion of Cor- onado 656 — , with Coronado at Cibola 388 Page Yetanourt, a. de, on date of Padilla's martyrdom 401 Yigliega, horse of, killed at Cibola 557 YiLLALOBOS, E. G. DE, voyago of, across Pacific : » 412,526,539 — , expedition, reports of, to Council for the Indies 370,371,373 YiLLAGRA, G., on marriage of pueblo In- dians 520 YiMONT, B., record of Nicollet's journey by 15 Virgins among the Tahus 514 ^-, treatment of, among pueblo Indians . . 522, 523 Yoc ABULAET of the Menomini 294-328 — of the Menomini. reference to liv "WAbbno, shamans of the Menomini. 62, 66, 151-157 "W ABEND MiTAMU, genealogy of 60 "Wabosso in Menomini myth 207 "Wacaquon, Menomini treaty commis- sioner 21 Wakashan bieliogeaphv, work on xliii "Walapai, atone implements of the 256, 283 "Walnuts, wild, found by Coronado 507 "Wampum exchanged for prisoners 17 "Wapa ka eivee, Menomini name of 199 "Wae of 1812, Indians in 19 — , revolutionary, Indians in 18 "Warbano, Menomini treaty commis- sioner 21 "Waeeen, W. W"., on Ojibwa ceremonial terms 61 ■Wareioes, proportion of, to population.. 33 "Wash, E., Menomini treatycommissioner 21 "Water, worship of, by pueblo Indians . . S61 "Watercress, native American 517 "Water demons in Menomini myth 227, 234 TYateemelons, introduction of, into pue. bio county 550 "Wau-saun-hoa.hoa.nick, Menomini treaty signer 28 ■Waunk.tshat-hee-sootsh, Menomini treaty signer 28 "Wauwaunishkau, Ojibwa treaty signer. 28 "Wayishkeb, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 "Weapons, Indian 493 — , lack of, in New Spain 540 — , mystic power of 225 — of the Menomini 274 — of pueblo Indians 404,548,563 "Weaving, see Bead- working. Mats. "Weekay, Menomini treatycommissioner. 21 "Well dug by besieged Indians 499 "Wheank-kaw, Menomini treaty signer . - 28 "Whiskers, name given to Cicuye Indian . 490, 497 — taken prisoner by Al varado 493 — , release of 503 "White Mountain Apache reservation traversed by Niza 359 — crossed by Coronado 387 "Whittlesey, Charles, on Menomini char- acteristics 34 "Wichita language, study of the xl "Wichita, Kansas, location of Quivira near 397 WipKER BASKETS among pueblo Indians. 562 ETH. ANK. U] INDEX TO PART 1 637 "WiQWAM, etymology of 70 "Wildcat, native Ainerioau 517 — in pueblo region 518 Williams, E. H.,JR., on Eleazer Will- iama -. 23-24 "Williams, Eleazkr, sketch of 23-24 — , effect of Stambaugh treaty on 30 "Wind, mystic origin of * 92 "Wine, native American, of pit^baya 516 "Winnebago at Braddock'a defeat 16 — ceremony, Ojibwa embellisbment of.. . 62 — , early status of the 19 — effect on Meuomini ceremonial 109 — habitat in 1634 15 — , land claims of the 25 — land treaty 27 — medicine ceremonial described 110 — , origin of name '- 205 —. physical character of tbe 25 — , witchcraft among tbe 143 WiNSHiP, G. P., memoir by, on Coronado expedition 1, liv, 329-613 "WiNSOR, Justin, acknowledgments to . 339, 413, 599 — , quotation from 501 WiscoxtiN, early history of 14 Witch in Menomini myth 233 "WrrcHCHAFT among Pacaxes 514 — , see Jugglery. "WoiNlSS-ATTE, Menomini treaty signer.. 28 Wolves in Menomini myth 315, 116, 172, 183, 201, 233 — on great plains 528 Women, functions of, in pueblo ceremo- nies 518 — , surrender of, by Indians 499 _, work of 294 Wooden WARE of the Menomini 256, 257 Woodpecker in Menomini myth 229 Wood-working by tbe Menomini 241 — , see Canoes. Wright, Mary I., illustrations prepared by xlvii Xabe, indian from Quivira, with Coro- nado 504, 511 Xalisoo, settlement of, by Guzman - 473 — . destination of Alarcon at 478 Ximena, pueblo of 523, 525 — , name of, forgotten by Jaramillo 587 Yaqui or Yaquimi, river and settlement of 515,553 — river followed by Coronado 584 — river north of Galicia 386 Yokes made by Menomini 289 YsoPBTB, a painted plains indian 505, 507 — supplants Turk in confidence of Coro- nado ! 509 — , efforts of, to guide Coronado 588 Yucatan explored by Alvarado 352 Yucca fiber, use of, for garments 517 — , preserve made from 487 YUGEUIKGGE puchlo 525 — , indian form for Yuqueyunque 510 Yuma Indians. Coronado's account of 554 — , description of 485 Yuqueyunque, pueblo of 525 — , visit of Earrionuevo to S fO " — , see YUGEUINGGE. YuRABA, visit of Alvarado to 575 — , seeBnABAjURABA. Zacatecas, a Mexican province 545 — , missionary work in 401 Zaldyvar, see Saldivar. Zaragoza, Justo, editor of Suarez de Pe- ralta 364 — , on murder of Cortes' wife 473 ZArate-Salmebon on native American liquor 516 ZuSi, burial customs at 519 — , ceremonials of xlv, 544 — , discovery of Ivii — , foot-racing by the 247 — , fruit preserves made by 487 — , name of Acoma among indians of 490 — , salt supply of 550 — , tame eagles among 516 — tr.eatmentof Mexicans at ceremonies.. 361 — RIVER crossed by Coronado 482 ^ '\\.:j"^^l^Wil#»