CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Chicago University ^* CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 091 069 298 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924091069298 Q;be TUnivcrsits ot Cbicago FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER WILHELI MULLER AND THE GERMAN YOLKSLIED by PHILIP SCHUYLER ALLEN A DISSERTATION submitted to the Faculties of the Graduate Schools of Arts, Literature, and Science, in candidacy for the decree of Doctor of Philosophy (Department of Qermanie LangvMges and Literatures) Rbpbinted from The Journal of Qermanie Philology, Vol. II, No. 3, Vol. Ill, No. 1 and Vol. Ill, No. i 1901 WILHELM MULLER AND THE GERMAN VOLKSLIED. I. The edition of Miiller's poems used is : Gedichte von Wilhelm Muller, hrsg. v. Max Mullen 2 Thle. Leipzig (Brockhaus) 1868. (In Bibliothek der deutschen National- literatur des 18. und ig. JahrJmnderts.) Tliis includes : Die schone Miillerin (25 poems). Johannes und Esther (10) including i published in Debora. Reiselieder : 1. Grosse Wanderschaft (16). II. Die Winierreise (24). III. Wanderlieder (6). Ldndliche Lieder (19), including Abschiedslied (Urania, 1823), reduced from 10 to 7 stanzas and czW^di Erlosung ; but omitting Riickkehr {U. 1823, p. 389). Frilhlingskranz aus dem Plauenschen Grunde bei Dresden (14). Muscheln von der Insel Riigen (15J. Lieder aus Franzensbad bei Eger (13). Vaterldndisches (10). Vermischtes (31), changing title of Der Fiedler vom Rhein (Fouque's Frauentaschenbuch fiir 1818. Niirnberg, p. 374) to Hier und dort, and omitting Sonntag (idem. 1819, p. 50 ff.). Omitting also Malers Abendlied and Waldlied (Ascania, Dessau, 1820, signed Sigismund), Der Liebe Jahreszeit, Der Liebe Zeit, Nachwandlerin Liebe (Urania, 1822, p. 389 fif.), Der blaue Mondschein, Der Ausflug eines jungen Elf en, Kein Liedchen mehr ! Mein erstes Sonett, Die Enklave (Arthur Miiller : Moderne Reliquien, Berlin, 1845, pp. 44-60). Erotische Tdndeleien (11). Berenice : ein erotischer Spaziergang (22). Devisen zu Bonbons (16). Zweiter Theil : Die Monate (13). Epigramme aus Rom (9). Lieder aus dem Meerbusen von Salerno (11). 2 Allen, Stdndchen in Ritoi-iiellen aus Albaiio (25). Tafellieder fiir Liederiafelii (45), omitting the drinking song (without title), published \T\Rom, Romeru. Romerinnen, Berlin, 1820, II, 188-192). Die schom Kellnerin voti Bacharach tuid i/ire Gdste (10). Reime aus den Inseln des Archipelagus (28). Griech enlieder (53). Epigramnie (300). Deutsche Reimspriiche (9). The above list completes the known poems of Miiller, with the exception of his contributions to the Bundes- bluthen (von Georg Grafen von Blankensee, Wilh. Hensel, Friedrich Grafen von Kalckreuth, Wilh. Miiller und Wilh. von Studnitz. Berlin, 1816), which are following: An die Leser. Morgenlied ajn Tage der ersten Schlacht. Erinneru7ig tmd Hoffmcng. Leichenstein meines Freundes Ludwig Bornemann. Dithyramb. Geschrieben in der Neujahrsnacht 1 813. Die zerbrochene Zither. Rontanze. Der Verbannte. Romanze. Der Ritter und die Dime. Romanze. Die Blutbecher. Romanze. Das Band. Romanze. Stdndchen. Die erste Rose. Die leizte Rose. Mailiedchen. Amors Triumph. Weckt sie nicht ! Epigramjne (18). And the poem which appeared in the Gedichte aus den hiyiterlassenen Papieren eines reisenden Waldhornisten (Dessau, 1821), but not in the collected works (1830) : Die Blutorange. Epistel aus Sorrent. ' ^ For part of above information I am indebted to Prof. J. T. Hatfield of Northwestern University, to vehom I ovre many another helpful suggestion. I desire to make here public acknowledgment of my obligation to him as well as to Prof. C. von Klenze of the University of Chicago. JVilheltii Miillcr mid the German Volkslicd 3 INTRODUCTION. IT was a ballad of MuUer's that caused Longfellow's midnight pilgrimage to the tomb of Bishop John De- foucris in the cathedral at Montefiascone,' and the second book of Hyperion contains enthusiastic words on the Songs of a Wandering Hornplayer, as well as translations of two of them. Alfred Baskerville^ translated three songs and Chas. T. Brooks (1813-1883) still others. In two pamph- lets of recent date' Prof. Hatfield has given American readers an appreciative estimate of Miiller's verse, a ser- vice already rendered the poet in England by Dr. Buch- heim' and C. M. Aikman.' Prof. Hatfield has caught the spirit of Miiller's songs in his published English render- ings of six of them, besides a half-score of the Epigramme, chosen at random. Last but not least among Miiller-trans- lators are Mr. Thomas H. Moore° and Prof. Froude.' Nothing else worthy of mention has been done for Miiller in America." The list of permanent reference to Miiller in Germany is short. Two biographies of him exist; one written the year of his death (1827) by his friend Gustav Schwab,' the ' Cf. Outre-Mer ; Italy, and Sprenger: Zu W. Hi's Rotnanze 'Est, est!' ZfdPh. XXV, p. 142. ' The Poetry of Germany. Philadelphia Qno. Weik), 1856.' 5 The Poetry of IV. M. (Repr. f. Methodist Review), 1895. The Earliest Poems of W. M. (Repr. f. Publ. of MLA., vol. XIII, no. 2). Baltimore, i8g8 ; cf. also his W. M.'s Dichtungen in ' Der Westen ' (Chicago, Feb. 6, 1898), vol. XLIV, no. 6. * Cf. Introd. to his Deutsche Lyrik. London, 1883, and elsewhere. = Poems from the German. London, 1892. * The Maiden and the Brook : a romance of the wander-year, being a cycle of 20 songs known as Die schone Miillerin, written by W. M. and set to music by Fr. Schubert : op. 25. Done into English in the original rhythms by T. H. Moore. Sung by Mr. David Bispham. ' Cf. his translation of Vineta, published in Literary Recollections of Max Miiller: Cosmopolis, IV, 630 fi., and repr. in Auld Lang Syne (N. Y., 1S98), p. 50. * Guido Stampers : Wilh. Miiller. A sketch of his life and works. Ger- mania (Boston, May, 1894), VI, 14 if. is an adaptation of Schwab's biography of W. M. 9 Prefixed to Gedichte von W. M. (Leipzig, 1868). 4 Allen, Other by his son, Prof. Max Miiller of Oxford.' A maga- zine article,' a study of the Greek songs,' a chronicle of the festivities attendant on the unveiling of the poet's bust in Dessau (1891),' a preface to the last authoritative edi- tion of his poems (1868),' make up the sum total." Muller comes to casual mention in the histories of German litera- ture,' where he is classed with the Romantic School, in popular anthologies of German poetry, which rarely omit to print a handful of his songs, and in special instances because of his philhellenism, or his influence upon Heine.' Newspaper articles of the year which marked the looth anniversary of his birth (1894)' offer no new material. New ' ADBiogr., XXII, 683 flF. ^ Max Friedlaender : Die Entstehung der Mullerlieder. Deut. Rundschau, LXXIII, 301 IF., though the story of the composition and the authorship of the Mullerlieder is told in L. Rellstab's Biographie Ludwig Bergers (Berlin, 1846, p. no IF.), as nowhere else ; also Supplement z. Schubert Album, Leip- zig (nd) Peters, and Das Urbild der schonen Mullerin in Hamb. Corr., Nr. 901. Frankfurter Ztg., Nr. 356. ^ R. Arnold, Euphorion (2tes Erganzungsheft, 1896), p. 117 ff. Repr. as Der deutsche Philhellenismus. Bayreuth, 1896. '' Hosaus : Das W. M. Denkmal. Dessau, 1891. Cf. also A. Riimelin, W. M. Rede, Magdeburger Ztg., Nr. 498, and Atis anhaltischem Golde von W. Arminius. Dessau, 1893. p. 65. ° English translation in Chips from a German Workshop. " Unless we include the group of 4 memorial poems publ. by Wilh. Kilzer in Dorings Frauentaschenbuch, 1829, pp. 169 ff. ' Koberstein (ste Aufl., 1873) devotes 28 lines to hini : Gervinus (5te Aufl., 1874) 5 words : Hillebrand (3te Aufl., 1875) 20 lines; Scherr (7te Aufl., 1887) 5 lines: Vilmar (23te Aufl., 1890) 5 lines : Scherer (6te Aufl., 1891) i page: Kurz (8te Aufl., 1891) 4J^ pages; Konig (23te Aufl., 1893) 41^ pages: Wackernagel (1894) 25 lines : Voigt und Koch (1897) g lines. 8 Goetze's promised Abhandlung uber den Einfluss W. M.'s auf Heine has not yet (Dec. 1898) appeared. ' E. g, — L. Geiger, Wilh. Muller, Frankfurter Ztg., Nr. 278. Anon. Zur Erinnerung an W. M., Weser Ztg. (Bremen), Nr. 17225/6. L. Frankel, Wis- sensch. Beil. d. Leipziger Ztg., Nr. 120. A. Kohut, Nord u. Siid, LXXVI. p. 235 fr. R. Opitz, Blatter f. litt. Unterhaltung, p. 625 fF. Uber Land 11. Meer, LXXII, p. 1054/5. Nordd. Allgem. Ztg., Nr. 470. Schwabische Kronik (Beil. zur Schwab. Merkur), Nr. 234. Schlesische Ztg., Nr. 702. Berliner Bars. Cour., Nr. 470. R. Plohn, Deut. Dichterheim, XIV, p. 499 if. F Wer- nicke. Didaskalia (Beibl. z. Frankfurter fournal), Nr. 235. H. Welti Wilh Muller, Beilage z. Voss. Ztg., Nr. 40. E. Heilborn, Magazin fur Litt. des In- und Auslandes, LXIII, p. 1249 ff. — quoted ixoxa Jahresberichte f. n. d. Littera- turgesch., vol. 5 (1894), sec. IV, 2b. 13. JVilhclin Aliiller and the Gcnnan Volkslied 5 sources for biography and criticism are practically closed by the burning of the Basedow house in Dessau, when the personal papers of the poet were destroyed.' Few poets as little read as Miiller have been so widely sung ;' his songs, like those of Heine and Eichendorff, have seemed to call for composition, while the lyrics of Tieck, Arnim, Brentano and Schwab have remained for the most part unsung.' The settings of Franz Schubert and minor composers have given Miiller's songs publicity. It is hard to tell in such a case how much librettist owes composer, how much composer owes librettist — a problem made doubly difficult by admitting that third factor in all song, viz., the power and personality of its interpreter." The totally inadequate translations into English of Miil- ler's and Schubert's -Die schone Mullerin and Die Winterreise serve to teach how a poor text may be saved by a clinging melody or a pleasing voice. Yet it was certainly the pop- ular tone (Volksmassigkeif) of Miiller's lyrics as well as the simplicity of their construction," which made them the subjects for unusual musical composition ; which caused Schubert and Berger, Methfessel and Tomaschek, Fr. Schneider and Berhard Klein to set them to unaffected melodies ; which gained for their author the friendship of von Weber. Other composers of Miiller's songs are Friedr. Fesca, Karl Reissiger, C. Schulz, A. Neithardt, Louis Spohr, Carl Zollner, Franz Abt, Conradin Kreutzer, Andreas Kretzschmer, Aug. Miihling, Carl Curschmann, ' Except (perhaps) letters of W. M. in the possession of his publishers, Brockhaus, to which access is denied. '' Dr. Arnold (/. ^. 139) asserts: 'Our generation knows Miiller almost solely as the poet of Schubert.' Cf. for a like statement Ernst von Wilden- bruch's introduction to Hedwig v. Olfers' Gedichte (Berlin, 1892), p. xxiv. ^ Cf. Minor, Zum Jubildum Eichendorffs, ZfdPh., XXI, 226. ■* Cf. Holtei (BHefe an Tieck, Breslau, 1864, III, 45) for a discussion of Schubert's and Stockhausen's part in the popularitj' of the miller songs, and Hosaus (/. c. 23) for a description of their rendition by Jenny Lind Gold- schmidt. '" M.'s songs, aside from those imitated after foreign models, are written chiefly in the simplest metre of the Volkslied, making frequent use of the doggerel stanza or quatrain. 6 Allen, A. Wendt and Fanny Mendelssohn— a formidable list! What Liszt said of Heine can be applied with equal truth to Miiller : ' As a poet he was a musician." Many of Muller's songs are like Volkslieder in structure and spirit, some few of them would seem to have become popular in as true a sense as any i6th century Volkslied ; for they have gone wherever the German language is spoken, and a recent tribute shows that they have pene- trated to every corner of America/ It may be possible,' by considering the meaning of this written tribute, to hit upon the keynote of Muller's popu- larity and the reason for it. Criticism has assigned Miil- ler a modest niche near to Byron among the poets of free- dom, and called him Griechemnuller ; it has known him too as a poet of German wine, whose songs have been sung at many a convivial table' — but to an equal degree he is also, if judged by his most popular lyrics, the poet of wander- ing, vagorum archipoeta. From the times of the tribal migrations, down through the middle age, when Europe attempted to wrest the Holy Sepulchre from the hands of the unbelievers, when ' schol- ars were wont to roam around the world till much learn- ing made them mad,'* when knight and strolling player, soldier and monk wandered on every b3'path and through every forest, down to that near present when journeyman prentice, art-student and tourist make wayside inns a pos- sibility in defiance of railroad and main-traveled causeway — all these years the German has been a wanderer upon the face of the earth. Germans have wandered from their native land to colo- ' Halfield {Poetry of W. M.) compares Miiller with Sidney Lanier, and quotes M.'s own words regarding his musical gift. " Prof. Max Miiller was invited to be present at the commemoration of the 200th anniversary of the establishment of the ist German colony on Ameri- can soil in the following words ; ' JVe think we can count upon your presence with us at least in spirit, for your immortal father, as he lives in his songs, has been companion to us Germans everywhere in America, and will add his sanction to our festival.' Hosaus (/. c. 17). ' Cf. Heine's Harzreise. SW (Elster), III, 62. Hatfield, /. c. 9. "^ Symonds, IVine, IVomen and Song. London, 1884. 17. JVilhclm Milller and the German Volkslied 7 nise new lands across the sea, till Philadelphia and Balti- more' turn up in Hessian Volkslieder, sung ' to a beautiful and lively melody,' till Chicago, five thousand miles from Berlin, is the third German city in the world : many have remained behind to dwell within narrower confines, but well-worn knapsack and staff in the hallway of these stay- at-homes tell of untiring A bstec her and Ausfluge. The arti- san upon completion of prescribed apprenticeship seeks a new horizon with each sun, the student changes his uni- versity with the changing seasons. Are Wanderlieder hailed as a suitable art expression of this migratory habit, that has become wellnigh an instinct in Germany, that dominates artisan and student alike? When Miiller sings his songs of the Rhenish apprentice, of the wandering hornplayer, of the postillion at the moun- tain tavern, of the peripatetic philosopher, of the green- clad hunter, of the miller and attendant brook, of the Prague musician who owns allegiance to a two-fold Bo- hemia, does he appeal to one single sect or confession, one party or class in Germany? Or, making use of the free- masonry of travel, like the poet of the Canterbury pil- grimage, does he touch all hearts, high and low? Are these songs of Miiller's for piano accompaniment alone, for students returning from Kneipe, for choral in- terpretation by singing societies? Or have they 'accom- panied the Germans in America everywhere,' sung there, and perhaps in other lands, by the emigrant who carries home in the bundle on his back and its songs freighted with memories on his lips? And has, for the sake of example, Miiller's Wohm {^ Ich hort' ein Bcichlein rauschen') like Uh land's Der gute Kamerad^ or EichendorfE's Zer- brochenes Ringleinj' become a Volkslied ? ' O. Bockel, Deutsche Volkslieder aus Oberhessen. Marburg, 1885. Nos. 45 and 59. Und als wir kamen nach Baltimore, Da reckten %vir die Hand empor. Uns're Schwestern sind schon driiben In Philadelphia. ' Cf. Wackernell, Das deutsche Volkslied. Hamburg, 1890, p. 4 (quoting Steinthal, Zs.f. Vblkerpsychologie, XI, i flF). ^ Cf. Vilmar, Handbilchlein (1867), 194. 8 Allen, Is the popularity which has fallen to Muller due to his choice of a subject which interests his whole people (i. e. wandering) or is the Wanderlust which permeates his lyrics merely his heritage as a Romanticist ; is his restlessness real, or is it the literary, not to say sentimental, restless- ness which tinged his views on Greek independence?' Finally, are the figures in his Wanderlieder re.?i\, or dire they traditional puppets handed down to him by Uhland and Eichendorff?' Some of these sentences must remain questions, for they can not all be determined with the slight material at hand. No one has as yet written the chapter on Wilhelm Miil- ler's songs in America, although material for such a title surely exists ; and yet this must be dealt with and weighed by any one who would compass the influence exerted by Miiller today, who would decide in how far he was an original artist, in how far he trod in the steps of his pre- decessors. The investigator who finds himself about to agree with Arnold's statement, ' Our generation knows M. almost solely as the poet of Schubert,' must remember that if Muller has left Germany as a well-known lyricist, it may have been to live in his songs, as his son has done in his studies, in a foreign country. It is not enough to draw conclusions with regard to Muller from the status of his popularity in the German Empire political: one must stretch the horizon to include that larger Germany which exists in America today. The fact must not be lost sight of that if Miiller's name is being forgotten, while his songs continue to live, he is beginning to fulfill the conditions until recently imposed upon all folk-poets, ' Cf. Proelsz, Das junge Deutschland. Stuttgart, 1892. 45 : Dass die Auf- fassung der Griechen . . . . als Freiheitskampfer zumeist eine romantische war, entsprach ebenso der Bildung der Zeit, wie das romantische Hinaus- pilgern deutscher Freiheitsschwarmer zur Theilnahme an den Kampfen f rem- der Nationen fiir deren politische Freiheit, zu welchem Byron ein so gliin- zendes Beispiel gegeben. . . . ' Also Baker, Americana Germanica, I, 2, 62. « Suggested by Biese. Entwickelung des Naturgefilhh im Mittelaller und in der JVeuzeit, 2e Ausg., Leipzig, 1892, p. 453, note i ; and Wackernagel, Gedachtnisrede attf Ludw. Uhland{m Gelzer's Protestant. Mottatsblatter, 1863, p. 117). Minor, /. c. 226. Wilhehn MiiUcr and the German VolksUcd 9 viz., that their very names must not exist, unless their productions cared to be known as ' art-poems.' ' Aside from the question of wandering, Miiller's lyrics were popular for three distinct reasons at least : for the kinship which many of them have with the older Volkslie- der, a fact too evident for denial : for the development by Miiller of poetical form as a vehicle of dramatic expression along lines already laid down by Goethe and Uhland' (what Prof. Koch designated as Miiller's conspicuous lyri- cal gift'): lastly, to the simple individuality of the poet himself — sentimental, bold and humorous by turns. The present writing is concerned primarily with the first of these theses : that an evident kinship exists between the older Volkslieder and the lyrics of Miiller, and it is intended to measure the extent of that influence. In most instances the Wunderhorn is the collection which has been used as a convenient standard by which to determine the kinship referred to, for, although other well-known collec- tions of Volkslieder* had been published in Germany before the appearance of Miiller's 77 Lieder aiis den hinter- ' In this connection Rumelin says (Hosaus. /. <.. 12) : ' The person who does not read his (Miiller's) songs, often sings them as he does the old Volkslied, without knowing the poet's name.' For an identical statement cf . Buchheim , /. c. p. xiii. ^ Cf. especially the Frilhlingslieder and Wanderlieder of Uhland, although these lack the intensity and personality of Miiller's songs. Heine's com- parison of the two poets (^Die romantische Schule, III) is interesting. 'In the imitation of the German Volkslied, Miiller accords perfectly with Herr Uhland ; it seems to me even that on such ground he is often happier than Uhland and surpasses him in naturalness. He understood better the spirit of the old song forms and therefore did not need to imitate their external structure ; consequently we discover in Miiller a freer treatment of the transitions, and a consistent avoidance of all time-honored turns and forms of expression.' Quoted from the preface to Curt Miiller's Gedichte von Wilh. Miiller. Gesamt-Ausgabe. Mil einer biografhischen Einlntung u. einein Vorwort. Leipzig (Reclam) 1894. Cf. also the correspondence between Schiller and Goethe during the latter's Swiss sojourn in 1797 {Briefwechsel, 1828-1829), III, 239, 240, 248, 249, 250, 266, 267, 307, 308, 309, 317, 321, 322. Also R. M. Meyer, Goethe (Berlin 1895), p. 493. Hatfield (/. c), 2, 3. Schwab (/. c) XXIII. ^In the 1st edition of his Geschichte d. d. Litleratur (Sammlung Goschen). The statement is omitted in the second edition (Stuttgart, 189;). ■• Enumerated in Kertbeny: Volksliederquellen in d. d. Litl., Halle 1851. Paul's Grundriss II, 762 et seq. Erk-Bohme, Deutscher Liederhort, Leip- lo Allen, lassenen Papieren eines reisenden Waldhornisten (1821)'^ and reminiscences from one or more of these dwell in hidden corners of his songs, yet the Wunderhorn has answered every purpose, containing as it does the best songs from many of the older collections.' A few of Muller's songs are Volkslieder.' The smell of the soil in them is less than it was in their prototypes, the characters in them have been softened and idealized, the roughness of their metre has been polished, and yet they exercise upon a living generation a similar influence to that which certain Wunderhorn songs did upon a past gen- eration. Is the similarity one of the eye or the ear only ? Is there a certain technique, a conscious trick of imitation, by applying which the modern poet may achieve vogue ? Conscious imitation must concern itself almost exclu- sively with the outward form of a Volkslied." Now and zig, 1893, I, xliii-xlix. Bohme, Altdetttsches Liederbuch, Leipzig, 1877, pp. 799-803, et al. Of tliese Herder's Volkslieder {^Tn-Xll^), Nicolai's Almanack (1777-1778), Elvvert's Ungedrukte {sic I) Rcsle alien Gesangs (1784) Zislca und Schottlcy's Oesterreichische Volkslieder (1819), and Gcjrres Alttetttsche Volks-und Meisterlieder (1817) have been examined. Biisching und von der Hagen's Sammhmg deutscher Volkslieder (1807) and Meinert's Alte teutsche Volkslieder (1817) could not be secured. ' The very title Waldhornislenlieder is an intentional borrowing from the Volkslied. Cf. e. g. Bragur, vol. 3, p. 268 ; 'Die W^n/^^^/joj-wstucke scheinen unter dem Volke so allgemein zu gefallen, dass viele andere Volkslieder und besonders die Balladen nach Jager-Melodien gedichtet und gesungen werden.' 'The only collections mentioned by Miiller are Herder's and the Wunder- horn. Cf. M.'s Vermischte Schriften (Leipzig, 1830} IV, 103, though Busching and von der Hagen's book was doubtless known to him. Cf. Schr. IV, 212, where he speaks .of ' der um das vaterlandische Alterthum vielverdiente Prof. Biisching.' ' Accepting Scherer's term: 'There is no other distinguishing mark by which the Volkslied may be knovvn but wide dissemination and general favour.' Hist, of Germ. Lit., Amer. edit., New York, 1886, I, 248. The German word is retained because no English word adequately translates it. Folk-song, popular song, people's song, ballad, communal song (suggested by Prof. Gumraere), are all unsatisfactor)'. *In his early youth Heine conceived a poem to be popular if its outward form gave that expression, and he thought he had discovered a salient characteristic of the Volkslied in a grammatical incorrectitude and an inartistic gawkiness (Cf. c. g. Trautnbilder , 2, 7, 8. addressed to Josefa IVilhchn Mtitler and the German VolksUed 1 1 then a theme or a motive may lend a popular cast to a song, irrespective of the form in which it is clothed, but the poem containing it would not be a Volkslied. The real essence of a Volkslied, the spirit of it, the simplicity and directness and depth of it can not be fashioned after a set of prescribed rules. If Wilhelm Miiller is a conscious imitator of the Volks- lied then, and sets down in a lyric of his own the archais- ing diction, the obsolete orthography, the quaint syntax or the clumsy rhetorical structure' of a song in the Wun- derhorn, the resultant is not a Volkslied. He may thereby attain an apparent artlessness, a naivet6, a sort of child- like awkwardness which appeals to the reader's eye, but little more than this." And he is in danger of reaping by such imitation a sore monotony and an irritating lameness, and of descending into mere mannerism, as Victor Hehn lias (unjustly) suggested was the case with Burger in his treatment of Lenore^ On the other hand, let it be assumed that, irrespective of external form, Miiller's lyric be instinct with the spirit of the Volkslied, that Miiller has mastered the art teaching Ihe executioner's daughter). Later on b}' the perusal of M.'s poems Heine saw how out of inherited Vollcslied-forms new ones just as popular may be built up, but without the old clumsy and gauche constructions. Cf. letter from H. to M. printed in H. H.'s Autobiographic, ed. Karpeles, Berlin, 1888, pp. 149, 150 ; in Prof. Max Miiller's Auld Lang Syne (N. Y. i8g8) pp. 58-59, and Cosmopolis IV, 630-636. For H.'s attitude towards the Volkslied cUHnSei Aus dem Leben H. H.'s, Berlin, 1878. Karpeles H. u. seine Zeit- genossen (Berlin, 1888), pp. 67-75. Hessel, H. H. u. d. d. Volkslied, Koln. -Ztg. (22 Feb.) 1887. Seelig, Die dichterische Sprache in Heines 'Buck der Lieder.' Halle (dissert.) 1891. Greinz. JI. H. u. d. d. Volkslied, Neuwied. 1894. Goetze, H. H.'s Buck der Lieder u. sein Verhdltnis z. d. Volkslied, Halle (Dissert.) 1895 — a suggestive stud}'. 'As Kerner, for example, certainly did. 'One would think his muse a child (says Miiller) who had learned this quaint speech from wise old men and women that had related to him wonderful tales, which the muse could repeat in no other language . . . but none the less does this repetition of a dead and gone tongue remain a forced thing, excluding, as it does, more or less, the appearance of nature and life.' 'This question is discussed in Hassenstein, Ludwig Uhland, Leipz. 1887, pp. 126-130. ^ Gedanken iiber Goethe, Berlin, 1888, pp. 68-72. 12 Alle)i, of the Volkslied and applied it." The result will be a popular song indeed, for it will appeal to the human nature underlying any veneer.'' It is i/ie Volkslied then, and not a Volkslied which the modern poet must make live again. Similarity in outward form between Volkslied and lyric of MuUer may exist without conscious imitation on the part of the latter, for the same ideas within certain human limits are expressed in much the same terminology, and this is truest just in lyric poetry, where the emotions of the heart find readiest and most natural expression. Certain simple figures of syntax, therefore, will prevail in the popular poetry of all times and nations, because they mirror forth so ingenuously the moment under description, and as surely will stilted and ' Cf. Waldberg. GoelA^ und das Volkslied, Berlin 1889, p. 21. Also UaaSen, Leben u. Filhlen im d. Volkslied, Prag. pp. 5, 6, who says: 'The boundary (between Volkslied and Kunstlied) is not a sharply defined one. From the most objective Volkslieder to the most subjective song of a mod- ern poet, there are a hundred transition stages. Because the Volkslied is a real order of poetry, it must accord exactly with the most perfect growths of our artistic lyric verse, and so we realize indeed that there exists a mysteri- ous association between genius and the taste of the people.' 2 Milller's own words {Schr. IV, 105) are : ' It is an incurable error on the part of certain fashionable poets of verj' recent date (1825) that they Imag- ine they are singing Volkslieder when they patch together obsolete phrases, awkward periods and indecencies from their old predecessors into new combinations. No poetic genre needs to be so much in harmony with the spirit of the age as the lyric does : for its enjoyment and its influence, far removed from study of every kind, pass living from lip to lip, and have small time for explanations. The common people are by no means attracted by such patriarchal adornment — no matter how common the per- son is, he still considers himself too knowing and refined for such, and takes it amiss that he is not credited with a more modern taste. The so- called old-German school of poetry has done its level best in this perversity — a little more, and new Volkslieder in the dialect of the Ludwigslied wouM have been current. And why not, pray ? For that dialect has at least lived, but the language of the new-fangled Volkslieder has never lived. What man can breathe the breath of life into the still-born.' Burger and Goethe, separate as they are in spirit, stand as the sole model. In both, it is true, can be traced the influence of the old Volkslied, but this influence repeats itself in their songs no more noticeably than, let us say, do the features of a forefather repeat themselves in the face of a descendant. The other archais- ing lyric poets, however, offer us nothing better than a manufactured death- mask. The peculiar nature of the Volkslied is the imraediateness of its influence upon life, and life can be laid hold on only by life itself.' IVilhchn Mitller and the German Volkslied 13 conscious figures be absent. These figures are useful for study, however, only as a means towards a clearly recog- nizable end, and not in or of themselves, for they are the result and not the cause. Thus far it has been tacitly assumed that Volkslied was a word easily understood and fitly defined' — a consumma- tion devoutly to be wished, but one as yet unrealized — for, if this were true, collectors would not include in their edi- tions a mass of songs not Volkslieder, and investigators (otherwise above reproach) would not insist upon distinc- tions impossible to carry out in practice. Though an enumeration of the attempts to define Volks- lied' would of itself fill a volume, and include the names of many scholars well-known in the history of literature, still Goethe's complaint that nobody seems to understand the much-cited term holds good today. The difficulty in finding a proper definition has been many-sided. Some have attached too much importance to the part which melody plays in the matter, some too little. Some would ' How difficult it is to avoid hair-splitting distinction maj' be seen by con- sulting Bockel (/. c.) of which this paragraph is a virtual translation. He contends (LIX) that the line between Volkslied and not-Volkslied can nowhere be sharply drawn (because the concept Volkslied can never be exhaustively defined), yet he proceeds (CXXVIII) to set up three classes. a. Volkstilmliche Kunstgedichte. Includes songs from the Banise, Miller's Sigwart, Kotzebue and Heine, likewise Goethe, Schiller, Uhland and Eichendorff, besides countless half- or wholly-forgotten poets. b. Volksmdssige Lieder (an intermediate species). Includes many soldier songs, songs of guilds and handicrafts, many historical songs and occasional poems. A mixture of imitated learned verse with popular modes of speech and presentation. c. Volkslieder. ^ The curious may consult : Bohme Ad. Liederb., XXI, Volkst. L. d. Deulschen, Vorwort. Deut. L. im Volkslied, DNL. XIII, p. IX. Uhland, Schriften (l866) II Einltg. Miillenhciff, Sagen, Mdrchen, Lieder, XXX. Leim- bach, Einf. i. d. d. Volkslied, p. 7. G. Scherex, Jungbrunnen, Vorwort. Gum- mere, O.Engl. Ballads, XXVI. White, Deutsche Volkslieder. N. Y. 1892, p. 275, or the prefaces to other collections, such as Erks Liederhort, Liliencrons Hist. Lieder d. Deutschen, etc., etc. Also Schlegel, Gesch. d. rom. Lit. (1884), p. 160. Schure, Gesch. d. d. L. (1884), 64. Weckerlin, La chanson pop. (1886), p. V. Heinr. Meyer, DNL. LXXIV. I. 2, p.LV. 14 Allen, use the term Volkslied in a narrow sense, to designate a single historical species of song carefully walled-in, instead of a dozen differing species. Others have grown vague and mysterious over the word Vo/k-, the van led by Wilh. Schlegel and the Grimms, so much so, that it has become necessary for prefaces to discuss the word Vo/k-, which used to mean the people in its entirety, but which now means the lower classes : the result often approaching a mere juggling with names. Others again, like Longfellow, Th. Storm, Symonds or Andrew Lang,' mistake poetic fancy for definition, and thus become unsafe guides for the unwary. Thus much is sure. A Volkslied is a song from what- ever source, of whatever form, sung for a long time by all kinds and conditions of people. Besides this or beyond this no defining is possible. The Song of Master Hildebrand and Eichendorff's In einem kuh- Icn Grunde are alike Volkslieder, Luther's A mighty for- tress^ Miiller's Im Krug zum grunen Kranze and the Musca- tel Song zx& Volkslieder, Tauler's Christmas Carol horn the 14th century and Holtei's Schier dreissig Jahre from the 19th. Whether author is known or forgotten does not, can not ^ Cf. Hyperion, Book II. Immensee. Wine, Women and Song, p. 25. White, D Volksl., p. 277. ^ Although the most recent and scholarly of all essays on the nature of the Volkslied (John Meier, Volkslied und Kunstlied' in Detitschland, Beil. z. Allgem. Ztg. Miinchen, Marz, 1898. Nos. 53-54) would in most cases ex- clude the church-hymn (Kirchenlied) from the Volkslieder. The author contends (No. 54, p. 2): 'The church hymn can hardly be regarded as a Volkslied, because the people recognise its right to a separate individuality; they know, for instance, that such a song was composed by Luther, such a song by Paul Gerhard, and above all the Text and, in a less degree, the Melody of the church songs exert a certain authority. It will be the en- deavor of the singer to reproduce each of these, just as it has been handed down to him. Such songs have something awe-inspiring and venerable about them : the song itself is the authority and not the singer.' And yet, in the opinion of the present writer, such argument is not final. The reason why one begins to sing A mighty fortress is that one was taught it textually in church — but the reason why one continues to sing it, and never tires of it, is that it has become part of one and one's neighbor: in short, it has become a Volkslied. Wilhelm Milllcr and the German Volkslied 15 alter the song' — whether author is plough-boy, church- man, or king does not alter it — whether text is epic, lyric or dramatic in cast is immaterial ; so long as the song fits the throat of the people. For purposes of classification all these things are important, but while scholars are clas- sifying songs, the people are singing them, and the real arbiter after all is said and done is vox popiili^ ' With all deference to Prof. White, who excludes from his collection {Deut. Volkslieder) all lyrics by known authors.foUowing in this the exam- ple of his colleague, Prof. T. F. Crane (Chansons fopulaires de la France, N.Y. i8gi), because these lyrics 'nicht aus dem Volksbewusstsein herausgesun- gen wurden sondern demselben eingesungen werden sollten.' This quoted phrase (of Goedeke's) is specious, but not necessarily logical ; for in order to be herausgesungen, something must first be eingesungen, and no song can exist without a personality (once known, if later forgotten) as author — unless one accept as scientific Riickert's description of the origin of a Volkslied : Das schonste ward gedichtet Von keines Dichters Mund. Es hat sich selbst geboren, Wie eine Blume sfriesst, Und wie aus Felsentkoren Ein Brunnquell sich ergiesst. Cf. also A. Jeitteles : Beitrdge zur Charakteristik d. d. VolksUedes {ZfoVk. Ill, 257 fF.): ' It is not an essential in the definition of the Volkslied that the author should be unknown, but rather that word and melody be in unison and that the text betray a naive attitude towards nature and life.' Cf. also Herm. Fischer (Introduction to 3d edit, of Uhlands Volkslieder, p. 4). Stutt- gart (nd) 1893. ' Carl Kohler and J. Meier (^Volkslieder v. d. Mosel u. Saar, Halle, i8g5) adopted the principle that ' everything which the people sing or recite, and look upon as a Volkslied be noted, no matter if investigation prove it to be also an art-song.' Becker's Rheinischer Volksliederborn (Neuwied 1892) and Wolfram's Nassauische Volkslieder (Berlin, 1894) include many so-called volkstiimliche Lieder. Cf. also J. Meier's Volkstilmliche u. kunstmdssige Elemente in der Schnaderhupfelpoesie (Beil. z. Allg. Ztg., Miinchen, Oct. 6, 1898, no. 226). W. Miiller himself divided Volkslied into no sub-heads (cf. his critique of Riickert's Ostliche Rosen, 1822) : ' The larger part of Riickert's songs would have become Volkslieder, and deserved to have done so, side by side with Korner's, Schenkendorf's and certain of Arndt's, if the period which they celebrated had not been all too soon obliterated from the enraptured mem- ory of the people.' Elsewhere he speaks of the patriotic Volkslieder of Uhland. 1 6 Allen, Brevity is a necessity in Volkslieder today, far more so than formerly. The time when any but professional singers memorize long scores of weary ballads is past : a few short stanzas satisfy the needs of the people, and what is not readily remembered is either confused beyond point of recognition, or, more often perhaps, simply omitted. Yet Vilmar' tells of ballads 30 and 40 stanzas long, which were not only declaimed to past generations, not only sung to them by peripatetic minstrels (Marktsanger, Ban- kelsanger), but sung by them as well : he considers that in certain parts of Germany the custom of singing ballads of such length endures to the present day, though certainly as the exception, not as the rule. For good reason, too. The development of individual- ism in Germany did much toward substituting the lyric song for the epic ballad as a form of poetic expression, but a still greater factor in the change was the increasing im- portance of the time consideration in modern civilization. The shortened song, no less than railroad, telegraph, tele- phone, electric propulsion for tramway, motor-carriage and bicycle, is an indication of the hurry in recent Ger- man life. Volkslieder must be sung for a considerable season." A generation or two ago, when travel was hardship, it took ' Handbiichlein, p. lo. In dealing with songs of exceptional length, how- ever, one must be careful not to assume for them a wide popularity. Cf. e. g. J. Meier {Beil. z. Allg. Zeitg., 1898, no. 54, p. 24) : ' Most of the histori- cal songs do not belong among the Volkslieder, for they did not become part of the popular speech and were never disseminated among the people.' How many of the countless historical songs and political songs in Ditfurth's and Liliencron's encyclopaedic collections were ever in wide sense Volks- lieder ? - Cf. Bockel, /. c. CXXX. 'A proof of the authenticity of a Volkslied is in its power of resistance. Merely popular songs sing themselves out and disappear quickly; not so Volkslieder.' Not so clear is the following statement; 'The Volkslied can only be driven out by the breaking in of culture, which destroys its roots ; national custom and tradition.' The par- ticular Volkslied in question may be driven out by the rude entrance of cul- ture, but not the Volkslied in general — for the Volkslied does not die — it changes. If a naive Volkslied is driven out, it yields to the song of culture: after a season of favor, the latter becomes a Volkslied. JVillichii Mailer and the German Volkslicd 17 many years for a Volkslied to get into all parts of Ger- many, or even into every nook and cranny of a single county : today, w^hen the reverse is true, its takes quite as many years to sift out the real Volkslied from the thous- and-and-one aspirants to popular favor, which steam- presses and the feuilleton of the daily newspaper would foist upon a trusting public. The only difference between the volkstumlicke Lied dind the Volkslied is one of time.' Miiller's Im Krug Z2im grilnen Krauze was volksmassig when first composed, for it was written in the popular tone, volkstilinlich when first taken up and sung by the people, and a Volkslied when it outlasted the generation that produced it with no diminu- tion in popular favor. The taste of each new generation is different from (often diametrically opposed to) that of its predecessor — if they both sing widely the same song, it is a Volkslied. The only difference between an ephem- eral street-ballad (Gassenhauer)^ or a popular snatch from a reigning opera, and a Volkslied is in the time they last. It is often contended that the former are silly and mawk- ish, while the latter is not, but who is to decide as to silliness or mawkishness, if not the people?^ And if the people sing a silly song long enough, it is a Volkslied.* ' Not, as is frequently asserted, a difference in terms. Cf. e. g. Tiesmeyer, Das deut. Volkslied, Osnabruck, 1881, pp. 3, 4 : ' The VolltsUed belongs to the realm of folk-poetry, but the volkstiimliche Lied to that of art-poetry. The former deals with subjective experiences and emotions, and yet, also, with those universal among men, often in child-like, naive manner. The volkstiimliche Lied is the product of a mind which creates with well-calcu- lated effort, borrows its material frequently from historical fact and moulds it according to the canons of art.' How prone the investigator to insist that the author of the Volkslied be an utterly naive child of nature ; while the author of the volkstiimliche Lied is perforce a stiffly-starched, extremely con- scious person. ^ But cf. O. B. Volkslied und Strassenlied, Die Gegen wart, 1887, p. 203 et seq. ^ Cf. Handbiichlein, p. 8. Vilmar here finds that the songs from the Banise, Si^wartiWeise's operettas, etc., are not Volkslieder, because of their ' sickly sentimentality,' although they were sung for a long time by many people. ^ Yet such statements as the following, met with at every turn, are curious examples of the dominance of tradition : ' We certainly have a long list of 2 1 8 Allen, Another fallacious doctrine is that the time for the making of new Volkslieder is irrevocably past. This idea rests upon the notion that Volkslieder of the future must be like those of the past, an impossibility, of course, viewed in the light of the complexity and the changed conditions of present civilization in Germany. Bohme says:' ' In our time no more Volkslieder can arise,' and quotes from Vischer {Aestlietik III. 1357) as support. Reissmann says : ' ' The people made up and sang its songs as long as the art-song remained a stranger to it. But when the art-song, under direction of the Volkslied, rejuvenated itself and found in its new guise an active sympathy and interest among the people, then the Volks- lied of sheer necessity died out.' In 1840 Talvj' printed the statement that the old songs live in the different parts of Germany only in so far as the population is a singing people, that they die out wherever the population is a reading people. Gustav Meyer' so-called Volkslieder of recent date, i. c, songs which have made their way from modern society to the people. Examined with care and impartiality, however, and measured by the real and the true Volkslied, they are found to compare to it, .only as a dead image does to the living nature.' That is to say, the old Volkslieder are echt, because they are old. The new Volks- lieder (so-called) are unecht, because they are new. Quod erat demonstran- dum. Knortz, Die deut. Volkslieder u. Marchen, Zurich, 1889, p. 14, ridicules such a distinction, and Jos. Jacobs (Folk-Lore, June 1893, IV. 2, 233 fF.) would break down all barriers between folk-lore and literature, and declares that in the music hall will be found the Volkslieder of to-day. Cf. Gum- mere, 'The Ballad and Communal Poetry' in Harvard Studies and Notes in Philol. and Lit., V. {1896) 41-56. Also H. Boll. Die Texte unsrer Volkslieder. ZfddU. XII, 446. Th. Hampe, Bin Nilrnberger Volksdichter des i6n Jhdts. Beil. ii. Allg. Ztg. 1898, no. 210. Frz. Bachmann, Volkslied u. Volksgesang, ibid. no. 267. ^ Altdeut. Liederb. (1877), p. XXIV. It is a change of attitude when he says (Volkstumliche Lieder d. Deutschen, 1895, p. XVI); 'In the present state of our civilization he alone can be a poet for his people who adapts himself to the conditions of today, who is at once artist and folk-poet.' * Das deutsche Lied. Cassel, 1861, p. 89. * Versuch einer geschichtlichen Charakteristik d. Volkslieder germanischer Nationen. Leipzig, p. 387. * Essays und Studien zur Sprachgeschichte und Volkskunde. I (1885), p. 309. Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied 19 asserts that the natal hour of a literature is likewise the dying hour of a Volkslied ; Krejci ' adds that where culture has penetrated to the lowest strata of the people, as it has to-day, Volkspoesie disappears entirely. Odell ' agrees that the day of popular song is past — the printing press sounding its death-knell; Scheffler' echoes the thought again when he remarks that the French prov- inces yield folk-songs in inverse ratio to the diffusion of knowledge to read and write, and Bockel fills out the sentence to meet the existent conditions in Germany. ' Everywhere,' he writes, ' where railroads pass, where factories spring up, where the peasant neglects the culti- vation of his land and, for the sake of an added stipend, descends to the work of a factory employee in all these places do national customs and Volkslied die out irrecoverably.' And this despite the fact that his own collection con- tains a Volkslied sung to him in Gleiberg, February 9, 1880, where the hero travels by train : Auf der Eisenbahn bin ich gefahren Den sechzehnten Mai, Ein treues Mddchen hab' ich geliebet Zti der Ehr' und zu der Treu.^ And, as if to prove that the mention of the modern con- trivance" was not a mere slip, the sixth stanza continues : Denn so fahren wir auf der Eisenbahn Immer lusiig drauf los. ^ Zs. f. Volkerpsychologie, XIX (1889), p. n8, s. v. Das charakteristische Merkmal der Volkspoesie. ^ Simile and Metaphor in the English and Scottish Ballads. N. Y. (disserta- tion), 1893. It is interesting to know that Wilh. Miiller held a like belief in 1820 (cf. Rom, Romer, etc., I. 247), but soon changed his mind, as has been shown above. * Franzos. Volksdichtung ti. Sage. Leipzig, 1884 (I. 40). * I. c, no. 58. ^ For other mention of modern contrivances, cf. the Schnaderhilpfel, which is (in the opinion of many, cf. E. H. Meyer, Deut. Volkskunde, p. 316) the most genuine kind of Volkslied. It reaches back to antiquity, being tabooed by the early Christian church, along with the other psalmi plebei and the cantica rustica et inepta of pagan times (cf. Grasberger, Die Naturge- schichte des Schnaderhiipfels, Leipzig, 1896, 18, and G. Meyer, Essays, II 20 Allen, Bockelalso adds that the Volkslied dies out irrevocably where a ready market for cheap and trashy articles of luxury brings the modest and contented rustic into touch with hitherto unknown enjoyments, and implants in his soul discontent for his lot. Whether the modest and con- tented rustic ever existed elsewhere than as a figment in the minds of social reformers may be questioned ; and yet that will not change the following fact. In the past, when society was divided into two classes, peasant and master, the peasant was the bearer and preserver of the Volks- lied— but that does not argue that Volkslieder must die out the moment agricultural implements are improved, the moment new luxuries do away with the assumed old- world simplicity of the unquestioning peasant. On the contrary, a factory, a sweat-shop or a prison can start as true a Volkslied as ever a green field did, because these furnish a background for experiences which are common to all humanity and which touch it. We have seen that a Volkslied can travel by train, as easily as it used to in diligence, or bare-foot over a dusty road — why were it unsafe to prophesy that the Volkslied of the future may telegraph or telephone without overstepping the pro- prieties ? ' (1893), p. 149), and that it exists in the present is proved by the occurrence of such quatrains as the following : Eisenbahn, Eisenbahn, Locomotiv : Fert'n a Seidl Wein, Hoier an Pfiff ! Das Schnaderhiipfel (says Grastierger) ist gelehrig, nimmt Neues auf und modernisirt Altes. Es rechnet noch mit dem Carlin, dem Bancozettel, dem baierischen Groschen, mit Zwanzigern und Thalern, kennt aber auch den papiernen Filnfer und Fiinfziger ; es fahrt noch aufs Roboten und hat mit dem gestrengen Pfleger zu thun, reibt sich aber schon an der Neuschule ; dem romantischen Einsiedler im Wald substituirt es allgemach einen gewohnlichen Geistlichen ; es hat noch das blaue Rockl des Jagers in der Barockzeit, den Reifkittel, das Kettenmieder und die Schnallenschuhe im Gedachtniss, nennt aber nebeu der ' irchenen ' Hose auch den ' zwag'- spitzt'n ' Frack, etc. ' Bockel is answered by Theod. Ebner {Das deut. Volkslied in Vergangen- heit und Gegenwart, Barmen, 1889) as follows : ' It is not the railroads which Wilhelm Midler and the German VolksUed 21 It is as evident an anachronism for a modern Volkslied to go back to i6th century modes of speech, as for a i6th century song to mention things undiscovered until the present generation. The Volkslied lies in the future as well as in the past, and conscious imitation of antiquated Volkslied forms makes the production of a modern poet as affected as a Ronsard pastoral is, when compared with a true Anacreon. If the similarity between the verses of Miiller and the songs of the Wunderhorn be chiefly one of the spirit then, investigation must turn to the life of the poet himself, if it wishes to discover how fully his popularity was that of the true folk-poet. First, however, a historical back- ground may be briefly outlined, to ascertain what bearing Miiller's attitude had in relation to contemporary events and currents, and to measure the debt which later poets owe him : for Morike, Geibel and Baumbach have inher- ited partially from Miiller, what he in turn received from Uhland, i. e. a heightened development of musical form, and the introduction of the dramatic element into the elas- tic medium of lyric poetry. A sturdy soil, unfilled for centuries by other than un- skilled hands, had put forth in Germany a crop of vigor- ous field-flowers, called by many different names, from the winileodos^ of the 8th century to the Bazvrengesang of the 15th and i6th centuries, known since Herder as Volkslie- join one country with another, and it is not the telegraph wires which carry thought with lightning swiftness from one place to another, that have put an end to the golden poetry of free and careless wandering, and to its songs full of the forest odors. It is not the constraint of external forms, and of the social position of the individual, so different from former days, which makes life seem to us a sadly mechanical one. It is we ourselves, who have laid on our own spirit this constraint, who have kept our eyes tight- shut to the beauty and charm of that which God has implanted with such spendthrift bounty in our hearts and in his nature — so that we have merely to stretch out our hands, to find that which we bemoan and beweep as a thing long lost. The world is the same as it used to be ; the sun shines just as clearly into the heart, and moon and stars glisten still in the canopy of heaven, with the same golden radiance. The human heart still exults in its moments of joy and is fearful in its moments of prescient mournfulness.' ' Cf. the capitulars of Charles the Great (789). Uhland, Volkslieder^ IV, 164. 22 Allen, der.' From time to time cultured men came and regarded these flowers which outlasted stress of wind and weather, only to find them unfragrant and homely. Yet, for want of better, they bore them off, to furnish them out anew, making of them other flowers not so sweet, though bathed in fine perfumes, nor so good to look upon, though painted in bright new colors. Disliking the simplicity of the field- flowers, they .refashioned them, giving them fastastic forms. These flowers of culture, gathered from the fields at various times, to be forced in separate hot-houses, are known in literature by different names. Some are called minnesongs and pastorals, others, master-songs, anacreon- tics and gallant lyrics.' These have lasted out their sea- son and passed away, but the Volkslieder have endured." Up till the middle of the i8th century then, men of the people had sung Volkslieder, and men possessed of a cer- tain culture had manufactured them, but without perma- nent success. Then arose Rousseau to call men back to nature,' Macpherson with the plausible shade of Ossian,'' and the English churchman Percy," all preaching the same evangel in different forms, commending a return to the manners of a past when ' men were as free as the eagles of heaven, and as innocent as the doves.' One symbol of such primeval innocence was the Volkslied, and Rosseau describes the singing of these in the long holiday even- ^ Cf. E. Schmidt, Charakteristiken. Berlin, 1886, p. 202. 2 Cf. Burdach, ZfdA, XXVII, 343, Rich. M. Meyer, ZfdA. XXIX, 121 et seq. Waldberg, Die deut. Renaissance-Lyrik, Berlin 1888. Cap. II, Volks- dichtung u. Kunstlyrik ; also Die galante Lyrik {QF. LVI), 27-48. ^ The only class which succeeded in turning the Volkslied into new chan- nels was the clergy with their contrafacta hymns which left the profane song as they found it, with minor substitutions and omissions. So Luther's Vom Himmel hoch da komm ich her is the well-known Volkslied Von fernen Lan- den komm ich her, etc. Cf. Budde, Freass. Jahrb. LXXIII, 482, also The New IVorld (Boslon), March 1893. '' Notably in the Nouvelle H^loise (1760) and Emile (1764). ^ Fragments of Ancient Poetry (1760). * Reliques of Ancient Engl. Poetry (1765). German translations (besides Herder's) in Ursinus, Balladen u. Lieder. Bothe, Volkslieder, Berlin 1795. Bodmer, Altengl. («. Altschwed) Balladen, Zurich 1781. Cf. also Wagener, Das Eindringen von Percys Reliques in Deutschland. Heidelberg (Diss.) 1S97. WiUichn MilUcr and the German Volkslkd 23 ings — ^ ces vieillcs romances, dont les avis ne sont pas piquants; mais Us ont je ne sais quoi d' antique et de doux.'^ While France and England were beginning to break with tradition, a new nature-sense was astir in Germany. Scholars turned curious glances upon the folk-song of for- eign peoples, which had hitherto been deemed uninterest- ing, because barbaric. Hofimannswaldau and Hagedorn were heralds of this vague but growing interest, Kleist wrote the Song of a Laplander, and Lessing published Lithuanian dainos. Klopstock wrote his war song in the English ballad metre (1749) and other poets followed, until from Schleswig Holstein to Switzerland swinging military songs, composed in a professedly popular tone, gained a momentary hearing, and Gleim (1758), Weisse (1760), Ger- stenberg (1762) and Lavater (1767) achieved thereby a short success.^ All efforts were tentative, however, for poets were groping after dimly sensed facts in the dark : not having direction, enthusiasm ran on into absurdity, and an earnest striving after popularity bade fair to yield to parody and caricature. It is typical of the period that Gleim knew no better how to attain popularity than to ape the travesties of Gongora and Moncrif, and that Biir- ger, five years after Rudolf Raspe had introduced the Reliques to Germany, knew no better than to follow him.' In his Aesthetica in Nuce (1762) Hamann had said that poetry, far from being man's most finished product, was man's mother tongue. Then, like a younger Elisha to carry out his master's teachings, came Herder, preaching that men were brothers and poetry their common heri- tage, the bond between nations: that true song dwelt in the homes of the lowly, to be found there by the seeker. So wrote the young theologian of whom it was truly said that Volkslieder from the fish-market interested him more than dogma, — who swept into a single draught of his ' Cf. E. Schmidt, Richardson, Rousseau u. Goethe, p. 198, note. '2 Cf. Scherer, GddLit., p. 445. 2 Cf. von Klenze, Die komischen Romanzen der Deutschen iin iS. Jhdt. Marburg (Dis.) 1891. Also Grisebach, Das Goethesche Zeitalter. Leip. 1891, p. 68, note. ViiSiAe,, Burger. Leip. 1856, p. 11. 24 Alien, drag-net of people's songs the utterances of Moses, Homer and Shakspere, prose from the arctic zone and monastic pieces from the middle ages. Burger abandoned Gleim and placed himself entirely on the side of Herder and his teachings in the Heart-gjishings over Poetry. Footing on a ballad metre which the preced- ing century had developed as a model for narrative poetry, Biirger gave Germany its first real ballad, Lenore (1774)- The other luminaries of the Gottingen constellation suc- ceeded less well, for instead of the native emotional inten- sity of Burger, they were forced to make shift with that of the Klopstockian manner, and for Biirger's lively patri- otism they had only Germanomania.' Holty, Miller and Claudius' wrote of the cheerful and touching sides of modest domestic happiness and of rustic activity, Voss, himself a peasant's son, wrote his peasant verses, and the cup of affliction of Gottsched's followers was full. Wiseacres, foremost among them Fr. Nicolai, that cen- turion in the army of the Philistines (the same who found Hermann und Dorothea a poor imitation of Voss' Luise) protested vigorously against this canonizing of the Volks- lied,' but only added fuel to the fire already brightly burn- ing. Songs from that ' plateful- of slime,' the Almanack, though burdened almost to unintelligibility by the freak- ish spelling of their editor, are alive at the present day. The young Goethe learned of Herder in Strassburg and ended by acquiring a better practical insight into the pos- sibilities of moulding the Volkslied to his uses, than his schoolmaster ever did, or ever could have done. Where Herder ended, Goethe began." Herder's work with the Volkslied, though he had col- ' Prutz, Gotlinger Dichterbund. Leip. 1841, p. 253. ^ Cf. J. Bolte, Der Bauer im deut. Liede. Berlin 1890, Vorwort. ^ Although his is the merit to have published the first collection of old and modern Volkslieder, cf. Docens Misc. zur Gesch. der teut. Lit., I (1807), p. 260, s. V. Altteutsche Lieder aus detn i6n Jhdl., and Hoffmann von Fallersle- ben, Unsere volkstiiml. Lieder, Leip. i86g,' p. XVII. " Cf. Zurbonsen, Herder und die Volkspoesie. Arnsberger Programm, 1888, p. XV. Wilhchn Miillcr and the German Volkslied 25 lected from the whole world massive stones for his build- ing, remained a splendid fragment :' Goethe, on the con- trary, by his collection of the Alsatian ballads' and his writing of new lyrics after the manner of the old, gave reality to Herder's theorizing and showed masterfully in his most beautiful songs how the ghost of the old Volks- lied could be made the moving spirit of the new one. He demonstrated how the modern lyric can be made to ap- proach its prototype, winning for itself thereby a simple structure and a musicality far removed from the elegance and the rigid stiffness of the songs of a previous genera- tion.' He never lost his interest in the Volkslied through life, and more than once in the course of their correspond- ence Schiller caught the contagion of it." ^ Cf. Eichendorff's estimate of Lessing, Hamann and Herder in Erlebtes, II. Halle u. Heidelberg, quoted from Dietze, Eichendorff's Ansicht iiber fomantische Poesie. Leip. (Disser) 1S83. ^ Cf. Ephemerides und Volkslieder (Neudruck, Seuffert). Heilbronn, 1883, pp. 29-47. ^ Cf. Waldberg, Goethe u. das Volkslied. Berlin i88g. Biedermann, Goethe u. das Volkslied (G. Forschungen, N. F,). Leip. 1886. Suter, Das Volkslied «. sein Einfluss aiif G.'s Epik. i8g6. SchurS, GddLiedes. Minden 1884,' 283-324, etc., and Wilh. MilUer's own testimony ( Vermischte Schr., IV, 103) ; ' The German Volkslied found in Goethe its highest and clearest refinement. It is well known that many of his most beautiful songs and especially those in the ballad-manner, are echoes and reminiscences of German and foreign folk-poetry ; he having even taken up in his ' Variationen ' whole verses and stanzas from such themes. Thus did the old Volkslied, clarified and refined by his art, enter into a new life, and as the poet drew from the rich, deep well of folk-poetry chords and harmonies, so also did his composer, Reich- ardt.' The case of Goethe and the Volkslied is also admirably put in Uhland's letter to Karl Mayer (Jan. 29, 1809) in K. Mayer: L. Uhland, seine Freunde und Zeitgenossen. Stuttgart 1867. I, log. '' Though this was the exception and not the rule with Schiller, as is lumi- nously shown by the following excerpt from a letter to W. von Humboldt. Weimar, Aug. i8th, 1803 (cf. Jonas, Sehillers Briefe.VW, 66); 'I enclose you a song that had its origin in the desire to furnish more worthy words for social singing. The songs of the Germans which one hears rendered in jovial company fall for the most part into the dull and prosaic tone of the masonic songs, because life itself offers no material for poetry; I have chosen, therefore, for this song the poetic ground of the Homeric times, and have had the old heroic figures from the Iliad appear in it. Thus can one get away from the prose of daily life, and wander about in better company.' Surely this is out-heroding even Herder. 26 Allen, And not Goethe alone turned to the Volkslied as his model from the Strassburg- period on, but music com- posers as well, and the settings of songs, which had hith- erto been of such difficulty that only trained singers could do them justice, became simple enough for the slightest talent in musical accompaniment.' Weisse composed operettas dealing with the delights of rustic life, and arias from them, set to Killer's graceful melodies, attained a hitherto undreamed-of popularity." Volkslied became a watchword with the storm and stress poets, but more as a theory, because it was couched in the language and thoughts of the common people, than as a fact to be imi- tated or studied. It was likewise outwardly prized by the early romantics, although direct traces of it may be hunted for in vain among the fancies of Novalis ; and Tieck, great as were his services in calling attention to the older German poetry, will be remembered for his Volksbucher, and not for his isolated imitations of the Volkslied.' The brothers Schlegel, too, who were more theorists than poets, could only, as Minor has suggested, define popularity — they could not attain it. Traces of the Volkslied from this time would doubtless have been more tangible, if a collection worthy of the name had existed. If the song books of the i6th and 17th centuries are excepted, and these were in the hands of none but the antiquary, or lay forgotten in libraries, no such collection had been published.* Herder's Volkslieder contained about two score German songs, most of them 'This fact is rarely given its real historical importance. ' Without melody, the Volkslied is what a picture is without color,' says Zimmer. Cf. his Zur Charakteristik d. d. Volksliedes der Gegenwart, Heidelberg, 18S2, p. 4 if. Also his Siudien fiber d. d. Volkslied, Quedlinburg, 1881, and Widmann's Geschichisbild d. d. Volksliedes. Leip., 1S85, p. 21 ff. Cf. especially Lindner, Gesch. d. d. Liedes iiii iS.Jhdt. hrsg. L. Erk, cited from Wackernagel, GddL. II. 331. 332. Basel, 1894. - Cf. Bolte, I. L. p. 9. " Cf. Klee, Zu L. Tiecks germanistischen Studien. Bautzen (Programm), 1S95, p. 6. ■* Enumerated by Bohme. Ad. Liederbuch, 790-799. Paul's Grundriss, II, 759-762. Erk-B6hme, LiederAort, et al. Wilhchn MilUcr and the German Volkslied 27 anything but Volkslieder, Elwert's Ungedrukte Reste {lyS.^) perhaps a dozen, there were few in the Almanack (and for the best of reasons), and Ursinus'(i777) and Bothe's (1795) editions were largely a mere translation of Percy. This lack Des Knaben Wunderhorn supplied." In it for the first time there was placed within reach of all a mass of Volkslieder, carelessly heaped together and interspersed with counterfeit ballads by the editors and others," but of great value to the modern lyric in Germany and neces- sary to any near appreciation of it. Arnim and Brentano had gathered from out-of-the-way places the despised folk-books and Volkslieder, the first of which furnished Gorres with the lion's share of his Volksbucher, the second being the starting point of the Wunderhorn.'' Both these poets imitated in their own songs the Volkslieder in their collection, but correct as was their technique, they lacked that sympathy which might have brought them a wider circle of admiration and influence. Classicism now met with organized opposition of the most determined kind. The Schlegels, Tieck and Nova- lis, Fouque and Zach. Werner, Arnim and Brentano, Hoff- mann and Kleist introduced the new lingua Romana, no longer popular Latin, but become popular German. Poets began to find their most natural expression in simple metre and naive terminology. The Volkssprache ' Published i8o6-(Sept. i8o5)-i8o8, in Heidelberg. ° It may be reminded in this connection that Bilsching and v. d. Hagen's collection of Volkslieder (Berlin, 1807), in which the authenticity of the songs was especially emphasized, left almost no trace. Cf. Birlinger and Crecel- ius, D. K. Wunderhorn. Wiesbaden and Leipzig, 1874-1S76. Introd. to ist vol. That Muller was cognizant of the occasional dishonesty of the Wunderhorn's editors is clearly shown by the following passage from his essay, ' Burger's Lenore und ein neugriechisches Volkslied' (A. Muller: Moderne Reliquien, Berlin, 1845, I, 120 if.) — ' Das Wunderhorn theilt uns ein langeres Lied mit, angeblich dasselbe, welches Biirger in jener Mondnacht singen gehort habe ; indessen ist den Angaben des Wunderhorns, wie alien Wundem der neuern Zeit, nicht zu trauen . . . . u. s. w.' ' For the circumstances attendant upon the publication of the Wunder- horn, cf. Bartsch. Romantiker und germanislische Studien in Heidelberg 1S04- 1808. Heidelberg, 1881, p. g, et seq. Also Steig, A. -u. Arnim und Clemens Brentano. Stuttgart 1894, p. 130 et seq. 28 Allen, which Luther had installed as the soul of prose was made by these new reformers the kernel of epic and lyric song. A group of hardy spirits, among them the Grimms, Uhland and Kerner, undismayed by Nicolai's successor, Voss,' and his brandished Morgenblatt, gathered around Arnim in the publication of the Einsiedler, to make folk- lore, preeminently the Volkslied, the propaganda of late Romanticism.^ The appearance of the Wunderhorn and of Goethe's favorable review of it^ seemed to awake young poets everywhere to imitation of the strains of the Volkslied. Scores of songs written ' in a tone compounded of Goethe- ism and a naive striving for popularity ' now sprang into being. EichendorfF's toast Aitf das Wohlsein der Poeten, Die nicht schillern und nicht goethen^ could apply to very few, certainly not to himself. Already influenced by the poems of Claudius,* he went to Heidel- berg, then the Mecca of romanticism, and wrote the Zerbrochenes Ringlein : Chamisso, returned from his tour of the world, renewed in his lyrics at least a few of the VVimderhoTn songs: Uhland, Kerner, Schwab and Heine began to write songs which were to grow as popular as any Volkslied. The singers of freedom, Korner, Arndt and Schenkendorf, owed their popularity to no chance preservation, but directly to the rejuvenated Volkslied, purged of its dross by their fierj' patriotism. In the opening decades of the present century, then, a great store of Volkslieder was the stock in trade of the average German lyricist. This mass of song from pre- vious centuries was clay in the hands of the potter. Gleim trifled with it, as might have been expected, Biir- ger peopled it with the terrors of Scotch balladry, Goethe ' The same Voss who in 1773 had been mad after street-ballads. ' Cf. Pfaff. Trost Einsamkeit. Freiburg, i/B. 1883. ' Cf. Jenaische Allg. Litteratur-Zeitung, i8o6, Nos. 18, 19 ; also Heidel- berger Jahrbiicher, I. 231. ^ ADBiographie, vol. \ ^ p. 723. Wilhclm Milllcr and the German VolksUed 29 first gave it the breath of a new life," Chamisso studied its ps3'chology,' Uhland purified it of its brutality,' Kerner wove it into the meshes of his wild fancy, Heine made it sensuous and aped its awkwardness," Eichendorff infused it with the spirit of the middle ages. Wilhelm Miiller never departed from the Volkslied in one shape or an- other in his songs, and its influence may be clearly seen not only in the mill-cycle, nor alone in his songs of the road, his hunting and drinking lays, or his lyric ballads, but — where one would scarce expect it — in his religious verses, his occasional pieces, and even in his verses on foreign models" and his Greek songs. Miiller was born in Dessau in the year 1794. His child- hood was peculiarly untrammeled, owing to the fears which his parents entertained for his health, as he was the sole survivor of six children. He grew up free fropi sickness, with a single exception, and his healthy youth spent in the woodlands and by the streams of his birth- ' Though, in this connection, it would seem unfair not to mention the claim of Giinther, despite the statement of Fulda (in the introduction to his edition of Giinther's poems. DNL. 38, I, p. XXVII) that G. never aban- doned the style of learned-poetry, and intentionally avoided populai treat- ment. For in his own edition Fulda (note to pp. 41, 42) shows that Giin- ther's Abschied von seiner ungetreuen Liebsten became a Swabian Volkslied, and later through Hauff's unconscious plagiarism a German one. And Biese, /. c. 278, 279, shows conclusively Volkslied usages in Giinther, which might be easily multiplied. Cf. also Waldberg i^Ren. Lyrik), p. 55, and Hof- mann : Zur Geschichte eines Volksliedes. Pforzheim (Progr.), 1897, etc. ' Cf. Tardel. Quellen zu Chamissos Gedichten. Grand enzer Programm, 1896. ^ Cf. Eichholtz. Quellenstudien zu Uhlands Balladen. Berlin, 1879, pp. loi fif. * A comparison of Uhland's attitude towards the Volkslied with that of Heine's shows the clearer insight of the former. ' The songs of the troopers and the clerks, for example (says Miillenhoff, Sagen Mdrchen Lieder, XXIX), are not always the most decent, and there exist rimes for the rabble, too, written in the manner of the Volkslied — often to parody it. It would be nonsense, however, to judge the latter's worth from a depraved example. The true Volkslied is chaste, unaffected, and never common or low. No sadder misconception is possible than to assign to it all the prosaic songs which are written in the language of the people.' ' Least clearly of all perhaps in his sonnets (Die Monate) and his epigrams. 30 Allen, place may account for the simple spontaneity of his Wald- hornistenlieder. Schwab thought it might have been the journeys to Frankfort, Dresden and Weimar which Miiller made in his boyhood, that served to awaken in him that cura vagandi which is the theme of so many of his songs ; but it may have been with greater likelihood the time of unrest in which he lived, and the result of his year of service in the army. That Miiller was in close sympathy with the dreams of the Germany of his day was shown by the readiness with which he entered upon the war of liberation.' In this he served as a private soldier and as a poet, and songs from this time of his life are born of the same war-muse which animated the lyrics of Korner and Arndt.'' The year of military service wrought a change in Miil- ler, for in 1 8 14, on his return from Berlin, he devoted him- self to the study of the older German Literature, which was a far cry from the classic studies which began his university life. In 1816 his Garland from the Minnesingers appeared, and shortly afterwards his first song-cycle, the result of his membership in a poetical circle with the painter Wilh. Hensel, Fouque and others who met at the house of Stagemann." In 1816 Arnim wrote the preface ' 'Today Boeckh stops lecturing,' stands written in one of Miiller's note- books, ' to-morrow we march on Paris.' ' The complaint often made that M.'s songs of freedom were only for a foreign (the Greek) cause arose from the ignorance of the BundesblUthen songs which prevailed until Prof. Hatfield recently published them. For surely Korner, or Arndt, or Schenkendorf, were never more fiercely patriotic (or bombastic) than was Muller in the Morgenlied am Tage der ersten Schlacht: Aus Franzens€hddeln trinken wir Dort tinsern deittschen Trank, a transcript of Gleim's verse in Schlachtgesang bei Eroffnung des Feldzuges '757 ■■ Aus deinen Schadel trinken wir Bald deinen sUssen Wein. Cf. TAe Earliest Poems of W. M., pp. 4, 34. ^ Schwab's enthusiastic description of Miiller's personal appearance at this time (/. c. XVIII) is no more trustworthy than Goethe's laconic: 'An uncomfortable personage, very well content with himself and — worst of all — wearing spectacles.' Cf. Gesprdche. ed. Biedermann, vol. V, p. 141. Uulhclm Miilkr and the German I'olksUcd 31 to Mliller's translation of Marlowe's Faustus, the visible token of a friendship not without influence upon Miiller's lyrics and his knowledge of the Wunderhorn. His love for folk-songs is further shown by the studies he made of the people and their lyrics during his sojourn in Italy, evi- denced especially in the Lieder aus dem Meerbusen von Salerno, the ritornelles from Albano, and the Ldndliche Lieder} Goethe had brought back from Italy a love for classic form, Miiller, these verses as inelegant and as nat- ural as a Dutch scene by Teniers or Wouvermann, instinct with the atmosphere of their surroundings. After his return from Rome his life went quietly on to the end in Uessau, where he was teacher and librarian. Miiller made his popular metres the expression of all he felt and thought to a degree seldom equalled, and he never outgrew them. Uhland and Eichendorfi and Heine, greatly as they were influenced by popular song, went out- side of and beyond this for many of their models, but Miil- ler wrote scarcely a line from first to last which did not betray the influence of the Volkslied. He believed with Arnim that the commonness of the Volkslied detracted from it as little as it did from the value of forest trees, that they were all green. Even the Griechenlieder are con- tent to be as simply lyric and dramatic as the miller-cycle itself, though they are rendered unnatural to modern ' Miiller learned from Rilckert the possibilities of the ritornelle. Cf. his discussions of Riickert's work in Urania, 1822, Verm. Schr., V, p. 368 ff : also Rom, Romer und Romerinnen (1820). Th. I, p. 52 ff. 'The whole folk- poetry of this region,' said Miiller, ' compresses itself almost altogether into the little three verses of the ritornelle.' A part of one of M.'s ritor- nelles, however, was not learned in Italy, for Prof. Hatfield has shown it to be a paraphrasing of Henry Carey's Sally in Our Alley, Cf. Ged. II, p. 28, 11. 23-25. Von alien Tagen in der ganzen Woche 1st keiner, der viich halb so gliicklich mache A Is der, so zwischen Samstag fdllt und Montag. And Carey's ballad : Of all the days that's in the week I dearly love but one day. And ihafs the day that comes between A Saturday and Monday. 32 Allen, taste by the evident straining after the pathetic which obscures their real worth. Comparison of MilUer with his better known contempo- raries is necessary, for it is in their company that he be- longs/ although it may be objected that much of his song is not destined to live as long as theirs. Uhland lived beyond the allotted three score years and ten, Eichendorff died in his seventieth year, Heine died at 57 — MUUer died at 33, perhaps before he had more than barely indicated the powers with which he was gifted. A halo of pity sur- sounds his life therefore, as it does the lives of Novalis, Heinrich v. Kleist and Theodor Korner, and has caused certain critics to indulge in some hyperbole with regard to his merits. Yet, impossible as it is to measure what Miiller might have accomplished, if he had lived longer, his youth must be kept in mind in any final judgment of his lyrics, if a true perspective is desired. It was by very reason of his short life, however, that Miiller's work remained such a unit. The rose-hued efful- gence which lies upon natural objects in youth had not deepened to a darker shade before his death. Reminis- cent sadness, therefore, the pessimism of experience, the caution of maturity — these are absent from his verses, and in their place is the imaginative gaiety and reckless humour of young manhood. Like Heine he gathered much honey from the Volkslied, but unlike Heine, he lacked the sting with which to turn the honey to gall.. It is customary, because convenient, for criticism to put Miiller into the same paragraph with Eichendorff. It may be disputed whether either gain by such association, though for purposes of contrast it may be permitted. But when, by reason of such close companionship Eichendorff is made the master lyricist and Miiller at best but the chief apprentice : when the statement is rife and is taken for granted that Eichendorff discovered the romantic pos- sibilities of the mill, while Miiller transgressed a copyright ^ Cf. Eickendorffs Einfluss auf Heines Lyrik (i), von S. Heller. Lemberg (Progr.) 1897, pp. 5, 22, etc. Wilhelm Midler and the German Volkslied 33 (as it were) to enlarge upon the theme," when one is almost asked to believe that the fresh air which meets the nos- trils in MuUer's tramping songs, full of an ideal vagrancy, is drawn from vials prepared and sealed by Eichendorff, then it would seem time the two were dissociated. Long enough at least to work over Miiller's poetry in detail, to determine how directly the Volkslied has acted upon him, how directly the influence of Goethe, Uhland or Eichen- dorff may be measured. The debt which die scJmne Miollerin' owed Goethe has already been stated, but it was not as deep as the sea. Dialogues in verse between a youth or a maiden and some object in nature, such as tree or brook, were common in Volkslieder and well-known after the publication of the Wunderhorn. The debt of Miiller's Songs of the Road to Uhland has also been recognized," and yet it is fair to assume they would have been written, if Uhland had never lived, for they seem the outbreaking of Miiller's spirit, not of Miiller's bookishness. Criticism which would refer all things to a clearly recognizable source,^ which ' E. g. Minor (ZfdPh. XXI, 226): ' Nach einer anderen Richtung aber ist Wilhelm Miiller der Nachfolger EichendoriFs : in der Vorliebe fiir die %van- dernden Stande (vgl. die Rubrik " Wanderlieder" in den Gedichten) in wel- cher sich recht die fahrige Natur der alteren und jungeren Romantiker aus- spricht. Die Romantik der Miihle, auf welcher die beriihmten " Milllerlie- der" seines Nachfolgers beruhen, hat Eichendorff in die deutsche Lyrik gebracht (In einem kiihlen Gtunde). Auch die Miiller gehoren ja zu den fahrenden Standen : ^^ Das Wandern ist des Mailers Lust" ' ^ Which Rich. M. Meyer {Goethe, 453) classes with Arnim's Kronenwdchter, Uhland's Ernst v. Schwaben, Arndt's Gedichte, Grillparzer's Sappho, Hoif- mann's JiTater Murr, etc., as ' so much that was gratifying and significant' of this period. ' By none more openly than Miiller himself, who says Sehr. 4, 118, 119 (Uber die neueste lyrische Poesie der Deutschen), ' Billig gedenken wir hier zuerst der vortrefBichen Wanderlieder [Uhland's], die einen langen Zug von Nachahmungen hinter sich herziehen. Denn es erscheint jetzt kaum ein Almanach, worin nicht ein Paar solcher Wanderlieder zum besten gegeben werden.' ^ These coraces are well characterized in Karpeles (H. u. s. Zeitgenossen) 69. How unsafe such a method of proceeding might prove in the present writing may be instanced by a recent occurrence. The theme and treatment 34 Allen, regards lyric poetry as the effect of a given cause, gov- erned by rules like mathematics, would make Miiller the creature of Goethe, Uhland, or Eichendorff. Yet, though MuUer was as free from the oddity and mysticism of the romantic school as Eichendorff, though he exchanged its irony and satire for a pervasive cheerfulness as did Eichen- dorff, he believed in untrammeled individuality as earn- estly as any romanticist. He was not bounded by the Volkslied, but made the Volkslied as wide as his own horizon, and got out of it a new cycle of song which he made the expression of his every want and need. In referring to the miller-cycle. Prof. Max Miiller says : ' The tone of the miller-songs remind one, it may be, over- much of the tone of Des Knaben Wunderhorn, but this is unavoidable. Theocritus could not write his idylls in splendid Attic Greek ; he needed the congeniality of the Boeotian dialect. So too Wilhelm Miiller, whom one must not blame too severely for an occasional that or Wasen or schleiiss zu,^ which offend today perhaps more than they used to.' That is to say, the subjects with which the poet dealt demanded unpolished and collo- quial speech, if the treatment be harmonious. The comparison with Theocritus would not seem in all ways a happy one, for Miiller's characters are more ideal- ized than those of the Syracusan. Theocritus was deal- ing in a dramatic way for the first time with the shep- herds about him, with the comedy and pathos of their lives : while Miiller was dealing with no real miller's prentice, but with a prentice as literary traditions made him exist. Miiller assumed a miller lad, as he did a pos- of C. B. Fernald's sailor's chantey (publ. in the Century Mag., Jan. 1897) is wonderfully like MuUer's Liebchen Uberall. The only court of appeal was Mr. Fernald himself. A note from him (June 8th, 1897) made clear that the resemblance was merely a coincidence, though one of a remarkable sort. ' The examples cited (and others of their kind which occur in Miiller) are of the warp and woof of the Wunderhorn. It is odd that their usage must be thus warmly defended in an age which reveres Geibel, Morike and Baum- bach. Yet the preface which contains this apology is thirty years old. JVillicliii Miillcr and the German Volkslied 35 tillion, a huntsman, or a musician/ invented situations, and then set himself to depict not real emotions, as he had experienced them among these classes of people, but the emotions he presupposed them to have." The miller prentice no more represents the real Miiller, than does the untiring toper, which is a favorite character of his. The emotions of the miller cycle are then d priori un- real. Though vire are told that Mliller's heart was full of a first love when he wrote these songs,^ though they are unstudied in appearance, though there is a touching earnestness in them which rarely fails of effect, though there is a coherency to them usually beyond the power of lyric songs to express, yet the emotions depicted are unreal. The poet himself will have it so. The cycle is headed by the stage direction: 'To be read in winter,' and the twenty-three songs which compose it are bounded by prologue and epilogue. That none may suspect mil- ler's lad and poet to be the same, he prefaces the songs with words which make short work of the languishing lover. ' I invite you, fair ladies and wise gentlemen,' he says, ' to witness a brand-new play furbished out in very latest style : dressed unpretendingly, simply adorned, brushed up with a bit of noble German rudeness, bold as any prentice in street brawl, with just a touch of piety, for home use ..." so runs the prologue. And the epilogue, no less rudely, crowds upon the cradle song of the brook which is lulling the miller to an eternal sleep with the ' Miiller {Verm. Schr. IV. p. 117) discusses these Koslumlieder : 'Now he (Uhland) laments as a wandering prentice, now he traverses the forest as a huntsman, now skipping about in shepherd's clothes on the green meadows, now playing for us the cavalryman or the grenadier. Everywhere we recog- nize the determination to avoid the phraseology of aristocratic sentiment, which had been sung to death, and to oppose to it the strong, clear note of popular ingenuousness. Here too has Goethe been the precentor, stirred to it by the older Volkslied ; and the necessity for such a popular costume must have its foundation in the contemporary condition of our lyric poetry.' * Cf. Goedeke, Elf Biicher deutscher Dichtung, vol. II. p. 463. •'For Luise Hensel, who refused Clemens Brentano. Cf. Friedlander, /. c. 303. Max Miiller, ADBiogr. s. v. Wilh. Miiller. 36 Allen, Words: ' Each point his moral, as best he may. For my part I give it up and content myself with wishing you pleasant dreams. Out with the sun and the little stars,' and may you find your way safe home in the darkness.' There is no sincerity here. Even if we did not know that the miller cycle was in its inception a series of dra- matic poems with a considerable dramatis personm, to be composed and acted out by a poetizing club in Berlin, and that it was suggested by la bella molinaria, there could be no mistaking the intention of Miiller. Prof. White," in contrasting the Volkslied with the songs of (other poets and) Miiller says: 'A difference, indeed, exists. It is the contrast between the luxuriant disorder of nature intentionally and joyously careless, and the studied ele- gance of a cultivated landscape.' The mill is no nearer rusticity than was the petit Trianon of Marie Antoinette, the miller's lad is a gentleman in disguise, as in the older Schaferlyrik. The moving spirit of the poems is simplesse, not simplicity. Need a modern Volkslied be sincere? Need it be the immediate expression of the feeling of the people who sing it: need it deal with experiences common to every heart? Need it be incorrect and faulty in diction, sketchy or vague in style : need it be simple, or rough, or inartistic, or unpremeditated?' Hardly. For, following the definition above given, Eichendorff's In einem kuhlen Grunde is a Volkslied." Vilmar says with ' Cf. Eichendorif's Zur Hochzeit, ' Und loschen die Sterne aus.' ^ Deut. Volkslieder, preface, p. VII. 2 An anonymous contributor to the Schlesische Ztg. (mk., vom schlesischen Volkslied, Nr. 157, 158) speaks rationally of the modern Volkslied. 'It is changing in form and content, becoming more regular in structure and in metrics, throwing off the archaic adjectives, apd with them the time- honored motives ; as culture advances, ideas once used by the Volkslied are destroyed and new fuel is gotten from sensational news. The Volks- lied begins to be sentimental.' Jahresber. f. n. d. Littgesch. I (l8go) 2, 73. Cf. for a like statement E. H. Meyer, Deut. Volkskunde, Strassburg, 1898. Cap. vi {Die Volksdichtung), p. 326. " Though J. Meier {^Allg. Ztg., 1898, Beil. Nr. 54, p. 2) would qualify this statement as follows: In einem kuhlen Grunde is an art-song, when sung in U'ilhclm M'iUler and the Gcnnan Folkslicd 37 truth :' ' As a lyric, singable production it is superior to Morike's poem {Das verlassene Mitdcken), and yet it lacks the transparency of the genuine, old Volkslied and the compelling necessity of the train of thought, or rather of the train of events. The traveling as a minstrel and the flight into battle do not seem to be sufficiently motivated, and the ending is — no matter what be said of it — too strongly drawn, reminding somewhat of Miller's song of Sigwart, of the gardener who sang a sad song. On the lips of a maiden — anyone not spoiled or made effeminate by the strong seasoning of our modern poetry will acknowledge it — ^Eichendorff's ending will appear to the best advantage. And yet, if we compare the ' fakr kin, fahr hill mein Apfel rot, du musst mir aus dem Sinn,'' with ' ick mocht am liebsten sterben, da wars auf einnial still,' it is a question to which turn — on the lips of a maiden — we would give the preference. In the contrasts with which we deal here is apparent the healthiness of the old time, as contrasted with the sickliness (or morbidity) of the school, or in choral society. If it is sung by a village girl on her way to woodland meadow, it is an art-song, if she attempts to repeat the Eichen- dorfFsong, even though she be guilty of occasional slips of memory: other- wise (i. c. if she has no thought of the Eichendorff text) it is a Volkslied. That such minute analysis of a song, such hair-splitting distinction of terms, although useful for purpose of detailed classification, breaks down in fact as often as it succeeds in fact, may be luminously shown in the case of Schiller's Mddchen aus der Fremde, taken up as a Volkslied in C. Kohler and J. Meier's Volkslieder von d. Mosel u. Soar, p. 231, which is printed (although 'sung a great deal by the people') exactly as it occurs in Schiller's published poems — with the substitution of ' und bald ging ' for ■ doch schnell war' in the third verse of the second stanza. Here we have then, not ' the development, the recasting, in short the evolution, which (in the words of J. Meier, /. c.) takes place involuntarily and without previous reflection, with each new singing of an art-song which is passing into popu- lar favor,' — we have, on the contrary, an exact reprint (with the single, unimportant exception above noted) of the art-song, just as it occurs on the printed page, just as it has been learned in school or in choral society, just as it has been sung by the village girl on her way to woodland meadow, just as Schiller himself, after due correction and filing, sent it off to the printer. Certain art-songs undergo undoubtedly complete transformation and even mutilation, before they become Volkslieder : certain songs, as shown above, do not : why then try to establish here a criterion? ' Handbiichlein, p. 194, 195. 38 Allen, modern world." How little such anal3'sis, true and sym- pathetic as it may be, affects the popularity of Eichen- dorfi's lyric may be gathered by recalling that it is sung everywhere, being often mistaken for an old Volkslied from past centuries. It is, too, scarcely necessary to quote a stanza of Schiller's Madclien aus der Freinde .•' Beseligend war ihre Ndhe, Und alle Henen wurden lueit ." Dock eine Wilrde, eine Hohe Entfernte die Vertraulichkeit, to remind the hearer how little the song partakes of the qualities or the diction which one is taught to associate with the older Volkslieder. And yet, despite the un- yielding fact, of which Eichendorff's and Schiller's songs attest, that the only definition of a Volkslied is a song sung by the people for a considerable time, and that absolutely no other criterion exists, Grater, writing in 1794,' maintains that the real Volkslieder are never so correct and ornate, so grammatical and methodical, as those intended from their inception for a critical audi- ence, or at least a judicial one — and for more than a cen- tury since Grater, others have been saying the same thing in different form. Judged by every criterion which criticism has been wont to apply, Der untreue Knabe of Goethe's is far nearer its model than Biirger's Lenore." Yet, in the face of cri- ^ A. Thimme (Lied u. Mare, Gutersloh, i8g6, p. 16) evidently considers modern songs morbid and sentimental, likewise. 'Tell me,' he says, ' where have you learned these songs?' 'We have learned them in school,' answer the maidens, whom he is asking to sing to him. ' Such songs I do not want,' he replies, but only such as you have not learned in school, such as you sing in the spinning-room, or at Easter and Whitsuntide, when you are off to the woods.' Songs learned in school : art-songs. Songs learned in the spinning room : Volkslieder. Why? ' Volkslieder v. d. Mosel u. Soar, p. 231. '^ Cf. Bragur, Leipzig, 1794, III, 208 ff. Uber die Teutschen Volkslieder und ihre Musik. * Cf. Victor Hehn. Gedanken iiber Goethe. IVilhchn Midler and the German Volkslied 39 teria, one is known to all Germany, the other only to the few. Ich weiss nicht was soil es bedeuten Dass ich so iraurig bin Ein Marchen aus alien Zeiten Dass kommt mir nicht aus dem Sinn does not sound like any Volkslied written before the i8th century, yet Heine has made it one in the 19th. The phrases 'ich weiss nicht was soil es bedeuten,' ' mir ist als ob,' ' weiss nicht wie mirs geschah,' 'ich wollt als Reiter fliegen,' 'ich mocht,' are the dreamy and vision- ary phrases of romanticism, but they occur in songs of Eichendorff and Miiller and Heine again and again, and these songs are Volkslieder. Therefore, to return to Miiller, it need not be surpris- ing to hear song after song of his widely and generally sung, when a close study of these reveals the fact that they are as widely different from the ancient Volkslied form as democracy is from the feudal system. Other times, other customs, must be extended to mean other times, other songs. Volkssprache changes with the chang- ing generations, and so do Volkssitte, Volksglauben and Volkssagen — why not frankly add Volkslied to the list and have done ? ^ Andere Zeiten, andereVogel, Andere Vogel, andere Lieder^ Once a Volkslied, not always a Volkslied. Old songs are passing, new ones coming into vogue. There are the old historical Volkslieder preserved in MSS. and collections, which go glimmering back to the earliest traditions and origins of the German race : there are new songs which were written only yesterday and which occupy the mind of modern Germany. They commingle oddly every- where. Song collections written down from the mouths of the people in the provinces show this. A Volkslied of the i6th century stands beside one from the 19th : not far from either is one whose life is lapsing — ' nur Leuten die etwa in den vierziger Jahren standen noch bekannt^ '■Nur 40 Allen, Wilhehn Miiller and the German VolksUed noch den Erwachsenen bekannt^ etc. These collections are like forests which contain oaks hundreds of years old, oaks which are decaying, and young saplings bending before every breeze. That Miiller's songs bear resemblance in the themes of which they treat, in the turns of speech in which they are clothed, and in man}' of their simple metres, to the older Volkslieder in the Wtinderhorn is then an interest- ing fact, but not a vital one in their development. If the Wunderhorn had not been printed, Miiller would have been a poet, and his songs would have been widely sung. If he had relied less upon the style of the older Volks- lieder, it is possible he would have been more indepen- dently popular, more sung to-day. This is a matter which can be determined in negative or affirmative, only after the facts of his obligation to the Volkslied have been discussed in detail. Philip S. Allen. University of Chicago. Allen, Wilhelm Milller and the German Volkslied 41 WILHELM MULLER AND THE GERMAN VOLKSLIED. IL Nature-Sense in the Volkslied and in Muller. THE critical faculty of Herder may be characterized as sympathetic rather than logical, suggestive rather than completing. As the undoubted pioneer in the study of popular song he blazed the way for future investigation, but it was reserved for the clear-sighted Uhland to make straight the paths, which all research must follow, if it would attain to definite result. It is a significant fact therefore, and not an accidental one, that although Herder was the first to define the concept Volkslied, although he discussed not without point the psychology, the manner and the form of it, although he placed the study of it upon a broad and comparative basis ; yet the pages of his writings' may be searched in vain for an adequate statement of the important part which Nature, animate and inanimate, has played in its making. Such lack is the more conspicuous since the insistence of Uhland has made it apparent that the lively sense for surrounding and sympathizing nature which is evident in the Volkslied^ lies not on the surface of it, but at the ^ E. g. Auszug aus eineTti Brie/wechsel uber Ossian und die Lieder alter Volker (1773). Von Aehnlichkeii der mittlern englischen und deutschen Dicht- kunst {l*]'J'j). Vorrede zum zweiten Theil der Volkslieder {l']']g). ° Volkslieder, IIJ^, ij. Blattert man nur im Verzeichnis der Lieder- anfange, so grunt und bliiht es allenthalb. Sommer und Winter, Wald und Wiese, Blatter und Blumen, Vogel und Waldtiere, Wind und Wasser, Sonne, Mond und Morgenstern erscheinen bald als wesentliche Bestand- teile der Lieder, bald wenigstens im Hintergrund oder als Rahraen und Randverzierung. Anfanglich mag ein Naturbild an der Spitze des Liedes. weniger Schmuck als Bedtirfnis, der unentbehrliche Halt gewesen sein, woran der nachfolgende Hauptgedanke sich lehnte ; die uralten Lieder der Chinesen beriihren sich in dieser Form mit den noch taglich auf- schiessenden Schnaderhiipfeln des bayrischen und osterreichischen Ge- 42 Allen, very roots : that when nature fades from the Volkslied, its end is drawing near. The ideal basis for a discussion of nature in the German Volkslied of the past would be, of course, a chronological one. If the data at hand would warrant such procedure, an outline-study of the gradual development of nature- sense in the Volkslied from the earliest times to the present would yield results as important as those attained by detailed investigation along other lines of German literary history : it would, for example, shed light upon the evolution of the German lyric and epic ; it would account in large measure for the interchange between stilted and natural expression in the development of Ger- man poetry by acquainting us with the waxing and wan- ing interest which any one generation took in the Volks- lied. Unfortunately such a chronological basis is lacking. Although Volkslieder whose roots go back to the earliest antiquity are present to-day, their form and expression are so mutilated and changed by the accretions and omis- sions of centuries later than their birth that their original meaning can often be only fortuitously guessed at, not unriddled. Oral tradition, the very circumstance of their existence, has robbed them of their birthright ; unscrupu- lous students of the Volkslied, from the early peripatetic singers down to the editors of the Wunderhorn, have deliberately deprived them of their simplicity and their sturdy strength, desirous of decking them with finer metaphors of their own imagining, or of adapting them to the whimsical tastes of their own immediate public. Within historical times centuries of real folk-song have disappeared without a trace,' while others have pre- birges. Dunger {Rundds und Reimspriiche aus dem Vogtlande. Plauen 1876, XLII) says: 'This beginning the song with nature is a convincing proof of how closely our people have grown together with nature, of how deep the nature-sense sits in our hearts.' ' Other than the fulminations of the early church against them, these 'evil and lecherous lay-songs ' which Bonifacius and Otfried feared, and the Council of Mayence (813) forbade. The historical Volkslieder presumably Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volk'slied 43 cariously lived in their poorest productions, through the agency of a discovered manuscript or of an early-printed book dragged from its seclusion on the unexplored shelf of a library. The nature-sense in the Volkslied may, however, be studied systematically in its outline, if not chronologi- cally. It has had an evolution from the simple to the complex, from its mere presence in embryo to its presence as an organic part of the Volkslied. A detailed investi- gation along such lines would exceed the purpose and the limits of the present occasion, but, for the sake of clear- ness in the present study, a rough synopsis of the attitude of the Volkslied towards nature will be given. The reason for comparing the nature-sense of the Volks- lied with that of Miiller's verses is obvious. From his earliest poems published in the Bundesblijbthen, where he was under the popular models of Burger, Gleim and Arndt, through the years of his indebtedness to the Wunderhorn, the Austrian folk-songs and Schnaderhupfel, English and Italian popular poetry, down to the closing years of his life, when he adapted the TPATOTAIA of the Fauriel collection,' Miiller owed many of his most pleas- ing strains directly to the Volkslied. It is impossible to trace in him, as has been so well done in the case of Goethe and Heine, the crescendo and diminuendo of his interest in the Volkslied, because its influence upon him did not visibly decrease before his death. If Miiller's Griechenlieder and Epigramme show, as it is often claimed they do," that he was beginning to lay aside his youthful models, in order to strive towards a higher goal than the one represented by his popular song-cycles, his death collected by Charles the Great have disappeared, as likewise the three cen- turies (from the end of the IX. to the middle of the XII ) of popular poetry, the darkness of which is but deepened by the flashing forth from the monkish Latin hexameters in Ruodlieb of the old-German love-greeting. Uhland, Volksl} III, 236 f., 208 f. IV, 164 f., 135. ' Cf. W. Miiller: Netigriechische Volkslieder, gesammelt und herausge- geben von C. Fauriel. Ubersetzt von W. M. 2 Thle. Leipzig 1825. ' E. g. Ged. V. W. M. Vorwort von Max MuUer, p. V. 44 Allen, came all too early to permit of more than the hazarding of a guess as to what the muse had yet in store for him : the unfortunate destruction of his posthumous papers lending an added difficulty to such prophecy. In so far as Miiiler was an imitative rather than a creative poet, therefore, a comparison of his nature-sense with that of the Volkslied will reveal how much the niveau of the latter was the same as his own ; how much he changed or went beyond it, for the environment of his songs. Before such comparison is begun, however, the list of Miiller's exact transferences and direct copyings of the Volkslied must be excluded from discussion, as such cases can not be regarded as illustrations in point. These are following: Seefahrers AbschiediGed., I, 43, st. i) = Egeria. p. II (versi quadernari, no. 2).' Ergebung {Ged., I, 73, st. i) = Ziska und Schottky, p. 104.'' Des Schiffers Liebe, st. i : Bin gefahren auf dem Wasser, Hab' kein Ruder eingetaucht ; Hab' das Lieben ausgelernet, Keinen Lehrer je gebraucht. Ziska und Schottky : Af n W^ssa bin i g'foah''n HS,b koaS Ruada nid braucht ; 'S Karasia^'n h5-n-i g'lea'nt, H&b koan'n Schulmoasta braucht. Mailer, Ged., i, 74 : Dass es im Walde schattig, Selit, das macht der Baume Laub. Ziska und Schottky, 105 (Liebeskummer) : Dass 's im W^ld fiKst'r is, Das m&ch'n d' Bam ; Dass 's im WS,ld fiSst'r is, D&s m5-cht d&s Lab. Mailer, Ged., \,11\ Zvvei Augen wie Kirschkern', Die Zahne schneeweiss, Die Wangen wie Roslein Betracht' ich mit Fleiss. 1 Cf. the writer's ' Wilhelm Mliller and Italian Popular Poetry.' Mod. Lang. Notes, vol. xiv. no. 6 (June, 1899). ' Ziska und Schottky. Oesterreichische Volkslieder mit ihren Singeweisen. Pesth. 1819. Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied 45 Ziska und Schottky, 85 i^Der Fuhrmannssohn von EdelbacK) : Zwoa AugerlnhS,d s' wia-r-a Kia'schkea'n, De Zafid'ln san schnewaiss, D' Wangerln, de san ros'nrad, H&b s' recht betrScht mid Flaiss. Mailer : Ein Rfislein that er brechen, Warf s in das Fensterlein ; 'Thust schlafen oder wachen, Herzallerliebste mein?' . . . Ged. i, 138. Meinert(Alte teutsche Volkslieder, 1817): Ar thot a Resle brache, Zoum Fanster stis ar's nai ; Thust schlouffen ober wache Hatzollerlievste main ? ... p. 227. (cf. also KW. I, 378. KW. I, 33. and finally certain of Miiller's Stdndchen in Ritornellen aus Albano {Ged. 11, 23-28) and Italienisclie Stdndchen in Ritor- nellen {Ged. II, 28-31) whicfi have elsewhere been shown to be translations and adaptations of Italian sources.' Also, of course, the Reime aus den Inseln des Archipelagus (Ged. II, 88-95), twenty-nine of which are direct adaptations of Miiller's translations of Fauriel,^ will be omitted from dis- ' Mod. Lang. Notes, vol. xiv, no. 6 (June, 1899). ^ Viz. Das Verhor {Ged. 2, 88j ^ Fauriel, 2, I15-I17. Verwunschiing {Ged. 2, 88) = Fauriel, 2,6g. Die Verwunschung eines Liebe-nden. Wer hat's verrathen? (G'i'./). Nature, she says, is the peasant's business : therefore his songs show such constant trace of it ; Nature, she says, is only a hobby for the educated man. the town-dweller : therefore it occupies no such important position in his songs. Such absurd reasoning starts out with the notion that pe.isants alone write and sing Volkslieder, while educated men alone write and sing Kunstlieder. s Cf. Uhland. To/fc/.s III, iq,— M.innhardt, iV' Baiimkulliis .L-r G^r- t?iane». Berlin, 1S75, p. _;. — Koberstein, U'dmj'ischis Ji:'tr\>iii-h. I (iS54), p. 74. — Countess Martincngo, £ssays in /ie S/riJi' cf Fdksi'iigs. London. 1SS6, p. 30, ' .Although Bratranek (BJtrJo' :» n'/ier Afsthilik ,/<■/• Pfhuiu-inirll. Leip- zig. 1*53. Cap, _?. Das W'lisiifd, p. 67) will not admit consciousness on the part of the Volkslied. He distinguishes Volkslied from Kunstlied in that the latter dwells on the ideal conditions of life, with intention and according to set rules, but the Volkslied directly, out of a full heart, led alone by instinct. JJ^ilhchn MiiUcr and the German Volkslied 49 the flowers of the field or the changing shadows of the clouds, but probably did not find in them a mirror for every possible emotion. Therefore songs which contain in a high degree conscious allegor}' are necessarily of comparatively late origin ; a citation of a few such will presumabl}- establish this fact. Christus, der Herr im Garten ging, Sein bittres Leiden bald anfing. Da trauert Laub und grunes Gras, Weil Judas seiner bald vergas. . . . JCJF., I, 142. Es trauert mit mir die Sonne, der Mond, Dazu die hellen Sterne. , . JTH'., I, 374. Die Sonne, der Mond, das ganze Firmament, Die sollen mit mir traurig seyn bis an mein End. JsTH^, I, S5 Dorten sind zwey Turteltaubclien, Sitzen auf dem diirren Ast, Wo sich zwey Verliebte scheiden, Da verwelket Laub und Gras. . . . KIV., II, 32. Da wachsen keine Rosen Und auch kein Rosmarein, Hab ich mein Kind erstochen Mit einem Messerlein. . . . JCIV., II, 222. Such Volkslieder as these just quoted, although they may be as really popular as an}- of preceding centuries, mark the entrance of a sentimentality far removed from the simplicit}- commonly supposed to be of the nature of the Volkslied. It is but a short step from such allegoriz- ing to the trifling of the gallant 13-00 : Die wilden Thier allein, Die seh ich selbst Mitleiden tragen, Die A'ogel traurig seyn, Und mich mit schwacher Stimm beklagen ; Die kalten Brunnen starker fliessen, Viel Thranen gleichfalls zu vergiessen. . . . JCJV., Ill, 90. Theoretically, the last stanza is as far removed from a stanza of a simple, direct Volkslied as heaven is from earth, but when conscious allegory has once entered the Volkslied, when nature is once made, no matter how 50 Allen, vagueljs to answer to the emotion in the breast of a person singing a Volkslied, when nature is treated, that is, subjectively and not objectively : where is such usage to stop ? At what point in the long series of easy transi- tions between the first glimmerings of conscious allegory and the final resultant sentimentality can a line of division be drawn, to make all instances on the left of such a line Volkslied, all instances on the right of such a line Kunst- lied ? If, as was suggested above, data for a chronologi- cal study of nature in the Volkslied were at hand, such a line could be roughly drawn for purpose of classification, as follows: From the earliest times to (let us say) A. D. 1 1 50 the use of nature in the Volkslied was apparently unconscious and fragmentary ; a mere background at the beginning of a song in which the human element predom- inated.' From (let us say) A. D. 1150 to the present time, the use of nature became highly developed, entered the fibre of the Volkslied and offered a counterpoint or foil for every possible human emotion. No such chronology being possible under the circumstances, it must suffice to say that as human life and emotions as depicted in poetry have become more and more complex with the passing centuries, so has the nature, in whose terms human life is described, kept pace with its changing conditions." When civilization be given up by man, and he return, not in form alone but in spirit, to the simplicity and ignorance of primeval times, then and not sooner will the nature- ^ Cf. Heinzel, Uier den Stil der altgernianischen Poesie (QF. X), p. 25, and Marold, Uber die poetische Verwertung der Natur in den Vagantenliedern und im deutsehen Minnesang. ZfdPh. XXIII (1890), p. i : Die altere deutsche Dichtung zeigt nun erstaunlich wenig Ausdruck von Naturgefiihl und — was in gewisser Bezieliung damit zusammenliangt — wenig Neigung zu poetischen Bildern. Erst almahlich gewannen die Deutschen auch hierin eine grossere Freiheit des Geistes, und das 12. Jahrhundert brachte einen Umschwung in dieser Richtung. " Biese says (^Das Associationsprincip itnd der Anthropoviorphismus in der Aesthetik. Leipzig, 1890, p. 9) : Formen und T6ne in der Natur erinnern an Menschliclies in Stimmung und Ausdrucksweise, und diese Erinnerungs- momente steigern den Eindruck ; und je mehr Bildung und Erfahrung der Mensch zur Aussenwelt in Beziehung zu bringen vermag, desto mehr geistige Farbe tragt er zu dem direkten Eindruck hinzu. Wilhelm Mutter and the German Volkslied 51 sense of the Volkslied become again in any sense uncon- scious. The real Volkslieder in the Wimderhom, then, as well as in the few other collections that could have been known to Wilhelm Miiller, make broad use of conscious allegory in their nature-sense, and contain also simple formulas and nature-introductions, which look forth from their lines occasionally, as the older traits of the Sigfrid legend do from the 13th-century dress of the Nibelungenlied. References to nature in Miiller's poems are often identical with or modeled on these motives. In many instances, however, he justified his position in the Romantic School by transcending the limits set for him in these Volkslieder, and carrying his images with a bolder hand to the extreme of afFectedness and sentimentality, until they bore him into the surroundings and the distorted nature- sense of the Anacreontic style, endowing the flora and fauna of his songs not only with his pretended emotions, but with an unmotived sympathy for his trifling whims and fancies.' In addition to this imitation of the nature- ' The indefatigable Gleim himself never subordinated nature to the charms of his Belinde, his Doris, or his Chloe, more completely than did Miiller to those of his Berenice, whose golden locks are made the sole contemplation of 21 songs {Berenice. Ein erotischer Spaziergang. Ged., /, ijy-163.) Her locks, we are told, are a constellation in the heaven, high above mere earthly desire. They are a golden labyrinth. They are the sun's rays. They are yellow like the cornfields, or the vine-tendrils. They are the measure of pure gold. They shame the golden hoop on her brow. Of her locks Cupid makes cords, to bind her lovers with. When Cupid sleeps in the dimple of her cheek (as in Rilckert's : Die Liebe fiel i7is Griibchen am Kinn) he binds her locks about him to prevent his falling. She sews the lover's eyes together with her hair, to avoid his amorous glances (cf. Miiller- Fauriel, II, 130 : ^ia rpi^ arr' ra iia'k7idKLa oov, ra fiaTia fiov va pdipcd). Rain- drops become gold-pearls in her hair (as in the Mdrchen everywhere. Reinh. Kohler, Kleinere Schriften. I (1898), 126 f). Caught in the meshes of her hair the poet sings, as the nightingale from her noose (cf. Zesen's : Wie ein Vogel hiipft und springet Wann er aus dem Netze los). Her locks are spun of the sun's morning gold. Their slender fibres draw the poet to Heaven. The dream of her locks moves his heart for days thereafter, as the sea seethes on the morning after the storm. The golden gleam of her hair is the arrow of love. Angels peep forth from the hiding 52 Allen, sense from the Volkslied, however, must be mentioned and considered, naturally, the out-of-door nature in Muller's verses which had nothing to do with either the Wunderhorn or Romanticism, the nature which was at his window in Dessau or Albano, which accompanied him on his journeyings, full of the smell of the forest and of the sea. For as a poet of the sea, through his Lieder vom Meere, his Muscheln von der Insel Rugen, his Lieder aus dem Meerbusen von Salerno, etc., Mliller may be named as not the least of the list which includes Brockes, F. L. Stolberg, Boie, Goethe, Tieck and Heine.' The forest odors with which more than one of his Landliche Lieder and his Friih- lingskranz aus dem Plaiienschen Grunde are filled (notably Des Jagers Weib, Das Hirtenfeuer in der romischen Ebene, Der Berghirt, Jagers Lust, Jagers Leid, Frilhlingseinzug, Das Fruhhngsmahl, Der Peripatetiker and Pfingsteri) are not due to Muller's knowledge of the Volkslied, but to his individual love for actual nature." Comparing, then, Muller's use of nature, in so far as it is in any sense imitative of that of the Volkslied. as found in Des Knaben Wunderhorn, with that of its prototype, we may hope to discover in how far their limits were identi- cal: what use Miiller made of his material, as compared with the Volkslied's use of it ; when, and how widely Miiller went beyond his sources; and vv^hether such advance was artistically justified by circumstances. Flowers. With Miiiler, as with the Volkslied, the rose is the favorite flower. clouds as she braids her locks. Roses, torn from her hair, die. Fire-flies lose their glow. The wind never tires of playing with her locks (Eichen- dorfF's : Mit Schleier zari utid Locken spielt buhlerisch der Wind). Theirs is the fragrance of the roses, etc., etc. Such imagery reminds compellingly of Pope's valedictory couplet : This lock the Muse shall consecrate to fame And 'midst the stars inscribe Belinda's name. ' Condensed but suggestive discussion of these points in W. Keiper, F. L. Stolbergs Jusrendpoesie. Berlin, 1893, pp. 48, 49, and O. F. Walzel, Euphorion, V (1898), pp. 154-155. Hatfield, Poetry of W. M., p. 6 f. * Max Miiller. Vorwort zu Gedichte von W. M., p. vii. Wilhelm Mutter and the German Volkslied 53 Rose thrown in at window tells the mistress of her lover's presence, cf. above, p. 45, also Uhland, VolksL, no. 85, Goetze, p. 29. Three roses, half-red, half-white, spring from the grave of the unhappy lover. Mil Her : Da springen drei Rosen, Halb roth, halb weiss, Die welken nicht wieder Aus Dornenreis. . . . Ged., i, 20. IVunderhorn : Es stund an bis den dritten Tag, Da wuchsen drei Lilien auf seinem Grab. ... II, 293. {Ci. zXso KW. I, 53; I, 35; II, 251. Biese, Naturg. im M.-A., 259. Dyer, The Folk-Lore of Plants. N. Y., 1894, p. 12. Verger, Deutsche PJla7tzensagen. Stuttg. 1864, p. 12. Roses are planted on the grave of the dead loveu : Mailer : Womit soll'n wir ihn decken ? Mit Rosen und mit Veilchen. . . Ged., I, 131. Wunderhorn : Sterben ist eine harte Buss, Weiss wohl dass icli sterben muss, Und ein Roslein rosenroth Pflanzt mein Schatz nach meinem Tod. . . . Ill, 10. (Cf. also KW. II, 209 ; I, 35. ' Roses in Winter' denote the impossible : Wunderhorn : In meinen Armen schlaft ihr nicht, Ihr bringt mir denn drey Rosen, Die in dem Winter wachsen sind. ... I, 340. Mailer : Ihr lacht wol iiber den Traumer Der Blumen im Winter sah. . . . Ged., i, 57. ' Plucking ' roses (Blumen brechen) : Mailer : Ein Knablein ging spazieren Wohl um die Abendstund' In einem Rosengarten, Da bliihten Blumlein bunt. Ein Roslein that er brechen. . . . Ged., i, 138. (Cf. also Ged., i, 124; i, 8 ; i, 151 ; i, i34-) 54 Allen, Wunderhorn . Es ging ein Magdlein zarte Fruh in der Morgenstund In einen Blumengarten, Frisch, frohlich und gesund, Der Bliimlein es viel brechen vvollt. ... I, 24. (Cf. 2i\so KW. I, IS; 1,67; II, II; II, 21.) He who plucks roses must not mind the thorns. 'Mailer : Wer dort will Rosen pflilcken, Der muss ins Herz sich driicken Der spitzen Dornen viel. . . . Ged., i, 124. VolksUeder aus Oberhessen . Wer Rosen will abbrechen, Der scheu die Dornen nicht. ... p. 93. Roses falling upon one are emblematic of separation and d^ath. Mailer : Die Mutter weint, das Kindlein lacht, Es spielt mit Engeln diese Nacht. Die werfen aus des Himmels Au' Ihm Rosen zu vol! Sternenthau. . . . Ged., i, 137. Wunderhorn : Fallen zwei Roselein Mir in den Schoss. Diese zwei Roselein Sind rosenroth, Lebt noch mein Schatzelein, Oder ists todt? ... I, igi. Other Volkslied uses in Miiller are: Cheeks and lips are roses four. Ged., 2, 12.. Cheek is a rose. Ged.,\,^\. Cheek is a rose meadow. Ged., i, 137. Lips are rose-buds. Ged., 2, 23. Lips are roses. Ged., 2, 90. Cheeks are roses. Ged., \, 77. Mouth more red than rose-buds. Ged., 1,166. Lips are Spring's roses. Ged., i, 166. The girl is a rose-bud. Ged., i, 166. The girl is a rose. Ged., i, 167. Heart is a rose. Ged., i, 155 ; i, 156. In many instances Miiller's use of the rose is more affected. Roses are strewn on the girl's pathway. Ged., Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied 55 I, 15. Bemoan their lost fragrance. Ged., i, 27. Cf. also his anacreontic poems ; Roses red with shame. Ged., 1,152. Yellow with envy. 1,152. The cradle of breezes. 1,154. Red-cheeked. 1,155. Torn from the girl's hair, they wither, i, 161. The idea that roses grow from tears Miiller had from the Wimderhorn, but hardly from a Volkslied. Miiller : Eine Thran' fiel aus dem Fenster, Da wuchs eine Ros' im Gras, . . . Ged., 1, 139. Wunderhorn . Perlen von den Augen schiessen, Schiessen hin ins grilne Gras. . . . Nur der Boden wohl erquicket . . . Dankend ihm entgegen schicket Rosen roth und Lilien blank. ... I, 285. Der Herr am Olberg, from which these lines are taken, Goethe rightly characterizes {^Jen. Allg. Lit.-Ztg., 1806, Nr. 18) as unpopular in tone. ' Diesem Gedicht geschieht unrecht, dass es hier steht. In dieser meist natiirlichen Gesellschaft wird einem die Allegoric der Anlage sowie das poetisch Blumenhafte der Ausfiihrung unbillig zu- wider.' Cf. Heine (Lj'r. Int. 2) Aus nieinen Thranen spriessen viel bluhende Blunien hervor, and Brentano {Schr., 2, 172) for a like image. Grimm {Altdeutscke Wdlder, I, 140) speaks of a lily growing from tears. Also Bratranek, p. 62, and Wilh. Miiller in his Blumen Deutungen (p. 95 of A. Miiller's Reliquien). Cf. also Goetze, p. 11. Marriage, p. 131. W.yivlltr's Rosensainen, Ged., 2, 28. Egeria, p. 13, etc., etc. Popular is Miiller's use of clover: Ich will einen Strauss dir pfliicken, Herzliebste, von buntem Klee. . . . Ged., i, 15. Wunderhorn : Es fuhr ein Magdlein Ubern See, Wolt brechen den Feiel und griinen Klee. ... I, 42. (Cf. also ^f^., 1,206; 1,391.) 4 56 Allen, Lilies wither when love dies : Mailer : Wo ein treues Herze In Liebe vergeht, Da welken die Lilien Auf jedem Beet. . . . Ged., I, 19. (So do all flowers. Ged., i, i8. Ged., i, 135.) Wunderhorn : Wo sich zwey Verliebte scheiden, Da verwelket Laub und Gras. ... II, 32. (Cf. also KW., I, 142.) Rosemary betokens death. Mailer : Will suchen einen Cypressenhain, Eine Heide voll griinem Rosmarein. . . . Ged., i, 16. Wunderhorn : Sie gieng im Garten her und bin, Statt Roslein brach sie Rosmarien. ... I, 259. (Cf. also KW., II, 222.) Flowers spring up under the girl's feet. Mil Her : Und wenn sie wandelt Am Htigel vorbei Dann, BlUmlein alle, Heraus, heraus. . . Ged., i, 19. A trait common in the popular poetry of all nations, cf. e. g. the song in Miiller's Egeria, p. 15 : Dove cammini, bella figlia, Nasce una rosa a maraviglia. In Die schone Mullerin, the blue flower, Forget-me-not, is the miller's flower; Mil Her : Es bliiht auf alien Fluren BUlmlein Vergissmeinnicht. . . . Ged., i, 17. (Cf. also Ged., i, 11. They call to the sleeping girl: ' forget me not ! ' Heavy with dew they shun the sun- Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied 57 light. I, 10. They are as blue as the girl's eyes, i, 11. They nod and look at the passing girl, i, 12. They bloom still, although she is unfaithful. 1,15. They dis- turb the sleeping (dead) lover's dreams, i, 21.) Wtinderkorn : Ein Bliimlein steht im Garten, Das heisst, Vergiss nit mein. ... I, 239. (Cf. also KW., I, 206.) The Wreath is an emblem of chastity. Miiller : Die Mutter sprach : ' Nimm dich in Acht ! Schon manche Dime hat's gebracht Urns griine Kranzchen in dem Haar.' . . . Ged., i, 82. (Cf. also Ged., i, 28.) Wunderhorn : Wenn aber ein Madchen ihren Kranz verliert, Nimmer kriegt sie ihn wieder. . . I. 193. (Cf. also KW., Ill, 74; II, 202; II, 293 ; I, 159.) Other popular usages of flowers in Miiller are : The first blossom of Spring eagerly greeted. Ged., 1,85 (cf. Nithart's songs. Uhland Volksl.^ IV, p. 216), also Ged., I, 90. The crocus peeps first forth from the snow. Pas- sion-flower emblematical of Christ's martyrdom. Ged., i, 25.' A chaplet of flowers is laid on the grave, i, 71. Flower begs not to be trampled on. i, 17. In a lilac bush the finch sings, i, 140. Who picks roses must not mind the thorns, i, 124. Flower forget-me-not grows in the night mists, i, 17. Asters tell the miller's secret. I, 10. May-flowers appear to him in a dream, i, $6. The meadow has drawn on her green silk dress, i, 91. (= KW., Ill, 85. Das Erdreich decket seinen Staub Mit einem griinen Kleide. Cf. Paul Gerhardt, ed. Wilh. Miiller, p. 168. Bratranek, p. 341. Die Pflanzensprache. Nifen.) May brings chil- dren toys from the flower-smith, i, 141. ^ 'Eine Passionsblume, die in ihrem kleinen Kelche die Unendlichkeit der gottlichen Liebesleiden umfasst.' W. Miiller, Schr. (1830), IV, 141. 5 8 Alkn, Noticeable on account of their omission by Miiller are the popular Augentrost, Augelweid, Denkamnich, Jelanger- jelieber, Ehrenpreis, Habmichlieb, Wegwart, Schabab, etc. (Uhland, Volkslieder, III, p. 290.) Miiller uses very few flowers, and these are used generally but once (except the rose and forget-me-not) and in commonplace fashion. An ineffective sentimentality is the weeping of flowers, which occurs many times. Tears (dew) stand in the flowers' eyes (cf. Uhland, VolksL, IV, p. 220, and Herder s Volkslieder (ed. Redlich, 1885), 226. Abendlied, O Jiingling, wirst du auch so schwer wie diese Blume weinen ?) Ged., I, II. Flowers weep in sympathy with the girl's joy, Ged., I, 10, Weep because the girl has gone to bed. i, 34. Weep from sheer joy of loving, i, 150. The vine looks weeping into her window, and the girl dries its tears. 2, 88. Likewise : The grass turns pale from his tears. Flowers weep when love dies, i, 18. (Cf. Eichen- dorff. Sieh, die Blunien stehn voll Thrdnen. Heine. Und wiissten's die Blumen, die kleinen, Sie wiirden mit mir weinen. Lyr. Int., 22, and often.) The allegory in other verses is carried far beyond the apparent simplicity of the Volks- lied. The heath is called 'love's torment.' Ged., i, 16. White flowers (frost) cover the girl's window-pane. Ged., I, 73. Spring lets drop two flowers : Love and Song. I, 151. Flower fragrance, the flatterer, creeps in through a crack, i, 84. The muse picks may-flowers, i, 94. Thistles reach timidly out towards the seam of her dress. 1,164. Elves sleep in the violet's mouth. 1,165. Violets and orange blossons greet one another, i, 64. Trees. With Miiller, as with the Volkslied, the linden is the favorite tree. The opening picture in h\%Der Lindenbaum corresponds exactly to the popular one. Miiller : Am Brunnen vor dem Thore Da steht ein Lindenbaum. . . . Ged., i, 48. Wilhelm Mutter and the German Volkslied 59 Wunderhorn : Daraus da sprang ein BrUnnlein kalt, Auf griiner Linde driiber, Frau Nachtigal sass und sang. ... II, 245. The linden was the meeting place of lovers: Ich traumt' in seinem Schatten So manchen sussen Traum. . . . Ged., i, 48. again in Milller ■ Bis unter den griinen Lindenbaum, Herzliebste, geh mit mir ! . . . Ged., i, 134. Wunderhorn : Es steht ein Baum im Odenwald, Der hat viel griine Aest ; Da bin ich schon viel tausendmal Bey meinem Schatz gewest. . . . Ill, 117. (Cf. also KW., I, 61 ; I, 300 ; I, 303 ; I, 356.) In its bark are cut the lovers' names : Mailer : Ich schnitt in seine Rinde So manches liebe Wort. . Ged., i, 49. (Cf. also Ged., 1,9; i, 63 ; i, 50.) Wunderhorn : Die Liebe mein zu dir, Hab ich an manchen Baum geschnitten. . . . Ill, 91. A theme made much of in 17th century pastorals. Cf. Rist's : Dass sie der Liebe Pein Ann alle Baume schreiben. Opitz's : Wie sehr ich sie muss lieben, Das hab' ich fast geschrieben. An alle Baum im Wald. A bare linden betokens infidelity. Milller : Dort von dem griinen Lindenbaum Da fielen die Blatter ab, Dort unter dem diirren Lindenbaum Da liegt ein hohes Grab. . . . Ged., i, 135. Ach, und fallt das Blatt zu Boden, Fallt mit ihm die HoflFnung ab. . . . Ged., i, 53. (Cf. also Ged., i, 135, 23.) 6o Allen, Wunderhorn : Und als ich wiedrum kam zu dir, Gehauen war der Baum ; Ein andrer Liebster stebt bei ihr, O du verfluchter Traum ! . . . Ill, 117. (Cf. also I, 321.) Not only falling leaves symbolize inconstancy in the Volkslied, but falling or over-ripe fruit as well : notably the apple. Best known of all the older Volkslieder based upon this belief is Der rote Apfel (Uhland, VolksL, no. 50). Ich het mir ein apfel, war hiibsch und rot, hat mich verwundt biss in den tot, noch war ein wurm darinne ; far hin, far hin, raein apfel rot ! du must mir auss dem sinne. This then:ie Miiller used in Der Apfelbaum : Da gab es im See einen platschernden Schall, Als hatt' es gethan einen schweren Fall. ' Herzliebste, das muss von dem Baume sein. Den ich habe gepflanzt in dem Garten dein. Die schonen Aepfel, so roth, so rund, Nun liegen sie unten im kalten Grand ! ' . . . Ged., I, 62. The linden's branches whisper to him, Miiller : Und seine Zweige rauschten, Als riefen sie mir zu : Komra herzu mir, Geselle, Hier find'st du deine Ruh. . . . Ged,, I, 49.' as in the Volkslied does the stream : Wunderhorn : Wie ruft es doch im Flusse leis. Da drunten war es besser. ... I, 115. (A theme imitated in Miiller's Der Miiller tmd das Bach ' For discussion of the place of the linden in the Volkslied and popular poems cf. O. Lohr, Die Linde, ein detitscher Baum. Spandau, i88g. Plau- mann. Die deutsche Lindenpoesie, (Programm) Danzig, l8go. Bratranek, Mannhardt, and A. de Gubernatis, La Mythologie des Plantes. Paris, 1878-82, II, 360. Wilhelm Miiller and the German VolksUed 6\ and Des Baches Wiegenlied, Ged., i, 19-21.) The apple-tree rustles when no wind stirs. Ged., i, 62. As does the pine forest, i, 76. The cypress sends the wanderer a secret welcome, i, 138. No leaves rustle above the Wandering Jew's head, i, 59. Isolated examples in Miiller of the forest-romanticism which found its highest exponent in Eichendorff. The cool shadows of the lindens kind to the wanderer. Ged., I, 62. The linden outlasts the winter storms, i, 134. Pine-trees also signify endurance, Ged., i, 105, and Miiller therefore uses them to measure time by. Ein Wildschiitz will ich bleiben, Solang' die Tannen griin ; Mein Madchen will ich kiissen, Solang' die Lippen gliihn. . . . Ged., i, 75.' In similar fashion the Wunderhorn . Ich wiinsch ihm so viel gute Zeit, So viel wie Sand am Meere Breit. . . , I, 62. (Cf. also KW., II, 199.) Other such examples in Muller : Die Treu' ist hier, Sollst liegen bei mir, Bis das Meer will trinken die Bachlein aus. . . . Ged., i, 20. And again : Ich komme schon, will ihnen Kusse geben, Mehr als die voUsten Nelken Blatter haben, Und mehr als Neiderblicke mich umspahen. . . Ged., 2, 24, ' Cf. V\fackernell, p. 27. Abstract limitations of time and place are avoided as much as possible by the Volkslied. For 'ever' it substitutes 'by night as well as day.' 'Never' is paraphrased graphically by 'when ravens become white doves ' or 'when the sea stands still and becomes a garden,' etc. A distance in space is expressed by ' as far as the stars shine ' or 'as far as heaven is blue,' etc. Likewise, abstract numerical expressions are made real by concrete imagery. So gruss ich dich so oft und dick Als mancher Stern vom Himmel blickt, Als manche Blume wachsen mag Von Ostern bis Sankt Michelstag. Cf. also Uhland, Volksl., Ill, p. 208 f. Hauffen, Die deut. Sprachinsel Gottschee. Graz., 1895, p. 168 f., etc. 62 Allen, In Die schone Mullerin the lovers meet under the alder- tree instead of the linden : Wir sassen so traulich beisammen Im kiihlen Eriendach. . . . Ged., I, II. Other popular usages in Miiller are : The weeping-willow for sorrow. Ged., i, i6. Cypress an emblem of ever- green yearning and sadness. Ged., i, 143 ; i, 16. The branches bow to the girl in greeting, i, "^b. In the wood a forest-horn is sounding, i, 74. Single instances of the lemon-tree, the oleander and the myrtle lend local color to southern songs. Other mention of trees in Miiller is commonplace : The wind sighs in the top of the pine. Ged., i, 57. Branches draw shyly back to let the girl pass, i, 164. Forest and field — long life to them. I, 74. Forest is God's house : his breath lives in it. I, 75. Forest odors cause the heart to swell, i, 147. Birds. Love lyrics without birds would be impossible, but in Miiller's poems they do not play as important a role as in the Volkslied. Most natural is the wish to assume the form of a bird in order to see the absent mistress : MilUer: Schatzchen, allerliebstes Schatzchen, Ach, wenn ich ein Voglein war'. . . . Ged., i, 150. And again : Wenn ich ein Vogel ware, Stellt' ich das Schiffen ein. . . . Ged., 2, 16. (Cf. also Ged., 2, 98.) Wunderkorn : Wenn ich ein Voglein war, Und auch zwei Fliiglein hatt, Flog ich zu dir. ... I, 231. Closely connected with the wish to be a bird on the poet's part is the one of making the bird his messenger, endowing it for the nonce at least with human speech and the understanding of human emotions. Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied 63 Mailer : Ich mocht' mir Ziehen einen jungen Staar, Bisdass er sprach' die Worte rein und klar, Dann sang' er hell durch ihre Fensterscheiben ; Dein ist mein Herz, und soil es e%vig bleiben. . . . Ged., i, 9. Ich hab' mir eine Nachligall gezogen, Die liess ich heut' an ihre Scheiben fliegen, Damit sie dachte, Lenz sei vor dem Thore. . . . Ged., 2, 26. Or, where the bird needs no instruction: Manches Voglein hat's vernominen ; Flog' nur eins an Liebchens Ohr, Sang' ihr, wenn sie weinen wollte, Dieses frische Liedel vor. . . . Ged., i, 41. (Cf. also Ged., i, 36.) Likewise in the Wunderhorn : Auf den Linden, in den Kronen, Bei der schon Frau Nachtigal, Griiss mein Schatzchen tausendmal. ... I, 93. (Cf. also KW., II, 203 ; II, 217; III, 106.) The forest birds sympathize with the poet: Mailer : Air ihr muntern Waldvogelein, Gross und klein, Schalle heut' ein Reim allein : Die geliebte Mullerin ist mein ! . . . Ged., i, 12. Wunderhorn : Gleich wie die lieb Waldvogelein, Mit ihren Stimmen gross und klein Friih morgens lieblich singen. ... II, 174. (Cf. also MuUer, Ged., i, 35 ; i, 62 ; i, 73 ; i, 76; i, 84.) No bird sings for the Wandering Jew. Mailer : Kein Vogel singt auf meinera Pfad, Ob meinem Haupte rauscht kein Blatt. . . . Ged., i, 59. Similarly in the Wunderhorn : Ey du mein allerherzliebster Schaz, Du horst kein Glocklein lauten, Du horst kein Voglein pfeifen, Du siehst weder Sonn noch Mond ! . . . Ill, 16. 64 Allen, The swallow {Ged., i, 43) lends the poet a pen to write his mistress a letter with, cf. above, Seefahrers Ahschied. For MuUer's reference to the sea-gull: Keeping watch while the seal sleeps. Ged.,\,^^. Watching over the seal, as the poet would over his mistress. Ged., i, 96. Cf. Ged. V. Willi. Muller, p. 172, notes. Miiller's further mention of the seal : 'Wenn uns ein Seehund die Aale zerbissen.' Ged., I, 99, is due to the popular song printed in J. J. Griimbke's Darstellung von Rugen, Berlin, 18 19 (cf. the same author's Streifzilge durch das Rugenland, 1805), and also in the notes to M.'s Ged., p. i>3, although, as usual, Muller has improved upon his source and introduced the parallelism in the second stanza between the mischief- making seal and the mischievous girl. Popular also is Miiller's use of the dove. Ein weisses Taubchen kommt geflogen, Schwebt Uber mir im Sonnenschein. . . . Ged., i, 28. Zwei sclineeweisse Taubchen, Die fliegen voraus Und setzen sich schnabelnd Auf der Hirtin ihr Haus. . . . Ged., i, 77. Ziska und Schottky : Z%voa schnewaissi Daiberln Fliag'n iba main Haus ; Dia'nd'I, w§,nnst ma b'sch&ff'n bist, Blaibst ma nid aus. ... p. 72. (Cf. also Ztska u. Schottky, p. 118, K. W. Ill A., 93, 94.) And most notably the picture in Miiller's Die Mainoten- witwe, which is drawn directly from the Volkslied : Aber morgen in der Friihe, wenn mein Brautigara nun ruht, Zieh ich' aus die Festgewander, nehm' den Kranz von meinem Hut, Und im grauen Witwenhemde schleich ich durch den griinen Wald, Nicht zu lauschen, wo im Dickicht Nachtigallenschlag erschallt, Nein, um einen Baum zu suchen ohne Bliit und ohne Blatt, Den die Turteltaubenwitwe sich zum Sitz ersehen hat, Und dabei die frische Quelle, die sie triibe macht zuvor, Eh' sie trinkt und eh' sie badet, seit sie ihren Mann verlor. Da will ich mich niederlegen, wo kein Schattendach mich kuhlt, Wo der Regenguss die Thranen kalt mir von den Wangen spult, Und mit meiner Turteltaube geh' ich einen Wettstreit an, Wer am jammerlichsten klagen, wer am frohsten sterben kann. Ged., 2, 118. Wilhcbn Miiller and the German Volkslied 65 Uhland, Volkslieder, no. 116: Und kan er mir nicht werden der liebst auf diser erden, so will ich mir hrechen meinen mut gleich wie das turtelteublein tut. Es setzt sich auf ein diirren ast, das irret weder laub noch gras, und meidet das briinnlin kille, und trinket das wasser triibe. Other usages in jNIiiller which remind of the Volkslied are : A bird challenges to a tourney of song and love in the rose-hedge. Ged., i, 36. Nightingale is hoarse from over-singing, i, 89 (cf. Riickert's Wird zu Hustern aller Nachtigallen Liederschallen). Lark takes his greeting, i, 35. Nightingale and lark engage in singing contest. 1,64. Swallow^, tired of flying, settles on the wanderer's roof. I, 63. Crows pelt him with hail-stones, as he hurries from the town, i, 51. Crow hovers above him, waiting for his death, i, 52. Finch sits in the lilac bush and sings of spring, i, 146. Bird mourns with the deserted girl. 2, 98. Commonplace are Miiller's other references to birds: Birds trill happily above the silent wanderer, i, 32. Nightingale seeks shyly the quiet places, i, 64. Sings in the forest, i, 76. Awakens the echo in the poet's breast, i, 84. Praises God's bounty in giving her shel- ter. I, 113. Cries from its snare, as does the poet in the net of his mistress' hair, i, 159. Lark eddying in mid air sings of love, pain and sorrow, i, 10. Calls to the wanderer to look about him. i, 64. Eagle cleaves the high air to rest in his Alpine home, i, 60. Swings through the clouds, i, 72. Has his home where the wave dashes and bursts impotently. i, 104. Finch sings from the green twig, all spring and summer and fall. Noticeable in Miiller, as opppsed to the Volkslied, is the omission of the cuckoo, the robin, the wren, the owl and the raven. More noticeable still, the small mention in his verses of the dove and the lark, and especially the 66 Allen, nightingale : a negative fact of much importance in esti- mating Muller's nature-sense, when we recall the nightin- gale's constant appearance in the Volkslied (cf. Uhland, Vo/ksl. Ill, 79-112). In Miiller, with but few exceptions, the birds have no distinct personality, and might be used interchangeably : a condition not found in the Volkslied, where in a general way each bird, as well as each plant or flower, has a clearly recognizable office. It would not be fair to apply the same test to Miiller in his treatment of other animals, or living things, besides birds, for the role which these play in the lyric, as well as the modern epic, is not an essential one, and is determined in every instance by the individual needs of the case. It is noteworthy, however, that Muller's personification of animals is so slight and incidental. He compares the huntsman to a boar. Ged., i, 14. The miller lass to a doe. Ged., I, 14. And inferentially at least the coquette with a seal. Ged., i, 99. That is the whole sum. Other mention of animals is without particular point. The chamois spring from cliff to cliff. Ged., i, 72, 76. Dogs bark and snarl. Ged., i, 53, 58. Shepherd dog is faithful to the death, i, 135. Lamb frisks happily about its mother, i, 143. Squirrel can no more live in the water than the huntsman in a mill, i, 14. Stag and doe spring through the green, i, 74. The huntsman calls a morning greeting to the stag, i, 113. Fish spring from the water to greet the morning, i, 35. Rejoice when the river's ice breaks up. i, 88. Spring out into the sunshine, i, 143. Dolphin rests after the storm in the sun-lit waves, i, 60. Trout is the poet's teacher: it slips quietly through the stress of life, i, 91. Trout swims happily in the mountain stream, i, 91. A deeper sympathy and sentiment attends the mention of insects and creeping things. Bee brushes the poet's lute with its wings and startles him. Ged., i, 13. Bee would cause the poet envy, were that possible in the spring time. Bee hums and buzzes busily. i, 143. Beetles hurl themselves against the pane, drunk with Wilhelm Milller and the German Volkslicd 6"] the fragrance and light of morning, i, 88. Glow-worms swing their lights in the grass, i, 62. Gleam in the myrtles, i, 137. The poet holds his breath that it may not draw in the gnat swinging before him in the sunshine. I, 93. His dreams circle about a slumbering light, like gnats about a candle, i, 146. Lizard glides quickly through the broom {Ginster). i, 64. His foot steps softly, that it may not bruise the worm, i, 93. In general, then, MUller's treatment of vegetable and animal life, as compared with the Volkslied usage, may be said to be considerably smaller in scope, poorer in material, and with slight originality in treatment. Imita- tive, in that many themes are identical to both. Creative, chiefly, in treatment of flowers, whose sympathy with human life fails all too readily into a sentimentality which finds its only relief in tears. Instead of improving upon his model, Milller was apt either to neglect it, or to tinge it with a romanticism which made it unreal. A very different treatment comes to view when Miiller's references to water are considered. Here he not only carried happily into verse the living water of the Volks- lied, but it is here notably that his nature-sense found its perfect embodiment. Moving, changing water is to him the mirror of each passing human experience ... it con- tains the very breath of his love for wandering, in sight of it his feet and his heart are never still. The miller will sleep till the seas drink up the brooks. Ged., I, 20. The sea roars, the wave-crests seethe, the surf storms the citadel of the cliff, i, 95, Sea, like the poet's heart, is moved b}' every breath of wind, reflecting every passing cloud, i, 98. Sea carries the girl's token to the absent lover, whether he be on the waves or below them. I, loi. Sea has been dark blue through all the centuries. 1, 102. In the sea's depths lies the sunken city, Vineta. i, 102. Sea must be the old emperor's last home, for his mistress is buried in it. i, 130. His heart swells, as the sea after a night of storm, i. 160. Songs from the poet's heart are like foam from the swaying sea. 68 Allen, 1, 162. Four roses swim on the glassy sea. 2, 12. Sea is still but his heart is restless. 2, 14. The girl's boat seems too small for the great sea. 2, 14. Sea lies calm and cold, though it has her in its clasp. 2, 15. Her white veil is the proudest of all the flags which sail the sea. 2, 15. Finch comes across the sea with greetings and song. 2, 16. The waves are great on the high sea. 2, 18. Fish leap from the sea to her net. 2, 18. Sea swells and tries to reach her on the strand. 2, 19. Star falls into the black sea. 2, 21. Water rests neither night or day. i, 4. Waterfall leaps from the cliff to the valley. Water cools him not, for, as soon as it touches him, it glows with love, i, 109 (cf. Goethe's Brook, which says : Ihr Busen ist so voll und weiss, Es wird mir gleich zum Dampfen heiss). The poet would be water, which cools the bosom Of his mistress, i, 109. Waterfall summons loudly to love. I, 143- Waves bring the lover news from his mistress. 1,44; I, loi. Carry him he knows not where, i, 43. Arouse his impatience because they do not sing of his love, i, 10. The river finds the sea, as sorrow does its grave, i, 55; I, 60. Lingers sleeping in every shadowy nook, i, 106. Runs out languidly into the sand, i, 107. — Such examples might be multiplied, if space permitted, but they would add nothing in establishing the fact that Miiller's treat- ment of water is individual and not imitative, except as he took in certain instances the germ in the Volkslied, i. e. that water sympathized with human emotions, and developed it to an extent undreamed of by his original. This is peculiarly the case with the brook, especially in Die schone Mullerin, where, following Goethe's Der Jung- gesell und der Muhlbach, it became not only the miller's inanimate companion but his friend and adviser as well (cf. Das Lied vom Bache. Herder's Volkslieder, p. 73). The germ for such treatment existed already in the Volkslied, Wilhelm Mi'tller and the German Volkslied 69 however (cf. Wunderhorn, I, 103; I, 115, etc.), as well as in the Gespr'dchsliedern, where inanimate objects not infre- quently took part in the dialogue (cf. Das Madchen und die Hasel, KW., I, 192 ; I, 211, etc.). Brook gushes from its rocky source down into the valley. Ged., i, 5 (KW., II, 50). Sings to the miller to go to his mistress. 1,6. Is the miller's friend, i, 11. Must lay aside its murmuring to sing 'she is mine.' i, 12. Hastens angrily after the poaching huntsman, i, 14. Is the rendezvous of lovers, i, 8. Carries a message to his mistress, i, 14, etc. The last four verses of Eifersucht und Stolz breathe the same defiant pride as does An einen Boten {KW., I, 232. Feyner Almanack, II, 106), of which they may be an uncon- scious reminiscence. It is known that Eichendorff copied the same Volkslied in hisZzV^/, mit Thranenhalb geschrieben. Mailer : Geh, Bachlein, hin und sag' ihr das ; doch sag' ihr nicht, Horst du, kein Wort von meinem traurigen Gesicht ; Sag' ihr : Er schnitzt bei mir sich eine Pfeif aus Rohr Und blast den Kintjern schone Tanz' und Lieder vor. . . . Ged., i, 14. Wunderhorn . Wenn du zu meim Schatzel kommst, Sag : Ich Hess sie griissen ; Wenn sie fraget, wie mirs geht ? Sag: auf beyden Fiissen. The motive in Wasserflut {Ged., i, 50) is that of Wassers- noth {Wunderhorn, I, Tj) : the melting snow flows into the brook and so to his mistress with the message. Mailer : Schnee, du weisstvon meinem Sehnen, Folge nach nur meinen Thranen, Nimmt dich bald das Bachlein auf. Wirst mit ihm die Stadt durchziehen, . . . Fiihlst du meine Thranen gliihen, Da ist meiner Liebsten Haus. Volkslied : Der Schnee der ist verschmolzen, Das Wasser fliesst in See. Es fliesst in Liebchens Garten. . . . •JO Allen, Wenn Gott mich freundlich grusset Aus blauer Luft und Thai, Aus diesem Flusse grusset, Mein Liebchen mich zumal. (Cf. also MuUer, Ged., i, 105.) Sun, Moon and Stars in Miiller, as in Heine, receive popular treatment. Like the flowers, they rejoice and mourn with the happy or the sorrowing lover; although their shedding of tears seems a step beyond the natural imagery of the Volkslied. Wunderhorn {Der Herr am Olberg) : Auch die Sterne weinen kamen, Gossen ab all ihren Schein, Schein und Thranen flossen sammen, Reihn zum blauen Feld hinein. ... I, 289. Miiller : Da muss in die Wolken Der VoUmond gehn, Damit seine Thranen Die Menschen nicht sehn. . . . Ged., i, ig. (Cf. also KW., I, 85 ; I, 374 ; III, 16.) In Miiller the sun shines brightly for the lover. Ged., I, 6. Takes on a brighter ray, when his love is requited. Ged., I, 12. (Cf. Uhland, VolksL, no. 31 A. Schein uns, du liebe Sonne, gib uns ein hellen schein ! schein uns zvvei lieb zusammen.) Sun, moon and stars all love to wander. Ged., i, 30. (Cf. Die Welt geht im Springen. KW., Ill, 115.) Sun does not warm the Wandering Jew. I, 59 (cf. Wimderhorn, III, 16. Nicht Wiedersekeri). Sun- shine, the knight, breaks in with golden lances, i, 84, 155. The sun's gold is in her hair, i, 160. When the sun goes to bed in the sea, the shadow is left lonely on the earth. I, 156. Popular is also the idea that the shadow of his false but repentant love wakes him from the dead. Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied j\ Mailer: Hinweg, hinweg, Von dem Miihlensteg, Boses Magdlein, dass ihn dein Schatten nicht weckt. . . . i, 21. (Cf. W. Scott, Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border, III, 46. Wilh. MuUer, Neugriech. Volksl., II, 65. Talvj., Charakter- istik, 141.) The moon at his mistress' window. Mailer : Mond, du kannst durchs offne Fenster In die kleine Kammer sehen, Wo sie flicht die goldneri Locken, Und du bleibst in Wolken stehen ? . . . Ged., i, 161. (Cf. also Ged., i, 6r, Der Mondsiichtige^ Volkslied : Der mond der scheint so helle zu liebes fensterlein ein. . . . Uhland, no. g8. (Heine ; Die Jungfrau schlaft in der Kammer, Der Mond schaut zitternd hinein. . . . Heimk., 22.) I Moon and stars look over the lovers' shoulders. Ged., I, II. Moon hides her face behind the cloud-veil, i, 26. Looks straight into his heart, i, 34. Moon-shadow his traveling companion, i, 46 (Heine, Heimk., 71). Moon keeps house in the sky. i, 62. Time is measured as in the Volkslied by the moon. Mailer : Die spann eine silberne Scharpe Viel Sommermonde lang. . . . Ged., i, 132. The princess weaves in the moon-light, i, 132. In Selbst- beschauung a parallel is drawn between the soul and the moon. Seele des Menschen, du gleichest dem Monde. Ged., I, 124 (cf. Goethe Des Menschen Seele gleicht dem Wasser). Miiller's use of the moon in his anacreontics need be merely hinted at. The moonbeams are a couch for the 5 72 Allen, spirit drunken with love, i, 150. Moon is bashful as a young- lover, i, 138, etc. The stars are his mistress' eyes, i, 24. A new star appears in the sky when love casts off pain, i, 19. Star- light carries men's sighs to God. i, 27. She is his even- ing star, I, 145. Star-dew lies in the child's eyes, i, 137. Borrowed directly from the Volkslied is the theme of Miiller's Nachtstuck : Es fallt ein Stern vom Himmel, Ich firig' ihn auf so gem ! ' Wohin bist du gefallen, Du wunderschoner Stern? . . . Ged., 2, 21. and following stanzas, cf. Wimderhorn, 1,282; II, 19, and especially Claudius' Der verschzvundene Stern, Es stand ein Sternlein am Himmel, KW., Ill, 153. Also Brentano's Sternlein an dein Himmel. Gesamm.elie Schriften, I, 473 and Heine's Es fallt ein Stern herunter. Lyr. Inter., 59. Similarly Miiller's use of Sky and Earth is full of per- sonification of the popular sort. Sky mirrored in the brook entices the miller, i, 12. Is clad in an ashen gar- ment. I, 99. The storm has torn the sky's gray dress (cf. KW., Ill, 85). I, 53. Clouds carry the birds irresist- ibly along. I, 44. Cloud is mournful like the wanderer. I, 57. Weary with wandering the clouds rest on the earth, i, 60. Clouds skim the sea of the sky like swans. I, 105. Earth has no sound to carry the burden of the lover's joy. i, 13. Sorrows and is covered with snow when lovers part, i, 46. Is clad in a garment of blos- soms. I, 86. Drinks the rain, but is unsated. i, 86. Is the green school of wandering, i, 89. Is frozen as his heart is. i, 48, etc. Miiller's use of the seasons reminds more than once of the older Volkslieder. Thus the driving out of Winter in Fruhlingseinzug : Er splirt den Frtihling vor dem Thor, Der will ihn zupfen bei dem Ohr, Ihn zausen an dem weissen Bart. . . . Ged., I. 83. Wilhelm Milller and the German Volkslied 73 And in Des Finken Gruss : Nun werft den Winter aus der Thiir, Der Hebe Mai ist %vieder hier. . . Geii., i, 140. IVitnderhorn . ' So treiben wir den Winter aus Durch unsre Stadt zum Thor hinaus. ... I, 161. (Cr.Uhland, VolksL, III. Sominer u. Winter, and Liliencron. DeiLt. Leben im VolksL, XLIX.) Often, however, affectation appears. Winter drives the flowers to her bosom for warmth, i, 29. Winter's ice melted by his hot tears, i, 98. Winter bars the way, but his thought wanders to her. i, ^j. Winter clamors to be gone, i, 83. Winter throws frost and snow at the finch. I, 142. Muller's line, Der Fruhling ist ein wohlgezogner Gast. . . Ged., i, 36, resembles the Wunderhorn, I, 39, Der Winter ist ein scharfer Gast. Or again Der Sonimer ist ein sanfter Gast. Spring's flowers seem few to the happy lover, i, 12. Spring the brother of Summer, i, 27, 86. The bold bridegroom, i, 87. A child, i, 86. Comes and finds him ready to wander, i, y6. Knocks at the door with his buds. I, 83. Plays upon the grave of Winter, i, 85. Gives song to the birds, i, 142. Is on valley and moun- tain and in the human heart, i, 93. In his May-poems Miiller would seem to be less happy, for he misses the serenity and simplicity of the Volkslied usage and deals with it trivially. In the green May-tide he lost his heart, i, 63. In May's cool shadows they dance to the sound of the shawm, i, dj. May swings his banner, whose edge is broidered with chaplets of flowers: white on a blue ground. i, 90. May has a grass-green coat and hair powdered fragrantly, i, 140. In May nature trembles with pleasure and pain, i, 150. Among the green May-shadows Love pipes to man and 74 Allen, maid, i, 152. Unbridled phantasy in Ged., i, 92, where May forsakes the meadow, whose dress grows sere: she is stript of it, to become a naked widow, till May returns again with a new gown. Better than such mention is Miiller's one reference to April. It is the month when fools are at large, i, 65. Autumn, Miiller represents as looking out flower stems for his fruits, i, 27. Popular is Miiller's grouping of storm, rain and snow : Ich mochte liegen vor ihrer Thtir, In Sturm und Regen und Schnee. . . . Ged., i, 17. Wunderhorn . Regnets, schneits, und geht derWind. . . . Ill, 108. (Cf. Miiller, Ged., i, 31, 32, also Heine, Hk., 29, Es regnet und stiirmt und schneit. Goethe : Dem Schnee, dem Regen, dem Wind entgegen. And KW., I, 33; III, 19; III, 119. Ziska und Schottky, 109. Goetze, /. c. 25.) Lacking simplicity are: Rain-drops fall mild and warm, like long-repressed tears. Ged., i, 86. As the snow of March disappears before the sun-light, so does his heart- pain. I, 165. Snow drinks up his tears thirstily, i, 50, etc. The evening wind carries the lover's message: Miiller : Du heller Under Abendwind, Flieg hin zu meinem Schatz geschwind, Es wird dich nicht verdriessen, Und fachr ihr sanft urn Wang' und Kinn, Treib deine jtingsten Diifte hin Und sprich : Der Lenz lasst grilssen ! . . . Ged., i, 36. (Likewise in Ged , i, lo, the morning-wind.) Wunderhorn : Kiisset dir ein Liiftelein Wangen oder Hande, Denke dass es Seufzer seyn, Die ich zu dir sende. Tausend Schick ich taglich aus, Die da wehen um dein Haus, Weil ich dein gedenke. . . . Ill, 32. Wilhelm Muller and the German Volkslied 75 (Cf. also Muller, Ged., i, loi ; i, 44; i, 132 ; 2, 98. Heine, Heimkehr, 61, K. W., II, 50, Luftelement) The wind carries flowers to his grave. Ged., i, 71. Blows its trumpets cheerily, i, 44. Calls to open to Spring. I, 84. Beats at his window-pane with green branches, i, 88. (Cf. Heine, Tannenbaum mit griinen Fingern Pocht ans niedre Fensterlein. Berg Idylle, 2. Bratranek, p. 22.) Artificial are : Wind tries to cool the meadow's warm breast, but burns itself out in pleasure. Ged., i, 92. Air is never still, for it has her locks to play with, i, 161. Wind plays with hearts as it does with the weather-cock. I, 47, etc. Hill and Mountain find but rare and commonplace men- tion in Miiller. Steep mountains separate lover and mis- tress. Ged., I, 66. If the tall cliffs were leveled, he could see the absent maiden, i, 66. His heart reaches up towards her who is on the mountains, i, 69. Mountain and mist disappear in the blue distance, i, 106. From the mountain he sees her fire burning, i, 69. From the tallest cliff he looks into the valley and sings, i, 72. He sees the grazing herds in the valley, i, 80. The summits stretch their slender towers heavenwards, i, 105. One such line finds its counterpart in the Volkslied : Miiller : Ich stand auf hohem Felsen, Tief unler mir die Flut, . . Ged., 2, gg. Wunderhorn . Stund ich auf hohen Bergen Und sah wohl iiber den Rhein. ... I, 70. The very stones themselves are made by the miller in Die schone Mullerin to sympathize with him : Stones dance and long to go faster. Ged., i, 5. Whistle him to come out of the gate, i, 8. Join in accompaniment to the song of mill-life, i, 9. He graves in every stone his love for the girl, i, 9, etc. "jd Allen, ... In regard, then, to the parallelism between nature and human experience, MuUer has been found to be in general upon the same niveau as the Volkslied. Less unconscious in expression, often, going at times beyond the Volkslied material for the clothing of his thought, or falling far behind it in the directness and simplicity of his allegory, at times he invested nature with a senti- mentality unknown to the Volkslied, or developed its figures until they lost all smack of the popular and exhaled an overwrought romanticism. Yet considering the comparatively small body of his verse, it is wonderful how often he turns in conscious or unconscious reminis- cence to the Volkslied. It could have been no coinci- dence, but must have been deliberate choice. It was no occasional trifling which manifested itself openly in a handful of verses, but a principle which underlay his art and manifested itself in most of his poetry. At two points alone does he seem to have wilfully misunderstood the Volkslied : first in his Romanzen in the Bundesbluthen, where popular song was interpreted for him by Biirger, Arndt and Gleim ; secondly in his anacreontic pieces, where the homely figures of the Volkslied were occasion- ally sweetened beyond all power of digestion. He was not hampered, however, by the mysterious and the mediaeval as was Eichendorff, or by the cynical and bizarre as was Heine, and therefore the simplicity of the Volkslied found in him more unity of expression. In Heine's poems we feel that the Volkslied enters in only as a single ingredient, not always uniting in perfect pro- portion with the rest : Heine's very brilliance and genius finding it a medium unsuited to carry the whole burden of thought and expression. The efficacy of such a medium must break down, the moment that a powerful personality expresses itself constantly in terms of it; the use of it added a brighter lustre to many of Heine's verses, as it did to certain of Goethe's, but it remained with each merely one of many art-expressions. Miiller's case is radically different : from first to last he spoke in Wilhehn Miiller and the German VolksUed ^J terms of the Volkslied. His pleasing talent found in it a model for his verses which, though sung in differing chords and with slight individual variations, he never gave up. And the result would seem to have justified his choice, for rarely has lyric talent been more pleasing, or found a wider sphere of appreciation and popularity, than did his, clothed in the simple nature of the Volkslied. A step beyond the nature-sense of the Volkslied occurs in a few of Miiller's poems, when he develops the parallel- ism between landscape and human nature to a set figure, beginning with a scene from nature and describing it, to compare it later in the song, with use of similar imagery, with human experience or emotion. The most perfect example of this is his Vineta, where the bells from the depths of the sea are compared with the bells from the depths of the poet's heart' : Aus des Meeres tiefem, tiefem Grunde Klingen Abendglocken dumpf und matt, Uns zu geben wunderbare Kunde Von der schonen alten Wunderstadt In der Fluten Schos hinabgesunken Blieben unten ihre Trammer stehn ; Ihre Zinnen lassen goldne Funken Widerscheinend auf dem Spiegel sehn. Aus des Herzens tiefem, tiefem Grunde Klingt es mir wie Glocken, dumpf und matt ; Ach, sie geben wunderbare Kunde Von der Liebe, die geliebt es hat. Eine schone Welt ist da versunken, Ihre Triimmer blieben unten stehn, Lassen sich als goldne Himmelsfunken Oft im Spiegel meiner Traume sehn. . . . Ged., i, 102. (Likewise, Studied parallelism in: Ged.,i,\g. Der Muller und der Bach. Ged., 1,48. Erstarrung. Ged., 1,53. Letzte Hoffnung, and in Fruhlingstraum : Ich traumte von bunten Blumen, So wie sie wol bliihen im Mai ; Ich traumte von griinen Wiesen, Von lustigem Vogelgeschrei. I Quoted in Heine's Die Nordsee III., Samtl. Werke (Elster), 3, 102. 78 Ich traumte von Lieb' um Liebe, Von einer schonen Maid, Von Herzen und von Kiissen, Von Wonn' und Seligkeit. . . Ged., I, 57- And again, quite as noticeably in Sonnenschein : Wenn auf der spiegelklaren Flut Der goldne Strahl der Sonne ruht, Springt 's Fischlein selig in die Luft Und schnappt nach rothem Abendduft, Und es krauseln sich platschernd die Wogen. Wenn ich dein helles Auge seh', Wird's Herz mir in der Brust so weh Und mOcht' mit einem Sprung heraus Aus seinem stillen, dunkeln Haus, Sich zu sonnen in deinen Strahlen. . . . Ged., 2, 21. (Cf. also Ged., z, 14, Die Meere.) In the nature-sense as studied thus far, there has been a constant parallelism between nature and human experi- ence, whether vague and partly incoherent, or direct and clearly intelligible ; there remains to be considered the instances, few in number, where a contrast between nature and human experience is given expression. Here, the poet, as if in sorrow at the defection of nature which has hitherto been his constant sympathizer and comrade, utters the complaint — It is Spring, all Nature rejoices — I alone am sad.' This note of complaint with nature, or impatience with it, is first sounded in Miiller's Mein /, where the miller, impatient with a nature too slow-witted to sympathize with his outburst of joy, makes an imperious demand that she lay aside all other occupation, to rejoice with him. Bachlein, lass dein Rauschen sein ! Radar, stellt eu'r Brausen ein ! Air ihr muntern Waldvogelein, Gross und klein, Endet eure Melodein ! ' An example of this in the Jaff6 edition of the Cambridge Songs, no. 29. Ztschr. f. d. Altertum, XIV, 492, quoted from Goetze, p. 4. Wilhelm Miiller and the German VolksUed yg Durch den Hain Aus und ein Schalle heut' ein Reim allein : Die geliebte MUUerin ist mein ! Mein ! Friihling, sind das alle deine Bliimelein ? Sonne, hast du keinen hellern Schein ? Ach, so muss ich ganz allein Mit dem seligen Worte mein Unverstanden in der weiten Schopfung sein ! . . . Ged.^ i, 12. (Cf. also Ungeduld. Ged., i, 10. Das Bad. Ged., 2, 15). A few times a direct antithesis between nature and human emotion is suggested, as in Einsamkeit : Und liber mir Ziehen die VBgel, Sie Ziehen in lustigen Reihn, Sie zwitschern und trillern und floten, Als ging's in den Himmel hinein. . . . Der Wandrer geht alleine, Geht schweigend seinen Gang. . . . Ged., i, 33. Or again in Einsamkeit : So zieh' ich meine Strasse Dahin mit tragem Fuss Durch belles, frohes Leben Einsam und ohne Gruss. . . . Ged., i, 57. (Cf. also Fruhlingstraum. Ged., i, 56.) Such cases of antithesis are however rare in Miiller as in the Wunderkorn, which offers us only one highly developed example of such contrast: Wo man nur schaut, fast alle Welt Zu Freuden sich thut rtlsten, Zum Scherzen alles ist gestellt, Schwebt alles fast in Liisten ; Nur ich allein Leid sUsse Pein, Unendlich werd gequalet. ... I, 174. And this seems hardly the Volkslied manner. (Cf. also KW., I, 206, and III, 132.) It may be reckoned among the merits of Miiller, that he did not develop such antithesis into more startling 8o Allen, contrast, as Heine did, for example (cf. Seelig. Die dichte- rische Sprache in Hemes Buck der Lieder. Halle a/S. (dis- sert.), 1891, p. 70 f. When carried to its furthest extent, such antithesis loses the reality of the Volkslied and denotes not health, but morbidity ; as is at once apparent from such verses as the following (Heine, Lyr. Inter., no. 31): Die Welt ist so schon und der Himmel so blau, Und die Lilfte, die wehen so lind und so lau, Und die Blumen winken auf blilhender Au', Und funkeln und glitzern im Morgentau, Und die Menschen jubein, vvohin ich schau' — Und doch mocht' ich im Grabe liegen, Und mich an ein totes Liebchen schmiegen. Effective as such antithesis may be, the reader feels it to be theatrical-rather than dramatic. The only poems of Miiller's which deal with nature in a way utterly outside of the Volkslied manner are his didactic pieces, in which he draws a lesson from nature; poems which may be better called sermons in verse than lyrics. These are very few, and contrast oddly with the happy superficiality of the greater part of the poems. An example or two will suffice. Seele des Menschen, du gleichest dem Monde. Aus den tobenden Stiirmen der Brust, Aus der irdischen Freuden und Leiden Donnernden, blitzenden Ungewittern, Aus des Wahnes Nebelschleiern, Aus der Siinde Wolkennacht Hebst du verklart und gelautert Dein ewiges Auge Und beschauest im Spiegel des Himmels Dich und die Erde. . . . Ged., i, 124. (Likewise: Der Giessbach bei Seeberg. Ged., i, 107. Am Brunnen. Ged., i, 108. Der Egerfluss. Ged., i, 106. Die Fore lie. Ged., i, 91.) Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied 8i Reminiscences of the Volkslied in Muller. Miiller's first poetical efforts, a volume of elegies, odes, songs, and a tragedy based upon a novel, written in his fourteenth year (1808), were never printed.' One is prone to wish that the poet's contributions to the Bundesbluthen (1815), or at least the major part of them, had been over- taken by a like oblivion, interesting and instructive as their republication by Prof. Hatfield may have proven, viewed from a philological standpoint. Judged by Miil- ler's later work, these songs seem curiously ineffective and unmusical and vague. It is difficult to realize that these halting metres were the writing of this adept in rhythms: that these commonplaces of expression, these lines filled in merely that the stanza might have the requisite number of verses, this cloudiness of thought this morbid romanticism, were the prelude to the simple and smooth directness which marked Miiller's maturer work. And nowhere is the wide divergence between the Bundesbluthen period and the later period more marked than in the five Romanzen which give us our first view of Miiller's attempts in the field of popular poetry.' Here we see the poet who was to teach Heine the spirit of the old song forms laboring unsuccessfully with the motives of the Scottish ballad {^Die Blutbecher), plodding dully in the footsteps of Biirger {Der Ritter und die Dirne),^ or ' Schwab. /. c. XVI. ^ Earliest Poems of W. M., Bait., 1898. I ' Compare the title Der Ritter und die Magd. KW., I, 50. The Romance : preserves the names of the lovers, Wilhelm and Gretchen, the metre and the general contour of its source {Sweet William's Ghost, Reliques, ed. Willmott. Lond., 1857, p. 452, transl. in Herders Volkslieder, ed. Redlich, p. 348), although the infidelity of the maiden reminds rather of Wilhelm und Margreth {Herder, 59). In each case the ghost disappears at cock-crow : Die Hahne krahn zura dritten Mai, Der Geist riecht Morgenduft. In the ballad : Da kraht' der Hahn, da schlug die Uhr, Da brach der Morgen filr. Cf. Burger's : Rapp' ! Rapp' ! Mich diinkt der Hahn schon ruft. Rapp' ! Rapp' ! Ich wittre Morgenluft. 82 Allen, commingling personal experience and tradition from Percy into a whole {Die zerbrochene Zither) which causes the death of the hero.' The remaining two Romanzen are Das Band^ a pastoral neither better nor worse than much other Schaferlyrik, and Der Verbannte, which deals with the exile who has jested away his birthright through light love. The chief value as regards Miiller's later work which the Bundesbluthen songs possess is that they show con- clusively how he passed through the stage of shallow copying of the external form of popular poetr}', as did Uhland in his earlier ballads and Heine in the Traum- bilder,'' to come finally to a true appreciation of the Volks- lied spirit. What Goethe attained at a bound, Uhland, MuUer and Heine acquired through gradual and clearly defined growth, visible in their ballads. The difference between their early and their later work is not alone the gulf which separates youth from maturity, the angularity of inexperience from the finish of a riper knowledge — it is ' The closing verses of Ihe Romanze : Und singt der Zither nach : Da ward er bleich, sein Odem sank Und seine Seele brach. * Correspond closely to the last stanza of the ballad : Dein Gretchen ruft dir nach — Die Wange blass, ersank ihr Leib, Und sanft ihr Auge brach. ' The motive of Das Band is repeated later in Die Konigin und der Schaferknabe. Ged., I, 135, though with tragic ending. Compare the stanzas : Zerbrochen liegt mein Schaferstab, Die Heerde irrt allein, Und winselnd folgt mein treues Thier Mir in den tiefsten Hain. And Und an des Abendmeeres Strande Da weidet seiner Lammer Schar; Der treue Hund liegt in dem Sande Und spielt rait einem blonden Haar. ' Hatfield, Earliest Poems of W. M., p. 34. Goetze, H. H. u. d. d. V., p. 6. Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied 83 a wider difference that may be tbius accounted for. It is the art-principle underlying popular poetry, which, mis- understood and regarded as an external thing, gives us the prosaic poetry of the younger Uhland, Miiller and Heine — it is this art-principle applied masterfully which has largely helped to make certain of their later songs popular. Reminiscence of the Volkslied in Miiller shows itself first of all and most clearly in the general content and form of his poetry ; in its choice of material and its char- acter. The epic form of the older saga and heroic song found no expression in his poems, except for a few ballads' : the legends of early German life and the medigeval chiv- alry, with their traditional figures and motives, palace and castle, king and courtier, princess and page, knight and vassal, carouse and tourney, cloister, church and chapel, the battle and the chase, adventures of the sword and the lance — these found a new incarnation in Uhland,' but not in Miiller. It is the humbler side of old German popular poetry, the Minnesang and the Volkslied, which is renewed in his verses. With these he sings of Spring and love, faith and unfaith, the sorrow of parting, the despair of absence, the joy of possession : miller and millerlass, huntsman and postillion, journeyman and wan- dering musician, herdsman and shepherd, reaper and vine-dresser, as light of heart and restless as the nature which calls to them in the loneliness of the wood, the rustling of leaves, the song of birds, or the clouds in full sweep above them ; desolate, in the night and the snow, at sound or sight of the sea, amid the falling leaves and bare branches and frost-rain of winter. Songs full of simple patriotism and piety, brimming with pleasing and childlike humor, yet yielding on occasion, as in the Tafel- lieder, to the goliardic, even gargantuan wit which stops but short of ribaldry : songs dripping with wine, yet ' E. g. Die Scharfe, Der Glockenguss zu Bi-eslau, Die Sage vom Frankenberger See, Die Konigin und der Schdferknabe. ^ Cf. Schults' excellent Der Einfluss des Volksliedes tind der dlteren Dichtung auf die Uhlandsche Poesie. Herrigs Archi-v, LXIV (1880), p. 13 fF. 84 Allen, essentially German in spirit," whose source is in the drink- ing lays of the i6th century.' The first song oi Die schone Mullerin strikes the keynote of MuUer's lyrics— Wandering — and the second {Wohinf), in which it finds its most perfect characterization, is an adaptation of a Volksiied. As the sound of the sickle reminds the deserted maiden in the Volksiied of her van- ished happiness (Uhland Volksl." Ill, 263), so in Muller's song does the sound of the brook remind the prentice of his loneliness and unrest. Mailer : Ich hort' ein Bachlein rauschen Wohl aus dem Felsenquell. . . Ged., i, 5. Wunderhorn . Ich hort ein Sichlein rauschen, Wohl rauschen durch das Korn. ... 11, 50. (Cf. Eichendorfi's Ich hor' die Bachlein rauschen, Riickert's Ich hort' ein Sichlein klingen Wohl klingen durch das Korn. and Brentano's Ich hor' ein Sichlein rauschen Wohl rauschen durch den Klee.) The last stanza of Muller's song : Lass singen, Gesell, lass rauschen, Und wandre frohlich nach. . . . dd., i, 6. tallies with the Wunderhorn : Lass rauschen, Lieb, lass rauschen, Ich acht nicht wie es geht. ... II, 50. ' Es liegt in den Trinkliedern etwas entschieden Deutsches (says Max MttUer : Vorw, n. Ged. von W. M., p. viii), und keine Nation hat ihren Wein so in Ehren gehalten als die unserige. Kann man sich englische Gedichte auf Sherry oder Port denken ? Hat der Franzose viel von seinem Bordeaux selbst von seinem Burgunder zu erzahlen? "^ As in the Wunderhorn, II, 412-434, Of Miiller's songs especially Der Zechbruder und sein Pferd, Der Trinker von Gottes und Rechts wegen. Est, Est I Der Konig von Hukapetapank, Die A re he Noah, Der gute Pfalzgraf. Wilhelm Milller and the German Volkslied 85 (A combination copied by Burger {Lenore, i6th stanza) Lass sausen, Kind, lass sausen.) Miiller's Ich weiss nicht, wie mir wurde. is due to the Volkslied's Ich weiss nicht, wie mir wird. The pun in the 4th stanza of Wohin, and the water- nymphs in the 5th stanza, are additions by Miiller. The 5th stanza : Was sag' ich denn vom Rauschen? Das kann kein Rauschen sein : Es singen wol die Nixen. . . . Ged., 1, 5. bears a curious resemblance to Heine's Heimkehr, 9, last stanza : Das ist kein Rauschen des Windes, Das ist der Seejungfern Gesang. The verses in Ungeduld : Ich meint', es musst' in meinen Augen stehen, Auf meinen Wangen miisst' man's brennen sehn. . . . Ged., i, 10. correspond to the thought contained in Meinert, Unend- liche Liebe, p. 253, st. 3, which Goetze, p. 17, connects with Heine's Verriet mein blasses Angesicht Dir nicht mein Liebeswehe? . . . Hk., 53. For the beginning of Morgengrtiss : Guten Morgen, schone Miillerin. . . Ged., I, 10. Cf. Nicolai, Feyner Almanack : Gut'n Ab'nd ! gut'n Ab'nd ! Fraw Miillerinn. . . . i, 59. Miiller's verse {Die Hebe Farbe) : In Griin will ich mich kleiden. . , . Ged., i, 16. copies the Volkslied, In Braun will ich mich kleiden. . . . J^W., I, 391. In Schwarz will ich mich kleiden. . . . KW., I, 394. Cf. also Gorres., Altteutsche Volks- und Meisterlieder, Frank- furt, 1817, p. 7T, Griin will ich mich kleiden, 86 Allen, and p. 155, In Weiss will ich mich kleiden. The closing verses of Die bose Farbe : Ade, ade ! und reiche mir Zum Abschied deine Hand ! . . Ged., i, 17. as well as {Das Hirtenfeuer in der rmnischen Ebene) : Ade, ade, Geliebte ! Und reich' mir deine Hand ! . . Ged., i, 69. contain a reminiscence of the Volkslied. Wtinderhorn : Und wenn zvvey Liebende scheiden, Sie reichen einander die Hand. ... I, 103. (Cf. also KW., Ill, 59, Ziska und Schottky, 86, etc.,' Heine, Lyr. Int., 49, Goetze, 13.) Miiller's Blumlein Vergissmein {Ged., 1, 17) reminds, albeit somewhat vaguely, of Der traiirige Garten {KW., I, 206). The idea that angels visit the grave: Und die Englein schneiden Die Flugel sich ab Und gehn alle Morgen Zur Erde hinab. . Ged., i, 20. is derived from the Volkslied : Wunderhorn : Lieb Aennchen kam ins tiefe Grab, Um Aennchen sungen die Engelein. ... I, 275. (Cf. 2\so KW., II, 201.) Popular are other usages of angels in Miiiler : Da halten die Englein die Augen sich zu Und schluchzen und singen die Seele zu Ruh'. . . . Ged., i, 19. (Cf. Heine's Dazwischen schluchzen und stohnen die guten Engelein. . . Lyr. Int., 20.) Angels come from heaven to kiss Nannerl's rosy cheeks, Ged. I, 41. An angel enfolds the lovers in his warm ' For Heine's relation to this book, compare the letter (May 4, 1823) to Max Schottky in H. H.'s Autobiographie, hrsg. v. Karpeles, Berlin, 1888. Goetze, /. t., 2. Wilhelm Milller and the German Volkslied 87 winf igs. I, 24. Angels lead the lover from his grave to paradise, i, 81. Angels wash with dew the dead child's rosebush, i, 113. The baptism of tears:' Mailer : Lass auf dein Haupt mich weinen : Tauft denn die Thrane nicht? . . . Ged., i, 28. is borrowed from the Wunderhorn: Aus ihren schwarzbraunen Aeugelein Sie ihm das Weihwasser gab. ... I, 72. For MUller's lines : Wer hat das Wandern doch erdacht? Der hatt' ein Herz von Stein. . . Ged., i, 32. Cf. the Wunderhorn : Wer hat doch das Scheiden erdacht, Das hat main Jung frisch Herzelein So friihzeitig traurig gemacht. ... I, 103. (Also KW., I, 163, Wer's Lieben erdacht) Popular in Miiller is the appearance of the watchman : Der Wachter blast die Stunde. . . . Ged., i, 36. (Cf. also Der Nachtwdchter, Ged., 2, 40.) Wunderhorn : Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme Der Wachter sehr hoch auf der Zinne. ... 1, loi. The letter containing the loved-one's heart in it ; Mailer : Flugs that sie erbrechen Das Briefchen so fein Und Schauta schnurgrade Ins Herz mir hinein. . . . Ged., 1, 37. is a motive from the modern Volkslied. Cf. Biisching und von der Hagen. Sammlimg deut. Volkslieder, Berlin, 1807, no. 35 ; ' An idea used twice in Miiller's novel Deiora (1827), cf. his Schr., Ill, pp. 181, 256. ' Es fehlt an Weihwasser ; da rinnt plotzlich ein reicher Strom von Thranen aus den Augen des entzuckten Jiinglings, der Engel fangt sie in seinen Handen auf, und Maria wird damit getauft.' Cf. Heine (quoted from Greinz, 74): Donna Clara weint Thranen aus lichten Augen auf Almansors braune Locken, so dass er traumt, er stehe wieder im Dome zu Corduva und empfange das Sakrament der Taufe. 6 88 Allen, Liebster Schatz, wenn du willst schreiben, Schreibe mir ein Briefelein, Dass du mir getreu willst bleiben ; Drucke auch dein Herzchen ein. For Muller Ged., i, 45, str. i, cf. KIV., II, 193, str. 3. A like picture with that of Guie Nacht {Ged., i, 46) in Abschied von Bremen {KW., I, 289). The broken ring symbolizing broken faith, made famous by EichendorfF in Bas serbrochene Ringlein (cf. Muller''s Abschied, KW., I, 103) is used in Miiller's Auf dem Flusse . Um Nam' und Zahlen windet Sich ein zerbrochner Ring. . . . Ged., i, 51. (Cf. also Biirger's Leiiardo und Blandine, str. 41.) A ring betokens constancy beyond death. Mailer : Hast einst der Maid gegeben Ein Ringlein schwarz und roth ; Dran halt sie dich gebunden Im Leben und im Tod. . . . Ged., i, 130. Wundej'horn : Er that von seinem Finger herab, Ein Ringlein von Golde so roth : Nimm hin, du Hubsche, du Feine, Trag ihn nach meinem Tod. ... I, 70. When love is dead the ring is thrown into the water. Muller : Muss jetzt ich von ihr nehmen Das Ringlein schwarz und roth, Und will es gleich versenken Hier in dem tiefsten See. . . . Ged., i, 130. Wunderhorn . Was zog er ihr abe vom Finger ? Ein rothes Goldringelein, Er warfs in fliessend Wasser, . . . Bis an den tiefen See. ... I, 283. For Das Wirthshaiis {Ged., i, 55) Auf einen Todtenacker hat mich 7nein Weg gebracht, cf. KW., Ill, 13 {Vision) Ueber den Kirchhof gieng ich allein. Ldndlicher Reigen {Ged., i, 65) is a dance song with the alternating dialogue of raillery, examples of which in the Wunderhorn are Geh du nur hin, ich hab fnein Theil, I, 371, Willwlin lililllcr and the German Volkslied 89 Verlorene Miihe, I, 372, Starke Embildungskraft, I, 373, etc. Cf. Hatfield, Poetry of W. M., p. 6, Ziska und Schottky, 109, 118, Uhland's Hans und Grcte, etc. For Miiller, Ged., i, 66, st. 4, cf. KW., Ill, A, loi, Tanz- liedchen. The false tongues which hurt more than thorns and thistles {KW., Ill, 17), der Klaffer Zungen {KW., I, 40 ; III, 64), come to mention in Miiller's Der Ohrring [Ged., i, 68) and in Der Feuerstein {Ged., i, 97) ; they are circumvented in Abrede {Ged., i, 81). Evidently reminiscent of Christopher Marlowe's Pas- sionate Shepherdess (Percy's Reliqiies, p. no). Come live with me, and be my love, are JNIuUer's verses: Komm, Kind, mit mir zu wohnen Im freien Waldrevier. . . . Ged., i, 75. (Miiller knew Marlowe earl}', publishing a translation ot his Doctor Faustus in 1818.) The opening stanza of Liebesgedanken {Ged., i, 76) is a Schnaderhiipfel : ' ' As is also Miiller's stanza {Hiihen und Thaler) : Mein Madchen wohnt im Niederland, Und ich wohn' auf der H6h' ; Und dass so steil die Berge sind, Das thut uns beiden weh. . . . Ged., 1, 66. lines which the writer has been unable to find in any collection printed before Miiller's publication of them, but the exact counterpart of which appear in Dunger's Rundds, No. 593. Mei Madel wohnt im Niederland und ich wohn auf der Hoh, und do m'r net besamme senn, d6 thut's uns beiden weh. Is this Schnaderhiipfel, sung in Zeulenroda, older or younger than Miiller's stanza? The lines of Miiller which immediately follow the above : Ach Felsen, ihr hohen Felsen ihr, Wozu seid ihr doch da? Wenn's uberall fein eben war', So war' mein Schatz mir nah. . . . Ged., i, 66. remind involuntarily of the Styrian Vierzeikr (Hermann, Schnaderhilpfeln aus den Alfen. Innsbruck, 1894,' no. 256) : Wann das Bergerl nit war' Und das G'staud nit daneb'n. So kunnt' i mein' Diendl In's Kammerl 'neinseg'n. 90 Allen, Je heher die Glocke, je heller der Klang ; Je ferner das Madchen, Je lieber der Gang. Ztska und Schottky {LiebesglucK) : Wia heha da Dua'n, Wia schen'r is 's G'lait ; Wia waida zum Dia'nd'l, Wia gress'r is d' Fraid ! ... 66. Quite as evidently are the verses : Ein Mieder von Scharlach, Ganz funkelnagelneu, Und unter dem Mieder Ein Herzlein so treu. . . . Ged., i, 77. taken from Ziska und Schottky, p. 69, st. 4 : Was geht iah' no a ? A Kiderl blitzbla, Und a Jeperl a naig's — Und a Hea'z'I a trai's. The last two stanzas of Ausforderung {Ged., i, 78) would seem to be from the Italian ritornelle which Riickert translated in his Schonheit von Werth {Die Ritornelle von Ariccia, no. 27). Mil Her : Und ist dein Dirnel schSner, So trag's zur Stadt hinein Zum Markte, zum Verkaufe, Flir's Dorf ist's halt zu fein. Und ist dein Dirnel frommer, So fiihr' es gleich nach Rom. RUckeri : Schonste im Lande ! Die Schonheit, die dir Mamma hat geg-eben, Trag' sie nach Rom, man leiht dir drauf zu Pfande. ' Miiller's Abschied {Ged., i, 78) again is a close adaptation of Ziska und Schottky, 1 16 {Die Trennung). The rendering amounts in places to a translation, as is at once evident by a comparison of the opening stanza of each : Wilhelm M tiller and the German Volkslied gi Milller : Was soil ich erst kaufen Eine Feder und Tint' ? Buchstabiren und Schreiben Geht auch nicht geschwind. Will selber hinlaufen Zu der Nannerl ins Haus, Will's miindlich ihr sagen : Unsre Liebschaft ist aus. Ziska und Schottky : Ai was soil i denn leaf n ? A Dint'n, Babia'; Ai was soil i denn schraib'n ? Da Nannerl an'n Briaf. Willi glai solba hingehn Zu da Nannerl in's Haus, Und i Willi iahr afwais'n, Dass d' Liabschaft is aus. as well as the closing verses : Milller : Und mlissen wir scheiden In jetziger Zeit, Fiihr' Gott uns zusammen In die ewige Freud'. Ziska und Schottky : ^ Wal ma miass'n schon schaid'n Bai d'r jazinga Zaid ; — Viillaicht kimmama z'samma In d'r ewinga Fraid ! In Milller, as often in the Volkslied, the action of the song takes place before the mistress' house and window (cf. Greinz., /. c. 88 f.). Erlosung, Ged., i, 79, Vor meines Madchens Fenster. Abrede, Ged., i, 81. Vor meiner Liebsten Fenster, also Ged., i, [O, st. 4; i, 11, st. 2 ; 14, st. 3; 15, st. ' Such copying on Miiller's part leads to the belief that a more thorough knowledge of his sources than yet exists will reveal the fact that other of his songs which criticism has accepted as original may be no more so than those in which he has adapted alien folksongs, viz., the Italian and the Greek. Stanzas like Ged., I, p. 38, 11. 9-14 ; p. 66, II. 28-31 ; p. 67, 11. 18-21 ; p. 73, 11. 21-24 ; p. 75, 11. 5-8, etc., would seem to indicate sources, as yet unknown, in the Schnaderhiipfel. 92 Allen, 4 ; 17, St. 3 ; 25, St. 2 ; 26, st. 4 ; 36, st. 4 ; 37, st. 2 ; 46, st. 3 ; 47, St. I ; 51, St. 5 ; 61, st. 6; 63, st. 4; 73, st. 2 , 79, st. 2 ; 138, St. 5, etc. The formula in Miiller : Thut auf, thut auf die Fensterlein. . . . Ged., i, 36. Thu auf, Herzallerliebste. . . . Ged., I, 81. Thu auf die Thvir, du holde Maid, Thu auf und lass mich ein. . . . Ged., z, 88. occurs frequently in the Volkslied : Thu auf, thu auf, vielschone Magd. . . J^IV., I, 15, etc. For the source of the two last stanzas of Die Umkehr {Ged., I, 81) cf. Mod. Lang. Notes, xiv, p. 166. The motive of the cautious mother and the disobedient child {Der Kranz, Ged., i, 82) is found in KW., II, 2(j{War ich ein Knab geboren). KW., Ill, 73 {Audi ein Schicksaiy The motive in Die Steine und das Herz : Ich steh' am Ufer bei dem Binnensee. Es thut das Herz mir nach der Lieben weh, Die driiben sitzt und nicht heriiberkann. . . . Ged., i, 98. is similar to that of Edelkonigs-Kinder . Wunderhorji : Beisammen Iconten sie dir nit kommen. Das Wasser war viel zu tief. ... II, 252. (Cf. also MuUer's Hohen und Thaler, where natural barriers separate two lovers {Ged., i, 66) and jokingly in Gesell- schaftliches Trinklied fur Philister {Ged., 2, 53). KW. (1874), I, 329, Zwei Wasser. KW., I, 331, Der verlorene Schwimmer, etc. Der Glockenguss zu Breslau {Ged., i, 124), whose theme is ' Though this is of course not limited to the Volkslied, but is common to all erotic poetry. A distinction must be always made between situations characteristic of the Volkslied alone and situations which the Volkslied employs in common with other verse, or else clearness is at an end. How rarely these divisions are kept apart is apparent when one consults such a study as Aliskiewicz's Die Motive in der Liedersammlung ' Des Knaben Wunderhorn,' Brody, 189S, where the author deals at length (pp. 14-16) with the important role played by the numerals ' two ' and ' three' in the collec- tion in question. Why not also the numeral 'one'? Surely this occurs frequently in the Volkslied. WilhMm Muller and the German Volkslied 93 based on the legend found in Grimm, Deutsche Sagen (Berlin, 1816), I, 189, is closely modeled alter Die Juden in Passau, KW., I, 93. Mailer : War einst ein Glockengiesser Zu Breslau in der Stadt. . . . Get/., i, 124. Wunderhorn . Fing an ein grossen Jammer Zu Passau in der Stadt. ... I, 93. Popular is also the craving on the part of the bell- founder of one last boon before death : Ihr Herren lieb und werth ; Doch eine andre Gnade Main Herz von each begehrt. . . Ged., i, 127. Wunderhorn : Ihr lieben Herrn von Augsburg ! Noch eine Bitt an euch. . . II, 193. {CL a.\so KW., II, 171). The sacrament is administered to the condemned prisoner. Miiller, Ged., 1, 127. KW., 1,221. Popular in tone are also: Die Aiigen gehnihmuber, Ged., i, 127. KW., I, 333. Ach Meister, wilder Meistcr, Ged., i, 126. KW., I, 221, and the belief (G^^(^., i, 125) that mixing love and faith into the form makes the bell's tone the sweeter. Die Sage vom Frankenberger See bei Aachen is a working- over of the legend in the Kaiserchronik (Massmann, K., Ill, 1020 ff.), which deals with Charles the Great and the magic ring. Muller purified his material in moulding it. As Uhland made pathos out of the brutality oi Der Wirtin Tochterlein (cf. Eichholtz, /. c. 106), so Miiller turned the clay of the story of the inexpressible sin and its confession into gold. In both Kaiserchronik and Miiller the motiva- tion is the same. It is the ring that causes the emperor's mistress to retain in death the freshness of imperishable youth — it is the good bishop's intercession that brings the message from heaven which explains the mystery. The ending alone Miiller has from the Volkslied, where, as so 94 Allen, often, the lover demands to be buried with his dead mis- tress : Versenket in den griinen See Dereinst die Hiille mein. , . . Ged., i, 130. A motive which Miiller uses again in Die Schiirpe : Und wenn ihr ihn begrabet, Lasst eine Stella frei. . . . Ged., i, 133. Cr. KW., I, 53. KW., II, 252. KW., II, 293. KW., Ill, 16. Heine, Lyr. Int., 31, 32. Sweet Williams Ghost, Rel., 453. Bohl de Yahev's Floresta de Rimas antiguas castellanas, no. 123. Fauriel (Miiller), II, 7. Greinz, /. c. 18, etc. For a collection of the sources of this story of Charles the Great, of. G. Paris et A. Bos. La Vie de Saint Gilles (Soc. d. anc. textes franc, 18S1) Introd. The theme of Liebchen Uberall {Ged., i, 145), Miiller found probably in Der Schiffer undsein Liebchen, an English ballad translated by Bothe {Volkslieder, Berlin, 1795, p. 413)-' Miiller : Und wo ich geh' und wo ich steh', In Schloss und Stadt und Feld, Da find' ich auch ein Liebchen gleich, Das schonste von der Welt. Ich trag' allweg im Herzen mein Mein Liebchen durch die Welt ; Da find' ich eins, da hab' ich eins In Schloss und Stadt und Feld. Bailie : Glaub nicht, was man zu Lande spricht ; Kannst meinethalben ruhig schlafen ; Ein wackrer Schiifer findet nicht Ein Lieb in jedem Meereshafen ; Doch ja, ich find' Eins, denn im Herzen hier Trag' ich allstets dein trautes Bild mit mir. A similar motive in the Volkslied : Von dir geschieden, Bin ich bei dir. Wo du nur weilest, Bist du bei mir. ^ Dedicated to ' Vater Gleim, Dem deutschen Volksdichter. ' (!) The song is from The Linnet, London, 1749, p. 55. Wilhelm Milller and the German Volkslied 95 There follow (pp. 154-171) Miiller's anacreontics, grouped under the titles Erotische Tandeleien and Devisen zu Bonbons. The metre and the manner of popular songs are oftentimes to be found here, but the sturdiness and directness of the Volkslied have given place generally to the vireak and tortuous virindings of triviality. Rhine- wine has become champagne, love has been latinized into Amor, the north-wind has become the zephyr, and rose- leaves and kisses are the sum of life. The King of Thule and his golden cup, of which Goethe's Gretchen sings : Es war ein Konig in Thule, Gar treu bis an das Grab, meet a strange fate at Miillei-'s hands: Und an einer weissen Klippe hangt ein alter goldner Becher, Jener, den zum Tode leerte Thule's koniglicher Zecher. Darin will ich Petlen lesen und Korallenknospen pfliicken, Umals treuer Liebe Krone auf das Haupt siedirzu driicken. . . . Ged., i, 155. and Homburg, who describes love as Ein Zweiffel-haifter Trost, und siisse Bitterkeit, Ein unvergiflfter GiflFt, und kluge Narrethey.' is no whit more roundabout than Miiller, who finds it: Bittersiiss und lieblichherbe, Grausam mild und labend schmerzlich. . . Ged., i, 170. It were unfair, however, to quote such verses as these without mentioning that they are apart from the manner of all of Miiller's other writing, and that they are of rare occurrence. It is characteristic of him that, although he could not write anacreontics without lapsing constantly into popular forms of expression, he could keep his lyrics free from the stilted and artificial metaphors which bur- dened his anacreontic pieces. These latter are the after- glow of Gleim. The second volume of Miiller's Gedichte,w\t\\ the excep- tion of 13 sonnets, Die Monate (dedicated from Florence, Italy, to Ludwig Sigismund Ruhl. Compare Brentano's Die Monate, dedicated to Dr. Forster), the epigrams and ' E. C. Homburg, Schimpff- und Efnsthaffte Clio, 1642. g6 Allen, the drinking songs, is given over to Miiller's songs on foreign models— and here the influence of the German Volkslied, although coming in isolated instances to full expression, remains for the most part an undercurrent, difficult to analyze, yet always felt. The lines : Fischerin, du kleine, Schiffe nicht alleine. . . . Ged., 2, 14. are the undoubted prototype of the similar verses in the well-known street-ballad, Das Fischermadchen : Fischerin du kleine, Fahre nicht alleine.^ although there is no further likeness in the two songs. Der Garten des Herzens contains the mention of heart under lock and key, which has appeared in the Volkslied and in the Schnaderhupfel in numberless variations ever since the time of Wernher of Tegernsee (1170) : Du bist min, ich bin din, des solt du gewis sin ; du bist beslozzen in minem herzen. verlorn ist das sliizzelin, du muost immer drinne sin. Muller : In meines Herzens Mitte bliiht ein Gartchen, Verschlossen ist es durch ein enges Pfortchen, Zu dem den Schlllssel fiihrt mein liebes MSdchen. . . . Ged., 2, 23. The form which seems nearest Miiller's is: Mei' Herz ist verschlossen, Ist a Bogenschloss dran : Ist an anzigs Buebl, Das 's aufmachn kann. Miiller's lines {Ged., 2, 29, 16-17): Und wer ein Madchen raubt, der ist kein Rauber, Nein, heisst ihn einen vvackern Buhler lieber ! ^ Which Weddigen {Geschichte d.d. Volksdichtung, Wiesbaden, 1895, p. 247, note) uses as a warning example of the fact that the more nonsensical and flat the modern street-ballad, the greater is its vogue. The goal of the modern Volkslied is (he mourns) naked vulgarity. Wilhelm Muller and the German Volkslied 97 find a close correspondence in the Volkslied {Der hubsche Schreiber) : Warurab sol ich morgen hangen ? ich bin doch ja kein dieb ; das herz in meinera leibe das hat die frewlein lieb. . . . (Uhland, no. 98.) with which compare Heine's Zum Teufel, Gesindel ! Ich bin ja kein Dieb, Ich mochte nur stehlen mein trautes Lieb. Direct traces of the Volkslied in Miiller's drinking songs are few. The opening stanza of Die schonsten Tone {Ged., 2, 38) is a reminiscence of the stanza of Sally in Our Alley, which Miiller used elsewhere (cf. this journal, vol. 2, p. 313, note). The source of Geselligkeit {Ged., 2, 38) is Lebenslust of Opitz. The refrain of Der Nachtwdchter {Ged. ,2, 40) is borrowed from the Stundenruf of the pro- vincial night-watchman.' Miiller's student-song, Die Arche Nodk {Ged., 2, 43) like Kopisch's popular Historie von Noah, makes Noah the father of German wine. The opening verse of Der gute Pfalzgraf {Ged., 2, 44) is taken from the Volkslied — e. g. Es war ein Markgraf uber dem Rkein, KW., I. 83. Es wohnt ein Pfalzgraf an dem Rkein, KW., I, 259, etc. Der Konig von Htikapetapank {Ged., 2, 73) reminds of SchnutzelpiUz-Hausel, KW., II, 406. In general, however, though popular in metre, treatment and lan- guage, Miiller's drinking songs are without direct corre- spondence in the Volkslied. As Miiller's language and technique are to be made the subject of the following study, they may be omitted from discussion here. ' Cf. Wichener, Stundenrufe and Lieder deutscher Nachtwdchter, Regens- burg, 1897, p. 29, etc. Philip S. Allen. University of Chicago. Allen, Wilhelm Muller and the German Volkslied 99 WILHELM MQLLER AND THE GERMAN VOLKSLIED. III. Diction of the Volkslied and of Muller. THE diction of the German Volkslied, like that of all popular poetry, teems with peculiarities which maintain in general, as opposed to art-poetry, a certain homogeneity, although varying in individual instances according to time and circumstance of environment." It is possible, therefore, to compare it broadly with the dic- tion of any given poet, and from such study to learn their points of tangenc}' in manner and in form, as well as their points of divergence. While similarity in the treatment of the thought in any isolated instance may be accidental and therefore inconclusive, yet if the style of the poet be found to correspond in persistent fashion to that of the older German Volkslied, if syntax and rhetorical figure, form and mode of speech, be similar in both, nay even often identical in both, then the poet's dependence on the Volkslied may be considered proven, in so far at least as such dependence be either tangible or mechanical. In so far as it be tangible : — for there is in Miiller as in the Volkslied a certain intangible and evanescent some- thing quite beyond power of characterization — a musi- cality apart from rhythm, a simplicity apart from words, an 'atmosphere' to be felt not seen, a 'tone' to be felt not heard, an ' aroma ' to be felt not sensed ... it is this indwelling soul in German popular poetry which renders critical discussion of it, whether in the concise notes of a Hildebrand and a Kohler,^ or in the verbose treatise of an Uhland, unsatisfying and incomplete ; it is this same ^ Krej8I , Ztsch. f. Volkerpsych. XIX, 122. ' Materialien zur Gesch. d. d. Volksliedes, Leipz., igoo. Beitrdge zum deut. Unterricht, Leipz., 1897, pp. 33-59, 430-436. Reinh. Kohler, Kleinere Schrif- ten. 3 vols. Berlin, 1898-1900. loo Allen, indwelling soul that has removed many of Muller's songs from mediocrity, made them a model for the young Heine,' mated them to Schubert's music, brought them to the Commersbucher, and had them sung and sung again, while criticism has sat coldly by to explain that they are imitative songs, inferior to some songs on Greek indepen- dence.'' It would ordinarily be desirable to treat the poems of the poet, whose diction were to be compared with the Volkslied's, in chronological order, because style and manner of expression are variable and not constant facts;' in the present instance, however, there is little necessity of this, as Muller's style, owing to the short span of his life, remained practically a unit. A mode of procedure, that is, which would not be permissible in the study of Goethe's or Heine's songs,' is justifiable here ; the more so, in that it has been shown in a preceding chapter how consciously and closely Miiller made a model of the popular poetry. Terseness!' In his review, already cited, of the first volume of Des Knaben Wunderhorn, Goethe calls attention to the laconi- cism of the lyric. ' The vivid contemplation of a limited situation,' he says, ' elevates a particular circumstance to ' Clearly recognized by Heine (Letter to M. dated June 7, 1826): 'At a very early time I let German folk-song exercise its influence upon me, but I believe it was in your songs that I found what I looked for — pure tone and true simplicity. How pure and clear your songs are, and they are all true folk-songs ! ' Legras {Henri Heine, Paris, 1897, p. 113, note 3) says : ' II suffit de feuilleter les poesies de W. Miiller pour y retrouver des mots et des phrases qui rappellent le Buck der Lieder. On en trouvera une liste dans I'article de M. Hessel, ZfddU., Ill, p. 59 seq.' ' Although Arnold's statement {Euphorion, 2es Erganzungsheft, 1896, p. 117) is true: ' Wilhelm Miiller steht unter den Philhellenen wie Gleim unter den militarisch-patriotischen Dichtern, wie Gerstenberg unter den Harden, als Charakterkopf unter Durchschnittsgesichtern, als beinahe ein- zige Erhohung auf unbegrenzter Steppe.' ' Scherer, Poetik, p. 157. ' Goetze, /. c. p. 18. 'Called since Herder Sprtinghaftigkeit. ' Zuerst muss ich Ihnen also sagen (writes Herder, in his Auszug aus einem Btiefwecksel iiber Ossian, usw.), dass Nichts in der Welt mehr Spriinge und kiihne Wiirfe hat, als Lieder des Volks ; und eben die Lieder des Volks haben deren am Meisten, Wilhelm Milller and the German Volkslied lOi the state of a circumscribed, but yet sovereign totality, so that we are fain to see in a narrow compass the whole world. The pressure of a deep view demands laconicism. What in prose would be an unpardonable inversion of ihe thought is, in the true poetic sense, a necessity, a virtue ; and even the unseemly, if it but appeal earnestly to our whole strength, arouses it to an incredibly enjoyable activity.' This laconicism, or terseness, indispensable for every lyric form of expression, appears most clearly of all in the Volkslied,' as such telling examples as the opening of If as Feuerbesprechen, KW. I, 21, or Lass rauschen, Lieb, KW. II, 50, or the second stanza of Mailers Abschied, KW. I, 103, clearly show. The conscious poet so orders his verses that the stream of thought flows smoothly, takes care that nothing comes unprepared, furnishes the introduction and the proper transitions, employs middle-terms, and has regard to finish and proportion. The Volkslied, on the contrary, sup- presses each subordinate detail; without intimation one is plunged into the midst of the action. Interrogation and exclamation play an important role: Maria, wo bist du zur Stube gewesen ? KW., I, 19. Wie kommts, dass du so traurig bist? KW., I, 210. Ach Gott, wie zvcli tliiit Scheiden ! KW., die selbst in ihrem Mittel gedacht, ersonnen, entsprungen und geboren sind, und die sie daher mit so viel Aufwallung und Feuer singen und zu singen nicht ablassen konnen.' Goethe also speaks of the kecken Wurfs des Volks- lieds. ' Wackernell, /. c. p. 20, f. cites in this connection Stiefmutter, Uhl. Volksl., no. 120 and, best of all. Die Kindermorderin, Bockel, I. c, no. 54 ; 1. ' Komm her, lieb Janche, 3. Sie nahm das Kind und trugs Komm her zu mir, Dem Wasser zu ; Es ist geschehen, ' Hier kannst du wohnen, Es ist vorbei.' Hier findst du Ruh. 2. Und als dreiviertel Jahr 4. Ihr Manner alle Verfiossen waren, Eilt mit mir zum Grab ; Hat sie geboren Sonst stiirz' ich mich ja selbst Ein schones Kind. Den Fluss hinab.' Compare with this the 15 eight-versed stanzas of Schiller's Die Kindesmor- derin. 102 Allen, I, 206. Was hab ich meinem Schdtzlein zu Leide gethan ? KW., Ill, no. Miiller makes ample use of this immediate mode of expression: Bdclilein, lass dein Rauschen sein 1 Ged., i, 12. Was sucht denn der Jdger am Milhlbach hier f Ged., i, 14. Was treibt mich jeden Morgenf i, 17. Was meint sie mit dem Aschenkleide ? i, 25. Was suchen dock die Menschen all? I, 32. Was vermeid' ich denn die Wege? i, 54. Was driickst du so tief in die Stirn den Hut ? 1,61. Was soil ich erst kaufen ? i , 78. Wer schldgt so rasch an die Fenster mir ? I, 88, etc., etc. Miiller's song cycles. Die schoite MUllerin, and Reiselieder, are especially terse ; the omission of a single word would often destroy the sense. Thus in Trockene Blumen {Ged., 1, 18): 1. Ihr Bliimlein alle, 3. Ihr Blumlein alle, Die sie mir gab, Wie welk, wie blass? Euch soil man legen Ihr Bliimlein alle, Mit mir ins Grab. Wovon so nass' 2. Wie seht ihr alle 4. Ach, Thranen machen Mich an so weh, Nicht maiengrun, Als ob ihr wUsstet, Machen todte Liebe Wie mir gescheh'? Nicht wieder bliihn. Vagueness. In his Poetik Scherer terms the vagueness which char- acterizes so many Volkslieder as the Technik des Erraten- lassens, for guesswork is often necessary to determine the meaning of the song. Such treatment arouses the play of fancy to the uttermost, and gives often a power to simple stanzas of the Volkslied beyond the reach of the most art- ful hyperbole. There would seem to exist three reasons for this vagueness in a popular song: i) The maiming and mangling of the sense of an old Volkslied, as it is transmitted from one century to another : chance accretions and omissions : parts of it misunderstood, parts of it forgotten: its text changed to suit this or that melody, or confused with the text of another song not unlike it : certain refrains, initial or final, IVilhclni Mailer and the German Volkslied 103 applied to it unwarrantably, regardless of sense, to fill out the strain — the text often mattering little, if the melody be but sweet. 2) As Wackernell says, the people sing what they have lived through, not what they have imagined or invented. Therefore their songs are so subjective. We meet in the Volkslied a set of emotions or happenings, with which the author is so familiar that he considers explanation unnecessary ; in his narration of them his eye is single to their importance, or mayhap he lacks the requisite skill to lay bare the details which inspire or explain them. The result is therefore a bald outline, guiltless of finish, one in which proportion, logical sequence of events, introspection and coordination of parts play no role. The lacunae in the sense must be filled out by the hearer of the song, if at all. It is as if one overhears bits of conversation not intended for his ears, and is hard put to it to interpret their meaning.' ^ Miiller's own words are : 'The first singer sang to listeners to whom he did not need to announce the time, name, rank and relationship of his hero ; they knew what and whom he meant ; questioning, the hero made his appearance, another answered : we do not know with what persons we have to do ; a single occurrence, an incoherent sketch-work glides past us ; it is as if fingers pointed at something that we no longer see. Thus many songs would have remained partly or wholly riddles to us, had annotations not been given with them.' Cf. Sanders, Volksleben der Neugriechen. Mann- heim, 1844, p. 22. In this connection cf. Schonbach {Das Christentum in der altdeutschen Heldendichtung. Graz, 1897, p. 241, f.), who would trace back the differ- ence between art-poetry and folk-poetry, if such difference really exist, to the difference between written and unwritten poetry. That poet (he says) who creates a song for listeners depends more upon the coopera- tion of the fancy of his audience, than does the poet who writes for readers. The former will work especially with strong strokes of suggestion, the com- pletion of which may be safely left to the individual imagination of his hearers; the latter must needs store up for the eye of his readers more details of description. To the list of those who, with Schonbach, would establish a stated difference between Volksdichtung and Kunstdkhtung, in addition to those already quoted in this writing, I would add Hinrichs (Preuss. Jahrb. xi, p. 596 f), Reinh. Wager, Uber Volkspoesie. 186,0, p. 20. Kleinpaul, Poetik. 1879, i, p. 11, f. In the light of such subtlety of discus- sion, the common-sense view of a recent writer (A. Kopp, Der Gassenhauer auf Marlborough, Euphor., vi, 284) is vastly refreshing. 104 Allen, 3) Volkslieder of later origin doubtless imitate more or less consciously this abruptness and sketchiness, to lend to their technique the flavor of the rude and the popular — as did Heine. Here, that is, the vagueness has become a formula, a nicely-calculated artifice, to puzzle the reader and to cling to him, while he seeks in vain for a solution to the poem. This last-named ground would be of course Miiller's place. Miiller's Der Perlenkranz, Ged., i, 28. Bruder- schaft, I, 33. Die Wetter fahne, i, 47. Der Lindenbaum. I, 49. Der Wegzveiser, i, 54. Der Apfelbaum, i, 62. Der Todtgesagte, i, 133 — these verses breathe the spirit of the vague and personal, as do, e. g., the Wunderhorn songs: Der jjberlaufer, II, 21. Rheinischer Bundesring, II, 15. Rosmarien, I, 258. Der Fuhrmann, I, 203. Ulrich und Aennchen, I, 274. Vorladung vor Gottes Gericht, II, 208. Der Pfalsgraf, II, 262. Es ritt ein Herr und auch sein Knecht, II, 271. Authorship. MUUer uses at times the well-known manner of the older Volkslied, in bringing to view in the last stanza of the song the personality, pretended or real, of the author. Thus in Hier und dort, Ged., i, 38 : Dies Lied hat gesungen Ein Wandrer vom Rliein, Hier trank er das Wasser, Dort tranlc er den Wein. which corresponds closely to the close of a Low German song : De uns dit nie ledtlin sanlc Meinrt vam Hamme is he genant, he drinkt vel lever den rinschen kolden win alst water ut dem brunnen.^ Further in Muller : Abendreihn, Ged., i, 34. Entschuldi- gung, I, 37. Est Est ! 2, 66. Also : Ged., i, 128, lines 7-8. ^ Hildebrand, Materialien, p. 67. Wilhehn Miiller and the German Volkslied 105 I, 131, lines 1-2, and of his Bundesblilthen verses the last Stanzas of Der Ritter und die Dime and Die Blutbecher. In the Wiinderhorn : I, 103; I, in; I, 164; I, 214; 1,222; I, 238 ; I, 341 ; I, 361 ; II, 95 ; H, 106 ; II, 153 ; II, 166 ; II, 186; II, 39S ; II, 396, etc. Figures of Rhetoric. Metaphor and Simile, figures instinct in all speech,' need comment here only as they are essentially popular in tone, and in so far as they reveal a close relationship with Volkslied usage. The especially lyric nature of the great burden of Miiller's verses is responsible for the directness and simplicity of his figures, as well as for their extreme brevity. Because so many of them are love-songs, meta- phor and simile are chiefly used to compare the mistress with flowers, and with animate nature. These cases have been treated at length, however, in a preceding chapter which discusses Miiller's nature-sense, and it were a waste to recount them. Within the same chapter, too, instances of Personifica- tion and Apostrophe of the popular sort bore eloquent tes- timony to Miiller's dependence upon the Volkslied. It was found that his use of these figures, although still sincere, was more highly developed than is the Volks- lied's,^ for Miiller has cast his lyrics into a dramatic form, where the vague figures of the Volkslied become breath- ing human beings, where, as were to be expected, natural objects and phenomena are given speaking and senti- mental, instead of merely static, roles. It could not be otherwise, for personification in the Volkslied is a longing for sympathy, an unconscious projection of humanity into soulless objects, an unconscious nature worship rather than an articulate mythology — with Miiller there is ' In his Science of Language (2d series, p. 368) Max Miiller says : ' Meta- phor is one of the most powerful engines in the construction of human speech, and without it we can hardly imagine how any language could have progressed beyond the simplest rudiments.' ' Goetze (/. t. 32) would claim rather the opposite for Heine, but fails to cite cases to prove his point, which I believe is ill-taken. io6 Allen, little real simplicity of this sort, for his very use of con- scious allegory proves artificiality. In his Die schone Mullerin, for example, the brook is a member of the dra- matis personae of the cycle, perhaps the most important member, for it leads the miller prentice to his mistress, leads him with its laughter to and through his courtship, clings to him first in the foreboding and then in the sor- row of the catastrophe, and finally cradles him to sleep. This is a step beyond the Volkslied. Figures of Syntax. One of the distinguishing traits of lolk-song every- where is the attempt to express more clearly the passion or the occurrence under consideration by a repetition of single words or phrases.' This is but natural, for the vocabulary of the uncultivated author is so restricted, his emotions are so simple and direct, his mind so given over to the one idea which holds it, that he cannot avoid repetition, which is at once a mental necessity and a men- tal relief. And, as regards the composition of the song itself, repetition helps to fill out the scant verse, and to give a momentum to the stanza and a swing to the cadence which, if rightly used, are irresistible. The dangers which beset repetition are apparent. It becomes easily monotonous, tends to destroy individ- uality, and at times defeats its own end ; for example, instead of emphasizing the thought presented, it calls attention to the means used, the ear being quick to catch the recurrent words or phrases, often to the exclusion of the sense which underlies them, forgetting the inherent ' Burdach {Reinmar der Alte u. Walther v. d. Vogelweide, p. 84) says ; ' Der germanischen Volkspoesie eignet dieses Darstellungsmiltel vorzUg- lich.' Heinzel {Uber den Stil der altgerm. Poesie, p. 9): ' Ein aus mehreren Worten bestehender Ausdruck wird variirt, dasselbe noch einmal gesagt, gewohnlich durch dieselben Satzglieder, und in einer gewissen parallelen Form.' Gammere {OEngl. Ballads, 'p. 'iOfj): 'Iteration and parallelism are the constant factors of the style of Germanic ballads.' Of. also Seelig. Dichterische Sprache in Heines Buck der Lieder, pp. 49, fF. and Goetze, /. c. A. W. Grube, Deutsche Volkslieder. Iserlohn. 1866, p. 104, fF. R. M. Meyer, Die Formen des Refrains. Euphorion, V (1898) p. I, ff. Wilhelm Muller and the German Volkslied 107 beauty of the verse while yielding too close attention to its structure. Thus in Miiller's Einsamkeit {Ged., i, 32) the directness and effectiveness of the opening repetition is apparent : Der Mai ist auf dem Wege, Der Mai ist vor der Thur, as compared with the unutterable prose of his Griechen- lieder (Ged., 2, 100) where repetition fairly riots : Empor ! Empor ! so heisst es, der Griechen Losungswort. Empor zu deinem Gotte, empor zu deinem Recht, Empor zu deinen Vatern, entwiirdigtes Geschlecht ! Empor aus Sklavenketten, aus dumpfem Kerkerduft, Empor mit voUen Schwingen in freie Lebensluft ! Empor, empor, iiir Schlafer, aus tiefer Todesnacht, etc., etc. In the following presentation of the number of occur- rences of repetition in Miiller's songs we see how large a use he made of the figure. It appears not only in his verses most evidently modeled on the Volkslied, but turns up with strange insistence where it would be scarce expected, and it is this as much as any one fact which lends his songs their undeniably popular air, both as printed and as sung. It were, of course, impractical to attempt to separate the occurrences of repetition which rest upon conscious imitation of the Volkslied model from those which sprang spontaneously to Miiller's lips, arising naturally from the subject to be treated — nor were such separation profitable ; for his large, at times almost excessive use of repetition, proves that here at least Miiller is on the same plane with the Volkslied, relying more fully merely than did Eichendorff or Heine or Uhland on this simple artifice, to give his songs their popular tone. Of the formal repetition, which occurs in the older epic, i. e. the constant repetition of the same phrases, or epithets, to emphasize individual ideas, there is little or none in Muller, owing to the small number of his ballad pieces. These may be found rather in Uhland. io8 Allen, Epizeuxis. Epizeuxis, the form of figurative repetition in which a word is repeated without any intervening words or clause, is the simplest mode of intensifying a statement.' In it therefore the Volkslied finds emphasis readiest to its hand. The figure serves here to emphasize the thought, by expressing urgent entreaty; thus: Thu auf, thu auf, vielschone Magd. KW., I, 15. Wein' nicht, wein' nicht, braun's Madelein. KW., I, 50. Trockne ab, trockne ab dein Aeugelein. KW., I, 63. Steh auf, steh auf, lieb Reitknecht mein. KW., I, 52. or merely general emphasis : Ach nein ! ach nein ! das thu ich nicht. KW., I, 83. Ach tausendmal ihr tiefe tiefe Thai. KW., I, 85. Im tiefen tiefen Thurm bey W^asser und bey Brodt. KW., I, loi. Lebt wohl, lebt wohl Herr Vater mein. KW., 1, 153. Oftentimes the sense is subordinate to the sound, and the repetition is effective only from a musical standpoint, Z.S in, e. g., Der Fuhrinaiin. K.W., I, 203, f.: Wohl vor das hohe hohe Haus. Bot der dort einen guten guten Tag. Hat sie gut Bier, gut Bier 2ind Wein. Ihre Aeuglein wurden wurden nass, etc. ' Strictly speaking. Alliteration is the simplest of all forms of repetition, but it need hardly be considered here, as it remains in the Wunderhorn and in Miilleronly in the alliterative fhr2iSes{Kisten und Kasten, Leib und Leben, Wind und Wetter, Week und Wein, Stock und Stein, etc., etc.) which are common to every form of descriptive speech, whether prose or poetry, and are therefore not peculiar to the popular sort of verse. It is of interest, however, to note that Mtiller's use of these alliterative phrases is a large one, and that there is in his verses none of the conscious employment of the figure in its length and breadth — let us merely recall Im wallend weissen Gewande Wandelt er — which has a stiffness utterly at variance with the demands of popular poetry. Closely allied in sound-effect to this alliterative repetition are the simple rime-phrases so common to Miiller, e. g. — -Sang und Klang, Rath und That, Luft und Duft, Dunst und Gunst, weit und breit, lebet und webet, gehn und stehn, kriecht und Jliegt, sang und sprang, etc. U'iUicJiii Mi'tUer and the German Volkslied 109 It expresses also duration of time : Noch lange lange Zeit. K'W., I, 419. Deine gute Tage sind alle alle aus. KIV., II, 12. In all of these ways MuUer makes ample use of the figure : Schatzel, Schatzel, schliifst du schon ? Ged., i, 41. Kehr um, kehr um, und schilt erst deine Miillerin. Ged., i, 14. Still, still, main Herz. Ged., i, 27. Hinter mir so wait, so wait. Ged., i, 34. Thut auf, thut auf die Fensterlein. Ged., i, 36. Immer laiser, leiser summend. Ged., i, 92. Mit hundert Leuten und mehr und mehr. Ged., i, 108. Ewig, ewig mtissa diirsten. Ged., i, 119. Wait, wait von deinem Haus. Ged., i, 139. And in Ged., i, 6, line 10; 11, 13; 11, 15; 12, 12; 16,26 18, 4; 17, 14; 17, 15 ; 18, 14; 19, 14; 20, 19; 18, 3; 20, 28 21,5; 32, 14; 34, 26; 35, 31; 36,21; 36,23 ; 38,28; 39,28 43. 25 ; 47- 4; 68, 12 ; 69, 28 ; 73, i ; 74, 15 ; 77, 17; 83, 21 84, 18 ; 84, 20; 86, 16; 87, 5 ; 88, 27 ; 89, 11 ; 90, 9 ; 90, 14 91, 10; 93, 6; 100, 23; 102, 2; 102, 14; 119, 9; 119, 19 119,28; 119,36; 134,7; 140,32; 146,3; 148,10; 153, I 15s, 18; 163, 15; 165, 12. Ged., 2, 14, i; 24, 17; 24,22 24, 25; 25, 27; 33, 9; 34, 7; 35, 12; 43, 4; 47, 30; so, I 51, I ; 51, 18; 70, 19; 70, 29; 76, 9; 82, 26; 82, 34; 84, 29 89, 20 ; 89, 24 ; 90, 9 ; 90, 1 1 ; 90, 12 ; 93, I ; 97, 18 ; 97, 19. Epibole. Epibole (identical with Anaphora ; Epanaphora) consists in the repetition of a phrase or a word in the beginning of two or more successive verses, clauses, or sentences. Its chief merit in naive poetry is that it presents the key- notes of thought strikingly to the ear or to the e3^e, fixes the attention on the main points at issue, and pleases, as does a recurrent melodj' in an orchestral piece, by reason of familiarity. It aids the memory, too, which accounts for its frequent presence in popular song : 8 1 1 o Allen, i) Epibole within a single verse : Gruss ihn so hubsch, gruss ihn so fein. XW., Ill, 84. Sie sangen so Jung, sie sangen so alt. K'W., Ill, 83. Er dachte hin, er dachte her. XPV., II, 153. Sie schwungen sie hin, sie schvvungen sie her. KW., I, 219. Du wirst nicht bleich, du wirst nicht rot. KW., I, 141. Mailer : Hoch iiber den Segel, hoch iiber den Mast. Ged , i, 45. Wol iiber die Brilclce, vvol iiber den See. Ged., i, 62. Es ist so od', es ist so kalt. Ged., i, 73. Ich hab keinen Namen, ich hab einen Mann. Ged., i, 133. Muss er schauen, muss er Ziehen. Ged., I, 137. Also Ged., I, 6, 10 ; 6, 21 ; '],'j; 7, 21 ; 7, 22 ; 16, 21 ; 17, 3 ; 18, 27; 22, 5 ; 20, 2; 23, 14; 24, I ; 25, 3 ; 31, 34; 32, I ; 32, 8; 34, 25; 35, S; 35, 11 ; 35, 15; 39, 31 ; 45, 9; 53- 10; 55, 25 ; 56, 15 ; 60, 14; 62, 3 ; 62, 6; 64, II ; 64, 29; 73, 2: 78, 15 ; 84, 32 ; 90, 10; 92, 9; 94, 5 ; loi, 19; 106, 16; no, 10; III, 17; 116, 6; 134, 26; 137, 28; 137, 32; 137, 34; 137,36; 140, II; 140, 28; 144, i; 145, 30; 152,31; I54> IS; 154,20; 154,21; 167, 30. Ged., 2, 23,20; 41,27; 44, 12 ; 54, 15 ; 55, 17 ; 72, 19 ; 78, 16 ; 84, 18 : 88, 4 ; 93, 7. 2) Double epibole withhi a single verse : Of rare occurrence in the Wunderhorn, and then often irregular in structure : Er hat kein Fleisch, kein Blut, kein Haar. KW., I, 24. Lass ab, lass ab, ei lasse ab. KW., I, 189. Durch Kreuz, durch Leiden, durch allerlei Noth. KW., I, 203. Rarely used by Miiller, but in more musical manner : Nur nach, nur mit uns, nur von hinnen. Ged., i, 44. So eng, so kurz, so schmal. Ged., i, 103. So voll, so hell, so rein. Ged., i, 125. Also Ged., I, 127, 26. Ged., 2, 24, 30; 88, 6 ; 177, 14. 3) Epibole in two consecutive verses : Gott griiss euch Jungfrau hUbsch und fein, Gott griiss euch Auservvahlte. KW., I, 340. Schmied's nicht zu gross, schmied's nicht zu klein, Schmled's ftir ein schones Fingerlein. KW., Ill, 84. Also KW., I, 42, 17-1S ; I, go, 12-13 ; I, 275, 22-23 I iH- 7, 27-28, etc. JJ'ilhcliii Aliillcr and the German Volkslied ill MUUer : Der Mai ist auf dem Wege, Der Mai ist vor der Thiir. Ged., i, 32. All Jahr' ein frisches Herzchen. All Jahr' ein frischer Kranz. Ged., i, 66. Also Ged., I, 4, 27-28 ; 4, 34-35 : 7, 31-32 ; 9, 33-34 ; n, 8-9; 11,12-13; 12,13-14; 13, 13-14; 13,30-31; 14, 4-S; 14, 8-9; 14, 14-15; 14, 17-18; 14, 21-22; 15,10-11; 15, 20-21; 16,6-7; 16,12-13; 18,5-6; 19,15-16; 22,5-6; 23, 9-10; 24, 5-6; 24, 28-29; 27, 8-9; 28, 8-9; 28, 27-28; 32, 23-24; 32,27-28; 33>2-3; 33,22-23; 33, 28-29; 34,9-10; 35. 7-8; 3S> 25-26; 38, 20-21; 40, 6-T, 46, 5-6; 48, 14-15 ; 50,8-9; 51,1-2; 51,22-23; 51,27-28; 54,6-7; 54,24-25; 55- 2-3; 55,29-30; 57,2-3; 57, 30-31 ; 58, 22-23; 61,9-10, and one hundred and eighty (186) odd additional cases of epi- bole in two consecutive verses in Muller's poems, exclusive of those in the Griechenlieder, which are as the sands of the sea. These cases of epibole range from the repetition of a single monosyllabic word (such as ich, wer, was) to the repe- tition of whole clauses. Whether such excessive employ- ment of a single formula by a poet is justifiable in art, or no — this is not the question which here concerns us. It is sufficient to establish the fact that Miiller reverted most often to just that figurative formula (epibole) which is a distinguishing outward mark of the lyric Volkslied. 4) Epibole in three or more consecutive verses . Sie kamen an eine Hasel dort, Sie kamen ein Fleckchen weiter hin, Sie kamen auf eine Wiese griin. KW., I, 274. Denn ich bin dir verpflicht, Denn ich bin dir vertraut, Denn ich bin deine Braut. KW., II, 12. Macht Herze gesund, Macht d'Jugend verstandig, Macht Todte lebendig, Macht Kranke gesund. KW., I, 164. Bald gras ich am Neckar, Bald gras ich am Rhein, Bald hab ich ein Schatzel, Bald bin ich allein. KW., II, 15. 112 Allen, Also KW., II, 150, 15-17; 11, 160,25-28; 111,70,23-26; III, yg, 22-24; ni, 121, 17-19; III, 134- 3-II ; ni a, 57, 7-10, etc. Mailer ; Hat sie den grunen Kranz im Haar, Hat sie den grunen Mann im Arm, Hat sie im Hause Reigenschwarm. . . Ged., i, 82. Ich habe nicht geschlafen, Ich habe nicht gewacht, Ich habe nur getraumet, (An dich hab' ich gedacht.) . . Ged., i, 139. Je hoher die Glocke, Je heller der Klang ; Je ferner das Madchen, Je lieber der Gang. . Ged., i, 76. Frage, was die Liebe sei. Frage den, der liebefrei ; Frag ihn, den die Liebe kost ; Frag ihn, den die Lieb' erbost. . . Ged., 2, 137. Also Ged., I, 5, 20-23; 6, 12-14; 8, 30-32; 9, 26-28; 13, 36-38; 19, 1-3; 31, 29-31; 38, 5-7; 38, 24-26; 57, 10-12 74, 31-33; 82, 25-27; 98, 15-17; 104, 22-25; 104, 14-16 III, 9-11; 113,29-31; 124,19-23; 131,18-20; 135,20-22 139, 1-3; 145, 27-29; 148, 15-17. Ged., 2, 7, 17-19: 21 14-16; 33, 3-6; 81,4-6; 85, 6-8, etc. 5) Alternating epibole : Sie ging vvol unter die Linden, Ob sie ihren Liebsten mocht finden, Sie ging wol in das griine Holz. . . KW., I, 62. Warum bist du so griine ? Hab' Dank, hab' Dank, wackres Magdelein, Warum bist du so schiine. . . KW., I, 192. K\%o KW., I, 165, 7-9; 1, 204, 5-7; I, 234, 18-20; II, 93 24-26; II, 16, 1-3 ; II, 142, 8-10, etc. Mailer : Konnte ich wehen Durch alle Haine. Konnte ich drehen Alle Steine. . . Ged., i, 7, WiUiclm Milllcr and the German Volkslied 113 Ach, da sah ich goldne Aehren Auf den Pfad heriiberhangen, Ach, da sah ich goldne Ranken. . . Ged., i, 158. Also Gcd., I, 5, 16-18; 7, 24-28; 9, 9-12; 12, 5-12; 16, 29-31; i7> 18-20; 17, 22-24; 18, 26-28; 18, 31-33; 19, 9-11; 20, S-7; 20, 10-12; 24, 29-31; 37, 10-12; 40, 1-3; 42, 18-20; 42, 11-13; 42, 23-25; 44, 22-24; 45. 6-8; 54, 28-30; 59,17-19; 65,12-14; 74,10-12; 75,14-16; 76,1-3; 76, 10-12; J7, 26-28; 85, 13-15; 88, 18-20; 100, 7-9; loi, 9-15; 131, 30-34; 140, 9-11; 142, 32-34; 156, 7-9; 158, 4-8 ; 162, 13-15. Ged., 2, 15, 7-11 ; 15, 13-15 ; 18, 5-7 ; 33, 14-16; 38, 29-31; 43, 12-14; 44, 18-20; 45, 26-28; 50, 2-4; 78, 15-18; 79, 22-24; 86, 7-9; 86, 10-12; 169, 7-9. 6) Double alternating epibole : Wenn du zu meim Schatzel kommst, Sag: Ich liess sie griissen. Wenn sie fraget, wie mirs geht ? Sag : auf beyden Fiissen. Wenn sie fraget, ob ich krank? Sag ; ich sey gestorben ; Wenn sie an zu weinen fangt. Sag: ich kiime morgen, . . KW., I, 232. Was bat mich ein schoner Garten, Wenn ich nichts darinnen hab, Was bat mich die schonste Rose, Wenn ich sie nicht brechen soil, Was bat mich ein Jung frisch Leben, Wenn ichs nicht der Lieb ergeb. . . KW., II, 32. Also KW., II, 15, 24-27; II, 185, 23-26; II, 200, 23-26; 11,201,4-10; 11,237,5-8; 11,335,19-22; III, 97, 1-20, etc. Aliiller : Gestern fuhr ich auf den Wasser, Heute sitz ich auf dem Sand ; Gestern hatt' ich noch ein Dirnel, Heut hat's mir den Korb gesandt. . . Ged., i, 74. Er klopft an alien Herzen Und bettelt um ein Stlibchen ; Er schaut in jedes Auge Und bettelt um ein Flammchen ; Er geht an alle Lippen Und bettelt um ein Kiisschen. . . Ged., i, 169. 114 Allen, Also Ged., I, II, 31-34; 76, 30-33; 93, 23-26; 135, 1-4; 143,29-33; 139,9-12; 170, 32-35- Ged., 2, 167, 5-8; 188, 11-14. 7) Epibole in two or more stanzas : Frequent in both Wunderhorn and Miiller. To avoid cases which may rest upon mere coincidence, only such occurrences are mentioned where more than one introduc- tory word is repeated. KW., I, 73, stanzas 2, 3, 4. KW., I, 93, st. i, 2, 3. KW., 1, los, st.4, 5. iTI^., I, 188, St. 3, 4. Xf'F., I, 202, St. 3,4, 5. KW., I, 207, St. 4, 5, 6. KW., I, 251, St. 2, 3, 4. KW., I, 28i,st. 2, 3,5. irW^., I, 283, St. 1,3. 7s:i^.,II, 10, St. 2, 3,4, 5. KW., II, 142, St. 3, 4, 6. KW., II, 383, St. 2, 3, 4, etc., etc. Muller : Ged., I, 8, St. 2, 4; 8, st. 5,6; 9, st. 3,4; 18, st. 5,7; 42, st. 2, 3 ; 47, St. 2, 3, 4 ; 65, St. I, 4. 5> 7 ; 66, st. i, 3 ; 66, st. 6, 8 ; 78, St. 7, 8, 9, 10; 90, St. 4, 7 ; 136, St. I, 2, 3, 4, S ; 140, st. I, 3 ; 146, St. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. Ged., 2, 44, St. 5, 6 ; 51, st. 4, 5 ; 67, St. I, 3 ; 75, St. 5, 10, etc. Epistrophe. Epistrophe (identical with Epiphora)is a kind of refrain, no matter how imperfectly carried out, whether occur- ring within a single verse, or regularly through several stanzas. A twin-figure to epibole, it appears at the end of two or more successive clauses, verses or sentences, instead of at their beginning.' i) Epistrophe within a single verse : Nun Schick dich Magdlein, Schick dich. . . KW., I, 25. Sinds gute Kind, sinds bose Kind. . . ICIV., I, 362. Deine Leute schmahen mich, ju ja schmahen mich. . . KW., II, 194. Lass rauschen Lieb, lass rauschen. . . KW., II, 50. ' Its origin was doubtless due often to the exigencies of extempore com- position, where the author found it convenient, in lieu of an elusive rime, to repeat the same words with which a prior clause, verse or sentence had ended. IVilhchn Mi'iUer and tlic German I'^olksUed 115 Jlluller; Von feme, ganz von feme. , . Ged., i, 10. Ohne Ruh' und suche Ruh'. . Ged., i, 54. Und das meine, ach das meine. . . Ged,, i, 140. Da find' ich eins, da hab' ich eins. . . Ged., i, 146. Also Ged., I, 6, 16 ; 20, 10 ; 20, 16 ; 47, 28 ; 76, 1 1 ; yj, 21 ; 79. 3 ; 83-4; 127, 6. (?f^., 2, 76, 13. 2) Epistrophe in two or more verses : Mein Mutterlein thut schelten, Verschiitte ich den Wein, Den rothen kuhlen Wein, Der Wein thut sehrviel gelten. . . li'W., I, i8g. Das eine sind die Thranen, Das andre ist der See, Es wird von meinen Thranen, Wohl tiefer noch der See. . . KIV., I, 236. Also KW., I, 64 lines 12-14. KW., I, 78 (throughout), KW., 1, 80 (throughout). KW., I, 83, 11-12. KW., I, 84, 4-6. KW., I, 85, 17-18. KW., I, 85, 22-24. KW., I, 91, 12-13. KW., I, 94, 5-7. KW., I, 100, 19-20. KW., I, 113, 23-24. KW., 114, 8-9. KW., I, IIS, 10-12. KW., I, 126, 1-3. ^H/;, I, 131, 19-21. KW., I, 140, 1S-17. KW., I, 144, 15-16. KW., I, 156, 12-14. KW., I, 179,4-5. /iTI^., 179, 19-22; 25-26. KW., I, 180, 1-2. KW., I, 190, 12-14. iTJ^., I, 191, 21-23. ^^v I. 207 (throughout). ^PF:, I, 229 (throughout). KW., I, 231, 21-22. KW., I, 232, 18-19. KW., I, 234, 1-2, etc., etc. Mil Her : Hier und da ist an den Baumen Noch ein buntes Blatt zu sehn, Und ich bleibe vor den Baumen Oftmals in Gedanlcen stehn. . . Ged., i, 52. Und red' ich mit den andern. Das mach' dir Iceine Pein ; Ich rede mit den andern Und denk' auf dich allein. . . Ged., i, 81. Also Ged., I, 19-22 ; 6, 23-26 ; 6, 27-30 ; 7, 1-4 ; 7, 6-8 ; II, 11-16; II, 25-29; S3, 1-3; 53, 5-7; 77, 30-78, I ; 13s, 1-3; 156, 1-3. Ged., 2, 21, 22-30; 21, 23-31; 74, 22-24. ii6 Allen, Miiller made smaller use of epistrophe than did the Volks- lied, as was to be expected in a poet who carried rime to so perfect a finish as he did.' The carelessness of rime in popular song which is so distinguishing a feature of it was imitated (especially in his earlier poems) more largely by Heine. Cf. Goetze, /. c. p. 38. The very unvarying smoothness of rime noticeable in Mtiller (as in Eichen- dorff) makes the body of his verse monotonous, without the rough individuality which characterizes more naive song. Refrain. Grube recalls that the refrain is to a song what rime is to the spoken verse. Weak as the popular song may be in the strict observance of meter, careless as it may be even in rime, yet in the refrain it is ordinarily strong, sure and correct. For its chief strength lies just on the side of melody and music, not on the side of thought. Therefore the refrain is a characteristic peculiarity of the Volkslied, and the modern lyric has received it from the hands of the older popular song. If the epibole be carried consistently through all the stanzas of a song, it then becomes an initial refrain. This ' But in two songs (Vineta, Ged., i, 102. Letzte Hoffnung, I, 52) he reaches by means of a constant epistrophe an unusually strong effect. In the lat- ter song particularly the parallelism in mood between nature and the poet is compassed by the insistent repetition of the alternating end-word through- out the three stanzas of the poem. It is as if the attention of the reader (or hearer) were recalled with each new couplet and focussed upon the one morbid thought of the poet : 'the leaf is trembling and falling, trembling — and falling — and I am to fall with it.' So perfectly does the epistrophe exclude all other idea, that the last verse which introduces the ever-ready tears of the poet passes happily unnoticed. Is it necessary to add that epi- bole and epistrophe, tiring as they do, when widely used, the reader's eye, find their perfect use only in the sung verse? The printed page of Die schone Miillerin wearies with its endless, its everlasting simple repetitions, while as the text to Schubert's music it is adequate. One is led to believe that as a dramatic poet has ever the acted play in mind when he is compos- ing, so did the lyric Miiller have in mind the humming and droning of some simple folk-melody. — For the epistrophe that kills, cf. Platen's Gasekn, Ges. Werke, Stuttg., 1853, ii, 3-84. Neatly characterized by Bolsche, Heinr. Heine, Leipz., 1888, p. l88. IVilhchn Aliillcr and the Geniian Volkslied 117 is of somewhat rare occurrence in the Wunderhorn, for in the few perfect, unmodified examples of it which do here occur interference (by Brentano) is almost certain. Instance the 14 stanzas of Sollen und Miissen, KW., I, 80- 82, of which only the first is in real sense a Volkslied, as is proven by its appearance in the i6th century song-col- lections : SchofiFer u. Apiarius, 6^ Lieder, Strassburg, 1536. Ott, II J Lieder, Niirnberg, 1544. Forster, Frische Liedlein, Niirnberg, 1552, cf. Birlinger and Crecelius ed. KW., I (1874), p. 523. The other 13 stanzas are additions. In Uhland's VolksL, however, numerous examples of this initial refrain are given (e. g., no. 4, A. B., no. 5, A. B., no. 6, no. 9, A. B., etc.), which show it was a common method of accentuating the main thought which animated the verse. If epistrophe be carried consistently through all the stanzas of a song, it then becomes ajt end refrain. Real examples of this are very rare, unless one count all the cases where not only the closing words of corresponding verses in different stanzas are identical, but the entire verses themselves: that is, unless one count as epistrophe all occurrences of refrain. Twenty-seven songs in the first volume of the Wunder- horn alone show a well-developed refrain. KW., I, 19, 34, 54, 73, 80, 93, 97, 198, 207, 229, 232, 235, 251, 253, 259, 263, 285, 298, 309, 311, 325, 328, 345, 347, 364, 371, 372. These songs, as has been above suggested, are not all, perhaps not many of them, real Volkslieder, but yet the very fact that the refrain is used so often, so unconsciousl}' even, to give the remodeled song the flavor of the popu- lar song, is proof positive that it is regarded as a sine qua non of lyric Volkslieder. And Richard M. Meyer has shown [Neuhochdeutsche Metrik, p. 392. Zfv. Littgesch., i, 34. Grundlagen d. mhd. Strophenbaues, QuF., 58. Altgerm. Poesie, p. 340. Euphorion, 5, p. i. Cf. also K. Biicher. Arbeit u. Rhythmus, p. 72, et seq.) that the refrain is older than the intervening stanzas, that it was just in the refrain that a real rhythm was first established, followed after- ii8 AUen, wards by the digressions, wiiich were at first undertaken by some one individual to explain the sense of the refrain, and afterward came to be the important part of the song — the refrain fading, until its very meaning was at times lost, and it became nothing but an unintelligible and loll- ing interlude. Most really popular then of all the song is the refrain of it, for here was the outbreak descriptive of an emotion so simple that every hearer, were his intel- ligence but little more than that of the beast, could feel and need it. When the services of an individual were required to explain the sense of this refrain, by digres- sions calculated to arouse a renewed interest in it, then the unconscious refrain had ceased to sing itself, and we must presuppose the professional ballad-singer in the center of the scene, and around him an audience which took part objectively in his performance by chanting in unison, and at stated intervals, a refrain already stereo- type. Miiller made comparatively small use of the complete refrain, although, like the other romantic poets, he was prone to begin or end two or more consecutive stanzas with a similar verse ; often giving the refrain over with- out warning just as he had established it. The reason of his infrequent employment of it is largely due, without doubt, to the extreme musicality of his verses, the whole trend of them being in rhythm, rime and meter so simple and catching, that the presence of a set refrain would rather injure than improve. Besides this their brevity, as well as possibly the fact that Mtiller felt the imperfect refrain (anaphora, epiphora), which he used so largely, better suited to the reality of his dramatic verse, than the more stilted, regularly-recurrent complete refrain. This last thought would seem to be demonstrated when it is seen that he turned the refrain to use most often in his drinking songs, that is in the Gesellschaftslieder written with a view to some special occasion, where he first em- bodies his catchword in a refrain (as R. M. Meyer says pointedly of Arndt, Herwegh and Beranger), and then invents the text to it. E. g. — IVilhehn AliUler and the German J^olkslied 119 Ich bin nicht gern allein Mit meinem Glase Wein. . . Ged,, 2, 38. Hort ihr Herrn, und lasst euch sagen ; Weil die Uhr hat zehn geschlagen. . . Ged., 2, 40. Guter Wein lehrt gut Latein.' . . Ged., 2, 48. Und zum Abschied stimmet ein ; Was nicht sein kann, kann nicht sein. . . Ged., 2, 52. Lustig leben, selig sterben, Heisst des Teufels Spiel verderben. . . Ged., 2, 56. Tres faciunt Collegium. . . Ged., 2, 60. Blanke, schlanke Kellnerin. . . Ged., 2, 81. and even more noticeabl}' in certain Griechenlieder, where the refrain works destructively :" Preiset die Zweihundert nicht ; Preiset, Briider, nur den Einen. . . Ged., 2, in. Wer fiir die Freiheit kampft und fallt, Dess Ruhm wird bliihend stehn. . . Ged., 2, 115. There are, however, a few cases where the refrain grows naturally out of the poet's mood, as does a flower from the ground (as with Goethe, Brentano, Burns or the Volks- ^ This line Mliller undoubtedly had from Rabelais (from the words of Janotus de Bragmardo), of. Gargantua, Bk. i, Chap, xix : De bon vin, on ne feult faire maulvais Latin. Other verse of Miiller reminds distinctly of Rabelais' description of the birth of Gargantua — viz. his Romanze entitled Der Trinker von Gottes und Rechts wegen. Ged., 2, 63. ' The extreme type of song where the given catchword is embodied as a refrain is of course the C/<7j-«, where (corresponding to the symphony in music) the theme is first given in the opening stanza, to be enlarged upon and varied in the following stanzas. In Miiller's two extant examples of this verse-form — Wir wissen uns zu finden, Ged., 2, 148, and Sehnsticht und Erfullu7ig, Ged., 2, 150 — we have his only attempts at parody. Despite the fact that the vocabular}' and metre remind here, as ever, of the Volks- lied, the effect of both is stilted and inane, and it is undoubted cause for congratulation that the poet gave over further effort in this medium, of which other Romantics were so fond. Such tours de force as Glossen, Stamm- buchpoesie, and stanzas with given end-rimes, bouts rimis, accord ill with the ingenuousness of Miiller's other manner. I20 Allen, lied : cf. Meyer, /, c. p. 22). Thus in Wanderschaft, Ged., i, p. 4. Ungediild, Ged., i, p. 9. Die Hebe Farbe, Ged., i, p. 16. Die Post, I, 49. Abschied, i, 78. Fruhlingseinzug, i, 83. Erste Liebe, i, 136. Epanadiplosis. As the refrain grows naturally out of an expanded epi- bole or epistrophe, so epanadiplosis grows naturally out of an expanded epizeuxis. We have here the thought repeated in a following verse or stanza by the recurrence of a word which has just been used in a preceding verse or stanza. As the figure of syntax begins to grow more complex, however, we find that it occurs more and more rarely in both Volkslied and Miiller. Is it a coincidence merely that Heine made large use of this figure (cf. Seelig, /. c. pp. 55-58; Goetze, 39-42), or would it aid in establishing the thesis that Heine was less natural and more conscious in his employment of the popular fig- ures of syntax than was Miiller — that where (as has been before asserted) Miiller was suggestive, Heine was anti- thetic ; that where Miiller was simple, Heine was studied? Wunderhorn : Er lasst mich ja setzen im tiefen tiefen Thurm, Im tiefen tiefen Thurm bey Wasser und bey Brodt. . . I, loi. Erlaub mir zu kiissen dein'n purpurrothen Mund. Dein purpurrother Mund macht Herzen gesund, . . I, 164. Der Mai will sich mit Gunsten, Mit Gunsten beweisen. . . I, 201. Schenk sie der Schonen dort, Ja dort, von dem allersiissten ein. . , I, 203. Was wollt ihr fiir ein Lied, Ein Lied von der Frauen von Weissenburg. . . I, 242. Also KW., I, 77, II. &-T, I, 83, 3-4; I, 103, 2-6; I, III, 1-2; I, 140, 2-3 ; I, 170, 5-6; I, 189, 20-22 ; 1, 261, 6-7, etc. IVilhclm Miiller and the German Volkslied 121 Mailer : Du blondes Kopfchen, koram hervor. Hervor aus euerm runden Thor. . . Ged., i, 10. Und sahe sie nicken und blicken, Sie nickten und blickten ihr nach. . . Ged., i, 12. Der Friihling pocht und klopft ja schon — Er pocht und klopfet was er kann. . . Ced., i, 83. Wirft sie herab zwei purpurrothe Knospchen. Die purpurrothen Knospchen woUen sagen. . . Ged., 2, 24. Also Ged., I, 6; 11, 17-18; 12, 25-26; 18, 30-32; 54, 3-4; 58, 8-9; 84, 18-19; 87, 14-16; 146, 28-29; 155, 15-16. Ged., 2, 18, 17-T8; 34, 12-13; 44. 33-36; 59, 13-14; 66, 14-15 ; 178, 2-5. Inverted Repetitioji. A common figure in the Volkslied. The thought to be emphasized is repeated, but in inverted order, so that the mind of the listener may dwell for a moment upon the content of it. Miiller made ver}' sparing use of the figure, because of the jingling (at times fairly silly) qualit)' which it lends to the thought, except where there is need of especial emphasis. Such inversion is typical in one sort of Kinderlied, an example of which is the Reiterlied mif des Vaters Knie {KW., Ill A, pp. 60-61) : Der Bauer wills verkaufen, Verkaufen wills der Bauer, Das Leben wird ihm sauer, Sauer wird ihm das Leben, Der Weinstock, der tragt Reben, Reben tragt der Weinstock, Horner hat der Ziegenbock, Der Ziegenbock hat Horner. . . etc., etc., which figure the English language knows in more than one such Mother Goose rime as Old King Cole was a merry old soul, And a merry old soul was he. (Cf. also KW., Ill A, 36. Ill A, 102.) 12 2 Allen, Wherever it is used in the Wunderhorn, the figure seems to betoken simple poverty of thought on the part of the speaker, who, having nothing more to say, and with a verse or two of the stanza yet unfilled, is fain to retrace his steps and indulge in vain repetition, as the heathen do. E. g. — So muss es so schon seyn als ich, Es muss wie ich so schon seyn. . . KW., Ill, 56. Bald haben wir kein Geld, bald haben wir kein Brod, Bald haben wir kein Brod, bald haben wir kein Geld. Ii; 28. Gustav der Gross ist todt, Todt ist Gustav der Gross. . . II, g6. Ich muss zu meinem Schatzgen gehn, Zu meinem Schatz, da muss ich gehn. . . Ill, Si. After a perusal of these (and the score of other places in the Wunderhorn where the figure occurs) it is small matter for wonderment that Miiller used inverted repeti- tion less than a dozen times in his whole collection of verse : Ich mochte ziehn in die Welt hinaus, Hinaus in die weite V^^elt. . . Ged., i, 16. Wie fern von mir, von dir wie fern. . . Ged., i, 106. Ich bin zur Welt gekommen In Wogen und in Wind, Und Wind und Wogen wiegten Mich als ein kleines Kind. . . Ged., 2, 17. Also Ged., I, 45, 1-3; 103, 17-18; 146,28-29; 151, 19-24. Ged., 2, 17, 15-17 ; 52, 22, 34; 59, 1-2. Parallelism. In a preceding chapter mention has been made of the Gesprachslieder. These alternate songs, where question and answer (or statement and refutation) follow one another in quick succession, where the dialogue is spirited and flows on without pause, are favorite Volkslieder. As in the older Lugenmarchen, the end of one statement forms the beginning of the next, often literally, and gives JJ'ilhchn Midler and the German Volkslied 123 rise to a constant parallelism throughout the song- — a mode of repetition which is often peculiarly forcible, in that it considers the preceding statement in its entirety for a moment or so, only, perhaps, to scorn or reject it immediately thereafter. The following 3 stanzas are quoted from the song of 16 stanzas in the Wunderliorn : Lieber Schatz, wohl nimmerdar Will ich von dir scheiden, Kannst du mir aus deinem Haar Spinnen klare Seiden. Soil ich dir aus meinem Haar Spinnen klare Seiden, SoUst du mir von Lindenlaub Ein neu Hemdlein schneiden. Soil ich dir aus Lindenlaub Ein neu Hemdlein schneiden, Musst du mir vom Krebselein Ein paar Scheren leihen. . . H, ^10. Also JTIV., I, 34. Die schiijarzbraune Hexe, KW., I, 43. Liebe spinnt keiiie Seide, KW., I, 47. Scliurz dich Gretlein, KW., I, 50. Dcr Ritter und die Magd, KW , I, 62. Lie- besprobe, KW., I, 192. Das Mddchen und die Hasel, KW., I, 220. Der iLiisclmldige Tod des jitngen Knaben, etc., etc. Miiller makes use of this S3Mnmetrical parallelism in but three of his songs which are set in dialogue form, viz. Lanidliclier Reigen, Ged., 1,65. Thrdnen und Rosen, Ged., i, 139. Der Todtgesagte, Ged., i, 133: Gott griisse Each, mein feines Kind, Sagt an, wer Eure Eltern sind. — Ich bin nicht mehr ein feines Kind, Meine Eltern schon lange gestorben sind. — Mein Schatz ist zogen ins Feld hinaus Und hat sich gepiHiickt einen blutigen Strauss. — Wer war Eu'r Schatz, der wackere Held ? Ich kannte viel Manner im blutigen Feld. — Such parallelism of dialogue is not to be confused with the mental parallelism, which has already been considered in a preceding chapter. This latter consists in describing 124 Allen, actions or emotions in such a way that the thought is developed in each case in the same sequence, so that there ensues a constant similarity between the various descrip- tions. Polysyndeton. Asyndeton, the figure in which energy of style is secured by the ellipsis of connectives (generally of the conjunction und') is a conspicuous characteristic of the Volkslied — tending to give it the terseness which has been above noted. Song after song in the Wunderhorn, of from five to ten stanzas in length, in which there is no single occurrence of the word und, prove the truth of this assertion. Grossmutter Schlangenkochin, KW., I, 19. Das Feuerbesprechen, KW., I, 21. Die widerspenstige Brant, KW., I, 30. Liebe spinnt keine Seide, KW., 1, 42. Schurz dich Gretlein, KW., I, 46. Heinriche Konrade der Schreiber ivi Kerb, KW., I, 53. Die Diebsstelbmg, KW., I, 75. Wassers- noth, KW., I, ']'], etc., etc. The Volkslied does not bridge over the gaps between sentences, which therefore seem uttered directly and without shaping. Examples of asyn- deton in Miiller are Danksagung an den Bach, Ged., i, 6. Der Neugierige, 1, 7. Die liebe Farbe, i, 16. Der Perlen- kranz, i, 28. Die Wetterfahne, i, 47. Erstarrung, i, 48. Die Krahe, i, 52. Das Irrlicht, i, 55, etc. The four volumes of the Wunderhorn have no perfectly developed examples of polysyndeton (figurative repeti- tion of connectives, generally und) — no examples, that is, where the use of the figure gives a heightened effect to the narrative by the impetus which it lends the action. We have z/«i/ repeated several times in such a list as Und ein Sau die nicht Junge tragt, Und ein Kuh die nicht Milch giebt, Und ein Tochter die all Nacht ausliegt, Und ein Sohn der allzeit gern spielt, Und ein Frau die ihm heimlich abstiehlt, Und ein Magd die da geht mit einem Kind. . . KW., II, 62. U'ilhcbii Mi'iUcr and the German Volkslied 125 We have nnd repeated in a lolling refrain such as Und thu deine schwarzbraune Aeuglein zu, Und ruh, und ruh, und ruh in sanfter Ruh. . . ICIV., Ill, 12. or as a mere connective between coordinating sentences, as Und als sie sind zusammen kommen, So haben sie das Gewehr genommen. Und da sie kommen za dem Streit, Da macht ein jeder Reu und Leid. Und da sie auf ihn wollten hin, Da ging es ihnen durch den Sinn. . . JCW., 1, 326. or again as in the following lines : Und wenn ich soil arbeit, So mocht ich versinke ; Und wenn ich gestorbe, Ich lat mich begrabe, Und lat mer vom Schriner ZTOey Bretcher abschabe, Und lat mer zwey firige Herzer druf mahle. XW., II, 65. But in only two or three places do we have the beginnings of a polysyndeton, which lends to the style a desirable artlessness and a smoothness such as the modern lyric knows. Sie saufen und schreien als g'hort das Haus ihn'n, Und saufen und schreien sich blitzblau und griin. Bald tanzens und springens "und hiipfens am Fleck, Und nehmen den Knechten den Tanzboden weg. Und machen ein Haufen und grausam Gefecht, Und hauen und stechen und schreien erst recht. . . A'W., 11, 442. (Cf. also KW., I, ;5 ; KW., I, 365.) With the apparent poverty of these examples cited from the Wunderhorn compare the wide use made of polysyndeton by Goethe and Brentano, Kerner and Uhland, and Heine — but by none more than by Miiller, who played upon this simple und, to bring out cadences entirely out of proportion to the means used. Cf. the following : 9 126 Allen, Hinunter und immer weiter, Und immer dem Bache nach, Und immer frischer rauschte Und immer heller der Bach, . . Ged., i, 5. Und das Haus, wie so traulich ! Und die Fenster, wie blank ! Und die Sonne, wie helle Vom Himmel sie scheint ! . . Ged., i, 6. Und der Steine lustig Pfeifen, Und des Wasserrads Gebraus, Und der Werke emslg Klappern, 's jagt mich fast zum Thor hinaus. . . Ged., i, 8. Und Lenz wird kommen, Und Winter wird gehen, Und Blumlein werden Im Grase stehn. . . Ged., i, 19. Und sahe und horte, Wie gut ich ihr bin Und wie ich ihr diene Mit stetigem Sinn. Und Liebchen that sagen : Du thust mir behagen, Und sagte und sange Und spielte nur mich, Und triige im Mund und im Kopf und im Herzen Mich ewiglich. . . Ged., 1, 37-38. Und zischt ihm in die Ohren, Und zuckt ihm durch den Sinn, Und zieht an alien Fingern Ihn nach dem Hahne hin. . . Ged., 1, 126. Also Ged., I, 7, 24-28; 9, 22 ; 11, 12-13 ; 12, 1-12; 14, 5-^ 14,21-22; 20,5-7; 31. 16-17; 31, 34-35; 33, 1-3; 38,2. 27; 45, 1-4; 57, II-12 ; 62, 6-8; 64, 6; 65, II-15 ; 66, 3-1 71,3; 71, 13-15; 74, 5-7; 76, 1-6; 78, 5-10; 78, 17-V 85, 25-32; 86, 1-6; 93, 1-3; 97, 1-4; 98, 6-7; loi, 9-1 108, 9-11; 121, 16-20; 139, 9-11; 141, 23-25; 152, 4-1 152, 32-34, etc., etc. ll'ilheliu Miiller and the German Volkslied 127 Climactic Repetition. There are distinguishable in lyric poetry several kinds of climax. Ascension of the thought is secured by i. Repeating the simple positive degree of adjective or adverb by using the comparative or superlative form of it. 2. Repeating a simple form of a word in its com- pound form. (Seelig has shown this to be a conspicuous characteristic of Heine's style.') 3. Repeating the thought b}' heaping up synonymous words or phrases (usually iden- tical with either polysyndeton or epizeuxis). 4. Repeat- ing always the preceding word, to carry it consistently on to its progression. 5. Repeating the word, to give it a closer application, or a nearer restriction. Examples of all five of these classes are found here and there in Miiller's poems, most frequently nos. 3 and 5. The latter, however, is the onl3' form of real climactic repetition of frequent occurrence in both the Volkslied and MUUer, and has become a typical formula in address. Wunderkorn: Ach Meister, lieber Meister mein. . . I, 221. Ach Gretlein, liebes Gretlein. . . I, 47. Ach Mutter, liebe Mutter mein. . . I, 51. Ach Vater, liebster Vater. . . I, 133. Ach Sohn, ach lieber Sohne mein. . . I, 90. Ach Sohne, liebster Sohne mein. . . I, 220. O Hauptmann, lieber Hauptmann mein. . . I, 281. Ach Schildknecht, lieber Schildknecht mein. . . I, 294. O Vater, lieber Vater mein. . . I, 323, etc., etc. Mailer: Ei Bachlein, liebes Bachlein. . . Ged., i. 6. Ach Bachlein, liebes Bachlein. . . Ged., i, 20. Ei Thranen, meine Thranen. . . Ged., i, 47. Ach Liebe, feme Liebe. . . Ged., i, 76. Ach Meister, wilder Meister. . . Ged., i. 126. Schatzchen, allerliebstes Schatzchen. . . Ged., i, 150. 1 Cf. Seelig, /. c. pp. 66-70. Quite as noticeable in Miiller by its omission. Careful search reveals but two e.xamples (in the prologue to the Schone Miil- lerin, Ged., I, 3). Zu einem funkelnagelneuen Spiel Im allerfunkelnagelneusten Stil ; and Ged., 2, 80 : Greisester von alien Greisen, Weisester von alien Weisen. 128 Allen, Wunderhorn; Er nahm sie bey den Handen, Bey ihrer schneeweissen Hand. . I, 47. Verschiitte ich den Wein, Den rothen kiihlen Wein. . . I, 189. Muller: Es rauschten die Zweige vom Ufer her, Und sie rauschten so tief, und sie rauschten so schwer. . . Ged., I, 62. In das Thai bin ich zuriickgegangen. In das kleine, tiefe, finstre Thai. . . Ged., i, 80. War hat die weissen Tiicher, Die weissen, duftenden Tiicher. . . Ged., i, 87. Also: Ged., i, 10,22; 14, 2-3; 14, 5; 15, 18; 16, 22; 16, 25-26; 19,33; 23, 13; 24, 25-26; 54, (y-T, 65, 13-14; 65, 20-21 ; 72, 5-7; 76, 26-27; 79> 33-34; 97. lo-ii, etc. Popular Speech- Words. An especial difficulty meets the student who would attempt the classification of all such words in the vocab- ulary of a poet which he must have, or may have, bor- rowed directly from the vocabulary of popular song. For such words may be used by him in common with many other contemporary poets, or later poets, and are therefore not characteristic of his usage in particular ; or these words, again, may be so woven into the popular speech of to-day, that it is outright impossible to deter- mine whether their origin is in the older popular song, or not rather merely in older dialectic, or obsolescent expressions, common in some yesterday to the utterance of a whole district or time. In Miiller's case decision is often rendered the more hard, in that, unlike Uhland and Heine, it was his settled principle to avoid ' the perversity of the so-called old-German school of poetry, which has done its level best to write in the dialect of the Ludwigs- lied,' and he was thus prone to soften down and omit, rather than give prominence to, what might be termed a Volkslied-vocabulary. Happily, it is not our province in JVillieliu Milller and the German VolksUed 129 these pages to set up a grammar of Miiller's word-usages — such a study would transcend the limits and the pur- pose of the present occasion, and form an independent contribution to linguistics. It is our desire to choose such illustrations from the poet's verses as to give an adequate idea of the color-words he used in common with popular song, to create the atmosphere of simplicity and directness of the MUller-songs. Except for the many places in his stanzas, where — as has been sufficiently demonstrated above and elsewhere — Miiller copied directly from the Wunderhorn, or from some Austrian Gestanzel, or Styrian Lied, it were not unsafe to hazard the statement, adequate proof of which I can not yet give, that the poet had from Goethe his word-usages, quite as much as from the older Volkslied, or rather, he borrowed the Volkslied words, as they came to him in the inimita- ble choice of Goethe, in his naive lyrics and shorter Ger- man ballad-pieces.' ' The language of the new-fangled Volkslieder has never lived,' said Miiller, ' for who can breathe the breath of life into the still-born? Burger and Goethe, separate as they are in spirit, stand as the sole model.' It is onl}' at the risk of a seeming digression, that the importance of this last thought can be made clear- — viz., that it was Goethe and not the Wunderhorn which gave the later German lyric its vocabulary and scope. It was with malice prepense that the foregoing study was entitled Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied, and not Wilhelm MuUer and Des Knaben Wunderhorn. Literary criticism, ofttimes over-prone to speak concretely, has insisted that it was the Wunderhorn (the very printed page of it) that bore direct fruit in the lyric poetry of the Romantic School — that if this song-collection had never seen the light of day, much of the popular tone insepara- ble from the modern lyric would be absent. ' Such proof must be based upon a detailed study of the vocabulary and word-usage of Miiller's contemporaries. Mr. Hatfield has already under- taken Uhland and the Wunderhorn. 130 Allen, This statement is not inherently absurd ; it is merely untrue. Historians of literature are notoriously fond of setting up comparisons of external analogy, as convenient pegs upon which to hang their facts, and thus it is that Klopstock is termed the German Milton, Hauff the Ger- man Scott, Hoffmann the German Poe, and Herder (or perhaps even Arnim and Brentano chemically fused for the nonce into one integer) the German Percy. It may be the office of the science of comparative literature, if such a science really exist, to sweep away such mist of specious and haphazard reasoning. Percy's Reliques were epoch-making, in that they were the first to turn the attention of civilized Europe to the real meaning of native (provincial) popular balladry, but it was neither the intel- lectual patch-work of the diffuse and cosmopolitan Her- der, nor yet the irresponsible striving of the impression- istic Brentano, which performed the like task for Ger- many. It was Goethe.' The Stimmen der Volker, that is, did not show the Romantics the manner of Volkslied borrowing, nor did the Wunderhorn, with its unthreshed chaff — but the per- fect lyrics and ballads of Goethe modeled on the German folk-song lighted up the whole future path of his succes- sors. Were one collection of popular song to be named as of direct and supreme influence upon Heine or Muller, it would undoubtedly be Ziska und Schottky's, and not the Wunderhorn. Or even Meinert's, and not the Wun- derhorn. For from the first of these two Heine got con- fessedly his kurze Manier and his epigrammatic close.'' ' The difference of attitude towards the Volkslied between Herder and Goethe clearly presented, albeit in al-fresco manner, by Wilhelm Uhl. Das deutsche Lied, Leipzig, 1900, pp. 32-39. ' Walzel {Euphorion, v, J898, p. 151) says: ' Ich gedenke auch nicht auseinander zu setzen, wie ich mir die Entstehung dieser Heine so lieben Form denke und mochte nur beilaufig auf die ironischen G'stanzeln der Alpenlander hinweisen ; sie hangen einem stimmungsvoUen Natureingang eine derb-sarkastische Zote an und Heine hat nach dem eigenen Gestand- nisse gerade diese G'stanzeln sich zum Vorbild genommen.' The letter to Schottky runs : ' Bei den kleinen Liedern {des Lyr. Inter) haben mir Ihre kurzen osterreichischen Tanzreime mit dem epigrammatischen Schlusse oft vorgeschwebt.' IVillicIm Mi'dler and the German J'olkslied 131 T/ie Dimimitivc. One characteristic of the folk-song and the folk-tale in all ages is the frequent appearance of the diminutive, where it meets no need of actual description, but where it lends rather an air of childlike simplicit3% or of rough- and-ready familiarity to the scene. A world of endear- ment lies in the lover's constant diminutives (often betok- ening, be it said, a touch of condescension on his part) ; a world of love for landscape lies in the heart of the poet- narrator, who diminishes the size of the trees and the birds of the forest, of the winds that blow, of the very mountains, that he may come closer to them, to under- stand them. In the popular ballad a diminutive suffix makes of the kings-daughter our kin — Wie heisst Kbnig Ringangs Tochterlein? Rohtraut, Schon-Rohtraiit. . . . Des Konigs rosiges Tochterlein Hat verloren sich voni Wege. . etc. A deal of scorn, or of satire, speaks now and then from a consciously misplaced 'lein' or ' chen.' Wundethorn: Was hat sie unter ihrem Schiirzelein? Ein Hemdlein war schneeweiss. . . I, 49. Der Edelmann that sein Hiitlein ab. . I, 229. Ich armes Keuzlein kleine. . . I, 233. Hor Pferdchen, was ich sage, Hor Pferdchen, was ich sag. . . II, 27. Des trauerte manches Vogelein. . . II, 137. O allerschonstes Jesulein. . . II, 187. Ich hab fiirwahr kein Kindelein klein. . . II, 273. Es hat ein Konig ein Tochterlein, Mit Namen hiess es Annelein ; Es sass an einem Rainelein, Las auf die kleinen Steinelein. . . II, 274. Ich ging ins Vaters Gartela, Da traumte mir a Traumila. . . Ill, 105. Etc., etc., etc. Mulier makes a large use of the diminu- tive, especially in the early song-cycles. Thus, in Die sclmne Milllerin, there are the Bachlein : p. 4, line 12 ; 5, 132 Allen, 12; 6, 16; 8, 3, 5, 13; 12, 18; 14, 33 ; 20, 10, 12, 16. Fd;^- /mz.- 4, 14; 12, 19. Blumlein: 10, 27; 12, 3,27; 16, 21; 17, 32; 18, II, 18, 26, 27; 19, 3, S, 7, 13; 21, 3. Wortchen: 8, 8, 9, II ; 17, 8. Aeugelcin: 10, 26 ; 11, 12, 19. Liedchen: 4,15. Korbchen : 8, 23. Kopfchen: 10, 23. Fensterlein : II, 6; 17, 10. Luftchen : 13, 12. Relilein : 14, 5, 6, 11. Fischlein: 14, 14. Blattchen : 15, 31. Kreuzlein : 16, 21. Englein: 19, 27; 20, 5. Sternlein : 19, 33; 21, 30. ^«;«- merlein: 20,27. Tuchlein : 21, 9, and, of "course, always Magdlein, Schiitzchen, Liebchen, etc. The insistent recur- rence of these diminutives in die schone Mullerin, as weW as in the Landliche Lieder and Lieder mis dein Meerbusen von Salerno, lends an insincere tone to these songs, as con- trasted with the direct and intense pathos of the Winter- reise, where no one diminutive occurs, except Liebchen (3 times) and Bdchlein, neither of which would be felt from the context as such. It is not a coincidence, surely, that the diminutive is absent in just those songs of Miiller, whose mood was so true that they inspired Schubert to the compositions which attain the highwater-mark of his genius ; settings which alone, perhaps, would have made him the greatest of all song-writers, had he never written another measure.' For, so delicately, and yet insistently, does the diminutive add tone-color to a song, that it intro- duces a new surrounding, the moment it is carried beyond certain natural limits. As proof of this, Miiller's ana- creontic verses ne°d but be cited, where the diminutive abounds." Dass er aus den kleinen feinen, Diinnen, zarten Ringelharchen. . . Ged,, i, 158. Will er fiir ein andres Platzchen Auch einmal ein Herzchen haben. . . Ged., i, 162. 1 A description in detail of the best of these Miiller songs can be now found in Henry T. Finck's charming book, Songs and Song Writers (N. Y., 1900), pp. 82-94. ^ Interesting in this connection is Miiller's grave objection to the over-use of diminutives in a verse of Ruckert's published in the Frauentaschenbuch (1822). — Cf. also Waldberg, Galanle Lyrik, p. 104, f. Wilhclm Mi'iUcr and the Gentian Volkslied 133 Da rief ein susses Stimmchen Gar drohend mir entgegen. . . Ged., i, 163. Ein junges Rosenblattchen Der Knospe kaum entwunden. . . Ged., 1, 166. Amor wollte Fangeballchen Neulich mit den Nj'mphen spielen. . Ged., i, 168. Denn die rothen Tropfen brennen Bis ins tiefste Herzensgriibchen. . . Ged., i, i6g. Er klopft an alle Herzen Und bettelt um ein Stiibchen ; Er schaut in jedes Auge Und bettelt um eim Flammchen ; Er geht an alien Lippen Und bettelt um ein Kiisschen. . . Ged., i, i6g. The NoiLii. In the Bundesbluthen songs, written under the influence of bardism and romanticism, the young Miiller uses a vocabulary reminding at every turn of the middle-Ger- man epic and lyric. This is of course most noticeable just in the noun, and the following list, chosen from but a dozen songs, will show to what an extent Miiller employed the romantic mediaeval terminology. Bardenreigen, Bar- densang. Born, Brennenmuth, Buhle, Dime, Dirnenbild, Freu- denschmaus, Frankenfraue (gen. sing.), Frankenland, Helden- mahl, Hollenrotte, Kampfgenosse , Kettenbrut, Koniginn. Krie- gesschwarin, Madelein, Maid, Maiensonne, Mdhrlein, Minne, Minnebanden, Minnegluck, Minnepracht ;' Minneleid, Minne- schmerz, Pilgersmann, Recken, Renter, Renter smann, Reuter- schwerdt, Reuterwonne, Schaferinn, Schenk, Schlachttrommete, Schwerdt, Sklavenharm, Wodan, Wolkensaal, etc. It would be unfair to quote from these words which Miiller uses in early crude and imitative verses, except to show their variance from the ordinary vocabulary of his later usage, when he (together with Heine) had learned that borrowing from the Volkslied had more to do with the manner and the meter, and less to do with the actual form. Taken directly from the Volkslied are the terms in which Miiller speaks of his loved-one: Dime, Ged., i, 39, 134 Allen, 13 ; 65, 9 ; 79, I. Dirnel, 74, 3 ; 75, 3 ; 78, 13. Liei> Btmel, 73, 7. 5c,^o;? Dirnel, yj, 7. /^i?2« Liebchen, 46, 28. Z2>(^ Liebchen, 49, 29. 5c/2wz Liebchen, 49, 29. Herzliebste, y6, 4 ; 134, 15. Herzallerliebste, 81, 12; 138, 36; 139, 15. Schatz, 66, 26; 74, 12. Schcltzel, 42,6. Peine Magd, 133, 20. Liebes Kind, 6j, 12. Feines Kind, 133, 26. Magd, 130, 20; 132, 21. Maid, 129, 32; 130, I. Madchen, 66, 20; 72,25. Holdes Made/ten, Madel, 42, 30. Magedein, 129, 10. Mdgdlein, 134, 36; 138, 31. Frdulein, 128, 19, etc., etc. Popular too is the use of ^^rr and Frau, as in: ^^rr Meister, Ged., i, $, 8. //>rr Thurmer, 61, 32. i^rrt?< Fortuna, 30, 26. i^r«?^ Venus, 167, 25. i^ra^?< Meisterin, 5, 8. The grave is referred to, as in the Voikslied, Wirtshaus ,- Ged., I, 55, 9. Kammer, 55, 11. Kdmmerlein, 20, 27. Schenke, 55, 14. Belonging to the popular speech are, besides the above- quoted Madel, Schdtzel, Dirnel, the diminutives: Kappely Ged., I, 40, 7. Wdngel, 41, 29. Bucket, 40, 18. Liedel, 74, 24. Nannerl, 78, 27; 79, 2. Krdnzel, 40, 12. Also the nouns in -us: Taktikus, Musikus, Philosophus, Peripatetikus,. etc. G^(/., I, 89, 19; 89, 21. G^iT^., 2, 75, 20; 75, 22, etc. Other popular forms dire Melodein, Ged., i, 12,21. i?(7j- marein, 16, 10. Companei, 30, 23. Bursche (plur), 34, 9; 79, 17; 82, 9 (but 5«r.r^/«fw, 141, 11). Reihn, 5, 31. Abendreihn, 34, 17 (but Hochzeitreigen, 41, 19. Reigenschwarm, 82, 27). Maien (gen.), 67, 5. Biihle, 128, 30. Schwager {=Postillon), 38,28; 39,29. Bruck, /\.o, i^,- Knappe, J,2T). Blut {=/unge) 61,31. Musikajttenbhit, i^2, 19. Extended forms like iTo/- len, 129, 23. Sanct Mareien, 131, 37. Branntezvein, 39, 20. Musika, 41, 14. Frauenbild, 47, 18. 5z7af {=Gestalt) 129, 13. ^?<^^ (=Junge), 126, I. Frankcn (dat. sing.), 131, 24. Personification, as : Junker Morgenwind, 84, 3. Ritter Mit- tag, 34, 31. Ritter Sonnenschein, 84, 10. Geselle Morgenwind, 88, 25. Ritter Abend, 34, 31. Bruder Sominer, 86, 13, Wirth {=Gott), 88, i. The longer forms; Wandersmann, Pilgersmann, Jdgersmann, Gottesmann, 33, 27 ; 54, 8 ; 96, 2 ; 129, 24, etc. Not a long list, when it is remembered how closely JFilltcliii AliiUcr and the Gorman Volkslied 135 Miiller followed the simpler popular manner all his life. And most of the words above-cited will be found in just those songs of the poet's, where he was directly copying- some one given Volkslied, as he occasionally did ; and as has been elsewhere shown. That classification of Miiller's noun-usages for comparison with the noun-usages of the Volkslied, should lead to such small, or even such nega- tive results, is one proof of the truth of the statement made in the introduction to the first part of this study {Jour, ii, 293): that Miiller did not give his own lyrics the popular tone by setting down in them the archaising diction, the obsolete orthography and the clumsy rhetori- cal structure of the VVunderhorn songs. Instead of this, and inferentiall}', he tried, by applying the art-teachings of the older Volkslied, to make modern songs of his own, and not ' to manufacture death-masks.' ' For life,' Miiller said, ' can be laid hold on only by life itself.' A djective. A study of the adjective is of especial importance in determining the effect of Miiller's songs, in that the poet here seems to follow the settled principle of simplicity and directness, with scarce a shadow of turning. He uses almost exclusively the concrete qualifying word which defines sharply the external nature of an object, subjecting himself but rarely to that pathetic fallacy, which reads into the nature of the object the mood or emotion under description. In this manner Miiller and the Volkslied are a unit. Heine, in many of his simpler lays, the music of which was partially learned from Miiller, uses the same vocabulary, and yet just in Heine there may and does appear at any moment, quite without warning, adjectives of so strange a shape, of such queer imagining, that they cling to us as words, when the con- text is forgotten : Dunkeltrotzig, zartdurchsichtig, stillver- derblich, grdmlich trube, heimlich wundersuss, klanglos widrig^ laulig diinn, blutfinster, wehmutzueich, unmutgrimmig, wiegen- liedheimlich, totschlaglaunig, flute nkalt, iaubenmild, etc., etc. 136 Allen, — wonderfully as such, and scores of other Heinesque adjectives, characterize the moment under description, they tend to destroy the contemplative attitude of the hearer, who is for the nonce living himself into the occa- sion of the poem, by arousing him unawares to the per- ception of qualities and subtleties in the object of his study, which are at once new and strange to him. That is, the hearer would know and feel silsses Singen, liebes Sin- gen, etc., but wiegenlicdlieimliclies Singen startles him, so that he comes to know that he is listening to the singing, not with his own ears, but with those of Heine. It would be not without importance to arrange and classify below Miiller's entire adjective-vocabulary, in proof of its unexampled concreteness and simplicity, but as this procedure would fill a score of printed pages, it is enough to illustrate his usage. No color-scheme could be more direct than Miiller's. Green is his favorite hue, and in his songs of the road particularly he looks on nature through beryl-glasses. The grass : 48, 15 ; meadow : 56, 32 ; trees : 24, 20 ; 62, 16 ; 62, 24 ; 63, 5 ; wreath : 28, 9 ; 55, 6 ; 82, 14 ; 82, 25 ; May : 65, 6 ; forest : 16, 27 ; 20, 32 ; 74, 28 ; field : 16, 27 ; 74, 28 ; pine- trees: 75, 14; mountains: "jo, 22; love: 13, 30; pastures; 80, 26; 102, 33; world: 34, 23 ; leaves: 18, 5 ; 141, 31 ; sward : 16,19; rosemary: 16,9; branches: 14, 14; 88, 24; 141, 23 ; willows: 16, 7; canopy of heaven: 27,7; land: 43,37; sea: 30, 36; 130, 23 ; lindens: 134, 14; 135, i ; valley : 94, 7; low lands : 91, 35 ; sky : 89, 29; school of wandering : 89, 18; shady rest: 106, 22; Spring's grass-doublet: 140, 34, etc., etc. With this green landscape established as set background, the simple colors play changingly across it, -according to the poet's mood. Blue is hope and spring- time, zvhite is purity (coldness) and winter, black is despair. Blue, then, is the sky ; 84, 35 ; 103, 19 ; the vault of heaven : 87, 19; day: 45, 15 ; flowers: 12, 13 ; 21, 3; 136, 4; brooks: 20, 27; sea: 102,32; 133, 16; 105,6; mountains: 106, 6; stars : 10, 25 ; breezes : 89, 28 ; light : 17, 25 ; eyes : 11,3; II, 5 ; 37, 4; heights: 35, 30; 137, 36; waves: 95, 18; mists: JJ^ilJwIiii Miillcr and the German Volkslied 137' 106, 6, etc. — next to green the constant color. White,. black and red are the other shades on the palette, which suffice for every scene. These, and gold, to give the sun- light, or the glint of it on the world, and an occasional neutral tint of gray (but very rarely) are the sum.. Absence of color-characterization is frequent, and bright {hell) and dark [dunkel) are many lines, while the more subjective blass, bleich, duster, finster, do not occur a dozen times in the whole first volume of verses. Other adjec- tives of general activity which lend clarity to the spring- songs are the terse bunt, klar and blank, used interchange- ably of the sea and sky and flowers. Adjectives expressive of ready sympathy and sturdy affection are the monosyllabic arm, suss, schon, lieb, treu. These are employed without stint to bring near every natural object, and the ever present loved-one. Other simple words which appeal directly to the senses are used as often by Miiller as by the Volkslied : frisch, warm, heiss, kalt, kuhl. Cool is, e. g., the grave: 20, 25; 53, 9; night: 60, 22; evening: 60, 31; shadows: 62, 16; brook: 80, 16; trees: 11,24; wine: 33, 17; 62,27; well: 109,3; stream : 91, 5 ; May : 67, 5 ; rest : 20, 15 ; the kiss of death : 95, 25; the twilight hour: 7, 25. — Cold is the wind: 49, 13 ; snow : so, 4 ; stream : 50, 25 ; winter : 54, 4 ; weather : 56, 7; abyss: 62, 14; night: 68, 17: mist: 70, 14; way: 73, 13; well: 108, 19; water: 109, 20; mistress: 129, 10 (cold in death). The list might be indefinitely extended ;. of especially frequent occurrence divejimg, nass, reich, tie/, trilb, weit, wild:, simple, monosyllabic, &yX&mz\.^gross,^ klein, hoch, fern, volt, leer, leicht, schwer, ruhig, latit, still, munter — description reduced to its lowest terms, suggest- ing a general atmosphere, without distinct individuality, content to mirror the mood of the many, not striving towards the psychology of a specific emotion. The absence of the cynical and the bizarre, the mysterious, the romantic, and the vague in Miiller, is chiefly due to the simplicity of his adjective usage. . . . MuUer's use of schneeweiss, Ged., i, ]], i; 77, 10;. ■138 Allen, lilienweiss, r, 135, 23 ; schwarzbraun, 31, 13 ; sckwarzrot, 129, 17; lilienschlank, 132, 3 ; is borrowed from the Volks- lied, where examples occur with monotonous regularity. Wohlgemuth, 135, ig ; gulden, 135, 16; 150,9; fein, 21, 9; 37, 29; 46, 28, etc., are other instances of such borrowing. In the use of adjectives compounded with the prefixes wunder-, aller-, and iiber-, Miiller is much more moderate than Heine, except for the forms ivunderschon and aller- liebst, where the hyperbole is scarcely felt : perhaps a dozen occurrences in all. Likewise of popular origin is the use of the uninflected viel before plurals : Die spann eine silberne Scharpe Viel Sommermonde lang. . . Ged., i, 132. Also Ged., I, 133, 3-4; 2, 50, 19, etc. The uninflected form of the adjective common to the Volkslied is often used by Miiller. Griia Kranzelein darfst du nicht tragen, Ein schneeweiss Haublein sollst tragen, Wie ein jung Jagersfrau tragt. . . KW., I, 293. Mailer : Da steckt kein sittsam Kind Den Kopf zum Fenster 'naus. . . Ged., I, 14. Und's Denken istein luftig Ding. . . Ged., i, 42. Also Ged., I, 39, 3-4 ; ^2,, 7, etc. Adverb. Miiller uses the popular ivol frequently, as does the Volkslied : Es blies ein Jager wohl in sein Horn. . . KW., I, 34. Es ritt ein Ritter wohl durch das Ried. . . KIV., I, 37. Wohl auf mit mir davon. . . KW., I, 46. Wohl an dem Markt da steht ein Haus. . . KW., I, 53. Dort wohl vor jenem Holz. . . KW., I, 139. Wohl in die griine Heide. . . KW., I, 192, etc., etc. lVil!icl]]i MilUcr and the German VolksUed 139 Mailer • Wol aus dem Felsenquell. . . Gee/., i, 5. So wie sie wol bluhen im Mai. . . Gfd., i, 56. Wol Tiber die Brucke, wol iiber den See. . Ged., i, 62. Wol in dem giiinen Mai. . . Ged., i, 65. Wol in der dunkeln Nacht. . . Cei/., i, 69. Wol um den wackern Mann. . . Ged., i, 127. Also Ged., I, 5, 30; 9, 18; 13, 10; 21, I ; 32, 10; 49, 31 ; 5i> 3; 55. 7; 56, 31 ; 65, 19; 66, 3; 66, 12; 67, 4; 70, 2; 73,6; 73,21; 130,6; 132,32-34; 138,36; 138,29. Ged.,2, 21, 25 ; 24, 3; 43, 19; 44, 17; 56, 15 ; 94, 16. In like manner the popular ^«r,- Ein gar erschrecklich Mann. . . XIV., I, 24. Gar weit und breit bekannt. . . KW.. I, 26. Gar schone that er singen. . . KW., I, 37. Gar hoch auf jenem Berg allein. . . KW., I, 69. Stiind mir gar iibel an. . . KW., I, 71. Er hat ihn gar wohl genossen. . . KW., I, 125, etc., etc. Mailer : Gar helle vor mir her. . . Ged., 1, 31. Du stiessest gar zu sehr. . . Ged., i, 126. Er weiss mit Jungfern umzugehn, gar fein. . . Ged., 1, 141. War von gar frommer Art. . . Ged., 2, 61. Gar oft ich mich versah. . Ged., 2, 64. Warum so gar verlegen? . . Ged., 2, 82. Also Ged., I, 4, 34: 5, 4; 33, 24; 46, 10; 47, 29; 63, II ; 64, •9; 123,21; 139,30; 142,29; 149,8; 153,9; 163,27; 166, 30. Ged., 2, 4, 27 ; 26, 28 ; 40, 9 ; 49, 7 ; 52, 26 ; 53,6; 54, 33; 54> 38; 54- 39; 55> 19; 65, 21 ; 93, 2 ; 146, 19; 168, 12. The particle ja, which the Volkslied commonly employs to introduce a repeated refrain : Ich armer Tambursgesell, Man fiihrt mich aus dem Gewolb, Ja aus dem Gewolb. . . KW., I, 78. is used by Miiller especially in dialogue, to lend homely conversation the vernacular touch : Will ja nur eines wissen. . . Ged., i, 8. Ihr wisst ja, was ich meine. . . Ged., i, 11. Du hast ja 's Griin so gern. . . Ged., i, 13. Es kommt dir ja nicht schwer. . . Ged., i, 16. Ich darf ja wieder weinen. . . Ged., i, 25. Du hast ja keinen Schatz bei mir. . . Ged., i, 34. 140 Allen, Also Ged., I, 6, 3; 8, i ; 8, 15; 15, 6; 34, 15 ; 49, 28 ; 54, 20; 55, 24; 62, 7; 67, 6; 83, 20; 85, 19; lor, 30; 127, 19; 139,5; 159,29; 165,33. Ged., 2, 14, 24; 19, 22; 20, 35; 25, 27; 28, 15; 47, 30; 52, 27; 53, 17; 70, 27; 83, 19; 84, 9; 85, 9. Similarly, and for like reason, the following adverbs: Ich klagte so siiss and fein : Ged., i, 13,8. Das ware fein hier, 38, 12. Wenn 's iiberall fein eben war', 66, 26. Doch 's klinget kein Fenster wie deines so fein, 79, 12. Freiheit steht dem Haar so fein, 140, 16. Mit Jungfern umzugehn, gar fein, 141, 10. Er pfiff und lockte grob und fein, Ged., 2, 57, 11. Fein christlich iiberdacht, 64, 20, etc. Und ich mochte flugs ein Fischer sein. Ged., i, 8, 28. Flugs that sie erbrechen das Briefchen so fein, 37, 28. Flugs steckt der Karl den Ring ihr an, 128, 23. Und flugs wird eine Reise bestellt, 129, 28. Und flugs steht alles blank und bloss, 142, 2. Und flugs hing eins sich an des andern Flugel, 164, 34. Flugs bin ich gesprungen ihr nach in das Haus, Ged., 2, 55, 3. Also Ged., i, 168, 21 ; 2, 48, 28; 49, 18 ; 57, 13; 63, 17, etc. And hubsch (Nor musst du hiibsch bleiben, Ged., 2, 54). Flink (Ein kleines Fischermadchen kam flink dahergegan- gen, Ged., 2, 20). Also Ged., i, jj, 26. Ged., 2, 40, 21 ; 54, 15, etc. Mai {\Jnd als ich mal nach Welschland zog, Ged., 1, 142). Also Ged., 2, 53, 19; 62, 19, etc. Halt (Denn wenn er halt nicht schreiben kann, Ged., i, 42). Also Ged., 2, 53, 32. Gelt {GeXt, hab ich 's verstanden? Ged., i, 6). Isolated instances of obsolete or dialectic forms are: 5rt5i (besser), Ged., i, 154, 27. Ged., 2, 38, 3; 44, 24; 86, 28. Jetzo, Ged., i, 99, 30. Sonder, Ged., i, 54, 28; 59, 5. Allweg (immer), Ged., i, 146, 5. Fur {v or), Ged., i, 52, 17; 100, 5. Furder (weiter fort), Ged., 2, 97, 2. Spat (spat), Ged., I, 74,1 4. Zurucke (cf. feme, helle, alleine, etc.), Ged., I, 51, 28. Gleich (sogleich), Ged., i, 145, 32 ; 176, 3, etc., etc. Of the popular adverbial formations in -lich, used largely by Heine, only two occur in Muller: ewiglich, gewisslich. Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied 141 Verb. It would seem impracticable to compare the verb- usages of Miiller and the Volkslied, as regards content or extent, for it would be impossible to define the limits of either satisfactorily. That here Miiller's vocabulary would exceed that of the Volkslied, especially just in the domain of the erotic lyric, is necessary — for, no matter how simple his theme, he is yet dealing with it in a deeper and wider sense than the older popular lyric would or could. And Miiller varies the theme, naturally, oftener than did the lyric Volkslied. In Meinert's collection, for example, some twenty songs deal with the girl within the bed-chamber and the youth without, praying admittance — in such stereotype situation whole verses, nay at times whole stanzas recur with small or no change ; while Miiller, as every conscious modern poet must, treats each new song with differing vocabulary. Miiller uses the older form of the past participle, as does the Volkslied : Und wenn sein Zeit ist kommen. . . KW., I, 26. In Freuden bin ich von ihr gangen. . KW., I, 50. Dass ich gross bin worden. . . KW., Ill, 92, etc. Miiller : Und als die Stunde kommen. . . Ged., i, 125. Ist gangen aus der Welt. . . Ged., i, 128. Mein Schatz ist zogen ins Feld. . . Ged., i, 134. Dann bin ich Jungfrau worden. . . Ged., 2, 17. Also Ged., I, 19, 15; 100, 21 ; 169, 6. Ged., 2, loi, 35; 128, 7; 141, 27. Popular is further the use of thun as auxiliary of tense : Zum Fenster that sie gehen. . . KW., I, 16. Gar hasslich that er sehen. . . KW., I, 24. Ich thu dich nur versuchen. . . KW., I, 63. Thaten dort drei Jungfern stehen. . . KW., Ill, 70. Miiller : Ich that mich zu ihm setzen. . . Ged., r, 33. Denn thatst du zu tief ihr ins Auge sehn. . . Ged., i, 34. Flugs that sie erbrechen das Briefchen. . . Ged., i, 38. - Du thust mir behagen. . . Ged., i, 38. 10 142 Allen, Also Ged., I, 38, 3; 4t, 23; 53, 12; 75, 7; 82, 18; 133, 13; 138, 34; 138, 35- G^^; 2, 40, 23 ; 44, 10; 44, 33 ; 57, 2 ; 6r, 26 ; 98, 19, etc. A conscious archaism is Und war' s gewest eine Nachtigall. . . Ged.i I, 142. of frequent occurrence in the Wunderiiorn, e. ^. Waren sie wieder in der Heidenschaft gewest. . . KW., II, 172. Dialectic and archaic ; Schleuss zu das Gartenthor. Ged., I, 18. Geuss deinen Balsam ein, Ged., i, 123. Und beut euch seine Hand, Ged., 2, 96, 13. (Cf. Uhland's beut, ersckleusst, verschleuss, flengt, entkreucht, zeuch, etc.) Syntax. I. Position of words in the sentence. It were futile to be dogmatic concerning the arrange- ment of words and phrases in so elastic a medium of expression as poetry, for there are certain necessities of rime and cadence whose claims are paramount to the stereotyped order of the prose sentence. Many usages, too, have been crystallized in poetry, after they have been long obsolescent or obsolete in the directer modern speech. And yet there are some few deviations from the norm of accepted syntax, which bear upon them the stamp of coinage in the people's mint, which have grown to the importance of the formulated epic epithet, or the familiar refrain, by their ever-recurrent employment in the Volkslied. Miiller used them, because they reminded of the popular manner, and gave the Wunderhorn-Q^ect to his Waldhorn-songs. Their occasional over-awkwardness is less noticeable in the song that is listened to, than in the stanza as read from the printed page. i) The predicate position of the uninffected attributive adjective, and of the uninflected personal pronoun. a) Adjective : Maria in den Garten trat, Begegnen ihr drey Jiingling zart. . . KW., I, 75. Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied 143 Es reitet die Grafin weit iiber das Feld Mit ihrem gelbhaarigen Tochterlein fein. . . KW., II, 262. Todtlich verwundet sinkt zur Erd Der edle Degenfelder werth. . . KW., II, 267. Mailer: Kein Kreuzlein schwarz, kein Bliimlein bunt, Griin, alles griin so rings und rund. . . Ged., i, i6. Wirf mir herein Dein Tiichlein fein. . . Ged., i, 21. Wer schiittelt die Zweige? Es weht ja kein Wind, Und es spielen urns Haupt mir die Liifte lind. . . Ged., i, 62. Also Ged., I, 16, 29; 16, 31 ; 138, 28 ; 138, 31 ; 150, 6 ; 151, 4, etc. b) Pronoun ; Da nahm er von dem Finger sein Ein Ring von Sonnengolde. . . KW., I, i6. Von rothem Gold ein Ringelein Liess ich im Belt der Liebsten mein. . . KW., I, 313. Es ist der Herzallerliebste dein, Steh auf mein Schatz und lass mich rein. . . KW., Ill, 82. Mailer : Und hinter den Fensterscheiben Da sitzt die Liebste mein. . . Ged., i, 15. Aus den schwarzen Fliigeln dein. Will an meine Liebe schreiben. . . Ged., i, 43. Die allerliebste Buhle sein Ist gangen aus der Welt. . . Ged., i, 128. Also Ged., I, 29, 6; 33, 32; 62, 11 ; 15, 29; 61, 14; 123, 5 ; 123,8; 124,7; 151.1- Ged., 2, \i, i\ \ 18, 28, etc. 2) Insertion between subject and verb of the modifier, where more careful usage would place it at the end of the sentence : Junker Kasper zu der Stuben eintrat, Der Lindenschmidt von Herzen sehr erschrack. . . KW., I, 127. Sankt Daniel zu ihr da lacht, Die Jungfrau spricht: Was hast gelacht? . . KW., I. 76. Das Fraulein die Red vor die Herren bracht. . . KW., II, 177. 144 Allen, Mailer: Lerche sich zum hochsten schwingt Und ihm grad ans Herze sinkt. . . Ged,, I, 35. Der Aar sich in die Wolken schwingt, Die Gemse durch die Klilfte springt. . . Ged., i, 72. Ich bin nicht mehr ein feines Kind, Meine Aeltern schon lange gestorben sind. . . Ged., i, 133. Das Magdiein in den Garten geht Und Maienblumen bricht. . . Ged., i, 134. A rare usage in Miiller as compared with its frequent occurrence in the Volkslied. 3) The inverted order is commonly used for sentences in which some adjunct of the verb comes first in order of thought — that is, the subject follows the verb. The inversion of the subject in such construction is, however, often omitted in the Volkslied and in Miiller : Und als der Pilgersmann zum Hof raus kam, Der Edelmann vom Jagen zuriicke kam. . . JCW., I, 396. Wahrlich nicht besonder viel ! Sie gar spottisch sagte. . . KW., Ill, 92. Einsmals ein Magdiein frisch und Jung, Gieng aufrecht wie ein Hirsch im Sprung. . . KW., Ill, 140. Miiller : Und wenn sich die Liebe Dem Schmerz entringt, Ein Sternlein, ein neues, Am Himmel erblinkt. . . Ged., I, 19. Und als ich mal nach Welschland zog, Manch VBglein mit dem Wandrer flog. . . Ged., i, 142. Im Lande Hukapetapank Ein grosser Konig war. . . Ged., 2, 73. Also: Ged., i, 34, 15; 37, 17; 64, 9; 73, 20; loi, 3, etc. II. Tautology. Tautology, a figure, curiously enough, not uncommon in polished speech, has been shown above to be of rare Wilhelm Muller and the German Volkslied 145 occurrence in the Volkslied, which offers usually terse- ness, and conciseness of utterance. In phrase-resumption, however, there is a sort of tautology which adds to the style a desirable illiteracy, when some such conscious poet, as is Muller, is masking beneath the character of a simple herdsman or postillion, for his model, the "Volks- lied, makes broad use of it, as it does of any simple word- procedure that adds earnestness and intensity to poetic utterance.' i) Resumption of subject by der, die, das : Der Schnee der ist verschmolzen. . . KW., I, 77. Eine Hasel, die war griine. . . KW., I, 192. Der Schall der fuhr zum Fenster hinein. . . KW., I, 275. Mailer : Der Bach, der ist des Miillers Freund. . . Ged., i, 11. Die Eber, die kommen zu Nacht aus dem Hain. . . Ged., I, 14. Mein Zorn, der ist verschwunden. . . Ged., i, 81. Also Ged., I, p. II, 19-20, 117, 15: 148, 9, etc. 2) Resumption of object by der, die, das : Sein Schvverdt das zog er aus der Schied, Sein Schvverdt das stach er dutch sein Herz. . . ICW., I, 268. Eine Arme, die magst du nicht, Eine Reiche, die kriegst du nicht. . KW., II, 445. Die Fisch die that sie sieden und braten. . . KW., Ill, 172. Mailer : Die Eber, die schiesse, du Jagerheld. . . Ged., I, 14. Das Wild das ich jage, das ist der Tod ; Die Heide, die heiss ich die Liebesnoth. . . Ged., i, 16. Und unter der Linde das hohe Grab, Das miissen sie lassen stehn. . Ged., i, 134. ' Seelig (/. (.. 36) thinks that the reason for this phrase-resumption lies rather in the fact that more time is thus won for the development of the thought by the singer. This seems scarcely plausible, when one reflects how little the short interval of time thus gained would avail. 146 Allen, 3) Resumption of locality by da: Zu Koblenz auf der Brucken Da lag ein tiefer Schnee. . . KW., I, 77. Zu Augsburg auf dem Thiirme Wo er gefangen sass. Dakam seine liebste Frau Mutter. . . KW., II, 192. Dort oben auf dem Berge Da steht ein hohes Haus, Da iliehen alle Morgen Zwei Turteltaublein raus. . KW, IIIA, 93. Mailer : Im Krug zum griinen Kranze Da kehrt' icb durstig ein. . . Ged., i, 33. Am Brunnen vor dem Thore Da steht ein Lindenbaum. . . Ged., i, 48. Zu Kollen in dem Dome Da kniet ein Gottesmann. . . Ged., i, 129. Also Ged., I, 12, 9-10; 15, 16-17; 125, 13-14; 128, lo-ii ; 135, 1-2; 135, 23-24, etc. 4) Resumption of time by da : Des Morgens zwischen dreyn und vieren Da miissen wir Soldaten marschieren. . . KW., I, 72. Es that ein Fuhrmann ausfahren, Wohl vor das hohe hohe Haus, Da guckt die Schone dort, Ja dort, zum hohen Fenster raus. . . KW., I, 203. Als sich der Hahn that krahen. Da war es noch lange nicht Tag, Da gingen die jungen Geseelchen Spazieren die ganze Nacht. . KW., II, 207. Mailer ; Horch, wenn im Walde ein Jagdhorn ruft. Da klingt ihr Fensterlein. . . Ged., i, 17. Und als die Hahne krahten. Da ward mein Auge wach ; Da war es kalt und finster, Es schrien die Raben vom Dach. . . Ged., i, 57. Und als die Stunde kommen Da ruft er seinen Buben. . . Ged., i, 125. Also Ged., I, 12, 13; 12, 14; 13, 15; 14, 32; 126, 17-20; 127, 9-12 ; 130, 5-8 ; 132, 30-33, etc. Wilhelm Muller and the German Volkslied 147 III. Omission of the article.'' Omitting the article is a vague sort of personification, or it is at least due to the same tendency in the uncultured mind. It raises the common noun to the level of the proper noun, and thereby endues it with a more independ- ent personality — it makes the commonplace important. The stress which Herder lays upon the effect of eliding the article is well-known {Werke, ed. Kurz, Bd. ii, p. 37 f. — Tiber Ossian und die Lieder alter Volker): 'these trailing articles and particles plague us so and prevent the march of the thought and the passion — yet which of us would dare to elide?' Es fliesst in Liebchens Garten, Da wohnet niemand drein. . . KW., I, 77. Jager auf susses Miindlein Gibt ein Kuss mit Verlangen. . . KW., I, 399. Schone Gestalt macht stolz darbey, Dich nicht verlass auf schone Gestalt. . . KW., Ill, 29. Muller : Weisst du in welchem Garten Bliimlein Vergissmein steht? . . Ged., i, 17. Lerche sich zum hochsten schwingt. . . Ged., i, 35. Frisch und scharf wie Morgenwind. . . Ged., r, 39. Nachtigall ist auch dabei. . . Ged., i, 64. Also Ged., I, 34, 13 ; 34, 29; 38, 3, etc. IV. Omission of the personal pronoun. Omitting the personal pronoun in the Volkslied before the inflected verb, where one would most expect it, lends a peculiar flavor of brusqueness, or immediateness {Unmit- ' Miiller at times inserts the article, to lend the style a popular tone, e. g. Ich klopfe nicht wieder An der Nannerl ihr Haus. . . Ged., i, 79. Dort sitzt der Karl noch immer. . . Ged., i, 129. Wie der Mond, der keusche Freier, Mit der Venus scherzen kann. . . Ged., 2, 90. 148 Allen, telbarkeit) to the style, which meets particularly the needs of the dramatic lyric. Thus it is that Miiller makes such large use of it, as following citations show : So hor mein Nahmen nennen, Will dir ihn sagen frey. . . KW., I, 26. Hast ein Paar Wangelein Wie ein Rubin, Bist gar ein kluger Kerl, Wie ich es bin. . . KW., I, 121. Will ihm geben Korn dafiir. Hoi der Velte das Quartier. . . KW., II, 24. Miiller : Ach Grun, du bose Farbe du, Was siehst mich irnmer an ? . . Ged., i, 17. Hat keirie griinen Blatter, Hat keinen Bliithenduft. . . Ged., i, 18. Die Leute verstehn das Liedchen nicht, Und ist doch kinderleicht. . . Ged., i, 34. Will dich im Traum nicht storen. War' schad' um deine Ruh', Sollst meinen Tritt nicht horen— Sacht, sacht, die Thiire zu ; . . Gee/., i, 47. Also Ged., I, 4, 30; 6, 28 ; 8, 7 ; 11, 29; 12, i ; 14, 18 ; 16, 4 ; 16, 9 ; 18, 9-12 ; 20, 25-26 ; 32, 29 ; 34, 3 ; 34, 33 ; 35,2; 35, 4; 37, 14; 39,6; 40, 12; 41, 2; 42, 18; 43, 14; 43, 16; 46, IS; 49, 31 ; 50, 22: 50, 25; 51, 14; 52,7; 52,20-21 ; 53, 1-2; 53, 8; 54, 18; 54, 20; 54,25; 55, 12; 55, 23; 58,6-8; 58, 33 ; 60, 27-28 ; 61, 5 ; 61, 9-10 ; 62, 29 ; 63, 10 ; 64, 7 ; 67, 7; 68, 18; 73, 7; 73, 15; 73, 30-32; 74, 13; 74, 17; 74, 19 ; 75, 33 ; 76, 8 ; 77, 6 ; 78, 26 ; 78, 28 ; 80, i ; 80, 23 ; 80, 32 ; 81, 7 ; 82, II ; 84, 32 ; 86, 10 ; 87, 18 ; 91, 15 ; 91, 22 ; 93,8-9; 101,21; 101,31; 104,7; 122, 19; 123, 12; 125, 29; 126,13; 127,20; 128,7; 130,1; 136,25; 141,26; 143, 22; 144,10; 148, 22; 148,35; 149, 5; 150, 23; 150, 27; 166, 17. Ged., 2, 4, 15; 14, 13-14; 17, 16; 18, 34; 27,24; 28, 18; 33, 26; 34, 9; 47, 22; 51, 14; 53, 10; 53, 30; 54, 6-7; 55, 24; 57, 15 ; 63, 10; 63, 23; 72,9; 76,35; 78, 15; 78, 18-21 ; 85, 32 ; 86, 7 ; 86, 9 ; 90, 14 ; 93, 9, etc., etc. Wilhehn MilUer and the German VolksUed 149 The impersonal 'es'. The impersonal construction with es offers us a stereo- type introduction for the Volkslied stanza. Its wide use undoubted!}' sprang originally from metrical reasons, because it allowed a much greater choice in the matter of end-rime, when it was later found, perhaps, that its use aroused an added interest in the listener, by postponing the real subject of the active verb.' Miiller uses this es, as we would expect, quite often. Es wollt ein Jager jagen. . . KW., I, 139. Es trug das schwarzbraun Madelein. . . KW., I, 189. Es wollt ein Madchen Rosen brechen gehn. . . KW., I, 192. Es that ein Fahrmann ausfahren. . KW., I, 203. Es ging ein Miiller wohl iibers Feld. . . K W., I, 218. Etc., etc. The Wunderhorn alone contains ninety (90) such opening verses, not to mention the innumerable cases of such usage which occur in the body of the song. The popularity of this formula with es may be also accounted for by the fact that the colorless impersonal takes on the color of the later appositional subject, thus strengthening the personality of the agent of the action. Miiller -- Es singen wol die Nixen. . . Ged., i, 5. Es kommt der Junker Morgenwind. . . Ged., i, 84. Es war eine Konigstochter. . Ged., i, 132. Es war ein Pfalzgraf an dem Rhein. . Ged. 2, 44. Es bliihen Blutnen mannichfalt. . . Ged., 2, 51. Es war einmal ein Musikus. . . Ged., 2, 75. And very often. More often, doubtless, had it not been that so many of his songs are connected too closely into cycles, the mood depicted in the one the very outcome of that in the foregoing, to permit of a new beginning with the impersonal construction, which would in such case tend to retard rather than accelerate the action. 2) A step beyond the foregoing es, and therefore sepa- rate from it, is the indefinite pronoun es, which Miiller ^ In den Volksliedern, welche Goethe in Elsass fiir Herder sammelte, begegnet uns mehrfach ein auffallendes, syntactisch theils durch Apposi- tion, theils nicht erklarliches ' es '. Erich Schmidt, Richardson, Rousseau und Goethe, p. 259. I50 Allen, employs (as did Heine very largely)' to breathe across the scene the suggestion of the vague or the mysterious. Thus: Da ward es kalt und finster, Es schrien die Raben vom Dach. . . Ged., i, 57. Es hat geflammt die ganze Nacht Am hohen Himmelsbogen. . . Ged., 1. 86. Aus des Herzens tiefetn, tiefem Grunde Klingt es mir wie Glocken, dumpf und matt. . . Ged., i, 102. By the conscious suppression of the impersonal, Miiller occasionally attains a directness peculiar to popular style, as in : War einst ein Glockengiesser Zu Breslau in der Stadt. . . Ged., i, 124. but more often the effect of rest or melancholy, as in Haben ausgetobt die, Stiirme, Sind verhallt die Donner, Sind vergliiht die Blitze. . . Ged., i, 124. Substitution of ' der ' for V;- '. Popular is further the placing of the'emphatic personal pronoun der, where the usual pronoun of the 3d person would be expected : Der Jager, den ich meine, Der ist uns vvohl bekannt. . . KW., I, 140. Ich sing ein neues Lied, Von einem feinen Fraulein, Und wie es dem ergieng. . . KW., II, 392. Zu Constanz sass ein Kaufmann reich, Der hat ein Fraulein war wonnigleich. . . KW., Ill, gg. Mailer : Der lauft bei Tag und lauft bei Nacht Und ruht sich nimmermehr. . . Ged., i, 31. Wer hat das Wandern doch erdacht ? Der hatt' ein Herz von Stein. . . Ged., 1, 32. Der segne Fiedel dir und Bass Mit gutem Strich und Druck ! . . Ged., i. 42. Also Ged., I, 20, 3; 19, 13; 33, 19; 45, S ; 65, 16, etc. ' Seelig, /. c, p. 40. Wilhelm Miiller and the Gennaii Volkslied i$i \ CONCLUSION. To the statement made at the beginning- of this study, that new sources for biography and criticism of Miiller are practically closed, must be added the following extract from a letter of the late Prof. Max Miiller, dated Feb. 15th, 1900: 'I have little to offer, for, as you know, my father's library was completely destroyed by fire. I have, however, lately discovered a few fragments among my mother's papers. I also remember in the Morgenblatt (Cotta) specimens of a tragedy by my father — something like a Prince of Syracuse, interrupted by his death. . . . There is also a kind of diary, before he left Berlin to go into the war, but these are papers which I could not give up without carefully reading them over once more.' — It is always possible that something may be learned of the blonde Jewess ('jiidische Blondine') of Dessau, who inspired the cycle Johannes und Esther {Ged., i, pp. 23-29), and appeared as heroine in the novel Debora (cf. also the despondent lyric entitled Hoffnungslose Liebe, published in Frauentaschenbuch fur das Jahr 1826, p. 53, but not taken up in his collected poems. The sombre opening stanza : Den Menschen kann ich es nicht sagen — Sie lachten wohl mit meiner Noth ; Dem Hiramel darf ich es nicht klagen — Ich liebe gegen sein Gebot. bespeaks too elemental a passion to be purely fictitious, but may refer to another than the Jewess). — There may be added here other instances of Miiller's reminiscences of the Volkslied, omitted in the statement of a preceding chapter. Miiller's Gestern fuhr ich auf dem Wasser, Heute sitz' ich auf dem Sand ; Gestern halt' ich noch ein Dirnel, Heut hat's mir den Korb gesandt. . . Ged., i, 74. differs but slightly from the final stanza of Des Schiffers Liebe iZiska und Schottky, 104) : 152 Allen, Bald foahr i af 'm Wissa, Bald foahr i af 'm Roan ; Baid ha-n-i a. Dia''nd'l, Bald bin 1 alloaii. Cf. also isTPF., II, 15. All but one of the six stanzas of Muller's Liebesaufruf, — Ged., I, 73, are an extension of the second quatrain of Wenn und aber {Ziska und Schottky, 137) : So zieh' ich aus zur Maienzeit Auf griine Liebeslust: Ist's Fensterlein erst aufgethaut, Wird's warm auch um die Brust. . ., etc. And in the Gestanzel: Und 's Dia'nd'l hid g'sagt ; 's wa''s Fensterl vafroa''n ; Wia da rechti Bua is kemma, Is 's glai afg'laiiit woar'n.^ Attention has been called above to the opening stanza of Muller's Liebesgedanken {Ged., i, "jG), which was taken from the SchnaderMlpfel in Ziska und Schottky, p. 66. Miil- ler repeats the bold anaphora of these verses in his Der Berghirt : Je welter meine Stimme dringt, Je heller sie mir wiederklingt. Je stolzer mir mein Madchen thut, Je hoher steigt empor mein Muth. . Ged., i, 72. For the loneliness of the last stanza : Ach, Madchen, Madchen, nimm mich bald ! Es ist so od', es ist so kalt Hier oben. Cf. the first song in Meinert ; Die armen Hirten : Liver Obed kuomm azu,^ Kuomm azu onn blai ni lang — 's ies dan oeme Kietlen bang !' ' Aflaina=aufthauen. ' Obed=Abend. ' Kietlen=Kuhhirtchen. Wilhelm Miiller and the German Volkslied 153 Meinert's Der eifersuchtige Knabe (p. 147) contains in the first 3 stanzas the theme of MuUer's Ber Todtgesagte {Ged., I, 133), although the last five stanzas of the Volkslied develop the thought in the stereotype Was sog er aus der Tasche- Was zog er von dem Ftnger-manner, which strikes less full than Miiller's successful closing pathos. Miiller's Gesellschaftliches Trinklied fur Philister, 2d stanza : Und ein Bach, o grimme Pein ! Schied sie voneinander, Er wollt' hin, und sie wollt' her, Schrien beide gar zu sehr, Dass es mich erbarmte. Doch bald fiel es beiden ein : Kalt und tief kann 's Wasser sein — Gaben sich zufrieden. . . Ged., 2, 53. is close to Meinert's Der Steg: A5' onn ay, fains Maederlai ! Wi kuomm ich hait zu dir? Dos sayn zwa life Wasserlai Wuol zweischer mir onn dir. Dos aene hor ich derw6te, Dos ander ies mir zu tif ; Ich feacht, ich meicht dertreinke. Wear' mir ock laed eim dich. . . p. 39. Miiller's Herr Meister und Frau Meisterin, Lasst mich in Frieden weiter ziehn Und wandern. . Ged., i, 5. recalls Meinert's Des Gesellen Wahl : Herr IVIaester ! ich sol rache, Eitz keimmt di Wanderzait ; p. 148. Meinert's Abrede (p. 227) I have elsewhere shown to be the source of M.vi}\&r's Abrede {Ged., i, 81), and Thranen und Rosen {Ged., i, 138). Mod. Lang. Notes, xvi, 73-76. An examination of Biisching und von der Hagen : Samm- lung deutscher Volkslieder (1807), recently undertaken in Ber- lin by Prof. NoUen, develops the interesting fact that the themes of the songs therein contained often paralle. closely those themes of the Wunderhorn, which have 154 Allen, been cited in a previous chapter, as similar in matter and form to the motives of Miiller. Miiller knew and used this book, as he did Ziska und Schottkyand Meinert, and yet, except perhaps in two instances, the recounting of the passages referred to would possess no more than bib- liographic interest, as the}' add no new point to the dis-" cussion. One of these instances of import would seem to be Die Linde {Busching, 183): Er machte da ein tiefes Grab, Der Braut zum Ruhebette — Da schlaft die Jungfrau in guter Ruh, Im Schatten der griinen Linde. which is similarl}' treated in Miiller's Die durre Linde: Und wenn mein Herz im Lenze bricht, Legt raich in dieses Grab ; Dann treibt die Linde frisches Laub, Das wehen die Winde nicht ab. . . Ged., i, 135. In the romantic coloring of Miiller's verses, however, it is not the lover who digs the grave — the grave is made by the withered leaves fallen from the tree above, when hope was given over. — The other passage from Busching (p. 60) : Wenn Hannchen sanft am Ufer ruht, Da fischt's sich noch einmal so gut ; Da drangt ins Netz sich gross und klein, Als wollt'n sie alle gefangen sein. is the theme of Miiller's Die gluckliche Fischerin : Sie stand im Boot und fischte — Ich sah 's vom Ufer her : Ins Netz die Fischlein sprangen, Als ob's zum Tanze war'. , . Ged., 2, 18. Used elsewhere in his Lieder aus deni Meerbusen von Salerno, e. g. Doppelte Gefahr, st. 5, Ged., 2, 18. Die Muscheln, 2, 19, etc. Also Ged., i, 66. The greatest similarity between Miiller and the Volks- lied (especially the Schnaderhupfel) is not always in theme or manner, but in meter. A study of Miiller's doggerel meters, as learned from the popular song, and varied from IVilhehn'Muller and the German Volkslied 155 it, would be important in determining his influence upon Heine, which is perhaps more far-reaching than at pres- ent suspected. Such study was omitted from these pages primarily because of the promise made by Goetze (1895) to devote attention to it — a promise, so far as I can learn, still unfulfilled (April, 1901). Except in case of prior pub- lication elsewhere, I shall publish an article on Miiller's popular meters, as soon as may be. I should also like to use this opportunity to call atten- tion to a further note or two on Miiller, of too fragmen- tary a nature to warrant separate appearance elsewhere. First, to the last clear-cut picture of Miiller, shortly before his death, in Theobald Kerner's Das Kernerhaus und seine G'dste (1894), p. 59, which furnishes a sad contrast to Schwab's happy characterization of him years before {Ged., I, Introd., xviii). Miiller's autobiographic poem DieVierundneiinziger{Ged., 2, "jf) is close to the poem, ' which was to have told the story of Biirger's life,' Hebe hock das Haupt empor (for the history of which cf. Burgers sammtl. Ged., ed. Grisebach, 1889, vol. 2, 236). The opening stanza of Miiller^s An die Ungunstigen reminds directly of the corresponding stanza in Seume's oft-quoted Die Gesctnge (Wustmann, Als der Grossvater . . . I895^ 621). The closing verses of his drinking song. Was sich reimt, Miiller had evidently from Logau's epigram on Rhein- Wein (cf. Fr. v. Logaus Sinngedichte, ed. Goedeke, i, 365) : Logau . Reimet sich gleich Wein und Rhein, Reimt sich Wasser nicht mit Wein. Miiller Darum reimt sich nimmermehr Wein und Wasser, voll und leer, Frohe Briider und ein Bar. both of which remind strongly of Uhland's : Es reimt sich trefiSich : Wein und Schwein, Und passt sich kostlich : Wurst und Durst, Bei WiirstP.n gilt's zu biirsten. 156 Allen, One of Miiller's Serenades in Ritornelles (several of which had their origin in Italian popular poetry) entitled Die Wangengrubchen, finds its probable source in Gio- vanni Meli's song to a bee (cf. Egeria, p. 249, where it appears in the Sicilian dialect as Lu Labbru. Transl. by Heyse : Italienisches Liederbiich, p, 215. A sinnilar song in the Venetian dialect in Kopisch's Agruini, Berl., 1838, p. 70). Miiller was influenced more or less formally by Paul Gerhardt, and traces of that influence appear where we would least of all expect them, i. e. in his drinking songs (!). Mr. Hatfield has shown that Miiller loves to be recondite in his copying, by citing the paraphrase which the poet made of Sally in Our Alley, to place among his Ritornelles. The metrical form of Miiller's ballad Est Est I (cf. R. Kohler, Kleinere Schriften, iii, 1900, p. 14, f.) is much like that of Gerhardt's Zweierlei bitf ich von dir, and Christliche Zufriedenheit {Ged., v. P. G., ed. Goedeke, pp. 80, 89). Rhythmical similarity also between Miiller's Der Zechbruder und sein Pferd and Gerhardt's Danklied {ibid., p. 17). Miiller knew Gerhardt closely, having edited him for Brockhaus {Bibl. d. Dichter d. ly. Jahrh., 1822). Mailer's War der gut, so kehrt' er ein, Vfar der schlecht, so sprengt' er fort. . . Ged., 2, 65. is a reminiscence of Gerhardt's 1st dir's gut, so geht er's ein, Ist's dein Schade, spricht er : Nein. . . p. go. Also the cumulative word-effects especially common to (other 17th century poets and most of all to) Gerhardt : Zorn, Zank, Hass, Neid und Streit. . , p. 112. Arm, Reich, Herr, Diener, Frau und Mann. . . p. 188. Er hau, er brenn, er stech, er schneid. . p. 227. are used frequently by Miiller ; Herr, Frau, Knecht, Magd und Vieh. . . Ged., 2, 73. Schenke, Schenkin, Kellner, Knapp.' . . Ged., 2, 65. Dass die Kranze, Strausse, Flechten, Bander, Schiirzen, Rocke fliegen. . . Ged., i, 153, etc. Wilhehii Milller and the German Volkslied 157 The opening stanza of MuUer's Einkleidung : Sie stand im Kinderrockchen Noch gestern vor der Thfir ; Heut sitzt sie hinterm Fenster Und stellt ein Madchen fiir. . . Ged., i, 100. reminds involuntarily of Uhland's Wunder (1805): Sie war ein Kind vor wenig Tagen, Sie ist es nicht raehr, wahrlich nein. Bald ist die Blume aufgeschlagen, Bald hiillt sie halb sich wieder ein. In like manner compare Miiller's Des Muller''s Blumen (Ged., I, 11) and Uhland's 3d Wanderlied {In der Feme), Heinels NeuerFriXhling, no. 13, 'K\c\i&xiAorWs Jugendsehnen, no. 4. Compare Miiller's Thrdnenregen with Uhland's Die Zufriedenen, Heine's Lyr. Int. no. 42, Eichendorff's Ablo- sung. Compare Miiller's Mein ! Ged., i, 12 with Eichen- dorff's Fruhlingsnacht (3d stanza), where the resemblance seems too near to mistake, etc. Again and again in Miiller the reader meets rhythms and verses and themes which bring at once to mind some dimly sensed and remembered places from the poems of other romanticists, and yet, often, when such correspond- ences are found and compared the mutual resemblance, though striking, does not necessarily imply plagiarism, either witting or unwitting. It may be fairly said that in certain of their songs Miiller and Eichendorff and Heine, Brentano and Uhland, are dealing in limited fashion with the same themes — the life of the road, the forest and its birds, the romantic landscape of spring, with its humble nature and its humble love, and that therefore their very words and rimes cross and recross most confusingly, because of their small vocabulary. They all borrowed largely of the lyric folk-song, they all knew the Wunder- horn, as the pietist knows his bible, they all adopted the doggerel quatrain as the vehicle of many a simple lay. So it comes, perhaps, that Miiller seems compounded of all of them, while yet the pupil of none. He owes much to many and yet not all to any one, or any few. The soft radiance of his songs, set beside the glory of Goethe's, 158 Allen, or the steady glow of Uhland's, or the glare of Heine's, need not dim to insignificance, for if his light be but the reflection of their greater brilliancy, it is still not imita- tive or borrowed. Miiller seems always understated or overstated. Schur6 {Gdd Liedes, p. 379), after a lengthy eulogium of Miiller, says ot him : Ware ihm ein langeres Leben vergonnt worden, so hatte er vielleicht Uhland iibertroffen. Hatfield (Poetry of W. M.) magnifies him, it may be, a diameter or two. Von Klenze (Deut. Lyrik) calls him shallow and superficial. And yet not only as a conclusion of this study, but as a direct result of it, I think it were safe to assume that Miiller was more than the librettist of Schubert.' That he ' Finck (in his Chopin and Other Musical Essays, 1889, p. 6f.) has invented the expression, _/«mfo/«a«za (or Jumboism) for what he terms the tendency to esteem art in proportion to its bulk, to measure it with a yard-stick — the tendency which even in the nineteenth century prevented Chopin and Franz from being recognized as geniuses of the first rank, because they wrote no five-act operas or four-story symphonies, but only short pieces and songs. On this principle, he says, an elephant like Jumbo would be a finer animal than a humming bird or a bird of paradise, a sunflower more beautiful than a pansy. Is it true that Miiller has suffered at the hands of a criticism, at least partially prone to accept the domination of the yard-stick? Is it not worth the question (given no greater prominence than the fine-type of this foot-no(e) whether Goethe, or Schiller, or Heine could have achieved the surpassing glory of their reputation as poets (in the narrower sense of the word), had they had to depend upon their shortest and most beautiful effusions ? To realize the importance of this query, we must recall that Miiller is avowedly a poet in miniature. The song to him is the vehicle for all artis- tic striving, the compass of the expression of his whole personality. No one else ever found so many variations to the simple melody of a single theme. A wintry scene and a lonely journeyman serve for the material of the 24 songs of the Winterreise : not even the mood varies, or the land- scape — no accessories, no diversion — no striving for effect, no colored word- painting — one sombre hue envelops all ; the winter of the journey and the winter of the journeyman. But Schubert? Are the melancholy songs of Schubert's Winter Journey 'a record of personal grief, expressing the winter of his discontent, or is the sad music simply a reflex of the sad vvrords ' (Read Spaun, Mayrhofer, Kreissle, Grove, Finck, etc.) ? Let it be said once that Schubert was perhaps but the interpreter of Miiller, the per- fect interpreter and still but the interpreter — that Schubert set the words to music, or rather sec music to the words, and the music was beautiful, but that so were the words. And surely the first perfect music of these winter- songs sounded in the heart of the poet who first wrote them, viz. Wilhelm Miiller. JVilhelm Milller and the German Volkslied 159 could translate Greek folksong better than could Goethe is surely much. That he could warm the young Heine to admiration is more than a temporary victory. That under his hand Italian triolets became so German that their source went long unsuspected is an added laurel. That he wrote a ballad which is a fit mate for Uhland's best denotes something beyond mere mediocrity. That he is the equal of Eichendorff in whole chaplets of unas- suming lyrics means that he can never be disregarded by his people — if he sleeps in the columbaria of their his- tories of literature, he still lives in the Commersbucher. An adequate edition of his verses is needed, to bring him anew to Germany. Philip S. Allen. University of Chicago. ^be XXnivcxeit^ ot Cbicago FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKBFEUBR THE TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE FROM GUNTHER TO THE APPEARANCE OF GOETHE'S WERTHER A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTIES OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOLS OF ARTS, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE, IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (department of GERMANIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES) BY MAX BATT CHICAGO Xlbe mnivcrsftB ot Cbtcago press 1902 T INTRODUCTION. Even a cursory examination of the carefully compiled and excep- tionally well -annotated bibliographies of Biese (Zeitschrift fiir ver- gleichende Literaturgeschichte, VII, 311 ff., and XI, 211 ff.) and von Klenze (Journal of Germanic Philology, II, 243 ff.) will reveal to one unfamiliar with the general theme of the treatment of nature in litera- ture and art the increasing interest manifested of late in this subject. Since the publication of Biese's fundamental work. Die Entwickelung des Naturgefuhls im Mittelalter und in der Neuzeit (1888), there is, however, less need of suggestive studies covering the whole field — as F. T. Pal- grave attempted to do in Landscape and Poetry (1897) — than of detailed investigations of single periods, like Miss Reynolds's The Treatment of Nature in English Poetry between Pope and Wordsworth (1896). The (approximately) corresponding period in German literature — that is, the half-century before Goethe — has, to my knowledge, been discussed, outside of Biese's suggestive rather than exhaustive chapter dealing with the poetry, only in a " Programm " by Winter, Beitrage zur Geschichte des Naturgefuhls (Harburg, 1883). As Winter had to reduce his investigation to a very narrow compass, he could accord only a more or less summary treatment to the principal authors of the period, and did not go beyond the realm of poetry for data pertaining to the nature-sense. The present study is an attempt, not only to enlarge upon his discussion of nature in the poetry between Giinther and the young Goethe, but also to discover to some extent in the letters, travels, and fiction of the period what indications there are of the development of the nature-sense in the second and third quarters of the eighteenth century. I have resorted to the illustrations found in Winter's and Biese's investigations only when some special reason induced me to use them. Furthermore, as the time limit of my study is the year 1774, I have endeavored not to discuss any works after this date, unless they are of prime importance in the immediate development of the nature- sense, as in the case of Stolberg and Goethe. THE TREATMENT OF NATURE IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. To UNDERSTAND more fully the change of attitude toward nature which came to pass in the eighteenth century, endeavor should be made to find out the chief characteristics that marked the treatment of nature in the poetry of the seventeenth century. For this purpose it is perhaps best to examine in detail the works of some representative poet and draw illustrations from others indicative of the same spirit. Martin Opitz (1597-1639) is, no doubt, the central figure of the period under discussion. His own as well as succeeding generations looked upon him as their fountain-head; hence his view of nature is prob- ably typical of the seventeenth century. It may be noted at once that he refers not infrequently to idyllic life — he was, as is well known, influenced particularly by Horace — and that a strikingly large number of his similes and apostrophes appertain to the life in nature. Pure descriptions, on the other hand, are of rare occurrence. Beginning may be made by noting his references to morning, day, and night. The poet bids the hours to hasten and the dawn to harness Phoebus's horses, and inquires of the moon why she tarries — all this because of the absence of his beloved.' He calls upon Aurora to put on her red and yellow dress and shine forth, so that the pearly dew may no longer moisten the fields and the mist of the clouds be dis- persed ; for the entire earth, mountain, and valley should enjoy this feast (namely birthday).' The sun, the eye of the world,^ the ornament of this earth, is implored ' Vom Abwesen seiner Liebsten^ 5. 2 Geburtsgetichte^ 4. — For references to morning in the works of other seventeenth-century writers see Anselm von Ziegler, Asiatische Bantse, 344, 372, 432 : "Die morgenrdthe glantzt mit lichten rosen- haaren Mit der verschwundnen nacht scblaft das gestirne ein. Die nachtigal erwacht, und will beschafftigt seyn, Das neue tageslicht aufs schdnste zu begriissen." — Simon Dach, Morgen-Lied^ 96, and especially Friedrich Spee, TrHtz-Nachiigall^s.: " Wann Morgenrdt sich zieret Mit zartem Rosen- glanz, Und gar sich dann verlieret Der niichtlich Stementanz ; Gleich liistet mich spazieren In griinen Lorbeerwald Der griine Wald ertdnet Von krausem Vogelsang, Mit Stauden stolz gekrdnet Die Kruften geben Klang, Die Bachlein krumb geflochten Auch lieblich stimmen ein, Von Steinlein ange- fochten Gar siisslich sausen drein." — Other passages in the Trutz-Nachtigall (34, 54, 73i 77) show Spec's fondness for morning walks, while still others make mention of the beauty of the dewdrops (87.137)- 3 P. 109. 5 6 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE by Judith" not to be angry because of her going to the enemy of God. In another place'' the lovely beams of the sun, which gleamed from the peaks of the mountains, seemed to console, as it were, the speaker. When the old woman {Schdfferey) pronounced the incantation, the sun seemed to grow pale with fright, no singing of birds was heard, nothing stirred but the trembling trees.^ The poet asks, " What is more beautiful than women ?" and answers, "Not the flowers in the fields, nor the land and the wide sea, when they are painted by the beams of the sun coming from Ethiopia." 4 Evening receives more consideration. Observe this description : "Wie schone sieht es auss, Wann nun der Abendstern dess Himmels blaue Hauss Mit seinem Lichte ziert, wirfft von der Berge Spitzen Den Schatten in den Fluss, an dem die Vogel sitzen Und singen iiber- laut ? Es scheint der Wald folgt nach, Gleich wie das Wasser scheusst, und schwimmet in der Bach."^ Descriptions somewhat different are found in the poems Elegie and Auff Herrn Johann Seylers Hochzeit!' Although night brings peace and rest to all, for the poet it is a sor- rowful time, if the two stars (the eyes of his beloved) do not shine upon him.^ The moon, whose light irradiates the brown night, and the stars, whose luster paints the structure of the sky, are asked by Holofernes {Judith, 331) to appear joyful.^ ^ Judith^ 328; "Sonne, Zier der Erde, Die du zu der Nachtruh schreitest Und die miiden Pferde In die See zum Trincken reitest " — Cf. Andreas Gryphius, Carde?izo und Celinde^ 1. 624: '*Wie kan ich sonder Grauen Das Auge dieser Welt, die lichte Sonn anschaun, Die vorhin meine Freud, ietzt meine Schmach bestrahlt Und mein bestUrtzt Gesicht mit scheuer Rothe mahlt ?" 2 Schafferey V07i der Nimfen Hercinie^ 108. 3 P. 136. 4 An Herrn David Mullern^ iiber die Geburt seiner lieben Tochter, 33. Note also this simile: " die Schonheit des Leibes (ist) ein Heroldt der Tugend .... als wie der Glantz, welcher sich diesen Morgen von hiesigem Gefilde blicken Hess, eine Vorbote der giildenen Sonnen war" {Schafferey^ 11^4). ZZlatna, 49. — Cf. Lohenstein, Cleopatra (1. 1370): " W^ie wenn der diistre Schimmer Dess braunen Abends itzt die blauen Hiigel deckt . . . ,," and {\. 2815): "Doch wie die Abendt-Roth, Indem sie in das Meer bepurpert untergeht, Ein helles Morgen-Licht der Sonnen uns bedeutet '* 6" Die Sonn' hat sich verkrochen, Der Tag ist gantz dahin, Der Mond ist angebrochen, Die Arbeit-Trosterin, Die Nacht, hat angeleget Ihr Schwartzes Trauerkleyd, Kein Grass ist das sich reget, Kein Baum nicht weit und breit. Die Welt ist schon zu Bette, Und hat die Augen zu, Wir schlaifen in die Wette, Das Meer liegt auch in Ruh ; Nur zweene Geister wachen, Der Krieg- und Liebesgott " (37) . 7 P. 17, and Nachtklage, 10. — Andreas Gryphius, Leo Arminius^ Reyen der Priester, 58, 93, and Cardenio und Celinde (1. 1710) : " Die dunckel-braune Nacht Hatt' in den Mittel-punct des Himmels sich gemacht; Diane stieg hervor mit halb-verwandten Wangen . . . ." — Simon Dach, 32: "'Die Sonne lest des Himjnels Saal, Versetzt mit Sternen ohne Zahl, Wie einen bunten Teppich stehen, Der Schlaf trit Wald und Stadten zu, Gonnt Vieh und Menschen ihre Ruh ! '* 8 Cardenio (Gryphius, Cardenio und Celinde^ 11. 1140 ff.) implores the stars to assist him, and in describing the quiet of the night he says : " Man hort von weitem nur der wackem Hunde Heulen Und einsames Geschrey der ungeparten Eulen." — Spee (XIII, 63) asks the moon and stars to mourn with him. IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 7 Spring is the only season which the poet describes.' All its strik- ing features are narrated in the dialogue between Nuszler, Venater, and Buchner in the Schafferey (139) : N. Wann alles uberschneyt Und zugewintert ist, so kompt der Friihling wieder. V. Dann hort man durch die Lufft der Vogel schone Lieder. B. Das Vieh veriest den Stall. N. Die Weide wird verjungt. V. Die Blumen finden sich. B. Cibelens Fichte bringt Ein neues Laub herfiir. N. Die fromme Birke bluhet. V. Die Eiche schlaget auss. B. Der siisse Weinstock siehet Sich nach den Augen umb. N. Der Obstbaum zeucht sein Kleidt, Die Blatter wieder an. V. Das Stadtvolk ist erfreut. B. Das Dorff geht auf das Feldt. N. So last uns dem vertrauen, Der Dorff, Statt, Obst und Wein, der Baume, Feldt und Auen, Der Vieh und Vogel hegt ; Sein werther Sonnen- schein wird nach der strengen Lufft uns desto lieber seyn This gives us, not an original picture, to be sure, but a typical description of the arrival of spring by seventeenth-century poets in Germany. Other phenomena of the sky which are mentioned are the wind, thunderstorm, and lightning. The power of the first Opitz recognizes full well, for he says :".... es ist nichts auff der Welt, Das fast dess Windes Macht die rechte Wage halt, Weil auch die hochste Krafft ohn ihn sich nicht beweget. Der Wind macht einig nur, dass sich das Feuer reget, Ohn ihn entschlaft die See." ' Continuing, the poet compares the fire of the volcano to the action of the winds : "So 1 This is true of the poets of the seventeenth century, with some exceptions, however. Dach {Herbst-Liedchen, 107, 136) speaks of the sadness of autumn, and Spec (81) of the fertility of summer. These two poets have, also, together with Logau, characterized spring and the month of May in a man- ner less conventional than is usually found in the works of their contemporaries. The following lines are especially remarkable : " Dieser Monat [MaiJ ist ein Kuss, den der Himmel gibt der Erde, Dass sie ietzund seine Braut, kunfftig eine Mutter werde" (Logau, 173). — " Diese Meyen-Zeit, Da sich Himmel, See und Land kniipffen in ein Heyrath-Band .... Hort man in den Waldem nicht, Wie sich Baum und Baum bespricht?" (Dach, r2o). — "Der triibe Winter ist fiirbei, Die Kranich wieder- kehren. Nun reget sich der Vogelschrei, Die Nester sich vermehren " (Spee, 26J. — Grimmelshausen says (XXXIV, 106); " [Simplicius geht] . . .die Donau hinauf nacherUlm .... well es eben im Mai und lustig zu reisen war." — Other references to spring are found in Dach, Vor Jahrs Liedcken^ 114; Vorjakrs-Lied, iig; Auf Reinnar Leos Hochzeit, 129; Spee, 70; David Schirmer, 374 ; Gcorg Harsdorffer, Der Frukling; and Philipp von Zesen, An seine Gedanken bet herzunahenden Friihling;, 2 Vesuvius, 155. 8 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE geht das Feuer an wie etwan von den Winden, Wann ihr ergrimmter Sturmb den Wald zusammen treibt, Ein Baum so offt und viel dess andern Aeste reibt, Dass durch Erhitzung sich der liechte Loh emporet, Von dem zu wiiten wird nicht eher auffgehoret, Biss mit der Piische Zier den Stammen auch das Kleid Der Erden Laub und Grass, durchauss ist abgemeyt." A thunderstorm is thus pictured : " Das Liecht ward schwartze Nacht, der Himmel lieff zusammen, In dickes Finsterniss, die Wolcken gaben Flammen Und eilten hefftig fort, man sahe keinen Tag, Als wann der grimme Plitz durch einen Donnerschlag Vorher gesendet kam, der Winde starckes Prausen Bewegte Wald und Berg mit seinem wilden Sausen, Die Lufft ward lauter See, der Hollen gantzes Reich Erregte seine Krafft, die Baume wurden bleich." " It was stated in the first paragraph of this chapter that nature was used almost exclusively in comparisons. Particularly is this true of all sea-pictures. Although the similes and metaphors which may be noted show no great originality, yet it is worthy of note that so many (four- teen) are drawn from this feature in nature. The god of war," says the poet, chases hither and thither, like the furious sea, when the troubled waters climb up to the clouds and the waves drive one another toward the shore, rapidly and in countless numbers. The turbulence of the sea, its horrors and dangers, are pointed out frequently, and Opitz him- self is the author of the following lines, which are most characteristic of the general attitude toward nature, as it is found expressed in the writings of the representative men of the age : Auff grosser See sind grosse Wellen, Viel Klippen, Sturm und barter Wind ; Wer klug ist, bleibet bey den Quellen, Die in den griinen Waldern sind.^ The features of his inland scenery are the brook, the hill and 1 Sch'dfferey^ etc., 137. 2 Lgb ties Krieges- Gottes, 93. 3 P. 16. Cf. V£elgui,gg; Trostgedz'c/tie zn Wzderweriig-^ez'i dess ICri'eg-es, z-;!, jiS, and especially 312; Jztdith^ 331. — Cf. also Anselm von Ziegler, Aszatische Banzse, 382; " Die feste liebebleibt, wenn schoD die stoize see Den grund-erbosten schaum biss an die steme schmeisset, Und segel, mast und baum in saltz und wasser reisset." — Lohenstein, Armznius zind Thusnelda: " Liebe, ^urcht, Hoffnung, Eyversucht, Rache und Verzweiflung machten in seinem Hertzen ein schreckliclier Ungewitter, als ein Ocean auf der See seyn kan, wo ein rasender Wind wider den andem stosst, eine Welle die andere ver- schlingt, der Blitz die stockfinstere Nacht erleuchtei, vom Donner Wolcken und Schiffe zerbersten, Him- mel und Erde sich mit einander vermischen." — Spee, Trutz- Nachtigall-, in, 83: "Das wilde Meer nun brauset Und wiithet ungestiim. Nun still eswieder sauset Und liegt in runder Kriim." — Fleming, 64 : " Das bose Meer, das heute brausetj Wird morgen still und milder sein. Wenn Boreas hat ausgesauset, so tritt ein linder Zephyr ein," IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 9 valley, and the forest. It is to the last that the poet resorts when seeking rest.^ In a pastoral mood he sings : So weit die griine Lust und hohen Walder gehn. So weit wird mein Gedicht' an alien Baumen stehn. Ihr Oerter voller Freud', ihr Auffenthalt der Hirten, Ihr Bach*, ihr Ahornbaum', ihr Quell, ihr zarten Myrten, Ihr Thaler, ihr Gebirg', ihr Blumen und ihr Stein', Ihr Wohnhaus aller Rhu, bey euch wUntsch ich zu seyn.^ His joy in nature he expresses thus: "1st nicht der schone Bau der Erden das Gemach Und stoltze Haus fiir uns, der Himmel unser Dach, Das griine Feld ein Saal, mit Baumen schon umbringet ? 1st nicht die voile See, die reichlich Speise bringet, Die Brunnen klaren Tranck ? " ^ A semi-circular valley, full of brooks, hamlets, farm-houses, and sheepfelds,'* and inclosed in the distance by gradually rising hills — such is his favorite prospect.^ We should observe, too, the frequent recurrence of one feature of the landscape, which is quite common to many poets of this age and of the following age, the spring or brook. This he apostrophizes in several poems. Ueber den Queckbrunnen zum Buntzlau in Schlesien he says: I Cf. Dafne, 69: " Wer sein gutes Leben Will der freyen Ruh ergeben, Reisst sich von der argen Last, Suchet fiir das siisse Leyden Felder, Wild, Gepiisch und Heyden. Cf. p. 13, note 3. — Cf. also Andreas Gryphius, S^ra^- GtfZlaina, 55.— Cf. Friedrich Spee (XIII, iii, 112); "Auf auf, Gott will gelobet sein, Du blaues Feld und Wasen .... Ihm Lilgen schon und Rosen In gelb und purpur Mantelein Gar lieb und freundlich kosen."^Adam Olearius (XXVIII, 229) begins his " Neue orientalische Reisebeschreibung " thus: " Dass unser Gott ein grosser Gott ist, erlemen wir unterandem auss dem Buche der Natur, der vemiinfftigen Heyden Bibel .... So will Gott auch, dass solche Wunderwercke nicht im Verborgen bleiben,sondem vondenMenschenbetrachtet .... werde." But, with the exception of one passage pre- viously quoted, no mention is made of natural scenery (in our edition of his book). 14 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE Summary. — The treatment of nature in the works of Opitz and the other writers of the seventeenth century (with but few exceptions, cf. Spee, Dach, and Fleming) is almost altogether conventional. Morning and spring have all the charm for them ; night and the other seasons are either not mentioned at all, or a strong dislike for them is expressed. Though winds and thunderstorms are described, yet their majesty does not appeal to the poets of this age. Hills, but not high mountains, are appreciated. Not the grandeur, but the horror and danger of the sea are pictured, and such sea-pictures occur almost exclusively in similitudes. Their favorite landscape is a valley, with a slowly winding brook, a few shady trees, and some distant hills. Their interpretation of plant and animal life shows no originality. It may safely be said that, as a rule, they use nature only to illustrate some human quality or thought, and hence references to nature occur gen- erally in figures of speech. Nature without man they had not yet learned to appreciate. II. THE ATTITUDE TOWARD NATURE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. The artificiality of the seventeenth century hampered free and natural expression. Few dared, or had the ability., to break with the conventionalities of their age, as has been observed in the previous chapter. Before the dawn of a new century, however, was born a poet, a man of feeling, whose verses are rooted in his own experiences. He ushers in " what is most characteristic of the eighteenth century, the growing appreciation of the senses and of the feeling, over against pure intellect." Just about the middle of the century this tendency becomes more pronounced, and grows almost altogether dominant after two or three decades more. To trace the gradual turning of German literature from the artificial to the natural, from indifference ; to, or ignorance of, the wilder aspects of nature to a closer observation ofTand' "a personal enthusiasm for, nature — such is the purpose of this study. JOHANN CHRISTIAN GUNTHER (1695-1723). In his introduction to Giinther's poems,' Ludwig Fulda states that the poet uses nature to contrast her with his own mood, or to express his feelings the more fully ; he anthropomorphizes her occasionally when he wishes her to take an active part in the vicissitudes and strug- gles of his own life. It goes without saying, then, that in Giinther we are not to look for descriptions pure and simple, such as came in vogue in German literature about Lessing's time, and against which the " Laokoon " was directed. Giinther has too much of the true artist's instinct to be satisfied with a mere enumeration of the aspects of nature. In this respect he is far in advance of his own generation, as well as of the succeeding one. He uses nature, that is, as a setting for human emotions. He has the further distinction of being among the J]rst,"Tr indeed he was not the first, to turn from the softer to the sterner aspects of nature ; his fondness for night and winter particu- larly he expresses in no uncertain way. Allusions to them are scattered throughout his poems. The pale moon is his companion when he is lonely and in sorrow : iDeut. Nat. Lit., 38: 26. 15 1 6 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE Wie manche schone Nacht sieht mich der blasse Mond In stiller Einsamkeit am Kummerfaden spinnen ! ' He inquires of the moon and the stars, of whose influence and power • he feels sure, whether anyone's wretchedness can be as great as his.'' He prefers night to day,^ and expresses his joy at the approach of twi- light in the well-known Abendlied: Der Feierabend ist gemacht, Die Arbeit schlaft, der Traum erwacht ■• Of equal significance are his lines on winter : Der Winter bleibt der Kern vom Jahre, Im Winter bin ich munter dran s It is not, however, its fierceness nor its invigorating effect that endears this season to him, but rather the defying of its severity by sitting and smoking at his fire-place.' He turns to nature especially when his love is unrequited. Then he chooses to avoid man and to associate with the animals of the forest : In den Waldern will ich irren, Vor den Menschen will ich fliehen, Mit verwaisten Tauben girren, Mit verscheuchtem Wilde ziehn.' Giinther's life was unhappy throughout, and at times he did not dare confide his sorrow even to the valleys : Ihr still-und kahl-und oden Griinde, Behaltet dieses Wort bei euch : Ich leid' und darf mich nicht beklagen, Ich lieb' und furcht' es euch zu sagen.* The poet calls upon the winds and the waters to convey his greetings and his sighs to his beloved,' or he inquires of them her whereabouts. I Sckreihen an seine Magdalis, 63. 2P, 108. sGoedeke-Tittmann, VI, 125. Cf. also Lob des Winters^ D. N. L., 38 : 77. 4D. N.L.,38:7. SLobdes Winters, D. 1^. L. ^Lob des Knasiertobaks , T>. N. L., 38 : 107. 7 D. N. L., 38 : 212. A somewhat similar thought we note in Canitz's Klageode uber den Tod seiner ersten Gemahlin (D. N. L.. 39: 433) : " Ich durchirre Land und Seen; In den Thalern, auf den Hdhen Wiinsch' ich wider die Gewalt Meines Schmerzens Aufenthalt," 8D. N. L.,38:ii6. 9 D. N. L., 38 : 60, -<4« seine Magdalis; 65, An Leonoren; 140, An seine Schone; 176, An Eleo- noren. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 17 Unlike the poetry of the First and especially the Second Silesian School, his lines seem to have a genuine ring. He was actually out- of-doors, and not in his study, when he sketched the natural scenery surrounding him : Die Gegend, wo ich jetzund dichte, 1st einsam, schatticht, kiihl und griin ; Hier hor' ich bei der schlanken Fichte Den sanften Wind nach Leipzig ziehn, Und geb' ihm allzeit brunstiglich Vial tausend heisse KUss' an dich.' When his appeals to his " harte Schone " prove ineffective, then he concludes that all nature, the gentle breeze, the brook, the birds, and even the ice and snow, have more compassion for him than does she." Giinther's poems appeal to us because they are an expression of a poet's genuine feeling. Now and then he uses a word or phrase cur- rent with his predecessors, but on the whole he has broken with their traditions and makes bold to say what he himself feels. He turns to nature in his sorrow, and, unlike Opitz and his followers, shows also appreciation for her sterner aspects. One must conclude, after reading his poems, that without first-hand observation Giinther could not have treated nature as he did. BARTHOLD HEINRICH BROCKES (1680-1747). The spread of Pietism and the rise of the natural sciences are almost coincident with the turn of the century. Owing to both these influences, the study and observation of nature became more intense than heretofore. The Pietists (Joh. Arnd, Chr. Scriver) as well as the scientists (I. I. Scheuchzer, W. Derham) were of the opinion that the entire study of nature has as its final purpose the knowledge and worship of God. They, however, were not the only ones to entertain this view. After a time they influenced others, chief among them Barthold Heinrich Brockes.^ As early as 1715 the latter published some descriptive religious poems, which he embodied six years after- ward in the first volume of his Irdisches Vergniigen in Gott. Eight more volumes were added in the course of the ensuing twenty-seven years, and yet he treated nature as prosaically in his later works as he did in his earlier ones ; though in the last three volumes of these he iD. N, L., 38:140, Tjttmann's ed. (6: 97) has " Schweidnitz" instead of "Leipzig." 2 Goedeke-Tittmann, 6 : 164, An seine harie Schone. 3Brandl, B. H. Brookes, 40 ff. 1 8 TREA TMENT OF NA TURE IN GERMAN LITER A TURE might well have learned from Thomson, whose " Seasons " he trans- lated. We should, however, not fail to give him credit for the yeoman service he rendered to his own generation : he taught it to observe everything in nature and to observe her moods closely.' Unlike Thomson,'' Brockes makes ample use of the simile, when he is describing the beauties of nature. These comparisons usually refer to something glittering or gaily colored ; metals or precious stones. He rarely fails to see the beauty of each season without think- ing of emeralds, or opals, or gold, or silver : " Die Welt ist allezeit schon. Im Friihling prangt die schone Welt In einem fast smaragdnen Schein. Im Sommer glanzt das reife Feld, Und scheint dem Golde gleich zu sein. Im Herbste sieht man als Opalen Der Baume bunte Blatter strahlen. Im Winter schmuckt ein Schein, wie Diamant Und reines Silber, Fluth und Land."^ At other times, however, he is less influenced by his Italian model, the poet Marino, and then gives more poetic expression to his thoughts ; for example, in his poems on spring. He says in one of them : AUes glantzet, alles gluhet, Alles funckelt, alles bliihet, Durch der Sonnen Gegenwart." And in another he writes . Des beblUhmten Frtihlings Pracht Ist die Sprache der Natur, Die sie deutlich durchs Gesicht, Allenthalben mit uns spricht.^ Intermingled with these rather poetic lines are the following, worthy of a Lohenstein or a Hoffmannswaldau : Die schwancken Zweige hangen nieder, Und gleichen .... dem abwerts hangenden Gefieder Von griin beaugten Pfauen-Schwantzen." Das junge Laub scheint sich zu wundern .... Dass es schon haute durch den West gekitzelt .... Fur Anmuth zittert.' 1 Koch, Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur, 142. 2 Gjerset, Der Einfluss von J. Thomson's Jahreszeitenauf d. d. Literatur, 13. 3lrdisches Vergnugen in Gott, II, 107. 4lrd. Verg. i. Gott, V, 35. 5 Ibid., I, 38. Cf. also IV, 27, 37, 38; V, 5, 26, et passim. A favorite epithet of spring is " !au,*^ IV, J07, 116, etc. «Ird. Verg. i. G., V, 11. 7 Ibid., IX, 321. JN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 19 And yet, side by side with sucli bombast and unnaturalness are to be found first-hand observation and, to some extent, genuine feeling, as his several poems on autumn show. The poet sees the intermixture of green, yellow, and red leaves, and the harmony thereof,' and rejoices at the coming of this season : " Willkommen, kiihler, traubenreicher, mit slissem Obst beladner Herbst, Der du die Walder iibergiildest, mit rothem Glanz die Friichte farbst. Die Welt in bunten Flor ver- hiillst ...."" No less delighted is he in the approach of winter — a season heretofore disliked and dreaded.^ He notes the glittering of ice and snow in the sunlight: " Wie funckelt nicht das Eis ! Wie schimmern, glantzen, blitzen, Die durch der Sonnen heitern Strahl So wunderschon beflammten Spitzen Von Zacken, Reif und Schnee ? " '' He watches with intent interest the falling snowflakes,' and as he looks out upon the snow-covered fields he remarks : Nicht ohne Regung unsrer Brust Erblickt man weisse Felder. Die Wipfel der beschneiten Walder Erregen uns besondre Lust.' When walking, he hears the crackling of the snow at every step.' The frost on the window panes attracts his attention.' Skating he men- tions as one of the pleasures of winter.' But at heart he prefers to stay in his warm home, where he can drink wine and eat baked apples." He is certain that in due time spring will supplant the winter, and therefore says consolingly: " verzweifle nicht, wenn rauhe Winde wehn " " — a thought that calls to mind Geibel's poem " Und draut der Winter noch so sehr." Brockes's power of observation ever asserts itself. It can be seen in his comments on the effect of sunlight or moonlight as it falls upon the hills, the trees, or the water. In the morning he sees the red mountain peaks and the reddish-yellow treetops," and later in the day he observes the light shining through the interlacing leaves : " Es sind die Blatter dicht, Und doch so diinn und zart, Dass selbst das Licht Durch ihr so angenehm gefarbt Gewebe bricht, Sich mit den rohtlichen gelinden Farben par't.'"^ The dancing shadows of the I Ibid., II, 434. 4lrd. Verg. i. G., I, 481. 7lV, 394. 2 IX, 391. 5 Ibid., IV, 431 ; VI, 198. 8 1, 335 ; IV, 427- 3 Cf., however, Giinther, p. 16. 6 Ibid., V, 376. 91,324. JO III, 625. His Betracktung einer sonderiar schonen Winter-Landschaft (IV, 415) should not be overlooked. "IV, 419. "I, 183; VIII, 136. 13 1, 82; II, 28, et passim. 20 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE trees and the ever-changing light they cast on the ground, or on the water, are noticed by him.' After a rainfall the whole forest seems to him glittering and sparkling ;'' and when the day is cloudy, then he enjoys the dim light : " Es farben sich die Wolcken falb' und grau : Doch mischt sich ein klares Blau In diese Dunckelheit, Dadurch vergniigt so dann ein dammricht Licht Und triibe Klarheit das Gesicht." ^ Moonlight, however, pleases him still more : it calls forth some of his best lines. Thus he describes a quiet moonlight night when nothing is heard but the song of the nightingale : " Es war die holde Nacht .... Die Luft war lau und still .... Der Silber- farbne Schein Des eben vollen Monds erfiillt mit sanftem Strahl Wald, Wiesen, Garten, Berg und Thai. Ein' ungemein' und angenehme Stille Regieret' iiberall." " Of even greater interest is the admiration he manifests for a field of snow with the moon shining full upon it,^ since it was many years before such a scene appealed to the aesthetic sense of poets. Brockes's sensitiveness to colors and odors is rather remarkable. He distinguishes between the green of the linden, the willow, the box- tree, the cypress, and the myrtle." In spring he sees " auf alien Zweigen Ein liebliches Gemisch von braun und griin sich zeigen .... gelblich-griin [der zarten Blatter] und dunckel-griin [der Biische] sich mischen."' He mentions seven colors of the anemone,^ and observes with like accuracy the shining white, black, and red coats of horses and cows grazing at sunset.' He is especially fond of the word " falb," and applies it to rivers, shadows, clouds, etc." He is more observant than his predecessors or contemporaries in recording the odor of fresh-mown hay, of lilac, and of camomile." His treatment of plant and animal life is marked by breadth rather than depth. His range of observation is wide, but he lacks the ability to interpret poetically. After examining a flower microscopically, so to speak, he puts into rhyme the result of his observations. Compare his lines on the sunflower and the chestnut blossom." He mentions the crown-imperial, the hyacinth and haw, and calls the primula veris "holdselig Friihlings-Kind.'"^ Only the comment on the"Merz- Veilchen " has something of the modern touch : 9 IV, 316. 101,150,193; II, 42, etc. "1, 188; VI, 133. 1=11,406; III, 595. '3 IV, is; VI, 28; 1,258; IV, 30. ^I, 202; II, 30, 182, etc. S IV, 425. = 1,202; VIII, 38. 611,120. 3V, 42. 7 V, 29. 4 IV, 84; V, 185, el passim. 8V,67. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 21 Willkommen, liebstes Fruhlingskind, Du Bild der Demuth und der Liebe ! ' The dense forest Is his favorite place of refuge " vom stadtischen beschwerlichen Getiimmel." ' He does not characterize trees in any near sense, but applies to all of them the epithet "kraus."^ Of animals he knows a goodly number — his long lists are well known — yet he fails to make any but prosaic remarks about them. We have already noticed that Brockes has a word to say of almost everything in nature. He walks along the seashore and sees "die Brandungen der Wellen aus ihren Tiefen sich erhohen, sich baumen, wallen, brausen, schwellen, mit einem knirschenden Gerausch .... das Ufer zu verschlingen drohn."'' The wave, the waterfall, or the brook is to him an image of life.^ His poems contain one or two mentions of hills,^ but have much more to say of cornfields. Thus he exclaims on one occasion : " Wie angenehm bewegt sich hier das blonde reifende Getraidel"' Of especial interest, however, is the fact that Brockes calls attention to the heath, the grandeur of which finds no poetic expression until many years later. Our poet says of it : " Betrachtet man sie recht so ... . sieht man wunderbar in ihr der Farben Pracht, der Bildung Zier fast unverbesserlich verbunden.'" But what is his purpose in observing and studying nature ? may be finally asked. It is not for her own sake, but rather to learn thereby more of the greatness and goodness of God. The poet leaves small room for doubt that this is his chief purpose when he expresses this outspoken opinion : " Bringt die Betrachtung [eines Baumes] dich sodann nicht auf die Spur Von der durch Gottes Macht stets wir- kenden Natur .... So sag ich ungescheut, Dass du ein Atheist, Ein Vieh, ein Klotz, ein Fels, ja noch was grobers bist."' Like so many of his contemporaries, he was influenced by the Bible and shared the view of nature held therein. He believes that all creatures sound the praises of God, the birds as well as the flowers.'" God created every- thing for some use or purpose, and Brockes makes it his purpose to discover these utilitarian qualities, which to his mind demonstrate the wisdom of the Creator. In this attempt, however, he is prone to grow, not only prosy, but — what is worse — ridiculous. Such passages as the following have tended to bring him into disrepute : ill, 15. 2 1, 200 ; IV, 339, etc. 3l, 57, 94, etc. 4 VII, 109. Cf. Die Flache des Meeres im Sturm (VII, 87) ; Die SchSnheit eines stillen Meeres (VII, 91). 5 II, 140, 114, et passim. 7 IX, 366. 51,73. 61,104; 11,36. 8Z>K^«ii, 131. ^^An den Panka-Bach^VXfH^, Cf. Friedrich Spee, p. i2,note 3. ^"^Die Landschaft,VW,itib. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 31 His treatment of plants and animals shows hardly any first-hand observation. He mentions them by the score, but fails to individualize them. Of the rose, which occurs more than sixty times, this is per- haps the most interesting comment : " dich zu sehn, und vertraut mit dir zu sprechen, welche Wollust ! " ' The lines on the violet have a more genuine ring : So lieb, so klein, so schon, so rein, Lieb Veilchen auf der Heide ! Lieb Veilchen, du die kleinste Zier Der Mutter Erde, du bist mir, Bist mir die grosste Freude ! ' The forget-me-not, pink, sunflower, jasmine, clover, lavender, lilac, are merely mentioned by name.^ This is true also of Gleim's trees. Besides the myrtle, laurel, and oak, the iir, beech, linden, maple, and yew tree are found." Of birds, too, he knows a considerable number. The nightingale is a messenger of love and, like the lark, the har- binger of spring.^ The poet is sorry that the swallow cannot speak, for, if she could, he would inquire of her about the streams and brooks, where a dear friend dwells.* The quail, swan, peacock, eagle, hum- mingbird, are also referred to.' He does not seem to be well acquainted with fishes,^ but shows familiarity with domestic and forestine animals. Sheep and lambs he represents as joyous or sad, corresponding with the shepherd's every mood.' The influence of pastoral poetry is obvious here. When Gleim speaks of animals, he often grows prosaic, reminding one of Brookes. Compare these lines : "Auf den Bliithen uns'rer Linden Sammeln Bienen Wachs und Honig ; Auf den segens- vollen Fluren Sucht der Hamster seinen Weitzen, Und die Ameis' in dem Garten Sammelt Nahrung fiir den Winter.'"" Like so many of his generation, Gleim expresses the utmost hatred and contempt for city life. He can hardly have based his observations on his own experience, for the little town of Halberstadt, where he resided, could scarcely have exhibited the hurry and bustle, nor its inhabitants the flattery and treachery, of which he speaks in Lob des Landlebens : " Gottlob, dass ich dem Weltgetiimmel entflohn, und unter freiem Himmel Nun wieder ganz mein eigen bin ! Entfernt I II, iz6. ^ An die Schwalie, VII, 141. •^Das VeiUken^ II, 195. 7 V, 82, 174; VII, 95, 98, et passim. 3 II, 83 ; I, 50, IS7, 323 ; III, 52. 8 11^ 223 (trout) ; V, 146 (herring) ; VI, 312 (oyster) . 4 1, 154, 255; II, 149, et passim. 9 1, 146; V, 73. 5 1, 266. 10 1, 69. 32 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE vom Schmeichler und Verrater ....'" To shun the arrogance of townsfolk he concludes to become a shepherd, and invites his friends to go with him to the forest and fields.' The peasant, too, desires to keep aloof from the morbidity of the city, for he says : " Was sollt' ich in der Stadt Die kein gesundes Pferd In ihren Mauern hat ? " ^ He sees no reason for envying kings or courtiers; his own state seems to him to be the happiest. He sings : Wie selig ist, wer ohne Sorgen Sein vaterliches Erbe pfliigt ! Die Sonne lachelt jeden Morgen Den Rasen an auf dam er liegt,* The reapers and sowers, the plowmen and gardeners, too, sing songs in which they find expression for their happiness and content.^ This feeling, which permeates the eighteenth century, that those are the happiest who are away from civilization, finds its fullest and most felicitous expression in the works of Rousseau. In Gleim's later poetry, as has been already stated, the religious view predominates. He believes God to be in everything — in the sun, moon, and stars ; in the thunder, lightning, and tempest ; in the tree, grass, and flower;^ but guards against the accusation of Spinozism by saying : " Ich meine, dass die Welt von Gott verschieden ist." ' He is convinced that God created everything in nature for a purpose, and that all is subject to His will.* All nature shows His omnipotence and praises His goodness.' As in Brockes and Haller, so in Gleim we note the influence of the Bible (cf. Psalm 104). As he acknowledgedly did not possess much poetic fire (like Brockes), he may be suspected of trying to make up in quantity what he lacked in quality. Composing his poems after the manner of Horace, Anacreon, and the pastoral, he failed to add anything new to a better appreciation of nature. His interpretation coincides largely with Hagedorn's, except in point of sincerity: Gleim's verses often show on the surface lack of actual expe- rience. JOHANN PETER UZ (172O-96). Uz has more of the true poet in him than Gleim, and evinces therefore deeper and more genuine emotion in his treatment of nature, though it must be conceded at the outset that his range of observa- tion is not much wider. Like his fellow-poet, he describes at length ^1,197. 21,173. 31,388. ^Der gluckliche Landmann^l^yji,. 5 Lied der Sckntttertnnen, des S'detnanns, des Pflugers^ des Gartners, I, 349-66. 6 VI, 62, 176, et passim. 7V, 372. 8V, 69, 9 VI, 18, 45. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 33 morning and spring. He intersperses now and then conventional phrases in his poems, as the following lines show : O seht, wie iiber griine Hiigel Der Tag, bekranzt mit Rosen, naht ! Ihn kiihlen Zephyrs linde Fliigel : Vom Thau glanzt sein bebliihrnter Pfad. Wie taumelt Flora durch die Triften ! Die Lerche steigt aus trunkner Saat, Und singt in unbewolbten Luften.' Evening is agreeable to him, for it is then that he hears the amor- ous complaint of the nightingale resounding on the quiet air,= but the night he dislikes : " Die schwarze Nacht verbreitet wieder ihr melan- cholisches Gefieder."^ He makes almost no mention of the moon.* He notes the change in the appearance of the earth with each new season, and, of course, in winter also. He says rather interestingly: "Und nun ihr mtider Leib in weissem Schmucke glanzt."^ In spring he is naturally most effusive. These lines in the famous poem Der Fruhling are typical : Es lacht die ganze smaragdene Flur .... Und auch die ganze Natur fuhlt sich aufs Neue begeistert, Da sich die Sonne der Erde genaht ; Und jedes frostige Thai, so Wald als grune Gebirge Sind reg und alle Gefilde belebt." The thought that in spring the young man's fancy gently turns to thoughts of love is reiterated in several poems, for example, in Fruh- lingslust: " Seht den holden Friihling bliihn ! — Fiihlt ihr keine Friih- lingstriebe? .... In der frohen Blumenzeit Herrsche Bacchus und dieLiebe!"' While he gives vent to his joy in this season of the year, he does not forget that the equinoctial storms are invariable con- comitants of early spring.^ Autumn and winter are, on the other hand, dreary seasons, for then the trees are leafless and the rough winds blow in the deserted garden.' Yet — and here we see his Anacre- ontic trend of mind ^ for love and wine it's not too cold." To the phenomena of the sky and atmosphere there are few allu- sions. Twice he speaks of red lightning, and once he uses a rain 1 1 48. ^QX.z^^oEmpfindungenaneinemFruhlingsmorgen. ^Der Abend. 7 Cf. I, 115, 135. 3 1, 229. ^ Seh7isucht naeh dem Fruhling. 4TheonlyreferencesareI, I94,andll, loi. 9ll, 253. 5lj^ 27. ^^ Der Winter^ I, 128. 34 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE cloud in a simile." Though he mentions rough winds now and then, yet it is the gentle zephyr, sighing and soughing in the foliage, that he uses most profusely.' Sea-pictures occur in a few similitudes, and here as elsewhere the sea is thought of as wild, stormy, and roaring.^ Uz's inland scenery is like Gleim's : " Felder, durch die ein lautrer Bach mit heischerm Murmeln schleicht," ■* sums up practically his con- ception of landscape. He attributes also human qualities to the brook, when he says, " lispelnd nahrt ein Bach die Schwermuth seiner Seele," or when he compares the passing of the days in the arms of the beloved to the gentle flow of the brook, " der unter finstern Strauchen, Von hohen Baumen rund umwacht, Stets ungerunzelt lacht."5 Like Gleim, he, too, compares his life, not to a mountain tor- rent, as some later poets have done, but to a brook flowing quietly among the bushes.' In his interpretation of plant and animal life Uz is not more origi- nal than is Gleim, and his range of observation, too, is much nar- rower. The rose and the lily are the subject of his song. The sight of the former stirs his blood and makes him wish to see " ein bliihend Madchen," while of the latter he says : " die Lilie buhlt umsonst nach seinen starren Blicken." ' Even the white blossoms that fall on Laura's grave seem to be in love : " Hier herrscht die Liebe ! scheinen sie zu sagen. Hier herrscht die Liebe! seufz ich nach."^ In his treatment of trees classical influence is most apparent. The myrtle and laurel are spoken of repeatedly, whereas other trees receive scarcely more than bare mention.' Very little can be said of Uz's observa- tions in the animal world. Hardly any individualization is attempted.'" Only these lines on the raven may be quoted : " Der junge Rabe, der beschneyet Hoch auf nackten Wipfeln schreyet, sattigt sich aus deiner Hand" (Lob des Hochsten, I, 284), and the curious comparison of an earthquake to a horned owl : " Die Erde hat gebebt .... Wie aus bemoostem Schutt der Uhu, wann die Nacht In furchtbarn Schatten ihn verstecket, Auf stille Dacher fliegt, selbst melancholisch wacht, Und heulend miide Stadte wecket" {Das Erdbeberi). City life is distasteful to him because of the " Weltgetummel," as Gleim says elsewhere, and hence the wise man goes to the country, where he finds needful rest : " O Wald ! o Schatten griiner Gange ! 1 1,92,260; 11,250. Gleim also speaks of red lightning, VI, 24. 511,30,255. 61^78; II, 16. 21,96; II, 161, etpassim. 31,246; II, 58. 4l,8i. 7l,ij7; 11,31. 81,242. 9I, 276 (cypress), 301 (oak), 115 (beech), 152 (elm), 72 (linden) ; II, 30 (pine), 308 (poplar). 10 I, 67 (nightingale), 166 (lark) ; II, 217 (swallow). IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 35 Geliebte Flur voll Friihlingspracht ! .... Ich fuhle mich wie neuge- bohren, Und fang erst nun zu leben an." ' The same idea Uz empha- sizes in a letter to the privy councillor B.:° "Nur auf dem Lande kennet, fuhlet und geniesst man die Natur." Therefore he praises the life of a shepherd and, what is more, of uncivilized man.^ Nature is beautiful at all times, and these are her charms : " Die fette Flur geziert mit angenehmen Griin, Die Berge, niedern Thaler; Frohliches Gewiihl auf herdenvollen Matten, Gebiische voll Gesangs, und stiller Walder Schatten, Hier See, dort felsicht Land, und aus dem dunkeln Hayn die Quellen murmelnd fliehn."'' To lie on the grass and rest from work and worry in the midst of such scenery is indeed a treat.^ Uz, like the other Anacreontic poets, shows the influence of the Bible, when he says that God keeps unceasing watch over this wonder- ful world, and manifests His presence in the ocean, in the worm, in the gently swaying grass, and in the fierce storm.* We trust in Him and praise Him who gives to the earth sunshine, rain, and dew, " dass frisches Grun um ihre Glieder, Ihr Haupt mit jungen Blumen lacht, Und ihren miitterlichen Riicken Saat und milder Segen driicken."' The poet emphasizes the absolute order and law in nature, and says of her in a way anticipatory of nineteenth-century thoughts on evolution : " Natur, die niemals fliichtig springt, und stufenweise nur auf ihrer gUldnen Leiter steiget." ^ Uz, even more than Hagedorn or Gleim, is distinctively a poet of spring. His joy in this season is felicitously expressed in various poems, especially in Der Fruhling. His range of observation is not wider than that of his contemporaries, but his descriptions are more poetical.' JOHANN NIKOLAS GOTZ (1721-81). The dislike of city life and the fondness for country life which are so clearly expressed in Gleim and Uz, are equally emphasized in the poems of the third associate, Johann Nikolas Gotz. He invites his friend Crollius to come to the country, that he may escape the smoke of the city, and the noise of drums, and the sound of trumpets." " Stadte sind der Aufenthalt des Stolzes, Und der Sorgen und der Leidenschaften," he exclaims." But valleys, gardens, and brooks are T. Der Weise auf dem Lande. sAn die Freikeit. Si, 19. 7 Lob des Hochsten. 2II, 2i8. 411,27. «II,43- 81, 188. 9 In how far Uz was influenced by Anacreon and Horace, Erich Petzet has shown in Zeitschrift f, vergl. Litgesch., VI, 328-92. 10 Pt. I, 53. " Pt. II, 164. 36 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE the places where one can dream in poet's fashion. He greets the country in these words : " Du Sitz der Ruh, Holde liebenswerthe Wiiste "' With the exception of a few " Beseelungen," which we shall note presently, his poems add nothing new to the treatment of nature as found in Gleim and Uz. Of the poppies he says at dawn of day: " des Mohnes Blumen, Die die Kopfchen melancholisch hangten, Ihren nahen Sterbetag betrauern ;"° and of violets : " Gross von Geist, ■wiewohl von Leibe klein, An Glanz und Farbe schon, doch sittsam und gemein.^ KLAMER EBERHARD SCHMIDT (1746-1824). Klamer Schmidt, whose fame rested in the eighth decade of the •century on his imitations of Petrarch and Catullus, is generally con- sidered one of the late Anacreontic poets. He is more modern than they, having learned, no doubt, from the men who wrote in the sixth and seventh decades. Owing probably to Young's influence, the melancholy features of nature appeal to him. Unlike the Anacreon- tics, he is fond of describing evening and night. They are character- ized in Triumph ihres Blickes (1776) better than in Fetrarka's Selbstgesprdch (1771) or in Abendgesang, and therefore the lines may be quoted here : In sternbesa'tem blauen Mantel lag Am Himmel schon die lieblichste der Nachte, So schmachtend schon, als ob sie noch den Tag Durch ihren Reiz zu iibersiegen dachte ! His melancholy trend of mind finds its best expression in the Kirch- hofselegie (written before 1778), where this passage is found : Herrlich, herrlich ist des Sommers Neige, Wenn der Nord auf oden Grabem hallt, Wenn vom Wipfel dUstrer Ulmenzweige Blatt auf Blatt, sich kreisend niederwallt .... Horch ich ahne. — Ruf der Todesgotter, Stark und immer starker hor' ich dich, In dem Seufzen hingefall'ner Blatter ! Holder Ruf, wann foderst du auch mich ? JOHANN GEORG JACOBI (1740-1814). Another of the late Anacreontic poets, but better known than Klamer Schmidt, is Johann Georg Jacobi. His most significant poems appeared from 1775 to 1782,'' and do not come, therefore, > Die Einsamkeit auf dem Lande. 3 Pt, II, 88, = Pt. Ill, 178. 4 Cf. WTorks (Zurich, 1809), III, Preface, 3. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 37 within the scope of this treatise. We refer to such poems as Morgen- lied, Sommertag, In der Mitternacht, Die Linde auf dem Kirchhofe, all of which evince a deeper feeling for nature and express this feeling in more poetic language than do his early productions. These latter, however, concern us here. In them, as in the other poems of this class, a strong love for the country and for spring, and an equally marked dislike of winter, are noticeable. Thus he writes from the country about the natural scenery surrounding Halle : " Hier redet die Natur Im fernen Wald, auf naher Flur, In ungekiinstelten Alleen, An meinem Hiigel hier, im Klee ...."' He is sorry for the woodsman that merely counts the trees, and measures them, and fails to appre- ciate the charms of spring that delight the poet. " Liebe Nachtigall ! Schoner Bluthenregen ! Wie die Knospen all, Unter Lerchenschlagen, An der Quelle sich bewegen ! O wie lieblich alles ist!'" In winter, on the other hand, he sees nothing but dreariness and desolation, and hears "der Dohlen heiseres Geschrey, und Winde die sich miide schwarmen," and beholds everywhere "der Schwermuth Bild, in finstre Wolken eingehiillt."^ CHRISTOPH MARTIN WIELAND (1733-1813). Although usually not classed with the Anacreontic poets, Wieland has much in common with them, so far, at least, as the choice and treatment of many of his themes are concerned. He differs from them, in that he is a far better master of poetic form and expression than they. Like the poems of the Anacreontics, however, his literary productions, especially his early ones, do not contain, as a rule, a record of his own experiences. This is certainly true of his treatment of nature. We find no traces in his works of the beautiful scenery of southern Germany, or the majestic highlands of Switzerland ; and yet he lived and traveled in both countries for many years (see Letters, p. 78). Strange to say, it is the same Wieland who says, in speak- ing of the readers of Milton : " Wer beim Anblick einer wild-anmuthi- gen Landschaft ungeriihrt bleiben kann ; wer die Sonne untergehen sehen kann, ohne eine angenehme Aufwallung in seinem Herzen zu fiihlen : der wird kalt beim Milton bleiben."" Yet he himself seems to be unmoved, or at least does not give expression to his feelings, when he beholds the grand or terrible in nature. Only the gentler aspects, spring and moonlight scenes, are treated of. When he sees ^ An -meinen Bruder, ^ Der Hirt-und der Forsier. 3 Wtnterreise,6, ^ Abhandluns von den Schonheiten des epischen Gedichts *^Der Noah" (1753). 38 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE the snow dissolving, and hears the nightingale and lark,' then he goes outdoors: "wo mich mit einsamen Schatten Bliihende Hecken umwolben, will ich, o Friihling, Dich fiihlen mit eroffnetem Herzen.'" Of all his characters Araspes and Agathon show the most feeling for nature. The one enjoys the gentle moonlight, the charming contrast of the faint colors, and the quiet of the night, as opposed to the bright hues and the loud turmoil of the day ;^ and the other is infatuated "von den Annehmlichkeiten des Mondscheins, von der majestatischen Pracht des sternenvollen Himmels, von der Begeisterung, welche die Seele in diesem feierlichen Schweigen der ganzen Natur erfahre."'' Araspes in his sorrow turns to nature to find a wild and lonely spot away from man. "In Wildnisse will ich fliehen," he exclaims,^ ". . . . wo die Natur nie lachelte, wo alles todt um mich her ist, verlassen und einsam." And again: "Stille Natur! Ich will Deinen Athem, die frische blumige Luft einziehen und in Deinem mitleidigen Schatten meine Thranen mit der weinenden Quelle vermischen."^ But he, too, who is seeking true joy wanders to the quiet brook, to the very heart of nature, to shun the tumult of the city.' Like the Anacreontics, Wieland sees love and God manifested everywhere in nature, as he tells us in Araspes und Panthea and in Natur der Dinge (Bk. I). Order and law in nature are due to His power. " Die weise Macht .... wehrt dass die Natur ni'cht Epiku- risch hiipft!"' That Wieland had some feeling for nature cannot be gainsaid. It was faint, to be sure, but it did not lack genuineness. He was more interested in describing what he saw and felt than in noting what others had failed to observe. Otherwise he could not have spent so many years in Switzerland without leaving in his works a record of his impressions. He no doubt assisted to bring into vogue what was later designated " Mondscheinpoesie." CHRISTIAN EWALD VON KLEIST (1715-59). With Brockes's translation of Thomson's Seasons (1744) descriptive poetry gained a strong foothold in Germany, and most men of letters T- Natur der Dinge, Bk. IV. ^ Lobgesang auf die Liebe, Cf. Der Friihling, zAraspcs und Panthea, Pt. II, •£, Cf. also Idris, Canto IV, St. 29, and -DiiK Sylvio^ Bk. V, ch. 12, especially Bk. II, ch. 6. 4 Agathon, Bk. II, ch. 5. See also ch. 4, and Bk. VI, ch. 2 ; Bk. IV, ch. i. 5 A raspes und Panthea, Pt. II. 7 Musarion, Bk. I. 6 Cf. also Der neue Amadis, Canto I, st. ig. 8 Natur der Dinge, Bk. I. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 39 were soon to be influenced by it. The earlier poems of Wieland are of this kind ; they show more than a mere passing familiarity with "The Seasons" and with Ewald v. Kleist's Fruhling (1749) — the first poem in German literature after the manner of Thomson. " The Sea- sons " and Der Fruhling were now read and imitated by many poets whose names have been almost forgotten. In regard to Kleist it should be remembered that he had not always written in the Thomsonian spirit ; in the poems that appeared before Der Fruhling we can find distinct traces of Brockes's influence.' In these poems we note also that longing for rest and peace in nature, and the desire to be away from man. He says in Sehnsucht nach der Ruhe : O Silberbach, der vormals mich vergniigt, Wann wirst du mir ein sanftes Schlaflied rauschen ? Gluckselig ! wer an deinen Ufern liegt, Wo voller Reiz der Busche Sanger lauschen Only then can one be happy, as he tells us in the famous line : " Ein wahrer Mensch muss fern von Menschen sein ! " Like the Anacreon- tics, he, too, was influenced by Horace in his eulogy on country life, which he addresses to Ramler : O Freund, wie selig ist der Mann zu preisen, Dem kein Getummel .... den Schlaf entfuhret Er sieht auf Rosen Thau, wie Demant blitzen ; . . . . Er geht in Walder, wo an Schilf und Strauchen Im krummen Ufer Silberbache schleichen.' Biblical influence also is discernible in some of his minor poems. Compare Lob der Gottheit and especially his Hymne, which calls to mind some of Friedrich Spec's lines: "In finstern Waldern will ich mich allein Mit dir beschaftigen. Und seufzen laut und nach dem Himmel sehn, Der durch die Zweige blickt ; Und irren an des Meers Gestad', und dich In jeder Woge sehn " Unlike Brockes, Kleist could and did undergo a marked change in his view of nature after reading Thomson. His evident love of nature, so poetically expressed in the Fruhling, is descanted upon in his prose writings. He says in one of his essays : " Das grosse Reich der Natur .... bietet uns tausend erlaubte Ergotzlichkeiten dar Der Felder und Auen bebliimte bunten Decken prangen fiir uns .... alles fiillt unser Gemiith mit Freude und Entziickung."^' This joy in nature he sets forth in the Fruhling. iGjerset, Der Einfluss von Thomson's Jahreszeiten, etc., 20. 'DasLandlehen. 311,227. Cf. /r/K, II, 39. 4° TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE Empfangt mich, heilige Schatten ! Ihr Wohnungen siisser Entzuckung, Ihr hohen Gewolbe voll Laub und dunkler schlafender Luste and Es lachen die Griinde voll Blumen, und alles freut sich, als flosse Der Himmel selber zur Erden ! are typical passages. Some of the vivifications in this poem, as, for example, the following, are well worth noting r' Aus Wollust kussen die jungen Bluthen einander und hauchen Mit siissem Athem sich an. Thomson's influence is obvious in this description of the coming of spring : Auf rosenfarbenem Gewolk, bekranzt mit Tulpen und Lilien, Sank jiingst der Friihling vom Himmel As he looks through the bushes, a vista opens before him ; Voll laufender Wolken der Himmel, und feme Gefilde Voll Seen, und buschige Thaler, umringt mit blauen Gebirgen. The lines .... ein sanftes Tonen erwachte Und floh und wirbelt' umher im Hain voll griinlicher Dammerung are certainly modern in spirit. Over the poem as a whole there rests a fresh and healthy atmosphere, and, as we also know from his letters, the poet's knowledge of nature is to a large extent first-hand. In spite of his smallness of range and feebleness of observation, he is the first, and perhaps the only, one that can justly be named with Thomson. FRIEDRICH WILHELM ZACHARIA (1726-77). It was Kleist himself who styled Friedrich Wilhelm Zacharia "ein wahrer deutscher Thomson." ° To the student of today, who knows Zacharia by his mock heroics alone, this appellation may seem entirely erroneous. Although it must be borne in mind that in his own time Zacharia was well known as a descriptive poet, yet it may be truly said without prejudice that Kleist's estimate of him is misleading. Zacharia's Tageszeiten are an unsuccessful imitation of "The Seasons." Many of his descriptions are not based upon actual observation, and are therefore often grossly exaggerated.^ Of interest, however, is the delight he takes in the melancholy features of nature, showing as it does a 1 Cf. Hagedorn's and Bodmer's letters (Sept. 24, 1751, and Jan. 27, 1751 ( ?) ) for an appreciation and a criticism of Der Frukling. 2 Letter to Gleim, Oct. 21, 1755. 3 Gjerset, Einfluss von Thomson's Jahreszeiten, etc., 43-5. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 41 considerable acquaintance with Young's " Night Thoughts." The poet sits down amid the ruins of an abbey at twilight, when the dismal moon casts her flickering light on the terrible and lonely cloisters, and no sound is heard except the complaining notes of the owl, or the rustling leaves of the ivy.' Another melancholy spot is pictured thus : "ein krummes, verwachsenes Thai, .... rund umher mit rauhen steilen Felsen umgeben, von denen nur einige wilde Gestrauche traurig und malerisch herabhangen.'" To such a place the deceived lover turns : " ihm sind die hangenden Felsen, Und das grausende Thai, ein sympathetischer Anblick, Denn ein Eden wiirde noch mehr in Schwermuth ihn stiirzen."^ The Hartz mountains, which were almost totally ignored in litera- ture until Stolberg's time, attract Zacharia's attention, because of their wild, terrible, and melancholy aspect. There he wishes to saunter in the evening : " Last uns dort das rauhere Thai, o Muse, besuchen, Und am hangenden Felsen, in langen schrecklichen Waldern kiihn einhergehen."* He believes that these mountains are almost devoid of loveliness, for he addresses the Hartz thus: "So lass auch den heutigen Tag mit aller der Anmuth dich schmiicken. Die einen Harz- tag zu schmticken vermag."^ He fails to understand how his friend can live in the Hartz mountains in winter, when the valleys are covered with snow and the storm howls in the fir trees ; so he invites him to come to the town.* In summer, on the other hand, the poet takes refuge in the country, to be away " from the noise and tumult of the wide city."' Love for the melancholy features of nature, such as we have just seen in Zacharia's works, is not found in the poetry as studied thus far. Now the time has come when Young is to influence certain of the German writers, among them Zacharia. This one, in his anxiety to look for terrible and melancholy spots, fails to observe the charms of the Hartz mountains, which Stolberg discovered not much later. SALOMON GESSNER (1730-88). Idyllic and pastoral poetry was produced in Germany, as has been seen, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The source of inspiration for the Anacreontics, as well as for many other poets, is to be sought in the bucolics of classical (Virgil, Horace) and modern I Die Vergnugungen der Melancholey, Bk. V, 144. Cf. Gray's Elegy in a Country Churchyard. = Z,a^i>«arf«, Bk. I, 345. 4 Zlsr^*«Ma/A«;"j, Pt. II, 19. iDerTodAiels,'Pt.\,'i4^. 5 Z)« iVac^/, Pt. II, 153. 6An den Leser. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 43 characters, Arates, expresses this thought : " Die Eindriicke, die diese Anmuths-volle Gegend auf mich macht, sind so lieblich, dass es scheint, meine Seele empfind es, dass der Aufenthalt bey der einfaltigen schonen Natur unserm Wesen der angemessenste und zutraglichste sey." ' It is nature undefiled by human hand that he prefers. "Ach Natur! Natur! " exclaims Aristus,' " wie schon bist du I wie schon in unschuldiger Schonheit, so dich die Kunst unzufriedner Menschen nicht verunstal- tet!" When Aeschines lauds the formal garden of the French, then Menalkas points out the more beautiful natural grove with its winding walks.^ Of the four seasons, winter with its storms is, of course, the most disagreeable; the others are pleasing to him." In his comments on autumn we note probably the first genuine appreciation of this season. It is again Menalkas who says of it : " Was fiir ein sanftes Entziicken fliesst aus dir itzt mir zu, herbstliche Gegend ! Wie schmiickt sich das sterbende Jahr ! Gelb stehn die Sarbachen und die Weyden um die Teiche her Ein rothlichtes Gemische zieht von dem Berg sich ins Thai, von immer griinen Tannen und Fichten geflekt. Schon rauschet gesunkenes Laub unter des wandelnden Fiissen .... nur steht die rothliche Zeitlose da, der einsame Bote des Winters."^ Gessner was read more widely than perhaps any other eighteenth- century writer, not only in Germany, but, through the medium of translations, in France and England as well. He owed his popularity to the theme he had chosen : the portrayal of idyllic life was well suited to a generation that was longing for a simpler mode of life. He clearly expresses the desire for nature undefiled by human hand, and, as a matter of course, prefers the natural park (of Kent) to the formal garden (of Le Notre). In his appreciation of autumn he stands alone among his literary associates. FRIEDRICH GOTTLIEB KLOPSTOCK (1724-1803). About the year 1740 there flourished in Halle two groups of poets : a younger group, the Anacreontics, and a slightly older group, represented by Pyra and Lange. These were of a more serious turn of mind ; they had been influenced by pietistic doctrines and followed more or less closely Haller and Milton.^ Though they, together with the Swiss critics, Bodmer and Breitinger, made the very favorable reception of Klopstock possible, they could hardly have had any I Der veste Vorsaz, Pt. Ill, 123, 150. 3 Pt. Ill, 82. 5 Pi. Ill, 94. sPt. II, 76. t Lycas, 7t.lll,&i. 6 Scherer, Litgesch., 419. 44 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE influence upon him in his view of nature, for they remained indifferent toward nature or treated her in a conventional way. In his Noachide, Bodmer (1698-1783) draws upon nature for a few similitudes,' which show as little actual observation as do the following lines : Den duftenden Hauch, des Odems Erstlinge fassten Junge Zephyr' auf giildene Fliigel, und eilten die Beute, In die brautliche Kammer zu tragen ; die Nachtigall tonte Festlich das Brautlied ; . . . . das ganze Gebirge Ward musikalisch, die Symphonic sass den wehenden Westen Auf die Schultern, und mischte sich unter den Weihrauch der Bliithe." Of much greater importance, and, in fact, most significant, are some of his comments in his critical works. In distinguishing the difference of effect that the beautiful and the grand produce upon him, he declares that when he looks upon a small farm-house, in the midst of fields and woods and alongside a clear brook, he feels a sort of pleas- ure which makes him wish to live all his life in such a charming place. When, on the other hand, we behold, he says, certain limitless objects, such as wide stretches of land or large deserts, terrible masses of mountains or high cliffs and precipices, or, again, a wide expanse of water, we become agreeably frightened and, as it were, are cast adrift, to experience a delightful tranquillity of soul. " Da wiircket nicht die Schonheit auf das Gesicht, sondern die wilde Pracht, welche in diesen erstaunlichen Wercken der Natur hervorleuchtet."' Not many years after Bodmer had written these lines, there arose a poet in Germany who felt and expressed " diese wilde Pracht der Natur." In reading, from our point of view, the works of Klopstock and James Thomson, we come upon a curious parallel : their earlier works, the Odes and the Seasons, show genuine love of nature ; their later ones, the dramas, contain but few scattered and rather unimpor- tant references to nature; while their letters of this later period still bear witness to a love of nature as real, if not as active, as that of their youth.* Of Klopstock's dramas, Der Tod Adams (1757) and Hermanns Tod {it S4) are the most valuable for our present purpose. As Adam bids farewell to this world, he addresses the beautiful fields, the moun- tains, the shady valleys, where he was wont to walk and breathe life and joy, "wo ich so oft gliickselig gewesen bin .... von euch nehm 1 Canto IV, XII. 3 Critiscke Betrachtungen uher Gemdlde der Dickter^ 211. 2 P. 122. Reynolds, Treatment of Nature, etc., 86. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 45 ich heut feierlich Abschied ! " ' In Hermanns Tod is found the senti- mental fisher's song, of which the winding brook is the theme ; " Er hatte kleine Strudel, Wie Griibchen im Kinn. Sein Rauschen war Gelispel, Er murmelte ; Es waren keine Worte, Und ich verstand ihn doch . . . . Er kam aus der Kluft hervor, Dort hatt' er lang sich gekriimmt und gewunden, Hatte Wehmuth gerauscht.'"' In the other dramas nature is drawn upon occasionally for conventional similitudes, as in David [it T 2), where warriors are compared to lions; or in Her- mann und die Fursten (1787), where Hermann's fighting is likened to the rushing of a mountain stream ; or, lastly, in Hermanns Schlacht (1769), where the battlecry sounds "wie das Weltmeer an dem Felsen- gestade." ^ More references to nature are found in the Messias than in Klop- stock's dramas, and they are generally in the form of similes. He employs chiefly the phenomena of the sky (such as dawn, dusk, moon), or water (brook, torrent, ocean), or storms, but hardly ever succeeds in drawing a clear and distinct picture. Joseph walked in the assembly, quiet as the peaceful moon in the cloud high above us, and Eve led the youth " [da] silberfarben wallte der Mond, der Stern, sein Gefahrt, stand, funkelt' am weisslichen Himmel."'' The following lines are characteristic of the use of nature in the Messias: Wie ein Stern, und noch einer, und wieder einer hervorgeht Aus der granzlosen Tiefe der schauererfuUenden Schopfung, Wenn der kommenden Nacht die Abenddammerung weichet : Also versammelten sich die erscheinenden Gottes auf Tabor.5 Of the moon it is said that " enthiillt vom Gewolke .... schimmerte [er] sanfte Gedanken herunter denen, die noch im Schlafe nicht lagen"^ — a thought which recalls to mind the opening lines of Z??V fruhen Grdber, written at about the same time. The dawn, which occurs in a few similes,' is spoken of at length in Canto XIX (1. 268): Und den Strahl des werdenden Tages milderte lichter Nebel ein Schleyer aus Glanz, und weissem Dufte gewebet. Ruh war auf die Gefild' umher, sanftathmende Stille Ausgegossen. Ein Nachen entglitt da langsam-sichtbar Voll von Freuden dem lieblichen Duft des werdenden Tages. Water, in one form or another, is used only in similes. The music I Zweite Handlung, Erster Auftritt. 2 Scene 17. 3 The moon is mentioned in scenes 3, 8, 10, 11. 4 Canto IV, 1.21; XVII, 30s, 418. S Canto XV, 11. 1371 ff. 6 XV, 482 fi. 7 III, 476,497,61 passim. 46 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE of the harp is compared to the murmuring of a distant weeping brook, the noise of the lamenting multitude that surrounds the cross of the Savior is likened to the sound of mountain torrents, and the reverbera- tions of the song resound like the " Hain, wenn weit in der Feme Strome durch Felsen stiirzen ; und nah von den Bachen es rieselt : Wenn es vom Winde rauscht in den tausendblattrigen Ulmen."' The crowds of people rush on like the billows of the ocean, and " Gedanken(drang- ten) andre Gedanken, Wie Wogen des Meers, wie der Ocean drangte, Als er von drey Welten dich, femes Amerika, losriss." ° In other similes rage, or fierce passions, are compared to tempests.^ Thus we read in Canto XIV : " Sie vermochten nicht mehr zu wider- stehen. So reisst sich Durch den Wald der starkere Sturm. Die Baume des Waldes Zittern, rauschen mit Ungestiim alle, beugen sich alle, Vor dem herrschenden Sturm, der Donnerwolken, und Fluten Himmelstiirzender Meere von Berge treibet zu Berge ! " The follow- ing picture also shows the haziness characteristic of the Messias as a whole : " Aber wie zwey Gewitter, die an zwo Alpen herunter Dunkel kommen (ein stSrkerer Sturm tont ihnen entgegen, Wird sie ver- streuen 1) wie die in ihrem Schoosse den Donner Fliegend reizen, damit er die krummen Thaler durchbriille, Also rusten sich wider Eloa die stolzen zur Antwort." * An awful uproar of all the elements in nature will announce the day of resurrection : Rauschen werden die Strome ! die StUrme brausen, das Weltmeer Briillen ! beben die Erde ! der Himmel donnern, und Nacht seyn ! = Less vague than these lines are the few passages in which vivifica- tions occur. The cedar, the wind, the torrent, the ocean, are asked to speak of God, or to be at rest when He makes His presence manifest.^ When Abadonna repents, he seeks the Savior at the sources of all rivers and exclaims : " In aller dammernden Haine Einsamkeit hat sich mein Fuss mit leisem Beben verloren I . . . . Ich sprach zu dem hangenden Berge: Neige dich, einsamer Berg, nach meinen Thranen herunter."^ The hazy atmosphere which hovers about the Messias and makes the reading of the poem tedious to the modern reader, because of the lack of clear and distinct pictures, is by far less perceptible in the Odes. They are based on Klopstock's experiences, and were written for the most part before he became altogether " seraphic " and oblivious of « XX, 495 «. 3 IV, 276, et passim. 5 XI, 608. = 11,835. < VIII, 139. 61, 360; V, 186, 49a. 7 Canto v. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 47 the world of nature round about him. We agree with Winter, when he says of Klopstock's nature-sense : " In den Dichtungen Klopstocks finden sich die durch Warme der Empfindung und liebevolle Hinge- bung verklarten Bilder der wirklichen Natur .... am hauiigsten in den friiheren Oden."' He has in mind Der Zurchersee (1750), " Schon ist, Mutter Natur, deiner Erfindung Pracht .... ," Die fruhen Grdber (1764), "Willkommen, o silberner Mond, Schoner, stiller Gefahrt der Nacht . . . . ," z.nd Die Sommernacht{i'j66), " Wenn der Schimmer von dem Monde nun herab In die Walder sich ergiesst " To these we may add Friedensburg (1751), in which this bit of fine description occurs : " Sieh den ruhenden See, wie sein Gestade sich Dicht vom Walde bedeckt, sanfter erhoben hat, Und den schimmernden Abend In der grunlichen Dammerung birgt .... ," Die Frulingsfeyer{i'j^<)), with its powerful description of an approaching thunderstorm, and Der Eislauf {i']6/() — a poem which is said to contain the first poetiza- tion (in German literature) of skating." Twenty years previously, however, Karl Ramler had written these verses in his poem Sehnsucht nach dem Winter: " Der Jiingling .... schweift Auf harten Wassern laut jauchzend umher. Die Fiisse beschuhet mit Stahl, und iiberwindet den Reiter, Der am Gestade den Wettlauf gewagt." In his later odes Klopstock regrets his inability to skate, as we see from his poems, Unterricht (^^i-C) s.Vi6. Winterfreuden {\']()i). He writes : "Also muss ich auf immer, Kristall der Strome, dich meiden ? Darf nie wieder am Fuss schwingen die Fliigel des Stahls? Wasserkothurn, du warst der Heilender einer " His delight in skating he had expressed also in three other poems: Braga {iT6e,), Die Kunst Tialfs (1767), and Der Kamin (1770). As we know from his life and letters that he was an enthusiastic skater, even when advanced in age, we can but con- clude that these odes did not take rise in his imagination, but were the outcome of his experiences. This holds true of many of his odes. It seems strange, on the other hand, that he should have passed by the Falls of the Rhine (see Letters) and not have left to posterity a poem embodying his feelings at sight of this extraordinary phenomenon, when men less gifted than he did not fail to poetize it.^ Johann Kaspar Lavater, no doubt influenced by Klopstock's style, wrote from the castle of Laufen, in July, 1771, Der Rheinfall bei Schaffhausen. It begins : I p. 28. = Der Westen (Chicago) , April 16, 1899. 3 The only distinct reminiscence is in the long simile with which the ode Aganippa und Phiala (1764) opens. 48 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE Wer, wer gibt mir den Pinsel, wer Farben, dich zu entwerfen, Grosser Gedanke der Schopfung ! Dich, majestatischer Rheinfall ! .... Schauernd staun' ich euch an, ihr rufenden Wogengewolke ! Ihr verschlingt mir den Odem, ihr raubt den Lippen die Stimme ! Unter dir zittert die Erde ! Der Fels bebt ! Prachtiger Aufruhr ! and closes with the lines : . Der Strom, der .... aus dem brausenden Aufschaum Obertaubend dem Schauenden ruft, wie mit Stimmen der Meere : "Gott ist ! Herrhch ist Gottl ist Allmacht ! Fiihle dein Nichts hier! " Klopstock, too, felt the presence of God everywhere, in the very flower that blows, as he says in the ode Dem Algegenwartigen (1758), and hears His praise sounded by field and wood, dale and hill, shore and sea {Die Gestirne, 1764). Klopstock, as the author of the " Odes '' and not of the " Messias," is of the greatest importance in the history of the nature-sense. He sees the external world with the eye of a poet, and describes it in language appropriate to his theme ; owing, however, to lack of close observa- tion, his descriptions are seldom plastic. They often serve as starting- points for eulogies on friendship, love, and other subjects. Unlike the Anacreontics, he is interested in the sublime rather than the humble aspects of nature. His nature-sense, of which the Odes are the best index, grows somewhat stronger with approaching manhood, and fainter after he has passed middle age, but withal we are scarcely aware of any marked evolution. On the whole, he owes his importance to the form rather than the content of his works. THE BARDS. Before turning to the first great modern writer. Herder, we wish to speak briefly of the "Bardenpoesie," which had come in vogue with the appearance of Wilhelm Gerstenberg's (1737— 1823) Gedicht eines Skalden (1766). Interest in Northern mythology had been on the increase for some time, and had prepared the way for a favorable reception of the magniloquent and turgid poetry of Macpherson. Thus it was that Gerstenberg's poem with its Ossianic spirit aroused an audible echo, not only in Klopstock's breast, but also in Kretschmann's, Denis's, and others who became so infatuated with their bardic poetry that they assumed strange-sounding names of imaginary bards, such as Rhingulf, Sined, etc. Naturally their view of the external world became more or less tinged with Ossianic magniloquence. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 49 The second canto of Gerstenberg's poem contains a description of nature, typical of many to be found in the " Bardenpoesie." It begins thus : " Still war die Luft, in Majestat Lag die Natur zu Vidris Fiissen ! Die stolzesten der Wipfel rauschten, Und leise Bache murmel- ten . . . . Vom Hiigel braust im Bogenschuss Ein breiter Quell, schwillt auf zum breitern Fluss, Springt donnernd iiber jahe Spitzen " Similarly he pictures an ideal night (1. 63): "Die sternenvolle Nacht umschwebet sie. Die Flur ist Duft, der Wald ist Melodie. Sieh den gelinden West ihr Haar umfliessen ! O sieh den hellern Mond zu ihren Fiissen ! " Not quite so unreal, and more Ossianic in spirit, are these lines of Canto 3 : " Einst da ich einsam und verlassen am Ufer irrt', und jeden Hauch der Luft, der nach der Kiiste blies, mit meinen Seufzern fliigelte . . . ." Because of the lack of concrete- ness in the following passage of Canto 4, it is rather difficult to imagine with any degree of distinctness the landscape that the poet has in mind : "Wie reitzend, wie bezaubernd lacht Die heitre Gegend ! wie voll sanfter Pracht ! In schonrer Majestat, in reifer'm Strahle Glanzt diese Sonne ! Milder fliesst vom Thale Mir fremder Bliithen Friihlingsduft, Und Balsamgeister stromen durch die Luft " In his frequently quoted drama, Ugolino, whose time of action is a stormy night, the background of nature is as unsatisfactory as the play itself. Only a few vague references to the weather are interspersed. In the fifth act, however, Ugolino exclaims with dramatic effect : " O nun beb', Erde ! nun briillt, Stiirme ! nun wimmre, Natur ! wimmre, Geba- rerin ! wimmre ! wimmre ! die Stunde deines Kreisens ist eine grosse Stunde ! " This reminds one of the scene in King Lear (III : 2), and thus makes the inferiority of Gerstenberg's art even more evident. Of the other bardic poets, Michael Denis (i 729-1800) and Karl Friedrich Kretschmann (1738-1809) are best known. The former tries to describe a thunderstorm (Das Gewitter) in sixty-seven lines, but fails to impress us with the grandeur and majesty of this phe- nomenon. He cannot refrain from alluding to the gods of Northern mythology, and thus add a touch of unreality to his descriptions which by no means enhances their value. This is likewise true of his compeer, who tells us in Ringulphs Gesang (1. 79) how, as a boy, he was drawn to the forest: "Da horcht' ich oft am Wasserfall; Ich lernte von der Nachtigall Am Abend, von der Lerche friih, Und selbst des Westwinds Melodie." And then continues: "Auch lauscht ich oft bey Mondenglanz Auf den geheimnissvollen Tanz Der Jungfraun, welche sieh im Hain Dam Dienst der schonen Freya weihn." so TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE The range of observation of these "bards" is very small; their nature-sense is vague and emotional, but genuine. Their importance in the evolution of the poetry of nature is but slight. JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER (1744-1803). Next in importance to Klopstock's Odes in the history of the nature-sense, but of far wider reaching influence than they, are the works of Herder, both prose and verse. His all-important place in German literature he owes rather to the stimulating influence he exerted upon his contemporaries, and Goethe in particular, than to any distinct achievements of his own, though his prose works, not widely read nowadays, were in his time of the greatest possible consequence. He had come under the influence of English and French writers, of Macpherson and Percy, of Diderot and Rousseau, and caused in Ger- many a revival of folklore and a return to the natural way of expres- sion, from which Klopstock's followers had drifted so far away. His epoch-making essay, "Ossian and the Songs of Ancient Nations "(17 7 3), is a powerful protest against the artificiality of the eighteenth century, and emphasizes but more strongly the well-known words of Lessing : "Lebhafte Empfindungen sind nicht das Vorrecht gesitteter Volker.'" In the folksongs he sees the same relationship existing as between the parts of nature, the trees and bushes, the rocks and grottoes. He read Ossian, as he tells us, in the midst of situations in which most people hardly ever read him — in mid-ocean, on his voyage to Nantes, in 1769 — "mitten im Schauspiel einer ganz andern lebenden und webenden Natur, zwischen Abgrund und Himmel schwebend, taglich mit densel- ben endlosen Elementen umgeben."" Other reminiscences of his famous voyage can be traced in the Unterhaltungen und Brief e uber die dltesten Urkunden, and especially in the Alteste Urkunde des Menschen- geschlechts (1774). From the latter essay, some of the descriptions of which are said to have been suggested by Gessner's Der Tod Abels,^ we shall quote at length, because of the truly poetic conception of nature contained in it. Herder compares the creation of the world to the beginning of day : "Wer jemals auf dem wiisten Weltmeer mit Nacht und Todesfurcht umhiillt auf Morgenrothe gehoft, wird diese Scene gefiihlt haben — Geist des Himmels ! Hauch Gottes ! Wie er sich von droben her senkt, die Fluthen durchwiihlt, emporwebt : wo er wandelt, webt. Himmlische Gegenwart : und alles ist Schauer ! " He continues, 1 Litteratur Briefe, no. 33, 3 Suphan, Herders Werke, VI, Introduction, xii. 2 Cf. Letters, p. 80. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 51 with even greater inspiration (258); "Fiihle den wehenden, durch- wehenden Nachtgeist, auch noch den Schauer der tiefsten Friihe vor Tagesanbruch, wie er Meer, Baum und alles durchnimmt — webender Geist Gottes auf der Tiefe ! wer ists der nicht, unmittelbar vor Tages- anbruch, von ihm ergriffen, wie Gott, wie eine kommende Regkraft der Natur athme ! .... Und siehe! diese Entziickung, dies unnenn- bare Morgengefiihl, wies scheint alle Wesen zu ergreifen ! zu liegen auf der ganzen Natur! .... Vielleicht die Bliithe des Baums, die Blume, die Knospe fiihlen ! Lichtstrahl ! ein tonender Goldklang auf die grosse Laute der Natur — die Lerche erwacht und schwingt sich — wehe dem Fiihllosen, der diese Scene gesehn und Gott nicht gefiihlt hat !" Now darkness gives way to light, and the earth, like a huge mountain, rises up, casting off her veil. Flowers and trees feel the approach of the morning air. Then the sun appears in all his glory and majesty: " Das Auge kann nur Einen Anblick aushalten ! Ubertrift und endet alles!" Water and air are filled with life. "Alles voll Regung, Gesang, Freude und Segen ! " A description in prose, yet how poetic ! Only one who had observed a complete sunrise could draw such a picture. In his other early prose works Herder has but little to say of nature. Of interest are only his comments upon the elegy, which should have as a background the banks of a sadly flowing stream, for- ests, rocks, "wo die Aussicht und Stille in der Seele die Vorstellung der Gefahr und das Bewusstseyn der Sicherheit wechselsweise hervor- bringen.'" He himself enjoyed reading Young's " Night Thoughts," and Creuz's "Die Graber," never so much as on certain summer nights under a starry heaven in the silent arbor of his garden, which adjoined a graveyard, "wo alte heilige Linden, vom Hauche der Nacht beseelt, Schauder in die Seele rauschten, und aus den etwas entferntern Triim- mern eines sinkenden ritterlichen Schlosses .... die Philosophische Eule ihre hole Accente manchmal darunter stiess." ° We shall see in another chapter (Letters) "dass in jenen farben- prachtigen Schilderungen " — which we quoted from the Urkunde — "das Naturgefiihl Herders hervorbricht, das, wohl auch friiher sanfter Schwarmerei und Entziickung fahig, .... in der patriarcha- lischen Einsamkeit dieser Jahre (1772-1776) seine Bliite voll entfaltet."^ '^ Fragmented III, 3, III. 2 Ibid, footnote.— In Kritische Walde-r (11,9) he says: " Ausserordentlich wilde Gegenden, Wusten, Gebirge, Wasserfalle sind riihrend, aber nur so fern sie bekannte Ideeu wecken, die uns sclion beiwohnen." 3 Suphan, loc. cit. 52 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE This difference is perceptible also in his poems. Compare, for example, the poems Ein Landlied auf Gravenheide and Die Ddmmerung, of the years 1766 and 1769 respectively, with the poems Erdbeeren and St. Johanns Nachtstraum, of the year 1772, and it becomes apparent that, though the earlier ones also testify to his genuine love and observation of nature, they are yet not equal in depth and power of description to the later ones. A few lines of the Landlied run thus : " O Natur ! du glanzest unerschopflich reich ; und ein Ort den du bekranzest lacht der Kunst und des Gepranges, und ist Eden gleich .... Wenn in Abendroth der Himmel schwimmt, wahl ich dich, o See ! Wenn der Silberthau auf Wiesen glimmt, wahl ich dich, Allee !" How much more impressive and pulsating with the very life in nature are the lines of St. Johafins Nachtstraum : " Schonste Sommernacht ! Ich schwimm in Rosen und bliihenden Bohnen und Blumen und Hecken und Nachtviolen, in tausend Diiften ! — O Mutter Natur, wo kenn'ich deine Kinder alle, .... die jetzt sich schmiicken und lieben und paaren und Freude duften in der schonsten Brautnacht ! . . . . Unendlich ach ! Unerschopflich bist du schon ! Mutter Natur!" Equally sig- nificant are the verses of the poem Erdbeeren. In none of Herder's predecessors have we found a personification equal to the following in accuracy of observation, or aptness of expression : " Wie sie dort im Grase Hiigelaufwarts gliihen Und ins Griin errothen ! Jetzt den Wanderer lieblich locken, jetzt entschliipfet tauschen — Bulerinnen wie die Erdentochter ! " Of Herder's other poems previous to his removal to Weimar only two concern us here : one in which he compares Luther to the sturdy oak that, in spite of the fiercest storms, stands firmly rooted, and the other in which he notes the beautiful song of the invisible lark.' Two of his very best efforts, Parthenope and Angedenken an Neapel, do not come within the scope of this treatise because of their late date (1789).'' Herder, as from other points of view, is also from ours the first modern. He speaks of nature as does one who has closely observed her and genuinely loves her ; though often in prose his descriptions are as poetic as any in the literature of the eighteenth century. His range of observation is much wider than that of his predecessors ; he sees beauty in the small and the great things of nature, and knows how to interpret it. Even the grandeur of the ocean he appreciates, as we shall see in the chapter on letters. Here, for the first time, we feel the necessity of treating the works and letters together ; they are the expression of one and the same spirit. I Werke, XXIX, 53, 390. 2 Nor should Winter have quoted them C32) . IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 53 THE GOTTINGER HAINBUND. Herder's influence was soon to rival and finally to surpass Klop- stock's. Some of their followers, men younger than they, students at the University of Gottingen, came together on September 12, 1772, and formed the Hainbund. A few others poetically inclined soon joined them, or established a fairly close relationship with them. Next to Goethe it is due to this whole group that German lyric poetry became once more "in Empfindung und Gestaltung schlicht und innig, natiirlich und urspriinglich, acht deutsch und volksthiimlich."' We shall speak of them in the following order, beginning with the poet who is least important for the present purpose : Voss, Biirger, Claudius, Holty, and Friedrich Stolberg. JOHANN HEINRICH VOSS (l 751-1826). Voss, the scholar of the Hainbund, contributed only a few poems, before the appearance of Werther, that are of interest to us. His most significant \vat%, Der IPinter (I'^'j i), strike us as strange, because of their meter, and are devoid of that broad sympathy for nature that characterizes the productions of some of his contemporaries. He says of winter : " Graunvoll tummelt er Nachtgewolk Durch aufbrausendes Meer, krachende Waldung durch : Weiss dann wirbelt die Flur ; und schnell Harscht der Bach, und im See heulet gediegner Frost." The poet manifests no genuine appreciation of this season, but, like so many of his predecessors, prefers a cozy seat by the chimney-fire where he can enjoy a pleasant chat. GOTTFRIED AUGUST BURGER (l 747-94). Of greater importance by far are Biirger's poems, though they too show some affiliations with preceding schools of poetry, especially with the Anacreontic. Burger prefers the singing of his sweetheart to all the concerts of larks and nightingales, and bids the wind and the brook be his messengers to her, or witnesses of his tender affection for her." The arrival of spring he pictures rather graphically: Unter frohen Melodieen 1st der junge Lenz erwacht. Seht wie Stirn und Wang' ihm gliihen, Wie sein belles Auge lacht ! ' iHettner, Litgesch., III,'I, 294. ^Dz'e beiden Liehenden; An ein Maienluftchen; Das harte Mddchen. 3 Die Nachtfeier der Venus; Danklied. 54 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE The description of his little village, with its fields of corn and its meadows, and in the distance the blue woods, is well known. Besides these features he sees the following: " Dort kranzen Schlehen Die braune Kluft, Und Pappeln wehen In blauer Luft. Mit sanftem Rieseln Schleicht hier gemach Auf Silberkieseln Ein heller Bach.'" With only these references at hand one would be justified in classing him with the idyllic poets. When, however, the poem Lenore (1773), in which nature is used with consummate skill as a background for the action, is taken into account, such classification will seem not quite just. The deft use of nature in this poem is proof positive that his place is among the best of modern poets. The frequent repetition of " Der Mond scheint hell " at different points of the wild midnight ride intensifies the already weird atmosphere of the ballad. The reader feels the rough air of this evil-boding night when he hears : " Den Hagedorn durchsaust der Wind," and can image vividly the peculiar noise of the spirits rushing headlong on, when the poet says of it : " Wie Wirbelwind am Haselbusch Durch diirre Blatter rasselt." Lastly, the mention of the fluttering ravens and the croaking of the frogs helps to create " the atmosphere of lurid mystery which hovers about it." As already observed, we should class Burger with the idyllic poets, were it not for his skilful and dramatic use of nature in Lenore. This poem was in more than one respect of the greatest importance in the subsequent history of German poetry. MATTHIAS CLAUDIUS (1740-1815). As simple, sincere, and " volkstumlich" as Biirger is Matthias Clau- dius, the editor of the " Wandsbecker Bothen." His poems, which show genuine love and first-hand observation of nature, are no doubt based on his own experience. Well might he have written such poems as Mor- genlied eines Bauernmanns (" Da kommt die Hebe Sonne wieder") or Abendlied (" Der Mond ist aufgegangen ") as he was driving through the country and observing with an appreciative eye the manifold aspects of nature. Thus he tells his readers on Good Friday morning in a simple and straightforward way: "Bin die vorige Nacht unterwegen gewesen. Etwas kalt schien der Mond auf den Leib, sonst war er aber so hell und schon, dass ich recht meine Freude dran hatt', und mich an ihm nicht konnte satt sehen." Then he meditates : " Heut Nacht vor tausend acht hundert Jahren schienst du gewiss nicht so ; denn es war I Das Dorfchen. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 55 doch wohl nicht moglich, dass Menschen im Angesicht eines so freundlichen sanften Mond's einen gerechten unschuldigen Mann Leid thun konnten ! " ' Elsewhere he addresses the moon even more familiarly, and in a humorous way confesses his love for her when a boy: "Ich pflegt' in den Wald zu laufen und halbverstohlen hinter'n Baumen nach Ihnen umzublicken, wenn Sie mit blosser Brust oder im Negligee einer zerrissenen Nachtwolke voriibergiengen." " He is fond of both spring and winter, and likes to sing of them equally well, as the following verses demonstrate : Sieh ! der Friihling kommt nun wieder, Und die Nachtigall, .... Und wir singen Friihlingslieder, Und dann fallen in den Schall Tausend weisse Bluthen nieder.^ Der Winter ist ein rechter Mann, Kernfest und auf die Dauer ; Sein Fleisch fiihlt sich wie Eisen an, Und scheut nicht Suss noch Sauer.* At heart he probably prefers spring, for he tells his readers in June : " So 'n heller Decembertag is auch wohl schon und dankenswerth, wenn Berg und Thai in Schnee gekleidet sind, und uns Bothen in der Morgenstunde der Bart bereift ; aber die Lenzgestalt der Natur ist doch wunderschon ! Und die Welt hat Blatter, und der Vogel singt, und die Saat schiesst Aehren, und dort hangt die Wolke mit dem Bogen vom Himmel, und der fruchtbare Regen rauscht herab." Then the poet sings for very joy: "Wach auf mein Herz und singe Dem Schopfer aller Dinge . . . . 's ist, als ob Er voriiber wandle, und die Natur habe Sein Kommen von Feme gefiihlt und stehe bescheiden am Weg' ill ihrem Feyerkleid, und frolocke ! " = He believes he has every reason for thanking God who has given him the privilege " die Sonne, Berg und Meer Und Laub und Gras [zu] sehn, und Abends unterm Sternenheer Und lieben Monde gehen."' Sincerity and genuineness are characteristics of Claudius's nature- sense. His observations are first-hand, but do not comprehend the more romantic aspects of nature, although he no doubt had the oppor- tunity of seeing them. ^Der Wandshecker Botken: Am Charfreitagmorsen (Pt. I, 8). ^Ein Brief an den Mond (Pt. I, 120). \ Ein Lied Unterm Ofen zv. singen (Pt. IV, 141). iAls Daphne krank war (Pt. I, 200) . 5 Im Junius (Pt. 1, 50). ' TdgHch zu singen (Pt. Ill.iaS) . S6 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE LUDWIG HEINRICH CHRISTIAN HOLTY (l 748-76). The nature-sense of Holty has many points in common with that of Claudius, except in the later years of his brief life, when the melan- choly, which seized Holty, affected to a considerable extent his view of nature. He loved the country where he had spent his youth and, owing to the impressions he received there, he became a poet of nature and of country life almost exclusively. Unlike the poems of previous decades, his songs are the genuine expression of his feelings, and, as Karl Halm states it : " Da der schwarmerische Hang, in der Natur zu schwelgen, ihn auch in den spateren Jahren seines Lebens nicht ver- liess, so spricht sich in alien Naturschilderungen und landlichen Liedern ein lauteres, ungekiinsteltes Gefiihl aus, dem man es leicht anmerkt, dass das Herz wirklich mitgesungen hat."' Many of his poems were in fact composed in the country, "im lieblichen Mai, unter bliihenden Baumen und Nachtigallen," as Holty writes in a let- ter to Voss,'' and fondly hopes that they may breathe " etwas von der Maienanmuth, die von alien Seiten auf mich zustromte, als ich sie sang.'' His wish was fulfilled, for his songs would not be heard to this very day, if they had not something of the "Maienanmuth" in them. Beginning with 1771 he wrote every year one or more poems in praise of spring and May, some of which form today a part of the stock-in-trade of editors of school readers and anthologies. We note these in chronological order : \i']i,Mailied ("Tanzt den schonen Mai entgegen ") ; 1772," Heil dir, lachelnder Mai, Blumenschopfer, Herzen- fessler," and "Schon im Feierschmucke lachelt Hold und brautlich die Natur;" 1773 (his most productive year), " Willkommen Hebe Som- merzeit, — Griin wird Wies' und Au . . . . Jedes Haingestrauch Flustert freuet euch ! — Der Schnee zerrinnt, Der Mai beginnt — Die Luft ist blau, das Thai ist griin, die kleinen Maienglocken bliihn ; " 1774, " Wenn der silberne Mond durch die Gestrauche blickt ;" 1775, Trinkliedim Mai; and 1776, "Rother schimmert der Morgen." No comment is necessary, for they are well-known to everyone who is at all familiar with German lyric poetry. The poet of spring misses, of course, in winter birds and flowers {Winter lied, 1773), thus showing that in this respect he has not gone beyond the majority of poets before him. Next in importance to the spring songs are those addressed to the moon. Though it may be possible, yet it is not probable, that they « Holtys Gedichte, Einl., xxix. 2 Mariensee, June 12, 1775. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 57 were inspired by the reading of Young and Ossian. It has been said above that a few years before his death Holty grew melancholy, and like a true poet he recorded in his songs his various moods. In 1771 he still could write : " Schon als hiipfender Knabe .... sass ich am Wiesenbach Und beschaute dein Antlitz [Mond] Mit verschlingendem Wonneblick."' Only two years later his joy has changed to discon- tent: "Wann itzt dein Licht Durchs Fenster bricht, Lacht's keine Ruh Mir Jiingling zu." ° His thoughts are centered on death : " Wann, lieber Freund, Ach wann bescheint Dein Silberschein Den Leichen- stein, Der meine Asche birgt ? " The following year he asks of the moon aid and sympathy: " Enthiille dich, dass ich des Strauchs mich freue, Der Kiihling ihr gerauscht .... Dann, lieber Mond, dann nimm den Schleier wieder Und traur' um deinen Freund."^ The complete change that had come over him is distinctly marked in his pronounced tendency to address the moon rather than the sun, as he had done in the earlier part of his short career, when he poured forth this superb ode : Hail dir, Mutter des Lichts ! Sie bestrahlet den Hain, Der vom Fittich des Winds auf dam Gebirge nickt .... Wie der Puis der Natur jetzt so jugendlich klopft ! Wie des Waldes Musik von den Wipfeln ertont ! * Holty's poems, also, are the expression of genuine and deep-felt emotion. We hav£ sufficient evidence to believe that he gained his knowledge of nature from actual observation. His spring songs, which are justly famous because of their simplicity and naturalness, breathe the air of outdoor life, while his poems to the moon are filled with a melancholy spirit. FRIEDRICH LEOPOLD STOLBERG (1750-1819). Friedrich Stolberg, who from our point of view is the most impor- tant poet of the Hainbund, differs from all other members of this group in his intense love of the grand and sublime in nature, and in his ability to embody his feelings in apt and poetic language. He had from his very youth, as Scherer says,^ "ein tiefes Bediirfnis, zu vereh- ren, . . . . sei es Homer oder die Natur, sei es die Heldenkraft unserer Ahnen oder das Meer." Stolberg did not want anyone as a friend who did not love nature, for " Schauer begegneten. In hoher ^Hyfnnus an den Mond, 5 An den Mond^ 1774. ^ An den Mond. AHymnus an die Morgensonne,z-jyi. SLitgesch., 507. 5 8 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE Wallung, seiner Seele Nie mit der steigenden Morgensonne" {Die Natur, iiTi). He voiced most perfectly the dominant feeling in the seventies when he wrote, after seeing the Falls of the Rhine, those fre- quently quoted lines : Siisse, heilige Natur ! Lass mich gehn auf deiner Spur. Leite mich an deiner Hand, Wie ein Kind am Gangelband ! — An die Natur, 1775. It was to nature that Homer owed his greatness, as Stolberg says in his ode to the ancient bard : " Es liebte dich fruh Die heilige Natur ! . . . . Weihte dich und saugte dich an ihrer Brust ! " " The poet had spent his boyhood in close proximity to the sea, had grown fond of it (see Letters), and in his manhood sang of the grandeur of the ocean over and over again — the ocean which up to his time had played no conspicuous part in German poetry,' and had to wait for adequate treatment in English literature for Byron and Shelley.^ As one reads his apostrophes to the sea, the earliest of which were composed in the year 1777, one feels that they are imbued throughout with the modern spirit and could have been written only by one whose home was by the sea. His best-known ode begins thus : Du heiliges und weites Meer, Wie ist dein Anblick mir so hehr ! Set mir im friihen Strahl gegrusst, Der zitternd deine Lippen kusst ! . . . . Wann sich zu dir die Sonne neigt, Errothend in dein Lager steigt, Dann tonet deiner Wogen Klang Der miiden Erde Wiegensang.* Klopstock's intense delight in skating is surely equaled by Stolberg's exuberant joy in bathing in the ocean's waves, for he continues his apostrophe to the ocean thus : Oft eil ich aus der Haine Ruh', Mit Wonne deinen Wogen zu, Und senke mich hinab in dich, Und kiihle, labe, starke mich. This same entering into the very arms of the ocean, as it were, he expresses even more strongly in the Badelied (1777): I Homer, 1775. 3 Reynolds, Treatment of Nature, etc., 2s6- = Keiper^ F. L. Stolbergs Jugendpoesie, 48. i An das Meer. Cf. Hjimne an die Erde, 1778, IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 59 O ruhmliche Wonne, Mit Mond und mit Sonne Zu baden im Meer ! Die wallenden Gluthen Der purpumen Fluthen So rund um uns her ! The siren song of the swashing waves entices him to sink into the very lap of the sea : " Du schmeichelst meinem Ohr, Ich kenne dein Rauschen, Deiner Wogen Sirenengesang ! Ostsee, du nahmst mich oft mit schmeichelnden Armen In den kiihlenden Schooss ! " {Die Meere, iili). At other times he wanders at midnight to the ocean to seek inspiration from the billowy sea, and the swelling waves, and the shimmering stars,' for they all are his friends ; he speaks of the ocean, the earth, and the heaven as "traulich und hold."° Not until many years later do we find such genuine love and appreciation of the ocean.^ Not less significant than his treatment of the ocean is his use of the mountain torrent. Up to his time, and especially with the Anacre- ontic poets, the purling brook was the usual emblem of life. Not so with Stolberg. He likens his life and his brother's to " Zwillings- strome, [die] sich hell stiirzen von Felsen herab, Mit vereinter Kraft bald Tannen walzen und Felsen," or compares a band of heroes to the Rhine "[der] von jahen Felsen herab Seine Donner stiirzet und ewigen Schaum, Mit des Adlers Eile, des Meeres Schall."'' It is entirely modern in spirit when he no longer draws his metaphors from nature, but looks upon her elements as if they were human beings. This we shall see presently in his references to the Hartz and the moon, but can also note in his poem Der Fehenstrom (1775), composed near the Wallenstadter See and perhaps influenced by Goethe's Mahomets Gesang.5 It begins thus : "Unsterblicher Jiingling! Du stromest her- vor Aus der Felsenkluft Wie bist du so furchtbar Im Donner der hallenden Felsen umher ! . . . . Du sturzest die Tanne mit Wurzel und Haupt !■" Like the torrent, the whirlpool and the storm are looked upon as companions.'' As we have indicated elsewhere (p. 41), Stolberg is the first to appreciate poetically the beauty of the Hartz and during his sojourn in Gottingen' wrote these splendid lines : I HelUteck eine Seelandische Gegend, 1776. 2 Der A bend, 1783. 3 Cf. Walzel, Euphorion, V. 154. A Elegie an meinen Bruder, 1778; Freiheitsgesang, ^TJ^. 5Scherer,Anz.f.d. Alt., 11,284. 7 Here he also composed ^Wffze IVeende von GStiingen,ijTi. ^Lied eines Freigeistes^XT^d. 6o TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE Herzlich sei mir gegrusst, werthes Cheruskaland ! . . . . Dir gab Mutter Natur .... Einfalt und Wurde ! Wolkenhohnende Gipfel, donnerhallende Strome dir ! ... . Wie der schirmende Forst deinem erhabenen Nacken schattet ! ' In his Freiheitsgesang (1775) he sees the indications of Germany's future greatness, just as he sees in the early morning the indications of the full beauty of the Brocken at midday : " Wie der Brocken stolz, wenn der Morgenrothe Licht Seine Scheitel rothet, noch finster unter ihm liegen die Thale, und nur dammern die Gipfel um ihn her ! " Lastly we should add a few words concerning his treatment of the moon and of winter. He attributes human qualities to the moon, when he imagines her to be sad, because some friend has departed, " Schied dir ein Freund, o Mond ? Du blickst so traurig Durch die hangenden Maien ! " and as he thinks of his mother he wonders whether the moon, too, " denkt an sie zuriick."' His attitude toward winter is even more noteworthy, for, with the exception of Brookes and Klopstock, none of his predecessors recorded the charms of this season ; and even of these two it can hardly be said that they fully appreciated a winter landscape. Stolberg, as his letters show,^ observed it, appreciated it, and described it in his Winterlied (1776) : Auch sieht mich alias freundlich an Im Schmuck des Winters angethan, Das Meer, gepanzert, weiss und hart, Der krause Wald, der blinkend starrt. He loved nature in all her manifold aspects, but, unlike Brockes, not as a manifestation of God, but for her own sake. And thus he cries : Natur, du wirst mir nimmer alt In deiner wechselnden Gestalt ! Natur so hehr ! so wunderbar ! Und doch so traut ! und doch so wahr ! (Ibid.) Though the other poets of the Hainbund contributed largely to a better and more genuine appreciation of nature than had been current among their predecessors, Friedrich Stolberg deserves the lion share of the credit. Coupled with the power of close observation and intense love for the grand and terrible in nature is the ability to interpret I Der Marz, 1772, The thoughts that arose in Goethe on his visit to the same mountains are poeti- cally embodied in the famous Harzreise im Winter ^ 1777. ^An den Mond, ^jTi ; Der Mond, 1775. 3 To Catherine, Oct. 14 and Nov. 22, 1777. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 6i poetically. Unlike preceding writers, his eyes are not holden to the charms of winter or the grandeur of mountains and sea; nay, he verily revels in them, though not quite in the spirit of his contemporary, Goethe. This one, as we shall see presently, is to give the fullest and most felicitous expression to the new feeling for nature. JOHANN WOLFGANG GOETHE (1749-1832). As we read Friedrich Stolberg's poems we hear notes which are unmistakably a prelude to the grand symphony about to be played. The time had arrived when a genius of the highest order was to inter- pret nature, as she had never been interpreted before. In the very beginning, to be sure, a greater or less dependence on his immediate predecessors is easily traceable in his lyrics, but even in them indica- tions of a greater genius are not wanting. Ere long he furnished proof indisputable that he was the poet of nature par excellence. Even in his earliest verses Goethe's use of metaphors and similes is remarkable." As was the fashion among literary men of his day, he intersperses poetry in his letters. Thus he writes to his friend Riese (Leipzig, Dec. 21, 1765): " Ich lebe so ungefahr So wie ein Vogel, der auf einem Ast Im schonsten Wald sich Freiheit atmend wiegt. Der ungestort die sanfte Luft geniesst, Mit seinen Fittichen von Baum zu Baum, von Busch zu Busch, sich singend hinzuschwingen." Else- where he compares his heart, full of peace and joy, to the lightest cloud that floats serenely above him, and the joy of stealing a kiss seems to him like that of picking a violet in March.' His early lyrics were, no doubt, influenced by the Anacreontics. He, too, loves to lie by the side of a brook and meditate,^ and compose his songs,* and enjoy the rolling waves : Im spielenden Bache da lieg icb wie helle ! Verbreite die Arme der kommenden Welle, Und buhlerisch driickt sie die sehnende Brust. Dann tragt sie ihr Leichtsinn im Strome darnieder, Schon naht sich die Zweyte und streichelt mich wieder. Da fiihl ich die Freuden der wechselnden Lust.^ The best-known song of these " Leipziger Lieder," and, in many respects, one superior to any in the collection, is entitled Die Nacht. Barring a few expressions which show the influence of the Anacreontic poets, the poem is permeated by a spirit unknown to that school. With I Cf. Victor Hehn, Gedanken iiber Goethe, chap. vi. z Bemays, Der junge Goethe, I, io8, 112. 3 Letter to Riese, April 28, 1766. iCl. Ziineigung. 5 Der junge Goethe, I, 104. 62 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE a few sure touches the poet makes us feel the charms of the night ("schone, susse Nacht"). The poem was written, however, before Goethe's sojourn at Strassburg, and the consequent change (or slough- ing, as R. M. Meyer calls it) which was brought about chiefly through Herder's influence. Zi/tfiVat^i^might well be compared, as Scherer has so excellently suggested,' to his song ^« Friederike: " Es schlug mein Herz, geschwind zu Pferde," which was composed only two or three years later. It is needless to quote it here, or to comment upon it, as it is universally known and has been analyzed and annotated by the fore- most critics ; it were perhaps better to say a word in regard to another poem, written about the same time and equally well-known, Mayfest (1771), "Wie herrlich leuchtet mir die Natur." And this, despite V. Hehn,° who passes over it, because it consists, as he says, only of excla- mations current since Hagedorn, and might have been composed equally well by Gleim, Uz, or J. G. Jacobi. In our study of these men we confess to have found no verses that can be put side by side with these of Goethe's. Such exuberance of feeling, such a superb yet natu- ral way of expression, are well-nigh foreign to them. Goethe had now altogether broken with the Anacreontic traditions, and no longer hesitated to publish his manifesto. In his review of J. G. Sulzer's Die schonen Kunste (1771) he says : "Gehort denn, was unangenehme Eindriicke auf uns macht, nicht so gut in den Plan der Natur als ihr Lieblichstes ? Sind die wiithenden Stiirme, Wasserfluthen Feuerregen .... nicht eben so wahre Zeugen ihres ewigen Lebens, als die herrlich aufgehende Sonne ? . . . . Was wir von Natur sehn, ist Kraft, die Kraft verschlingt, nichts gegenwartig, alles voriibergehend, tausend Keime zertreten, jeden Augenblick tausend gebohren, gross und bedeutend, mannigfaltig ins Unendliche."^ This is the spirit which now pervades his poems. Compare Der Wanderer, Wanderers Sturm- lied, Gesang nach Mahomet, Rastlose Liebe, etc. At the same time he perceives the kinship of the spirit of nature with the spirit of man. His love of nature grows more intense, and he sings ; " Wie ist Natur so hold und gut. Die mich am Busen halt." As he glides along on the water, he observes her manifold aspects : "Auf der Welle blinken Tau- send schwebende Sterne, Weiche Nebel trinken Rings die thiirmende Feme, Morgenwind umfliigelt Die beschattete Bucht, Und im See bespiegelt Sich die reifende Frucht."'' Not only in joy, but in sorrow as well, he turns to nature, and though she, too, is sad, she is yet more hopeful than he, as the following ■Litg:esch.,48i. 2L0C. cit.,307. 3 Dei junge Goethe, 11,472. 4 Ibid., Ill, 182. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 63 verses show : " Ein zartlich jugendlicher Kummer Fiihrt mich in's ode Feld, es liegt In einem stillen Morgenschlummer Die Mutter Erde, rauschend wiegt Ein kalter Wind die starren Aeste. Schauernd tont er die Melodic zu meinem Lied voll Schmerz. Und die Natur ist angstlich still und trauernd, Doch hoffnungsvoUer als mein Herz."' Such close correspondence between the moods of man and nature will be presently seen delineated with greater skill and dramatic effect in Werther.° First, however, it may be well to pass in review the novels before the appearance of Werther, to determine the part that nature plays in them./~In England, the home of the modern novel, there is not found in the works of fiction before 1756 "a single passage indicating any close observation or love of nature," and even after that date " develop- ment is spasmodic and slow.'^_^mollett's " Humphrey Clinker " (i 7 7 1) is probably the first novel permeated by the new spirit. In how far English fiction was influenced by Rousseau's " Nouvelle Heloise " (1761) Miss Reynolds does not tell us. In Germany this famous novel, which for the first time opened the eyes of many readers and writers to the world of nature, left its distinct impress on Frdulein von Sternheim, (1771), and especially Werther {x^ 1/1^. *• In the preceding works of fic- tion, the " Abenteuer und Schelmenromane," beginning with Simpli- a'sstmus{i66S), and including Insel Felsenburg {Yi-^x-zi,-!^, occasional references to nature are found.^ Not as much can be said of some of the novels which followed in historical sequence, which, faithful to their pfototypes, the works of Richardson and Fielding, almost totally ignored the external world. Compare, for example, Gellert's Das Leben der schwedischen Grdfin v. G., 1746. Mention has been made above of the comparatively slight use of nature in Wieland's novels, for, though he considers the direct impressions of the majestic spectacle of nature the prime source of " Ausschweifungen der Schwarmerei,"' still the use of nature in his works hardly substantiates this claim. In Thiimmel's Wilhelmine (1764) there are a few scattered nature- references, contained mostly in curious similes, of which the following may serve as illustration : " Thranen der Freude rollten iiber seinen stachlichten Bart herunter, wie ein plotzlicher Sommerregen iiber die iD. j. G., I, 271. 1^3ReynoIds, Treatment of Nature, etc., 217, 229. 2 Only few references to nature are found in Gotz von Berlichmgen, the most striking perhaps in the last scene, where Gotz, before dying, enjoys his last moments in the open air. Cf. R. M. Meyer, Goethe, 86. 4 E. Schmidt, Richardson, Rousseau und Goethe, 57, 133^ I73> et passim. 5 Winter, Beitrage 2. Gesch. d. Naturgefiihls, 23. « Don Sylvio (1764) 1 Book I, ch. 3. 64 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE glanzenden Stoppeln der Felder " (4. Gesang). There is certainly a vein of humor running through Thiimmel's description of the rising sun on a New Year's morning : " Ihr ungewohnter Blick iibersah schiichtern die Planeten Betaubt von den murrenden Wiinschen der Thor- heit und von den lauten Seufzern des Ungliicks, stund die Sonne in wehmiithiger Schonheit am Himmel, fiirchtete sich langer herab zu schauen, und versteckte sich oft hinter ein triibes Gewolke" (2. Gesang). The sequel to this book, Nicolai's Sebaldus Nothanker (1773), makes larger and better use of nature, especially in the second and third parts (1775-76), with which this study is, however, less concerned. In Part I love of nature is evident, but chiefly as found in parks and gardens. The countess preferred the beauties of nature to the pomp of court (230), and did not refrain from walking on beautiful winter days (II, 144). Marianne's prot^g^e, Adelheid, often stole into the garden to see the setting sun, to hear the nightingales, and to inhale the odor of gillyflower and jasmin (I, 177). Marianne's lover, Saug- ling, exclaims : " Meine Seele ist zu voU, als dass ich die Schon- heiten der Natur empfinden konnte" (I, 214), and then compares him- self to a violet, and her to the sun without whose power the violet cannot bloom. He goes out into nature to plan, " unter den Einfliis- sen der schonen Gegend," a scene of his novel (III, 125). And Mari- anne strolls about in the early hours of the morning to imbibe the beauties of the charming country, and to find her lover's image mir- rored in every leaf and bud (III, 104, 108). Her father, Sebaldus, is indeed a lover of nature. He regards with pleasure the dense foliage of chestnut trees, but ignores the castle on the way (II, 22). He sees " die gliickliche Mischung dunkler Fichten mit schlanken Ulmen, hellgriinen weissrindigen Birken, und glatten Akacien unterbrochen, denen hundertjahrige majestatische Eichen zum Hintergrunde dienen, [und] melancholische Gange von dichtem Lerchenholze, und von diistern Eichenbaumen." He is refreshed by the odor of pines and of "Lindenbliithe," is charmed by a walk on a beautiful autumn day, and even when in adversity delights in the view of land and sea.' In the ten volumes of Sophiens Reise (Hermes), published 1769- 73, there are scattered references to the external world, most of them pertaining to a sunrise, or a sunset. In one of the first letters (I, 28) Sophie regrets that the charms of morning have been so often described, for she would like to picture them, 'and then she proceeds to I II, 23, 24, 50; III, 48. In this as in tlie following novel, Carl Heine (Der Roman in Deutsch- land, 123, rig) notes only one reference to nature. IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 65 depict them. Other characters, like Prof. T. (IV, 22), and /ulchen (VI, 94), are also delighted with a sunrise which they think no poet can describe with justice, and Johanne looks back " mit Thranen der Sehnsucht" to the lake in which the village is reflected in the morning sunshine (VI, 355). Evening, too, has its charms for Sophie (I, 85). She listens intently to the song of the nightingale and the imitative "Rohrsperling," but, fearing that she gives vent to her feelings too strongly, she says : "doch ich rede hievon wol gar mit Schwarmerei ?" (I, 38). Occasionally she feels in sympathy with nature: "Die ganze Gegend um mich her, ein See unter meinem Fenster, der Wald, die Luft, und ich — alles ist still" (I, 127). When she is enjoying a trip on the Baltic sea during a beautiful autumn evening, she feels sorry that there is no sensitive soul on board to share the pleasure with her. The moon seems to look down at her with compassion. "Auf der pommerschen Kiiste," she writes, "macht der so benannte weisse Berg eine unvergleichliche Wiirkung gegen die schwarze See, und gegen die vielfarbige Landschaft, und das alles schliesst sich hinten an den hellen Himmel mit dem sanften Grau der Waldungen " (VIII, 37). There may be added one comment on autumn which anticipates a thought in Werther. "Der Herbst," says one of the letter- writers, "hat von jeher etwas von einer siissen Schwermuth fiir mich gehabt " (II, 138). Much less is said of nature in Haller's political novel Usong (17 71), the scene of which is laid in Persia. Large gardens, beautiful brooks, gaily colored flowers, etc., are merely mentioned (14, 112, 184), but lack of skill in description is evident throughout the book. In accord- ance with tradition, mountains are designated as "ode," "beschwer- lich," " unwegsam" (in, 185, etc.). An altogether different spirit toward nature prevails in an anonymous story which appeared in the same year as the "Nouvelle Heloise," 1761, entitled Die Reise auf die Geburge. Such enthusiasm for nature as is here manifested may not be found in any previous work, and, what is more, genuine love and close observation of wild, free nature are expressed in a thoroughly modern way. Our ignorance as to its authorship is to be lamented, for it is probable tha* the identity of the author might reveal much of interest to the student of the nature- sense. As this short story is so little known, some unusually long extracts may be of value : Lange hat dein Pamelon nicht solch Vergniigen geschmeckt, als da er nun am schonen Sommerabende mit seinen Freunden die Reise auf die 66 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE Geburge antral. Ein milder Regen begiinstigte unser Vorhaben, denn nach dem Regen verjiingte die Natur sich, und alle Felder und Wiesen und Auen dufteten balsamisch. Der Mond schien der Natur an diesem Tage auch die minutenlange Ruhe nicht zu gonnen, die die Sonne ihr liess. Wie schon ist diese Gegend im Mondscheine ! (sagte Menalkas). Sehet, wie iiber jene Ebene der Schatten hinlauft, als flohe er vor uns zu den Geburgen hinauf ! Hinter uns stehen Tempel und Thiirme mit veranderten Gestalten, und scheinen wie Phantome in der Luft zu tanzen (8, 9). Schon wurde das Erd- reich uneben, und wir stiegen bergan, da lief Strephon aus alien Kraften voraus, um zuerst auf dem Gipfel des Berges zu seyn : und da er ihn erreicht hatte, stellte er sich auf einen Stein hin, and schrie herunter : hier, Freunde, ist die paradiesische Gegend, denn hier ist die Erde weit schoner denn unten. .... Da kamen wir durch dicke Walder von Eichen, deren Boden in ewigem Schatten liegt, und deren Innerstes nur von alten Hirschen oder gejagten Ebem besucht wird: denn nie sind menschliche Fiisse durch die dicken Walder gedrungen. Aus dem Walde fiel ein Weg von dem Berge herunter, steil und gekriimmt und tief : doch war der Weg schon und anmuthig, denn an beiden Seiten waren tiberhangende bewachsene Felsen, und dann waren dunkle Holen, aus denen Quellen hervorspritzten Da kamen wir in das Thai von hohen Bergen umgranzt, deren schroffer Abhang mit Birken und Buchen mid Eichen bedeckt war (15 ff.). Am Abhange waren schrofe Abgriinde und heriiberhangende Felsen ; doch waren die Felse und die Abgriinde mit Buchen and Birken bewachsen, unter uns im unabsehlichen Thale standen hohe Eichen and Tannen, wie Buchwerk ; eine reizende Scene ! bey der die Seele in Entziickung zer- schmilzt ! Ungesattigt mit immer neuer Wollust irrt hier das Auge vom Thale auf den Berg, and vom Berge wieder ins Thai hin, and findet uberall Ergotzen und Freude. Hier wollen wir uns lagern, rief Stephan, oft und lange ins tiefe unabsehliche Thai sehen. Nein, erwiederte Menalkas, hier wo der Weg sich dreht, ist die Aussicht noch schoner, denn hier erscheint auch jener Zug'vom griinen Gebiirge, das dort versteckt ist. Wir stritten uns so um den schonsten Gesichtspunkt (22). Dicht am Fusse des HUgels lag im Schatten der Berge eine kleine, lieb- liche Stadt : so liegt im Schoosse der Mutter ein holdes schlafendes Kind. Hinter der Stadt war eine unabsehliche Landschaft, wie ein Garten, und nahe am|Hugel waren griine Thaler und abhangende Fluren, und hinter uns erhoben'dunkel bewachsene Tannengebiirge ihren Gipfel bis an die Wolken. Da wir auf einmal die paradiesische Abendsonne erblickten, blieben wir lange inJstillem^EntzuckenJda stehen, und weinten Freudenthranen (28). Though it is difficult to tell whether this story exerted any influence on subsequent writers or not, yet, judged by its own merit, it Is remarkable, because^of the favorable mention of the primeval forest, IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 67 overhanging rocks, and abysses, and the intense joy in nature for her own sake.' With this possible exception (Die Reise auf die Gebiirge), no work of German fiction before 1774 even approaches in sympathetic or effective treatment of nature Goethe's Werther. It might well be dis- cussed at length, were it not familiar to every student of German literature. Laprade, and especially E. Schmidt and Biese, have analyzed with a masterly hand Werther's attitude toward nature, and have pointed out in detail the similarities and differences in Goethe's and Rousseau's treatment." Sufficient is it then merely to sketch here briefly the use of nature as a dramatic background. When Werther is first heard of it is May— in Germany the most charming month of the year. Hardly a day passes but he spends an hour in the open air, enjoying the cool shade of the tall trees.' When, a month later, he is about to meet Lotte for the first time, unpropitious clouds gather near the horizon and cause his companions to fear an approaching thunderstorm.'' Just before Lotte discloses the identity of Albert, there is a change in the atmosphere, the light- ning that has been hovering along the horizon grows more intense, and peals of thunder drown the strains of music.^ Werther is told of Lotte's betrothal to Albert — the air clears, and a refreshing odor rises from the earth. The more Werther thinks, however, of his affec- tion for Lotte, the less delight he takes in nature,* and when he looks out upon the snow-glittering fields over which a storm has just passed, he must needs think of himself and his wretched condition.' He begins to revel in the nature of Ossian, and roams about on sad and dreary November days, when those sick of love hunt for flowers." As the last month of the year draws on, the time hostile to man, he loses all mastery over himself and seems to get relief only by hastening out into the awful December night; where he sees nature breaking her bonds, the rivers inundating all the country, and carrying destruc- tion in their path.' Not much longer and he too will succumb to the violent tempest raging within him. In spite of rain and snow he climbs to the most dangerous precipice — but lives. Soon, however, the end draws near of him who is a son, a friend, a lover of nature." He feels impelled, before leaving this world, to see for the last time I The treatment of nature in other novels that appeared before Werther will be discussed at some future date, = Cf . also Karl Hillebrand, Zeiten, Volker und Menschen, III, 331 £f. 3Derjunge Goethe, III, 237. 5 Ibid., 256. 7lbid., 308. 9lbid., 341. 4lbid., 250. 6D. j. G., Ill, 293. SIbid., 33.5. 10 Ibid., 365. 68 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE the fields, the woods, the skies — not bathed in sunshine, but in tears. He returns to his room, and, as he looks out of the window, the storm- laden clouds flit by — the storm in his breast has been allayed, his fate is sealed — calmness prevails. His favorite constellation, Charles's Wain, is still rising in the eternal sky — but he is gone.' If Goethe had written nothing but Werther, he would still rank with the greatest of nature's interpreters. But add to this work his lyrics, and his pre-eminence as a poet of nature must be at once admitted. Such masterly interpretation of her manifold aspects, based on close observation of her phenomena, is not extant before his time. Two of her sublime elements, however, the ocean and the mountains, he reserved for later treatment. ilbid., 370. III. LETTERS. The eighteenth century has been properly called the "Age of Letter-Writing." The letter was the common form of expression ; it recorded truthfully the inmost ideas and thoughts that stirred the people of the time. Hence it is one of the most important sources of information for the student of this century. The correspondence of the eighteenth century must be then considered, for in it nature will be found treated less conventionally than in the poetry of the time. It is true that in the collections of letters by various writers, edited in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, such as " Dreihundert Briefe aus zwei Jahrhunderten," " Briefe deutscher Gelehrten an den Herrn Geheimrath Klotz," "318 Briefe beriihhater und geistreicher Manner und Frauen," there are no references whatever to nature. If, however, the letters of literary men and women be read, quite a differ- ent result will be arrived at. It will be seen presently that allusions to the world of nature increase about the middle of the century, and that close observation and genuine love of nature are distinctly trace- able in the letters written shortly before the appearance of Werther. On the threshold of the eighteenth century there is a letter writer whose letters mark, as Steinhausen' says, "eine neue Entwickelung im deutschen Briefe, welche ihren Hohepunkt in der zweiten Halfte des Jahrhunderts hat." Elisabeth Charlotte von Orleans was the first since Luther to write letters in German " in der alten und volks- tiimlichen Art." Hence her volumes of letters must concern the pres- ent study, in that some stray but significant remarks regarding nature may be gleaned from them. Comments on the weather are most frequent. Expressions like "das schonste," "das herrlichste wetter von der weldt,"'' occur often. She dislikes, of course, rainy or stormy weather (" es regnete, alss wen mans mitt kiibeln gosse,"^ she says), and is always longing for spring* and summer; autumn, on the other hand, " hasse ich mehr als den winter," she writes.^ She notes the signs of approaching spring : 1 Geschichte d. d. Briefes, II, no. 3 June 28, 1721. 2 Apr. 7, May 3, 1721. 4 Mch. 2Z, 1721. 5 Apr. 25, 1721. 69 70 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE "AUes ist griin im felt, die rossen undt grusselberg-hecken, das korn schiesst in ahren undt die gartten seindt voller blumen, nartzissen undt jacinthen, margritten und noch andere blumger." " She enjoys the song of the nightingale," and listens with as much pleasure to the frogs : " deren hore ich auch gantz chorus hir, die ich angenehmer findt, alss dass opera."' The majesty of the ocean does not appeal to her, for she writes : "Ich finde das meer langweylig, verdriesslich undt unleydtlich." '' Unlike Herder, as will be seen later, she fails to appreciate the delights of a voyage : "nichts alss lufft undt wasser zu sehen, dass ist mir gantz unleydtlich," = but, strange to say, is fully conscious of the grandeur of thunder and lightning: "ich habe mich amussirt, ein zimblich lang donnerwetter zu sehen mit schonen wetterleuchten und blitzen ; dass sehe ich rechtgern."' Still more remarkable is her preference of the wild forest to the cultivated garden : " ich werde einen schonen gartten ehe miide, alss einen wilden waldt." ' She foreshadows the fondness for idyllic life which became prevalent about the middle of the century, when she says : " aber offt in den strohiitten leben die leutte mit grossern vergniigen, als in schone palasten undt auff dem thron."* The significance of Elisabeth Charlotte von Orleans in this study rests not so much on any artistic excellence of expression as on her preference of wild, free nature, her delight in some of the grand ele- ments of nature (thunderstorms), and her early date. She has, how- ever, also the negative importance of disliking other elements, such as the ocean. The letters of Frau Gottsched form an interesting chapter in the correspondence of the eighteenth century. They refer chiefly to literary or personal matters, but occasionally give a glimpse of her view of nature. In reporting to her friend, Frau v. R., what she sees while traveling, she mentions some wonders of nature, and adds at once that the royal personages she has seen will certainly be of greater interest to her than these inanimate beauties.' At other times she complains of bad roads and disagreeable weather.'" Quite in contrast with Klopstock, she dislikes winter sports, and speaks of them with contempt, while she is enjoying her warm room and her books : " Ich I Mch. i6, 1719; Apr, 12, 1721, et passim, 3May i, 1721. = June 5,1721. 4May22, 17Z1. S Ibid. 6May 23, 1722. In another letter she calls it " ein magnific specktacle" (May 26, 1718). 7 She wrote this from Veisaille ! (Sept. 21, 1710.) 9 Cassel, July 20, 1753. SNov. 22, 1710. 10 Sept. 6, 1749; Aug. 7, July s, 1753. LETTERS 71 sehe der Wuth dieser Menschen ganz gelassen aus meinem Fenster zu, setze mich an meinen Schreibtisch, und ergotze mich in meinem geheitzten Zimmer und mit meinen Biichern mehr als alle Schlitten- fahrer mit ihrer frostigen Lustbarkeit." " This utterance may well be taken as typical of her generation. She appreciates country life in accordance with the spirit of the time," and expresses the opinion that only the peasant seems to enjoy to the fullest extent a sunrise or a sunset. The contemplation of a sunrise she would recommend to her friend as an effective means of curing hypochondria. In the same letter she mentions her intense interest in the starry heavens : " Das gestirnte Firmament hat in meiner ersten Jugend meine Neugier unzahligemal erreget. Mit welcher Aufmerksamkeit habe ich solches ganze Stunden lang betrachtet, mich dabey vergessen, aber meine Wissbegierde nie befriedigt."^ The letters of Frau Gottsched are typical of the second quarter of the century in that the emphasis is upon man rather than nature. She is aware, however, of the advantages of life in the country, for there one is in closer touch with nature than in the city. The letters which E. v. Kleist addressed to his friend Gleim con- tain some passages characteristic of his view of nature. The earliest reference is found in a letter dated March 9, 1746. He describes how in his dreams he walks with his friend along the seashore, listening to the murmuring of the blue waves, or on pleasant meadows, or in rustling bushes, where they can hear the goldfinch and the cuckoo. "Denn," he adds, "sehn wir die Sonne, die kurz zuvor gleich den Hauptern der Heiligen strahlte, sich hinter einem Walde in rosenfar- benen Wolken verbergen, wodurch die griinen Blatter der Wipfel das Ansehn gewinnen, als ob sie im Feuer gliihten." Another time he describes rather picturesquely the arrival of spring : " Haben Sie heute den Friihling nicht vom Himmel gleiten gesehen ? Ich sah ihn, er war aber ganz beschneit; er sah so weiss aus, wie ein Madchen im Hemde."* He is so glad when spring comes that he hastens into the fields, unable to continue writing letters.^ The month of November he dislikes, he says, as much as the Englishman does, except when Gleim calls on him.'' He would like to write about winter, but cannot : "Mein Kopf is voller Winter-Bilder," he says; "aber kaum fange ich an zu arbeiten, so bin ich so echauffirt, dass ich es muss bleiben 1 Jan. 10, 1735. 4Mch. 21, 1747. 2 July 18, 1752. S Mch. 18, 1750. 3 Leipzig, Sept. 2, 1753. 6 Oct. 20, 1751. 72 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE lassen."' Once he complains of the bad weather in April, and another time mentions some beautiful days in March which have put him in good humor.' In the letters of Kleist, the author of " Der Friihling," we are somewhat disappointed in the paucity of allusions to nature. His range is narrow; he entirely ignores the wild and terrible elements of nature. There follow the letters of a man whose poems, as has been seen in another chapter, show the first distinct traces of the new feeling for nature. It is therefore of more than usual interest to peruse his cor- respondence, and to ascertain whether the change of attitude is as noticeable in his letters as it was in his odes. The year 1750 marks an important era in the life of Klopstock, for on the thirteenth of July of that year he left Quedlinburg in the company of Sulzer and Schuldheiss, and started on a trip to Switzer- land, where he stayed about seven months. During this period his works (cf. Der Zurchersee and Friedensburg) and letters show a more genuine and deeper love of nature than at almost any other time. It cannot be said, however, that he went to Switzerland to see its beauties; they impressed themselves upon him while he was visiting his friends. The homes of friends, as Klopstock himself says in a letter to Bodmer,^ are more essential to a beautiful region than are mountains, valleys, and lakes. So dear are his friends to him that he decides, just before beginning his Swiss tour, "unterwegs nur selten Thiirme und Menschengesichte anzusehen, um recht sehr viel an seine Freunde zu denken."^ Apparently he does not keep his word, for the very first letters after his departure from his home mention the beauti- ful forests through which he and his friends pass. "Von Arnstadt bis hierher [Rodach] haben wir lauter Tannen- und Fichtenwalder, die mit elysaischen Feldern untermischt waren, gesehn. Vor Entziicken haben die Schweizer diese gliickseligen Gegenden die Alpen genannt."^ And six days later he writes from Schaffhausen : " Der voile Mond begleitete uns die ganze Nacht durch die angenehmste waldige Gegend." Klopstock and Schuldheiss speak of the beautiful regions between Ilmenau and Koburg, and call them " paradiesische Gegenden, die der Schweiz werth waren."' After his arrival at Ziirich, Klopstock writes : 1 Dec. 18, 1753. Three years later he writes: "Der Winter legt jetzt unserer Ehrbegierde, wie den Stromen und Bachen, den Ziigel an" (Dec. 26, 1756), 2 Apr., 1756; Mch., 1759. 3N0V. 28, 1749. 4 July 12,1750. Sjuly 13. 6 Bamberg, July j6. LETTERS 73 " Wenn ich an die kleinern Freuden, an die schonen Gegenden, an den vollen Genuss dieser schonen Gegenden .... denke .... wie sanft und mit wie vollem Herzen kann ich mich da dem Vergniigen ganz iiberlassen !"' The region about Winterthur surpasses in beauty- all the landscapes he had seen up to that time." Six years later, how- ever, during his sojourn at Copenhagen, he experiences equal, if not greater, delight in the "Anhohe von Mon die zum IMalen schon und grosstenteils mit Waldungen bedeckt ist." ^ If Klopstock had carried out his plan of ascending Mt. Rigi," and had seen the sky below him, and had heard the thunder roll below him, as he indicates in his letter of the 25th of July, then, perhaps, he might have evinced more enthusiasm for the Alps than we can trace in his letters or works. In fact, in only one letter does he speak of the Alps — a letter, moreover, which was written before he had gotten into close proximity with the mountains. In the follow- ing words he describes the first sight of the "himmlischen Berge": "Eine Meile von hier, auf einem Gebirge, erblickten die Herren Schweizer ein paar Alpen. Sie wurden so entziickt, als wenn die Schiffer Land sehen. ..." Then he adds : " Es ist wahr, es war ein unvergleichlicher Anblick. Sie glanzten in der Feme wie Silber- wolken " ^ He shows greater fervor when on the following day he sees the Falls of the Rhine : "Welch ein grosser Gedanke ist dieser Wasserfall ! — Ich kann itzt davon weiter nichts sagen, ich muss diesen grossen Gedanken sehen und horen. . . . Hier im Ange- sichte des grossen Rheinfalls, in dem Getose seines machtigen Brau- sens, .... hier griisse ich Euch, nahe und feme Freunde ! . . Hier mochte ich mein Leben zubringen und an dieser Stelle sterben, so schon ist sie."^ Only one other outburst of this kind can be recorded during his Swiss sojourn. After a trip on Lake Zurich he writes to Schmidt:' "Ich kann Ihnen sagen, ich habe mich lange nicht so ununterbrochen, so wild, und so lange Zeit auf einmal, als diesen schonen Tag gefreut .... Wir stiegen unterwegs verschiedene Male aus, gingen an den Ufern spazieren, und genossen den schonsten Abend ganz ! " Klopstock differs, it will be seen, from Rousseau in that he enjoys nature even when he is in the company of other human beings. r July 25. Biese C313, note 4) must have overlooked these passages. 2 Letter to Schmidt, Aug. i (or 13 ?) . 3 Sept. 4, 1756. 4 Did he fail to carry it out because his friendship with Bodmer had been disrupted ? 5 July 20, 1750. 6 Winter (27) says: " Diese Stelle bezeichnet den Hohepunkt seiner Empfindung." 7Aug. i. 7 4 TREA TMENT OF NA TURE IN GERMAN LITERA TURE Six years after his journey to Switzerland he makes for the first time the acquaintance of the sea. But how meager are his comments on the ocean, when compared to those of Herder only thirteen years later ! Yet he is in advance of the men of immediately preceding generations in that he not only enjoys his voyage, but is also aware, though on board a ship, of the grandeur of a storm at sea. He writes thus : "Als der Sturm kam, erschrak ich zwar anfangs ein wenig, fasste mich aber bald Die See sah schon und schrecklich aus. Die Wellen gingen viel hoher, schaumten viel mehr, und schlugen viel starker an das Schiff, als vorher " ' This comment properly marks the transition attitude toward the ocean. Klopstock enjoys country life, partly, however, because it is con- ducive to health." Similarly he takes pleasure in skating,^ as the fol- lowing lines, directed to Gleim, show. The passage is of further interest, because it is one of the very few in which the poet evinces any humor. He says:" "Es ist doch ewig schade, liebster Gleim! dass Sie, wenn Sie krSnkeln, sich nicht durch Schrittschuhlaufen kuriren konnen. Es ist eine von den besten Kuren : Recipe, Drei helle Stunden des Vormittags, Zwei des Nachmittags, Gute Gesell- schaft ! Viel Friihstiick. Item ein wenig Nordwind zum Trunke bei der Arznei. Treib dieses acht Tage hinter einander ! Probatum est !" Klopstock tried this prescription on himself, as he tells in a letter to Cacilie Ambrosius, January 30, 1768. "Wie ich aber aufstand, da war so schon Wetter, und ich war so lange nicht auf dam Else gewesen, und ich hatte auch die Bewegung wieder nothig, dass ich statt zu schreiben, ausging, bis zu Tische auf dem Else blieb, und nach Tische wieder ausging, und eben erst jetzt, es ist nach sechs Uhr, den schonen Mond, Orion und das Eis verlassen habe, nicht, dass ich nicht gern noch geblieben ware, allein ich wollte Ihnen schreiben." He is so enthu- siastic about skating, even when advanced in age, that he wants to make skaters of the "jiingsten und leichtesten Damen."^ Klopstock's correspondence is of the utmost importance in the history of the nature-sense. The terrible and grand in nature, moun- tains and ocean, are no longer ignored or disliked in these letters; a positive affection for them is expressed. Yet this is not the Rousseau feeling, which banished all thoughts of friends from one's mind when in communion with nature : Klopstock is in the company of his friends, or wishes that they were with him when he enjoys Alpine scenery, or gazes on the Falls of the Rhine. 1 Sept. 4, 1756. 3 Cf. his poems, chapter II, p. 47. 2 Apr. 17, 1752, and Aug. 12, 1763. 4Mch. i, 1766. S Nov. 16, 1770. LETTERS 75 The letters of Sulzer, who accompanied Klopstock to Switzerland, deserve brief mention. Occasion will be taken to point out what place he occupies in the history of travels (cf. pp. 92, 96). It will be presently seen that his correspondence, so far at least as there has been oppor- tunity to examine it, is also imbued with the modern spirit. In his earlier letters spring is frequently mentioned. He writes to Gleim, for instance: " Ein schoner Fruhling-Morgen (ich steh' um 6 Uhr auf) hat alles in mir rege gemacht " And, in continuing, says of the beauties of nature: "die Natur hat unendliche Schonheiten, die man nicht erscbopfen wird, wenn auch alle die elenden Scribenten die besten Poeten wiirden.'" Three years later, when longing for the first signs of spring, he communicates this rather humorous suggestion : " Ich wollte, dass dem Winter ein Stein an den Hals gehangt, und dass er in's Meer versenkt wiirde."" And yet he suggests to Sam. Gotthold Lange to write a poem in praise of winter.^ When, in 1750, he starts on his journey to Switzerland in the com- pany of Klopstock and Schuldheiss, he complains at first of bad roads,* but becomes oblivious to the discomforts of traveling when he reaches mountains and valleys. He gives a detailed account of his experiences, of the many dangerous places through which he passes, rushing waters and narrow paths along precipices, and then closes the report in these words : "Alles Furchterliche aber ward von uns kaum bemerkt ; die Schonheit der Gegend setzte uns in den hochsten Grad des Ver- gniigens." 5 It is interesting to note that later in life his attitude toward nature had changed, as he tells in a letter from Nice." In his youth the land- scape about that city would have satisfied all his desires ; " aber bei meinem herannahenden Alter," he says, "hat die Natur mit alien ihren Schonheiten nicht Kraft genug, mich ganz zufrieden zu stellen." Barring a stray reference or two in regard to the beauty of Alpine scenery, Klopstock and Sulzer stand alone, for a time at least, in their attitude toward nature.' In the letters of Rabener and Liscow no allusions whatever to nature are found, in those of Gessner* and Gellert but few and rather insignificant ones. The correspondence of the last-named will be briefly discussed. I Mch. 20, 174s. =Mcli. 30,1748. 3Dec. 26,1746. 4 July 13. 5 July 15 6Dec. 11,1775. 7Cf. Waser's letter, Zurich, June 10, 1746: " Es ist ein henliches Spectacul die schweizerischen Gebirge anzusehen ....," and Hagedora's letter (17S0). in which he expresses the desire to spend spring and summer in Switzerland " in den malerischen Gegenden, zwischen hohen Baumen und Bergen . . . ." (Staudlin's Collection). 8 His letter to Fuesslin is interesting because of his characterization of Claude Lorraine (anmutig) , S. Rosa (melancholisch, wild), and Poussin (edel und gross). 76 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE " Habe Auge und Ohr fiir die Schonheiten der Natur, und lerne Dich ihrer erfreuen, so oft Du sie empfindest," says Gellert, in "Lehren eines Vaters fiir seinen Sohn." But he himself only rarely followed this advice, if one may judge from his works, letters, and diary. When he does mention nature, which happens in a few places,' he speaks of it either from the pietistic or the utilitarian point of view, as is shown in some of his poems ("Die Himmel riihmen des Ewigen Ehre "), and in the seventeenth chapter of his "Moralische Vorlesungen," which contains this brief but characteristic comment on mountains : "Die Berge sind wesentliche Schonheiten der Natur, wenn wir ihre verschiedene Betrachtungen betrachten, Diinste zu sammeln, Metalle zu zeugen, .... die Aussicht angenehm zu machen Wozu Berge mit ewigem Schnee und Else bedeckt ? " he asks, and answers at once : " Zum Nutzen und Vergniigen des Ganzen ! " Gellert's letters and diary (of the year 1761) are further evidence of his lack of nature-sense. Owing to the continued illness, which is frequently mentioned in his correspondence, the country has as little charm for him as the city.' Thus he writes to Fraulein von Schon- feld' : "Ich sehe die Baumbliithe vor mir, und sie lacht mich nicht an. Ich h5re die Nachtigallen und bleibe immer kaltsinnig. Ich gehe nach Meineweh in das Fasanenholz, und es ist, als ob mir jeder Baum etwas vorzuwerfen hatte." Once he speaks of the beautiful meadows and clover in spring," and several times of the weather, especially when it is disagreeable.' His travels (to Berlin, Dresden, Carlsbad) are a source of annoyance to him,° and hence he fails to appreciate what- ever natural scenery there may be along the way. In rather marked contrast to the letters of Gellert are those of his correspondent, Demoiselle Lucius. She describes a moonlight walk and all that she observed the while in the following words : " Wir gingen von acht bis zehn Uhr im grossen Garten, im Mondlichte, in der sanftesten Luft, unter dem abwechselndesten Himmel, und in einer so ruhigen Stille — man horte nichts als den einformigen Gesang des Grashiipfers und einzelne voriibergehende Spazierende. Es war ausserordentlich schon."'' Another time she tells him how deeply nature affected her: "Wir setzten uns an einen erhabnen Ort, von welchem wir die Landschaft umher iibersahen. Es war ausserordent- lich schon, die Luft so sanft schmeichelnd, der Himmel bedeckt und 1 Because his works contain but few references to nature, it seemed preferable to insert them here rather than in the preceding chapter. 2 Apr. 13, Sept. 4, 1760. 4 May 22, 1759. 6 Mch, -z^ Apr. t.% 1752. 3 Bonau, May 20, 1760. 5 Mch. 27, 1756 \ Oct. 3, 1758, et passim. 7 Aug. t8, 1767, LETTERS 7 7 doch nicht triibe, das lachendste Griin uber die Felder gebreitet .... der frohe Gesang der Lerche und auf der andern Seite das Geschwatz der mancherley Vogel in dem jungen Laube der Baume des Gartens und ausser diesem die ruhigste Stille, ganz feyerlich bis zur ange- nehmsten Melancholie und doch nicht zu ernsthaft oder traurig. . . . AUes riihrte mich angenehm und ich hatte eine der gliicklichsten Stunden.'" We have quoted at length from her letters to show that the nature- sense was rapidly growing delicate even with those who have left no traces in literature. Before turning to the letters of Herder and Goethe, brief note may be made of those that were written by the Anacreontic poets. Like their works, these letters show few, if any, traces of the new attitude toward nature that was seen breaking forth in the odes and letters of Klopstock. Friendship is their chief topic, and nature serves only occasionally as a background for it. One might expect to find, as is really the case, that most frequent mention is made of beautiful spring and dreary winter. There are- — it may be said at once — more refer- ences to the world of nature in the letters of Gleim, Jacobi, and Wieland than in those of the other poets belonging to the group under consideration. To begin with Gleim : He sees the shortcomings of country life which are due to the lack of intercourse with many citizens,' and goes to the country because of the " schone Friihlingswetter und eine kleine Brunette."' When he contemplates a trip to the "schonen Gegenden auf dem Harz,"'' or to other parts in Germany, he does it chiefly in the hope of traveling with friends, enjoying their company, and meeting or making the acquaintance of other people. He is interested in the " fiirtreflichen Gegenden" of the Hartz mountains, through which he wanders with his friend Klopstock, but would prob- ably enjoy them much more, if "sein Uz" were there, too.^ In the letters of J. G. Jacob: the emphasis is also upon man rather than nature. The walks, the garden, the mountain, are of interest to him, because Gleim had been there." He visits the latter in spite of cold nights and stormy days.' He cannot bear the heavy, melancholy fog, through which he had to pass on his way to Kennern ; but, as he I Berggiesshiibel, Apr. 17, 1769. = Sept. 7, 1741. 3 June, 1742. 4 July 8, 1753. 5 Sept. 24, 1762. Similarly he would be pleased with the Bowers in his garden, were his friend Jacobi with him and singing about them. (Letter to Jacobi, Halberstadt, Oct. 1, 1767.) 6 May 16, Aug. 24, 1767. 7 Nov. 25, Dec. 2, 1767. 78 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE says:' "Hatt' [der Winter] bios seinen unformlichen Bart geschut- telt, und meinen Wagen vol! geschneyt ; dann war' er immer von mir ausgelacht worden." As he drives over the frozen river Saale, and sees on both sides large blocks of ice marking the road, he says : " der Anblick war ganz poetisch." He likes winter better than autumn, and to show what little influence nature has upon him he decides to sing in his room of the "schonsten Jahreszeiten, den [Herbst] Stiirmen zum Trotz." — One other passage found in a letter to Klotz should be men- tioned here. Jacobi is in search of a melancholy spot and thinks of the Rabeninsel, "wo ich von dem dichten Geholze und von dem Gekrachze schwarzer Vogel mir vieles versprach," but before long considers the ruins of Giebichenstein superior. " Eingefallene Thiirme, Felsen und Felsenkliifte : O wie schon lasst es sich da klagen ! " At the age of eighteen Wieland writes to Bodmer :" " Ich liebte die Einsamkeit sehr [im vierzehnten Jahre], und brachte oft ganze Tage und Sommernachte im Garten zu, die Schonheiten der Natur zu empfinden und abzuschildern." This remark would lead one to expect a strong appreciation of nature in Wieland, the man. It is with dis- appointment, however, that one reads his correspondence during the sojourn in Switzerland from 1752 to 1760. Instead of letters full of allusions to the natural scenery round about him, only one or two stray remarks in them indicate that Swiss landscapes made some impression upon him. After leaving Zurich he misses in Bern the charming loca- tion and environment of the former town, and is convinced " dass die Schonheit der Hauser und Strassen in Bern kein Ersatz [ist] fur die angenehmen Promenaden und den See zu Zurich."^ It is no sur- prise, then, not to find a word in his letters anent the country through which he passes on his way to Ilmenau (1769), to Coblentz (17 71), and again to Zurich (1796).'' Characteristic of his feeling for nature are these lines, addressed to his friend Riedel :' " Ich wohne im Gartenhaus nahe der Stadt .... wo ich die angenehmste Landaussicht von der Welt habe Hier sehe ich die Knaben baden ; ich rieche den lieblich erfrischenden Geruch des Heues ; ich sehe .... ein langes angenehmes Thai .... und liber demselben eine Reihe ferner blauer Berge .... und mit diesem Prospekt vor mir, sitze ich und — reime." His strong dislike for winter and stormy weather, and his longing • Jan. 17, 1768. = Tubingen, Mch. 6, 1752. 3 Bern, July 4, 1759, s BIberach, Aug. 24, 1768. 4 Except this comment in a letter to Frau Herder (July 3) ; ** herrlich schone Natur die uns umgibt .... himmlische Sommertage." LETTERS 79 for, and delight in, spring he expresses time and again, thus showing his kinship with the Anacreontic poets and with their attitude toward nature. Illustrative of many such remarks are the following :' " Schon der 27. April und kein Anschein von Friihling ; nicht einmal eine arme Schwalbe, die uns Hoffnung machte, dass er kommen werde. Ich lebe nur noch an einem Faden, so massleidig macht mich diese ver- wiinschte ' decrepitude de la nature.' " More forcibly he expresses himself to Merck:* " Es ist mir aber in diesen vergangenen Wochen wegen des stiirmischen schlechten Wetters .... meistens so dumm, schnuppicht und schlappicht zu Muth gewesen, dass es mir ohnmoglich war, etwas anders als einen Frachtzettel zu schreiben." In another letter he speaks of the "kalten windigen dreckfarbigen Tagen"and the " abscheulich raschen Ubergange von Warme und Kalte und die rauhen flegelhaften Winde aus Norden und iiber dem Thiiringer Wald her."^ In spring, on the other hand, his joy knows no bounds. "Die ganze Natur fangt jetzt an zu leben und zu weben, zu griinen und zu bliihen," he writes to Gleim, May i, 1775. "Mit jedem Tage schiesst der Lebensstrom starker durch Ihre Adern." Three years later he reports to Merck his observations in his garden, and the intense joy he derives from watching the growth and development of plant and animal, and adds: "Ich athme die milde, lieblich scharfe herzaus- dehnende Luft, und sauge die Strahlen der herzerquickenden Sonne nicht um des Reims willen, sondern in vollem Ernst mit Wonne ein " He closes by saying: " Da alles um mich her knospet und schwillt und plazt und griinet und zu bliihen beginnt, werdet Ihr leicht denken dass ich nicht allein zuriickbleiben werde."'' One other quotation should find a place here, so that it may be seen he was not a total stranger to the new feeling for nature. In 1775 he writes :5 " [Wir] hatten .... das prachtigste Gewitter, das ich je erlebt habe .... Icfi weiss nichts Riihrenderes als solche Scenen." As in the works of Wieland, so in his letters, one can trace a faint but genuine feeling for nature. While the letters of Klopstock show, as has been seen, the first dis- tinct traces of the new feeling for nature, those of Herder are already thoroughly modern in spirit. Particularly is this true of the letters that were written in the years intervening between his sojourn at Riga and his removal to Weimar (1764-75). But even when a boy. Herder found recreation and pleasure in fre- quenting those outdoor spots where he could read undisturbed in the I Apr. 27, 1771. 2 May 5, 1779. 3june 1,1778. 4 Apr. 12, 1778. 5 June 19. 8o TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE midst of blossoms and singing of birds, and at other times enjoyed his favorite walk along the Mohrunger-See and through the " Paradieses- Waldchen." ' Later in life he perused, in similar surroundings, Diderot and Gessner and " Felix Hess,"= and took delight in sauntering through wood and dale,^ especially at an early morning hour. " Die Leute halten mich fiir einen grossen Gelehrten," he writes to his bride, "well ich mich Morgens 4 Uhr in den Waldern umhertreibe." ■* Of his sojourn at Riga there are but few reminiscences. In a letter to Merck he recalls the approach of winter in Livonia. He writes : ^ " Ich habe Ihren letzten Brief mit dem traurigen Schauder gelesen, mit dem ich in Liefland mehr als Einmal das Hinanwehen des Winter- frostes gefeiert ! Ein unnennbares Rauschen ging durch die Luft ! die Zweige des Baums bebten, das griine Blattchen kriimmte sich voll Angst zusammen, und in wenigen Tagen lags gelb zur Erde. Maine Seele hat diese Kriimmung der Seele bei Ihnen sehr gefiihlet." He loved to live by the sea, and during his residence in Biickeburg, and in the early years at Weimar, ardently wished for a call to Kiel, or to that region, for, as the " Erinnerungen " (I, 149) say, "dasWohnen an der See hatte fiir ihn einen grossen Reiz, der ihm von Riga her unausl5schlich geblieben war." The spring of 1769 marks an important turning-point in Herder's career : he made the well-known voyage from Riga to Nantes, the fruit of which was the " Reisejournal " — a document which, according to Koch,'' " lasst die ganze gahrende Kraft der nach freier Umgestaltung von Litteratur und Leben ringenden Jugend erkennen." In the his- tory of the nature-sense it is, however, not quite so important. If one take away the few data pertaining to his surroundings, not much that is essential to the understanding of his line of thought will be lost. And yet, as Haym says,' " ohne den vorgegangenen Scenenwechsel ware dieser Monolog niemals gehalten, ware er jedenfalls so nicht gehalten worden." Of Herder, during this trip, the " Erinnerungen" (I, 120) give us a rather full description, consisting largely of his own utterances. " Er war bestandig auf dem Verdeck in freier Luft Mehrmals sagte er uns : nie habe er sich gesunder gefiihlt als auf dem 1 Erinnerungen, I, lo. 3 To Hamann, Riga, Mch., 1769. 2 Letter to Caroline Flachsland, Oct. 24, 1772, and to Lavater, June, 1774. — Wlienever he received a letter from Hamann, '* dann musste er hinaus ins Freie, seine ganze Seele war bewegt " (Erinnerungen, I, 65). No wonder he complains to Merck about Strassburg (Sept., 1770) : " Hier ist einmal kein Wald, kein Ort, wo man mit seinem Buche und Genius einmal im Schatten liege." 4 Erinnerungen, I, 206. 6Gesch. d. d. Lit,, 176 (Sammlung Goschen), 5 Biickeburg, Sept., r77i. 7 Herder nach seinem Leben u. seinen Werken dargestellt, I, 3r8. LETTERS 8 1 Meer; der immerwahrende Genuss der freien Luft, die grossen Gegen- stande von Meer und Himmel, Aufgang und Untergang der Sonne (so einzig auf der See !), die Nachte, die electrisch funkelnden Meeres- wellen, der Sternenhimmel, der Mond, Regen, Ungewitter — alles dies wirkte gross und machtig auf seine stark und innig fiihiende, empfin- dungsvolle, phantasiereiche Seele." ' In Herder's letters but few ref- erences to this voyage are found. As he passes the island of Moen, which, as Klopstock thought, " zum Malen schon," he writes to Hart- knoch -.^ " Schone Abende und Tage, und oft eine spiegelglatte helle See Es fehlt also zu meiner Reise nicht als scherzende Del- phinen und Meerpferd' unter ihnen." ^ To his friend Hamann he confesses the inestimable benefit derived from being on a ship for six continuous weeks : " Ich stiirzte mich aufs Schiffe ohne Musen, Biicher'' und Gedanken .... und habe also die ganze 6 Wochen .... nichts anders konnen als traumen — bios sich, dem Himmel und dem Meer ubergeben — o Freund, da lehren uns Traume von 6 Wochen mehr, als Jahre von Biicherreflexionen." s Similarly, the following passage from the " Reisejournal," which one is tempted to quote at length : " Was giebt ein Schiff, das zwischen Himmel und Meer schwebt, nicht fiir weite Sphare zu denken ! Alles gibt hier dem Gedanken Fliigel und Bewegung und weiten Luftkreis ! Das flatternde Segel, das immer wankende Schiff, der rauschende Wellenstrom, die fiiegende Wolke, der weite unendliche Luftkreis ! " " So ward ich Philosoph auf dem Schiffe — Philosoph aber, der es noch schlecht gelernt hatte, ohne Biicher und Instrumente aus der Natur zu philosophiren. Hatte ich dies gekonnt, welcher Standpunkt, unter einem Mast auf dem weiten Ocean sitzend fiber Himmel, Sonne, Sterne, Mond, Luft, Wind, Meer, Regen, Seegrund philosophiren." Then, as he looks upon the water, he com- ments on his favorite comparison of water to air: " Wie sich Welle in Welle bricht : so fliessen die Luftundulationen und Schalle ineinander. .... Wie die Welle das Schiff umschliesst : so die Luft den sich bewegenden Erdball." * " Wasser ist eine schwerere Luft : Wellen und Strome sind seine Winde : die Fische seine Bewohner: der Wasser- grund ist eine neue Erde." When comparison is made with the letters of the first quarter of the century in which the ocean is mentioned, say 1 Reminiscences of these impressions we note during: liis Italian journey, in " Kalligone," III ; 23, and in the " Unterhaltungen u. Briefe iiber die altesten Urlcunden." See p. 50. 2 Erinnerungen, 1, 134. 4 He read Ossian, however. Cf. Briefwechsel iiber Ossian, 3 Cf. also '' Reisejournal " : " Ich erinnere mich noch der himmlischen Nachte, die ich vor Koppen- hagen hatte." 5 Nantes, 1769 ( ?). 6 See also Alteste Urkunde, Pt. I, 5. 82 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE those of Charlotte of Orleans, one can realize the change of attitude toward nature which has taken place in Germany in the course of fifty years. Herder is the precursor of this new feeling for the grandeur and sublimity of the ocean, but had ere long followers in such men as Stolberg ' and Lichtenberg.'' During his residence at Biickeburg, however. Herder lived in closer communion with nature than at any previous time. The following facts may account for it : first, he was dissatisfied in both his official and social life ; ' secondly, thoughts of love were uppermost in his mind : he was writing almost daily to his bride-elect, Caroline Flachs- land; and, thirdly, he was attracted by the charm and beauty of the surrounding country. He communicates to Caroline the joy he derives from the romantic country in which he lives;' " Eben das Feld, wo Hermann focht und Varus geschlagen ward; noch jetzt ein ftirchter- liches, kiihnes romantisches Thai, mit sonderbaren Gebirgen umgeben." In Pyrmont he sees " die grosse, schone, heilsame Natur " and " ein eignes, halb diisteres und eingeschlossenes Thai," and adds : " 1st diese Welt nicht schon ? Wie dumme Leute gibt es, die nichts von ihr fiih- len — Feldthiere und Koththiere ! "^ He is infatuated with his home and its environment. He lives in seclusion, in the midst of nature, mountain, and forest, filled with the songs of nightingales round about him. "Die.Blumen und Knospen brechen jetzt aus der Erde ! da liege ich bis in die Nacht !" he exclaims.* Almost every letter exchanged by the two lovers contains some allusion to nature. They tell each other of their delightful walks in forests and in the country, the romantic spots where they would lie musing for hours,' sometimes even after nightfall,* and the beautiful autumn days with their mists.' Caroline, especially, is fond of autumn, whereas Herder rejoices much more at the return of spring. He is enraptured with the "romantische Feen-Johanniszeit der Bohnenbluthe und Johanniswiirmchen und des Aehrenkorns, der Rose und der Nachtigall," and says of this songster : "Sie schlagt mir vor dem Fen- ster bis ins Bett — und so tief aus der Brust, und so tief in die Brust hinein!"" 1 See p. 86. 3 Haym, 1, 471. 5 July, 1772. 2 Cf. letter to Pastor Amelung, June zi, 1786. 4 Erinnerungen, I, 221. 6 May 11, 1771. 7 Caroline to Herder, May 6, June 14, Nov., 1771 ; April, May 8, 25, June, 1772. 8 See Herder's letter (after) June 15, 1771, and Caroline's (beginning of) July, 1772. 9 Darmstadt, Oct., 1771. to May, 1772; Apr. 19, 1772; Apr. 10, 1773, et passim; and Caroline's letters, Oct. 9, Dec. 12, r772. LETTERS 83 Of Still greater interest, however, are the reports that the two lov- ers send each other, after they have witnessed a sunset, a sunrise, or a moonlight scene. Herder's letter to Caroline dated September, 17 71," is most valuable for our present purpose, and may therefore bear quot- ing at length. He writes : " Wir ritten voll Gedanken zuriick : es war Abend : die Sonne ging unter, und der Mond ging auf, der schonste Mond, den ich gesehn. Empfindungen voll Schmerz und bittrer Wehmuth gaben im Mondenschein den schonsten Gegenden, voll Hohen und Thai und Wald und Wiesen, eine romantische Anmuth, als wir uns gemeiniglich im Elysium traumen ! Allemal, wenn wir auf einer steilen Hohe hinauf, oder einen finstern Wald . . . durch waren, und sich dann mit Einemmal eine Mondgegend, ein weites Strahlenthal eroffnete, das in Dammerung floss, war ich Allemal in einer neuen Welt und so sprachlos und traumversenkt kamen wir endlich ins Nachtquartier " The following morning he records these impressions : " Vor Sonnenaufgang in der friihesten Dammerung zu Pferde, sahen wir die Morgenrothe mit jedem werdenden neuen Strahle, mit jeder neuen Veranderung des Himmels und der ganzen Welt! Die ganze Welt war ein stiller, feierlicher, sanfter Tempel Gottes, wo ich versunken war, and nichts denken konnte, als dass auch in solchem ewigen Ton der Morgenrothe der Tempel meiner Seele ware— und die Sonne ging auf ! Je hoher sie trat, desto mehr war Alles lauter, erleuchteter, einformiger ; die Schonheit der Natur nahm ab, und ward Glanz, blosse Pracht — ists nicht beinahe so mit allem Gliick — es ist am Schonsten im Anbruch, in der Morgenrothe . . . ." At another time he describes what he sees while walking in the twilight of an autumn day: "Steilen Sie sich auf der einen Seite eine Kette kleiner Gebirge voll Wald vor . . . die nun in dem seidnen Nebel des Herbstes und der Abendsonne fiossen : davor Wiesen und Garten ; auf der andern Seite das ritterliche grafliche Schloss, das sich im hellen stillen Wasser spiegelt : die Abendsonne vor mir; .... ich warf mich unweit einiger Kuppeln romantischer schwarzer Baume auf einen wilden Hiigel, an einen Wasserfall, der mit doppeltem Guss schneller und langsamer, dunkler und heller, fiel. Um ihn viel wildes Weiden- gebiische, um mich alle wilden Blumen, die in Shakspears Feen- und Liebesliedern vorkommen — Berge, Sonne, Abend um mich !" On the whole, Herder represents the new spirit more fully than any of the other letter-writers mentioned thus far. He notes the permanent and the evanescent in nature. He observes with a keen eye 1 Erinnerungen, I, 211, 84 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE the natural scenery about him, and feels that there are bonds of sym- pathy between himself and nature ; he is, moreover, the first to give expression to the feeling that the ocean can afford us an adequate con- ception of grandeur and sublimity. A contemporary of Herder, and in some respects resembling him in his view of nature, was the physicist Lichtenberg. His letters must be considered, if one wishes fully to understand his nature-sense, for his works give but a slight indication of it, after it has been once traced in his correspondence. Since the quotations in these works are few in number, it may not be amiss to introduce them here instead of in Chapter H. They are as follows : " Der Herbst zahlt der Erde die Blatter wieder zu, die sie dem Sommer geliehn hat." " Der Gang der Jahreszeiten ist ein Uhrwerk, wo ein Guckguck ruft, wenn es Friihling ist." Of particular significance is the following, because it is indicative of the new attitude : " Grosse Dinge gesehen zu haben, z. B. einen grossen Sturm, muss unstreitig dem ganzen Gehirn eine andere Stimmung geben, und man kann sich daher nicht genug in solche Lagen bringen."" The close sympathy between himself and nature Lichtenberg describes rather fully in a letter to Madame Dietrich." Because it is so thoroughly modern in spirit, it may well bear lengthy quotation. " Sie konnen nicht glauben," he begins, " was fiir ein Abend es gewesen ist. Die Luft, die den ganzen Tag iiber beinahe in einem kochenden Zustande gewesen war, fing nun an, in dem entziickendsten Gleich- gewicht zwischen Warme und Kiihlung, welches allein schon in allem Fleisch die schonsten Erapiindungen hervorbringen kann, stille zu stehen. Von dem angenehmen Wasser bei meinem Garten wurde ein so feiner Himmel zuriickgeworfen, als man nur immer zu Darmstadt sieht. Einige Schwane, die einen feinen Abend eben so gut zu schmecken wissen .... platscherten in dem Wiederschein des Him- mels Anfangs fuhr noch dann und wann ein kleines Wiinsch- chen durch meinen Kopf, das mich etwas beunruhigte, bis es endlich ebenfalls in mir zu einem Gleichgewicht kam, zu welchem mich die Natur einzuladen schien, und welches ich fiir einen so reizeiiden Zustand erkenne." In 1773 Lichtenberg went to Heligoland. He is one of the first to call attention to the beauty of the island, and, because he was a scien- tist, he observed also the physical condition of the country. He recorded, furthermore, some of the phenomena of the sea which were 1 Verm. Schriften, II, 105, 108, 136. 2 Hannover, June 26, 1772. LETTERS 85 noted about the same time by Forster in his travels ; such as the phosphorescence of the sea.' Twenty years later he is still full of admiration for this same island and expresses his feelings thus : " Wer so etwas noch nicht gesehen hat, datirt ein neues Leben von einem solchen Anblick Ich glaube jeder Mann von Gefiihl, der das Vermogen hat, sich diesen grossen Genuss zu verschaffen, und es nicht thut, ist sich Verantwortung schuldig. Nie habe ich mit so vieler, fast schmerzhafter Theilnehmung an meine hinterlassenen Freunde in den dumpfigen Stadten zuriickgedacht, als auf Helgoland. Ich weiss nichts hinzuzusetzen, als : man komme und sehe und h6re."° On his voyage he did not fail to observe the northern lights, and what is known as the " Kalbertanz" he describes in these words : " Man kann sich nichts fiirchterlicher vorstellen. Die Wellen, die an die verborg- nenen Klippen und Sande anstossen, steigen in allerlei Richtungen als ein weisser Schaum in die Hohe, welches in einiger Entfernung aussieht, als wenn eine Heerde weisser Kiihe sehr muthwillig durch einander sprSngen."^ Lichtenberg's letters are further evidence of the spread of the new feeling at the end of the third quarter of the century. They show that he not only observes closely, but that he has an eye for the beauties of nature as well. He deserves credit for spreading the knowledge of beautiful regions hitherto unknown. Of the men that were more or less closely connected with the " Gottinger Hain," the most important from the present point of view are Biirger, Holty, and Friedrich Stolberg. Their letters, so far as they are of concern here, show that at the end of the third quarter of the century a genuine love of nature was no longer very unusual. In Burger's letters (i. e., those written before 1775) only spring and the coming of it are spoken of occasionally. These references are found chiefly in his letters to Boie ; they call attention to the depend- ence of the poet's mood on the "goings-on" in nature. In May he writes with enthusiasm of the " paradiesischen Lenz " : " Er entziickt und begeistert mich so sehr, dass ich kein Wort singen und sagen kann."* And again, one year later : "Der schonste Fruhling um mich her fangt an, meine Lebens Geister aufzukochen. Noch ist alles blosser Dunst ; ich bin aber neugierig welch ein schnurriges fixum an der Retorte hangen bleiben wird." = HoLTY is much more a poet of nature than is Biirger, and his 1 Stade, June 19, 1773. 3 July 26, 1773. 4 May 17, 1773. S Niedeck, May 12, 1774, 2 Warum hat Deutschlandnoch kein grosses offentliches Seehad? 86 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE letters bear out this fact. He says in a letter to Voss' that only in the country has he any desire to write poems, and only there can he live ideally. "Wenn ich an das Land denke, so klopft mir das Herz. Eine Hiitte, ein Wald daran, eine Wiese mit einer Silberquelle und ein Weib in meiner Hiitte, ist alles was ich auf diesem Erdboden wiinsche." Spring, especially, he wishes to enjoy in the country;" if he were to stay in the city, "dann wiirde er verschimmeln."^ When he is in the country, then, he writes, "bekommt mein Geist einen ganz andern Schwung. Ich hore noch die letzten sterbenden Schlage der Nachti- gall ; ich sitze unter einem vom schonen blauen Himmel durchschim- merten Baume im Grase, oder wandle einsam im Walde herum."'' And in autumn, when the meadows are fragrant with the odor of hay, he lies at twilight in the hayloft and, as he says, " hange meinen Phanta- sieen nach, bis der silberne Mond am Himmel hervorgeht, und mich angenehm iiberrascht.''^ Friedrich Stolberg is even more interesting than the melancholy Holty, but of less concern to this study, because many of his letters were written after the time-limit set therein. He plays, however, so important a role in the history of the nature-sense that he may not be altogether omitted. His letters, like those of Herder, are of particular value because of their allusions to the ocean. The ocean was familiar to him from his childhood. The Stolberg family was wont to spend the winter in Copenhagen, the summer in Rondstedt, " in den schonsten und freundlichsten Gegenden Seelands unfern des Meergestades.'"' The beauties of nature with which Fried- rich became acquainted here filled him with enthusiasm. "Keinen Ort habe ich so geliebt als Rondstedt," he writes to his sister Cather- ine,"' "die freundlichen Buchenhaine .... das erhabene Meer, das bald roth von der auf- oder untergehenden Sonne lachelt und bald mit alien Schrecken Gottes sich riistet."* This ocean he missed in Swit- zerland (1775), and again in Eutin.' From this city he writes very interestingly regarding the symphony of nature and the ocean : " " Ich habe einen Freund, der, wenn er traurig ist, gleich an's Clavier geht und spielt. Aber die vollbesaitete und vollstimmige Symphonic der Natur — was sind gegen die alle Claviere ? Und wahrlich, das Meer ist eines ihrer grossen Instrumente, scheint mir nicht Saite, sondern Stimme, so belebt ist es." Klopstock, it seems to him, resembles the iApril,i774. 3Mayi4,i776. 5 Aug. 21, 1775. 7 Aug. 24, 1775. z Zelle, Oct. TO, 1775. 4 July 18, 1776. 6 Janssen, I, 5. 9 April 16, 1779. 8 See also letter to his brother Christian, Oct, 24, 1780. 10 Oct. 14, 1779. LETTERS 87 sea. " Der Ocean, der mehr als irgend einer fluthen und ebben kann, den die starksten Stiirme emport und Blitze durch die geoffneten Wogen bis zum tiefsten Grand erleuchtet haben, wie ist er so still, so sonnenerhelt !"' Utterances like those just quoted prove beyond the shadow of a doubt that Stolberg's apostrophes to the ocean did not take rise in his imagination, but were the true product of his experi- ence. It has been observed in another chapter that his sojourn at Gottin- gen gave rise to several poems. He thinks that he never saw so beau- tiful a country as that about Ilsenburg. He likes to watch the Use as it flows from one rocky cascade to another." Like Rousseau, he is fond of nature untouched by human hand,^ as he finds it, for instance, in the primeval forest. The trees that were uprooted by the storm seem to him picturesque, and one mighty oak which was dead, with the exception of one living and leafy branch, attracts his attention. Whereupon he remarks : " Es ist doch so schon und interessant zu sehen, wie Mama Natur sich amiisirt, wenn sie allein ist."* His Swiss tour furnished the themes for the poems An die Natur, Der Felsenstrom, and others. The first was inspired by the Falls of the Rhine. This phenomenon would naturally appeal to a "Stiirmer und Dranger," and Stolberg was not the man to be left unaffected at the sight of it. He fairly bubbles over with an enthusiasm almost as great as Heinse's, when, a few years later, he reaches the Falls. " Es riss mich hin," writes Stolberg, "wie mich nie etwas hingerissen hat. Stelle Dir den schnellen, reissenden Rheinstrom vor, wie er von Fel- senufern gedrangt wird, wie sich hohe, hohe Felsen in seinen Lauf stellen, wie er an sie himmelhoch scliaumt, sich iiber sie hinweg reisst und sich vierzig Ellen tief in's Thai stiirzt Mit der Schnelle des Blitzes braust der Strom hernieder, so schnell, dass mir dabei oft schwindlig ward."^ No wonder he is filled with wrath when Campe compares " die unniitze Bewegung des Stromes mit den Luftspriingen unserer Kraftgenies."^ Stolberg visited the Falls no less than three times, and each time he was filled with astonishment. He expresses himself thus : " Grauenvolles, doch seliges Staunen hielt uns wie bezaubert. Es war mir, als fiihlte ich unmittelbar das praesens numen."' He advanced into the very heart of Switzerland, crossed the St. Gotthard and the wildest glaciers,^ and, as he reaches at sunset an 1 Feb. 7, 1778. 4 Oct. 9, 1776. 2 Letter to Puletchen, June 14, 1773. 5 Schaffhausen, June 7, 1775. 7 Janssen, I, 273. 3 May 21, 1775. 6 Letter to Christian, Nov. 11,1787. 8 Janssen, I, 48. 88 TREA TMENT OF NA TURE IN GERMAN LITERA TURE island in the Lake of Bienne, he exclaims : " Welch eine Insel ! Ganz Natur! und welche Natur!"' Stolberg's letters show that he is thoroughly imbued with the new spirit. The ocean, the mountain, the torrent, the primeval forest — in a word, the grand and majestic in nature — appeal to him. He lives in that close sympathy with nature which, as will be presently seen, is most characteristic of the author of " Werther." Herder's and Stolberg's letters show that these authors are capable of an imaginative communion with nature. This feeling is still more perceptible in the correspondence of the young Goethe, who thinks of himself as a part of nature whose every change affects him too. In winter, it seems to him " als wenn der Winter seiner Natur einerley Epoque haben sollte," ° and in autumn he cannot stay in the city, "der Morgen ist so herrlich und seine Seele so ruhig."^ Again he is in a gloomy mood and writes : " Es regnet draussen und drinne, und die garstigen Winde vom Abend rascheln in den Rebblattern vorm Fen- ster.""* As he travels one day at dusk in the region of the Lorraine mountains and the river Saar, his soul feels in perfect accord with his surroundings; "Wie ich so rechter Hand fiber die griine Tiefe hinaussah und der Fluss in der Dammerung so graulich und still floss und linker Hand die schwere Finsterniss des Buchenwaldes vom Berg liber mich herabhing, wie um die dunklen Felsen durch's Gebiisch die leuchtenden Vogelchen still und geheimnissvoll zogen ; da wurd's in meinem Herzen so still wie in der Gegend."' Just as profound is the impression that a landscape near Frankfurt makes upon him. He is returning to the city at night, deeply moved by the scene he witnesses. " Nun muss ich dir sagen," he writes to Kestner,^ " das ist immer eine Sympathie fiir meine Seele wenn die Sonne lang hinunter ist und die Nacht von Morgen herauf nach Nord und Sud um sich gegriffen hat, und nur noch ein dammernder Kreis von Abend heraufleuchtet Auf der Briicke hielt ich still. Die diistre Stadt zu beiden Seiten, der still leuchtende Horizont, der Wiederschein im Fluss machte einen kostlichen Eindruck in meine Seele den ich mit beiden Armen urafasste."' He loves to stand on this bridge at night and watch the water rushing by, and to have the " liebe triibe Mond " greet him in friendly fashion.^ Here is a strong and genuine love of nature, no longer the trifling spirit of Anacreontics. 1 Letter to his sister, Basel, Oct. 7, 177s. 3 Nov. 6, 1772. 5 June 27 1771. 2 Feb. 14, 1769. •tBernays.Derj. Goethe, 1,249. « Dec. 25, 1772. 7 Cf. also letter to Mamsell F., Oct. 14, 1770. 8 Jan. 28 1773. LETTERS 89 Goethe's fondness for skating and consequent delight in winter are well known.' Most graphically he writes to Johanna Fahlmer : " Heut war Eis Hochzeittag ! Es musste gehn, es krachte, und bog sich, und quoll, und finaliter brachs."° His joy knows no bounds when Jack Frost arrives ; he thinks of the happy hours of outdoor pleasure, as he says to Helene Jacobi : " Eine machtige Kalte zieht durchs Fenster bis hierher ati mein Herz zu tausendfacher Ergotzung." ^ It thaws, and then it freezes again, and he cries jubilantly: "Halleluja! Amen!" — Once he compares life to a sleighride ; it is " prachtig und klingelnd, aber eben so wenig fiirs Herz, als es fiir Augen und Ohren viel ist." '' The letters of Goethe give adequate expression to the new spirit. The feeling is near that here at last a man has arisen who voices the sentiments of his fellow-beings with consummate skill. In general it maybe said that the letters previous to 1750 have little to do with nature, those after 1750 much. This year is the turn- ing-point, because it was in the summer of 1750 that Klopstock and Sulzer visited the Alps and expressed in their letters a genuine, though not over-enthusiastic, appreciation of Alpine scenery. Of equal impor- tance was Herder's voyage from Riga to Nantes in 1769. The ocean, which had been almost totally ignored or disliked, now received its due recognition at the hands of Herder and, a little later, Stolberg. But, above all, the feeling that man was but a part of nature, and that the closest bonds of sympathy united the two, found its fullest expres- sion in the letters of Goethe. iCf. Derj. G., I, 348, 374. =Jaii., 1774. 3Feb., 1774. 40ct. 14, 1770.— Cf., for Goethe's nature-sense in his letters, W. Barewicz, Goethes Naturgefiihl, 7 ff. IV. TRAVELS. It has been pointed out (Reynolds, Treatment of Nature in English Poetry, 193) that books of travel which appeared in England in the eighteenth century dealt usually with such subjects as antiquities, curiosities, laws, manners, customs, but that in the last quarter of the century many scattered descriptions of the natural scenes visited are found. This holds true of Germany, also, but the transition to the new attitude toward nature did not occur "ohne jede Vermittlung" (Winter, 37), as will presently be seen. One of the early books of travel in the eighteenth century is Martin Wintergerst von Memmingen, 22jdhrige Reysen durch Europam, etc. (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 17 13). He speaks chiefly of his adventures, sea-storms, and the customs and manners of the people ; with only here and there a sentence to reveal his conception of a beautiful land- scape. On his way from Rome to Venice he says : " Ich hatte guten Weg, das schonste ebene Land" (87). In another place: "So dann hatte es in dieser Gegend einen iiberaus schonen Prospect, indeme fast in einem jeden Garten .... ein prachtiges Hauss stund" (124). And in winter : " Es hatte nunmehro der Hefftige Frost die See mit einem eysenen Harnisch bekleidet und der Schnee die schwartzen Felder allenthalben weiss iiberzogen" (183).' In 1723 there appeared Auli Apronii (i. e., Adam Ebert's) Reise- Beschreibung von Villa Franca Der Chur Brandenburg Durch Teutsch- land, Holland, etc. This book differs from Wintergerst's in that it mentions mountains in several places, speaking of the Alps, of course, as terrible, and the Pyrenees (from Toulouse to Montpellier) "so gar nicht so erschrecklich wie die Alpen von Lion aus nach Turin" (198). The mountains about Marsilia (he says) are more difficult to climb than the Riesengebirge (which seemed to him " denkwiirdig und .... mit seinem Gipfel die Wolcken unter sich last," 2); and, when one reaches the top, "hat man die Wolcken umb sich und leidet nicht wenig Frost." "In hochst entsetzliche Klippen gelanget man zwar, aber I Cf. also 207: ''Berg Lowenschantz (der) .... der Gegend hilfft ein Ansehen machen.*' go TRAVELS 91 dergestalt, dass der Pilgrim mit Andacht und Reverentz bald iiber- fallen wird" (221).' On his arrival at St. Malo the starry sky astounds him greatly; he observes that it is different from the German, and adds : " Die Praesentation war unvergleichlich ; so auch nochmahls im Golfo de Leon und von Cajeta nach Palermo mit hochstem Reverentz wahrgenommen " (164, 193). He knew the difficulties encountered in ascending Mt. Vesuvius ; " allein well er einmahl hier, so wolte er sich nicht lumpen lassen .... stieg auf Vesuvius bis er die Gluth sahe .... kam des Abends spath wieder nach Neapolis, williger nimmermehr dahin wieder zu kommen, oder die Hecatomben, Puzzolo, Cuma & andere Locher wieder zu sehen, als Neapolis so geschwinde zu verlassen " (389, 393)- In the three following books we note very few references to nature : Nemeitz, Nachrichten von Italien (1726), Eines gewesenen Rbmischen Priesters Reise durch Frankreich &" Italien (1729), Des Weyland Durchl. Printzens Maximilian Emanuels Hertzogs in Wurtemberg etc. Reisen durch Teutschland, etc. (1730). The first says about the city of Trident (15): "Ohngeachtet des sehr hohen Gebiirges & tieffen Thaler, so stellet die Gegend auf dieser Seiten eine so angenehme Landschaft vor, als sie kein Mahler ingenieuser mahlen kann," and in another place he speaks of the " gahen und steiligten Berge " (19) and the " iibel und gefahrliche Weg iiber die Apenninische Gebiirge " (363). The second book has a similar remark on p. 159, and the third men- tions " den beschwehrlichen, und zumalen bey so kalter Winters-Zeit so verdriesslich als gefahrlichen Thiiringer-Wald " (13 ff.). Even the poet Haller does not observe much more on his travels through Germany, Holland, and England, in the years 1723 to 1727. When he passes the Falls of the Rhine he simply notes in his diary (6): " Kame den grossen Fall bey finstrer Nacht vorbey." He enjoys traveling by moonlight (68), considers the country about Hannover unusually beautiful, but complains of the intensely cold morning air. Corn and wheat fields he admires above all else (22, 68), and "kleine sacht angehende Hugel " he mentions near Halberstadt (74). The ocean, the roar of which one can hear distinctly half a mile away, is a picture of endlessness, and a terrible sight to unaccustomed eyes (49). Throughout his journey Haller's interest is centered in cities and buildings, peoples and their customs, with only an occasional mention of natural scenery. iP. 403: "Ausserder Stadt Palermo liegen allenlhalben Gebiirge, aber auch schone Garte," he adds significantly. 92 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE One of the best-known travels in the first half of the eighteenth century is Johann Georg Keyszler's Neueste Reisen {i72g-ji) durch Deutschland, Bohmen etc. He frequently tells something about the countries through which he passes, and describes his favorite land- scape in these words (735): " Ich werde mich jederzeit mit Vergniigen der schonen Aussicht, deren man zwischen Fondi und Iteri geniesst, erinnern. Rechter Hand des Weges zeigete sich ein mit Kohl, Flachs und Getraide bebauetes Land, zwischen welchen die Weinstocke alleen- weise, und also dass sich ihr Laubwerk oben mit einander verbindet, angeleget sind. Dieser Prospect endiget sich mit der See. . . . Linker Hand des Weges sieht man wiederum Weinwachs, Oel & Maulbeerbaume, grosse Cypressen, schone Pomeranzwaldchen & end- lich ein kleines Gebirge.'" The river Aar and the waterfall of the Velino he describes at length (160, 882). The beauties of the Tyrol, however, he fails to appreciate, for he says : " Von Lindau bis an Tirol trifft man wenige schone Gegenden mehr an, sondern meisten- theils ungleiches Land, viele Waldung & iible Wege " (18). He places it (in a frequently quoted passage) ° on a par with the Luneburgian heath (loio). In Des Herrn Tiscals Calvisii zu Stendal Beschreihung seiner nach dem Hariz vorgenommen Reisse 1738 there are at least two passages deserving of mention here. From Rothenburg " ist nun die schone von dem Herrn von Rohr geriihmete Aussicht, da man unter sich in einen tieffen, finstern & greulichen Thai schauet, iiber demselben weg aber die schonste & angenehmste Landschaft gleichsam en perspective erblicket " (24), and the region about Ilefeld " ist sehr lustig wegen der herum liegenden Gebiirge " (36).^ Interest in the Hartz moun- tains is certainly on the increase, for eight years later Johann Georg Sulzer" recommends a walking tour in these mountains. " Gosslar liegt an dem Oberharz, dichte an den schonsten Bergen Gegen Abend reisten wir aus Gosslar nach Clausthal. Der Weg dahin geht immer iiber die Harzgebirge und ist wegen der schonen Aussich- ten sehr angenehm, insonderheit fiir einen, der stark genug ist, den meisten Weg zu Fusse zu thun." Georg von Fiirst (Curieuse Reisen durch Europa 1730) and Zacharias Conrad von Uffenbach {Merkwiirdige Reisen durch Nieder- sachsen etc., 1753) offer nothing new as regards the treatment of I Cf. also 8, 117, 743, loos, 1268, et passim. = Friedlander, 13 ; Winter, 3 ; Biese, 329, 3 Cf. also 56, 62. — See the writer's article in Mod, Lang. Notes, XVI, 244 ff. 4 Einige Beohachtungen welche ich auf einer Reise von Magdeburg nach dem Oberharz gemacht^ published 1781 in Johann Bernoulli's S anttnlung kurzer Reisebeschreibungen. TRAVELS 93 nature, except that they mention the sea. The one speaks of " die gewaltige Macht des Meeres, welches uns so sehr erschrocket hatte " (39), and the other, going from Harwich to Holland, sees a sunrise on the sea: "Sie erschien allmahlich an dem Horizont, stieg aber nicht, wie die Poeten fabulirten, aus der See in die Hohe. Doch sahe es artig aus, wie erstlich die Hellung & Strahlen, & nachgehends die Sonne erschien " (III, 257). About the year 1750 a change in the attitude toward nature may be noted. Up to this time only stray sentences in the books of travel reveal what little attention was paid to the external world. The Travels which will be examined presently show a closer observation of nature, interest in some of the phenomena hitherto neglected, and capability of describing landscapes as actually seen. One of the earliest of this class is Johann Heinrich Lambert's ' Beschreibung der Aussicht der Gegenden um Chiir (Bernoulli's Samm- iung). It was written in August, 1752, according to its editor, who, it may be said in passing, considered it of very little importance. Lambert describes the country about Chur in these words (II, 59) : " Zur Seiten der Stadt begiebt man sich auf eine Anhohe .... woselbst ein bewunderungsvoller Anblick der allertreflichsten Vorwiirfen unsere Augen entziindet. Aus dunkler Feme scheinet der Rheinfluss auf breiter Flache versilberte Wellen gegen uns herzustromen. Auf beiden Seiten ziehet sich eine Reihe sich schmalender Berge in die Weite. Eine andere Reihe umkranzet sie und lasst hinter sich den gewolbten Bau azurner Liifte erblicken Dort zur Rechten stellt sich unserm erstaunten Gesichte ein Gebirg, ein Fels von ungeheurer Grosse dar. Die Gewolke liegen auf seinen verbreiteten Schultern, und sein Haupt .... schimmert bei schwiiler Sommerhitze von frostigem Schnee, der die heissen Sonnenstrahlen unerwarmt in die beschatteten Thaler weit von sich herabwirft." He mentions the golden cornfields, the happy mowers at work, the sound of the huntsman's horn, and ends by say- ing : " Sehet hier die Hiigel, die mit Traubengelandern umhangen ; dort Berge, so mit Waldern umkronet . . . . o des seeligen Aufenthalts ! O konnte ich, so wie ihr, begliickte Bewohner, an euerem Gliicke, an euerem Vergiigen nur einen geringen Antheil haben ! " The next book of importance is Johann Peter Willebrandt's Histo- rische Berichte und Practische Anmerkungen auf Reisen in Deutschland, etc. (1758). Not only does he pay more attention to natural scenery, but he is not filled with terror at the sight of mountains or the ocean. I Cf. Peschei, Geschichte der Erdkunde, 751. 94 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE Quite the contrary. "Das Herz hat in mir gehiipfet," he says (157), " da ich von einem Barge nahe vor Dieppe die offenbare See .... ent- decket habe Ich wenigstens weiss keinen angenehmeren Anblick, als diesen." Near Salzburg he is close to the " Tyrolischen Alpen, deren erstaunlich hohe Gipfel mit Schnee bestandig bedeckt geblieben. Es ist dieser Anblick grasslich schon, insbesondere bey heiterer Sommer- Witterung" (332). But his favorite landscape he finds on the way from Palemaille to Blanckennese : " Die Gegenden auf diesem Wege, da man um Nienstaden bald durch die Lage und Kunst schon gemachte Gartens, bald kornreiche Felder, bald schattigte Holzungen, allezeit aber von einer erstaunlichen Hohe, nicht nur die breite und schiffreiche Elbe, sondern auch an jener Seite der Elbe viele Insuln und das Liineburger Land iibersiehet, auch zu Blanckennese Gebiirge, wie die Alpen, erblicket ; alles dieses sind wahrhaftig Meisterstiicke der Natur" (58).' The growing love for nature undefiled by human hand is empha- sized in two accounts found in Bernoulli's " Sammlung." In one of them (Reise durch Ost-Deuischland, written in 1762) occurs this remark : " Die Spatziergange im Walde sind natiirlich schon ; so wie denn iiberhaupt durch Kunst an diesem Orte nichts verschwendet ist" (II, 90). The author of the other {Vom Schwarzwalde, 1767) delights in the primeval forest : " Ein beynahe ununterbrochener Wald bedeckt dieses Gebirge. Der Wald ist unvergleichlich ; da kann man recht sehen, wie eine sich selbst iiberlassene und Jahrhunderte durch ver- schonte Holzung aussieht. Keine Verzierungen von Lustwaldchen, Alleen, Berceaux, Cabinetten konnen in einen Garten erdacht werden, von denen man hier nicht die Originale in urspriinglicher Schonheit findet ; vornehmlich ergotzten mich an einigen Orten die tausenderley Gruppirungen der Nadelholzer, die vom Erdreich bis an die Gipfel die vortreflichsten Pyramiden vorstellen. Es giebt Wildnisse, wo man auf einem undurchdringlichen Klump, in einer unabsehbaren Strecke, hundertley Arten von Baumen, mit ebenso vielfaltigen Grun, in einander verschlungen siehet ; dann wieder Partien wo geradstammige Fichten mit ihren Kronen ein von Saulen getragenes Dach bilden, unter welchen man zwischen denselben auf einen aufgerSumten mit sanften Rasen bedeckten Boden mit Lust spatzieret" (II, 201). Owing probably to the influence of Rousseau, travelers now began to tour Switzerland for the sake of her natural beauties. One of the first Germans to appreciate the grandeur and beauty of the Alps, and I For other illustrative passages cf. 45, 47, 49, 207, 216, 247. TRAVELS 95 to leave a record of his impressions, is Hirschfeld, the author of Briefe uber die vornehmsten Merkwurdigkeiten der Schweiz (1769). By way of introduction he says (5): "Ich kann Ihnen nicht sagen, mit welcher stillen Vergniigsamkeit und Belustigung des Geistes man durch diese Gegenden reiset, und diese Wiirkungen auf unsre Seele scheinen mir in der That ein nicht geringer Nutzen zu sein." On his way to Solothurn he sees "viele rauhe felsigte Berge, die die Natur aufgeworfen zu haben scheint, um dem Reisenden einen auf eine furchtbare Art ergotzenden Anblick zu geben" (12). He comments on the alpen-glow near Geneva (" die Aussicht ist sonderbar, aber sehr ergotzend," 54), and on the grandeur of glaciers at sunset (123): "Niemals aber kann ein Anblick in der Natur prachtiger sein, als derjenige, den diese Gletscher bei dem Untergange der Sonne geben." ' On viewing the fall of an avalanche he says : " Dieses war in der That einer der fiirchterlichsten, aber zugleich der schonsten Auftritte, die man jemals sehen kann" (210). The awful majesty of the Alps he beholds at the Grinselwald (140): " Hier erofnet sich auf einmal die ganze fiirchterliche Majestat der Schneegebirge ; man erschrickt bei diesem Anblicke, und wiinscht dieses angenehme Schrecken alien seinen Bekannten mittheilen zu konnen ; und eine stille Bewunderung der Natur, oder vielmehr ihres grossen Urhebers, bemachtigt sich eines jeden Herzens."' From now on the new attitude toward nature is gradually break- ing through in the Travels, until in the next decade it entirely pervades the accounts of Sulzer and Forster. Before considering these, brief note may be made of three books of travel written previous to 1775. The author of Beschreibung einer Reise, welche im Jahre 1769 nach der Sierra Morena in Spanien vom Elsass aus unternommen wurde (pub. 1780) describes the view from Cadiz as follows (40): "Jenseits des Hafens siehet man die ebenen Felder von Andalusien und die Gebirge von Grenada, die den schweizerischen an Hohe wenig nachgeben ; also fast mit einem Blicke, einen mit Schiffen wohl besezten Hafen, ebenes Land, grosse Gebirge, die offenbare See, und eine Stadt, die oben einem Garten gleich sieht. Diese Aussicht ist meiner Meinung nach einzig."3 In P. Hell's" Reise nach Wardoe bei Lappland etc. im Jahre I Cf . also 180 : "Die Gletscher [in den Clarideialpen] schimmem mit einer vortrefflich blauen, oder vielmehr seladongriinen Farbe." 2 See also I2r, 204, 207. 4C(. Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde, 578. 3 On board a ship during a storm he expresses no fear, but takes time to speak of the turbulent waters: " Aufgethvirmte schwarze Wellen, die oben mit einem weissen Schaum bedeckt waren, stiirzten von alien Seiten auf das Schiff, und erhoben es aus dem tiefsten Abgrund, um es wieder dahin zuriick stiirzen zu koimen " (81). 96 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE 7769 (pub. 1835) such expressions as " reizendes Hiigelland " (104), " rechts vor uns Berge und steile Felsen, eine hochst angenehme Raise" (105), " herrliche Berge" (109), " schone Berge" (114), recur frequently. More of the new spirit is shown in (Joh. Fr. C. Grimm's) Bemerkungen eines Reisenden durch Deutschland, etc., published 1775 in the form of letters, the first letter bearing the date of December 11, 1773. The winter landscape, as seen from the Strassburg cathedral (169), and the coming of spring in France (Abbeville, March 7) and England (London, April 1 1), are dwelt upon at length and apprecia- tively. The landscape about Canterbury (Pt. II, 288), Oxford (Pt. Ill, 114), and other places in England, affords great pleasure to the author, quite in contrast to Adam Ebert's opinion of England fifty years previously, according to which that country is not worth a visit, except for theologians or merchants ; " dann es ist daselbst nichts ausser London zu sehen." — On the Petersberg near Halle Grimm expresses his delight in nature in no ambiguous way: " Man legt sich nehmlich daselbst auf den Rucken hin und sieht riickwarts die Gegenden unter dem Berge an. — O Natur !! Natur !! mochte man ausrufen, — wie schon bist du hier!!" (Pt. IV, 104). Of special interest for our present purpose is his comment on the way from Landshut to Schmiedeberg : "Beym Herabsteigen des Berges kommt man zuweilen an lichten Stellen durch die das Auge ein Theilchen der Landschaft erblickt, an deren vollen Genuss es sich bald weiden soil. Die Aussicht durch diese Liicken ist furchtbar schon. Zu den Fiissen des Wanderers tiefe wilde Abgriinde, die weiterhin in fruchtbare Wiesen oder Aecker iibergehen, und an denen sich das Riesengebirge in seiner kolossa- lischen Grosse und in seinem dunklen Gewande emporhebt " (Pt. VI, 170). Mention has been already made of Sulzer's recommendation of walking tours in the Hartz mountains. Thirty years after the writing of those lines he traveled from Berlin to the countries of southern Europe and published in 1780 his Tagebuch einer von Berlin nach den mittdglichen Ldndern von Europa in den Jahren 177s ^ ^776 getha- nenen Reise &" Ruckreise. This book, and Forster's Reise um die Welt, mark the beginning of a new epoch in the history of travel, devoting as much attention, if not more, to natural scenery, including mountains and the ocean, as to the customs and manners of the people, cities, etc. Of the country from Eisenach to Hiinefeld Sulzer says : " Der ganze Weg .... geht bestandig iiber Berg und Thai, und ist wegen angenehmer Abwechselungen der Aussichten und einzeler gesperrter. TRAVELS 97 zum Theil recht romantischer Gegenden ungemein ergotzend" (12). He is particularly enraptured with the Bernese Alps : " Die hochsten Alpen, die sowohl durch ihre nackten, sich weit iiber die Wolken erhebenden kahlen Felsen, als durch andre mit ewigem Schnee bedeckte Hohen, eine ganz wunderbare Ansicht geben, die gewiss niemand ohne eine Art von Entziicken sehen kann " (35). The ever- changing scenery on the road from Toulon to Nice delights him (157), he can scarce remove his eyes from the romantic spots near this town (188), and on his way to Menton he writes : " Man kann nicht leicht etwas seltsamers, erschrecklichers und zugleich schoners in dieser Art sehen, als diesen Weg. Er geht iiber hohe, sehr diirre, meistentheils aus voUig kahlen Felsen bestehende Berge, und so seltsam zwischen den obersten Gipfeln dieser Berge herum, dass man bestandig neue und seltsame Aussichten vor sich hat " (237). As he proceeds from Lugano to Bellinzona he notes in his diary: " Der Weg dahin ist wirklich von romantischer Schonheit, obgleich hier und da etwas beschwerlich : erst iiber die hinter Lugano liegenden Hiigel, hernach durch fruchtbare Thaler und Wege von den herrlichsten Kastanien- baumen beschattet Mir kam es bisweilen an ganz ebenen, mit hohen und sehr waldigen Baumen besezten Platzen vor [wegen des spitzig zulaufenden Gewolbes], als wenn ich mich in einer sehr grossen gothischen Kirche befande" (353). He crosses the Devil's Bridge, and pictures vividly the awful abyss below him : " Das gewaltige Brausen des Wassers, die schwindelnde Hohe auf der man steht, der Staubregen, von dem man bedeckt wird, alles dieses zusammen macht einen wunderbaren Eindruck auf das Gemiith (369). AUe Begriffe von Macht und Grosse und unwiderstehlicher Gewalt, die man sich bei Gelegenheit der menschlichen Anstalten gemacht hat, verschwinden hier wie Wasserblasen " (373)- Enough has been quoted from Sulzer's diary to show that its spirit is entirely modern. The same spirit is found in his letters, as shown in the preceding chapter. Georg Forster's Reise um die Welt in den Jahren 1772 bis 177^ is the prototype of the Travels best exemplified by Humboldt's Kosmos. It may therefore be permitted to quote from it at length, especially as it is the last book of travels to be treated of. The author does not fail to observe the phosphorescence of the sea (66) : " Kaum wars Nacht worden, als die See rund um uns her einen grossen, bewun- drungswiirdigen Anblick darbot. So weit wir sehen konnten schien der ganze Ocean in Feuer zu sein. Jede brechende Welle war an der Spitze von einem hellen Glanz erleuchtet . . . und langst den Seiten 98 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE des Schiffes verursachte das Anschlagen der Wellen eine feuerhelle Linie."' Forster is certainly one of the first in the history of travels to appreciate the grandeur of the ocean, for he says (1,386): "Der Anblick des Oceans war prachtig und fiirchterlich zugleich. Bald iibersahen wir von der Spitze einer breiten, schweren Welle, die uner- messliche Flache des Meers in unzahlbare tiefe Furchen aufgerissen, bald zog uns eine brechende Welle mit sich in ein schroffes, fiirchter- liches Thai herab, indess der Wind von jener Seite schon wieder einen neuen Wasserberg mit schaumender Spitze herbeifiihrte und das Schifi zu bedecken drohte."° He sees the beauty of icebergs (loi) : "Die untergehende Sonne verschaffte uns heute Abend einen iiber alle Maassen herrlichen Anblick, denn sie farbte die Spitzen einer in Westen liegenden Eisinsel mit funkelndem Golde und theilte der gan- zen Masse einen blendenden Purpurglanz mit."^ It gives him genuine pleasure to describe wild, romantic scenery. At Dusky Bay he writes (118) : " Zum Nachtisch ergotzte sich das Auge an der vor uns liegen- den, wildnissartigen Landschaft, die Salvator Rosa nicht schoner hatte mahlen konnen. Sie war ganz im Geschmack dieses Kiinstlers und bestand aus Felsen, mit Waldern gekront, deren Alter in die Zeiten vor der Siindfluth hinauf zu reichen schien, und zwischen welche sich aller Orten Wasserbache mit schaumendem Ungestiim herabstiirzten." One of these torrents he describes at length (I, 135)'' and then gives us a detailed description of its romantic surroundings : " Zur Linken dieser herrlichen Scene stiegen schroffe, braune Felsen empor, deren Gipfel mit iiberhangendem Buschwerk und Baumen gekront waren. Zur Rechten lag ein Haufen grosser Steine, den allem Anschein nach die Gewalt des vom Berge herabkommenden Wassers zusammenge- thiirmt hatte Weiterhin liess sich die durchdringend helle Kehle der Drossel .... und der bezaubernde Gesang verschiedner Baumlaufer an alien Seiten horen, und machte die Schonheit dieses wilden romantischen Flecks vollkommen [Wir sahen] an der einen Seite das feste Land, dessen hohe, mit Schnee bedeckte Berge bis in die Wolken reichten ; an der andern aber begrenzte der unab- sehlich weite Ocean die Aussicht. Dieser Prospect ist so bewunderns- wiirdig gross, dass es der Sprache an Ausdriicken fehlt, die Majestat und Schonheit desselben der Natur gemass zu beschreiben." He I Cf. also I, 33. 2 See also II, 29. 31,113: "Die Gestalt [der Eisinseln] war mehrentheils sonderbar, und des zertriimmerten Anse- hens wegen oft malerisch genug." (See also 96.) 4 Note, too, 11,65: "Eine schone Cascade sturzte sich vom Gipfel langs det Felsenwand in den Fluss herab und belebte die sonst schauervolle, iinstere und romantischwilde Aussicht." TRAVELS 99 describes the ideal spot for the melancholiac thus (I, 144) : " Der ganze See war mit einem dicken Walde umgeben, der aus den grossten Baumen bestand, und die Berge rund umher ragten in mancherlei Gestalten empor. Alles war ode und still. Nirgends vernahm man einen Laut .... keine Pflanze bliihte. Kurz die ganze Gegend war fiir ernste Melancholic geschaffen.'" His sensitiveness to color, espe- cially to the tints of clouds at sunset, finds frequent expression (I, 212 ; II, 5). Likewise his delight in moonlight scenes (11, 161; I, 264): " Der Mond schien die ganze Nacht sehr hell. Kein Wolckchen war zu sehn. Die glatte FlSche der See glanzte wie Silber, und die vor uns liegende Landschaft sahe so reizend aus, dass man sich kaum iiberreden konnte, hier sei etwas mehr als das schopferische Werk einer fruchtbaren lachenden Phantasie." The eighth chapter of Forster's book begins with the famous description of Tahiti : " Ein Morgen war's ! schoner hat ihn schwer- lich je ein Dichter beschrieben, an welchem wir die Insel 0-Tahiti 2 Meilen vor uns sahen Waldgekronte Berge erhoben ihre stolzen Gipfel in mancherlei majestatischen Gestalten und gliihten bereits im ersten Morgenstrahl der Sonne .... Aus dem Innern des Landes ragten mancherlei romantisch geformte, steile Berggipfel hervor, davon besonders der eine auf eine malerisch schone, aber fiirchterliche Weise liberhing." On his second visit to this island he writes enthusiasti- cally (II, 37) : "Ich, so schwach auch meine Krafte waren, kroch eben- falls mit aufs Verdeck, um mich wenigstens an dem Anblicke der Gegend zu laben Den Morgen war ich friih erwacht, und welch Entziicken gewahrte mir da die herrliche Aussicht ! Es war, als hatte ich die reizende Gegend, die vor mir lag, noch nie gesehen Die Walder auf den Bergen waren mit frischem Griin bekleidet, das in mannigfaltigen Farben durcheinander spielte ; die kleinen Hiigel hie und da griinten ebenfalls im neuen Fruhlingskleide und verschoner- ten an manchen Orten die reizende Aussicht. Besonders aber prang- ten die Ebenen mit allem Schmuck der jungen Wiesen. Kurz, alles erinnerte mich an die Beschreibungen von Calypso's bezauberter Insel." Forster is not an admirer of the Regular Garden, which was popu- lar up to the time of Kent. He says (I, 228) : "Es gab auch in der That eine Menge von allerhand wilden Arten in diesen Plantagen, die untereinander in jener schonen Unordnung der Natur aufsprossten, I In another place he tells us : " Wir hatten den ganzen Tag in dieser leizenden Einode zubringen mogen" {241). 100 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE die fiber das steife Putzwerk kiinstlicher Garten immer unendlich erhaben ist.'" A similar thought he expresses in a letter to his wife (Mainz, April ii, 1788): "Die Aussicht auf die sich die Mainzer so viel zu gute thun, ist allerdings schon und prachtig, aber romantisch ist sie durchaus nicht Kannst Du glauben, dass .... mitten in dieser aufs ausserste bebauten Gegend die liebe Natur mit ihrer reizenden Unregelmassigkeit, ihrem kiihlen Schatten, raschen Gipfeln, rieselnden Gewassern ganzlich vermisst wird ?" In his letters (which will be quoted here, rather than in Chapter III, because they were written after the time-limit set for this treatise) are found some further evidences of his nature-sense, i. e., in those letters which he wrote before the beginning of the French Revolution. Thus he writes to Soemmering, as only a close observer of nature would write (Zellerfeld, April 24, 1784): "Auf den gestrigen ungewohnlich lauen Abend, wo uns der Mond so freundlich leuchtete, als wiisste er nichts von unsrem Abschiede, folgte spat in der Nacht ein Gewitter. Der Morgen war gelind und lachend ; alles lebte im Felde ; die Anho- hen und Aecker glanzten im freundlichen Grun ; die Lerche stieg und sang, und selbst die melancholische Leine, die sich durch das lange Thai hinschlangelte, hatte ihren Reiz Von hier aus [Osterode] stieg ich ununterbrochen fort his nach Klausthal, durch schone Tannen- walder, wo die schlanken, himmelanstrebenden Tannen sich vom Sturm hin und her wiegen liessen. Ich wiinsche mir keine erhabnere Musik, als das Sausen in ihren Wipfeln." Of greater interest are the follow- ing lines in a letter to Therese Heyne, which recall to mind Stolberg's "Siisse, heilige, Natur, Lass mich gehn auf deiner Spur!" (Prag, July 25, 1784): "Ich fing an die Natur wieder lieb zu gewinnen, als man mich auf einen heimlichen Schattenpfade, zwischen bemoosten Felsen, durch hohe Buchen und Pappeln und schlanke Tannen, langs dem rieselnden, rauschenden und platschernden Waldbach hinabwarts fiihrte. Es schloss sich um mich her, es nahm mich aus dem Gewirr jener vor mir offen liegenden Welt, es driickte mich innig an den Busen der Mutter Natur, die hier einsam und dunkel, doch nicht grauerlich, sondern nur sanft, nur gleichformig und stillgleitend, nur siiss melancholisch und mittrauernd, das Gegenbild der in dunkeln Gedanken verwebten Seele war ! O, fiir jede Art des Schmerzes liegt im ewigen Mancherlei der Natur ihrer Bildungen irgendwo ein heil- samer Balsam." — Like Wordsworth, Forster believes that at certain moments of our life we may be enraptured by "the meanest flower I Cf. also 356. TRAVELS 10 1 that blows," for he says in his diary : " Wer es je selbst erfahren hat, welch einen ganz eigenthiimlichen Eindruck die Schonheiten der Natur in einem gefiihlvollen Herzen hervorbringen, der nur, der kann sich eine Vorstellung machen, wie in dem Augenblick, wenn des Her- zens Innerstes sich aufschliesst, jeder sonst noch so unerhebliche Gegenstand interessant werden und durch unnennbare Empfindungen uns begliicken kann. Dergleichen Augenblicke sind es, wo die blosse Ansicht eines frisch umgepfliigten Ackers uns entziickt, [wo wir] .... iiber die verschiedenen Schattirungen des Laubes .... [uns] so herzlich, so innig freuen konnen" (II, 267). We recognize, then, in Forster, as we did in Sulzer, one of the earliest representatives of the new attitude toward nature. He appre- ciates romantic scenery, mountains, and ocean, observes the color of the clouds at sunset, delights in dense forests undefiled by human hand, and shows himself capable of an imaginative communion with nature. fOn the whole, travelers are hostile or indifferent to nature at the beginning of the eighteenth century, observe her with greater interest and grow more friendly toward her about the middle, and at the end of the third quarter show as much sympathy for her — even her romantic aspects — as do the poets of the same period, except that they do not equal the latter in power of adequate expression?} Note. — After this chapter had been written, Oertel's monograph Die Naturschilderung bei den deutschen geographischen Reisebeschreibern des 18, Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1899) came to hand. His point of view and his sources differ from those above given. His treatise will be of value to future editors of histories of geography (such as Peschel's Geschichte der Erdkunde), for he says of the nature of his investigation : " Fiir unsere Darstellung kon- nen nur die wissenschaftlich gebildeten Reisenden in Frage kommen" (13). On this account he concerns himself with the scientific rather than the aesthetic observations and comments of travelers, whereas the present study has tried to do the reverse. It is no little satisfaction, however, to learn that conclusions which largely coincide with his have been independently arrived at here. Oertel states that previous to 1750 " Bruchstucke," after that date " Einzelschilderungen,'' and with the appearance of Forster's accounts (about 1780) " Gesamtbilder " characterize the travels of the eighteenth century. \The men of the first period emphasize the utilitarian side of nature, those of the second insist upon exact observation, and the travelers of the third period describe both scientifically and aesthetically (53). The change about 1750 he attributes to the rise of the natural sciences (29), and that about three decades later to the all-pervading influence of Rousseau (51) and those German 102 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE writers who followed in his footsteps. Exception may be taken to Oertel's estimate of the service that Hacquet rendered to the history of travel. He says of him '(33) : " Er bereiste die Alpen (1778). Die Vielgeschmahten waren demnach entdeckt." It has been seen that Hirschfeld published the results of his tour in the Alps as early as 1769. Again, Oertel says (34): " Es war neu, dass man der ganzen Natur, auch ihren wilden Scenen und nicht nur fruchtharen Bruchstiicken, Interesse entgegenbrachte." It is suffi- cient to call the attention of the reader to the delight that the author of Vom Schwarzwalde {i-jdi) took in the primeval forest, and Grimm {Bemerkungen. eines Reisenden, pub. 1775) in the wild nature of the Riesengebirge. — In con- clusion it may be said that Oertel's investigation will probably not render the present writing superfluous, since the raison d'etre of the two is different. SUMMARY. The almost total lack of first-hand observation and genuine love of nature characteristic of the seventeenth century as a whole grows less marked with the advent of the eighteenth century, when a more accu- rate knowledge of nature, and a stronger affection for her, become dominant. Whereas the poets of the first period follow their Latin models closely, and are prone to see almost everything with the eyes of these writers, the men of the second period, especially from the middle of the century, go out into nature, observe her many phenom- ena, and record their impressions in new and adequate forms. In the seventeenth century, and even far into the eighteenth (cf. the Anacreontics), the glories of morning and day are sung almost exclusively, though Dach, GUnther, and Brockes have some intimation of the charms of evening and night. There is no full appreciation of day and night until after the first half of the century, when the litera- ture (Klopstock, Herder, Holty), letters (Herder, Mile. Lucius), and travels (Uffenbach, Forster) show unmistakable signs of the new atti- tude, of which Goethe was to become the best exponent. In regard to the seasons, it has been seen that spring, treated more or less conventionally by Opitz and his school, received many advo- cates in the second and third quarters of the century, the most felici- tous, perhaps, being Holty, although it should not be forgotten that long before him Logau and Dach had sung of the month of May in an original and poetic manner. To Brockes belongs the credit of describ- ing, with more or less skill, autumn and winter, disliked up to his time because they were symbolical of dissolution and death. He dis- covered their charms, and in due time they became the subject of song (Klopstock, Claudius, Stolberg), despite the Anacreontic poets, who persisted in seeing only their disagreeable features. A similar change occurs in the letters of this period. Frau von Gottsched prefers work- ing at her desk to sleigh-riding (i73S). but Klopstock enjoys skating from sunrise to sunset (1768). Goethe's delight in autumn and winter is too well known to need further comment. The sky and its phenomena, barely mentioned in the preceding century, are noted by Brockes. He does not fail to observe the clouds and winds, or the effect of sunlight or moonlight. A description of a 103 104 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE thunderstorm such as we find in Klopstock's Fruhlingsfeyer (1759) is, however, not within his power. It is quite remarkable that as early as 1722 Elisabeth von Orleans expresses her delight in seeing this phe- nomenon. Not until many years later do we find an adequate appre- ciation of its majesty (Lichtenberg). The features of the inland scenery of the seventeenth century are the brook, the hill and valley, and the woods. These obtain in the poems of the Anacreontic school as well. A genuine love of moun- tains which, as was formerly believed, Haller's Alpen had inspired, is hardly noticeable before Stolberg, and yet in the letters, travels, and fiction we find earlier indications of this feeling. Thus, Klopstock and Sulzer express their delight at sight of the first Alpine peaks (1750). The latter had become conscious, some years previously, of the beauty of the Hartz, about which another traveler (Calvisius) had written in 1738. After the middle of the century the number of trav- elers who view with delight Alpine scenery is certainly on the increase, influenced no doubt by the descriptions of Rousseau. In fiction, too, as has perhaps been shown {Reise auf die Geburge, 1761), love for mountain scenery and beautiful prospects is evident. For a scientific as well as aesthetic appreciation of the Alps Germany must wait, how- ever, till Goethe's journey to Switzerland in 1779. Sympathy for the ocean is aroused even later than that for moun- tains. Conventional references regarding its wildness, fierceness, and consequent danger are strewn through the literature of the period, but not before Herder's voyage to Nantes, and Stolberg's splendid lines, is its grandeur considered. This holds true also in the letters (cf. Elisa- beth von Orleans and Herder), though Klopstock and, somewhat later, Lichtenberg must not be forgotten. In the travels indications of the new attitude are discernible in Willebrandt (1758), and expressed more fully in Forster's accounts. The interpretation of plant and animal life also suffers change, as the range becomes wider, observation closer, and expression more adequate. Conventional similes are supplanted by appropriate vivifi- cations. The abundant delight, in a general way, in the bright flowers of the garden gives place to a more intimate pleasure in such flowers as the violet and poppy (Brookes, Gotz), and to a genuine enthusiasm for strawberries (Herder). The stereotype conception of the nightin- gale no longer prevails, but a sincere appreciation of her song and that of the lark becomes more common (Herder). The cuckoo is now looked upon as the harbinger of spring (Hagedorn). The indigenous SUMMARY 105 animals, both large and small, are observed and described (Brookes, Gleim), instead of the exotic, as formerly. All this seems but a prepa- ration for the work of a universal genius like Goethe. His aesthetic appreciation was the more perfect, of course, because it was coupled with close scientific observation. In the age of Opitz, largely influenced by Horace, the pleasures of country life had been sung. As civilization became more complex, the longing for a simpler mode of life grew proportionately more intense. Throughout the first half of the eighteenth century this desire was expressed with more or less sincerity (Haller, the Anacreontics), accom- panied often by a disparagement of man's society, as in the case of Kleist (" Ein wahrer Mensch muss fern von Menschen sein "), and often by a sentimental love for the rest and peace in nature, as is evident in Uz, Gotz, and others. Especially after the promulgation of Rousseau's ideas, the thought that nature is not only our comforter, but our guide as well, becomes common even to exaggeration (" Stiirmer und Dranger "). Here we need but mention as the typical and purest expression of this sentiment Stolberg's lines, " Siisse, heilige Natur . . ." In the letters of the period the same feeling is expressed, first brief and vague, then clearer and more distinct (Wieland), and ultimately full and adequate (Herder, Holty). As regards some of the men, the Anacreontics and Klopstock, for example, it may be added that, unlike Rousseau, they enjoy country life and nature best in the company of friends — a view of nature characteristic of the transition stage. In passing one might well recall that in the history of landscape painting a similar evolution had taken place. In the early works of Italian art, for example, inter- est is centered in man, nature is altogether ignored or receives but scant treatment (Giotto, and even the early Renaissance painters); later man and nature are of equal importance, the latter serving as a back- ground (Tintoretto); then, as she is more closely observed, she occu- pies more of the canvas, and the human figures dwindle in proportion, until at last they disappear altogether and the era of landscape painting is ushered in (Claude Lorraine, Salvator Rosa, and the Dutch masters). In descriptions of travel, as above shown, the love of nature grows similarly, although the human element is at no time eliminated. About the middle of the century more attention is paid to natural scenery wide and beautiful prospects are sought out and described (Lambert and Willebrandt), nature in her primitive state delights the eye of the traveler {Vom Schwarzwalde), and mountains and the ocean, instead of striking terror into the hearts of the travelers (witness the early accounts io6 TREATMENT OF NATURE IN GERMAN LITERATURE of Ebert and Haller), are now a topic of discussion and a source of pleasure (Hirschfeld, Sulzer, etc.). The Falls of the Rhine are now appreciated more than ever before (cf. Klopstock and Stolberg, Heinse). All nature was looked upon as the work of God by most men of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, owing, no doubt, to the paramount influence of the Bible. Thus Brockes wrote many verses descriptive of natural phenomena in order to glorify the Creator, as well as show the usefulness of each part in nature. Haller, Hagedorn, and the Anacreontics largely followed him in this respect, and Klop- stock, reared in pietistic surroundings, could not but join them. When nature came to be regarded more and more as a companion and friend, this view gave place to another, according to which an all-pervading spirit permeates nature and links each and all together. Goethe's lines in the Prommion bear on this subject : Was war ein Gott, der nur von aussen stiesse, Im Kreis das All am Finger laufen liesse ! Ihm ziemt's die Welt im Innern zu bewegen, Natur in Sich, Sich in Natur zu hegen, So dass, was in ihm lebt und webt und ist, Nie Seine Kraft, nie Seinen Geist vermisst. Goethe's thought on evolution, that nature progresses systematically and forms but one continuous chain from the lowest to the highest forms of life, is hinted at by previous poets (Uz, Wieland). In regard to the literary use of nature in the second and third quarters of the eighteenth century: Writers that have merely observed many phenomena, and have indiscriminately versified them without any regard as to their poetic value, do not concern us here (e. g., Brockes). When, however, their descriptions show that a literary purpose was intended, that there exists a relationship between the various parts, and that the poets meant to present artistically composed pictures, due credit for their efforts must be accorded them (e. g., Kleist). Further- more, the analogies between external nature and man are indicative of the poet's genius and thought. In the idyllic poets, the slowly wind- ing brook is the emblem of life, in the later poets the rushing moun- tain-torrent serves that purpose (Stolberg). | The use of nature in connection with man's joys or sorrows increases in the course of the centuryr] This is best exemplified by the two poets that mark the beginning and the close of the period which has been made the sub- ject of investigation. |Giinther in his sorrow has the pale moon as SUMMARY 107 companion, and goes to the animals of the forest to associate with them. Goethe's Werther, as he runs through the whole gamut of emotional experience, finds corresponding moods in nature. This close communion with nature, which becomes particularly marked after the middle of the century (Herder, Holty, Stolberg), seems but a pre- liminary step to a still higher conception of nature : her existence independently qf_man. This is again best illustrated in Goethe, and if any one work were to be singled out, it would probably be the poetic gem Herbstgefuhl.^ ^For an excellent analysis of this poem of. H, Corvinus, Zeitschrift fiir Gymnasialwesen, 1890, 309 ff. BIBLIOGRAPHY. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, herg. durch die histor. Commission bei d. Konigl. Akad. d. Wissensch. Leipzig, 1875 ff. Apronius, Aulus : Reisebeschreibung v. DeutschL etc. Villa Franca, 1723. Barewicz, Witold : Goethes Naturgefiihl. Progr. d. Gym. zu Drohobyczu, 1897. Bernays, M.: Der junge Goethe. 3 vols. Leipzig, 1875. . Bernoulli, Joh.: Samml. kurzer Reisebesch. etc. 4 vols. Berlin-Altenburg, 1781. Beschreibung e. Reise welche i. J. 1769 nach d. Sierra Morena untemommen. Leipzig, 1780. Biese, Alfred: Die Entwickelung d. Naturgef. i. Mittelalter u. i. der Neuzeit. 2te Ausg. Leipzig, 1892. Zur Gesch. d. Lit. d. Naturgef., Z. f. vergl. Litgesch., VII, XI. Bodmer, Joh. Jac: Abhandlung v. d. Wunderbaren i. d. Poesie. Ziirich, 1740. 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Wilh.: Poetische Schriften. 4 vols. Braunschweig, 1763-65, Zesen, Philipp v.: Deut. Nat. Lit., Vol, 27. Zigler, Heinr. Anselm v.: Deut. Nat. Lit., Vol. 37. Ubc mniversitB of dbicago FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER Sanctae Silviae Peregrinatio THE TEXT AND A STUDY OF THE LATINITY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTIES OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOLS OF ARTS, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE, IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (department of latin) BY EDWARD A. BECHTEL CHICAGO ^be "ranircrgitB of Cbicago IPress 1902 COPYRIGHT, 1902, BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO SANCTAE SILVIAE PEREGKINATIO.' [Multa Desunt.'] I. ostendebantur iuxta scripturas. Interea ambulantes per- 31 uenimus ad quendam locum, ubi sex tamen montes illi, inter quos ibamus, aperiebant et faciebant uallem infinitam ingens planis- sima et ualde pulchram. Et trans uallem apparebat mons sanctus 5 Dei Syna. Hie autem locus, ubi se montes ^^periebant, iunctus est cum eo loco, quo sunt memoriae concupiscentiae. In eo ergo loco cum uenitur, ut tamen commonuerunt deductores sancti illi, qui nobiscum erant, dicentes : " Consuetudo est, ut fiat hie oratio ab his qui ueniunt, quando de eo loco primitus uidetur mons Dei ;^ 10 sicut et nos fecimus?*^ Habebat autem de eo loco ad mon tern Dei forsitan quattuor milia totum per ualle ilia, quam dixi ingens. II. Vallis aut^m ipsa ingens est ualde, iacens subter latus montis Dei, quae habet forsitan, quantum potuimus uidentes esti- mare aut ipsi dicebant, in longo milia passos forsitan sedecim, in 15 lato autem quattuor milia esse appellabant. Ipsam ergo uallem nos trauersare habebamus, ut possimus montem ingredi. Haec est autem uallis ingens et planissima, in qua filii Israhel commo- rati sunt his diebus, quod sanctus Moyses ascendit in montem Domini et fuit ibi quadraginta diebus et quadraginta noctibus. 20 Haec est autem uallis, in qua factus est uitulus : qui locus usque in hodie ostenditur. Nam lapis grandis ibi fixus stat in ipso loco. Haec ergo uallis ipsa est, in cuius capite ille locus est, ubi sanctus Moyses, cum pasceret pecora soceri sui, iterum locutus est ei Deus de rubo in igne. Et quoniam nobis ita erat iter, ut prius montem 25 Dei ascenderemus, qui hinc paret„unde ueniebamus melior ascen- sus erat, et illuc denuo ad illud caput uallis descenderemus, id est ' The text is based upon a copy of the manuscript at Arezzo, made by Mr. O. M. Washburn, fellow of the University of Chicago. With the exception of the punctuation and the abbreviations, an attempt has been made to repro- duce the exact reading of the manuscript, even in instances of obvious error. 5 b STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY ubi rubus erat, quia melior descensus montis Dei erat,, Inde itaque ergo hoc placuit, ut uisis omnibus, quae desiderabamus, descendentes a monte Dei, ubi est rubus ueniremus, et inde totum per mediam uallem ipsam, qua iacet in longo, rediremus ad iter cum hominibus Dei, qui nobis singula loca quae scripta sunt per 5 ipsam uallem ostendebant, sicut et factum est. Nobis ergo eunti- bus ab eo loco, ubi uenientes a Faran feceramus orationem, iter sic fuit, ut per medium transuersaremus caput ipsius uallis et sic plecaremus nos ad montem Dei. Mens autem ipse per giro qui- dem unus esse uidetur ; intus autem quod ingrederis, plures sunt 10 sed totum mons Dei appellatur, specialis autem ille, in cuius sum- mitate est hie locus, ubi descendit maiestas Dei, sicut scriptum 32 est, in medio illorum | omnium est. Et cum hi omnes, qui per girum sunt, tarn excelsi sunt quam nunquam me puto uidisse, tamen ipse ille medianus, in quo descendit maiestas Dei, tanto 15 altior est omnibus illis, ut cum subissemus in illo, prorsus toti illi montes, quos excelsos uideramus, ita infra nos essent ac si colliculi permodici essent. lUud sane satis admirabile est et sine Dei gratia puto illud non esse, ut cum omnibus altior sit ille medianus, qui specialis Syna dicitur, id est in quo descendit 20 maiestas Domini, tamen uideri non possit, nisi ad propriam radi- cem illius ueneris, ante tamen quam eum sube^is. Nam postea quam completo desiderio descenderis inde et de contra ilium uides, quod, ante quam subeas, facere non potest. Hoc autem, antequam perueniremus ad montem Dei, iam referentibus fratri- 25 bus cognoueram ; et postquam ibi perueni, ita esse manifeste cognoui. III. Nos ergo sabbato sera ingressi sumus montem et perue- nientes ad monasteria quedam susceperunt nos ibi satis humane monachi, qui ibi commorabantur, praebentes nobis omnem humani- 30. tatem. Nam et aecclesia ibi est cum presbytero : ibi ergo man- simus in ea nocte. Et inde maturius die dominica cum ipso presbytero et monachis, qui ibi commorabantur, cepimus ascendere montes singulos ; qui montes cum infinito labore ascenduntur, quoniam non eos subis lente et lente per girum, ut dicimus in 35 cocleas, sed totum ad directum subis ac si pef'parietem ; et ad SANOTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO ' 7 directum descend! neeesse est singulos ipsos montes donee per- uenias ad radicem propriam illius mediani, que est specialis Syna. Hac sic ergo, iubente Christo Deo nostro, adiuta orationibus sanctorum qui comitabantur, et sic cum grandi labore, quia pedi- 5 bus me ascendere neeesse erat, quia prorsus iiec in sella ascendi poterat, tamen ipse labor non sentiebatur. Ex ea parte autem non sentiebatur labor, quia desiderium quod habebam iubente Deo uidebam compleri;', Hora ergo quarta peruenimus in sum- mitatem illam mentis Dei sancti Syna, ubi data est lex, in eo id 10 est loco, ubi descendit maiestas Domini in ea die qua mons fumi- gabat. In eo ergo loco est nunc ecclesia non grandis, quoniam et ipse locus, id est summitas montis, non satis grandis est ; quae tamen aecclesia habet de se gratiam grandem. Cum ergo iubente Deo persubissemus in ipsa summitate et peruenissemus ad hostium 15 ipsius ecclesiae, ecce et occurrit presbyter ueniens | de monasterio 33 suo, qui ipsi ecclesie deputabatur, senex integer et monachus a prima uita et, ut hie dicunt, ascitis et quid plura ? qualis dignus est esse in eo loco. Occurrerunt etiam et alii presbyteri, nee non etiam et omnes monachi qui ibi commorabantur iuxta montem 20 ilium, id est qui tamen aut etate aut inbeccillitate non fuerunt impediti. Verum autem in ipsa summitate montis mediani nullus ^commanet ; nichil enim est ibi aliud nisi sola ecclesia et spelunca, ubi fuit sanctus Moyses. Leeto ergo ipso loco omnia de libro Moysi et facta oblatione . ordine suo, hac sic communicantibus 25 nobis, iam ut exiremus de aecclesia, dederunt nobis presbyteri loci ipsius eulogias, id est de pomis quae in ipso monte nascuntur. Nam cum ipse mons sanctus Syna totus petrinus sit, ita ut nee fruticem habeat, tamen deorsum prope radicem montium ipsorum, id est seu circa illius qui medianus est seu circa illorum qui per 30 giro sunt, modica nerrola est : statim sancti monachi pro dili- gentia sua arbusculas ponunt et pomariola instituunt uel orationes, et iuxta sibi monasteria, quasi ex ipsius montis terra aliquos fructus capiant ; quos tamen manibus suis elaborasse uideaij^tur. Hac sic ergo postea quam communicaueramus et dederant nobis 35 eulogias sancti illi et egressi sumus foras hostium ecclesiae, tunc cepi eos rogare ut ostenderent nobis singula loca. Tunc statim 8 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY illi sancti dignati sunt singula ostendere. Nam ostenderunt nobis speluncam illam, ubi fuit sanctus Moyses, cum iteralo ascendisset in montem Dei, ut acciperet denuo tabulas, postea quam priores ^ illas fregerat peccante populo, et cetera loca, quaecumque deside- rabamus, uel quae ipsi melius nouerant, dignati sunt ostendere 5 no^is. Illud autem uos nolo scire, dominae uenerabiles sorores, qui de eo loco ubi stabamus,(^id est in giro parietes ecclesiae, id est de summitate montis ipsiu^'mediani, ita infra nos uidebantur esse illi montes, quos primitus uix ascenderamus, iuxta istum medianum, in quo stabamus, ac si essent illi colliculi. Cum tamen 10 ita infiniti essent, ut non me putarem aliquando altiores uidisse, nisi quod hie medianus eos nimium praecedebat, Egyptum autem et Palestinam et mare rubrum et mare illut Parthenicum, quod mittit Alexandriam, nee non et fines Saracenorum infinitos ita subter nos inde uidebamus, ut credi uix possit ; quae tamen 15 singula nobis illi sancti demons trabant. IV. Completo ergo omni desiderio, quo festinaueramus | 34 ascendere, cepimus iam et descendere ab ipsa summitate montis Dei, in qua ascenderamusi in alio monte, qui ei periunctus est. Qui locus appellatur in Cnoreb ; ibi enim est ecclesia. Nam hie 20 est locus Choreb, ubi fuit sanctus Helias propheta, qua fugit a -^ facie Achab regis, ubi ei locutus est Deus dicens : "Quid tu hie Helias ? " sicut scriptum est in libris regnorum. Nam et spelunca, ubi latuit sanctus Helias, in hodie ibi ostenditur ante hostium ecclesiae, que ibi est ; ostenditur etiam ibi altarium lapideum 25 quern posuit ipse sanctus Helias ad offerendum Deo, sicut et illi sancti singula nobis ostendere dignabantur. Fecimus ergo et ibi oblationem et orationem impensissimam, et lectus est ipse locus de libro regnorum ; id enim nobis uel maxime ea desideraueram semper, ut, ubicumque uenissemus, semper ipse locus de libro 30 legeretur. Facta ergo et ibi oblatione, accessimus denuo ad "^ alium locum, non longe inde ostendentibus presbyteris uel mona- V chis, id est ad eum locum, ubi steterat sanctus Aaron cum sep- tuaginta senioribus, cum sanctus Moyses acciperet a Domino legem ad filios Israhel. In eo ergo loco, licet et tectum non sit, 35 tamen petra ingens est per girum habens planitiem supra se, in SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 9 qua stetisse dicuntur ipsi sancti. Nam et in medio ibi quasi alta- rium de lapidibus factum habet. Lectus est ergo et ibi ipse locus de libro Moysi et dictus unus psalmus aptus loco : hac sic facta oratione descendimus inde. 5 Ecce et coepit iam esse hora forsitan octaua, et adhuc nobis superabant milia tria, ut perexiremus montes ipsos quos ingressi fueramus pridie sera ; sed non ipsa parte exire habebamus, quia intraueramus, sicut superius dixi, quia necesse nos erat et loca omnia sancta ambulare et monasteria quecumque erant ibi uidere 10 et sic aut uallis illius, quam superius dixi, caput exire, id est huius uallis quae subiacet montis Dei. Propterea autem ad caput ipsius uallis exire nos necesse erat, quoniam ibi erant monasteria plurima sanctorum hominum et ecclesia in eo loco, ubi est rubus : rubus usque in hodie uiuet et mittet uirffultas. Ac sic ergo qui ruDus usq to"- 15 perdescenso monte Dei, peruenimus ad rubum hora forsitan decima. Hie autem rubus, quern superius dixi, de quo locutvis est Dominus Moysi in igne, qui est in eo loco ubi monasteria sunt plurima et ecclesia in capita uallis ipsius. Ante ipsam autem ecclesiam hortus est gratissimus ha | bens aquam optimam abun- 35 I 20 dantem, iu quo horto ipse rubus est. Locus etiam ostenditur ibi ■k^^"-^— iuxta, ubi stetit sanctus Moyses. quando ei dixit Deus : '•Solue corrigiam calciamenti tui" et cetera. Et in eo ergo loco cum peruenissemus, hora decima erat iam, et ideo quia iam sera erat, oblationem facere non potuimus. Sed facta est oratio in ecclesia, 25 nee non etiam et in horto ad rubum ; lectus est etiam locus ipse de libro Moysi iuxta consuetudinem : et sic, quia sera erat, gus- tauimus nobis locum in horto ante rubum cum Sanctis ipsis : ac sic ergo fecimus ibi mansionem. Et alia die maturius uigilantes rogauimus presbyteros ut et ibi fieret oblatio, sicut et facta est. 30 V. Et quoniam nobis iter sic erat, ut per ualle ilia media, qua tenditur per longum, iremus, id est ilia ualle quam superius dixi, ubi sederant filii Israhel, dum Moyses ascenderet in montem Dei et descenderet. Itaque ergo singula, que ad modum ueni- mus per ipsam totam uallem, semper nobis sancti illi loca demon- 35 strabant. Nam in primo capite ipsius uallis, ubi manseramus et uideramus rubum ilium, de quo locutus est Deus sancto Moysi in 10 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY igne, uideramus etiam et ilium locum, in quo steterat ante rubum sanctus Moyses, quando ei dixit Deus : "Solue corrigiam calcia-- menti tui ; locus enim in quo stas terra sancta est." Ac sic ergo cetera loca, quemadmodum profecti sumus de rubo, semper nobis ceperunt ostendere. Nam et monstrauerunt locum, ubi fuerunt 5 castra filiorum Israhel his diebus quibus Moyses fuit in montem. Monstrauerunt etiam locum, ubi factus est uitulus ille. Nam in eo loco-fixus est usque in hodie lapis graridis. Nos etiam, quemadmodum ibamus, de contra uidebamus summitatem montis, que inspiciebat super ipsa ualle tota, de quo loco sanctus Moyses 10 uidit filios Israhel habentes choros his diebus qua fecerant uitu- lum. Ostenderunt etiam petram ingentem in ipso loco, ubi descendebat sanctus Moyses cum Jehu filio Naue, ad quem petram -^' iratus fregit tabulas quas afferebat. Ostenderunt etiam quemad- modum per ipsam uallem unusquisque eorum abitationes habu- 15 erant, de quibus abitationibus usque in hodie adhuc fundamenta parent, quemadmodum fuerunt lapide girata. Ostenderunt etiam locum, ubi filios Israhel iussit currere sanctus Moyses de porta -^""j-i in porta, regressus ad montem. Item ostenderunt nobis locum, 36 ubi incensus est uitulus ipse iubente sancto Moyse, quem | feceratv20 eis Aaron. Item ostenderunt torrentem ilium, de quo portauit sanctus Moyses filios Israhel, sicut scriptum est in Exodo. Osten- derunt etiam nobis locum, ubi de spiritu Moysi acceperunt sep-^-4>'^' tuaginta uiri. Item ostenderunt locum, ubi filii Israhel habuerunt concupiscentiam escarum. Nam ostenderunt nobis etiam et 25 ilium locum, qui appellatus est incendium, quia incensa est que- dam pars castrorum : tunc qua orante sancto Moyse cessauit ignis. Ostenderunt etiam et ilium locum, ubi eis pluit manna et -^__ coturnices. Ac sic ergo singula quecumque scripta sunt in libris Sanctis Moysi facta fuisse in eo loco, id est in ea ualle 30 quam dixi subiacere monti Dei, id est sancto Syna, ostensa sunt nobis : quae quidem omfiia singulatim scribere satis fuit, quia nee retinere poterant tanta. Sed cum leget affectio uestra libros sanct(js Moysi, omnia diligentius peruidet quae ibi facta sunt. Haec est ergo uallis, ubi celebrata est pascha completo anno pro- 35 fectionis filiorum Israhel de terra Egypti, quoniam in ipsa ualle SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 11 Israhel commorati sunt aliquandiu, id est donee sanctus Moyses ascenderet in montem Dei et descenderet primum et iterate. Et denuo tandin ibi inmorati sunt donee iieret tabernaculum et singula quae ostensa sunt in montem Dei. Nam ostensus est 5 nobis et ille locus, in quo confixus mos esset primitus tabernacu- lum et perfecta sunt singula quae iusserat Deus in montem Moysi ut fierent. Vidimus etiam in extrema iam ualle ipsa memorias concupiscentiae, in eo tamen loco in quo denuo reuersi sumus ad iter nostrum, hoc est ubi exeuntes de ualle ilia grande reingressi 10 sumus uia, qua ueneramus inter montes illos, quos superius dix- eram. Nam etiam ipsa die accessimus et ad ceteros monachos ualde sanctos, qui tamen pro etate aut inbecillitate occurrere in monte Dei ad oblationem faciendam non poterant ; qui tamen nos dignati sunt in monasteriis suis aduenientes ualde humane sus- 15 cipere. Ac sic ergo uisa loca sancta omnia quae desiderauimus, nee non etiam et omnia loca quae jfilii Israhel tetigerant eundo uel redeundo ad montem Dei. Visis etiam et Sanctis uiris qui ibi commorabantur, in nomine Dei regressi sumus in Faran. Et licet semper Deo in omnibus gratias agere debeam, non dicam in 20 his tantis et talibus quae circa me conferre dignatus est indignam et non merentem, ut perambularem omnia loca, quae mei meriti non erant ; tamen etiam et illis omnibus Sanctis nee sufiicio gra- tias agere, qui meam paruitatem dignabantur in suis monasteriis libenti animo suscipere, uel certe per omnia loca | deducere, quae 37 25 ego semper iuxta scripturas sanctas requirebam. Plurimi autem ex ipsis Sanctis qui in montem Dei uel circa ipsum montem com- morabantur dignati sunt nos usque in Faran deducere, qui tamen fortiori corpore erant. Ac sic ergo cum peruenissemus Faram, quod sunt a monte Dei 30 milia triginta et quinque, necesse nos fuit ibi ad resumendum biduo immorari. Ac tertia die inde maturantes uenimus denuo ad mansionem, id est in desertum Faran, ubi et euntes mansera- mus, sicut et superius dixi. Inde denuo alia die facientes aquam et euntes adhuc aliquantulum inter montes peruenimus ad man- 35 sionem, quae erat iam super mare, id est in eo loco ubi iam de inter montes exitur et incipitur denuo totum iam iuxta mare 12 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY ambulari ; sic tamen iuxta mare, ut subito fluctus animalibus pedes cedat ; subito etiam et in centum et in ducentis passus, aliquotiens etiam et plus quam quingentos passus de mari per heremum ambuletur : uia enim illic penitus non est, sed totum heremi sunt arenosae. Faranite autem, qui ibi consueuerunt 5 ambulare cum camelis suis, signa sibi locis et locis ponent ; ad quae signa se tendent et sic ambulant per diem. Nocte autem signa cameli attendunt. Et quid plura ? diligentius et securius iam in eo loco ex consuetudine Faranitae ambulant nocte quam aliqui hominum ambulare potest in his locis, ubi uia aperta est. 10 In eo ergo loco de inter montes exiuimus redeuntes, in quo loco et euntes inter montes intraueramus. Ac sic ergo denuo plicaui- mus nos ad mare. Filii etiam Israhel reuertentes ad montem Dei Syna usque ad eum locum [reuersi sunt per iter quod ierant, id est usque ad eum locum] ubi de inter montes exiuimus 15 et iunximus nos denuo ad mare rubrum et inde nos iam iter nostrum, quo ueneramus, reuersi sumus. Filii autem Israhel de eodem loco, sicut scriptum est in libris sancti Moysi, ambulaue- runt iter suum. Nos autem eodem itinera et eisdem mansionibus quibus ieramus reuersi sumus in Clesma. In Clesma autem cum 20 uenissemus, necesse nos fuit denuo et ibi denuo resumere, quo- niam iter heremi arenosum ualde feceramus. VII. Sane licet terra Gesse iam nosse, id est qua primitus ad Egyptum fueram, tamen ut peruiderem omnia loca, quae filii Israhel exeuntes de Ramesse tetigerant euntes, donee peruenirent 25 usque ad mare rubrum, qui locus nunc de castro qiii ibi est 38 ajipellatur Clesma, desiderii ergo fuit ut | de Clesma ad terram Gesse exiremus, id est ad ciuitatem quae appellatur Arabia ; quae ciuitas in terra Gesse est. Nam inde ipsum territorium sic appellatur, id est terra Arabiae, terra lesse ; quae tamen terra 30 Egypti pars est, sed nielior satis quam omnis Egyptus est. Sunt ergo a Clesma, id est a mare rubro, usque ad Arabiam ciuitatem mansiones quattuor per heremo ; sic tamen per heremum ut cata mansiones monasteria sint cum militibus et praepositis, qui nos deducebant semper de castro ad castrum. In eo ergo itinere 35 sancti qui nobiscum erant, hoc est clerici uel monachi, ostendebant SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 13 nobis singula loca, quae semper ego iuxta scripturas requi- rebam. Nam alia in sinistro, alia in dextro de itinere nobis erant, alia etiam longius de uia, alia in proximo. Nam michi credat uolo affectio uestra, quantum tamen peruidere potui, filios 5 Israhel sic ambulasse, ut quantum irent dextra, tantum reuerte- rentur sinistra : quantum denuo in ante ibant, tantum denuo retro reuertebantur. Et sic fecerunt ipsum iter, donee perueni- rent ad mare rubrum. Nam et Epauleum ostensum est nobis; de contra tamen et Magdalum fuimus. Nam castrum est ibi 10 nunc habens praepositum cum milite, qui ibi nunc praesidet pro disciplina Romana. Nam et nos iuxta consuetudinem deduxerunt inde usque ad aliud castrum et loebelsefon ostensum est nobis ; immo in eo loco fuimus. Nam ipse est campus supra mare rubrum iuxta latus montis, quern superius dixi, ubi filii Israhel, 15 cum uidissent Egyptios post se uenientes, exclamauerunt, Oton etiam ostensum est nobis, quod est iuxta deserta loca, sicut scrip- tum est : nee non etiam et Socchoth. Socchoth autem est cliuus modicus in media ualle, iuxta quem coUiculum fixerunt castra filii Israhel. Nam hie est locus, ubi accepta est lex paschae. Pithoua 20 etiam ciuitas, quam edificauerunt filii Israhel, ostensa est nobis in ipso itinere. In eo tamen loco ubi iam fines Egypti intrauimus, relinquentes iam terras Saracenorum : nam et ipsud nunc Phitona castrum est. Heroum autem ciuitas quae fuit illo tempore, id est ubi occurrit losepli patri suo lacob uenienti, sicut scriptum est 25 in libro Genesis, nunc est comes, sed grandis ; quod nos dicimus ulcus. Nam ipse ulcus ecclesiam habet et martyria et monasteria plurima sanctorum monaohorum ; ad quae singula uidenda necesse nos fuit ibi descendere iuxta consuetudinem quam tenebamus. Nam ipse ulcus nunc appellatur Hero ; quae tamen Hero | a 39 30 terra lesse miliario iam sexto decimo est : nam in finibus Egypti est. Locus autem ipse satis gratus est : nam et pars quedam fluminis Nili ibi currit. Ac sic ergo exeuntes de Hero perueni- mus ad ciuitatem, que appellatur Arabia ; quae est ciuitas in terra lesse. Unde scriptum est dixisse Pharaonem ad loseph : 35 "In meliori terra Egypti colloca patrem tuum et fratres in terra lessen, in terra Arabiae." 14 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY VIII. De Arabia autem ciuitate quattuor milia passus sunt Eamessen. Nos autem, ut ueniremus ad mansionem Arabiae, per media Eamesse transiuimus : quae Eamessen ciuitas nunc campus est, ita ut nee unam liabitationem habeat. Paret sane, quoniam et ingens fuit per girum et multas fabricas habuit ; ruinae enim 5 ipsius, quemadmodum coUapsae sunt, in hodie infinitae parent. Nunc autem ibi nicMl aliud est nisi tantum unus lapis ingens thebeus, in quo sunt duae statuae exclusae ingentes, quas dicunt esse sanctorum hominum, id est Moysi et Aaron. Nam dicent eo quod filii Israhel in honore ipsorum eas posuerint. Et est ibi 10 praeterea arbor sicomori, quae dicitur a patriarchis posita esse : nam iam uetustissima est et ideo permodica est, licet tamen adhuc fructus afferat. Nam cuicumque in quo moditas fuerit, uadent ibi et tollent surculos et prode illis est. Hoc autem referente sancto episcopo de Arabia cognouimus. Nam ipse nobis dixit 15 nomen ipsius arboris, quemadmodum appellant eam grece, id est dendrosa lethiae, quod nos dicimus arbor ueritatis. Qui tamen sanctus episcopus nobis Eamessen occurrere dignatus est. Nam est iam senior uir, uere satis religiosus, ex monacho et affabalis, suscipiens peregrinos ualde bene. Nam et in scripturis Dei ualde 20 eruditus est. Ipse ergo cum se dignatus fuisset uexare et ibi nobis occurrere, singula ibi ostendit seu retulit de ilia statua, quas dixi, ut etiam et de ilia arbore sicomori. Nam et hoc nobis ipse sanctus episcopus retulit eo quod Farao, quando uidit quod filii Israhel dimiserant eum, tunc ille, priusquam post illos occu- 25 paret, isset cum omni exercitu suo intra Eamesse et incendisset eam omnem, quia infinita erat ualde et inde post Alios Israhel fuisset profectus. IX. Nobis autem fortuitu hoc gratissimum euenit, ut ea die, qua uenimus ad mansionem Arabia, pridie beatissimo die epipha- 30 nia esset. Nam eadem die uigiliae agende erant in ecclesia. Ac sic ergo aliquo biduo ibi tenuit nos sanctus episcopus, sanctus et 4:0 uere homo Dei, notus michi iam satis | de eo tempore, a quo ad Thebaidam fueram. Ipse autem sanctus episcopus ex monacho est. Nam a pisinno in monasterio nutritus est. Et ideo aut tarn 35 eruditus in scripturis est aut tam emendatus in omni uita sua, ut SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 15 et superius dixi. Nos autem inde iam remisimus milites, qui nobis pro disciplina Romana auxilia praebuerant, quandiu per loca suspecta ambulaueramus. Iam autem, quo ei iam, ager publicus erat per Egyptum, quod transiebatur per Arabiam ciui- 5 tatem, id est quod mittit de Thebaida in Pelusio ; et ideo iam non fuit necesse uexare milites. Proficiscentes ergo inde totum per terram Gessen iter fecimus semper inter uineas quae dant uinum et uineas quae dant balsamum et inter pomaria et agros cultissimos et hortos primos iter habuimus totum super ripam 10 fluminis Nili inter fundos frequentissimos, quae fuerant quondam uillae filiorum Israhel. Et quid plura ? pulchriorem territorium puto me nusquam uidisse quam est terra lessen. Ac sic ergo ab Arabia ciuitate iter facientes per biduo totum per terram Gessen peruenimus Tatnis, in ea ciuitate ubi natus 15 est sanctus Moyses. Haec est autem ciuitas Tathnis, quae fuit quondam metropolis Pharaonis. Et licet ea loca, ut superius dixi, iam nosse, id est quando Alexandriam uel ad Thebaidem fueram, tamen quia ad plenum discere uolebam loca quae ambu- lauerunt filii Israhel proficiscentes ex Ramesse usque ad montem 20 Dei sanctum Syna. Ac sic necesse fuit etiam denuo ad terram Gessen reuerti et inde Tathnis. Proficiscentes ergo de Tathnis, ambulans per iter iam notum perueni Pelusio ; et inde proficis- cens denuo, faciens iter per singulas mansiones Egypti, per quas iter habueramus, perueni ad fines Palestinae, et inde in nomine 25 Christi Dei nostri faciens denuo mansiones aliquod per Palestina regressa sum in Helia, id est in lerusolimam. X. Item transacto aliquanto tempore et iubente Deo fuit denuo uoluntas accedendi usque ad Arabiam, id est ad montem Nabau, in eo loco in quo iussit Deus ascendere Moysen, dicens 30 ad eum : "Ascende in montem Arabot, montem Nabau, qui est in terra Moab contra faciem lericho, et uide terram Chanaan, quam ego do filiis Israhel in possessionem, et morere in monte ipso in quem ascenderis." Itaque ergo Deus uoster lesus, qui sperautes in se non deseret, etiam et in hoc uoluntati meae effectum praestare 35 dignatus est. Proficiscens ergo leruso | lima faciens iter cum J^l Sanctis, id est presbytero et diaconibus de lerusolima et fratribus 16 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY aliquantis, id est monachis, peruenimus ergo usque ad eum locum lordanis, ubi filii Israhel transierant, quando eos sanctus lesus filius Naue lordanem traiecerat, sicut scriptum est in libro lesu Naue. Nam et locus ille ostensus est nobis, quasi modice altior, ubi filii Euben et Gad et dimidia tribus Manasse fecerant aram, 5 in ea parte ripae, qua est lericho. Transeuntes ergo fluuium peruenimus ad ciuitatem, qui appellatur Libiada, quae est in eo campo, in quo tunc filii Israhel castra fixerant. Nam et funda- menta de castris filiorum Israhel et habitationibus ipsorum, ubi commorati sunt, in eo loco in hodie parent. Campus enim ipse 10 est infinitus subter montes Arabiae super lordanem. Nam hie est locus, de quo scriptum est : " Et plorauerunt filii Israhel Moysen in Arabot Moab et lordane contra lericho quadraginta diebus." Hie etiam locus est ubi post recessum Moysi statim lesus filius Naue repletus est spiritu scieutiae. Imposuerat enim Moyses 15 manus suas super eum, sicut scriptum est. Nam ipse est locus, ubi scripsit Moyses librum Deuteronomii : hie etiam est locus, ubi locutus est Moyses in aures totius ecclesiae Israhel uerba cantici usque in finem huius, qui scriptus est in libro Deutero- nomii. Hie est ipse locus, ubi benedixit sanctus Moyses homo de 20 filio Israhel singulatim per ordinem ante obitum suum. Nos ergo cum uenissemus in eodem campo, peraccessimus ad locum ipsum, et facta est ibi oratio ; lecta etiam pars quedam Deute- ronomii in eo loco, nee non etiam et canticus ipsius, sed et bene- dictiones quas dixerat super filios Israhel, et iterato post lectione 25 facta est oratio, et gratias Deo agentes mouimus inde. Id enim nobis semper consuetudinis erat, ut ubicumque ad loca desiderata accedere uolebamus, primum ibi fieret oratio, delude legeretur lectio ipsa de codice, diceretur etiam psalmus unus pertinens ad rem, et iterato fieret oratio ibi. Hanc ergo consuetudinem iubente ^0 Deo semper tenuimus, ubicumque ad loca desiderata potuimus peruenire. Ac sic ergo, ut ceptum opus perficeretur, cepimus festinare, ut perueniremus ad montem Nabau. Euntibus nobis commonuit presbyter loci ipsius, id est de Libiadae, quo^ ipsum nobiscum rogantes moueramus de mansione, quia melius ipsa 35 loca nouerat. Dicit ergo nobis ipse presbyter : "Si uultis uidere SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 17 aquam, quae fluit de petra, id est quam dedit Moyses filiis Israhel sitieiitibus, potestis uidere ; si tamen uolueritis laborem uobis imponere ut de uia camsemus | forsitan miliario sexto." Quod 42 cum dixisset, nos satis auidi optati sumus ire, et statim diuertentes 5 a uia secuti sumus presbyterum, qui nos ducebat. In eo ergo loco ecclesia est pisinna subter montem, non Nabau, sed alterum interiorem : sed nee ipse longe est de Nabau. Monachi autem plurimi commanent ibi uere sancti et quos hie ascites uoeant. XI. Hi ergo sancti monachi dignati sunt nos suscipere ualde 10 humane. Nam et ad salutationem suam permiserunt nos ingredi. Cum autem ingressi fuissemus ad eos, facta oratione cum ipsis, eulogias nobis dare dignati sunt, sicut habent consuetudinem dandi his quos humane suscipiunt. Ibi ergo inter ecclesiam et monasteria in medio fluit de petra aqua ingens pulchra ualde et 15 limpida, soporis optimi. Tunc interrogauimus nos etiam et illos sanctos monachos, qui ibi manebant, quae esset haee aqua talis et tanti saporis. Tunc illi dixerunt : " Haec est aqua quam dedit sanctus Moyses filiis Israhel in hac heremo." Facta est ergo iuxta consuetudinem ibi oratio et lectio ipsa de libris Moysi lecta, 20 dictus etiam psalmus unus ; et sie simul eum illis Sanctis clerieis et monachis, qui nobiseum uenerant, perexiuimus ad montem. Multi autem et ex ipsis monachis Sanctis, qui ibi eommanebant iuxta aqua ipsa, qui tamen potuerunt imponere sibi laborem, dig- nati sunt nobiseum ascendere montem Nabau. Itaque ergo pro- 25 ficiscentes de eodem loco peruenimus ad radicem mentis Nabau, qui erat ualde excelsus, ita tamen ut pars eius maxima sedendo in asellis possit subiri ; modiee autem erat aerius, quod pedibus neeesse erat subiri cum labore, sieut et factum est. XII. Peruenimus ergo ad summitatem montis illius, ubi est 30 nunc ecclesia non grandis in ipsa summitate montis Nabau ; intra quam ecclesiam in eo loco, ubi pulpitus est, uidi locum modiee quasi altiorem tantum hi^patii habentem, quantum memoriae Solent habere. Tune ergo interrogaui illos sanetos, quidnam esset hoc ; qui responderunt : "Hie positus est sanctus Moyses ab angelis, 35 quoniam sicut seriptum est, sepulturam illius nullus hominum scit ; quoniam certum est eum ab angelis fuisse sepultum. Nam 18 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY memoria illius, ubi positus sit, in hodie nou ostenditur ; sicut enim nobis a maioribus, qui hie manserunt, ubi ostensum est, ita et nos nobis monstramus : qui et ipsi tamen maiores ita sibi tra- 43 ditum a maioribus suis | esse dicebant." Itaque ergo mox facta est oratio, et omnia quae in singulis locis Sanctis per ordinem 5 consueueramus facere etiam et hie facta sunt : et sic cepimus egredere de ecclesia. Tunc autem qui erant loci notores, id est presbyteri uel monaehi sancti, dixerunt nobis : "Si uultis uidere loca, quae scripta sunt in libris Moysi, accedite foras hostium ecclesiae et de summitate ipsa, ex parte tamen ut possunt hine 10 parere attendite et uidete. Et dicimus nobis singula, quae sunt loca haec quae parent." Tunc nos gauisi satis statim egressi sumus foras. Nam de hostio ipsius ecclesiae uidimus locum, ubi intrat lordauis in mare mortuum ; qui locus subter nos, quem- admodum stabamus, parebat. Vidimas etiam de contra non solum 15 Libiadam, quae circa lordanem erat, sed et lericho, que trans lordanem tantum eminerat excelsus locus, ubi stabamus, id est ante hostium ecclesiae. Maxima etiam pars Palestinae, quae est terra repromissionis, inde uidebatur, nee non et omnis terra lor- danis, in quantum tamen poterat oculis eonspiei. In sinistra 20 autem parte uidimus terras Sodomitum omnes nee non et Segor ; (^ quae tamen Segor sola de illis quinque in hodie constat. Nam ' et memoriale ibi est : de ceteris autem illis ciuitatibus nichil aliud apparet nisi subuersio ruinarum, quemadmodum in cinerem con- uerse sunt. Locus etiam, ubi fuit titulus uxoris Loth, ostensus 25 est nobis ; qui locus etiam in scripturis legitur. Sed michi credite, domine uenerabiles, quia columna ipsa iam non paret : locus autem ipse tantum ostenditur. Columna autem ipsa dieitur mari mortuo fuisse quooperta. Certe locum [ci/m] uideremus, columnam nullam uidimus, et ideo fallere uos super hanc rem 30 non possum. Nam episcopus loci ipsius, id est de Segor, dixit nobis quoniam iam aliquot anni essent, a quo non pareret eolumna ilia. Nam de Segor forsitan sexto miliario ipse loeus ubi stetit columna ilia, quod nunc totum eooperit aqua. Item de dextra parte ecclesiae, a foras tamen, accessimus et ostense sunt nobis 35 inde a contra duae eiuitates, id est Esebon, quae fuit regis Seon SAXCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGBINATIO 19 regis Amorreorum, quae nunc appellatur Exebon. et alia (Jg reo-is Basau, quae nunc dicitur Sasdra. Item de eodem loco ostensa est nobis a contra Fogor. quae fuit | ciuitas regni Edom. Hae ii autem ciuitates omnes quas uidebamus in montibus erant positae. 5 Infra autem modice deorsum planior locus nobis uidebatur. Tunc dictum est nobis, quia in isdem diebus, qua sanctus Moyses uel filii Israhel contra illas ciuitates pugnauerant. castra ibi iixa habuissent. Xam et signa ibi parebaut castrorum. Sane ilia parte mentis, quam dixi sinistra, quae erat super mare mortuum. 10 ostensus est nobis mons praecisus ualde, qui dictus est ante Agri- secula. Hie est mons, in quo posuit Balac iilius Beor Balaam diuinum ad maledicendos lilios Israhel, et noluit Deus ita per- mittere. sicut scriptum est. Ac sic ergo uisis omnibus, quae desiderabamus, in nomine Dei reuertentes per lericho et iter 15 omne, quod iueramus, regressi sumus in lerusolimam. XIII. Item post aliquantum tempus uolui ad regionem Ausi- tidem accedere propter uisendam memoriam sancti lob gratia orationis. Multos enim sanctos monachos uidebam inde uenientes in leriisolimam ad uisenda loca sancta gratia orationis. Qui sin- 20 gula referentes de eisdem locis fecerunt magis desiderium impo- nendi michi laboris. ut etiam usque ad ilia loca accederem ; si tamen labor dici potest, ubi homo desiderium suum compleri uidet. Itaque ergo profecta sum de lerusolima cum Sanctis, qui tamen dignati sunt itineri meo comitatum praestare, et ipsi tamen 25 gratia orationis. Habens ergo iter ab lerusolima usque ad Carneas eundo per mansiones octo (Carneas autem dicitur nunc ciuitas lob, quae ante dicta est Dennaba in terra Ausitidi, in finibus Idumeae et Arabiae) in quo itinere hiens uidi super ripam lordanis fiuminis uallem pulchram satis et amenam. habun- 30 dantem uineis et arboribus, quoniam aquae multe ibi erant et optimae satis. Xam in ea ualle uicus erat grandis. qui appellatur nunc Sedima. In eo ergo uico, qui est in media planitie positus, in medio loco est monticulus non satis grandis, sed factus sicut sclent esse tumbae sed grandis : ibi ergo in summo ecclesia est 35 et deorsum per girum ipsius colliculi parent fundamenta grandia antiqua. Nunc autem in ipso uico turbae aliquantae commanent. 20 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Ego autem cum uiderem locum tam gratum, requisiui, quisnam locus esset ille tam amenus. Tunc dictum est miehi : "Haeo est ciuitas regis Melchis, et haec quae dicta est ante Salem, unde nunc corrupto sermone Sedima appellatur ipse ulcus. Nam in 45 isto colliculo, | qui est medio uico positus, in summitatem ipsius 5 fabricam, quam uides, ecclesia est. Quae ecclesia nunc appella- tur greco sermone ofilmelchis. Et haec nam hie est locus, ubi optulit Melchisedech hostias Deo puras, id est panes et uinum, sicut scriptum est eum fecisse." XIV. Statim ergo ut haec audiui, descendimus de animalibus, 10 et ecce occurrere dignatus est sanctus presbyter ipsius loci et clerici, qui nos statim suscipientes duxerunt suso ad ecclesiam. Ubi cum uenissemus, statim iuxta consuetudinem primum facta est oratio, deinde lectus est ipse locus de libro sancti Moysi, dic- tus est etiam psalmus unus competens loco ipsi, et denuo facta 15 oratione descendimus. Cum ergo descendissemus, ait nobis ille sanctus presbyter iam senior et de scripturis bene instructus, id est qui ipsi loco praeerat ex monacho, cui presbytero et episcopi plurimi, quantum postmodum cognouimus, uitae ipsius testimo- nium grande ferebant. Nam hoc de ipso dicebant, dignus qui 20 praesit in hoc loco, ubi sanctus Melchisedech aduenientem sanc- tum Abraam hostias Deo puras primus optulit. Cum ergo descendissemus, ut superius dixi, de ecclesia deorsum, ait nobis ipse sanctus presbyter: "Ecce ista fundamenta in giro colliculo isto, quae uidetis, hae sunt de palatio Melchisedech regis. Nam 25 inde adhuc sic si quis subito iuxta sibi uult facere domum et fun- damenta inde continget, aliquotiens et de argento et heramento modica frustella ibi inuenit. Nam et certa uia, quam uidetis transire inter fluuium lordanem et uicum istum, haec est qua uia regressus est sanctus Abraam de cede,^t[uodX)llagomor regis gen- 30 tium reuertens in Sodomis, qua ei occurrit sanctus Melchisedech rex Salem."- XV. Tunc ergo quia retinebam scriptum esse baptizasse sanc- tum lohannem in Enon iuxta Salim, requisiui de eo, quam longe esset ipse locus. Tunc ait ille sanctus presbyter : " Ecce hie est 35 in ducentis passibus. Nam si uis, ecce modo pedibus duco uos SAXCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 21 ibi. Nam haec aqua tarn grandis et tarn pura, quam uidetis in isto uico, de ipso fonte uenit." Tunc ergo gratias ei agere coepi ■ et rogare, ut duceret nos ad locum, sicut et factum est. Statim ergo cepimus ire cum eo pedibus totum per uallem amenissimam, 5 donee perueniremus usque ad hortum pomarium ualde amenum, ubi ostendit nobis in medio fontem aquae optime satis et pure, quia semel integrum fluuium dimittebat : habebat autem ante se ipse fons quasi lacum, ubi parebat fuisse operatum sanctum lohannem baptistam. Tunc dixit nobis ipse sanctus presbyter : 10 "In hodie hie hortus aliter non appellatur | greco sermone nisi 46 Gopos tu agiu lohanni, id est quod uos dicitis latine hortus sancti lohannis." Nam et multi fratres sancti monachi de diuersis locis uenientes tendunt se, ut lauentur in eo loco. Denuo ergo et ad ipsum fontem, sicut et in singulis locis, facta est oratio et lecta 15 est ipsa lectio ; dictus etiam psalmus competens, et singula, quae consuetudinis nobis erant facere, ubicumque ad loca sancta uenie- bamus, ita et ibi fecimus. Illud etiam presbyter sanctus dixit nobis eo quod usque in hodierna die semper cata pascha qui- cumque essent baptizandi in ipso uico, id est in ecclesia, quae 20 appellatur opu Melchisedech, omnes in ipso fonte baptizarentur i sic redirent mature ad candelas cum clericis et monachis dicendo psalmos uel antiphonas et sic a fonte usque ad ecclesiam sancti Melchisedech deducerentur mature omnes, qui fuissent baptizati. Nos ergo accipientes de presbytero eulogias, id est de pomario 25 sancti lohannis baptistae, similiter et de Sanctis monachis, qui ibi monasteria habebant in ipso horto pomario, et gratias semper Deo agentes profecti sumus iter nostrum quo ibamus. XVI. Ac sic ergo euntes aliquandiu per uallem lordianis super ripam fluminis ipsius, quia ibi nobis iter erat aliquandiu, 30 ad subito uidimus ciuitatem sancti prophetae Heliae, id est Thesbe. unde ille habuit nomen Helias Thesbites. Inibi est ergo usque in hodie spelunca, in qua sedit ipse sanctus, et ibi est memoria sancti Gethe, cuius nomen in libris ludicum legimus. Ac sic ergo et ibi gratias Deo agentes iuxta consuetudinem per- 35 exiuimus iter nostrum. Item euntes in eo in eo itinere uidimus uallem de sinistro nobis uenientem amenissimam, quae uallis erat 22 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY ingens mittens torrentem in lordanem infinitum. Et ibi in ipsa ualle uidimus monasterium cuiusdam fratris, nunc id est monachi. Tunc ego, ut sum satis curiosa, requirere cepi, quae esset haec uallis, ubi sanctus monachus nunc monasterium sibi fecisset ; non enim putabam hoc sine causa esse. Tunc dixerunt nobis sancti, 5 qui nobiscum iter faciebant, id est loci notores : "Haec est uallis Corra, ubi sedit sanctus Helias Thesbites temporibus Achab regis, qua famis fuit, et iusso Dei corui escam portabat, et de eo tor- rentem aquam bibebat. Nam hie torrens, quem uides de ipsa ualle percurrentem in lordanem, hie est Corra." Ac sic ergo 10 nichilominus Deo gratias agentes, qui nobis non merentibus sin- gula, quae desiderabamus, dignabatur ostendere, itaque ergo ire cepimus iter nostrum sicut singulis diebus. Ac sic ergo facien- tes iter singulis diebus ad subito de latere sinistro, unde e contra partes Fenicis uidebamus, apparuit nobis mons ingens et altus 15 infinitum, qui tendebatur Deest unum folium 47 qui sanctus monachus uir ascitis necesse habuit post tot annos, quibus sedebat in heremum, mouere se et descendere ad ciuitatem Carneas, ut commoneret episcopum uel clericos temporis ipsius, 20 iuxta quod ei fuerat reuelatum, ut foderent in eo loco, qui ei fuerat ostensus, sicut et factum est. Qui fodientes in eo loco, qui ostensus fuerat, inuenerunt speluncam, quam sequentes fue- runt forsitan per passus centum. Quo et subito fodientibus illis adparuit lapis, quem lapidem cum perdiscoperuissent, inuenerunt 25 sculptum in coperculo ipsius lob : qui lob ad tunc in eo loco facta est ista ecclesia, quam uidetis, ita tamen ut lapis cum corpore non moueretur in alio loco, sed ibi, ubi inuentum fuerat corpus, posi- tum esset, et ut corpus subter altarium iaceret. Ilia autem ecclesia, quam tribunus nescio qui faciebat, sic fuit inperfecta usque in 30 hodie. Ac sic ergo nos alia die mane rogauimus episcopum, ut faeeret oblationem, sicut et faceret dignatus est ; et benedicens nos episcopus • profecti sumus. Oommunicantes ergo et ibi gratias agentes Deo semper regressi sumus in lerusolimam, SANOTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 23 iter facientes per singulas mansiones, per quas ieramus tres annos. XVII. Item in nomine Dei, transacto aliquanto tempore, cum iam tres anni pleni essent, a quo in lerusolimam uenisse ; uisis 5 etiam omnibus locis Sanctis, ad quos orationis gratiam me ten- deram ; et ideo iam reuertendi ad patriam animus esset ; uolui iubente Deo, ut et ad Mesopotamiam Syriae accedere ad uisendos sanctos monachos, qui ibi plurimi et tam eximiae uitae esse dice- bantur, ut uix referri possit ; nee noii etiam et gratia orationis 10 ad martyrium sancti Thomae apostoli, ubi corpus illius integrum positum est, id est apud Edessam, quern se illuc missurum postea quam in caelis ascendisset, Deus noster lesus testatus est per epistolam, quam ad Aggarum regem per Ananiam cursorem misit, quoque epistolam cum grandi reuerentia apud Edessam ciui- 15 tatem, ubi est ipsud martyrium, custoditur. Nam miclii credat uolo affectio uestra, quoniam nullus christianorum est qui non se tendat illuc gratia orationis, quicumque tamen usque ad loca sancta, id est in lerusolimis accesserit. Et hie locus de leruso- lima uicesima et quinta mansione est. Et quoniam de Anthiocia 20 propius est Mesopotamiam, fuit miclii iubente Deo oportunum satis, ut quemadmodum reuertebar Constantinopolim, quia per Anthiociam iter erat, inde ad Mesopotamiam irem, sicut et fac- tum est Deo iubente. XVIII. Itaque ergo in nomine Christi Dei nostri profecta 48 25 sum de Antiochia ad Mesopotamiam habens iter per mansiones seu ciuitates aliquot prouinciae Sirie Celen, quae est Anthiociae, et inde ingressa fines prouinciae Augustofratensis perueni ad ciuitatem Grerapolim, quae est metropolis ipsius prouinciae, id est Augustofratensis. Et quoniam haec ciuitas ualde pulchra et 30 opulenta est atque abundans omnibus, necesse me fuit ibi facere statiuam, quoniam iam inde non longe erant fines Mesopotamiae. Itaque ergo proficiscens de lerapolim in quintodecimo miliario in nomine Dei perueni ad fluuium Eufraten, de quo satis bene scriptum est esse flumen magnum Eufraten et ingens et quasi 35 terribilis est ; ita enim decurrit habens impetum, sicut habet flu- uius Rodanus, nisi quod adhue maior est Eufrates. Itaque ergo 24 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY quoniam necesse erat eum nauibus transire, et nauibus non nisi maioribus, ac sic immorata sum ibi forsitan plus media die ; et inde in nomine Dei transito fiumine Eufraten, ingressasum fines Mesopotamiae Siriae. XIX. Ac sic denuo faciens iter per mansiones aliquot perueni 5 ad ciuitatem, cuius nomen in scripturis positum legimus, id est Batanis, quae ciuitas usque in hodie est. Nam et ecclesia cum episcopo uere sancto et monacho et confessore habet et martyria aliquanta. Ipsa etiam ciuitas habundans multitudine hominum est ; nam et miles ibi sedet cum tribuno suo. Unde denuo pro- 10 ficiscens, peruenimus in nomine Christi Dei nostri Edessam. Ubi cum peruenissemus, statim perreximus ad ecclesiam et ad martyrium sancti Thomae. Itaque ergo iuxta consuetudinem factis orationibus et cetera, quae consuetudo erat fieri in locis Sanctis, nee non etiam et aliquanta ipsius sancti Thomae ibi legi- 15 mus. Ecclesia autem, ibi que est, ingens et ualde pulchra et noua dispositione, ut uere digna est esse domus Dei : et quoniam multa erant, quae ibi desiderabam uidere, necesse me fuit ibi statiua triduana facere. Ac sic ergo uidi in eadem ciuitatem martyria plurima nee non et sanctos monachos, commanentes alios 20 per martyria, alios longius de ciuitate in secretioribus locis liaben- tes monasteria. Et quoniam sanctus episcopus ipsius ciuitatis, uir uere religiosus et monachus et confessor, suscipiens me liben- ter ait michi : "Quoniam uideo te, filia, gratia religionis tam magnum laborem tibi imposuisse, ut de extremis porro terris 25 4.9 uenires ad liaec loca, itaque ergo, | si libenter habes, quaecum- que loca sunt hie grata ad uidendum christianis, ostendimus tibi." Tunc ergo gratias agens Deo primum et sic ipsum rogaui plurimum, ut dignaretur facere quod dicebat. Itaque ergo duxit me primum ad palatium Aggari regis et ibi ostendit michi archi- 30 otepam ipsius ingens simillimam, ut ipsi dicebant, marmoream, tanti nitoris ac si de margarita esset ; in cuius Aggari uultu parebat de contra uere fuisse hunc uirum satis sapientem et hono- ratum. Tunc ait michi sanctus episcopus: "Ecce rex Aggarus, qui antequam uideret Deum, credidit ei, quia esset uere filius 35 Dei." Nam erat et iuxta archiotipa similiter de tali marmore SANCTAE 8ILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 25 facta, quam dixit filii ipsius esse Magni, similiter et ipsa habens aliquid gratiae in iiultu. Item perintrauimus in interiori parte palatii ; et ibi erant fontes piscibus pleni, quale ego adhuc nun- quam uidi, id est tantae magnitudinis et uel tam perlustres aut 5 tam boni saporis. Nam ipsa ciuitas aliam aquam penitus non habet nunc nisi eam, quae de palatio exit, quae est ac sic fiuitius ingens argenteus. Et tunc retulit michi de ipsa aqua sic sanctus epi^copus dicens : " Quodam tempore, postea quam scripserat Aggarus rex ad Dominum et Dominus rescripserat Aggaro per 10 Ananiam cursorem, sicut scriptum est in ipsa epistola : transacto ergo aliquanto tempore superueniunt Persi et girant ciuitatem istam. Sed statim Aggarus epistolam Domini ferens ad portam cum omni exercitu suo publice orauit. Et post dixit : ' Domine lesu, tu promiseras nobis ne aliquis liostium ingrederetur ciuita- 15 tem istam et ecce nunc Persae inpugnant nos.' Quod cum dix- isset tenens manibus leuatis epistolam ipsam apertam rex, ad subito tantae tenebrae factae sunt foras ciuitatem, tamen ante oculos Persarum, cum iam prope plicarent ciuitati, ita ut usque tertium miliarium de ciuitate essent, sed ita mox teuebris turbati 20 sunt, ut uix castra ponerent et pergirarent in miliario tertio totam ciuitatem. Ita autem turbati sunt Persae, ut nunquam uiderent postea, qua parte in ciuitate ingrederentur, sed custodirent ciui- tatem per giro clusam hostibus in miliario tamen tertio, quam tamen custodierunt mensibus aliquod. Postmodum autem, cum 25 uiderent se nullo modo posse ingredi in ciuitatem, uoluerunt siti eos occidere, qui in ciuitate erant. Nam monticulum istum, quem uides, filia, super ciuitate liac, in illo tempore ipse huic | ciuitati 50 aquam ministrabat. Tunc uidentes hoc Persae auerterunt ipsam aquam a ciuitate et fecerunt ei decursum contra ipso loco, ubi 30 ipsi castra posita habebant. In ea ergo die et in ea hora, qua auerterant Persae aquam, statim hii fontes, quos uides in eo loco, iusso Dei a semel eruperunt : ex ea die hi fontes usque in hodie permanent hie gratia Dei. Ilia autem aqua, quam Persae auer- terant, ita siccata est in ea hora, ut nee ipsi haberent uel una die 35 quod biberent, qui obsedebant ciuitatem, sicut tamen et usque in hodie apparet. Nam postea nunquam nee qualiscumque humor 26 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY ibi apparuit usque in hodie. Ac sic iubente Deo, qui hoc pro- miserat futurum, necesse fuit eos statim reuerti ad sua, id est in Persida. Nam et postmodum quotienscumque uoluerunt uenire et expugnare hanc ciuitatem hostes, haec epistola prolata est et lecta est in porta, et statim nutu Dei expulsi sunt omnes hostes." 5 Illud etiam retulit sanctus episcopus eo quod hii fontes ubi e rupe ierunt, ante sic fuerit campus intra ciuitatem subiacens pala- tio Aggari. Quod palatium Aggari, quasi in editiori loco posi- tum erat, sicut et nunc paret, ut uides. Nam consuetudo talis erat in illo tempore, ut palatia quotiensque fabricabantur semper 10 in editioribus locis fierent. Sed postmodum quam hii fontes in eo loco eruperunt, tunc ipse Aggarus filio suo Magno, id est isti, cuius archiotipa uides iuxta parte posita, hoc palatium fecit in eo loco, ita tamen ut hii fontes intra palatium includerentur. Postea ergo quam haec omnia retulit sanctus episcopus, ait ad 15 me : " Eamus nunc ad portam, per quam ingressus est Ananias cursor cum ilia epistola quam dixeram." Cum ergo uenissemus ad portam ipsam, stans episcopus fecit orationem et legit nobis ibi ipsas epistolas et denuo benedicens nos facta est iterato oratio. Illud etiam retulit nobis sanctus ipse dicens, eo quod ex ea die, 20 qua Ananias cursor per ipsam portam ingressus est cum epistolam Domini usque in praesentem diem, custodiatur, ne quis immundus, ne quis lugubris per ipsam portam transeat, sed nee corpus alicuius mortui eiciatur per ipsam portam. Ostendit etiam nobis sanctus episcopus memoriam Aggari uel totius familiae ipsius ualde pul- 25 chra, sed facta more antiquo. Duxit etiam nos et ad ilium pala- tium superiorem, quod habuerat primitus rex Aggarus, et si qua praeterea loca erant, monstrauit nobis. Illud etiam satis michi grato fuit, ut epistolas ipsas sine Aggari ad Dominum sine Domini ad Aggarum, quas nobis ibi legerat sanctus episcopus, acciperem 30 michi ab ipso sancto. Et licet in patria exemplaria ipsarum 51 haberem, tamen gratius michi uisum est, ut et ibi eaa.de | ipso acciperem, ne quid forsitan minus ad nos in patria peruenisset. Nam uere amplius est, quod hie accepi. Unde si Deus noster lesus iusserit et uenero in patria, legi si uos, dominae animae ^^ meae. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 27 XX, Ac sic ergo facto ibi triduano, necesse me fuit adhuc in ante accedere nsque ad Carris, quia mode sic dicitur. Nam in scripturis Sanctis dicta est Carra, ubi mortuus est sanctus Abraam, sicut scriptum est in Grenesi, dicente Domino ad Abraam : "Exi 5 de terra tua et de domo patris tui et uade in Charram" et reliqua. Ergo cum uenissem, id est in Charra, ibi statim fui ad ecclesiam, quae est intra ciuitate ipsa, uidi etiam mox episcopum loci ipsius uere sanctum et hominem Dei et ipsum et monachum et confesso- rem ; qui mox nobis omnia loca ibi ostendere dignatus est, quae 10 desiderabamus. Nam duxit nos statim ad ecclesiam, quae est foras ciuitatem in eo loco, ubi fuit domus sancti Abrahae, id est' in ipsis fundamentis et de ipso lapide, ut tamen dicebat sanctus episcopus. Cum ergo uenissemus in ipsa ecclesia, facta est oratio et lectus ipse locus de Genesi ; dictus etiam unus psalmus, et 15 iterata oratione et sic benedicens nos episcopus, egressi sumus foras. Item dignatus est nos ducere ad puteum ilium, undo portabat aquam sancta Rebecca. Et ait nobis sanctus episcopus : "Ecce puteus unde portauit sancta Rebecca camelos pueri sancti Abrahae, id est Eleazari." Et singula ita nobis dignabatur bsten- 20 dere. Nam ecclesia, quam dixi foras ciuitatem, dominae sorores uenerabiles, ubi fuit primitus domus Abrahae, nunc et martyrium ibi positum est, id est sancti cuiusdam monachi nomine Helpidi. Hoc autem nobis satis gratum euenit, tit pridie martyrium die ibi ueniremus, id est sancti ipsius Helpidii, nono k. maias : ad quam 25 diem necesse fuit undique et de omnibus Mesopotamiae finibus omnes monachos in Charra descendere, etiam et illos maiores, qui in solitudine sedebant, quos ascites uocant, per diem ipsum, qui ibi satis grandiiter atterrditur, et propter memoriam sancti Abra- hae, quia domus ipsius fuit, ubi nunc ecclesia est, in qua positum ■30 est corpus ipsius sancti martyris. Itaque ergo hoc nobis ultra spem grate satis euenit, ut sanctos et uere homines Dei monachos Mesopotamenos ibi uideremus, etiam et eos, quorum fama uel uita longe audiebatur, quos tamen non aestimabam me penitus posse uidere. Non quia inpossibile esset Deo etiam et hoc praestare 35 michi, qui omnia praestare dignabatur, sed quia audieram eos, eo quod extra diem Paschae et extra diem hanc, non eos descendere 28 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY de locis suis, quoniam tales sunt ut et uirtutes faciant multas, et 52 quoniam nesciebam, quo mense ] esset dies hie martyrii, quern dixL] Itaque Deo iubente sic euenit, ut ad diem, quern nee spera- bam, ibi uenirem. Fecimus ergo et ibi biduum propter diem martyrii et propter uisionem sanctorum illorum, qui dignati sunt 5 ad salutandum libenti satis animo me suscipere et alloqui, in quo ego non merebar. Nam et ipsi statim post martyrum diem nee uisi sunt ibi, sed mox de nocte petierunt heremum et unus quis- que eorum monasteria sua, qui ubi habebat. In ipsa autem eiui- tatem extra paucos clerieos et sanctos monachos, si qui tamen in 10 ciuitate eommorantur, penitus nullum christianum inueni, sed totum gentes sunt. Nam sicut nos cum grandi reuerentia attendi- mus locum ilium, ubi primitus domus sancti Abrahae fuit, pro memoria illius ; ita et illae gentes forte ad mille passus de ciuitate cum grandi reuerentia adtendunt locum, ubi sunt memoriae Naor 15 et Bathuhelis. Et quoniam episeopus illius eiuitatis ualde instruc- tus et de scripturis, requisiui ab eo dieens : "Rogo te, domine, ut dicas miclii quod desidero audire." Et ille ait : "Die, filia, quod uis, et dieam tibi, si scio." Tunc ego dixi : "Sanctum Abraam cum patre Thara et Sarra uxore et Loth fratris filio scio per 20 scripturas in eo loco uenisse ; Naor autem uel Bathuhelem non legi, quando in isto loco transierint, nisi quod hoc solum scio, quia postmodum puer Abraae, ut peteret Rebeccam filiam Bathu- helis filii Nachor filio domini sui Abraae, id est Ysaae, in Oharra uenerit." Tunc ait michi sanctus episeopus : " Vere, filia, seriptum 25 est, sicut dicis, in Genesi sanctum Abraam hie transisse cum suis ; Nachor autem cum suis uel Bathuhelem non dicit scriptura canonis, quo tempore transierint. Sed manifeste- postmodum hie transie- runt et ipsi ; denique et memoriae illorum hie sunt forte ad mille passus de ciuitate. Nam uere scriptura hoc testatur, quoniam ad 30 accipiendam sanctam Rebeecam hue uenerit puer sancti Abraae et denuo sanctus lacob hie uenerit, quando accepit filias Laban Syri." Tunc ego requisiui ubi esset puteus ille, ubi sanctus laeob potasset pecora, quae pascebat Rachel filia Laban Siri ; et ait michi episeopus : "In sexto miliario est hinc locus ipse iuxta 35 uicum, qui fuit tune uilla Laban Siri, sed cum uolueris ire, imus SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 29 tecum et ostendimus tibi. Nam et multi monachi ibi sunt ualde sancti et ascites et sancta ecclesia est ibi." lUud etiam requisiui a sancto episcopo, ubinam esset locus ille Chaldeorum, ubi habi- taueraiit primo Thar a cum suis. Tunc | ait michi ipse sanctus 53 5 episcopus : " Locus ille, filia, quem requiris, decima mansione est hinc intus in Persida. Nam hinc uscjue ad Nisibin mansiones sunt quinque et inde usque ad Hur, quae fuit ciuitas Chaldeorum aliae mansiones sunt quinque ; sed mode ibi accessus Eomanorum non est ; totum enim illud Persae tenent. Haec autem pars 10 specialiter orientalis appellatur, quae est in confinium Romano- rum et Persarum uel Chaldeorum." Et cetera plura referre dig- natus est, sicut et ceteri sancti episcopi uel sancti monachi facere dignabantur ; omnia tamen de scripturis Dei uel Sanctis uiris gesta, id est monachis, sine qui iam recesserant, quae mirabilia 15 fecerint, sine etiam qui adhuc in corpore sunt, quae cotidie faci- ant, hi tamen qui sunt ascites. Nam nolo estimet affectio uestra monachorum aliquando aliquando alias fabulas esse, nisi aut de scripturis Dei, aut gesta monachorum maiorum. XXI. Post biduo autem quam ibi feceram, duxit nos episco- 20 pus ad puteum ilium, ubi adaquauerat sanctus Jacob pecora sancte Rachel, qui puteus sexto miliario est a Charris. In cuius putei honorem fabricata est ibi ivixta sancta ecclesia ingens ualde et pulchra. Ad quem puteum cum uenissemus, facta est ab epi- scopo oratio ; lectus etiam locus ipse de Genesi, dictus etiam 25 unus psalmus competens loco atque iterata oratione, benedixit nos episcopus. Vidimus etiam locum iuxta puteum iacente lapipem ilium infinitum nimis, quem mouerat sanctus lacob a puteo, qui usque hodie ostenditur. Ibi autem circa puteo nulli alii comma- nent nisi clerici de ipsa ecclesia, quae ibi est, et monachi liaben- 30 tes iuxta monasteria sua, quorum uitam sanctus episcopus nobis retulit, sed uere inauditam. Ac sic ergo facta oratione in aeccle- sia, accessi cum episcopo ad sanctos monachos per monasteria ipsorum et Deo gratias agens et ipsis qui dignati sunt me per monasteria sua, ubicumque ingressa sum, libenti animo suscipere 85 et alloqui illis sermonibus, quos dignum erat de ore illorum pro- cedere. Nam et eulogias dignati sunt dare michi et omnibus qui 30 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY mecum erant, sicut est consuetndo monachis dare, his tamen quos libenti animo suscipiunt in monasteriis suis. Et quoniam ipse locus in campo grandi est, de contra ostensus est michi a sancto episcopo uicus ingens satis forte ad quingentos passos de puteo, per quern uicum iter habuimua. Hie autem uicus, quantum 5 episcopus dicebat, fuit quondam uilla Laban Siri, qui uicus appellatur Fadana. Nam ostensa est michi in ipso uico memoria 54 Laban Siri, | soceri lacob. Ostensus est etiam michi locus, unde furata est Rachel idola patris sui. Ac sic ergo in nomine Dei peruisis omnibus, faciens uale sancto episcopo et Sanctis 10 monachis, qui nos usque ad ilium locum deducere dignati fue- rant, regressi sumus per iter uel mansiones quas ueneramus de Anthiocia. XXII. Anthiocia autem cum fuissem regressa, feci postmo- dum septimana, quousque ea quae necessaria erant itineri para- 15 rentur ; et sic proficiscens de Anthiocia faciens iter per mansiones aliquot, perueni ad prouinciam, quae Cilicia appellatur, quae habet ciuitatem metropolim Tharso, ubi quidem Tharso et eundo lerusolimam iam fueram. Sed quoniam de Tharso tertia man- sione, id est in Hisauria, est martyrium sanctae Teclae, gratum 20 fuit satis, ut etiam illuc accedere, praesertim cum tam in proximo esset. XXIII. Nam proficiscens de Tharso perueni ad quandam ciuitatem supra mare adhuc Ciliciae, que appellatur Ponpeiopo- lim. Et inde iam ingressa fines Hisauriae, mansi in ciuitate 25 quae appellatur Corico. Ac tertia die perueni ad ciuitatem quae appellatur Seleucia Hisauriae. Ubi cum peruenissem, fui ad episcopum uere sanctum ex monacho. Vidi etiam ibi ecclesiam ualde pulchram in eadem ciuitate. Et quoniam inde ad sanctam Teclam, qui locus est ultra ciuitatem in colle sed piano, habebat 30 de ciuitate forsitam mille quingentos passus, malui ergo perexire illuc, ut statiua, quam factura eram, ibi facerem. Ibi autem ad sanctam ecclesiam nichil aliud est nisi monasteria sine numero uirorum ac mulierum. Nam inueni ibi aliquam amicissimam michi, et cui omnes in oriente testimonium ferebant uitae ipsius, 35 sancta diaconissa nomine Marthana, quam ego aput lerusolimam SANOTAE WILVIAE PEEEGRINATIO 31 noueram, ubi ilia gratia orationis asceuderat. Haec autem monasteria aputactitum seu uirginum regebat. Quae me cum uidisset, quod gaudium illius uel meum esse potuerit ? Nunquid uel scribere possum ? Sed ut redeam ad rem, monasteria ergo 5 plurima sunt ibi per ipsum collem et in medio murus ingens, qui includet ecclesiam, in qua est martyrium, quod martyrium satis pulcbrum est. Propterea autem murus missus est ad custodien- dam ecclesiam propter Hisauros, quia satis mali sunt et fre- quenter latrunculantxir, ne forte conentur aliquid facere circa 10 monasterium, quod est ibi deputatum. Ibi ergo cum uenissem in nomine Dei, facta oratione ad martyrium nee non etiam et lecta omnia actus sanctae Teclae, gratias Christo Deo nostro egi infini- tas, qui miclii dignatus est indignae et non merenti in omnibus desideria complere. Ac sic ergo facto ibi biduo | uisis etiam 55 15 Sanctis monachis uel aputactites, tam uiris quam feminis, qui ibi erant, et facta oratione et communione reuersa sum Tharso ad iter meum, ubi facta statiua triduana in nomine Dei profecta sum inde iter meum. Ac sic perueniens eadem die ad mansionem, quae appellatur Mansocrenas, qua est sub monte Tauro, ibi 20 mansi. Et inde alia die subiens montem Taurum et faciens iter iam notum per singulas prouincias, quas eundo transiueram, id est Cappadociam, Galatiam, et Bithiniam, perueni Calcedona, ubi propter famosissimum martyrium sanctae Eufimiae ab olim michi notum iam, quod ibi est, mansi loco. Ac sic ergo alia die transi- 25 ens mare perueni Constantinopolim agens Christo Deo nostro gratias, quod michi indignae et non merenti praestare dignatus est tantam gratiam, id est ut non solum uoluntatem eundi, sed et facultatem perambulandi quae desiderabam, dignatus fuerat prae- stare, et reuertendi denuo Constantinopolim. Ubi cum uenissem, 30 per singulas ecclesias uel apostolos nee non et per singula mar- tyria, quae ibi plurima sunt, non cessabam Deo nostro lesu gratias agere, qui ita super me misericordiam suam praestare dignatus fuerat. De quo loco, dominae lumen meum, cum haec ad uestram affectionem darem, iam propositi erat in nomine 35 Christi Dei nostri ad Asiam accedendi, id est Efesum, propter martyrium sancti et beati apostoli lohannis gratia orationis. Si 32 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY autem et post hoc in corpo fuero, si qua praeterea loca cognoscere potuero, aut ipsa praesens, si Deus fuerit praestare dignatus, uestrae afpectioni referam ; aut certe, si aliud animo sederit, scriptis nuntiabo. Vos tantum, dominae lumen meum, memores mei esse dignamini, siue in corpore, sine iam extra corpus 5 fuero. XXIV. Ut autem sciret affectio uestra, quae operatio singulis diebus cotidie in locis Sanctis habeatur, certas uos facere debui, sciens quia libenter haberetis haec cognoscere. Nam singulis diebus ante pullorum cantum aperiuntur omnia hostia Anastasis 10 et descendent omnes monazontes et parthene, ut hie dicunt, et non solum hii, sed et laici praeterea uiri aut mulieres, qui tamen uolunt maturius uigilare. Et ex ea hora usque in luce dicuntur ymni et psalmi responduntur, similiter et antiphonae et cata sin- gulos ymnos fit oratio. Nam presbyteri bini uel terni, similiter 15 et diacones, singulis diebus uices habent simul cum monazontes, qui cata singulos ymnos uel antiphonas orationes dicunt. Iam 56 autem ubi ceperit lucescere, | tunc incipiunt matutinos ymnos dicere. Ecce et superuenit episcopus cum clero et statim ingreditur intro spelunca et de intro cancellos primum dicet era- 20 tionem pro omnibus : commemorat etiam ipse nomina quorum uult : sic benedicet cathecuminos. Item dicet orationem et bene- dicet fideles ; et post hoc exeunte episcopo de intro cancellos omnes ad manum ei accedunt, et ille eos uno et uno benedicet exiens iam, ac sic fit missa iam luce. Item hora sexta denuo 25 descendent omnes similiter ad Anastasim et dicuntur psalmi et antiphonae donee commonetur episcopus : similiter descendet et non sedet, sed statim intrat intra cancellos intra Anastasim, id est intra speluncam, ubi et mature, et inde similiter primum facit orationem, sic benedicet fideles et sic exiens de cancellos similiter 30 ei ad manum acceditur. Ita ergo et hora nona fit sicuti et ad sexta. Hora autem decima, quod appellant hie licinicon, nam nos dicimus lucernare, similiter se omnis multitudo colliget ad Anastasim ; incenduntur omnes candelae et cerei et fit lumen infinitum. Lumen autem de foris non affertur, sed de spelunca 35 interiori eicitur, ubi noctu ac die semper lucerna lucet, id est de SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 33 intro cancellos, dicuntur etiam psalmi lucernares, sed et antiplio- nae diutius. Ecce et commonetur episcopus et descendet et sedet susum nee non etiam et presbyteri sedent locis suis, dicun- tur ymni uel autiphonae. Et ad ubi perducti fuerint iuxta con- 5 suetudinem, lebat se episcopus et stat ante cancellum, id est ante speluncam, et unus ex diaconibus facit commemorationem singu- lorum, sicut solet esse consuetude. Et diacono dicente singulo- rum nomina semper pisinni plurimi stant respondentes semper : " kyrie eleyson ; " quod dicimus nos : "miserere, Domine;" quo- 10 rum uoces infinitae sunt. Et at ubi diaconus perdixerit omnia, quae dicere habet, dicet orationem primum episcopus et orat pro omnibus ; et sic orant omnes, tarn fideles, quam et cathecumini simul. Item mittet uocem diaconus, ut unusquisque, quomodo stat, cathecuminus inclinet caput ; et sic dicet episcopus stans 15 benedictionem super cathecuminos. Item fit oratio et denuo mittet diaconus uocem et commonet, ut unusquisque stans fide- lium inclinent capita sua. Item benedicet fideles episcopus et sic fit missa Anastasi. Et incipient episcopo ad manum accedere singuli. Et postmodum de Anastasim usque ad Crucem ymnus 20 dicitur, episcopus simul et omnis populus uadet. Ubi cum per- uentum fuerit, primum facit orationem, | item benedicet cathe- 57 cuminos ; item fit alia oratio : item benedicit fideles. Et post hoc denuo tarn episcopus quam omnis turba uadent denuo post Cru- cem et ibi denuo similiter fit sicuti et ante Crucem. Et similiter 25 ad manum episcopus acceditur sicut ad Anastasim. Ita et ante Crucem : ita et post Crucem. Candelae autem uitreae ingentes ubique plurimae pendent et cereofala plurima sunt, tam ante Anastasim quam etiam ante Crucem, sed et post Crucem. Pini- untur ergo haec omnia cum crebris. Haec operatic cotidiae per 30 dies sex ita habetur ad Crucem et ad Anastasim. Septima autem die, id est domenica die, ante pullorum cantum colliget se omnis multitude, quecumque esse potest in eo loco. Ac si per pasclia in basilica, quae est loco iuxta Anastasim, foras tamen, ubi lumi- naria pro hoc ipsud pendent. Dum enim uereutur ne ad pullo- 35 rum cantum non occurrant, antecessus ueniunt et ibi sedent ; et dicuntur ymni nee non et antiphonae et fiunt orationes cata 34 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY singulos ymnos uel antiphonas. Nam et presbyteri et diacones semper parati sunt in eo loco ad uigilias propter multitudinem quae se colliget. Consuetudo enim talis est, ut ante puUorum cantum loca sancta non aperiantur. Mox autem primus puUus cantauerit, statim descendet episcopus et intrat intro speluncam 5 ad Anastasim. Aperiuntur hostia omnia et intrat omnis multi- tude ad Anastasim. Ubi iam luminaria infinita lucent et, quem- admodum ingressus fuerit populus, dicet psalmum quicumque de presbyteris et respondent omnes ; post hoc fit oratio. Item dicit psalmum quicumque de diaconibus : similiter lit oratio : dicitur 10 et tertius psalmus a quocumque clerico : fit et tertio oratio et commemoratio omnium. Dictis ergo his tribus psalmis et factis orationibus tribus, ecce etiam thiamataria inferuntur intro spe- lunca Anastasis, ut tota basilica Anastasis repleatur odoribus. Et tunc ubi stat episcopus intro cancellos, prendet euangelium et 15 accedet ad hostium et leget resurrectionem domuus episcopus ipse. Quod cum ceperit legi, tantus rugitus et mugitus fit omnium hominum et tantae lacrimae, ut quamuis durissimus pos- sit moueri in lacrimis Dominum pro nobis tanta sustinuisse. Lecto ergo euangelio exit episcopus et ducitur cum ymnis ad 20 Crucem et omnis populus cum illo. Ibi denuo dicitur unus psal- miis et fit oratio. Item benedicit fideles et fit missa. Et exeunte episcopo omnes ad manum accedunt. Mox autem recipit se epis- copus in domum suam; etiam ex ilia hora reuertuntur omnes 58 monazontes ad Anastasim et psalmi | dicuntur et antiphonae 25' usque ad lucem et cata singulos psalmos uel antiphonas fit oratio : uicibus enim quotidie presbyteri et diacones uigilant ad Anasta- sim cum populo. De laicis etiam, uiris aut mulieribus, si qui uolunt, usque ad lucem loco sunt : si qui nolunt, reuertuntur in domos suas et reponent se dormito. 30 XXV. Cum luce autem, quia dominica dies est, et proceditur in ecclesia maiore, quam fecit Constantinus (quae ecclesia in Golgotha est post Crucem) et fiunt omnia secundum consuetudi- nem, que ubique fit die dominica. Sane quia hie consuetudo sic est, ut de omnibus presbyteris, qui sedent, quanti uolunt, praedi- 35 cent ; et post illos omnes episcopus praedicat. Quae praedicationes SANOTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 35 propterea semper dominicis diebus fiunt ut semper erudiatur populus in scripturis et in Dei dilectione : quae praedicationes dum dicuntur, grandis mora fit, ut fiat missa ecelesiae ; et ideo ante quartam horam aut forte quintam missa fit. At ubi autem 5 missa facta fuerit ecelesiae iuxta consuetudinem, qua et ubique fit, tunc de ecclesia monazontes cum ymnis ducunt episcopum usque ad Anastasim. Cum autem coeperit episcopus uenire cum ymnis, aperiuntur omnia hostia de basilica Anastasis. Intrat omnis populus, fidelis tamen, nam cathecumini non. Et at ubi lO intrauerit populus, intrat episcopus et statim ingreditur intra cancellos martyrii speluncae. Primum aguntur gratiae Deo et sic fit orationem pro omnibus : postmodum mittet uocem diaeo- nus, ut inclinet capita sua omnes quomodo stant. Et sic bene- dicet eos episcopus stans intra cancellos interiores et postmodum 15 egreditur. Egredienti autem episcopo omnes ad manum acce- dent. Ac sic est, ut prope usque ad quintam aut sextam horam protraitur missa. Item et ad lucernares similiter fit iuxta con- suetudinem cotidianam. Haeo ergo consuetudo singulis diebus ita per totum annum custodiatur, exceptis diebus sollennibus. 20 quibus et ipsis quemadmodum fiat infra annotauimus. Hoc autem inter omnia satis praecipuum est, quod faciunt, ut psalmi uel antiphonae apti semper dicantur, tam qui nocte dicuntur, tarn qui contra mature, tam etiam qui per diem uel sexta aut nona uel ad lucernare, semper ita apti et ita rationabiles, ut ad ipsam rem 25 pertineant quae agitur. Et cum toto anno semper dominica die in ecclesia maiore procedatur, id est quae in Golgotha est, id est post Crucem, quam fecit Constantinus : una tantum die dominica id est quinquagesimarum per pentecosten in Syon proceditur, sicut infra annotatum inuenietis : sic tamen in Syon ut antequam sit 30 hora tertia, illuc eatur, fiat primum missa in ecclesiam maiorem — Deest iiuuvi folium. "Benedictus qui uenit in nomine Domini" et cetera quae secuntur. Et quoniam pro monazontes, qui pedibus uadent, necesse est leuius iri : ac sic peruenitur in lerusolima ea hora, qua 59 36 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY incipit homo hominem posse cognoscere, id est prope luce, ante tamen quam lux fiat. Ubi cum peruentum fuerit, statim sic in Astase ingreditur episcopus et omnes cum eo, ubi luminaria iam supra modo lucent. Dicitur ergo ibi unus psalmus ; fit oratio ; benedicuntur ab episcopo primum cathecumini, item fideles. 5 Recipit se episcopus et uadent se unusquisque ad ospitium suum, ut se resumant. Monazontes autem usque ad lucem ibi sunt et ymnos dicunt. At ubi autem resumpserit se populus, hora incipi- ente secunda colligent se omnes in ecclesia maiore, quae est in Golgotha. Qui autem ornatus sit ilia die ecclesiae uel Anastasis aut 10 Crucis aut in Bethleem, superfluum fuit scribi. Ubi extra aurum et gemmas aut sirico, nichil aliud uides. Nam et si uela uides, auroclaua oleserica sunt : si cortinas uides, similiter auroclaue olesericae sunt. Ministerium autem omne genus aureum gem- matum profertur ilia die. Numerus autem uel ponderatio de 15 ceriofalis uel cicindelis aut lucernis uel diuerso ministerio nun- quid uel extimari aut scribi potest ? Nam quid dicam de ornatu fabricae ipsius, quam Constantinus sub praesentia matris suae in quantum uires regni sui habuit, honorauit auro, musiuo, et mar- more pretioso, tam ecclesiam maiorem quam Anastasim uel ad 20 Crucem uel cetera loca sancta in lerusolima ? Sed ut redeamus ad rem, fit ergo prima die missa in ecclesia maiore, quae est in Golgotha. Et quoniam dum praedicant uel legent singulas lec- tiones uel dicunt ymnos, omnia tamen apta ipsi diei, et inde post- mod um cum missa ecclesiae facta fuerit, hitur cum ymnis ad 25 Anastasim iuxta consuetudinem. Ac sic fit missa forsitan sexta hora. Ipsa autem die similiter et ad lucernare iuxta consuetudi- nem cotidianam fit. Alia denuo die similiter in ipsa ecclesia pro- ceditur in Golgotha ; hoc idem et tertia die ; per triduo ergo homines laetitia in ecclesia, quam fecit Constantinus, celebratur 30 usque ad sextam. Quarta die in Eleona, id est in ecclesia, quae est in monte Oliueti, pulchra satis, similiter omnia ita ornantur et ita celebrantur ibi. Quinta die in Lazariu, quod est ab leru- solima forsitan ad mille quingentos passus ; sexta die in Syon : septima die in Astase : octaua die ad Crucem. Ac sic ergo per 35 octo dies haee omnis laetitia et is hornatus celebratur in omnibus SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 37 locis Sanctis, quos superius nominaui. In Betlileem autem per | totos octo dies cotidie is ornatus est et ipsa laetitia celebratur a 60 presbyteris et ab omni clero ipsius loci et a monazontes, qui in ipso loco deputati sunt. Nam et ilia hora, qua omnes nocte in 5 lerusolima reuertuntur cum episcopo, tunc loci ipsius monachi, quicumque sunt, usque ad lucem in ecclesia in Bethleem peruigi- lant ymnos seu antiphonas dicentes, quia episcopum necesse est hos dies semper in lerusolima ten ere. Pro soUemnitate autem et laetitia ipsius diei infinite turbae se undique colligent in leruso- 10 lima non solum monazontes, sed et laici uiri aut mulieres. XXVI. Sane quadragesimae de epiphania ualde cum summo honore hie celebrantur. Nam eadem die processio est in Astase et omnes procedunt et ordines aguntur, omnia cum summa laetitia ac si per pascha. Predicant etiam omnes presbyteri et sic episco- 15 pus semper de eo loco tractantis euangelii, ubi quadragesima die tulerunt Dominum in templo losepli et Maria et uiderunt eum Symeon uel Anna prophetissa filia Fanuhel et de uerbis eorum, quae dixerunt uiso Domino, uel de oblatione ipsa, qua optulerunt parentes. Et postmodum celebratis omnibus per ordinem, quae 20 consuetudines sunt, aguntur sacramenta et sic fit missa. XXVII. Item dies paschales cum uenerint, celebrantur sic. Nam sicut apud nos quadragesimae ante pascha adtenduntur, ita hie octo septimanas attenduntur ante pascha. Propterea autem octo septimane attenduntur, quia dominicis diebus et sabbato non 25 ieiunantur excepta una die sabbati, qua uigiliae paschales sunt et necesse est ieiunari. Extra ipsum ergo diem penitus nunquam hie toto anno sabbato ieiunatur. Ac sic ergo de octo septimanis deductis octo diebus dominicis et septem sabbatis, quia necesse est una sabbati ieiunari, ut superius dixi, remanent dies quadra- 30 ginta et unus qui ieiunantur, quod hie appellant eortae, id est quadragesimas. Singuli autem dies singularum ebdomadarum aguntur sic, id est ut die dominica de pullo primo legat episcopus intra Anastase locum resurrectionis Domini de euangelio, sicut et toto anno dominicis diebus fiet : similiter usque ad lucem aguntur 35 ad Anastasem et ad Crucem, quae et toto anno dominicis diebus fiunt. Postmodum mane, sicut et semper dominica die, proceditur 38 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY et aguntur, quae dominicis diebus consuetudo est agi in eccle sia maiore, quae appellatur Martyrio, quae est in Golgotha post Crucem ; et similiter missa de ecclesia facta ad Anastase itur cum ymnis, sicut semper dominicis diebus fit. Haec ergo dum agun- tur, facit se hora quinta ; lucernare hoc idem hora sua fit sicut 5 semper ad Anastasem et ad Crucem, sicut et singulis locis Sanctis 61 fit : dominica enim die nona fit. | Item secunda feria similiter de pullo primo Anastasem itur sicut et toto anno, et aguntur usque ad mane que semper. Denuo ad tertia itur ad Anastasim et aguntur quae toto anno ad sextam solent agi, quoniam in diebus 10 quadragesimarum et hoc additur, ut et ad tertiam eatur. Item ad sextam et nonam et lucernare ita aguntur, sicut consuetudo est per totum annum agi semper in ipsis locis Sanctis ; similiter et tertia feria similiter omnia aguntur sicut et secunda feria. Quarta feria autem similiter itur de noctu ad Anastase et aguntur 15 ea, quae semper, usque ad mane ; similiter et ad tertiam et ad sexta ; ad nonam autem, quia consuetudo est semper, id est toto anno, quarta feria et sexta feria ad nona in Syon procedi, quo- niam in istis locis, excepto si martiriorum dies euenerit, semper quarta et sexta feria etiam et a cathecuminis ieiunari et ideo ad 20 nonam in Syon proceditur. Nam si fortuito in quadragesimis martyrorum dies euenerit quarta feria aut sexta feria atque ad nona in Syon proceditur. Diebus uero quadragesimarum, ut superius dixi, quarta feria ad nona in Sion proceditur iuxta con- suetudinem totius anni et omnia aguntur, quae consuetudo est ad 25 nonam agi praeter oblatio. Nam ut semper populus discat legem, et episcopus et presbyter praedicant assidue. Cum autem facta fuerit missa, inde cum ymnis populus deducet episcopum usque ad Anastasem ; inde sic uenitur, ut cum intratur in Astase, iam et tota lucernari sic dicuntur ymni et antiphonae, fiunt orationes ^0 et fit missa lucernaris in Astase et ad Crucem. Missa autem lucer- nari in isdem diebus, id est quadragesimarum, serins fit semper quam per toto anno. Quinta feria autem similiter omnia aguntur, sicut secunda feria et tertia feria. Sexta feria autem similiter omnia aguntur, sicut quarta feria et similiter ad nonam in Syon 35 itur, et similiter inde cum ymnis usque ad Anastase adducetur SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 39 episcopus. Sed sexta feria uigiliae in Astase Qelebrantur ab ea hora, qua de Sion uenitum fuerit cum ymnis usque in mane, id est de hora lucernari, quemadmodum intratum fueriiy^ In alia die mane, id est sabbatof fit autem oblatio in Astase maturius ita 5 ut fiat missa ante solem. Tota autem nocte uicibus dicuntur psalmi responsorii, uicibus antiphonae, uicibus lectiones diuersae, quae omnia usque in mane protrahuntur. Missa autem, quae fit sabbato ad Anastase, ante spleri;i fit, hoc est oblatio, ut ea hora, qua incipit sol procedere, acffiissard in Astase facta sit. Sic ergo 10 singulae septimanae celebrantur quadragesimarum. Quod autem dixi, maturius fit missa sabbato, | id est ante solem, propterea fit, 62 ut citius absoluant hi quos dicunt hie domadarios. Nam talis con- suetudo est hie ieiuniorum in quadragesimis, ut hi quos appellant ebdomadarios, id est qui faciunt septimanas, dominica die, quia 15 hora quinta fit missa, ut manducent. Et quem ad modum pran- diderint dominica die, iam non manducant nisi sabbato mane, mox communicauerint in Astase. Propter ipsos ergo, ut citius absoluant, ante sole fit missa in Astase sabbato. Quod autem dixi, propter illos fit missa mane, non quod illi soli communi- 20 cent, sed omnes communicant, qui uolunt eadem die in Astase communicare. XXVIII. Ieiuniorum enim consuetude hie talis est in quadra- gesimis, ut aliquem ad modum manducauerint dominica die post missa, id est hora quinta aut sexta, iam non manducent per tota 25 septimana, nisi sabbato ueniente post missa Anastasis, hi qui faciunt ebdomadas. Sabbato autem quod manducauerint mane, iam nee sera manducant, sed ad aliam diem, id est dominica, prandent post missa ecclesiae hora quinta uel plus et postea iam non manducent, nisi sabbato ueniente, sicut superius dixi. Con- 30 suetudo enim hie talis est, ut omnes qui sunt, ut hie dicunt, apu- tactite, uiri uel feminae, non solum diebus quadragesimarum, sed et toto anno, qua manducant, semel in die manducant. Si qui autem sunt de ipsis aputactites, qui non possunt facere integras septimanas ieiuniorum, sicut superius diximus, in totis quadragesi- 35 mis in medio quinta feria cenant. Qui autem nee hoc potest, biduanas facit per totas quadragesimas ; qui autem nee ipsud, de iO STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY sera ad sera manducant. Nemo autem exigit quantum debeat facere, sed unus quisque ut potest id facit ; nee ille laudatur, qui satis feeerit, nee ille uituperatur, qui minus. Talis est enim hie consuetude. Esca autem eorum quadragesimarum diebus haec est, ut nee panem, quod liberari non potest, nee oleum gustent, 5 nee aliquid, quod de arboribus est : sed tantum aqua et sorbitione modica de farina quadragesimarum sic fit, ut diximus. XXIX. Et completo earum septimanarum uigiliae in Astase sunt de hora lucernarii sexta feria, qua de Syon uenitur cum psalmis usque in mane sabbato, qua oblatio fit in Astase. Item 10 secunda septimana et tertia et quarta et quinta et sexta similiter fiunt, ut prima de quadragesimis. Septima autem septimana cum uenerit, id est quando iam due superant cum ipsa, ut pascha sit, singulis diebus omnia quidem sic aguntur sicut et ceteris septi- manis quae transierunt ; tantum modo quod uigiliae, quae in illis 15 sex septimanis in Astase factae sunt. Septima autem septimana, 63 id est sexta feria, in Syon | fiunt uigiliae iuxta consuetudinem eavi qua^) in Astase factae sunt per sex septimanas. Dicuntur autem toti singulis apti psalmi semper uel antiphonae tarn loco quam diei. At ubi autem ceperit se mane facere sabbato illucescente, 20 offeret episcopus et facit oblationem mane sabbato, iam ut fiat missa. Mittit uocem archidiaconus et dicit : " Omnes hodie hora septima in Lazario parati simus." Ac sic ergo cum ceperit se hora septima facere, omnes ad Lazarium ueniunt. Lazarium autem, id est Bethania, est forsitan secundo miliario a ciuitate. 25 Euntibus autem de lerusolima in Lazarium forsitan ad quingen- tos passus de eodem loco ecclesia est in strata in eo loco, in quo occurrit Domino Maria soror Lazari. Ibi ergo cum uenerit epi- scopus, occurrent illi omnes monachi et populus ibi ingreditur, dicitur unus ymnus et una autiphona et legitur ipse locus de ' ; euangelio, ubi occurrit soror Lazari Domino ; et sic facta oratione et benedictis omnibus, inde iam usque ad Lazarium cum ymnis itur. In Lazario autem cum uentum fuerit, ita se omnis multi- tude coUigit, ut non solum ipse locus sed et campi omnes in giro pleni sint hominibus. Dicuntur ymni etiam et antiphonae 35 apti ipsi diei et loco ; similiter et lectiones apte diei quaecumque 30 SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 41 leguntur. lam autem, ut fiat missa, denuntiatur pascha, id est subit presbyter in altiori loco et leget ilium locum, qui scriptus est in euangelio : " Cum uenisset lesus in Bethania ante sex dies paschae" et cetera. Lecto ergo eo loco et annuntiata pascha fit 5 missa. Propterea autem ea die hoc agitur, quoniam sicut in euangelio scriptum est, ante sex dies paschae factum hoc fuisset in Bethania, de sabbato enim usque in quinta feria, qua post cena noctu comprehenditur Dominus, sex dies sunt. Reuertuntur ergo omnes ad ciuitatem rectus ad Anastase et fit lucernare iuxta con- 10 suetudinem. XXX. Alia ergo die, id est dominica, qua^ intratur in septi- mana paschale, quam hie appellant septimana maior, celebratis de pullorum cantatis quae consuetudinis sunt in Anastase uel ad Crucem usque ad mane agi|turj. Die ergo dominica mane proee- 15 ditur iuxta consuetudinem in ecclesia maiore, quae appellatur Martyrium. Propterea autem Martyrium appellatur, quia in Gol- gotha est, id est post Crucem, ubi Dominus passus est, et ideo Martyrio. Cum ergo celebrata fuerint omnia iuxta consuetudi- nem in ecclesia maiore, et anteq^^m fiat missa, mittet uoceni 20 archidiaconus et dicit primum : ''luxts septimana omne, id est (!(_C.die crastino, bora nona omnes ad Martyrium conueniamus, id est in ecclesia maiore." Item mittet uocem alteram et dicet : "Hodie omnes hora septima in Eoleona parati simus." Pacta ergo missa in ecclesia maiore, id est ad Martyrium, deducitur episcopus cum 25 ymnis ad Anastase et ibi completis, quae ] consuetude est diebus 64 dominicis fieri in Anastase, post missa Martyrii etiam unusquis-/; que hiens ad domum suam festinat manducare, ut hora in qu( > ante septima omnes in ecclesia parati sint, quae est in Eleona, id est in monte Oliueti. Ibi est spelunca ilia, in qua docebat 30 Dominus. XXXI. Hora ergo septima omnis populus ascendet in monte Oliueti, id est in Eleona, in ecclesia sedet episcopus : dicuntur ymni et antiphonae apte diei ipsi uel loco ; lectiones etiam simili- ter. Et cum ceperit se facere hora nona, subitur cum ymnis in 35 Inbomon, id est in eo loco, de quo ascendit Dominus in caelis, et ibi seditur. Nam omnis populus semper praesente episcopo iubetur 42 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY sedere, tan turn quod diacones soli stant semper. Dicuntur et ibi ymni uel antiphonae aptae loco aut diei : similiter et lectiones interpositae et orationes. Etiam cum coeperit esse hora undecima, legitur ille locus de euangelio, ubi infantes cum ramis uel palmis occurrerunt Domino dicentes : "Benedictus qui uenit in nomine 5 Domini." Et statim leuat se episcopus et omnis populus, porro inde de summo monte Oliueti totum pedibus itur. Nam totus populus ante ipsum cum ymnis uel antiphonis respondentes sem- per : "Benedictus qui uenit in nomine Domini." Et quotquot sunt infantes in hisdem locis, usque etiam quae pedibus ambu- 10 lare non possunt, quia teneri sunt, in coUo illos parentes sui tenent, omnes ramos tenentes alii palmarum, alii oliuarum ; et sic deducetur episcopus in eo typo, quo tunc Dominus deductus est ; et de summo monte usque ad ciuitatem et inde ad Anastase per totam ciuitatem totum pedibus omnes, sed et si quae matrone 15 sunt, aut si qui domini ; sic deducunt episcopum respondentes et sic lente et lente, ne lassetur populus. Porro iam sera peruenitur ad Anastase. Ubi cum uentum fuerit, quamlibet sero sit, tamen fit lucernare, fit denuo oratio ad Crucem et dimittitur populus. ^ XXXII. Item alia die, id est secunda feria, aguntur quae 20 consuetudinis sunt de pullo primo agi usque ad mane ad Anastase, similiter et ad tertia et ad sexta aguntur ea, quae totis quadra- gesimis. Ad nona autem omnes in ecclesia maiore, id est ad Martyrium, colligent se et ibi usque ad lioram primam noctis sem- per ymni et antiphonae dicuntur ; lectiones etiam aptae diei et 25 loco leguntur ; interpositae semper orationes lucernarum. Etiam agitur ibi, cum ceperit hora esse : sic est ergo, ut nocte etiam fiat missa ad Martyrium. Ubi cum factum fuerit missa, inde cum ymnis ad Anastase ducitur episcopus. In quo autem ingressus fuerit in Anastase, dicitur unus ymnus : fit oratio : benedicuntur 30 cathecumini, item fideles, et fit missa. 65 XXXIII. Item tertia feria similiter omnia | fiunt sicut secunda feria : illud solum additur tertia feria, quod nocte sera, postea quam missa facta fuerit ad Martyrium et itum fuerit ad Anastase et denuo in Anastase missa facta fuerit, omnes ilia hora noctu 35 uadent in ecclesia, quae est in monte Eleona. In qua ecclesia SANCTAE SILVIAB PEEEGEINATIO 43 cum uentum fuerit, intrat episcopus intra spelunca, in qua spe- lunca solebat Dominus docere discipulos, et accipit codicem euan- gelii. Et stans ipse episcopus leget uerba Domini, quae scripta sunt in euangelio in cata Matheo, id est ubi dicitur : " Videte ne 5 quis uos seducat." Et omnem ipsam allocutionem perleget epi- scopus. At autem ubi ilia perlegerit, fit oratio, benedicuntur cathecumini, item et fideles, fit missa et reuertuntur a monte unusquisque ad domum suam satis sera iam nocte. XXXIV. Item quarta feria aguntur omnia per tota die a pullo 10 primo sicut secunda feria et tertia feria, sed posteaquam missa facta fuerit nocte ad Martyrium et deductus fuerit episcopus cum ymnis ad Anastase, statim intrat episcopus in spelunca, quae est in Anastase, et stat intra cancellos ; presbyter autem ante cancel- lum stat et accipit euangelium et legit ilium locum, ubi ludas 15 Scariothes hiuit ad ludeos, definiuit quid ei darent, ut traderet Dominum. Qui locus at ubi lectus fuerit, tantus rugitus et mugi- tus est totius populi, ut nullus sit, qui moueri non possit in lacri- mis in ea hora : postmodum fit oratio : benedicuntur cathecumini, postmodum fideles et fit missa. 20 XXXV. Item quinta feria aguntur ea de pullo primo, quae consuetudinis est usque ad mane ad Anastase : similiter ad tertia et ad sexta. Octaua autem hora iuxta consuetudinem ad Mar- tyrium colliget se omnis populus, propterea autem temporius quam ceteris diebus, quia citius missa fieri necesse est. Itaque 25 ergo coUecto omni populo aguntur, quae agenda sunt ; fit ipsa die oblatio ad Martyrium et facitur missa hora forsitan decima. Ibidem antea autem quam fiat missa, mittet uocem archidiaconus et dicet : " Hora prima noctis omnes in ecclesia, quae est in Eleona, conueniamus, quoniam maximus labor nobis instat hodie nocte 30 ista." Facta ergo missa Marty ri uenit post Crucem ; dicitur ibi unus ymnus tantum ; fit oratio et offeret episcopus ibi oblatio- nem et communicant omnes. Excepta enim ipsa die una per totum annum nunquam offeritur post Crucem nisi ipsa die tan- tum. Facta ergo et ibi missa itur ad Anastase, fit oratio, bene- 35 dicuntur iuxta consuetudinem cathecumini et sic fideles et fit missa ; et sic unusquisque festinat reuerti in domum suam, ut 44 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY manducet, quia statim ut manducauerint, omnes uadent in Eleona in ecclesia ea, in qua est spelunca, in qua ipsa die Dominus cum apostolis fuit. Et ibi usque ad bora noctis forsitan quinta semper aut ymni aut antiphonae apte diei et loco, similiter et lectiones dicuntur ; interpositae orationes fiunt ; loca etiam ea de euangelio 5 leguntur, in quibus Dominus allocutus est discipulos eadem die sedens in eadem spelunca, quae in ipsa ecclesia est. Et inde iam hora noctis forsitan sexta itur susu in Imbomon cum ymnis 66 in eo loco, unde ascendit Dominus in caelis. | Et ibi denuo similiter lectiones et ymni et antiphonae aptae diei dicuntur ; 10 orationes etiam ipsae quecumque fiunt, quas dicet episcopus, semper et diei et loco aptas dicet. XXXVI. Ac sic ergo cum ceperit esse pullorum cantus, descenditur de Imbomon cum ymnis et accedit eodem loco, ubi orauit Dominus, sicut scriptum est in euangelio: "Et accessit 15 quantum iactum lapidis et orauit" et cetera. In eo enim loco ecclesia est elegans : ingreditur ibi episcopus et omnis populus : dicitur ibi oratio apta loco et diei : dicitur etiam unus ymnus aptus et legitur ipse locus de] euangelio, ubi dixit discipulis suis : " Vigilate ne intretis in temptationem." Et omnis ipse locus per- 20 legitur ibi et fit denuo oratio. Etiam inde cum ymnis usque ad minimus infans in Gessamani pedibus cum episcopo descendent, ubi prae tam magna turba multitudinis et fatigati de uigiliis et ieiuniis cotidianis lassi, quia tam magnum montem necesse habent descendere, lente et lente cum ymnis uenitur in Gessamani. Can- 25 delae autem ecclesiasticae super ducente "paratae sunt propter lumen omni populo. Cum ergo peruentum fuerit in Gessamani, fit primum oratio apta : sic dicitur ymnus : item legitur ille locus de euangelio, ubi comprehensus est Dominus. Qui locus ad quod lectus fuerit, tantus rugitus et mugitus totius populi est 30 cum fletu, ut forsitan porro ad ciuitatem gemitus populi omnis auditus sit. Etiam ex ilia hora hitur ad ciuitatem pedibus cum ymnis, peruenitur ad portam ea hora, qua incipit quasi homo liominem cognoscere ; inde totum per mediam ciuitatem omnes usque ad unum, maiores atque minores, diuites, pauperes, toti ibi 35 parati specialiter ilia die nullus recedit a uigiliis usque in mane. SANOTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 4:5 Sic deducitur episcopus a Gessemani usque ad portam et inde per totam ciuitate usque ad Crucem. Ante Crucem autem at ubi uen- tum fuerit, iam lux quasi clara incipit esse. Ibi denuo legitur ille locus de euangelio, ubi adducitur Dominus ad Pilatum, et 5 omnia quaecumque scripta sunt Pilatum ad Dominum dixisse aut ad ludeos totum legitur. Postmodum autem alloquitur episcopus populum confortans eos, quoniam et tota nocte laborauerint et adhuc laboraturi sint ipsa die, ut non lassentur sed habeant spem in Deo, qui eis pro eo labore maiorem mercedem redditurus 10 sit. Et sic confortantes eos, ut potest ipse, alloquens dicit eis : "Ite interim nunc unus quisque ad domumcellas nostras, sedete nobis et modico et ad lioram prope secundam diei omnes parati estote hie, ut de ea hora usque ad sextam sanctum lignum crucis possitis uidere ad salutem sibi unus quisque nostrum credens 15 profuturum. De hora enim sexta denuo necesse habemus hie omnes conuenire in isto loco, id est ante Crucem, ut lectionibus et orationibus usque ad noctem operam demus." XXXVII. Post hoc ergo missa | facta de Cruce, id est ante 67 quam sol procedat, statim unus quisque animosi uadent in fSyon 20 or a re ad columnam illam, ad quem flagellatus est Dominus. Inde reuersi sedent modice in domibus suis et statim toti parati sunt et sic ponitur cathedra episcopo in Golgotha post Crucem, quae stat nunc ; reside! episcopus in cathedra ; ponitur ante eum mensa sublinteata ; stant in giro mensa diacones et affertur loculus 25 argenteus deauratus, in quo est lignum sanctum crucis, aperitur et proferitur, ponitur in mensa tam lignum crucis quam titulus. Cum ergo positum fuerit in mensa, episcopus sedens de manibus suis summitates de ligno sancto premet : diacones autem qui in giro stant custodent. Hoc autem propterea sic custoditur, quia 30 consuetudo est, ut unus et unus omnis populus ueniens, tam fideles quam cathecumini, acclinant se ad mensam, osculentur sanctum lignum et pertranseant. Et quoniam nescio quando dicitur quidam fixisse morsum et furasset sancto ligno, ideo nunc a dia- conibus, qui in giro stant, sic custoditur, ue qui ueniens audeat 35 denuo sic facere. Ac sic ergo omnis populus transit unus et unus toti accliuantes se primum de f route, sic de oculis tangentes 46 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY crucem et titulum et sic osculantes crucem pertranseant : manum autem nemo mittit ad tangendum. At ubi autem osculati fuerint crucem, pertransierint, stat diaconus, tenet anulum Salomonis et cornu illud, de quo reges unguebantur, osculantur et cornu atten- dent et anulum minus secunda usque ad horam sextam omnis 5 populus transit, per unum ostium intrans, per alterum per alterum perexiens, quoniam hoc in eo loco fit, in quo pridie, id est quinta feria, oblatio facta est. At ubi autem sexta liora se fecerit, sic itur ante Crucem, sine pluuia sine estus sit, quia ipse locus sub- diuanus est, id est quasi atrium ualde grandem et pulchrum satis, 10 quod est inter Cruce et Anastase. Ibi ergo omnis populus se colliget, ita ut nee aperiri possit. Episcopo autem cathedra ponitur ante Cruce et de sexta usque ad nona aliud nichil fit, nisi leguntur lectiones sic, id est ita legitur primum de psalmis, ubicumque de passione dixit ; legitur et de apostolo siue de 1" epistulis apostolorum uel de actionibus, ubicumque de passione Domini dixerunt : nee non et de euangeliis leguntur loca, ubi patitur ; item legitur de prophetis, ubi passurum Dominum dix- erunt ; item legitur de euangeliis, ubi passionem dicit. Ac sic ab hora sexta usque ad horam nonam semper sic leguntur lectio- 20 nes aut dicuntur ymni, ut ostendatur omni populo, quia quicquid dixerunt prophetae futurum de passione Domini, ostendatur tam per euangelia quam etiam per apostolorum scripturas factum esse. Et sic per illas tres horas docetur populus omnis nichil factum esse, quod non prius dictum sit, et nichil dictum esset, quod non 25 68 totum completum sit. | Semper autem interponuntur orationes ; quae orationes et ipsae apte diei sunt. Ad singulas autem lectio- nes et orationes tantus affectus et gemitus totius populi est, ut mirum sit. Nam nullus est neque maior neque minor, qui non ilia die illis tribus horis tantum ploret, quantum nee estimari 30 potest, Dominum pro nobis ea passum fuisse. Post hoc cum coeperit se iam hora nona facere, legitur iam ille locus de euan- gelio cata lohannem, ubi reddidit spiritum. Quo lecto iam fit oratio et missa. Ac ubi autem missa facta fuerit de ante Cruce, statim omnes in ecolesia maiore ad Martyrium aguntur ea, quae 35 per ipsa septimana de hora nona, qua ad Martyrium conuenitur, SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGRINATIO 47 consueuerunt agi usque ad sero per ipsa septimana. Missa autem facta de Martyrium uenitur ad Anastase. Et ibi cum uentum fuerit, legitur ille locus, de euangelio, ubi petit corpus Domini loseph a Pilato, ponet illud in sepulcro nouo. Hoc autem lecto, 5 fit oratio ; benedicuntur cathecumini ; sic fit missa. Ipsa autem die non mittitur uox, ut peruigiletur ad Anastase, quoniam scit populum fatigatum esse ; sed consuetude est, ut peruigiletur ibi. Ac sic qui uult de populo, immo qui possunt, uigilant ; qui autem non possunt, non uigilant ibi usque in mane. Clerici autem uigi- 10 lant ibi, id est qui aut fortiores sunt aut iuueniores ; et tota nocte dicuntur ibi ymni et antiphonae usque ad mane. Maxima autem turba peruigilant, alii de sera, alii de media nocte, qui ut possunt. XXXVIII. Sabbato autem alia die iuxta consuetudinem fit ad 15 tertia : item fit ad sexta : ad nonam autem iam non fit sabbato, sed parantur uigiliae paschales in ecclesia maiore, id est in Mar- tyrium. Vigiliae autem paschales sic fiunt, quern ad modum ad nos ; hoc solum hie amplius fit, quod infantes, cum baptidiati fue- rint et uestiti, quemadmodum exient de fonte, simul cum episcopo 20 primum ad Anastase ducuntur. Intrat episcopus intro cancellos Anastasis, dicitur unus ymnus, et sic facit orationem episcopus pro eis et sic uenit ad ecclesiam maiorem cum eis. Ubi iuxta consuetudinem omnis populus uigilat ; aguntur ibi, quae consue- tudinis est etiam et aput nos, et facta oblatione fit missa. Et post, 25 facta missa uigiliarum in ecclesia maiore statim cum ymnis ueni- tur ad Anastase : et ibi denuo legitur ille locus euaiigelii resur- rectionis. Fit oratio et denuo ibi offeret episcopus ; sed totum ad momentum fit propter populum, ne diutius tardetur ; et sic iam dimittetur populus. Ea autem hora fit missa uigiliarum ipsa 30 die, qua hora et aput nos. XXXIX. Sero autem illi dies paschales sic attenduntur, quem- admodum et ad nos et ordine suo fiunt missae per octo dies paschales, sicut et ubique fit per pascha usque ad octauas. Hie autem ipse ornatus est et ipsa compositio et per octo dies paschae, 35 quae et per epiphania, tam in ecclesia maiore quam ad Anastase aut ad Crucem uel I in Eleona, sed et in Bethleem nee non etiam 69 4:8 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY in Lazariu uel ubique, quia dies paschales sunt. Proceditur autem ipsa die dominica prima in ecclesia maiore, id est ad Mar- tyrium, et secunda feria et tertia feria, ubi ita tamen, ut semper missa facta de Martyrio ad Anastase ueniatur cum ymnis. Quarta feria autem in Eleona proceditur ; quinta feria ad Anastase ; sexta 5 feria in Syon ; sabbato ante Cruce ; dominica autem die, id est octauis, denuo in ecclesia maiore, id est ad Martyrium. Ipsis autem octo diebus paschalibus cotidie post prandium episcopus cum omni clero et omnibus infantibus, id est qui baptidiati fuerint, et omnibus qui aputactitae sunt, uiri ac feminae, nee non 10 etiam et de plebe quanti uolunt, in Eleona ascendent. Dicuntur ymni, fiunt orationes tarn in ecclesia, quae in Eleona est, in qua est spelunca, in qua docebat lesus discipulos, tam etiam in Imbo- mou, id est in eo loco, de quo Dominus ascendit in caelis. Et posteaquam dicti fuerint psalmi et oratio facta fuerit, inde usque 15 ad Anastase cum ymnis descenditur hora lucernae : hoc per totos octo dies fit. Sane dominica die per pascha post missa lucernarii, id est de Anastase, omnis populus episcopum cum ymnis in Syon ducet. Ubi cum uentum fuerit, dicuntur ymni apti diei et loco, fit oratio et legitur ille locus de euangelio, ubi eadem die Domi- 20 nus in eodem loco, ubi ipsa ecclesia nunc in Syon est, clausis ostiis ingressus est discipulis, id est quando tunc unus ex discipu- lis ubi non erat, id est Thomas, qua reuersus est et dicentibus ei aliis apostolis, quia Dominum uidissent, ille dixit : "Non credo, nisi uidero." Hoc lecto, fit denuo oratio, benedicuntur cathecumini, 25 item fideles, et reuertuntur unusquisque ad domum suam sera horn forsitan noctis secunda. XL. Item octauis paschae, id est die dominica, statim post sexta omnis populus cum episcopo ad Eleona ascendit ; primum in ecclesia, quae ibi est, aliquandiu sedetur ; dicuntur ymni ; 30 dicuntur antiphonae aptae diei et loco ; fiunt orationes similiter aptae diei et loco. Denuo inde cum ymnis itur in Imbomon susu, similiter et ibi ea aguntur, quae et illic. Et cum ceperit hora esse, iam omnis populus et omnes aputactite deducunt episcopum cum ymnis usque ad Anastase. Ea autem hora peruenitur ad 35 Anastase, qua lucernarium fieri solet. Fit ergo lucernarium tam SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 49 ad Anastase quam ad Crucem. Et inde omnis populus usque ad unum cum ymnis ducunt episcopum usque ad Syon. Ubi cum uentum fuerit, similiter dicuntur ymni apti loco et diei ; legitur denuo et ille locus de euangelio, ubi octauis paschae ingressus 5 est Dominus, ubi erant discipuli, et arguet Thomam, quare incre- dulus fuisset. Et tunc omnis ipsa lectio perlegitur ; postmodum fit oratio ; benedictis cathecuminis quam tidelibus, iuxta consue- tudinem reuertuntur unusquisque ad domum suam similiter ut die dominica paschae hora noctis secunda. 10 XLI. A pascha autem usque ad quinquagesima, id est pen- teeosten, hie penitus nemo ieiunat, nee ipsi aputactitae qui sunt. Nam semper ipsos dies, sicut toto anno, ita ad Anastase de pullo primo usque ad mane consuetudinaria aguntur : | similiter et ad 70 sexta et ad lucernare. Dominicis autem diebus semper in Martyrio, 15 id est in eoclesia maiore, proceditur iuxta consuetudinem et inde itur ad Anastase cum ymnis. Quarta feria autem et sexta feria, quoniam ipsis diebus penitus nemo ieiunat, in Syon proceditur sed mane : fit missa ordine suo. XLII. Die eadem quadragesimarum post pascha, id est quinta 20 feria, pridie omnes post sexta, id est quarta feria, in Bethleem uadunt propter uigilias celebrandas. Fiuiit autem uigiliae in ecclesia in Bethleem, in qua ecclesia spelunca est, ubi natus est Dominus. Alia die autem, id est quinta feria quadragesimarum, celebratur missa ordine suo, ita ut et presbyter i et episcopus 25 praedicent dicentes apte diei et loco : et postmodum sera reuer- tuntur unusquisqe in lerusolima. XLIII. Quinquagesimarum autem die, id est dominica, qua die maximus labor est populo, aguntur omnia sic de pullo quidem primo iuxta consuetudinem : uigilatur in Anastase, ut legat epi- 30 Scopus locum ilium euangelii, qui semper dominica die legitur, id est resurrectionem Domini ; et postmodum sic ea aguntur in Anastase, quae consuetudinaria sunt, sicut toto anno. Cum autem mane factum fuerit, procedit omnis populus in ecclesia maiore, id est ad Martyrium. Aguntur etiam omnia, quae consuetudinaria 35 sunt agi : praedicant presbyteri, postmodum episcopus. Aguntur omnia legitima, id est offertur iuxta consuetudinem, qua dominica 50 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY die consueuit fieri ; sed eadem adceleratur missa in Martyrium, ut ante hora tertia fiat. Quemadmodum enim missa facta fuerit ad Martyrium, omnis populus usque ad unum cum ymnis ducent episcopum in Syon : sed hora tertia plena in Syon sint. Ubi cum uentum fuerit, legitur ille locus de actus Apostolorum, ubi 5 desceudit spiritus, ut omnes linguae intellegerent quae dicebantur. Postmodum fit ordine suo missa. Nam presbyteri de hoc ipsud, quod lectum est, quia ipse est locus in Syon, alia modo ecclesia est, ubi quondam post passionem Domini coUecta erat multitudo cum apostolis, qua hoc factum est, ut superius diximus, legi ibi 10 de actibus apostolorum. Postmodum fit ordine suo missa, offer- tur et ibi, etiam ut dimittatur populus, mittit uocem archidiaco- nus et dicet : "Hodie statim post sexta omnes in Eleona parati simus- Inbomon." Reuertitur ergo omnis populus unus quisque in domum suam resumere se et statim post prandium ascenditur 15 mons Oliueti, id est in Eleona, unus quisque quomodo potest, ita ut nullus Christianus remaneat in ciuitate, quoniam omnes uadent. Quem ad modum ergo subito fuerit in monte Oliueti, id est in Eleona, primum itur in Imbomon, id est in eo loco, unde ascendit Dominus in caelis, et ibi sedet episcopus et presbyteri, 20 sedet omnis populus, leguntur ibi lectiones, dicuntur interposite ymni, dicuntur et antiphonae aptae diei ipsi et loco ; orationes 71 etiam, quae interponuntur, | semper tales pronuntiationes habent, ut et diei et loco conueniunt. Legitur etiam et ille locus de euangelio, ubi dicit de ascensu Domini ; legitur et denuo de actus 25 apostolorum, ubi dicit de ascensu Domini in cells post resurrec- tionem. Cum autem hoc factum fuerit, benedicuntur cathecu- mini, sic fideles, et hora iam nona descenditur inde et cum ymnis itur ad illam ecclesiam, qua et ipsa in Eleona est, id est in qua spe- lunca sedens docebat Dominus apostolos. Ibi autem cum uen- 30 tum fuerit, iam est hora plus decima ; fit ibi lucernare ; fit oratio ; benedicuntur cathecumini et sic fideles etiam. Inde descenditur cum ymnis, omnis populus usque ad unum toti cum episcopo ymnos dicentes uel antiphonas aptas diei ipsi. Sic uenitur lente et lente usque ad Martyrium. Cum autem peruenitur ad portam 35 ciuitatis, iam nox est et occurrent candele ecclesiasticae uel SANOTAE SILVIAE PEREGEINATIO 51 ducente propter populo. De porta autem, quoniam satis est usque ad ecclesia maiore, id est ad Martyrium, porro hora noctis forsitan secunda peruenitur, quia lente et lente itur totum pro populo, ne fatigentur pedibus. Et apertis baluis maioribus, quae 5 sunt de quintana parte, omnis populus intrat in Martyrium cum ymnis et episcopo. Ingressi autem in ecclesia dicuntur ymni, fit oratio, benedicuntur cathecumini et sic fideles. Et inde denuo cum ymnis itur ad Anastase. Similiter ad Anastase cum uentum fuerit, dicuntur ymni sen antiphone, fit oratio, benedicuntur 10 cathecumini, sic fideles ; similiter fiet ad Crucem. Et denuo inde omnis populus christianus usque ad unum cum ymnis ducunt episcopum usque ad Syon. Ubi cum uentum fuerit, leguntur lectiones aptae, dicuntur psalmi uel antiphone, fit oratio, bene- dicuntur cathecumini et sic fideles, et fit missa. Missa autem 15 facta accedunt omnes ad manum episoopi et sic reuertuntur unus- quisque ad domum suam hora noctis forsitan media. Ac sic ergo maximus labor in ea die suffertur, quoniam de pullo primo uigi- latum est ad Anastase et inde per tota die nunquam cessatum est ; et sic omnia quae celebrantur protrahuntur, ut nocte media 20 post missa, quae facta fuerit in Sion, omnes ad domos suas reuertantur. \ XLIV. lam autem de alia die quinquagesimarum omnes ieiu- nant iuxta consuetudinem sicut toto anno, qui prout potest, excepta die sabbati et dominica, qua nunquam ieiunatur in hisdem locis. 25 Etiam postmodum ceteris diebus ita singula aguntur ut toto anno, id est semper de pullo primo ad Anastase uigiletur. Nam si dominica dies est, primum leget de pullo primo episcopus euange- lium iuxta consuetudinem intro Anastase locum resurrectionis Domini, qui semper doruinica die legitur, et postmodum ymni sen 30 antiphone usque ad lucem dicuntur in Anastase. Si autem domi- nica dies non est, tantum quod ymni uel antiphone similiter de pullo primo usque ad lucem dicuntur in Anastase. Aputactitae omnes uadent : de plebe autem qui quomodo possunt uadent : clerici autem | cotidie uicibus ; uadent clerici autem de pullo 72 35 primo ; episcopus autem albescente uadet semper, ut missa fiat matutina, cum omnibus clericis excepta dominica die, quia necesse 52 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY est ilium de pullo primo ire, ut euangelium legat in Anastase. Denuo ad horam sextam aguntur, quae consuetudinaria sunt in Anastase ; similiter et ad nona ; similiter et ad lucernare iuxta consuetudinem, quam consueuit toto anno fieri. Quarta autem et sexta feria semper nona in Syon fit iuxta consuetudinem. 5 XLV. Et illud etiam scribere debui, quemadmodum docentur hi qui baptidiantur per pascha. Nam qui dat nomen suum, ante diem quadragesimarum dat et omnium nomina annotat presbyter, hoe est ante illas octo septimanas quibus dixi hie attendi quadra- gesima. Cum autem annotauerit omnium nomina presbyter, 10 postmodum alia die de quadragesimis, id est qua inchoantur octo ebdomadadae, ponitur episcopo cathedra media ecclesia maiore, id est ad Martyrium. Sedent hinc et inde presbyteri in cathedris et stant clerici omnes et sic adducuntur unus et unus conpetens : si uiri sunt, cum patribus suis ueniunt : si autem feminae, cum 15 matribus suis. Et sic singulariter interrogat episcopus uioinos eius, qui intrauit, dicens : "Si bonae uitae est hie, si parentibus deferet, si ebriacus non est aut uanus" et singula uitia, quae sunt tamen grauiora in homine, requiret. Ut si probauerit sine repre- hensione esse de his omnibus, quibus requisiuit praesentibus testi- 20 bus, annotat ipse manu sua nomen illius. Si autem in aliquo accusatur, iubet ilium foras exire dicens : emendet se et cum emendauerit se, tunc accedet ad lauacrum. Sic de uiris, sic de mulieribus requirens dicit. Si quis autem peregrinus est, nisi testimonia habuerit, qui eum nouerint, non tam facile accedet ad 25 baptismum. XL VI. Hoc autem, domine sorores, ne extimaretis sine ratione fieri, scribere debui. Consuetuetudo est enim hie talis, ut qui acce- dunt ad baptismum per ipsos dies quadraginta, quibus ieiunatur, primum mature a clericis exorcizentur, mox missa facta fuerit 30 de Anastase matutina. Et statim ponitur cathedra episcopo ad Martyrium in ecclesia maiore et sedent omnes in giro prope epi- scopo, qui baptidiandi sunt, tam uiri quam mulieres, stant loco etiam patres uel matres, nee non etiam qui uolunt audire de plebe omnes intrant et sedent, sed tideles. Cathecuminus autem ibi non 35 intrat, tune qua episcopus docet illos legem, id est sic, inchoans SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEECiEINATIO 53 a Grenese per illos dies quadraginta pereurret omnes scripturas, primum exponens carnaliter at sic illud soluens spiritualiter. Nee non etiam at da resurrectione similiter et de fide omnia docentur per illos dies. Hoc autem catliecisis appellatur. Etiam quando 5 completae fuerint septimanae quinque, a quo docentur, tunc acci- pient simbolum ; cuius simboli rationem similiter sicut omnium scripturarum ratione exponet eis singulorum sermonum, primum | carnaliter et sic spiritualiter. ita et simbolum exponet. Ac sic 73 est u^ ill hisdem locis omnes fideles sequantur scripturas, quando 10 leguntur in ecclesia, quia omnes docentur per illos dies quadra- ginta, id est ab hora prima usque ad lioram tertiam, quoniam per tres lioras fit cathecismus. Deus autem scit, dominae sorores, quoniam maiores uoces sunt fidelium. qui ad audieudum intrant in catliecisen ad ea, quae dicuntur uel exponuntur per episcopum, 15 quam quando sedet et praedicat in ecclesia ad singula, quae taliter exponuntur. Missa autem facta cathecisis hora iam tertia statim inde cum ymnis ducitur episcopus ad Anastase et fit missa ad tertia. Ac sic tribus horis docentur ad die per septimanas septem. Octaua enim septimana quadragesimarum, id est quae 20 appellatur septimana maior, iam non uacat eos doceri, ut imple- antur ea, quae superius sunt. Cum autem iam transierint septem septimanae, superat ilia una septimana pasclialis, quam hie appel- lant septimana maior. Iam tunc uenit episcopus mane in ecclesia maiore ad Martyrium retro in absida post altarium, ponitur cathe- 25 dra episcopo, et ibi unus et unus uadet, uiri cum patre suo aut mulier cum matre sua, et reddet simbolum episcopo. Keddit autem simbolo episcopo, alloquitur omnes episcopus et dicet. "Per istas septem septimanas legem omnem edocti estis scriptu- rarum, nee non etiam de fide audistis ; audistis etiam et de resur- 30 rectione carnis, sed et singuli omnem rationem, ut potuistis, tamen adhuc cathecumini, audire : uerbum autem quae sunt misterii altioris, id est ipsius baptismi, qui adhuc cathecumini audire non potestis. Et ne extimetis aliquid sine ratione fieri, cum in nomine Dei baptidiati fueritis, per octo dies paschales post missa facta de 35 ecclesia in Anastase audietis : qui adhuc cathecumini estis, miste- ria Dei secretiora dioi nobis non possunt." 54 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY XLVII. Post autem uenerint dies pascliae, per illos octo dies, id est a pascha usque ad octauas, queniadmodum missa facta fuerit de ecclesia. et itur cum ymnis ad Anastase, mox fit oratio, bene- dicuntur fideles, et stat episcopu.s imcumbens in cancello interiore, qui est in spelunca Anastasis, et exponet omnia quae aguntur in 5 baptismo. Ilia enim hora cathecumiuus nuUus accedet ad Ana- stase, tantum neofiti et fideles, qui uolunt audire misteria, in Anastase intrant. Clauduntur autem ostia, ne qui cathecumiuus se dirigat. Disputante autem episcopo singula et narrante, tante uoces sunt collaudantium, ut porro foras ecclesia audiantur uoces 10 eorum. Vere enim ita misteria omnia absoluent, ut nuUus non possit commoueri ad ea, quae audit sic exponi. Et quoniam in ea prouncia pars populi et greci et siriste nouit, pars etiam alia per se grece, aliqua etiam pars tantum siriste, itaque quoniam episcopus, licet siriste nouerit, tamen semper grece loquitur et 15 nunquam siriste. Itaque ergo stat semper presbyter, qui epi- 74 scopo grece dicente siriste interpretatur, ut omnes audiant | [ut omnes audiant] quae exponuntur. Lectiones etiam quecumque in ecclesia leguntur, quia necesse est grece legi, semper stat, qui siriste interpretatur propter populum, ut semper discanl Sane 20 quicumque hie latini sunt, id est qui nee siriste nee grece noue- runt, ne contristentur, et ipsis exponitur eis, quia sunt alii fratres et sorores gveci fetini, qui latine exponunt eis. Illud autem hie ante omnia ualde gratum fit et ualde adndrabile, ut semper tam ymni quam antiphonae et lectiones nee non e/iam et orationes, quas -^ dicet episcopus, tales pronuntiationes habeant, ut et diei, qui cele- bratur, et loco, in quo agitur, aptae et conuenientes sint semper. XL VIII. Item dies enceniarum appellantur, quando sancta ecclesia, quae in Golgotha est, quam Martyrium uocant, conse- crata est Deo : sed et sancta ecclesia, quae est ad Anastase, id est 30 in eo loco, ubi Dominus resurrexit post passionem, ea die et ipsa consecrata est Deo. Harum ergo ecclesiarum sanctarum encenia cum summo honore celebrantur : quoniam crux Domini inuenta est ipsa die. Et ideo propter hoc ita ordinatum est, ut quando primum sanctae ecclesiae suprascriptae consecrabantur, ea dies 35 esset, qua crux Domini fuerat inuenta, ut simul omni laetitia 8ANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 55 eadem die celebrarentur. Et hoc per seripturas sanctas inuenitur, quod ea dies sit enceniarum, qua et sanctus Salomon, consummata domo Dei, quam edificauerat, steterit ante altarium Dei et oraue- rit. sicut scriptum est in libris Paralipomenon. 5 XLIX. Hi ergo dies enceniariim cum uenerint, octo diebus attenduntur. Nam ante plurimos dies incipiunt se undique col- ligere, ubi non solum monachorum uel actito de diuersis prouin- ciis, id est tam de Mesopotamia uel Syria uel de Egypto aut Tliebaida, ubi plurimi monazontes sunt, sed et de diuersis omni- 10 bus loeis uel prouiuciis ; nullus est enim, qui non se eadem die in lerusolima tendat ad tantam laetitia et tam honorabiles dies ; seculares autem tam uiri quam feminae fideli animo propter diem sanctum similiter sed et ommbus prouiuciis isdem diebus leruso- . lima colligunt. Episcopi autem, quando parui fuerint. hisdem 15 diebus lerusolima plus quadraginta aut quinquaginta sunt. Et cum illis ueniunt multi clerici sui. Et quid plura ? Putat se maximum peccatum incurrisse, qui in hisdem diebus tante soUen- nitati inter non fuerit : si tamen nulla necessitas contraria fuerit, que hominem a bono proposito retinet. His ergo diebus ence- 20 niarum ipse ornatus omnium ecclesiarum est, qui et per pascha uel per epiphania : et ita per singulos dies diuersis locis Sanctis proceditur ut per pascha uel epiphania. Nam prima et secunda die in ecclesia moiore, quae appellatur Martyrium, proceditur. Item tertia die in Eleona, id est in ecclesia, quae est in ipso 25 monte, a quo ascendit Dominus in caelis post passionem ; intra qua ecclesia est spelunca ilia, in qua docebat Dominus apostolos in monte Oliueti. APPAKATUS CRITIC US,' A = librarius qui CocUcem Arretinum oxarayit. Ai = idem librarius, quae scripserat corrigens. Ar = lector recentior. A ■' = manus incerta. Gey. = Seyer. 6a. = Gamuri iui (in editione altera). P = Pomialowsky. 5, 2 sex] s6 Gra. Gey. 3 jalanissima] planissimam Grey. 7 commonuerunt] commonuerant Ga. 9 mons] moils A. 13 estimare] aestimare Gey. 25 undo] Gey. 23 terra] terram Gey. j[ nosse] nossem Gey. 26 qui ibi] quod ibi P. Ga. Gey. 27 desiderii] desideri Ga. 13, 3 michi] mihi P. 11 romana ex romanorum corr. A'. 12 loebelsefon ex ioebelsebon corr. A'. lobelsefon P. lobelsephon Ga. locus Belsefon Gey. p ostensum] ostensus Gey. 20 edificauerunt] aedificauerunt Gey. 23 Heroum] heroum A. litt. r supjra o scri];)Sit A'. 2-5 comes] come Ga. Gey. 31 gratus] grandis P. |! quedam] quaedam P. Gey. 33 que] quae P. Ga. Gey. 14, 3 quae] que sed jH(ncf?n)( «(i/erZei(. A'. 6 collapsae] collaps v A. 7 nichil] nihil P. 8 exclusae] exeisae Gey. 13 in quo moditas] commoditas P. Ga. incommoditas Gey. 16 grece] graece Gey. 17 dendrosa lethiae] *dendrosa letliie et in m':trg. *S£i'3pos dXr;9i'as. A. dendros alethiae P. Ga. Gey. 18 ramessen /o_?'tosse ex oamessen corr. A'. 21 fuisset] fuisse Ga. 22 ilia statua] ill-as statuas Gey. 30 pridie] pridie a sed litt. a interlcii. A', pridie a P. Ga. Gey. 31 agende] agendae P. Gey. 33 michi] m A mihi P. Ga. Gey. 15, 2 quandiu] quamdiu P. Ga. Gey. 3 lam autem] Iter autem Ga. I quo ei iam] ilnhium idnim iam an locum, sedfortasse iam A. quoniam Gey. 4 transiebatur] transiebat Gey. 9 primes] primo Ga. pulcherrimos Gey. 12 nusquam] nunquam Ga. 17 nosse] nossem P. Ga. Gey. 25 aliquod] aliquot Gey. 60 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY 16, 7 qui] quae Ga. Gey. 8 fixerant ex fixesant corr. A'. 20 homo de fllio] homo Dei filios Ga. Gey. 23 quedam] quaedam P. Gey. 28 uolebamus] ualebamus Gey. 30 oratio ibi cum signis transpositionis A', ibi oratio Ga. Gey. 32 ceptum] coeptum Gey. |i cepimus] coepimus Gey. 34 Libiadae] libiade A. Libiade P. Ga. Gey. | quae] quem Ga. Gey. 17, 3 de uia] deiuia A. deuia A'. 15 soporis] saporis P. Ga. Gey. 27 modice] modicum Gey. 18, 1 non ostenditur] [nou] ostenditur Gey. 2 ubi] ubi <^positus sit) Gey. 6 cepimus] coepimus Gey. 10 possuiit] posst A. possitis P. Ga. 16 circa] citra Gey. || que] quae P. Gey. 23 nichil] nihil P. 24 conuerse] conuersae P. Gey. 26 michi] m A. mihi P. Ga. Gey. 27 domine] dominae P. Gey. 29 locum cum\ cum sed litt. lo siqyrascrijjs. A'- 33 ipse locus] ipse locus est Ga. Gey. 35 ostense] ostensae Gey. 19, 1 quae] quex A que A'. 2 Sasdra] dubiuin utrum safdra an sasdra A. 8 Sane ilia] Sane (de} ilia Gey. 10 Agrisecula] Agri specula Ga. Agrispeoula Gey. 16 uolui ad] supra iierbum ad litf. ege A\ uolui etiam ad P. Gey 20 eisdem] eis P. 21 michi] mihi P. 27 Ausitidi] au = E E E E sitidi A. 28 hiens] iens P. 29 lordanis flumiuis cum signis transpositionis A', fluminis lordanis Ga. |j amenam] amoeuam Gey. i| habundantem] abundantem P. 30 multe] multae P. Gey. 32 Sedima] dubium utrum sedima an seduna A. 34 grandis] grandes Ga. Gey. 20, 2 amenus] amoenus Gey. || michi] mihi P. 3 Melchis et haec] Melchisedech Gey. 7 greco] graeco Gey. |[ opumelchis, Et haec] *opu Melchisedech Gey. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO Gl 20, 20 ferebant] ferebat sed super litt. a litt. n scripsit A'. 25 Melchisedech regis cum signis transpositioyiis A', regis Mel- cliisedech Ga. Gey. 27 continget] contiget Ga. Gey. \\ heramento] aeramento Gey. 28 et certa] ecce ista Gey. 30 cede] caede Gey. I| quod Ollagomor] Quodollagomor P. Chodol- lagomor Ga. Codollagomor Gey. 33 baptizasse] babtizasse P. 35 ille] iste P. 21, 2 coepi] cepiP. i cepinius] coepimus Gey. I amenissimam] amoenissimam Gey. 5 ameiium] amoenum Gey. 6 optime] optimae P. Gey. || pure] purae P. Gey. 7 qui a semel] quia semel P. Ga. 10 greco] graeco Gey. 11 copos] cepos Gey. 20 opu] opus Gey. 33 Gethe] Gethae P. Ga. Gey. 36 amenissimam] amoenissimam Gey. 22, 3 Tunc ego] tunc g ego A. tunc ego A'. |1 cepi] coepi Gey. 8 corui] coruus ei Gey. |j portabat] portabant P. (| de eo torrentem] de torrenteS sed uerbum eo supra de scripsit A. de eo tor- reute P. Ga. Gey. 11 nichilominus] nihilomiuus P. 13 cepimus] coepimus Gey. 16 tendebatur] tendebatur in longo P. Ga. Gey. in iiifima pagiiia in longo quae uerba in summa pagina sequenti scriberenfiir indicans A. 24 et] ad Gey. 26 qui] cui Ga. Gey. 28 positum] positus Gey. 30 fuit] dubium utrum fuit an stat A stat P. Ga. 32 faceret] facere P. Ga. Gey. 23, i uenisse] ueuissem P. Ge}'. 5 gratiam] gratia P. Ga. Gey. 7 ut et] et Ga. etiam et Gey. li quoque epistolam] quaeque epistola Ga. Gey. 15 et michi] m A. mihi P. Ga. Gey. 19 quinta mansione] quinta = E E E = = mansione A. || Anthiocia] Antiochia P. Gey. 20 Mesopotamiam] Mesopotamia Ga. 22 Anthiociam] Antiochiam P. Gey. (32 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY 23, 26 " Anthiociae] Antiochiae P. Gey. 25 per mansiones] seu mansiones A. seu delea. et per supra- scrips. A'. 24, 9 habundans] abundans P. 16 que] quae P. Gey. 19 ciuitatem] ciuitate Gey. 23 et monachus] >^ monaclius A. 21, 30 michi] mihi P. 28 ipsum] ipsi Gey. 31 michi] mihi P. Ga. Gey. 35 Deum] Dominum Gey. 25, 1 dixit] dixi P. 3 quale] quales Gey. 4 et uel] et deleu. A'^ uel Gey. 6 ac sic sed alteram litt. c interleu. A', ac si P. Ga. Gey. 7 michi] mihi P. 11 Persi] Persae P. Gey. 21 Ita autem] Ita tarn au A. Ita au A'. 21 aliquod] aquod sed litt. li suprascrips. A', aliquot Gey. 31 hii]hiP. 32 a semel] a semet Ga. 35 obsedebant] obsidebant Ga. 26, 6, 11, M, 31 hii] hi P. 7 e rupe ierunt] eruperuut Gey. 13 jDarte] patre Gey. 19 benedicens] bendicens P. || iterato] iterata Ga. 21 epistolam] epistola Ga. 28 illud e.r illuf con: A\ 28. 32 michi] m A. mihi P. Ga. Gey. •33 nos] uos P. 35 legi si uos] legetis et uos Ga. Gey. 27, 2 Carris A. supra litt. a litt. h A''. Gharris P. Ga. Gey. 3 Carra A. supra litt. a Hit. h A'. Charra P. Ga. Gey. 6 Ergo] (Ihiy ergo Gey. 13 in i-psa] post haec uerba septem aid octo litt. eras. A\ 15 benedicens] bendicens P. 18 portauit] potauit ex portauit corr. A^ potauit P. Ga. Gey. 28 grandiiter] granditer P. Ga. Gey. 33 aestimabam] estimabam P. existimabam Ga. 35 michi] mihi P. 28, 7 martyrum] martyrii Gey. 9 qui] quae Ga. I| ciuitatem] ciuitate P. Ga. Gey. -■ SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGBINATIO 63 28, 14 illae] ille ex illi corr. A'. 17 et] est Ga. Gey. 18, 25 michi] milii P. 24 Nachor] Nahor P. Ga. Gey. || filio] filio suo A filio A'. 34, 36 Siri] Syri P. Gey. 35 michi] lii A. mihi P. Gey. |[ iuxta] ante hoc uerbum litt. o deleu. A\ 29, 3, 7, 11 Chaldeorum] Ghaldaeorum Gey. 4 michi] mihi P. 7 ad Hur] adur A. siqjra lift, u litt. h scriix. A'. 9 autem pars] pars omis. Gey. 16 estimet] aestimet Gey. 21 sancte] sanctae P. Ga. Gey. 26 locum] loco Gey. !| iacente] iacentem Ga. Gey. [j lapipem] lapidem P. Ga. Gey. 28 commanent] commanet Ga. 31 aecclesia] ecclesia P. Ga. Ge^'. 36 Nam et] et omis. P. || michi] mihi P. 30, 3, 7, 8, 35 michi] mihi P. 6, 8 Siri] Syri P. Gey. 13, 14, 16 Anthiocia] Antiochia P. Gey. 18 tharso] tharso ex thrarso corr. A'. 21 accedere] accederem Gey. 24 que] quae P. Gey. || Ponpeiopolim] Pompeiopolin Ga. Poii- peiopolin Gey. 31 forsitam] forsitan P. Gey. 32 statiua] statiuam P. Gey. jj ibi] ante Iioc uerbum litt. {fortasse f) deleu. A'. 33 nichil] nihil P. 36 aput] apud Ga. 31, 8 Hisauros] hisauros ex hisati corr. A'. 10 est ibi cwn signis transpositionis A', ibi est Gey. 11, 12 lecta omnia litt. a in tdroque uerbo interleu. A\ lectus omnis P. Ga. Gey. 13 michi] m A. mihi P. Ga. Gey. 15 aputactites] aputactitis Gey. 19 qua] quae P. 20 alia ex alie corr. A'. 23, 26 michi] mihi P. 26 praestare] pfare A. 30 et per] et omis. P. 33 dominae] dofne A. domnae P. Gey. 64 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY 32, 1 corpo] corpore Gey. 11 parthene] parthenae Gey. 12 liii] hi P. II praeterea] pt A. praeter Gey. 13 luce] lucem P. Ga. Gey. 18 ceperit] coeperit Gey. 25 deniio ex denua corr. A'. 27 descendet ex descenderet corr. A'. 30 de] de Gey. 33, J: ad] at Gey. ad (finem) Ga. || perducti] perdicti Gey. 5 lebat] leuat Gey. 16 mittet] mittit P. Gey. 17 inclinent ex inclinet corr. A' 19 Anastasim] Anastasi P. Ga. || ymnus] ymnis Gey. 20 dicitur] dicitf A. ducit^ A^ ducitur Gey. 23 uadent] uadet Ga. Gey. 25 episcopus] episcopi P. Ga. episcopo Gey. 29 crebris] tenebris Ga. Gey. || cotidiae] cotidie P. Ga. Gey. 31 domenica] dominica P. Ga. Gey. 32 quecumqiie] quaecumque P. Ga. Gey. 34 pro] 4? A. per Ga. 34, 13 thiamataria] thymiataria Gey. ![ spelunca] speluncam Gey. 15 ubi] ibi Gey. 16 domnus] Domini P. Gey. 17 ceperit] coeperit Gey. 22 exeunte] exeunti Gey. 2J: etiam] et iam Gey. 26 singulos ex singulas corr. Pi}. 27 Anastasim] anasi^ sed litt. sta siqwascrips. A'. 28 aut] ac P. 33 fiunt] sunt P. Ga. 34 que] quae P. qua Gey. 35 omnibus] omib ; A. 35, 1 fiunt] sunt Ga. Gey. 4 missa fit] missa (non) fit Ga. 7 coeperit] ceperit Ga. 11 martyrii] [martyrii] Gey. [| speluncae] spelunca A. 12 orationem] oratio P. Gey. 13 inclinet] inclinent P. Gey. 14 intra] intro Ga. 17 lucernares] lucernare Gey. 19 custodiatur] custoditur Gey. |[ sollennibus] sollemnibus Ga. 20 annotauimus] annotabimus Gey. SANOTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO G5 35, 29 sit] fit P. 30 ecclesiam] ecclesia P. Gey. 32 pro] ■$ A Tper Ga. 33 leuius] lenius Gey. 36, 3 Astase] hie et ubique anastase P. Ga. Gey. 6 ospitium] hospitium Ga. Gey. 12 nichil] nihil P. 13 auroclaue] auroclauae P. Gey. || oleserica] oloserica Ga. Gey. 11 olesericae] ole serice sed supra ultimam litt. e scrips. A', oloseri- cae Ga. Gey. \\ genus] ge^ A omis. P. 17 extimari] existimari Ga. aestimari Gey. 19 honorauit] hornauit Gey. 20 pretioso] praetioso P. 25 hitur] itur P. 30 homines] haec omnis Ga. Gey. 37, 9 infinite] infinitae P. Ga. Gey. 13 ordines] ordine P. Ga. ordine suo Gey. 15 tractantis] traetantes Ga. Gey. 17 Fanuhel] Famuhel P. Samuhel Ga. || uerbis] flerbis A. 18 qua] quam Gey. 20 consuetudines] consuetudinis Ga. Gey. 23 septimanas] septimanae P. Ga. Gey. || attenduntur] adtenduntur Gey. 24 septimaue] septimanae P. Ga. Gey. 34 fiet] fit et Gey. [| aguntur] agantur Ga. 35 Anastasem] Anastasim P. 38, 3 Anastase] Anastasi Ga. 6 Anastasem] Anastase P. 8 Anastasem] Anastasim P. 9 que] quae P. Ga. Gey. 15 de noctu] denaotu sed supra lift, ao litt. oc scrips. A'. 17 sexta] sextam P. Gey. 18 nona] nonam Gey. 19 martiriorum] martyriorum P. martyrorum Gey. 20 ieiunari] ieiunatur Gey. 22 atque] neque Gey. 24 Sion] Syon P. Ga. 29 Anastasem] Anastasim P. 30 tota] hora Gey. |[ lucernari] lucernaris Ga. IJ sic] sic sic, sed priinum uerbum interleu. A^ fit ; sic Ga. sit ; sic Gey. |[ ymni] ymni A. 31 lucernari] lucernaris Ga. lucernarii Gey. 06 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY 39, 2 Sion] Sj-on P. 1| uenitum] uentum P. Ga. Gey. 3 lucernari] lucernarii Gey. 9 ad missam] iam missa Ga. et missa Gey. 12 domadarios] ebdomadarios Gey. 23 aliquem ad modum] aliquef ad moduf A. in jmrno uerbo supra litt, i litt. i scrips. A.^ alii quern admodum P. Ga. Gey. 24 sexta] VI=i A. 29 manducent] manducant Gey. 30 aputactite] aputactitae Gey. 33 aputactites] aputactitis Gey. 40, 1 ad sera] ad seram P. Ga. Gey. 5 quod] quid P. |1 liberari] librari Ga. Gej'. 7 farina] farina. leiunium Ga. farina : . . . , Gey. 8 septimanarum] septimanarum .... Gey. 9 lucernarii] lucernari P. Ga. 11 quarta] Illla A. 13 due] duae Gey. 15 quae] [quae] Gej'. 16 sex] omis. Ga. 17 ea] eae P. eae Ga. earn Gey. 18 quae] qua Gey. 19 toti singulis] totis uigiliis Gey. 20, 23 ceperit] coeperit Gey. 22 omnes] oms A. 36 apte] aptae Gey. 41, 1 ut fiat e.c rasura A. 4 ergo eo loco] g loco A supra litt. g litt. o eo (= ergo eo) scripis. A'. 11 quae] qua Ga. Gey. 13 cantatis] cantu eis Ga. cantu his Gey. 11 agitur] agi Gey. 20 luxta] ista Gey. || omue] omni Gey. 23 Eoleona] Eleona P. Ga. Gey. 26 Anastase] Auastasi Ga. || etiam] et iam Gey. 27 hiens] iens P. || in quo ante] inquoaute P. Ga. inchoante Ger. 29 Ibi] ubi Gey. .32 sedet] sed et Gey. 33 apte] aptae P. Gey. 31 ceperit] coeperit Gey. 35 Inbomon] Imbomon Ga. 42, 3 coeperit] ceperit Ga. 9 Benedictus] ben A. 10 quae] qui P. Ga. Gey. SANGTAE SILVIAE PEEEGRINATIO 07 42, 15 matroiie] matronae P. Ga. Gey. 26 lucernarum. Etiam] lucernarium etiam P. Gey. 27 ceperit] coeperit Gey. 28 factum] facta Gey. 43, i dicitur] dicitf A dicit A' dicit Gey. 6 autem ubi] au ubi cum sigriis tra nspositionis A ubi aiitem Gev. 15 hiuit] iuit P. || ludeos] Iiideos et Gey. 26 decima. Ibidem] decima ibidern Gey. 30 Martyri] Martyrii P. Ga. Gey. ][ uenit] uenitur Gey. 44, J: apte] aptae P. Ga. Gey. 8 itur] iitur Gey. 11 quecumque] quaecumqiie P. Ga. Gey. 13 ceperit] coeperit Gey. li accedit] acceditur Gey. || eodem] eadem sed supra lift, a litt. o scrips. AK 16 iactum] iactu^' A. iactus Ga. Gey. 22 minimus] minim ; A minimum P. Ga. 26 ducente] ducentae P. Gey. 32 liitur] itur P. 45, 1 Gessemani] Gessamaui P || ad portam] ad cruce^ portam sed uerbum cruce^ interleu. A'. 2 ciuitate] ciuitatem P. Ga. Gey. 10 confortantes] confortans P. Ga. Gey. 11 unus] un ; ex us corr. A'. 13 sextam] sexta Ga. Gey. 20 quem] quam Ga. Gey. 24 mensa] mensae Ga. 25 deauratus ex deaauratus corr. A'. 26 proferitur] profertur Gey. 29 custodent ex custodeaut corr. A'. 31 aeclinant se] acclinantes Gey. 32 pertranseant] pertranseanf A supra alteram litt. a litt. u scrijis. A'. 33 furasset] furasse de Gey. 46, 1 pertranseant] pertransean' A supra alteram litt. a litt. u scrips. A', pertranseunt P. Ga. Gey. 3 pertransierint] (ety pertransierint Gey. 4 attendent] attendunt ex attendent corr. A'. 5 secunda] secunda feria sed uerbum feria interleu. A'. 6 ostium et quae sequuntiii^'] ostium, intrans per alteram, per alterum perexiens Ga. per alteram [per alterum] perexieus Gey. 68 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY 46, 9 estus] aestus Gey. 10 grandem] grande P. Gey. 13 nichil] nihil P. M sic] sicf A sic A'. 15 de passione ex rasura A'. || apostolo] apostolis Gey. 19 passionem] de passione Gey. 24, 25 nichil] nihil P. 25 essetj esse Ga. Ge}'. 27 apte] aptae P. Ga. Gey, 29 qui non] % fl A. qui in Ga. 30 extimari] existimari Ga. aestimari Gey. 32 coeperit] ceperit Ga. 34 ac] at Ga. Gey, 35 omnes] omnia Ga. 1| ad Martyrium] ad Martyrium .... Gey. 47, 4 ponet] et ponet Ga. (ety ponet Gey. 9 ibi usque] ibi interleu. A^ ibi omis. P. 10 qui aut] quia ut Ga. 17 flunt] sunt P. 19 exient] esen' sed supra alteram litt. e Hit. i scrips. A', exierint Gey. 36 Crucem] Cruce P. 48, 5 Eleona] Eleon P. 23 ubi] ibi P. Ga. Gey. 33 ceperit] coeperit Gej'. .34 aputaotite] ap-actite A. aputactitae P.' Ga. Gey. 49, 7 benedictis] benedictis (tarn) Ga. Gey. 19 eadem] autem Gey. 29 uigilatur ex uigiliarum corr. A'. 50, 3 omnis] omis A. 4 sed] sed ut Gey. 6 linguae] linguae ■(audirentur et omnes> Gey, 10 legi] legunt Ga. Gej'. 14 Inbomon] Imtaomon P. in Inbomon Gey. 17 Christianus] Ghristianorum Gey. || quoniam] % n A. qui non P. Gey. 18 subito] subitum Gey. 21 sedet] sed et P. || interposite] interpositi Gey. 25 actus] actis P. 26 celis] caelis Ga. Gey. 28 inde et] et omis. P. 29 qua] quae P. Gey. 32 fideles etiam] fideles. Et iam Gey. SANOTAE SILVIAE PEREGEINATIO ()9 50, 36 candele] candelae P. Gey. 61, 1 duceute] ducentae Gey. 4 baluis] ualuis Gey. 7 et sic] et omis. Ga. 9, 13, 30, 81 antiphone] autiphonae P. Ga. Gev. 10 fiet] fit et Gey. 20 Sion] Syon P. Ga. 24 qua] quam P. [| nunquam] numquam Gey. 26 id est] id est -(ut)) Gey. 34 uadent clerici autem] clerici au intvrleu. A', clerici autem cotidie uicibus uadent de pullo primo P. clerici autem cotidie uicibus uadent ; clerici autem de pullo primo Gey. 36 omnibus] omibus A. 52, 4 quam] qua Gey. 9 quadragesima] quadragesimas Gey. 12 ebdomadadae] ebdomadae P. Ga. Gey. 19 ut si] at si Gey. 23 tunc] tun A. 27 domine] dominae P. Ga. Gey. |j extimaretis] existimaretis Ga. aestimaretis Gey. 28 cousuetuetudo] consuetude P. Ga. Gey. 33 stant loco etiam] stanf loco etiaf loco cum signis transpositionis supra stanf et etia^ sed alterum iierbum loco inferleu. A'. etiam loco stant P. Gey. 36 intrat, tunc] intrat omis. P. || id est sic] sic : id est Gey. 53, 2 soluens ex soluet corr. A'. 7 ratione] rationem Gey. 12 cathecismus] cathecism ; A cathecisis Ga. cathecisin P. Gey. 20 non uacat] ii uacat A. (sed n paene euanuit) non om P. Ga. 21 superius sunt] superius <^dicta)' sunt Gey. 22 superat] (eiy superat Gey. 25 uiri] uir Gey. 26 Eeddit] reddito P. Gey. reddito Ga. 28 istas] istos P. et in app. crit. perperam Gey. 30 singuli] simboli Gey. 31 uerbum] uerba Ga. Gey. || autem] aut P. ]| misterii] mysterii Ga . 32 qui] quia Gey. || cathecumini] cathecumini estis Gey. 33 extimetis] aestimetis Gey. 35 qui] quia Gey. 54, 4 imcumbens] incumbens P. Ga. Gey. 9 tante] tantae P. Ga. Gey. 11 absoluent] absoluet Gey. 70 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY 54, 13 prouncia] cfuncia A. prouincia P. Ga. Gey. | greci] grece P. Ga. graece Gey. l-i, 15, 17, 19, 21 grece] graece Gey. 16 stat ex stati^ corr. A'. 18 quecumque] quaecumque P. Ga. Gey. 21 sunt] omis. P. 22 exponitur eis] exponit episcopus Ga. 23 greci fetini] grec = latini A. {litt. e et c et \ paene euaniierujit) grecolatini P. graecolatini Gey. 24: admirabile] memorabile P. Ga. 27 sint] sunt P. Ga. 55, 3 edificauerat] aedificauerat Gey. 7 ubi] turbae Gey. || actito] aputactitum Gey. 11 laetitia] laetitiam P. Ga. Gey 12 seculares] saeculares Gey. 13 sed et] sed et de Ga. se de Gey. Itt colligunt] se colligunt Ga. 17 tante] tantae P. Ga. Gey. |j sollennitati] sollemnitati P. Ga. 19 que] quae P. Gey. Ij proposito] pposito A. praeposito P. 21 uel per] per om. Gey. \\ locis Sanctis] Sanctis om. P. In infima pagina quarta au die quae iierba in sumnia pagina sequenti scriberentur indicans scrips. A^ PREFACE. Since its first publication by Gamurrini in 1S87, the Pere- grinatio ad Loca Sancta/ attributed by liini to Sancta Silvia of Aquitania, has deservedly attracted great attention among scholars. Its interest may be said to be threefold : first, as a contribution to our knowledge of the topography of Pales- tine ; in the second place, from the light it throws upon the ritual of the early church, especially in Jerusalem ; and, finally, as a valuable addition to our sources for the study of colloquial Latin. Naturally, it is from the last point of view that the strongest appeal is made to the philologian. We find here pre- served the Latin of the latter part of the fourth century, as written in a simple and natural manner by a woman of at least moderate education, and certainly of considerable influence with the digni- taries of church and state. Her style has not been affected to any appreciable extent by the great classical models, and she probably wrote just as she spoke. It is not without interest, too, thai the Peregrinatio is the only extant Latin work of any con- siderable length written by a woman. A contribution to the study of the Latinity of this interesting piece of literature is here presented. The method employed has been, first, to make a careful collection of the instances of departure from classical usage, and then, that the proper per- spective may be gained, to make note of the extent to which, in each case, the author has also followed the classical standard ; for without such a comparison the first set of statistics would, it is clear, possess but slight value. The question that then naturally suggests itself is as to the probable source of these variations. Are they found also in the colloquial speech of earlier times ; are they due to the influence of the Latin translations of 'For the method of the identification of the author of the Peregrinatio with Sancta Silva of Aquitania see Gamurrini's first edition, pp. xxxi-xxxvii. The objections urged against this theory have appeared rather trivial. 71 72 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY the Greek Bible ; or are they peculiarities of the so-called Gallic Latin? A perfectly satisfactory answer to this question is, of course, impossible ; but an attempt at a partial solution of the problem will be made by indicating those peculiarities of the Peregrinatio in syntax or diction that are to be found also either in other literary representatives of the colloquial speech, in the Vulgate, or in Gregory of Tours, who, thanks to the labors of Bonnet, proves a valuable source for our knowledge of Gallic Latin. This investigation was begun some three years ago at the suggestion of Professor F. F. Abbott, of the University of Chi- cago, whose helpful counsel and assistance have been of the greatest value in the further progress of the work. The collec- tion of statistics was originally made from Gamurrini's second edition ; but just as this part of the work was being completed, Geyer's text appeared, and a comparison of the two editions made it evident that neither editor had closely followed the manuscript in all points, and that the two did not always agree in their reports of its readings. For the purpose of the present study, it then seemed necessary to secure an exact copy of the one manu- script of the Peregrinatio. The interest of Professor William Gardner Hale, of the University of Chicago, in the matter resulted in the visit of Mr. Washburn to Arezzo, where he made the copy of the manuscript which serves as the basis of the text of the present edition. Grateful acknowledgment should also be made of the assistance of Professor Hale in the preparation of the critical apparatus that accompanies the text. EDITIONS OF THE PEEEGRINATIO. S. Hilarii Tractatus de Mysteriis et Hymni et S. Silviae Aquitanae Peregriuatio ad Loca Saucta. Joh. Franciscus Gamurrini. Eome, LS87. S. Silviae Aquitanae Peregrinatio ad Loca Sancta. J. F. Gamurrini. Editio altera. Eome, 1888. Peregrinatio ad Loca Sancta Saeculi IV Exeuntis. Joh. Pomia- lowsky. St. Petersburg, 1889. Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum Vol. XXXVIIII Itinera Hierosolymitana Saeculi IIII-VIII. Paulus Geyer. Vienna, 1898. GENEEAL WOEKS OF EEFEEENCE. The following works have proved of especial value, and fre- quent reference is made to them in the following pages : Itala und Vulgata. Hermann Eonsch. Marburg, 1875. Le Latin de Gr^goire de Tours. Mas Bonnet. Paris, 1890. Lateinisch-romanisches Worterbuch. Gustav Korting. Paderborn, 1901. Formenlehre der lateinischen Sprache. F. Neue. Berlin, 1892. The Latin Language. W. M. Lindsay. Oxford, 1894. Word Formation in the Eoman Sermo Plebeius. F. T. Cooper. New York, 1895. Die lokalen Verschiedenheiten der lateinischen Sprache. Karl Sittl. Erlangen, 1882. Archiv fiir lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik, Vols. I-XI. Leipzig, 1884-. The Latin Pronouns Is : Hie : Iste : Ipse. C. L. Meader. New York, 1901. Keferences to the works of Gregory of Tours are to the edition in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Hannover, 188o. 73 CHAPTER I. OKTHOGEAPHY AND PEONUNCIATION. As we possess but one manuscript of the Peregrinatio, and that of comparatively late date, it is clearly impossible to deter- mine accurately how far the variations from the classical orthogra- phy are to be attributed to the author of the work and to what extent they are to be regarded as errors of the copyist. Many of these same spellings, however, are to be found in the Vulgate and in contemporaneous literature, and are known also from the works of the grammarians. CONFUSION OF VOWELS. I. C = CW. agende = agendae, 14. 31.' antiplione = antiphonae, 51. 9. 13. 30. 31. apte = aptae, 40. 36 ; 41. 33 ; 44. 4 ; 46. 27. aputaotite = aputactitae, 39. 30; 48. 34. auroclaue ~ auroolauae, 36. 13. candele = candelae, 50. 36. 06dfe=caede, 20. 30. cedat — caedat, 12. 2. conu.^rse = oonuersae, 18. 24. domine = dominae, 18. 27 ; 52. 27. Cf. dominae, 8. 6 ; 26. ,35 ; 27. 20 ; 31. 33 ; 32. 4 ; 53. 12. due — duae, 40. 13. ducente = duoentae, 44. 26 ; 51. 1. ecclesie = eoclesiae, 7. 16. edificauerunt = aedificauerunt, 13. 20; edificauerat, 55. 3. encenia = encaenia, 54. 32 ; enceniarum, 54. 28 ; 55. 2. 5. 19. estimare = aestimare, 5. 13 ; estimet, 29. 16. Ct. aestimabam, 27. 33. estus = aestuB, 46. 9. etate = aetate, 7. 20 ; 11. 12. Faranite, 12. 5. Cf. Faranitae, 12. 9. Gethe = Gethae, 21. 33. grece = graeoe, 14. 10 ; 54. 14. 15. 17. 19. 21 greco, 21. 10 ; greci, 54. 13. 23. 1 Unless otlierwis9 stated, all references are to page and line of this edition of the Teregrinatio. 75 7G STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY infinite = inflnitae, 37. 9. multe = multae, 19. 30. optitne = optimae, 21. 6. ostense = ostensae, 18. 35. parthene — parthenae, 32. 11. pure = purae, 21. 6. que = quae, 7. 2 ; 8. 25 ; 10. 10 ; 13. 33 ; 18. 16 ; 2i. 16 ; 30. 24 ; 34. 34 ; 38. 9 ; 55. 19 ; quae occurs 158 times, quecumque, 9. 9; 10. 29; 33. 32; 44. 11; 54. 18. Of. quaeoumque, 8.4; 24.26; 40.36; 45.5. quedam, 6. 29 ; 10. 26; 13. 31 ; 16. 23 ; quaedam is not found, sancte = sanctae, 29. 21. seculares = saeculares, 55. 12. septimane = septlmanae, 37. 24. Sirie = Syriae, 23. 26. taate = tantae, 54, 9 ; 55. 17. For a similar confusion of e and ae in Gregory of Tours, see Bonnet, p. 97. IT, e = oe. amsnus = amoenus, 20. 2 ; amenum, 21. 5 ; amenam, 19. 29. amenissimam, 21. 4. 36. cepi - C03pi, 7. 36 ; 22. 3 ; capimus, 6. 33 ; 8. 18 ; 16. 32 ; 18. G ; 21. 4 ; 22. 13. ceperit, 32. 18 ; 34. 17 ; 40. 20. 23 ; 41. 34 ; 42. 27 ; 41. 13 ; 48. 33. ceperunt, 10. 5 ; ceptum, 16. 32. Compare coepi, 21. 2 ; coepit, 9. 5 ; coeperit, 35. 7 ; 42. 3 ; 46. 32. See Bonnet, p. lOi. III. ae = e. aecclesia = ecclesia, 6. 31 ; 7. 13. 25 ; 29. 31 ; ecclesia occurs 112 times. In Gregory of Tours aecclesia is found seven times, cotidiae = ootidie, 33. 29. Libiadae = Libiade, 16. 34. IV i = y. archiotipa = archetypa, 24. 36 ; 26. 13. Written also archiotepam, 24. 30. Cf. typo, 42. 13. giro = gyro, 6. 9 ; 7. 30 ; 8. 7 ; 20. 24 ; 25. 23 ; 40. 35 ; 45. 24. 29. 34 ; 52. 32. girum, 6. 14. 35 ; 8. 36 ; 14. 5 ; 19. 35. girata, 10. 17 ; girant, 25. 11 ; pergirarent, 25. 20. Compare the caution "gyrus, non girus,'' Probi Appendix Keil, iv, p. 197. martiriorun = martyriorum, 38. 19. Martyrium occurs frequently; see Chap. V. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 77 misterii = mysterii, 53. 31 ; misteria, 53. 35 ; 5d. 7. 11. Misterium is found twice in Gregory of Tours, simbolum = Bymbolum, 53. 6. 8. 26. ■ simboli, 53. 6 ; simbolo, 53. 27. Sion, 38. 24; 39. 2, Ct. Syon, 3-5. 28. 29, and fourteen other occur- rences. Siri = Syri, 28. 34. 36 ; 30. 6. 8 ; Siria, 23. 26 ; 24. 4. Ct. Syri, 28. 33, and Syriae, 23. 7. In Gregory, y is almost entirely displaced by i. See Bonnet, p. 140. V. (( = an. clusam — clausam, 25. 23. Cf. clausis, 48. 21, and clauduntur, 54. 8. cludere is frequent in the Vulgate ; see also Petronius, 63. THE ASPIRATE. I. Absence of initial aspirate. abitationes = habitationes,,10. 15 ; abitationibus, 10. 16. Cf. habitationibus, 16. 9; habitationem, 14.4; and habi- tauerant, 29. 3. ebdomadarum = hebdomadarum, 37. 31 ; ebdomadas, 39.26; ebdo- madarios, 39. 14. Compare also the derivative form domadarios, 39. 12. Hebdomadae is not found in the Peregrinatio. eortae = heortae, 37. 30. olesericae = holosericae 36. 14 ; oleserica, 36. 13. This same form occurs also in Gregory of Tours, H. F. 6. 10, p. 255. ospitium = hospitium, 36. 6. ymaus (=:hymQus) occurs seventy-two times; the form with the aspirate not at all. II. Incorrect initial aspirate. habuadans= abundans, 24. 9; habundantem, 19. 29. Compare abundantem, 9. 19, and abundans, 23. 30. Habundare is found three times in Gregory, hac sic = ao sic, 7. 3. 24. 34 ; 9. 3. Ac sic is foand forty times, heramento — aeramento, 20. 27. heremum = eremum, 12. 4. 33 ; 22. 19 ; 28. 8. heremi, 12. 5. 22 ; heremo, 12. 33 ; 17. 18. hiuit = iuit, 43. 15 ; hiens, 19. 28 ; 41. 27 ; hitur, .36. 25 ; 44. 32. Itur occurs ten times, while other forms of the verb with- out the aspirate are common. hornatuB = ornatus, 36. 36. Compare ornatus, 36. 10; 37.2; 47.34; 55.20; ornatu,36.17. iS STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY hostium = ostium, 7. 14. 35 ; 8. 24 ; 18. 9 ; 34. 16. hostio, 18. 13; hostia, 32. 10; 34. 6; 35. 8. Compare oetium, 46. 6 ; ostiis, 48. 22 ; ostia, 54. 8. See the Vulgate, Jolin 18 : 16. The pronominal forms hii and hisdem are, perhaps, to be added to this group. III. Incorrect initial aspirate, with prosthesis, forming an addi- tional syllable. hispatii = spatii, 17. 32. IV Omission of medial aspirate. protraitur = protrahitur, 35. 17. For a discussion of the confusion of the forms with and without the aspirate, and the evidences in Roman litera- ture, from the celebrated epigram of Catullus down to the Appendix Probi, see Lindsay's Latin Language, pp. 54flE. Not a trace of initial or medial h appears in the Romance languages. CONFUSION OF CONSONANTS. I. Confusion of b and v. annotavimus = annotabimus, 35. 20. Cf . 35. 29. Similar futures are found in Gregory ; see Bonnet, p. 166. lebat = leuat, 33. 5. But leuat, 42. 6, and leuatis, 25. 16. baluis = ualuis, 51.4. In evidence of similar confusion, see Probi Appendix, 199.22; 200.9; 201.4; 202.19. This phenomenon is also found frequently in Christian inscriptions from Gaul, e. g.,. bixit for uixit. II. ch for h. michi = mihi. This is the invariable spelling where the word is written in full. In many places in the manuscript it appears as the abbreviation m. nichil = nihil, 7. 22; 14. 7; 18. 23; 30. 33; 36. 12; 46. 13. 24. 25. nichilominus,' 22. 11. III. (■ for qii. secuntur ' = sequuntur, 35. 32. Compare sequantur, 53. 9. Also qu for c. quooperta = oooperta, 18. 29. > This is really the better form. See Berau, Die Gutteralen. SAXCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGKINATIO 71J Compare cooperit, 18. 34. Quo and co are interchangeable in Gregory. See Bonnet, p. 139. qu for ch. in quo ante = inchoaute, il. 27. Compare inchoans, 52. 36, and inchoantur, 52. 11. IV. di for z. baptidiare — baptizare. baptidiati, 47. 18; 48. 9; 53. 34; baptidiantur, 52. 7. baptidiandi, 52. 33. Compare baptizasse, 20. 33; baptizandi, 21. 19.' baptizarentur, 21. 20; baptizati, 21. 23. Y f iov ph. neotiti = neophyti, 54. 7. VI. / for d final. aput - apud, 30. 36 ; 47. 24. 30. Compare apud, 23. 11 ; 37. 22, illut = illud, 8. 13. Compare illud, 5. 26 ; 8. 6 ; 26. 6. VII. d for / final. aliquod = aliquot, 15. 25; 25. 24. Compare aliquot, 18. 32; 23. 26; 24. 5. So, quod (or quot in Gregory of Tours. See also Probi Appendix, 202. 37. ad = at. Et ad ubi, 33. 4. Compare Et at ubi, 33. 10. OMISSION IX FIXAL LETTERS. The dropping of final m and s has played an important part in bringing about the confusion that exists in the case govern- ment of prepositions, a point that will be discussed in the fourth chapter. Other instances of this familiar phenomenon of the popular Latin are noted here : I. Dropping of m final in nouns or adjectives. uallem infinitam ingens planissima, 5. 3. que ad modum, 9. 33. licet terra Gesse iam nosse, 12. 23. 1 The distribution qf the^e forms in di and z in two distinct portions of the manuscript is noteworthy. so STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY memoriam ualde pulchra Bed facta, 26. 25. locum iuxta puteum iacente, 29. 26. ut statiua quam factura eram ibi facerem, 30. 32. cuius simboli rationem similiter sicut omnium scripturarum ratione esponet, 53. 6. II. Dropping of to final in verb forms. nosse = nossem, 12. 23 ; 15. 17. uenisse = uenisssm, 23. i. accedere = accederem, 23. 7 ; 30. 21. III. Dropping of s final. piscibus quale ego adhuc nunquam uidi, 25. 3. ■' OTHER EBRORS IN SPELLING. calciamentum for calceamentum, 9. 22 ; 10. 2. oportunum for opportunum, 23. 20. ASSIMILATION. There is so striking a lack of uniformity in respect to the assimilated and unassimilated forms in our manuscript as to render it probable that in some instances the spelling of the archetype was followed, while in others the scribe was influenced by his own habit. Geyer (Preface, p. ix) thinks that in the archetype assimilation was disregarded. The following instances of departure from the classical spelling are noted : I. Unassimilated forms. adparuit, 22. 25. Compare apparet, 18. 24 ; 25. 36 ; apparuit, 26. 1. adtenduntur, 37. 22. Compare attenduntur, 37. 23. 24 ; 47. 31 ; 55. 6 ; attendi- tur, 27. 28 ; attendent, 46. 4 ; attendunt, 12. 8 ; attendimus, 28. 12. conpetens, 52. 14. Compare competens, 20. 15 ; 29. 25. inbecillitate, 7. 20 ; 11. 12. inmorati, 11. 3. Compare immorata, 24.2; immorari, 11.31; also com- morari, 5. 17 and elsewhere, inperfecta, 22. 30. Compare impediti, 7. 21 ; impensissimam, 8. 28. inpossibile, 27. 3i. inpugnant, 25. 15. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 81 nunquam, 6. 14 ; 25. 3. 21 ; 37. 26 ; i3. 33 ; 51. 18. 24 ; 54. 16. nunquid, 31. 3; 36, 16. sollennibus, 35. 19; soUennitati, 55. 17. Compare soUemnitate, .37. 8. Ponpeiopolim for Pompeiopolim, 30. 24, seems to be an instaiice of false analogy, as it the first syllable were a preposition. II. Assimilated forms. aliquandiu, 11. 1 ; 21. 28. 29; 48. 30. tandiu, 11.3. quandiu, 15. 2. optulit, 20. 8. 22; optulerunt, 37. 18. quendam, 5. 2 ; quandam, 30. 23. An instance of the assimilation of n final is found in forsitam mille, 30. 31. On the other hand, we meet forsitan miliario in 17. 3. To this list might be added also the proper name, Imbc- mon (for Inbomon), 48. 13. 32; 50. 19. CHAPTER II. WORD FORMATION. Many of the formations characteristic of the colloquial speech, especially the prepositional verb-compounds, are found in the Peregrinatio. For the history of each group, reference is made to Cooper's Word Formation in the Roman Sermo Plebeius. NODNS. I. Nouns in -tor. Cooper, p. 58. deductor ; guide. ut tamen commonuerant deduotores sancti, 5. 7. notor; guide qui erant loci notores, 18. 7. Sancti id est loci notores, 22. 6. II. Nouns in -tio and -sio. See Cooper, pp. 3 ff. actio; Acts of the Apostles. legitur siue de epistulis apostolorum uel de actionibus, 46. 16. uisio ; visit. propter uisionem sanctorum illorum, 28. o. AD.JECTIVBS. I. Compounds with per. Cooper, pp. 252 ff. perlustres, 25. 4.. permodica, 14. 12; permodici, 6. 18. See Celsus, i. 2 ; also Suetonius, and Ulpian in tlie Digest. II. Compounds with sub. Cooper, pp. 256 ff. subdiuanus* = sanctus. locus subdiuanus est, 46. 9. Bublinteatus.* mensa sublinteata ; with a linen cloth, 45. 24. It will be noticed that in both of these adjectives the usual diminutive force of the preposition sub in competi- tion is not apparent. *Not found ia Harper's Latin Lexicon. 82 fiAXCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEIXATIO 83 III. Adjectives ending in -acus. ebriaeus = ebriosus. si ebriaeus noii est, 52. 18. Cf. Laberius apud Nonium, 108. In the Romance lan- guages, it is represented by the Italian briaco and the Old Spanish embriago. The termination may possibly be influ- enced by the Greek -aras. IV. Adjectives in -anus. Cooper, pp. 14:4 ff. biduanus* = biduus. qui autem nee hoe potest, biduanas facit per totas quadragesi- mas; "fasts two days through the whole season of Lent," 39. 36. Compare seeundanus : Martianus Capella, 1. 47. medianus* = medius. tamen ille medianus mons, 6. 15. 20 ; also 7. 2. 21. 29 ; 8. 8. 10. 12. See Vitruvius, 5. 1.6 ; Ulpian in the Digest. It is repre- sented by the Italian mezzano and the Spanish mediano. quintanus = quintus. quintana pars ; one of the entrances to a church, apertis baluis maioribus quae sunt de quintana parte, 51. 5. See Isodorus, Et., XV, c. 2. septimana,' a translation of hebdomas, a week, 30. 15 ; 37. 23. 21. 27 ;, 39. 10, 14. 25. 34 ; 40. 8. 11. 12. 14. 16. 18 ; 41. 11. 12. 20 ; 46. 36 ; 47. 1 ; 52. 9 ; 53. 5. 18. 19. 20. 22. 28. triduanum =triduum. triduano facto, 27. 1 ; also statiua triduana, 24. 19 ; 31. 17. The following unusual forms are especially to be noted : fortuitu — fortuito, 14. 29. Fortuito occurs in 38. 21. Fortuitu is a form frequently found in manuscripts. See Xeue Formenlehre, II, p. 623, and Priscian Keil, III, 79. 19. suso, 20. 12 ; susum, 33. 3; susu, 44. 8 ; 48. 32. Sursum is not found in the Peregrinatio. Susum is frequent in the Vulgate. See Roensch, pp. 460. 461. taliter. quae taliter exponuntur, 5.3. 16. Compare Martial, 5.7.3; Pliny, N. H , 35.11.40; Vul- gate, 1 Kings 14 : 9 ; 2 Esdras 8 : 17 ; Ps, 147 1 8 ; Heb. 10 : 33 ; also qualitercuraque, Justinian Institutes, I, 25. 16. 1 See Vulgate, 2 Mach. 12;. 31. 84 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY VERBS COMPOUNDED WITH PEEPOSITIONS. With con-prefix. See Cooper, pp. 262 ff . conflgere, 11. 5. Found also in Cato and in Cicero's Letters, collaudare, 54. 10. Found also in Plautus and in Cicero's Letters, commanere, 7. 22 ; 17. 8. 22 ; 19. 36 ; 24. 20 ; 29. 28. Compare Augustin, Civ. Dei, 22. 8; Gregory, Mart., 38, p. 513. commonere, 5. 7 ; 16. 34 ; 22. 20 ; 32. 27 ; 33. 2. 16. Found also in Plautus and in Cicero's Letters, commorari, 5. 17 ; 6. 30. 33 ; 7. 19 ; 11. 1. 18. 26 ; 16. 10 ; 28. 11. Found also in Plautus and in Cicero's Letters, commouere, 54. 12. Found also in Plautus and in Cicero's Letters, contristari, 54. 22. With in-pretix. immorari, 11. 3. 31 ; 24. 2. Witli per-prefix. See Cooper, pp. 284 ff. peraccedere, 16. 22. Used three times by Gregory of Tours. "", perambulare, 11. 21 ; 31. 28. Plautus Most, 809; also Varro, Lucretius, Catullus, Horace, Phaedrus, Seneca, and the Vulgate, percurrere, 22. 10 ; 53. 1. perdescendere, 9. 15. perdicere, 33. 10. perdiscoperire, 22. 25. perducere, 33. 4. perexire, 9. 6 ; 17. 21 ; 21. 34 ; 30. 31 ; 46. 7. See Latin Version of Irenaeus contra Haereses, II, praef. 1. perintrare, 25. 2. periungere, 8. 19. perlegere, 43. 5. 6 ; 44. 20 ; 49. 6. persubire, 7. 14. pertransire, 45. 32 ; 46. 1. 3. See Pliny, N. H., 37. 5. 68. Frequent in the Vulgate and in Gregory of Tours. peruenire, 5. 1 ; 6. 25. 26. 28 ; 7. 8. 14 ; 9. 15. 23 ; 11. 29. 34 ; 12. 25 ; 13. 7. 32 ; 15. 14. 22. 24 ; 16. 1. 7. 32. 33 ; 17. 25. 29 ; 21. 5 ; 23. 27. 33 ; 24. 5. 11. 12 ; 26. 33 ; 30. 17. 23. 26. 27 ; 31. 18. 22, 25 ; 33. 20 ; 35. 33 ; 36. 2 ; 42. 17 ; 44. 27. 33 ; 48. 35 ; 50. 35 ; 51. 3. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEREGEINATIO 85 In many instances, peruenire is not to be distinguished in meaning from the simple verb, as may be seen by a com- parison of "In eo ergo loco cum uenitur," 5. 6, with "Et in eo ergo loco cum peruenissemus," 9. 23. peruidere, 10. 34 ; 12. 2i ; 13. 4 ; 30. 10. peruigilare, 37. 6 ; 47. 6. 7. 12. In this list, the following bi-prepositional compounds are included r perexire, persubire, pertransire. CHAPTER III. FOEMS. As one would naturally expect from the history of colloquial Latin, the departures from the classical usage are in the Peregri- uatio much less frequent in forms than in syntax. EREOHS IN DECLENSION. I. Confusion of the neuter plural of the second with the first declension. uirgultas for uirgulta, 9. 14. This confusion has had great influence in modern French. See H. Suchier, Archiv., Ill, 161 S. II. Confusion of second and third declensions, diaconus is thus declined : diaconus, 33. 10. 13. 16 ; 35. 12 ; 46. 3. diacono, 33. 7. diacones, 32. 16 ; 34. 1. 27 ; 42. 1 ; 45. 24. 28. diaconibuB, 15. .36; 33. 6; .34. 10; 45. 33. Diacones is found in the Vulgate, 1 Tim. 3:12; diaconibus; in Cyprian, Ep. 20. 2; 31. 6; 59. 21. For the forms diaconis (gen. sing.), diaconem, diaconibus, in Gregory of Tours, see Bonnet, p. 371. Corpo as the ablative singular of corpus is found in 32. 1. Cor- pore, the classical form, is used three times: 22.27; 29.15; 32.5. Martyr, in the genitive plural, has the forms of both the second and the third declension : martyrorum, .38. 22, and martyrum, 28.7. III. Confusion of second and fourth declensions. passos = passus, 5. 14 ; 30. 4. The regular accusative plural, passus, is found in 12. 2. 3 ; 22, 24; 28. 14. 30; 30. 31; 36. 34; 40. 27. In 14. 1, passus is the nominative plural, iusso = iussu, 22. 8; 25.32. 86 SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 87 IV. Confusion of the third and fourth declensions. noctu = nocte ; de noctu, 38. 15. Compare de noote, 28. 8. It would perhaps be more exact to speak of noctu as an ablative of an old form, noctus, parallel to nox. In classical Latin it occurs only as an abverb and usually in combina- tion with diu. V. Parallel forms of declension. Persae, 25. 15. 28. 31. 33 ; 29. 9 ; and Persarum, 25. 18 ; 29. 11 ; but Persi, 25. 11. GREEK ACCUSATIVE. (See Chap. V.) COMPARATIVE OF THE ADJECTIVE. iuueniores = iuniores, 47. 10. This form is frequent in Silver Latin. See Neue Formen- lehre, II, p. 242. IRREGULAR FORMS OF THE PRONOUN. ipsud = ipsum, 13. 22 ; 23. 15 ; 33. 34 ; 39. 36 ; 50. 7. ipsum (neuter) occurs in 12. 29 and 13. 7. See Neue Formenlehre, II, p. 408. Both ipsud and ipsut are found in the Vulgate, hae = haec. hae fundamenta, 20. 25. hii = ii, 25. 31 ; 26. 6. 11, 14; 32. 12. It is possible that this may be a form of hie. hi is found in 6. 13 ; 25. 32 ; 39. 12. 13. 25 ; 52. 7. hisdem = iisdem, 42. 10 ; 51. 24 ; 53. 9 ; 55. 14. 17. Compare isdem, 55. 13. There is a possibility that hisdem may represent his with the enclitic dem added. IRREGULAR VERB FORMS. In Gregory of Tours there is a marked tendency to inflect verbs of other conjugations (especially those of the third in -io) after the analogy of the fourth. See Bonnet, pp. 426 fP. In the Peregrinatio, however, the greater number of errors seem to be due to the intrusion of the second-conjugation forms. 8 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY PRESENT INDICATIVE. I. First conjugation. ambuletur, 12. 4. This may be intended as a subjunctive through the influence of the preceding result clause. Elsewhere the regular forms of this verb are used, manducent, 39. 29. Compare manducant, 39. 16. 27. 32 ; 40. 1; and manducare^ 41. 27. Manducent, 39. 15. 24, and manduoet, 44. 1, are subjunc- tive forms, uigiletur, 51. 26. Compare uigilat, 47.23; uigilatur, 49. 29; uigilant, 34. 27 ; 47. 8. 9. 10 ; and peruigilant, 37. 6 ; 47. 12. Peruigiletur, 47. 6. 7, is a subjunctive. II. Second conjugation. responduntur, 32. 14. Perhaps by analogy with the preceding verb, dicuntur et responduntur. Compare respondent, 34. 9. seditur, 41. 36. Compare sedetur, 48. 30 ; sedent, 33. 3. 35 ; 34. 35 ; 52. 13. 32. 35 ; sedet, 24. 10 ; 32. 28 ; 33. 3 ; 41. 32 ; 45. 21 ; 50. 20. 21 ; 53. 15 ; residet, 45. 23. Sedit, in 21. 32 ; 22. 7, is a perfect. III. Third conjugation. absoluent, 54. 11. Compare absoluant, a present subjunctive, 39. 12. 18. aocedet, 34. 16 ; 54, 6. accedent, 35. 15. Compare accedunt, 32. 24 ; 34. 23 ; 51. 15 ; 52. 28 ; accedi- tur, 32. 31 ; 33. 25 ; and accedit, 44. 14. In 52. 25 accedet is a future indicative, ascendet, 41. 31. ascendent, 48. 11. Compare ascenduntur, 6. 34; ascendit, 48. 29; and ascenditur, 50. 15. attendent, 46. 4. Compare attendite, 18. 11; attenditur, 27. 28; attendi- mus, 28. 12; attenduntur, 37. 22. 23. 24; 47. 31; 55. 6; adtendunt, 12. 8; 28. 15. ooUiget, 32. 33 ; 33. 31 ; 34. 3 ; 43. 23 ; 46. 12. colligent, 36. 9 ; 37. 9 ; 42. 24. descendet, 32. 27; 33. 2; 34. 5. descendent, 32. 11. 26 ; 44. 22. Compare descenditur, 48. 16 ; 50. 28. 32. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGKINATIO 89 dicet, 32. 20. 22 ; 33. 11, U ; 34. 8 ; 41. 22 ; 43. 28 ; 44. 11. 12 ; 50. 13 ; 53. 27 ; 54. 25. dicent, 14. 9. Regular present indicative forms of dico are found sixty- five times, benedicet, 32. 22. 24. ,30; 33. 17. 21; 35. 13. Compare benedicit, 33. 22; 34. 22; and benediountur, used thirteen times, ducet, 48. 19. ducent, 50. 3. adducetur, 38. 36. deduoet, .38. 28 ; deducetur, 42. 13. Compare ducitur, 34. 20 ; 42. 29 ; 53. 17 ; ducunt, 35. 6 ; 49. 2 ; 51. 11 ; ducuntur, 47. 20 ; deducunt, 42. 16 ; 48. 34 ; adducitur, 45. 4 ; deducitur, 41. 24 ; 45. 1. includet, 31. 6. This verb does not occur elsewhere in the Peregrinatio. leget, 34. 16 ; 41. 2 ; 43. 3 ; 51. 27. legent, 36. 23. perleget, 43. 5. Regular forms of the present indicative of lego occur thirty-two times, mittet, 9. 14 ; 33. 13. 16 ; 35. 12 ; 41. 19. 22 ; 43. 27. dimittetur, 47. 29. Compare mittit, 8. 14 ; 15. 5 ; 40. 22 ; 46. 2 ; 50. 12 ; mittitur, 47. 6 ; dimittitur, 42. 19. occurrent, 40. 29 ; 50. 36. also percurret, 53. 1. Occurrit is a perfect form in 7. 15 ; 20. 31 ; 40. 28. 31. ponet, 47. 4 ; ponent, 12. 6. exponet, 53. 7. 8 ; 54. 5 ; reponent, 34. 30. Compare ponunt, 7. 31 ; ponitur, 45. 22. 23. 26 ; 46. 13 ; 52. 31 ; 53. 24 ; interponuntur, 46. 26 ; 50. 23 ; exponuntur, 53. 14. 16 ; 54. 18 ; exponunt, 54. 23 ; exponitur, 54. 22. premet, 45. 28. This verb does not occur elsewhere in the Peregrinatio. prendet, 34. 15. Compare comprehenditur, 41. 8. reddet, 53. 26. There is no other present indicative form of this verb in the Peregrinatio. requiret, 52. 19. Compare requiris, 29. 5. tendent, 12. 7. Compare tenditur, 9. .31 ; tendunt, 21. 13. tollent, 14. 14. There is no other present indicative form of this verb in the Peregrinatio. 90 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY uadent, 14. 13 ; 33. 23 ; 35. 32 ; 36. 6 ; 42. 36 ; 44. 1 ; 45. 19 ; 50. 18 ; 51. 33. 34, uadet, 33. 20 ; 51. 35 ; 53. 25. Compare uadunt, 49. 21. Third conjugation in io. accipient, 53. 5. Compare accipit, 43. 2. 14. incipient, 33. 18. Compare incipitur, 11. 36; incipit,36.1 ; 39.9; 44.33; 45. 3. incipiunt, 32. 18 ; 55. 6. The passive indicative of facio. facitur, 43. 26. fiat, 35. 30. The text, however, is incomplete. fiet, 37. 34 ; 51. 10. fit occurs ninety times and fiunt thirteen times. FOURTH CONJUGATION. custodiatur, 35. 19. custodent, 45. 29. Compare custoditur, 23. 15 ; 45. 29. 34 ; custodiatur is a subjunctive in 26. 22. There is, perhaps, a first-conjugation verb derived from custodia, as we may infer from the imper- fect custodiabatur in the Vulgate, Luke 8 :29. lEREGULAE VERBS. exient = exeunt, 47. 19. Compare exit, 25. 6 ; 34. 20. deferet, 52. 18. offeret, 40. 21 ; 43. 31 ; 47. 27 ; offeritur, 43. 33. proferitur, 45. 26. Compare offertur, 49. 36 ; 50. 11 ; profertur, 36. 15 ; affer- tur, 32. 35 ; 45. 24 ; inferuntur, 34. 13. The present indicative forms afleret and auferet occur in the Vulgate. INCOEEECT IMPERFECT INDICATIVE. eminerat = eminebat, 18. 17. A form, confringeram, is found in Gregory, H. F., 8. 15, p. 335, which is, however, probably intended for a plu- perfect. INCOEEECT FUTURE INDICATIVE peruidet, 10. 34. Sed cum leget affectio uestra libros sanctos Moysi, omnia diligentius peruidet. Peruidet is probably influenced SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 91 by the preceding leget and is intended as a genuine future ; thus it is to be distinguished from the several Instances of the use of the present indicative with the force of a future. IXCOEEECT PERFECT INDICATIVE. arguet, 49. 5. The verb does not occur elsewhere in the Peregrinatio. ei for iui, 15. 3. The text is, however, In doubt. See Critical Apparatus. INCORRECT PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE. acclinant, 45. 31. The only other form of this verb is acclinantes, 45. 36. accedet, 52. 23. Emendet se et cum emendauerit se, tunc accedet ad lauacrum. Here accedet may be influenced by the pre- ceding emendet. INCORRECT PERFECT PASSIVE PARTICIPLE. ostensus from ostendo. ostensuB, 11. 4; 16. 4; 18. 25; 19. 10; 22. 22. 23; 30. 3. 8. ostensa, 10. 31; 11. 4; 13. 20; 19. 2; 30. 7. ostensum, 13. 8. 12. 16; 18. 2; ostense, 18. ,35. See Servius to Verg. Georgics, I, 248: "Veteres parti- cipium ostentus, non ostensus dicebant." uenitum = uentum, 39. 2. Compare uentum, 40. 33 ; 42. 18 ; 43. 1 ; 45. 2 ; 47. 2 ; 48. 19 ; 49. 3; 50. 5. 30; 51. 8. 12; peruentum, 33. 20; 36. 2; 44. 27. PARTICIPLE ENDING IN O FOR UM. subito fuerit, 50. 18. This error is undoubtedly the consequence of the drop- ping of the final m. dormito = dormitum ; reponent se dormito, 34. 30. This is the only instance of the supine in the Peregri- natio. It is a striking coincidence that the only accusative supine used by Gregory of Tours has a similar termination, H. F., 5. 15, p. 207, ulto irent. ACTIVE VERB AS A DEPONENT. optati sumus, 17. 4. No other form of the verb occurs in this work. 92 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY DEPONENT VEBBS IN THE ACTIVE. egredere = egredi, 18. 7. Compare egressi sumus, 7. 35 ; 18. 12 ; 27. 15 ; egreditur, 35. 15; egredienti, 35. 15. See egredire, Gregory, H. F., 9. 10, p. 367, and egrederes, Patr., 10. 2, p. 707. furasset, 45. 33; dicitur quidam fixisse morsum at furasset sancto ligno. The text is clearly corrupt; but a natural emendation is that of Gayer, furasse de. An active form is at any rate evi- dently intended. The verb does not occur elsewhere in the Peregrinatio. Gregory of Tours uses the active forms, furauit and furauerat. CHAPTEE IV. SYNTAX. A. — Syntax- of the Xouu. PREPOSITIONAL PHEASES. The confusion between the accusative and the ablative in the case government of prepositions is one of the striking phe- nomena of popular Latin, especially in the later period. The most probable explanation seems to be found in the dropping of the final m, which would thus in many instances render impos- sible any distinction between the accusative and the ablative. For a discussion of this point, see the article of Diehl, "De m finali epigraphica," in Fleckeisen's Jahrbiicher, 1899, Supple- ment-Band XXV, Heft 1. It is evident that in many of the examples from the Peregrinatio the ablative cannot be explained as the accusative incorrectly written or .pronounced ; e. g., ad Charris in monasteriis ; yet these instances are relatively few, and it is quite conceivable that the confusion began with those nouns the accusative of which, owing to the silent final m, could not be distinguished from the ablative, and then, naturally enough, was extended to other words. Thus, the feeling for the case con- struction being in large part lost, it is not strange that a tendency in the opposite direction makes itself felt and the accusative sometimes takes the place of the ablative. It is quite in accord with this theory that, as will be shown by statistics later, in both the Peregrinatio and in Gregory of Tours, the greater number of the cases of irregularity are due to the intrusion of the ablative into the sphere of the accusative. The following prepositions are used with the regular case construction without any excep- tion — apud, ex, extra, infra, prae, sub, subter, supra, trans, ultra. Secundum is found but once as a preposition, and then correctly with the accusative, in 34. 33. 93 94 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY These prepositions are used in irregular constructions : I. A or ab : a) With the accusative. a monazontes, 37. 3. b) With the ablative, fifty-five times. Ab is found with the accusative in the Vulgate,' John 5 :13, 24, and elsewhere. II. Ad: a) With the' ablative. ad Anastase, 38. 3. 15. 36 ; 39. 8 ; 41. 9. 25 ; 42. 14. 18. 21. 29. 34 43. 12. 21. 31 ; 47. 2. 6. 20. 26. 35 ; 48. 4. 5. 16. 35. 36 ; 49. 1. 12. 16 ; 51. 8. 18. 26 ; 53. 17 ; 54. 3. 6. 30. ad Carris, 27. 2. ad sexta, 32. 31; 38. 16; 42, 22; 43. 22; 47. 15; 49. 13. ad tertia, 38. 9; 42. 22; 43. 21; 47. 14; 53. 18. ad nona, 38. 18. 22. 24 ; 42. 23 ; 46. 13 ; 52. 3. ad sera, 40. 1. ad hora quinta, 44. 3. ad quinquagesima, 49. 10. ad ecclesia maiore, 51. 2. ad die, 53. 18. ad tantam laetitia, 55. 11. b) With the nominative. ad minimus infans, 44. 21. c) With proper names not declined. ad Joseph, 13.34; ad Abraam, 27,4; ad Nisibin, 29. 6; ad Hur, 29. 7 ; ad Eleona, 48. 29 ; ad Syon, 49. 2 ; 51. 12. d) With the accusative. ad with the accusative is found 274 times, including all the phrases cited above with the ablative, e. g., ad Anasta- sim (eleven times) and ad Anastasem (four times). III. Ante: o) With the ablative. ante pascha, 37. 22. 23. ante sole, 39. 18. Compare ante solem, 39, 5. 8. 11. 1 The references to the Vulgate in this chapter are taken from Roeusch and refer to the so-called Versio .\iitiqua. There is naturally great diversity of spelling in the older manuscripts, and in many instances the classical form is found in Sabatier, Latinae Vorsiones Antiquae. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 95 ante Cruce, 46. 13 ; 48. 6. Compare ante Crucem, 33. 24. 2.3. 28 ; 45. 2, 16 ; 46. 9. de ante Cruoe, 46. 34. ante hora tertia, 50. 2. b) With the accusative. ante is found with the accusative thirty-three times. c) The adverb ante occurs six times. Ante with the ablative, in the Vulgate, Ps. 71 ; 7 and Matt. 24 : 38. IV. Cata — Greek Kara : a) With the accusative. cata mansiones, 12. 33. cata singulos ymnos, 32. 14. 17 ; 33. 36. cata singulos psalmos, 34. 26. euangelio cata Johannem, 46. 33. b) With the ablative. euangelio in cata Matheo, 43. 4. cata pascha, 21. 18. V. Circa : o) With the ablative, circa puteo, 29. 28. b) With the accusative six times. Circa with the ablative is frequent in the Vulgate, Matt. 3:5; 20 : 3 ; 27 : 46 ; Mark 6 : 48 ; and elsewhere. VI. Contra: a) With the ablative. contra ipso loco, 25. 29. b) With the accusative twice. c) With proper name not declined. contra Jericho, 16. 13. cl) The adverb contra occurs ten times. VII. Cum: o) With the accusative. cum epistolam, 26. 21. CE. cum epistola, 26. 17. cum monazontes, 32. 16. Monazontes is found in this form only. So a mona- zontes, 37. 3. 96 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY b) With the ablative, ninety-four times. Several instances of the accusative construction are found in the Vulgate, e. g., cum publicanis et peccatores, Matt. 9 : 11. VIII. De: a ] With the accusative. de 80 torrentem, 22, 8. de lerapolim, 23. 32. de cancellos, 32. 30, influenced, perhaps, by de intro cancellos, 32. 23. de Anastasim, 33. 19. de martyrium, 47. 2. Compare de martyrio, 48. 4. de actus, 50. 5. 25. de hoc ipsud, 50. 7. 6) With the ablative, 208 times. c) With proper names not declined. de Hero, 13. 32 ; de Tathnis, 15. 21 ; de lerusolima, 15. 36 ; 19. 23 ; 23. 18 ; 40. 26 ; de Nabau, 17. 7 ; de Segor, 18 31. 33 ; de Tharso, 30. 19. 23 ; de Sion, 39. 2 ; 40. 9 ; de Imbomon, 44. 14. De is found several times with the accusative in the Vulgate. IX. Poras: a) With the ablative. foras ecclesia, 54. 10. 6) With the accusative. foras hostium, 7. 35 ; 18. 9. toras ciuitatem, 25. 17 ; 27. 11. 20. c) As an adverb. 18. 13 ; 27. 16 ; 33. 33 ; 52. 22. Both foras and foris are used with the accusative in the Vulgate. See Matt. 23 : 26 ; Acts 16 : 13 ; Apoc. 11:2. X. In: a) In with the ablative instead of the accusative. in loco, 5. 6 ; 9. 22 ; 11. .35 ; 12. 11 ; 15. 29 ; 28. 21. 22 ; 41. 35 ; 44.9; 45. 16; 48.21; 50. 19. in quo, 6. 15. 20 ; 15. 29 ; 19. 11. in illo, 6. 16. in Bummitate, 7. 14. SANOTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 97 in qua, 8. 19. in alio monte, 8. 19. in porta, 10. 19. in monte, 11. 12 ; 41. 31 ; 50. 18. in monasteriis, 11. li. 23 ; 30. 2. in quo loco, 12. 11. in terra, 13. 35 (three times), a quotation from tlie Bible ; but the Vulgate reads " in terram." in honore, 14. 10. in Pelusio, 15. 5. in ciuitate, 15. 14 ; 25. 22. in eodem campo, 16. 22. in ducentis passibus, 20. 36. usque in hodierna die, 21. 18. in alio loco, 22. 28. in caelis, 23. 12; 41. 35 ; 44. 9 ; 48. 14 ; 50. 20. 26 ; 55. 25. in interiori parte, 25. 2. in patria, 26. 33. 35. in Charra, 27. 6. 26 ; 28. 23. Compare in Charram, 27. 5. in ipsa ecclesia, 27. 13 ; 36. 28. usque in luce, 32. 13. in ecclesia maiore, 34. 32 ; 35. 26 ; 36. 9 ; 41. 15. 22 ; 42. 23 ; 48. 2. 7 ; 49. 15. 33 ; 53. 23 ; 55. 23. in A(na)stase, 36. 2 ; 37. 12 ; 38. 29 ; 42. 30 ; 54. 8. in templo, 37. 16. in Lazario, 40. 23. 33. in altiori loco, 41. 2. in quinta teria, 41. 7. in septimana, 41. 11. in ecclesia, 42. 36 ; 43. 28 ; 44. 2 ; 51. 6 ; 55. 24. in spelunca, 43. 12. in lacrimis, 34. 19 ; 43. 17. in mensa, 45. 26. 27. in sepulcro, 47. 4. in martyrio, 49. 14. The two cases are combined in 12. 2, in ducentis passus. To this list, in Lazariu, 36. 33, which illustrates the loss of final m, is perhaps to be added. In all, there are ninety-one instances of the ablative instead of the accusative. b) In with the accusative in its regular construction is found only thirty times. c) In with the accusative in place of the regular ablative. in montem, 10. 6 ; 11. 4. 6. 26. 98 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY in summitatem, 20. 5. in heremum, 22. 19. in eadem ciuitatem,i 24. 19, where the two cases are com- bined. . in ipsa ciuitatem,' 2S. 9. in confinium, 29. 10. in ecclesiam maiorem, 35. 30. in martyrium, 47. 16 ; 50. 1. A total of twelve instances. d) In with the ablative in its regular construction occurs 295 times. e) In with proper names. in Paran, 11. 18. 27 ; in desertum Faran, 11. 32. in Clesma, 12. 20. in lerusolima, 35. 33 ; 36. 21 ; 37. 4. 8. 9 ; 49. 26 ; 55. 11. in Helia id est in lerusolimam, 15. 26. in Arabot Moab et lordane, 16. 13. in lerusolimis, 23. 18 ; in lerusolimam, 19. 15. 19 ; 22. 34 ; 23. 4. in Sodomis, 20. 31. in Enon, 20. 34. in Persida, 26. 2 ; 29. 6. in Golgotha, 34. 32 ; 35. 26 ; 36. 9. 22. 29 ; 38. 2 ; 41. 16 ; 45. 22 ; 54. 29. in Syon, 35. 28. 29 ; 36. 34 ; 33. 18. 21. 23. 24. 35 ; 40. 17 ; 45. 19 ; 48. 18. 21 ; 49. 17 ; 50. 4. 8 ; 51. 20 ; 52. 5. in Bethleem, 36. 11 ; 37. 1. 6 ; 47. 36 ; 49. 20. 22. in Eleona, 36. 31 ; 41. 23. 23. 32 ; 43. 28 ; 44. 1 ; 47. 36 ; 48. 5. 11. 12 ; 50. 13. 19. 29 ; 55. 24. in Bethania, 41. 3. 7. in Imbomon, 41. 34 ; 44. 8 ; 48. 13. 32 ; 50. 19. in Gessamani, 44. 22. 25. 27. It will be seen from the lists given above that in the Peregri- natio the tendency to use the ablative with in is marked. In is found with the accusative correctly 30 times, incorrectly 12 times ; a total of 42 instances. On the other hand, it is used with the ablative correctly 295 times, incorrectly 91 times ; a total of 3SG occurrences with the ablative. Bonnet, p. 522, gives the following statistics based upon the first 100 pages of Gregory's History of France : cum, with the ■ Such confusion of cases is probably due to the carelessness of the scribe in the use of the abbreviation for final ?». SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 99 accusative, 8 times ; with the ablative, 212 ; de, with the accusa- tive, 8 times ; with the ablative, 242 ; in, with the accusative for the ablative, 31 times ; in, with the ablative for the accusative, 81 times ; in, used correctly, 118 times. For the confusion of case - construction with this preposition in the Vulgate, see Roensch, pp. 40G ff. XI. Inter: o) With the ablative. inter Cruce et Anastase, 46. 11, b) Inter with the accusative is foiind twelve times. XII. Intra: o) With the ablative. intra ciuitate ipsa, 27. 7, intra Anastase, 37. 33. intra spelunca, 43. 1. intra qua ecclesia, 55. 25. 5) Intra with the accusative occurs eight times. c) With a proper name not declined. intra Ramesse, 14. 26. XIII. Intro: a) With the ablative. intro spelunca, 32. 20 ; 34. 13. Intro Anastase, 51. 28. b) With the accusative. de intro cancellos, 32. 20. 23. 36 ; intro canoellos, .34. 15 ; 47. 20. intro speluncam, 34. 5. Intro is not found as an adverb. XIV luxta: o) With the ablative. iuxta aqua ipsa, 17. 23; iuxta parte, 26. 13. iuxta septimana omne, 41. 20. 6) Iuxta with the accusative is found forty-five times. c) With an indeclinable proper name. iuxta Salim, 20. .34. 100 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY d) As an adverb. 9. 21 ; 20. 26 ; 24. 36 ; 29. 22, XV. Per: a) With the ablative. per ualle ilia, 5. 11 ; 9. 30. per heremo, 12. 33. per media Ramesse, 14. 2. per biduo, 15. 13. per Palestina, 15. 25. per triduo, 36. 29. per toto anno, 38. 33. per tota septimana, 39. 24 ; per ipsa septimana, 46. 36. per tota die, 43. 9 ; 51, 18. per epiphania, 47. 35 ; 55. 21. 22. per pascha, 33. 32 ; 37. 14 ; 47. 33 ; 48. 17 ; 55. 20. 22. The two cases are contused in 45. 1, per totam ciuitate, A total of twenty-two instances with the ablative, 5) Per with the accusative occurs seventy-nine times. c) With a proper name. per lericho, 19. 14. In the Vulgate per is several times found with the ablative, e. g., per eadem uia, Luke 10 :31. XVI. Post: a) With the ablative. post lectione, 16, 25. post missa, 39. 23. 25. 28 ; 48, 17 ; 53, 34. post cena, 41. 7. post sexta, 48. 28 ; 49. 20 ; 50. 13. post pascha, 49, 19. In all, eleven instances with the ablative, b) Post with the accusative, twenty-seven times. c) As an adverb post is found twice. Et post dixit, 25. 13. Et post facta missa uenitur, 47. 24, Postea also occurs twice. XVII. Praeter. Praeter occurs only in the phrase "praeter oblatio,'' 38. 26. The nominative may be due to the use of praeter as a conjunction, equivalent to nisi. SANCTAE SILYIAE PEEEGEINATIO 101 XVIII. Pro: (i) With the accusative. pro hoc ipsud,'33. 34 ; pro monazontes, .35. .32. b) With the ablative pro occurs twelve times. XIX. Prope : a.) With the ablative. prope luce, 36. 1 ; prope episcopo, .52. .32. b) With the accusative. prope radicem, 7. 28. c) Prope is used twice as an adverb. prope usque ad quintam horam, .35. 16. ad horam prope secundam, 45. 12. XX. Propter : a) With the ablative. propter populo, 51.1. b) With the accusative, sixteen times. Compare, in the Vulgate, propter eo, Rom. 8: 20, 37 ; Heb. 3 : 19 ; 5 : 14 ; 10 : 6. XXI. Super : o) With the ablative. que inspiciebat super ipsa ualle, 10. 10. quern uides super ciuitate hac, 25. 27. b) Super with the accusative occurs teu times. In one of these passages it is equivalent to de, super hanc rem, IS. 30. In two others the phrase takes the place of a dative case (see p. 105). c) Super is an adverb in -41. 26 ; candelae super ducente. PEEPOSITIONS WITH ADVERBS COMPOUND PREPOSITIONAL PHRASES. a contra, 18. 36 ; 19. 3. a foras, 18. 35. (So, a foris, in the Vulgate.) ab olim, 31. 23. a semel, 25. 32. Cf. de semel, Vulgate, Isa. 66 :8 ; ad semel, Gregory, H. F., 4. 31, p. 167. ad mane, 38. 9. 16 ; 41. 14 ; 42. 21 ; 43. 21 ; 47. 11 ; 49. 13. 102 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY ad subito, 21. 30 ; 22. U ; 2.5. 16. ad Bero, il. 1. ad tunc, 22. 26. contra faoiem Jericho, 15. 31. Of. a facie Achab, 8. 21, and Augustin. De Ciuitate Dei, 16. 24 ; et posuit ea contra faciem alterum alteri. de ante Cruce, 46. 31. Cf. ab ante (Prenoli, avaut), in the Vulgate. de contra (adverb), 6. 23 ; 10. 9 ; 13. 9 ; 18. 15 ; 24. 33 ; 30. 3. de foriB (adverb), -32. 35. Pound in Vulgate; also Herm. Paster, III, 97. de inter monteB, 11. 35 ; 12. 11. 15. de intro cancellos, 32. 20. 23 ; 33. 1. e contra, 22. 14. Found in Vulgate ; also Servius, ad Aen., VII,796, and xr, 660. in ante, 13. 6 ; 27. 1. in cata Matheo, 43. 4. in giro coUiculo, 20. 24. in giro parietes, 8. 7. in giro mensa, 45. 24. in giro = circa (adverb), 40. .34 ; 45. 28. 34 ; 52. 32. in hodie, 5. 21 ; 8. 24 ; 9. 14 ; 10. 8. 16 ; 14. 6 ; 16. 10 ; 18. 1. 22 ; 21. 10. 32 ; 22. 30 , 24. 7 ; 25. 32. 35 ; 26. 1. in mane, 39. 2. 7 ; 40. 10 ; 44. 36 ; 47. 9. in medio quinta feria, 39. 35. ill Choreb, 8. 20. The phrase is a proper name, intus in Persida, 29. 6. per girum := circa, 6. 13. 35 ; 8. 36 ; 14. 5. per girum ipsius colliculi, 19. 35. per giro = circa, 6. 9 ; 7. 29 ; 25. 23. PREPOSITIONAL PHEASE FOE A CASE-CONSTRUCTION. The analytic method of expressing the relation of nouns to other words in the sentence by means of prepositional phrases, rather than by case -constructions, so characteristic of the Romance languages in contrast to classical Latin, must have been developed even at a comparatively early period in the people's speech. Its progress is believed to have been especially rapid in the Gallic Latin ; so that the large number of examples in the Peregrinatio is quite significant. I. Ad-phrase with a verb of saying. dixiBse ad loseph, 13. Si. dicens ad eum, 15. 29. ait ad me, 26. 15. dicente Domino ad .4braam, 27. 4. SAXCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 103 Pilatum ad Doiuicum dixisse, 45. 5. Also with audire. qui ad audiendura intrant ad ea quae dicuntur, 53. 14. The dative with dicere occurs fourteen times : 9. 21 10. 2 ; 18. 8. 11. 32 ; 19. 6 ; 20. 2 ; 21. 9. 18 ; 22. 5 ; 28. 18. 19 44. 19; 43. 23; with ait eight times: 20. 16. 23; 24. 24. 34 27. IT ; 2S. 25. 35 ; 29. 4. Gregory uses the ad-phrase with both of these verbs. II. Ad- phrase for the ablative. commoueri ad ea, 54. 12. ad diem = die, 27. 24 ; 28. 3. III. Ad-phrase for the dative. Cum Moyses aociperet legem ad filios Israhel, 8. 35. Cum haeo ad uestrara affectionem darem, 31. 34. So in C. I. L., IX, 3513 (57 B. C). Si pecunia ad id templum data erit : quod ad eain aedem datum erit. In Gregory, H. P., 3. 6, p. 114 : dant ad eum uoces. IV. Ad-phrase to express place where. ad Egyptum fueram, 12. 23. ad Thebaidam fueram, 14. .33; 15. 17. ad ipsum fontem facta est oratio, 21. 13. fui ad ecclesiam, 27. 6. ad sanctam ecclesiam nichil aliud est, 30. 33. facta oratione ad Martyrium, 31. 11. Compare also 42. 28. 34 ; 43. 11. 26 ; 46. 35 ; 52. 13. 31. haec operatic ita habetur ad Crucem et ad Anastasim, 33. 30. fit oratio ad Crucem, 42. 19. orare ad columnam illam ad queni tiagellatus est Domiuus, 45. 20. fit ergo lucernarium tam ad Anastase quam ad Crucem, 49. 1. 12 ; 51. 26. quae est ad Anastase, 54. 30. Compare Terence, Phormio, 598, ad forum eum opperiri. Varro ap. Nonum, 133; Cicero, ad fam., 11. 18, ad omnia templa gratulationem f ecimus ; and Pliny, Ep., 2. 2. 3. See Krebs-Schmalz, Antibarbarus, p. 76. Ad is used in the Vulgate for both apud and in. V. Ad-phrase to express time when. Item ad lucernares similiter fit, 35. 17. ad horam sextam aguntur ; similiter et ad nona, 52. 2. 3. ad singulas lectiones et orationes tantus affectus et gemitus est, 46. 27. 104 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY iuxta consuetudinem ad tertia : item fit ad sexta :• ad nonam autem Don fit, 47. 14. totum ad momentum fit, 47. 23. fit missa ad tertia, 53. 18. VI. Ad for apud. fui ad episcopum, .30. 27. ad nos, 47. 17. 32. Compare apud (aput) nos, 37. 22 ; 47. 24. 30. VII. De- phrase for the genitive. clerici de ipsa ecclesia, 29. 29. dederunt eulogias id est de pomis, 7. 26. de quibus abitationibus fundamenta parent, 10. 16. episcopo de Arabia, 14. 15. fundamenta de castris et habitationibus, 16. 9. presbyter loci ipsius, id est de Libiadae, 16. 34. apertis baluis maioribus quae sunt de quintana parte, 51. 4. fundamenta de palatio, 20. 25. de argento et heramento modica fruetella inuenit, 20. 27. eulogias id est de pomario, 21. 24. omnia hostia de basilica, 35. 8. numerus autem uel ponderatio de ceriofalis uel cicindelis aut lucernis, 36. 15. sed tantum aqua et sorbitione modica de farina, 40. 6. summitates de ligno sancto, 45. 28. diaconibus de lerusolima, 15. 36. episcopus loci ipsius id est de Segor, 18. 31. For the development of this construction see P. Clairin, Du Genitif latin et la proposition de. Many parallels are to be found in Gregory. Bonnet, pp. 610 ff. VIII. De-phrase to express partitive idea. Ubi de spiritu Moysi acceperunt septuaginta uiri, 10. 23. IX. De-phrase for in, with the ablative. et de scrijituris bene instructue, 20. 17 ; 2S. 17. Cf. in scripturis eruditus, 14. 20. .36 ; .3-5. 2. X. De-phrase for the ablative of means. episcopus de manibus suis summitates de ligno sancto premet, 4J. 27. primum de fronte sic de oculis tangentes crucem, 45. 36. So, in the Vulgate, et nunc occidam de lancea, 1 Sam. 26 : 8 ; Gregory, H. F.. 1. 10, p. ,39, horrea de lapidibus quadris aedificauit. Four other e.xamples are cited by Bonnet. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 105 XI. De-phrase for the ablative of time. de alia die quinquagesimarum omnes ieiuuant, 51. 22. XII. De se for ipse. Quae aecclesia habet de se gratiam grandem, 7, 13. XIII. In-phrase for genitive of the charge. in aliquo accusatur, 52. 21. XIV. Super-phrase for the dative case. imposuerat naanus super eum, 16. 15. super me miserioordiam praestare, 31. 32. PREPOSITIONS WITH AN DNHSUAL MEANING. I. Ad equivalent to apud. See examples cited above. II. De for ex. exiremus de aecclesia, 7. 25. exeuntes de Hero, 13. 32. egredere de ecclesia, 18. 7. exeuntes de ualle, 11. 9. exeuntes de Ramesse, 12. 25. exi de terra et de dome, 27. 5. de palatio exit, 25. 6. de spelunca eicitur, .32. 36. exient de fonte, 47. 19. The confusion of these two prepositions is frequent in Gregory. III. luxta, according to. iuxta scripturas, 5. 1 ; 11. 25 ; 13. 1. iuxta quod ei f uerat reuelatum, 22. 21. iuxta consuetudinem, 9. 26 ; 13. 11. 28 ; 17. 19 ; 20. 13 ; 21. 34 ; 24. 13 ; 33. 4 ; 35. 5. 17 ; 36. 26. 27 ; 38. 24 ; 40. 17 ; 41. 9. 15. 18 ; 43. 22. 35 ; 47. 14. 22; 49. 15. 29. 36 ; 51. 23. 28 ; 52. 3. 5. The following synonyms for this last phrase indicate an efPort on the part of the author to avoid monotony: ex consuetudine, 12. 9 ; id consuetudinis erat, 16. 27. siout habent consuetudinem, 17. 12. singula quae consuetudinis erant facere, 21. 15. sicut est consuetudo, 30. 1 ; 38. 12. sicut solet esse consuetudo, .33. 7. secundum consuetudinem, 34. 33. 106 STUDIES IK CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY quae consuetudinis sunt, 37. 19 ; 4L 13 ; 42. 20. quae consuetudinis est, 43. 20; 47. 23. omnia quae consueuerunt agi, 47. 1. consuetudinaria aguntur, 49. 13. quae consuetudinaria sunt, 49. 32. 34; 52. 2. aguntur omnia legitima, id est offertur iuxta consuetudinem, 49. 35. IV. Pro equivalent to propter. qui tamen pro etate aut inbecillitate occurrere non poterant, 11. 12. qui ibi nunc praesidet pro disciplina Romana, 13. 10. qui nobis pro disciplina Romana auxilia praebuerant, 15. 2. attendimus locum ilium pro memoria illius, 28. 13. luminaria pro hoc ipsud pendent, 33. 34. pro monazontes qui pedibus uadent necesse est leuius iri, 35. 32. pro sollemnitate autem et laetitia ipsius diei infinite turbae se colligent, .37. 8. pro populo ne tatigentur, 51. 3. Pro is found with its regular meaning in 7. 30 and 47. 22. V. Super equivalent to de. fallere uos super hanc rem, 18. 30. This meaning of the preposition is not unknown in classical Latin ; e. g., Horace, Odes, 3. 8. 17, mitte ciuilis super urbe curas. OMISSION OF PREPOSITION. non ipsa parte exire, 9. 7. signa locis et locis ponent, 12. 6. ilia parte ostensus est mons, 19. 8. qui est medio uico positus, 20. 5. usque tertium miliarium, 25. 19. mansi loco, 31. 24 ; sedent locis suis, 33. 3 ; loco sunt, 34. 29. si aliud aoimo sederit, 32. 3. siout et singulis locis Sanctis fit, 38. 6. quia in Golgotha est et ideo Martyrio, 41. 16. ponitur episcopo cathedra media ecclesia maiore, 52. 12. Cf. ponitur cathedra episcopo in ecclesia maiore, 52. 32. stant loco, 52. 33. omni laetitia eadem die celebrarentur, 54. .36. Cf. aguntur omnia cum summa laetitia, 37. 13. diversis locis Sanctis proceditur, 55. 21. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGSINATIO 107 B. — Irregiilarities of Case Construction. I. Accusative for predicate nominative. ad ciuitatem que appellatur Ponpeiopolim, 30. 2i. II. Apparent ablative for predicate nominative. in ciuitate quae appellatur Corico, 30. 26. in basilica quae est loco iuxta Anastasim, 33. 33. Probably loco stands for in loco, in ecclesia maiore quae appellatur martyrio, 38. 2. III. Nominative for accusative. e nunc est comes, sed grandis_; quod nos dicimus vicus, 13. 25. id est dendrosa lethiae, quod nos dicimus arbor Ueritatis, 14. 17. quod hie appellant eortae, id est quadragesimas, 37. 30. in septimana pasohale, quam hie appellant septimana maior, 41. 12. ilia una septimana paschalis, quam hie appellant septimana maior, 53. 23. IV Apparent ablative for accusative. Sane licet terra Gesse iam nosse, 12. 23. Nam (ciuitas) ecclesia habet et martyria, 24. 8. necesse me t'uit ibi statiua triduana f aoere, 24. 18. cuius archiotipa uides iuxta parte posita, 26. 13. post biduo quam ibi f eceram, 29. 19. feci postmodum septimana, 30. 15 ; ut statiua ibi facerem, 30. 32. ille eos uno et uno benedicit, 32. 24. sed (gustent) tantum aqua et sorbitione modica de farina, 40. 6. quia citiuB missa fieri necesse est, 43. 24. siout omnium scripturarum ratione exponet, 53. 7. Most of these apparent ablatives may best be explained by the theory of the silent final in of the accusative. See p. 93. V Extent of space : a) Regular classical construction. per iter quod ierant, 12. 14. iter nostrum quo ueneramus reuersi sumus, 12. 16. ambulauerunt iter suum, 12. 18. quantum irent dextra tantum reuerterentur sinistra, 13. 5. quantum denuo in ante ibant, tantum denuo retro reuerte- bantur, 13. 6. uolebam discere loca quae ambulauerunt filii Israhel, 15. 18. et iter omne quod iueramus regressi sumus, 19. 14. perexiuimus iter nostrum, 21. 34 ; ire cepimus iter nostrum, 22. 12. profecta sum iter meum, 31. 17. 108 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY 6) Expressed by the ablative. iter nostrum quo ueneramus, 12. 17. iter nostrum quo ibamus, 21. 27. VI. Duration of time : a) Expressed by the ablative. commorati sunt his diebus, 5. 18. fuit ibi quadraginta diebus et quadraginta noctibus, o. 19. mansimus in ea nocte, 6. .31. f uerunt castra his diebus quibus Moyses fuit in montem, 10. 6. biduo immorari, 11. 31. aliquo biduo ibi tenuit nos episcopus, 14. .32 plorauerunt filii Israhel quadraginta diebus, 16. 13. post tot annos quibus sedebat in heremum, 22. 19. quam tamen custodierunt mensibus aliquod, 25. 24. et cum toto anno semper dominica die prooedatur, .35. 25. nunquam hie toto anno sabbato ieiunatur, .37. 27. sicut et toto anno dominicis diebus fiet, 37. .34. quae et toto anno dominicis diebus fiunt, .37. .35. sicut et toto anno, 38. 8. 10. 17 ; ,39. 32 ; 49. 12. ,32 ; 51. 2.3. 25 ; 52.4. tota autem nocte uicibus dicuntur psalmi, 39. 5. aguutur ea quae totis quadragesimis, 42. 22. quoniam et tota nocte laborauerint et laboraturi sint ipsa die, 45. 7 ff. qui non ilia die illis tribus horis ploret, 46. 30. tota nocte dicuntur ymni, 47. 10 ; tribus horis docentur, 53. 18. octo diebus attenduntur, 55. 5. The ablative is used much more frequently by Gregory than the accusative to express duration of time. See Bonnet, p. 555. The construction has a much wider range even in classical Latin than is gen- erally recognized in the grammars. See Draeger, Historische Syntax, I, 534. b) Expressed by the accusative or by a per-phrase. iter facientes per biduo, 15, 13 ; per quas ieramus tres annos 23. 1, haec operatio per dies sex habetur, 33. 29. per triduo *homineB laetitia celebratur, .36. 29. per octo dies omnis laetitia celebratur, ,36. 36. per totos octo dies is ornatus est, 37. 2. consuetudo est per totum annum agi, .38. 13. per toto anno, 38. 33; per totas-quadrigesimas, 39. 36. quae factae sunt per sex septimanas, 40. 18. aguntur omnia per tota die, 43. 9 ; per totum annum, 43. 32. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEIXATIO 109 per illas tres horas docetur populus, 46. 2'!. per ipsa septimana agi, 46. 36 ; 47. 1. fiunt missae per octo dies, 47. .32. .34. hoc per totos octo dies fit, 48. 16. Nam semper ipsos dies sicut toto anno consuetudinaria aguntur, 49. 12. per ipsos dies quadraginta quibus ieiunatur, 52. 29. per illos dies quadraginta, .33. 1. 10; per illos dies, 53. 4; 54.1. per tres horas fit cathecismus, 53. 11. per septem septimanas, 53. 18. 28. per octo dies paschales, 5.3. 34. per singulos dies proceditur, 55. 21. The combination of the two constructions is to be noticed in 49. 12 and 52. 29. The simple accusative occurs twice, the per-phrase twenty-seven times. VII. Apparent ablative to express limit of motion. perueni Pelusio, 15. 22 ; reuersa sum Tharso, 31. 16. lerusolima colligunt, 55. 14. The regular accusative is employed as follows: 14.2; 15. 17 ; 23. 21 ; 24. 11 ; 30. 19 ; 31. 22. 25. 29. 35. Tatnis in 15. 14 (peruenimus Tatnis) is evidently indeclinable, the same form being used as a nominative in the following line. VIII. Nominative absolute. et benedicens nos episcopus profecti sumus, 22. 32. dictus etiam unus psalmus et iterata oratione et sic benedicens nos episcopus egressi sumus, 27. 14 ff. et sic exiens de cancellos similiter ei ad manum acceditur, 32. 30. Inde desoenditur cum ymnis, omnis populus usque ad unum toti cum episcopo ymnos dicentes. 50. 32. The following is, perhaps, rather an example of ana- colonthon : Ac sic ergo facientes iter siqgulis diebus ad subito de latere sinistro, unde e contra partes Fenicis uidebamus, apparuit nobis mons ingens, 22. 13 ff. The participle stands alone as a nominative absolute. Ingressi autem in ecclesia dicuntur ymni, 51. 6. See W. Hartel, Archiv., Ill, p. 41 ; also Vergilius Maro, Ep., 5. 1. 19. NominatiuuB casus participii modo et abla- tiuus sepe pro se inuicem ponuntur, quod sit rectum an secus eorum qui ita scribunt arbitrio relinquamus. This construction is frequent in Gregory of Tours. It is noteworthy, however, that the accusative absolute, which he uses freely, is not found in the Peregrinatio. 110 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY IX. Confusion of ablative and nominative absolute. factis orationibus et cetera quae consuetude erat fieri, 24. 14. facta oratione nee non etiam et lecta omnia actus Sanctae Teclae, 31. 11. et completo earum septimanarum uigiliae, 40. 8. The ablative of the participle is used with a substantive clause, excepto si martiriorum dies euenerit, 38. 19. Cf. Augustin, De Ciuitate Dei, I, 9. Excepto enim quod unusquisque quamlibet laudabiliter uiuens cedit carnali concupiscentiae. The regular ablative absolute construction is found ninety -six times. X. Adverbial accusative. A striking example of this rather rare construction is found : Ministerium omne genus aureum gemmatum pro- fertur, .36. 14, "Every kind of service of gold and jewels.'' XI. Cognate accusative. A rather unusual cognate accusative is met with in 52. 3 : iuxtaoonsuetudinem quain consueuit toto anno fieri. XII. Genitive for dative with a verb compounded with sub. quae subiacet mentis Dei, 9. 11. This probably merely an error in writing. Of. subiacere monti Dei, 10. 31. XIII. Accusative for the locative. quando Alexandriam fueram, 1.5. 17. As in occasional colloquial English, "I had been to Alexandria." XIV. The locative case of nouns not names of cities. et sic fit missa Anastasi, 33. 17. orn^tus sit ilia die ecclesiae uel Anastasis aut Orucis aut in Bethleem, 36. 10. cum missa ecclesiae facta fuerit, 36. 25. ut fiat missa ecclesiae, 35. 3. post missa ecclesiae 39.28. Cf. fit missa in ecclesiamaiore,36. 22. post missa Martyrii 41.26; facta missa Martyri, 43. 30. Cf. ad Martyrium, 41. 21 ; 42. 23. XV. Logical, not grammatical, agreement. maxima autem turba peruigilant, alii de sera, alii de media nocte, 47. 11. nisi testimoaia habuerit qui eum uouerint, 52. 25. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 111 XVI. Attraction of the relative to the case of its antecedent. ut si probauerit sine reprehensions esse de his omnibus quibus requisiuit, 52. 19. Cf. Cicero ad Fam.. 5. li. 1 : et aliquid agas eorum quorum consuesti ; also Horace, Sat., I, 6. 15 ; Vulgate, Luke 1:1. XYII. Miscellaneous mistakes in agreement. uallem infinitam ingens planissima, 5. 3. per ualle ilia quam dixi ingens, 5. 11. lecto ergo ipso loco omnia de libro Moysi, 7. 23. ostenditur ibi altarium lapideum quem posuit ipse Hellas, 8. 25. ad quem petram, 10. 13. nunc est comes sed grandis, quod nos dicimus ulcus, 13. 25. de ilia statua quas dixi,' 14. 22. pulchriorem territorium, 15. 11. in summitatem ipsius fabricam, 20. 5. uisis omnibus locis ad quos me tenderam,^ 23. 5. unde denuo proficiscens peruenimus Edessam, 24. 10. fontes piscibus pleni quale ^ ego nunquam uidi, 25, 3. ad ilium palatium superiorem, 26. 26. uisis etiam Sanctis monachis uel aputactites, 31. 15. Aputactites, perhaps, for aputactitis. in omnibus Sanctis locis quos superius nominaui,^ 37. 1. reuertuntur omnes rectus ad Anastase, 41. 9. quotquot sunt infantes usque etiam quae ambulare non possunt, 42. 10. cum factum fuerit missa, 42. 28. orare ad columnam illam ad quem, 45. 20. quasi atrium ualde grandem et pulchrum, 46. 10. XYIII. Omission of quam after a comparative. immorata sum ibi plus media die, 24. 2. est bora plus decima, 50. 31. episcopi plus quadraginta aut quinquaginta sunt, 55. 15. XIX. Milia as an adjective. milia passes forsitan sedecim, 5. 14. quattuor milia passus sunt, 14. 1. 1 Probably for de illas statuas, with dropping of final s. 2As against these two instances of the masculine plural of locus, the neuter, loca, occurs twenty-seven times, excluding the neutral form, locis. On the other hand, loca, in the sense of passages in a book, is found in 44. .3 and 46. 17. 3 Probably for quales, with dropping of final s. 112 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY B. — Syntax of the Verb. I. Tense-uses : a) Present with force of future. The use of the present with a genuine future mean- ing is, of course, not strictly confined to the colloquial Latin, although in the classical writers it is far less frequent and is limited to comparatively few verbs. It seems to be a survival from a very early period when the present tense was employed without any distinct differentiation between present and future time. Sed cum leget affectio uestra, omnia peruidet, 10. 34. Pervidet may be a future form, however. See p. 90. uide terram quam ego do flliis Israhel,' 15. 33. si uultis uidere aquHm, potestis uidere ; si tamen uolueritis laborem nobis imponere, 16. 36 ff. accedite foras hostium ecclesiae . . et uidete. Et dici- mus nobis, 18. 9 tf. Compare Die filia, quod uis, et dioam tibi, 28. 18. nam si uis, ecce modo pedibus duco nos ibi, 20. 36. si libenter habes, quaeoumque loca sunt hie grata ostendimus tibi, 24. 26 iJ. cum uolueris ire, imus tecum et ostendimus tibi, 28. 36. non credo, nisi uidero, 48. 24. b) Sequence of tenses. There is one strange instance of a pluperfect in a result clause ; ita tamen ut lapis cum corpore non moueretur in alio loco, sed ibi, ubi inuentum fuerat corpus, positum esset et ut corpus subter altarium iaceret, 22. 27 ff. II. Substantive clauses for the infinitive construction. a) With dico. dicent eo quod fllii Israhel eas posuerint, 14. 9. episcopus dixit quoniam iam aliquot anni essent a quo non pareret columna ilia, 18. 31. tunc dictum est quia in isdem diebus castra ibi fixa habuis- sent, 19. 6. Illud etiam presbyter sanctus dixit nobis eo quod usque in hodierna die semper cata pascha quicumque essent bap- tizandi in ipso uico, id est in ecclesia, quae appellatur opu Melchisedech, omnes in ipso fonte baptizarentur, 21. 17 ff. i A quotation from the Bible. Tlio Vulgate reads, " quam ego tradam flliis Israel," Deut. 32:49. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEKEGEINATIO 113 dicentibus aliis apostolis quia Dominum uidisBent, 48. 23. dioens eo quod ex ea die cuetodiatur, 26. 20 ff. Of the conjunctione introducing the substantive clause, eo quod is used three times, quia twice, and quoniam once. The infinitive is found after dico ten times : 9. 1 ; 10. 31 ; 14. 8. 11 ; 18. 3 ; 23. 8 ; 25. 1 ; 45. 32 ; 46. 18. 22. In 45. 32 there is apparently a combination of the two constructions : dicitur quidam fixisse mor- Bum et f urasset. b) With retulit. Sanctus episcopus retulit eo quod Farao quando uidit quod filii Israhel dimiserant eum, tunc ille priusquam post illos occuparet, isset cum omni exercitu et incendisset eam omnem, 14. 24. The change of mood is to be noted. Illud etiani retulit sanctus episcopus eo quod hii fontes ubi e rupe ierunt ante sic fuerit campus, 26. 6. Eo quod is the conjunction in both passages. c) With scio. Illud uoB uolo scire qui ita infra nos uidebantur esse illi montes, 8. 6 ff. hoc solum scio quia postmodum puer Abraae uenerit, 28. 22. sciens quia libenter haberetis haeo cognoscere, 32. 9. Deus autem scit quoniam maiores uoces sunt fidelium, 53. 12. The indicative occurs twice ; the subjunctive, twice. Quia is employed twice as the conjunction ; quoniam, once. The form qui is doubtless an error. d) With credo. Sed michi credite quia columna ipsa non paret, 18. 27. Nam michi credat uolo affectio uestra quoniam nullus Chris- tianorum est qui non se tendat, 23. 15. credidit ei quia esset uere filius Dei, 24. 35. Quia is used twice ; quoniam, once ; the indicative mood, twice; the subjunctive, once. The infinitive construction is found only in 13. 4. e) With uideo. Video is followed by a substantive clause only once : quando uidit quod filii Israhel dimiserant eum, 14. 24. The accusative and infinitive occurs in 7. 8 ; 19. 22 ; 20. 28 ; 24. 24 ; 25. 25. /) Wi'th testor. scriptura hoc testatur quoniam hue uenerit puer sancti Abraae et denuo sanctus lacob hie uenerit, 28. 30. Compare quem se illuc missurum Deus noster testatus est, 23. 11. 114: STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY g) With promitto. tu promiseras ne aliquis hostium ingrederetur ciuitatem, 25, li. Compare qui hoc promiserat futurum, 26. 1. h) With osteiido. The two constructions are combined in 46. 21 : ut ostendatur omni populo quia quicquid dixerunt prophetae futurum de passione Domini, ostendatur tam per euangelia quam etiam per apostolorum scrip- turas factum esse. i) With inuenitur. et hoc per scripturas inuenitur quod ea dies sit enceniarum, 55. 1. Eo quod is used to introduce an infinitive in 27. 35 : quia audieram eos eo quod extra diem paschae et extra diem banc non eos descendere, The following table will show the conjunctions employed in the various substantive clauses, and also the use of the moods : eo quod. quod. quia, quoniam. ne. qui(?). indie. subj. dicere .3 2 1 6 retulit 2 2 scire 2 1 1 2 2 credere 2 1 2 1 uidere 1 ^0 1 testari 1 1 promittere 00001001 ostendere 1 1 inuenitur 1 1 Total 5 2 7 4 1 1 5 15 indicative 1 1 2 1 5 subjunctive 5 1 6 2 1 15 Gregory of Tours uses the substantive clause with all of these verbs cited above. See Bonnet, pp. 059-71, where the following statistics are given for the first fifty pages of the History of France : indie. subj. quia 10 1 quod • 2 8 SANCTAE SILVIAE PEREGEIXATIO 115 He does not mention any occurrence of eo quod — a usage that is difficult of explanation according to the common theory that the substantive clause with these verbs has been iniiuenced in its development by the Greek Stl clause. For the construc- tion in the Vulgate, see Roensch, p. 4:0"2, Quod, quia, and quo- niam are the conjunctions there used. A Germanic development is suggested by Sittl, Die lokalen Verschiedenlieiten der lat. Sprache, p. 56. Later he seems to refer to Greek influence (pp. 110 if.), where he also gives a survey of the extended use of the construction in African Latin. Probably the earliest occurrence of the construction is found in the Bellum Hispaniense, chap. 36 : legati renuntiauerunt quod Pompeium in potestate haberent. III. Indicative in indirect questions. Ostenderunt quemadmodum eorum abitationes habuerant, 10. li. dixit nomen ipsius arbons quemadmodum appellant earn, 14. 16. et diciouB uobis singula quae sunt loca haec quae parent, 18. 11. et illud etiam scribere debui quemadmodum dooentur hi, 52. 6. The subjunctive in indirect questions occurs seventeen times. For a discussion of the use of the indicative in indirect questions see the dissertation of Dr. Tibbetts. In Gregory the two moods occur indifferently, and even in the same sentence, e. g., Mart. lOo, p. 560, interrogant quid de tanta fecisset pecunia aut si ea eroganda temporis sui permisit spatium. CACS.iL CLAUSES. I. Introduced by cum : a) With the indicative once. cum hi omnes tarn excelsi sunt, 6. 13. 6») With the subjunctive five times : 3. 10 ; 23. 3 ; 28. 36 ; 30. 21 ; 35. 25. II. Introduced by quod, quia, quoniam. Quia occurs forty-four times, quoniam forty times, and quod only five times, introducing a causal clause. The indicative is the mood employed, except in the following instances : 116 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY quoniam. Bicut in euangelio scriptum est, ante sex dies paschae factum hoc fuisset in Bethania, 41. 5. sabbato autem quod manduoauerint, 39. 26. confortans eos quoniam et tota nocte laborauerint at adhuc labo- raturi sint, 45. 7. The subjunctive is here due to the implied oratio obliqua. The subjunctive is found of the false reason as con- trasted with the true, in two passages : mn quia inpossibile esset, sed quia audieram, 27. 34. non quod illi soli communicent, sed omnes communicant, 39. 19. In 38. 18 the main clause of the verb seems to have dropped out. quoniam in istis locis, eicepto si martiriorum dies euenerit, sem- per quarta et sexta feria etiam et a cathecuminis ieivinari et ideo ad nonam in Syon proceditur. III. The infinitive takes the place of a causal clause in two passages. ut quamuis durissimus possit moueri in lacrimis Dominum pro nobis tanta sustinuisse, 34. 18. qui tantum ploret Dominum pro nobis ea passum fuisse, 46. 30. IV. Quando occurs in 55. 14, in what is perhaps a causal clause. Episcopi autem, quaudo parui fuerint, hisdem diebus lerusolima plus quadraginta aut quinquaginta sunt. The general sense of the passage, however, seems to demand an adversative clause. RESULT OLADSES. I. With the indicative. Ecclesia ingens et ualde pulchra et noua dispositione ut uere digna est esse domus Dei. 24. 16. inde sic uenitur, vit cum intratur in Astase, iam et tota lucernari sic dicuntur ymni et antiphonae, fiunt orationes et fit missa lucernaris in Astase et ad Crucem, .38. 29 ff. semper tales pronuntiationes habent ut et diei et loco conueniunt, 50. 23. II. Indicative and subjunctive combined. filios Israhel sic ambulasse, ut quantum irent dextra, tantum reuerterentur sinistra : quantum denuo in ante ibant, tantum denuo retro reuertebantur, 13. 4 ff. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGRINATIO 117 III. The subjunctive in a result clause is found thirty-eight times. Ten clear instances of the indicative from Gregory are given by Bonnet (p. 680); two also of the indicative and subjunctive combined (p. 679). PURPOSE CLAUSES. I. Expressed by the infinitive. unusquisque animosi uadent orare, 45. 19. reuertitur omnis populus resumere se, 50. 14. II. Expressed once by the supine. reponent se dormito (= dormitum), 34. 30. III. The gerund or gerundive with the prepositions ad or propter is used thirteen times. Cf. ad resumendum, parallel to resumere. IV. The subjunctive with ut or ne occurs forty-seven times. Cf . Gregory, Patr., 14. 2, p. 719, abiit implere iussionem. Bonnet (p. 647) gives ten other examples of the infini- tive, in one of which its subject is not that of the main verb. OONSTEUCTIONS WITH DIGNUS. I. The infinitive. qualis dignus est esse in eo loco, 7. 17. digna est esse domxis Dei, 24. 17. quoB dignum erat de ore illorum procedere, 29. 35. II. A qui-clause. dignus qui praesit in hoc loco, 20. 20. SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSES. I. Consecutive ut-clauses with the indicative. sic est ut portraitur missa, 35. 16. consuetudo est ut omnes semel manducant, 39. 30. Compare with these the following : consuetudo est ut non manducent, 39. 24. sic est ut omnes sequantur, 53. 9. The subjunctive in a similar substantive clause occurs twenty-seven times. In 45. 30 consuetudo est ut acclinant se osculentur et pertranseant, if the text is correct, accli- nant is probably intended as a subjunctive. lis STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY II. There are seventeen volitive or optative substantive clauses in all of which the subjunctive is employed. III. The following substantive clauses are introduced by quod : nisi quod hie medianus praecedebat, 8. 12. nisi quod maior est Eufrates, 23. 36. tantum mode quod uigiliae [fiunt], 40. 16. tantum quod diacones soli stant, 42. 1. id solum additur quod omnes uadent,' 42. 33 if. tantum quod ymni uel antiphone dicuntur, 51. 31. iuxta quod ei fuerat reuelatum, 22. 21. Quod is here probably the relative pronoun. TEMPORAL CLAUSES. The following conjunctions are employed with the mood and tense indicated : I. Cum: a) With the present indicative. 5. 7 ; 38. 29 ; 50. 35. b) With the future indicative. 10. 33. c) With the imperfect subjunctive. 5. 23 ; 8. 34 ; 18. 29 ; 20. 1 ; 25. 18. 24 ; 31. 33. (7) d) With the perfect subjunctive. 33. 20 ; 34. 17 ; 35. 7 ; 36. 2. 25 ; 37. 21 ; 38. 27 ; 40. 12. 23. 28. 33 ; 41. 13. 34 ; 42. 3. 18. 27. 28 ; 43. 1 ; 44. 13 ; 44. 27 ; 45. 27 ; 46. 31 ; 47. 2. 18 ; 48. 19. 33 ; 49. 2. 32 ; 50. 5. 27. 30 ; 51. 8. 12 ; 52. 10. 22 ; 53. 21 ; 55. 5. (37) All of these are iterative clauses and occur in the description ot the operatio, or ritual. e) With the pluperfect subjunctive. 6. 16 ; 7. 13 ; 8. 2 ; 9. 22 ; 11. 29 ; 13. 15 ; 14. 21 ; 16. 22 ; 17. 11 ; 20. 13. 16. 22 ; 22. 25 ; 24. 12 ; 25. 15 ; 20. 17 ; 27. 6. 13 ; 29. 23 ; .30. 14. 27 ; 31. 2. 10. 29 ; 41. 3. (25) II. Ut: a) With the perfect indicative. statim ergo ut haec audiui, descendimus, 20. 10. 1 Vadent is probably indicative. See p. 90. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 119 6) With the perfect subjunctive, iterative, in description of the ritual. statim ut manducauerint, omnes uadent, 44. 1. c) With the subjunctive, meaning "until." superabant milia tria ut perexii-emus tnontes ipsos, 9. 6. quando due superant ut pascha eit, 40. 13. III. Quando : «) With the indicative. quando de eo loco primitus uidetur mons Dei, 5. 9. quando ei dixit Deus, 9. 21 ; 10. 2. Farao quando uidit, 14, 24. quando Alexandriam fueram, 15. 17. quando sanotus lesus traieoerat, 16. 2. quando acoepit Alias Laban Syri, 28. 32. Id est quando due superant, 40. 13. id est quando unus ex discipulis ubi non erat, 48. 22. ut sequantur ecripturas quando leguntur, 53. 9. quam quando sedet, 53. 15. dies enceniarum appellantur quando sancta ecclesia consecrata est, 54. 28. quando primum sanctae ecclesiae consecrabantur, 54. 34. 6) With the subjunctive in an iterative clause. etiam quando completae fuerint septimanae quiuque, 53. 4. c) As a temporal adverb in an indirect question, non legi quando in isto loco transierint, 28. 22. IV. Qua equivalent to quando : (i) With the indicative. ubi fuit sanctus Helias qua f ugit, 8. 21. his diebus qua fecerant uitulum, 10. 11. id est qua primitus ad Egyptum fueram, 12. 23. Cf. 15. 17. in isdem diebus qua filii Israhel pugnauerant, 19. 6. qua ei occurrit Melchisedech, 20. 31. qua famis fuit, 22. 8. de hora sexta qua de Syon uenitur, 40. 9. in mane sabbato qua oblatio fit, 40. 10. in quinta feria qua comprehenditur Dominus, 41. 7. aha die qua' intratur in septimana, 41. 11. qua hoc factum est ut superius diximus, 50. 10. I \ reads quae. 120 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY excepta die eabbati qua nunquam ieiunatur, 51. 24. catheouminus autem non intrat tunc qua episcopus docet, 52. 35. ut ea dies esset qua crux inuenta fuerat, 54. 36. h) With the subjunctive, probably by attraction. inuenitur quod ea dies sit qua Salomon steterit et orauerit, 55. 2. In 40. 9; 41. 7. 11; 51. 24. 35, and 55. 2, quae may be the relative pronoun. V. Quemadmodum : a) With the indicative. singula que admodum uenimus per uallem demonstrabant, 9. 33. cetera loca quemadmodum profecti sumus ceperunt osten- dere, 10. 4. quemadmodum ibamus de contra uidebamus summitatem, 10.9. ut quemadmodum reuertebar inde ad Mesopotamiam irem, 23. 21. b) With the subjunctive in an iterative clause. quemadmodum ingressus fuerit populus, dicet psalmum, 34. 8. id est de hora lucernari quemadmodum intratum fuerit, 39. 3. et quemadmodum prandiderint dominica die non manducant. 39. 15. ut aliquemadmodum (for alii quemadmodum) manducauerint dominica die non manducent, 39. 23. quemadmodum enim missa facta fuerit, 50. 2. quemadmodum subito (subitum) fuerit in monte, 50. 18. quemadmodum missa facta fuerit, 54. 2. In some of these examples, it is difficult to distin- guish the temporal and the causal force of quemad- modum. VI. Ubi: a) With the indicative. quae fuit illo tempore id est ubi occurrit loseph patri suo, 13. 24. si tamen labor dici potest ubi homo desiderium compleri uidet, 19. 21. ubi stat episcopus intro cancellos prendet euangelium, 34. 15. h) With the subjunctive in an iterative clause. Ubi ceperit lucescere, tunc incipiunt ymnos dicere, 32. 18. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 121 Ubi perduoti fuerint, lebat se episcopue, 33. 4. Ubi diaconus perdixerit omnia, dicet orationem epiBCopue, 33.10. At ubi autem misea facta tuerit, 35. 4. Ubi intrauerit populus, intrat episcopus, .35. 9. Ubi resuinpserit se populus, coUigent se omnee, 36. 8. at autem ubi ilia perlegerit, fit oiatio, 43. 6. qui locus at ubi lectus fuerit, tantus rugitus est, 13. 16. ante Crucem autem at ubi uentum fuerit, 45. 2. at ubi autem osculati fuerint, stat diaconus, 46. 2. at ubi autem sexta hora se fecerit, sic itur, 46. 8. ac ubi autem missa facta fuerit, statim .... aguntur ea, 46. 34. Ubi cum uentum fuerit, leguntur lectiones, 51. 12. VII. Postquam (postea quam, postmodum quam): a) With the indicative. postquam ibi perueni, 6. 26. posteaquam communicaueramus, 7. 34. posteaquam priores illas fregeiat, 8. 3. posteaquam scripserat Aggarus rex, 25. 8. sed postmodumquam hii fontes eruperunt, 26. 11. postea ergo quam haec retulit episcopus, 26. 15. post biduo autem quam ibi feceram, duxit nos, 29. 19. 6) With subjunctive in secorfd person indefinite, posteaquam descenderis, 6, 22. c) With subjunctive in iterative clause. ' posteaquam missa facta fuerit, 42. 33 ; 43. 11. posteaquam dicti fuerint psalmi, 48. 15. post (= postquam) autem uenerint dies paschae, 54. 1. In 23. 11 the subjunctive is due to the oratio obliqua. quem se illuc missurum posteaquam ascendisset, Deus testatus est, 23. 11. VIII. Mox. Mox is used as a conjunction, equivalent to postquam, three times with the subjunctive in an iterative clause. Mox autem primus puUus cantauerit, statim descendet episcopus, 34.4. non manducant nisi sabbato mane, mox communicauerint, 39.16. ut exorcizentur, mox missa facta fuerit, 52. 30. Cf. Vulgate, Mark 6:26: Mox audiit, noluit earn con- tristari. Juvencus employs this conjunction four times. 122 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY IX. Priusquain. There is only one instance of priusquam, where it stands within a substantive clause after retulit. episcopus retulit eo quod Farao quando uidit quod filii Israhel dimiserant eum, tunc ille, priusquam post illos occuparet, isset cum omni exercitu, etc., 14. 24 ff. X. Antequam (only with the subjunctive). ante tamen quam eum subeas, 6. 22, indefinite second person, ante quam subeas, 6. 24, indefinite second person, antequam perueniremus ad montem, cognoueram, 6. 25. qui antequam videret Deum credidit ei, 24. 35. ut antequam sit hora tertia, illuc eatur, 35. 29. ante tamen quam lux flat, 36. 1. ante quam flat miesa, mittet uocem, 41. 19. ibidem antea autem quam fiat missa mittet uocem, 43. 27. post hoc ergo missa facta de Cruce id est antequam sol procedat, 45. 18. The last three instances occur in iterative clauses. XI. Dum. o) Meaning '"while." used four times with the indicative. dum enim uerentur antecessus ueniunt, 33. 34. quae praedicationes dum dicuntur grandis mora fit, 33. 3. quoniam dum praedicant uel legent, omnia apta ipsi diei, 36. 23. haec dum aguntur, facit se hora quinta, 33. 4. b) Meaning "until," once, with the subjunctive. ubi sederant filii Israhel dum Moyses ascenderet in montem 9. 32. XII. Donee : (i) Once with the indicative. dicuntur psalmi donee commonetur episcopus, 32. 27. h) Six times with the subjunctive. donee peruenias ad radicem, 7. 1, indefinite second person, commorati sunt donee Moyses ascenderet, 11. 1. immorati sunt donee fieret tabernacuhim, 11. 3. quae tetigerant euntes donee peruenirent ad mare, 12. 25. fecerunt iter donee peruenirent ad mare, 13. 7. cepimus ire donee perueniremus, 21. 4. XIII. Quousque, equivalent to dum or donee. Used once, with the subjunctive, feci postmodum septimana quousque ea pararentur, 30. 14. Cf. Historia Apollonii, XXXIV. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGKINATIO 123 XIV Quotiensque and quotienscumque. Each occurs once with the indicative. Nam et postmodum quotienscumque uoluerunt uenire, haec epis- tola prolata est, 26. 3. Ut palatia quotiensque fabricabantur, semper in editioribus locis lierent, 26. 10. In view of the wide range of the iterative subjunctive in the Peregrinatio, one is surprised to find both quotiens and quotienscumque with the indicative. Yet this is con- sistent with the general use of these conjunctions, even in quite late Latin. See O. F. Long, ''On the Usage of Quotiens and Quotienscumque, in Different Periods of Latin,"' pp. 40 ff. XV. Ubicumque. As a temporal conjunction is found only with the indicative, ut ubicumque ad loca desiderata accedere uolebamus, ibi fieret oratio, 16. 27. Cf. 16. 31. quae consuetudinis nobis erant facere ubicumque ad loca sancta ueniebamus, 21. 16. Ubicumque is also used in the sense of "wherever," as the equivalent of quocumque, which is not found, ut ubicumque uenissemus, semper ipse locus legeretur, 8. 30. The subjunctive is here, perhaps, due to attraction. The indicative is elsewhere the mood employed, qui dignati sunt me per monasteria sua, ubicumque ingressa sum, suscipere, 29. 34. legitur et de apostolo siue de epistulis apostolorum uel de actio- nibus ubicumque de passione Domini diserunt, 46. 15 ff. XVI. Temporal clauses introduced by a relative : a) Quod. his diebus quod sanctus Moyses ascendit in montem, 5. 13. intus autem quod ingrederis, plures sunt, 6. 10. qui locus ad quod lectusfuerit, tantus rugitus est, 44. %). h) A. quo, equivalent to "since." de eo tempore a quo ad Thebaidam fueram, 14. 33. septimanae quinque a quo docentur, 53. 5. dixit quoniam iam aliquot anni essent a quo non pareret columna ilia, 18. 31 ff . The subjunctive probably due to Oratio Obliqua. cum iam tres anni essent a quo in lerusolimam uenissem, 23. 4. The mood here may be influenced by the preceding subjunctive. 12J: STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY c) In quo, meaning "while." in quo autem ingreseus fuerit, 42. 29 ; an iterative clause. In Gregory post-quod is equivalent to post quam, H. F., 4. 21, p. 158 ; Mart., 58, p. 528. Quod is also used for ex quo, H. P., 6. 33, p. 274 ; Mart., 3. 23, p. 638 ; 4. 1, p. 649. ADVERSATIVE CLAUSES. a) With cum. Two instances, both in the subjunctive, 6. 19 ; 7. 27. 5) Quamuis occurs once, limiting the adjective of the clause. ut quamuis durissimus possit moueri in lacrimis, 34. 18. c) Quamlibet occurs once with the force of quamuis. quamlibet sero sit, tamen fit lucernare, 42. 18. Of. Gregory, H. F., 6. 35, p. 275; 6. 43, p. 282; Augustin, De Civitate Dei, 6. 1. d) Licet, with present or perfect subjunctive. licet et tectum non sit, 8. 35. licet semper Deo gratias agere debeam, 11. 19. licet tamen adhuc fructus afferat, 14. 12. episcopus licet siriste nouerit, 54. 15. With imperfect or pluperfect subjunctive in violation of the usual "sequence." sane licet terram Gesse iam nosse7?i, 12. 23. et licet ea loca iam nossem, 15. 16. et licet in patria exemplaria haberem, 26. 31. e) Quamquam is not used in the Peregrinatio. AC SI EQUIVALENT TO TAIIQUAM. a) Introducing a subjunctive clause. ut ita infra nos essent ac si colliculi essent, 6. 17. ita infra nos uidebantur esse ac si colliculi essent, 8. 10. tanti nitoris ac si de margarita esset, 24. 32, In each case the force of the clause is that of an unreal condition. b) Introducing a phrase. subis ac si per parietem, 6. 36. colliget se omnis multitude ac si per pascha, 33. 32. omnia aguntur ac si per pascha, .37. 13. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGRINATIO 125 In 25. 6 ac sic is probably a mistake, as ac si would seem the more natural reading, quae (aqua) est ac sic fluuius ingens argenteus. Ac si is frequent in Gregory. See Bonnet, p. .322. o) Equivalent to a participle. loca sancta omnia quae filii Israhel tetigerant eundo uel redeundo, 11. 16. Of. loca quae fllii Israhel tetigerant euntes, 12. 24. habens iter eundo per mansiones octo, 19. 25. sic redirent . . dicendo psalmos, 21. 21. ubi quidem Tharso et eundo lerusolimam iam fueram, 30. 18. prouincias quas eundo transiueram, 31. 21. This use of the gerund is met with even in the classical period. See Livy, XXI, 46. 9. 6) Grerund with ad in place of supine with an adjective. loca sunt grata ad uidendum Christianis, 24. 27. The supine in -u does not occur in the Peregrinatio. o) Regular substantive uses of the gerund. fuit denuo uoluntas accedendi, 15. 28. sicut habent consuetudinem dandi, 17. 12. ut pars maxima sedendo in asellis possit Eubiri, 17. 26. uoluntatem eundi sed et facultatem perambulandi et reutr- tendi, 31. 27. iam propositi erat ... ad Asiam accedendi, 31. 35. PASSIVE PEEIPHEASTIO. The passive periphrastic is of rare occurrence, being almost entirely supplanted by the frequently recurring "necesse est.'' These two instances are found : uigiliae agenda erant, 14. 31. aguntur quae agenda sunt, 43. 25. PEBIPHBASTIC FORMS. I. Periphrasis with a participle for the finite verb. castra ibi iixa habuissent, 19. 7. quam sequentes fuerunt ( = secuti), 22. 23. ubi ipsi castra posita habebant, 25. 30. interpositae orationes fiunt (=interponuntur), 44. 5. The analytic method of forming the perfect, so charac- teristic of the Romance languages, is especially frequent in Gregory. r2r) STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY II. Periphrasis with coepi (cepi) and the infinitive, cepimus ascendere = ascendimus, 6. 33. tunc cepi eos rogare = rogaui, 7. 36. So also in 8. 18 ; 9. 5 ; 10. 5 ; 16. 32 ; 18. 6 ; 21. 2. 4 ; 22. 3, 13 ; 32. 18 ; 31. 17 ; 35. 7 ; 40. 20. 23 ; 41. 34 ; 42. 3. 27 ; 44. 13 ; 46. 31 ; 48. 33 (twenty-two instances in all). In 34. 17 the active of coepi is used with a passive infini- tive, quod cum ceperit legi. This periphrasis is employed with considerable freedom by Petronius. See Lexicon Petronianum Segebade et Lommatzch, sub voce coepi. III. Periphrasis with incipio and the iniinitive. incipitur denuo totum iam iuxta mare ambulari, 11. 36. See also 32. 18 ; 33. 18 ; 36. 1 ; 39. 9 ; 44. 33 ; 45. 3 ; 55. 6. IV A verbal noun with facio for the simple verb, fecimus ibi mansionem ^mansimus, 9. 28. Cf. faciens denuo mansiones aliquod, 15. 25. facientes aquam = aquantes, 11. 33. facit commemorationem singulorum = singula commemorat, 33. 6. y Se facere equivalent to fieri or esse, facit Be hora quinta, 38. 5. cum ceperit se hora septima facere, 40. 23. Ct. cum ceperit esse hora undecima, 42. 3. 27. So also 41. 34 ; 46. 8. 32 ; 49. 33, VI. Iter facere = ire. Et sic fecerunt ipsum iter, 13. 7. See also 15. 7. 13 23. 35 ; 22. 6. 13 ; 23.1; 24.5; 30. 16; 31.20. Iter is modified by an adjective in 12. 22. iter heremi areuosuin ualde feceramus. VII. Iter habere — ire. 15. 9. 24 ; 19. 25 ; 23. 25 ; 30. 5. So in the Vulgate, Luke 15 : 20, and elsewhere. Somewhat analogous to the use of facio in the first example under IV is its use with a noun expressing dura- tion of time : fecimus ibi biduum, 28. 4, " we rested there two days." So in 27. 1 ) 29. 19 ; 30. 14 ; 31. 14 ; 39. 26. 36. Ct. Vulgate, 2 Cor. 11 : 25 : noctem et diem in profundo maris feci. Cf. also statiua triduana facere, 24. 19 ; 31. 17, with stati- uam facere, 23. 30; 30. 32 See Journal of Philology, 1894, pp. 196 ft. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 127 In this connection certain uses of habere should be noted. I. Habet used impersonally to indicate measure of distance. habebat de eo loco forsitan quattuor milia, 5. 10. inde habebat de ciuitate forsitam mille quingentos passuB, 30. 30. Cf. quae (uallis) habet forsitan milia pasBOs forsitan sede- cim, 5. 13 ff. II. Habere = habere necesse. ipsam uallem nos trauersare habebamus, 5. 16. non ipsa parte exire habebamus, 9. 7. perdixerit omnia quae dicere habet, 33. 11. Cf. qui sanctus uir necesse habuit inouere se, 22. 19; also M. 24 ; 45. 15. This IS, perhaps, a development due to the influence of the Greek ix^i-v. See Ph. Thielmann, Archiv., II, pp. 50-64. III. Libenter habere. si libenter habes, "if you are willing,'' 24. 26. (luia libenter haberetis haec cognoscere. 32. 9. CHAPTER V. STYLE ASD DICTION. DIMINUTIVES. The extensive use of the diminutive in the less formal works of Roman literature and the large numljer of words in the Romance languages derived, not from the primitive, but from the diminutive form, naturally lead to the inference that this forma- tion was a favorite one in the people's speech. In view of this, the number of diminutives in the Peregrinatio does not seem at all great. The following occur ■ aliquantulum, 11. 31. The primitive, aliquantus, in 15. 27; 16. 1; 19. 16. 36; 23. 3; 24.9. 15; 25. 11. arbusculas, 7. 31. The primitive, arbor, 14. 11. 16. 17. 23. asellis, 17. 27. Asinus is not found. The meaning of saddle in the Gallic Latin has been suggested, Archiv, VI, 568. colliculi, 6. 18 ; ' 8. 10 ; 13. 18 ; 19. 35 ; 20. 5. 24 ; collis only in 30. 30 ; 31. 5. domumcellas, 45. 11. The primitive, domus, is frequent. Domunoula is found twice in the Vulgate, looulus, 45. 24, casket or box: without diminutive force. In the Vulgate, John 13 : 29, it means bag. monticulus, 19. 33; 25. 26. Mons is frequent, pomariolum, 7. 31 ; pomarium, 15. 8 ; 21. 5. 24. 26. GREEK WORDS AND PHRASES. The following Greek words and phrases are both trans- literated and translated into Latin : nunc est comes, sed grandis ; quod nos dicimus ulcus, 13. 25. Comes stands for Kib/XT]. • nam ipse nobis dixit nomen ipsius arboris, quemadmodutn appellant eam grece, id est dendrosa lethiae, quod nos dicimus arbor ueritatis, 14. 15 ff. Dendrosa lethiae, as the words appear in the manuscript, is intended for dendros alethiae and is a transliteration of S^vdpos dX7;9eIas. Quae ecclesia nunc appellatur greco sermone opumelchis, 20. 6. Opumelchis stands for Spo; MeXx'si aiid illustrates the confusion of the letter p with the Greek /5. 1 The absence of any real dimiuutive foi'C3 is made apparent by the addition of the adjective permodici. 128 SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 129 In hodie hie hortus aliter nou appellatur greco sermone nisi copos tu agiu lohanni, id est quod uos dicitis latine hortus sancti lohannis, 21. 10. Copos tu agiu lohanni represents k^ttos toO aylorj lodnvov. Hora autem decima, quod appellant hie lioinicoD, nam nos dieimus lucer- nare, 32. 32. Lieinicon for \vxviK6v. respondentes semper: "kyrie eleyson " : quod dieimus nos; "miserere, Domine," 33. 8. Kyrie eleyson for nipie iXiTjo-ov. The author of the Peregrinatio is hardly to be held respon- sible for the errors in transliterating the Greek ; it seems much more natural to attribute them to the ignorance of the scribe. OTHEE WORDS OF GREEK ORIGIN. absie, d^is, the choir of a church. retro in absida, 53. 24. See Gregory, H. F.. 6. 10, p. 2-55. *antiphona, d.vrlipwvot, responses. 21. 22 ; 32. 14. 17. 27; 33. 1. 4. 36 ; 34. 1. 25. 26 ; 33. 22 ; 37. 7 ; 38. 30 ; 39. 6 ; 40. 19. 30. 35 ; 41. 33 ; 42. 2. 8. 25 ; 44. 4. 10 ; 47. 11 ; 48. 31 ; 50. 22. 34 ; 51. 9. 13. 30., 31 ; 54. 35. Found in connection with either ymni or psalmi, and always in the plural, except in 40. 30. apostolus, dir^o-ToXos, apostle. 23. 10; 44. 3; 46. 15. 16. 23; 48. 24; 50. 5. 10. 11. 26. 30; 55. 26. Also with the meaning of the Church of the Apostles : per singulas ecclesias uel apostolos, 31. 30. ♦aputactites, dTroTaKTirai, those, particularly of the sect of the Maniehaeans, who abstained from meat and wine. See Code of Theodosius, XVI, title V, 1. 7. 31. 2. 15 ; 39. 30. 33 ; 48. 10. 34 : 49. 11 ; 51. 32. Perhaps also in 55. 7, where the manuscript reads actito. archidiaconus, d/JxiSniKoras, archdeacon. 40. 22 ; 41. 20 ; 43. 27 ; 50. 12. arehiotepa, apx^ruTos, with the meaning of imago. The proper Latin form is archetypus, as in Juvenal, 2. 7; Martial, 7. 11; 12. 69. Archiotepam occurs in 24. 30, and arehiotipa in 24. 36 ; 26. 13. ♦ascitis, dATKTiT-ns, ascetic. monachus a prima uita et ut hie dieunt ascitis, 7. 17; monachi sancti quos hie ascites uoeant, 17. 8; et illos maiores (monaehos) qui in solitudine sedebant quos ascites uoeant, 27. 27. See also 29: 2. 16. Used as an adjective, uir ascitis, 22. 18. baptista, paTma-T^s, baptist. lohaunem baptistam, 21. 9 ; sancti lohannis baptistae, 21. 25. baptizare, ^airrl^eiv, to baptize. 21. 19. 20. 23. Also in form baptidiare, 47. 18 ; 48. 9 ; 52. 7. 33 ; 53. 34. From the same root is derived the noun baptismus, which occurs only in the oblique eases: adbaptismum,52.26.29; baptismi,53.32; baptismo,54.6. *Words thus marked are not cited in Harper's Latin Lexicon. 130 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY basilica, /Sao-iXiK^, basilica or church. 33. .33 ; 34. U ; 35. 8. canon, Kavdiv, the canon of the Holy Scriptures. scriptura canonis, 28. 27 ; Gregory, H. F., 4. 26, p. 162. cata, KaTa. See under prepositions. Chap. IV, p. 95 ; frequent in the Vulgate, cathecisis, KaT-fixna-ts, religious instruction. inchoans a Genese per illos dies quadraginta percurret omnes scripturas, primum exponens carnaliter et sic illud soluens spiritualiter. Nee non etiam et de resurrectionn similiter et de tide omnia docentur per illos dies. Hoc autem cathecisis appellatur, 53. Iff. Also 53. 14. 16, and in the form cathecismus, 53. 12. The accusative form is cathecisen, 53. 14. cathecuminus, KaT-rixov/j.ei'os, cathecumen. 32. 22 ; 33. 12. 14. 15. 21 ; 35. 9 ; 36. 5 ; 38. 20 ; 42. 31 ; 43. 7. 18. 35 ; 45. 31 ; 47. 5 ; 48. 25 ; 49. 7 ; 50. 27. 32 ; 51. 7. 10. 14 ; 52. .35 ; 53. 31. 32. .35 ; 54. 6. 8. cathedra, nadiSpa, the bishop's throne. 45. 22 23 ; 46. 12 ; 52. 12. 13. 31 ; 5.3. 24. ohristianus, xP'-"''''-''^''^^^ Christian. 23. 16 ; 24. 27 ; 28. 11. clerici, kXtipikoI, the clergy. 12. .36; 17,20; 20.12; 21.21; 22.20; 28.10; 29.29; 34.11; 47.9; 51.34.36; 52, 14. 30 ; 55. 16. Gregory, H. F., 4. 7, p. 146. clerus, kXtjpos, the clergy. 32. 19; 37. 3; 48. 9. Gregory, Mart., 3. 50, p. 644. diaconissa, Sia/cii/io-ira, deaconess. sancta diaconissa, 30. 36. diaconue, SidKovos, deacon. 15. 36 ; 32, 16 ; 33. 6. 7. 10. 16 ; 34. 1. 10. 27 ; 35. 12 ; 42. 1 ; 45. 24. 28. 33 ; 46. 3. ebdomadae, i(idoij.dSes, a week. singuli dies singularum ebdomadarum aguntur sic, 37. 31 ; also 39. 12 ; 52. 12. Hebdomada is the form of the Vulgate. *ebdomadarius, a derivative for the above. hi quos appellant ebdomadarios id est qui faciunt septimanas, 39. 13 ff. There is also a corrupt form, domadarius : quos dicunt hie domadarios, 39. 12. ecclesia, iKK\rjaia, church. Naturally of frequent occurrence, one hundred and sixteen times in all. In one passage it seems to have its earlier meaning of assembly, 16. 18 : locutus est Moyses in aures totius ecclesiae Israhel. ecclesiasticus, iKK\-ri(naens et ualde pulchra et noua dispositione, ut uere digna est esse domus Dei, 24. 16. In classical Latin the word is used only of rhetorictjl arrangement (as in Cicero) or of military order, diuinus, seer, pi ophet. Balaam diuinum, 19. 12. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEIXATIO 139 ebi'iaous = ebriosus. See Chap. II, p. 83. esca = cibus, used both, in singular and plui-al. concupiscentiam esoarum habuerunt, 10. 2-3 ; escam portabat, 22. 8 ; esca haec est, 40. 4. exemplaria, copies. et licet exemplaria ipsarum haberem, 26. 31. extimare = existimare, in sense of putare. ne extimetis aliquid sine ratione fieri, 53. 33. fabrica = aedificium. fabricam quam uides ecclesia est, 20. 6 ; de ornatu fabrioae ipsius, 36. 17. fabulae, conversation (tari, to spealt). monachorum tabulas, 29. 17. flgere = ponere. castrafixerunt, 13. 18; 16.8; castra fixa habuissent, 19.7; lapis fixus stat, 5. 21. In 11. 5 conflgere, confixus mos esset tabernaculum (text corrupt), fortis, strong. fortiori corpore, 11. 28 ; qui fortiores sunt, 47. 10. Ct. Plautus, Miles Glor., 1106 ; Pliny, Ep. 1. 12. 12, and elsewhere. In the same meaning it is found in Gregory and in the Vulgate, fumigare, to smoke. mons fumigabat, 7. 10. Cf. Aulus Gellius, 19. 1. 3. girare.= gyrare, to surround. et girant ciuitatem istam, 25. 11 ; also pergirare, 2-3. 20. graece, in Greek. greci ( = grece) et siriste nouit, 54. 13; graece (grece), 54. 14. 15. 17. 19. 21. So the adjective Graecus, speaking Greek ; fratres graeci latini qui latine exponunt, 54. 23. grandis = magnus. 5. 21 ; 7. 4. 11. 12. 13 ; 10. 8 ; 13. 25 ; 17. 30 ; 19. 31. 33. 34. 35 ; 20. 20 ; 21. 1 ; 23. 14; 28. 12. 15; 29. 22; 30. 3; .35. 3; 46. 10. It is modified by ualde in 46. 10: atrium ualde grandem. The adverb granditer (grandiiter) occurs once: qui satis grandiiter attenditur, 27. 28. Cf. Vulgate, 1 Esdr. 9:7; also Ovid, Heroides, 15. 30. hospitium (ospitium) = domuB. et uadent se unusquisque ad ospitium suum, 36. 6. Gregory, Mart., 47, p. 520, ad hospitium cuiusdam pauperis. See Bonnet, p. 290, and Archiv, VIII, p. 194. infantes, children. ubi infantes cum ramis uel palmis occurrerunt Domino, 42. 4 ; also 42. 10. Cf. Juvenal, 14. 168. infinitus — magnus. 5.3; 6. ,34; 8.11.14; 14.6.27; 16.11; 22.1.16; 29.27; 31.12; 32. .35; 33. 10 ; 34. 7 ; 37. 9. Modified by ualde : uallis intinita erat ualde, 14. 27 ; by nimis : lapidem infinitum nimis, 29.27; and by ita : cum tamen ita infiniti essent ut, 8. 11. 140 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY ingens = magnus. 5. 3. 11. 12. 17 ; 8.36; 10. 12 ; 14. 5. 7, 8 ; 17. 14 ; 22, 1. 15 ; 23. 34 ; 24. 16. 31 ; 25. 7 ; 29. 22 ; 30. 4 ; 33. 26. It is modified by ualde : ecclesia ingens ualde, 29. 22. In consequence of the weakening of grandis, infinitus, and ingens, magnus is almost entirely driven out. In the only instance of the use of the positive, ingens is added : flumen magnum et ingens, 23. 34. The superlative is used as an intensive form of the positive, 43. 29 ; 47. 11 ; 49. 28. Tarn magnus is used for tantus ; tam magnum laborem, 24. 25 ; tarn magna turba, 44. 23; tam magnum montem, 44. 24. ingredi = ascendere. Used transitively three times : montem ingredi, 5. 16 ; ingressi sumus montem, 6. 28 ; quos ingressi fueramus, 9. 6. Also intransitively in sense of enter : 6. 10 and 36. 3. latinus, one who speaks Latin. quicumque hie latini sunt, 54. 21 ; fratres et sorores latini, 54. 23. Latine,. the adverb, 54. 23 : qui latine exponunt. legitimus — consuetudinarius. aguntur omnia legitima, id est offertur iuxta consuetudinem, 49. 36. leuius = lentius. necesse est leuius iri, 35. 33. luce = prima luce. et sic tit missa iam luce, 32. 25. luminaria, lamps. luminaria pro hoc pendent, 33. 33; see also 34. 7 ; 36. 3. maledicere, to curse. Used transitively : ad maledicendos filios Israhei, 19. 12. manducare, to eat. 39. 15. 16. 23, 24. 26. 27. 29. 32; 40. 1; 41. 27; 44. 1. Always in the active. See Petronius, 56 ; Varro, R. R., 3. 7. 9. Very frequent in the Vulgate, mansio, station or resting-place. ac sic ergo fecimus ibi mansionem, 9. 28 ; inde maturantes uenimus denuo ad mansionem, 11. .32. 34. Associated with this use of the noun is that of the verbs manere and commanere, in the sense of dwell : illos sanctos monachos qui ibi manebant, 17. 16; see also 18. 2; in ipsa summitate montis mediani nullus commanet, 7. 21 ; monachi plurimi commanent ibi, 17. 8 ; also 17. 22 ; 19. 36 ; 24. 20 ; 29. 28. In the Vulgate, mansio is a translation of iMvrj, a dwelling, matutinus, of the morning ; French matin. matutinos ymnos dicere, 32. 18 ; missa matutina, 51. 36 ; 52. 31. Used in the Vulgate. Cf. also Seneca, Ep. 83. 14 ; Apuleius, Met., 5. 17. median us = medius. See Chap. II, p. 83. mittere, to lead in the direction of. quod (mare) mittit Alexandriam, 8. 14; quod (iter) mittit de Thebaida in Pelusio, 15. 5. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 1-il modicus = paruus. modica nerrola est, 7. 30 ; et arbor permodica est, 14. 12 ; also 20. 28 ; 40. 7. The adverbs modice and modico = paulum : sedent modice, 45. 21 ; sedete et modico, 45. 12. See Archiv, IX, p. 515. Frequent in the Vulgate, also in Petronius, and Apuleius. morari, to dwell. ubi moratus est sanctus Abraam, 27. 3. So also commorari : monachi qui ibi commorabantur, 6. 30 ; also in 6. 33 ; 7. 19 ; 11. 18. 26 ; 16. 10 ; The translation of "to tarry " seems more appropriate 'in 5. 17 and 11.1. 28. 11. musiuuni, mosaic. honorauit auro, musiuo et marmore pretioso, 36. 19. Museum (Gk. ixovcetov) is used by Gregory, H. F., 1. 32, p. 50. *nerrola = riuulus. modica nerrola est, 7. 30. Gamurrini connects the word with the Arabian nahr or the Greek tow, and refers to the Gloss. Dugangii for nero = rivuluB. notor, guide. See Chap. II, p. 82. nuIlus = nemo. nullus commanet, 7. 21; also 17. 35; 2.3. 16; 43. 17; 44. 36; 46. 29; 54. 11 ^ 55. 10. Nemo is found four times : 40. 1 ; 46. 2 ; 49. 11. 17. ostium (hostium), door. 7. 14. 35 ; 8, 24 ; 18. 9. 13. 18 ; 32. 10 ; 34. 6. 16 ; 35. 8 ; 46. 6 ; 48. 22 ; 54. 8. lanua does not occur ; baluis (ualuis) is found in 51. 4. parere = apparere. 5. 25; 14. 4. 6; 18. 11. 12. 15; 19. 35; 21. 8; 24. 33; 26. 9. Apparere, however, is found in 5. 4 ; 18. 24; 22. 15. 25; 25. 36; 26. 1. Ct. Verg., Aen., 10. 176 ; Suetonius, Oct., 95 ; frequent in the Vulgate and the Digest, pars, ex ea parte, for that reason. ex ea parte non sentiebatur labor quia, 7. 6. paruitas, used concretely. meam paruitatem dignabatur suscipere, 11. 23, "my humble self.'' Cf. Valer. Max., praef. parui = pauci. episcopi quando parui fuerint, 55. 14. Cf. extra paucos clericos, 28. 10. See Bonnet, p. 276. petrinus, rocky (not classical). mons totus petrinus sit, 7. 27. pisinnus, small. ecclesia pisinua, 17. 6 ; a pissino nutritus in monasterio, 14. 35 (a pis- 8inno = "from youth up"); semper pisinni plurimi stant, 33. 8. See Archiv, VIII, 480, and Appendix Probi. *pIeoare (plicare), to turn. et sic plecaremus nos ad montem, 6. 9 ; plicauimus nos ad mare, 12. 12 ;. cum iam prope plicarent ciuitati (without the reflexive), 25. 18. 142 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY pronuntiatio. orationes tales pronuntiationes habent ut et diei et loco conueuiunt, 50. 23. pullus, cock, used only in phrases indicating the time of day. ante pullorum cantuni, 32. 10; 33. 31; 34. 3; ad pullorum cantum, 33. 35 ; de pullo primo, 37. 32 ; 38. 7; 42. 21 ; 49. 12. 28 ; 51. 17. 26. 27. 31. 34; 52. 1; mox primus pullus cantauerit, 34. 5. See also 41. 13; 43.9; 44. 13. rationabiles, reasonable. semper ita apti et ita rationabiles ut ad ipsam rem pertineant quae agituv, 35. 24. In the Vulgate, rationabilis is a tranelation of Xoyiicos. recedere = mori. monachis slue qui iam recesserant, 29. 14. In 44. .36 used in ordinary meaning : nullus recedit a uigiliis usque in mane, recessus = mors. post recessum Moysi, 16. 14. Obitus is found in 16. 21. See Archiv, VIII, p. 183, rugitus, groaning. Always in the phrase, rugitus et mugitus, 34. 17 ; 43. 16 ; 44. 30. sedere. (a) To be stationed: miles ibi sedet cum tribuno suo; 24. 10; ct. praesidet ; cum milite qui ibi nunc praesidet, 13. 10. {b) To rest, to tarry : ubi sederant filii Israhel dum Moyses ascenderet, 9. 32 ; also 21. 32 ; 22. 7. 19; 27. 27. (c) In a figurative use ; si aliud aniiiio sederit, 32. 3. (d) In the ordinary meaning : 32. 28 ; 33. 3. 35 ; 34. 35 ; 41. 32. 36 ; 42. 1 ; 44. 7 ; 45. 11. 21. 27 ; 48. 30 ; 50. 20. 21. 30 ; 52. 13. 32. 35 ; 53. 15. sella. quia prorsus nee in sella ascendi poterat, 7. 5. According to WoMin, Archiv, VI, p. 568, in the Gallic Latin, sella is not an equivalent of lectica, but means saddle. See also Cod. Theodos., 8. 5; 47. 1. sera, evening. sabbato sera, 6.28; pridie sera, 9.7; quia_iam sera erat, 9. 23. 26; iam nee sera manducant, 39. 27 ; de sera ad sera, 40. 1 ; also 42. 17 ; 47. 12 48. 26 ; 49. 25 ; nocte sera, 42. 33 ; 43. 8. Sero, the adverb. 38. 32 ; 42. 18 47. 1. 31.. Geyer, Archiv, VIII, p. 479: Spuren gallischen Lattins bei Marcellus Empiricus, mentions this use of s.Ma as a peculiarity of Gallic Latin, siricum for sericum, silk. extra aurum et gemmas aut sirico, 36. 12. The adjective olesericus for holosericus, 36. 14. siriste, in the Syrian language. grece et siriste nouit, 54. 13; also 54. 16. 17. 2U. 21. eolitudo, desert. sub uoce heremus. sorbitio, draught. Post-Augustan. et sorbitione modica de farina, 40. 6. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 143 specialis = propiius. Post- Augustan. Bpecialis autem ille mone, 6. 11 ; qui specialis Syna dicitur, 6. 20 ; 7. 2. So the adverb specialiter : haec pars specialiter orientalis appellatur, 29. 10. See also 44. 36. strata, street. in strata occurrit, 40. 27. Ct. Herm., Past., 1. 4 ; Juveucus, Evang. Hist., 1. 290. statiua-ae = mansio. The classical form is statiua-oium. facere statiuam, 23. 31; also 24. 19; 30. 32; SI. 17. *subdiuanus = sanctus. locus subdiuanus, 46. 9; see Chap. II. *sublinteata, with a linen cloth. meusa sublinteata, 45. 24; see Chap. II. BufEerre = tolerare. maximus labor suffertur, 51. 17. sUmmitas, summit. Post-classical. 6. 11 ; 7. 8. 12. 14. 21 ; 8. 8. 18 ; 10. 9 ; 17. 29. 30 ; 18. 10 ; 20. 5 ; 45. 28. superare = superesse. superabant tria milia, 9. 6; also 40. 13; 53. 22. superfluuB, superfluoue. Post Augustan. superfluum fuit scribi, 36. 11. temporius = maturius. temporius quam ceteris diebus, 43. 23. Cf. Gregory of Tours, H. F., 5. 45, p. 238. totuB = omnis. toti illi montts, 6. 16; toto anno, 37 34. 35; 38. 8. 10. 17. 33; 39. 32; ad unum toti, 50. 33 ; see also 7. 27 ; 25. 20 ; 37. 2 ; 38. 13. 25. 30 ; ,39. 5. 24. 34. 36 ; 40. 19 ; 42. 7. 22 ; 44. 35 ; 45. 21 ; 46. 2S. See Woltflin, Archiv, III, p. 470. Toti = omnes in Apuleius (frequently), in Pervigilium Veneris, vs. 18 ; also in the Vulgate ; but it is rare in Gregory (see Bonnet, p. 276). totum = omnino. quattuor milia totum per ualle ilia, 5. 11 ; see also 6. 3. 11. 36 ; 12. 4 ; 15. 6. 9 ; 21. 4 ; 28. 12. *tra(ns) uersare, to pass through, ipsam uallem nos trauersare habebamus, 5. 16 ; also 6. 8. *triduanum = triduum. facto triduano, 27. 1 ; also statiua triduana, 24. 19 ; 31. 17. See Chap. II. uadere = ire. 14. 13 ; 27. 5 ; ,33. 20. 23 ; 35. 32 ; 36. 6 ; 42. 36 ; 44. 1 ; 45. 19 ; 49. 21 ; 51. 33. 35; 53. 25. This colloquial form has survived in the Romance languages, uices, "turns." uices habent, 32. 16. uicibus = uicissim. uicibus enim quotidie prosbyteri et diacones uigilant, 34. 27 ; also 39. 6 ; 51. 34. uisio, visit. propter uisionem sanctorum illorum, 28. 5. IJrJr STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY PECULIARITIES IN THE USE OF PEONODNS.' I. Ille as the definite article. Ille is used by Gregory of Tours as the definite article almost as freely as are the forms derived from it in the modern Romance languages (see Bonnet, pp. 258 ff.). In the Peregrinatio a tendency in this direction is to be observed, although it is often difficult to determine whether the translation the or that is the more appropriate. A few examples are given . ubi sex tamen montes illi inter quos ibamus aped'iebant, 5. 2. deductores sancti illi qui nobiscum erant, 5. 7. ille [mons] medianus tanto altior est omnibus illis, 6. 15. ad radicem propriam illius mediani que est specialis Syna, 7. 2. sancti illi, the saints, 7. 35 ; cf . 8. 1. 16. 26 ; 9. 34 ; 11. 22 ; 17. 33 ; 28. 5. In the following passages, ille may be rendered as the definite article : 6. 15. 17. 19 ; 7. 2. 9. 35 ; 8. 1. 2. 4. 13. 26 ; 9. 10. 30. 31. 34 ; 10. 1. 7. 21. 26. 28 ; 11. 5. 9. 10. 22 ; 16. 4 ; 17. 15. 20. 29. 33 ; 18. 22. 23. 34 ; 19. 7 ; 20. 16 ; 25. 33 ; 26. 26 ; 27. 16. 26 ; 28, 5, 13 ; 29. 3. 5. 27 ; 40. 29 ; 42. 4 ; 44. 28 ; 45. 4 ; 46. 4. 32 ; 47. 3. 26. 31 ; 48. 20 ; 49. 4. 30 ; 50, 5. 24. 29 ; 52. 9 ; 53. 1. 22 ; 54. 1 ; 55. 26. In the following, it is more clearly of demonstrative force 5. 11. 22 : 6. 11. 13. 16. 18. 19 ; 7. 29 ; 8. 6. 9 ; 13. 23 ; 19. 8. 21 20. 2 ; 21. 17 ; 25. 27 ; 26. 6. 10, 20. 28 ; 28. 14. 16. 33 ; 29. 9. 20, 35 30. 11 ; 34, 24 ; 36. 10. 15 ; 37. 4 ; 40. 15 ; 41. 2. 29 ; 42. 33. 35 ; 43. 14 ; 44. 32. 36 ; 46. 24. 32 ; 52. 6 ; 53. 4. 10 ; 54. 6. Finally, it is employed as the third personal pronoun : 6. 16. 22. 23 ; 8. 10 ; 14. 14. 25 ; 17. 17, 35 ; 18. 1 ; 21. 31 ; 22. 24 ; 23. 10 ; 28. 14. 18. 29 ; 29. 35 ; 31. 1. 3 ; 32. 24 ; 34. 21. 36 ; 39. 19 ; 40. 2. 3 ; 42. 11 ; 43. 6 ; 47. 4 ; 52. 1. 21. 36 ; 53. 2 ; 55. 16. II. Unus as the indefinite article. In the following passages, unus has evidently not the force of a numeral, and may best be regarded, like its descendants in the Romance languages, as the indefinite article : ut diceretur etiam psalmus unus pertinens ad rem, 16. 29 ; so in 27. 14 ; 29. 25 : 36. 4. dicitur unus y mnus, 42. 30 ; so in 43. 31 ; 44. 18. 1 For the forms bii and hisdem see Chap. HI. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGRINATIO 145 III. The uses of ipse. Bonnet's remarks as to Grregory's use of this pronoun may well be applied to the Peregrinatio : "Ipse est peut- etre celui de tous les pronoms dont le domaine s'est le plus 6largi : il empifete souvent sur idem, sur is. hie, iste ou ille " (Bonnet, p. 301). a) As a personal pronoun. aut ipsi dicebant, 5. 14 ; ruinae ipsius infinitae parent, 14. 6 ; in honors ipsorum, 14. 10. See also 14. 15. 21 ; 16.9: 17. 7. 11 ; 20. 5. 19. 20 ; 24. 28. 31 ; 25. 30 ; 26. 25. 31. 32 ; 27. 29 ; 28. 29 ; 29. 33 ; 30. 35 ; 39. 36 ; 40. 13 ; 42. 8 ; 54. 22. b) Possibly equivalent to idem. uallis autem ipsa ingens est, 5. 12, haec ergo uallis ipsa est in cuius capite ille locus est, 5. 22. See also 6. 8 ; 7. 27 ; 8. 26 ; 11. 11 : 13. 21 ; 27. ,30 ; 36. 27. 28 ; 37. 2. 4 ; 55. 20. The identity in meaning of ipse and idem in vari- ous periods is discussed by Header, The Latin Pronouns Is, Hie, Iste, Ipse, pp. 165 ft. c ) Equivalent to hie or is. ipsam ergo uallem, 5. 15 ; totum per mediam uallem ipsam, 6, 4. 6. See also 6. 32 ; 7. 1. 6. 14. 26. 28 : 8. 8. 18. 30 ; 9. 1. 2. 6. 7. 12. 18. 20. 2o. 34. 35 ; 10. 10. 12. 15. 20. 36 : 11. 7. 26 ; 12, 29 13. 13. 22. 26. 29 ; 14. .34 ; 15. 32 ; 16. 16. 20. 23. 29. 34. .36 ; 17. 19, 22. 23 ; 18. 27. 31. 33 ; 19. 36 ; 20. 4. 11, 14, lo. 18. 24. 35 ; 21. 2, 8. 9. 14. 15. 19. 26. 29. 32 ; 22, 1. 9, 20 ; 23. 15. 28 ; 24. lo. 22 ; 25, 5. 7. 10. 16. 28. 29 ; 26. 18. 19. 20. 21. 23. 24. 29 ; 27. 12. 13. 27 28. 9. 35 ; 29. 4. 24 ; 30. 2. 7 ; ,31. 5 ; 35. 24 ; 36. 18. 24 ; 37 3. 5. 9, 18. 26 ; 38. 13 ; .39. .33 ; 40. ,30. 34, 36 ; 41. 33 ; 43. 32. 33 ; 44. 7, 11 19 ; 45. 8 ; 46. 9, 36 : 47 1, 5. 29. 34 ; 48. 2. 7. 21 : 49. 6. 12. 17 50. 7. 22. 34 ; 52. 29 : 54. 34 ; 55. 24. Locus ipse, 9. 25 and elsewhere, means "the appro- priate passage ;" so also lectio ipsa, 16. 29 and frequently. d) As an intensive. 6. 9. 15 ; 7. 12. 15. 21 ; 13. 31 ; 14. 24 ; 16. 10 ; 17, 30 ; 18. 3. 10, 27. 28 ; 19. 24 : 24. 9 ; 25, 27 : 26. 12. 31 ; 27. 8. 12 ; 28. 7 ; 32. 2. 21 ; 35. 20 ; 43. 3 : 44. 20 ; 46. 27 ; 49, 11 ; 50. 7, 29 ; 53, 32 : 54, 31. IV. Id est and hoc est. The use of the pronouns hie and is conforms in general closely to the classical norm. A word may be added, 146 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY however, as to the two explanatory phrases, id est and hoc est. The former is the favorite in the Peregrinatio and has almost entirely supplanted its rival. This is quite con- sistent with the history of the two formulae in the later Latin, as is shown by Header, pp. o3 tf. a) Id est, explanatory. ad illud caput uallis descenderemus, id est ubi rubus erat, 5. 26 ; so also 6. 20 ; 7. 9. Vl. 26. 29 ; 8. 7. 3.3 ; 9. 10. 31 ; 10. 30. 31 ; 11. 1. 32. 35 : 12. 1.5. 23. 28. 30. 32 ; 13. 23 ; 14. 16 ; 15. 5. 17. 36 ; 16. 1. 31 : 17. 1 ; 18. T. 17. 31 ; 20. 8. 17 ; 21. 19. 24. 30 ; 22. 2. 6 ; 23. 11.18.28; 24.6: 25.4; 26.2.12; 27.6.11.19.22.21; 28.24; 29. 14 ; .30. 20 ; :n. 22. 27 ; 32. 28. 36 ; 3 i. 5. .31 ; .35. 26. 28 ; 36. I. .31 . 37. 32 ; 38. 17. ,32 ; 39. 2. 4. 11. 24 : 40. 13. 17. 25 ; 41. 1. II. 17. 20. 21. 24. 29, .32. 35 : 42. 20. 23 ; 41 4 ; 45. 16. 18 ; 46. 10. 14 ; 47. 16 ; 48. 2. 6. 7. 14, 18. 22. 23. 28 ; 49. 10. 15. 19. lO. 23. 27. .31. .33. 36; 50. 16. 18. 19. 29; 51. 2. 26; 52. 11. 12. 36; 53. 11. 19. 32 : .54. 2. 21. ,30; 55. 8. 24. h) Id est, introducing a translation from the Greek. 21. 11; .37. .30: 39. 14. c) Id est. introducing a restrictive clause. oranes monachi . . .id est qui tamen aut etate aut inbeccilli- tate non fuerunt impediti, 7. 20; so in 15. 28; 31. 35; 47. 10; 48.9. d ) Hoe est, explanatory. 11. 9; 12, .36; 39. 8; .52. 9. V. Quanti equivalent to quot. de omnibus p:-esbytpiis quanti uolunt, .34. 35. de plebe quanti uolunt, 48. 11. Quot does not occur; quotquot is found once only; et quotquot sunt intautes. 42. 9. Quanti is similarly used in the Vulgate, in Hieronymus, Lactantius, and Tertullian; several times also in Gregory (see Bonnet, p. 267). VI. Quomodo as an indefinite adverb. et unusquisque quomodo stat, 33. 13. ut inclinet capita sua quomodo stant, 3.5. 13. unusquisque quomodo potest, 50. 16. de plebe auteni qui quomodo possunt. 51. .33. SAXCTAE SILVIAE PEREGEINATIO 147 PECULIARITIES IN MEANING OF ADVERBS. I. Aliquando = umquam. ut non me putarem aliquando altiores uidisse, 8. 11. Compare quam nunquam me puto uidisse. G. 14. II. Aliqiiandiu, for some time. commorati sunt aliquandiu, 11. 1 ; also 21. 28, 29 ; iS. 30. III. Forsitan = fere. forsitan quattuor milia, 5. 11 ; forsitan is repeated in 5. 13 ff. quae habet forsitan, quantum potuimus uidentes estimare aut ipsi dicebant, in longo milia passos forsitan sedeoim. Other instances: 9.5.15; 17.3; 18.33; 22.24; 24.2; 2G. .33 ; 30. 31 ; 36. 26. 34 ; 40. 25. 26 ; 43. 26 ; 44. 3. 8. 31 ; 48. 27 ; 51.3. IV. Forte =fere. toi-tead mille passus, 28. 14 ; cf. 28. 29; 30.4 ; ante tortequintam,35. 4. Forte in its usual meaning occurs once : ne forte conen- tur, 31. 9. V. lam — fere. miliario iam sexto deoimo est, 13. 30 ; hora iam tertia, 53. 16. VI. Inibi = ibi. inibi est ergo s'pelunca, 21. 31. VII. Nunqnid. Nunquid may perhaps be equivalent to nunquam in 31. 3, in which case the punctuation should be changed to give the follow- ing reading : Que me cum uidisset, quod gaudium illius uel meum esse potuerit, nunquid uel scribere possum. It is interrogative in 36. IG : nunquid uel existimari aut scribi potest ? VIII. Postmodum = postea. Twenty-five instances. See p. 121. IX. Primitus — primum. quando de eo loco primitus uidetur mons Dei, 5. 9 ; also 8. 9 ; 11. 5 ; 12. 23 ; 26. 27. X. Singulariter = singuli. singulariter interrogat episcopus uicinos, 52. 16. XI. Tarn modifying a phrase. cum tam in proximo esset, 30. 21. l-tS STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY XII. Satis and ualde are the adverbs used as intensives : a) Satis. satis admirabile est, 6. 18 : also 6 29 ; 7. 12 ; 12. 31 ; 13. 31 ; 11. 19. 33 ; 17. 4 ; 18. 12 ; 19. 29. 31. 33 ; 21. 6 ; 22. 3 ; 23. 21. 33 ; 24. 33 ; 26. 28 ; 27. 23. 28. 31 ; 28. 6 ; 30. i. 21 ; 31. 6. 8 ; 35. 21 ; 36. 32 ; 43. 8. It modifies even a superlative : optimae satis, 19. 31 ; 21.6. Other uses of satis : Equivalent to longum, tedious : quae quidem omnia singulatim scribere satis tuit, 10. 32. Equivalent to longum : quoniam satis est usque ad ecclesia maiore, 51. 1. b) Valde. 5. 4. 12 ; 11. 12. 14 ; 12. 22 ; 14. 20. 27 ; 17. 9. 14. 26 ; 19. 10 ; 23. 29 ; 24. 16 ; 26. 25 ; 28. 16 ; 29. 1. 22 : 30. 29 ; 37. 11 ; 46. 10 ; 54. 24. It modifies infinitus in 14. 27, infinita erat ualde : and a phrase in 37. 11, ualde cum summo honore. Valde occurs eighteen times in Cicero's Letters. See Professor Abbott, Archiv, IX, p. 462. It is also the most frequent intensive in Gregory. See Bonnet, p. 308. XIII. Ubi. Ubi as a relative adverb equivalent to quo occurs one hundred and twenty-two times. In 9. 21 and 22. 28 only is it correlative with ibi. QuO;' on the other hand, is employed but twice, 5. 6 and 22. 24. In the same way, ibi is used for eo one hundred and forty-two times, and has entirely driven out the latter. Ubi for ibi in 28. 9 is merely a mistake in writing : monasteria qui ubi habebat. XIV. Ubique, everywhere. candelae ubique pendent, 33. 27 ; consuetudo que ubique fit, 34. 34 ; also 35. 5 : 47. 33 : 43. 1. PECULIARITIES IN THE USE OF CONJUNCTIONS. I. Nec non et = et. nee non et fines Saracenorum, 8. 14 ; also 18. 19. 21 ; 24. 20 ; 31. 30 ; 33. 36 ; 46. 17. So in Arnobius, Adversus Gentes, IV, 35 ; V, 19 ; VI, 17. See Archiv, VIII, 181 ; X, 390. 1 Geyer incorrectly says, " quo omnino deest." SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 149 II. Nec non etiam et = et. nee non etiam et omnes monachi, 7. 18 ; also 9. 25 ; 11. 16 ; 13. 17 ; 16. 24 ; 23. 9 ; 24. 15 ; 31. 11 ; 33. 3 ; 48. 10 ; 53. 2 ; 54. 25. III. Nec non etiam = et. nec non etiam in Lazariu, 47. 36 ; 52. 34 ; 53. 29. IV. Et superfluous. See Bonnet, p. 313. o) With sicut (sicuti). sicut et nos fecimus, 5. 10 ; also 6. 6 ; 8. 26 ; 9. 29 ; 11. 33 ; 17. 28 ; 21. 3. 14 ; 22. 22. 32 ; 23. 22 ; 25. 35 ; 26. 9 ; 29. 12 ; 32. 31 ; 33. 24 ; 37. ,33. 36 ; 38. 6. 8. 14 ; 40. 14 ; 47. 33. b) With nam, mainly at beginning of a sentence. 6.31; 8.23; 9.1; 10.5; 13.8.11.22.31; 14.20.23; 16.4.8; 17. 10 ; 18. 22 ; 19. 8 ; 20. 28 ; 21. 12 ; 24. 7. 10. 36 ; 26. 3 ; 28. 7 ; 29. 1. 36 ; 34. 1 ; 36. 12 ; 37. 4. c) Quoniam et. 7. 11 ; 14. 4. d) Etiam et. 7. 18 ; 10. 1. 25. 28 ; 11. 17 ; 12. 2. 3 ; 14. 23 ; 15. 34 ; 17. 15 ; 18. 6 ; 27. 26. 32. 34 ; ,38. 20 ; 40. 35 ; 50. 24 ; 53. 29. e) Licet et. 8.35. /) Other instances. 7. 15 ; 8. 18. 27 ; 9. 2. 5. 22 ; 18. 3 ; 21. 13. 17. 34 ; 22. 24 ; 24. 28 ; 27. 8 ; 2S. 1. 4. 14. 29 ; 30. ,35 ; 32. 1. 19 ; ,33. 2. 10. 25 ; 35. 5. 17 ; 37. 35 ; 38. 11. 30 ; 42. 15 ; 43. 34 ; 47. 32. 35 ; 50. 32 ; 53. 8. V. Non solum — sed et. non solum Libiadam sed et Jericho, 18. 15 ; cf . 31. 27 ; 32. 12 ; 39. 31; 40. 34; 55. 7. VI. Etiam — sed et. dicuntur etiam psalmi sed et antiphonae, 33. 1. VII. Tam — quam etiam — sed et. tarn ante Anastasim quam etiam ante Crucem sed et post Crucem, 33. 28. VIII. Tam — quam, equivalent to et — et. tam uiris quam femiuis, 31. 15 ; so also 33. 12. 23. 27 ; 36. 20; 40. 19 ; 45. 26. 30 ; 46. 22 ; 47. 35 ; 48. 36 ; 52. 33 ; 55. 12. tam ymni quam antiphonae et lectiones, 54. 24. Tam and quam are found in regular correlation in 6. 14 : tam excelsi quam nunquam me puto uidisse. 150 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY IX. Tarn — tam, equivalent to et — et. tarn qui nocte dicuntur, tam qui contra mature, tam etiam qui per diem, 35. 22 ff. tam in ecclesia tam etiam in Imbomon, 48. 12. X. Tam — uel, equivalent to et — et. tam de Mesopotamia uel Syria uel de Egypto aut Thebaida, 55. 8. XI. Uses of uel. a) Equivalent to et. et pomariola instituunt uel orationes, 7. 31 ; presbyteris uel monachis, 8. 32 ; also in 12. 36 ; 15. 17 ; 18. 8 ; 19. 6 ; 21 22 22. 20 ; 26. 25 ; 27. 32 ; 29. 12 ; 30. 12 ; 31. 15. 30 ; 32. 15 33. 4 ; 34. 26 ; 35. 22 ; 37. 17. 18 ; 39. 31 ; 40. 19 ; 42. 2. 4. 8 50. 34 ; 51. 31 ; 52. .34 ; 53. 14 ; 55. 7. 21. 22. Vel in the Church Latin is frequently used without any disjunctive force. See Ronsch, p. .345, and Bonnet, p. 315. b) Vel, equivalent to aut. quaecumque deeiderabamus uel quae ipsi melius nouerant, 8. 5; also 11. 17. 26; 29. 13; 31. 3; .32. 15; 36. 10. 15 ff.; 46. 16. c) Vel intensive. uel maxime ea desideraueram, 8. 29 ; et uel tam perlustres, 25.4. uel una die quod biberent, 25. 34. d) Vel with a numeral. candele uel ducente, 50. 36. e) Aut — uel, equivalent to aut — aut. aut ad Crucem uel in Eleona, 47. .36. Cf. nee non etiam in Lazariu uel ubique, 48. 1. XII. Uses of nee. a) Equivalent to non. ita ut nee fruticem habeat. 7. 27 ; quia nee retinere poterant, 10. .33 ; so in 11. 22 ; 14. 4 ; 17. 7 ; 25. .34 ; 28. 3. 7 ; 39. 27. 35. 36; 46.12.30; 49. 11. h) Equivalent to ne. custodiatur ne quis immundus transeat, sed nee corpus eiciatur, 26. 22 ff. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 151 XIII. Uses of tamen. o) Restrictive "'at least." ante tamen quam subeas, 6', 22 ; id est qui tamen aut etate aut inbeocillitate non fuerunt impediti, 7. 20 ; so also 11. 12. 27 ; 13. 4 ; 17. 23. 26 ; 18. 10. 20 ; 19. 22 ; 22. 27 ; 2.5. 17. ,35 ; 26. 14 ; 27. 12 ; 29. 13 ; 30. 1 ; .32. 12 ; 35. 9 ; 36. 24 ; 53. 30 ; 5fi. 18. 6) Equivalent to autem or without apparent force. 5. 2. 7 ; 7. 13. 33 ; 8. 15 ; 11. 13 ; 12. 1. .30. .33 ; 13. 9. 21. 29 ; 14. 17 ; 17. 2 ; 18. 3. 22. 35 ; 19, 24 ; 22. 27 ; 25. 23 ; 27. 33 ; 35. 29 ; 36. 2 ; 48. 3. In 25. 23 tamen is repeated : in miliario tamen tertio quam tamen custodierunt. Licet and tamen ai-e strangely combined : licet tamen adhuc f ructus aflerat, 14. 12 ; bo also cum (concessive) and tamen : cum tamen ita infiniti essent, 8. 10. c) Correlative with an adversative conjunction only in 6. 15. 21 ; 7. 0. 2S : 8. 36 ; 11. 22 : 12. 24: ; 15. IS ; 26. 32; -12. IS; U. 15. STYLE.' The most striking characteristics of the style of the Peregri- natio are its simplicity and itsmgnojgn;^ The sentences are for the most part short, and, whe'n;^. of greater length, are loosely constructed, exhibiting a marked* contrast to the periodic struc- ture of Cicero. The writer tells the story of her journey in a simple, direct manner, without attempt at rhetorical ornament^ employing in the whole work not a single simile or metaphor, and nowhere departing from the matter-of-fact methods of a guide-book. She records with unquestioning faith the accounts given by her guides of the sacred places visited and the miracles, there performed. Perhaps the most impressive instance of her naivete is found in her remarks upon the preservation of the pillar of salt into which Lot's wife was changed (p. 18. 25 ff.), or the unconscious humor of her account of the efforts of the monks to protect from the vandalism of relic-seekers the remains of the sacred cross (p. 45. 29 ff.). ' An interesting discussion of the style of the Peregrinatio is fonnd in the Literarisches Centralblatt, 1900, No. 1, p. W. 152 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY The subject-matter, of course, renders inevitable a certain monotony of style, especially in the latter part of the work in the description of the ritual of the church at Jerusalem. Yet throughout there are instances of sentence after sentence formed in exactly the same way ; and the writer has apparently made no attempt to secure variety of expression. An excellent illus- tration of this is found on p. 10, where successive sentences begin as follows: Ostenderunt etiam (10.12); Ostenderunt etiam (10. 11); Ostenderunt etiam (10. 17); Item ostende- runt (10. 19); Item ostenderunt (10. 21); Ostenderunt etiam (10. 22) ; Item ostenderunt (10. 21) ; Nam ostenderunt (10. 25) ; Ostenderunt etiam (10. 28). Or, again, on p. 13, where four successive sentences begin with nam. The looseness of con- struction is well illustrated by her frequent use of ac sic and et sic; just as, in English, half -educated persons are fond of beginning their sentences or connecting clauses with "and so." The only figures in the Peregrinatio are those rejiresenting the o-x/iixaTa Xe^eo)?, not the a')(r]ixaTa 8iavoia<;. The following are noted : I. Tmesis. prode illis est = illis prodest, 14. 14. qui tante Bollennitati inter non fuerit, 55. 18. prode est occurs several times in the Vulgate ; also prode tit, Hebr. 13 : 17. II. Geminatio. non eos subis lente et lente, 6. ,35. Lente et lente also in 42. 17; 44. 25 ; 50. 34 ; 51. 3. eigna locis et locis ponent, 12. 6. denuo et ibi denuo resumere, 12. 21. deducebant semper de caetro ad castrum, 12. 35. ille eos uno et uno benedicet, 32. 24. Unus et unus also in 45. : 0. 35 ; 52. 14 ; 53. 25. See Professor Abbott, The Use of Repetition in Latin to Secure Emphasis, Intensity, and Distinctness of Impression (The University of Chicago Studies in Classical Philology, Vol. III). SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 153 III, Anacolouthon. The frequency of anacolouthon is consistent with what has been said above of the looseness of sentence structure in the Peregrinatio. The following are some of the strik- ing instances : In eo ergo loco cum uenitur, ut tamen commonuerunt deductores sancti illi, qui nobiscum erant, dicentes : "Consuetude est ut fiat hie oratio ab hie qui ueniunt, quarido de eo loco primitus uidetur mons Dei ; sicut et nos fecimus," 5. 6 ff. Ttie sentence lias no main verb. Ac sic ergo facientes iter singulis diebus ad subito de latere sinistro, unde e contra partes Fenicis uidebamus, apparuit nobis mons ingens et altus infinitum qui tendebatur, 22. 1.3 ff. Nam ecclesia, quam dixi (oras ciuitatem, dominae sorores uenera- biles, ubi fuit primitus domus Abrahae, nunc et martyrium ibi positum est, id est sancti cuiuedam monachi nomine Helpidi, 27. 20 ff. See also 6. 28 ff.; 7. 3 ; 8. 10 ff.: 15. 16 ff.; 19. 25 ff.; 25. 26 ff.; 32. 30 : U. 11. 23. 34 ; .50. 32 ; .54. 13 ff. Some of the instances of the nominative absolute are doubtless to be included under this head. See Chap. IV. EXCURSUS. QUOTATIONS FBOM THE BIBLE. The form of the quotations from the Bible might be expected to furnish some aid in tlie solution of the problem of the date of the Peregrinatio. The only conclusion, however, that one can draw from a study of them is a negative one in support of the position of Gamurrini, who fixes the date at 385-8. For did they exhibit a close resemblance to the Vulgate, it would be evident that the Peregrinatio could not have been written until after 383, when the first part of St. Jerome's translation was published. It will be noticed, however, that not only is the quotation in most instances not made directly from the Vulgate, but that it is also just as unlike the Versio Antiqua of Sabatier. On the other hand, one passage at least, while differing from both of the Latin versions, gives a literal rendering of the Septuagint, so that one is forced to the conclusion that here at least we have a translation made directly from the Greek. In other places, the author seems to be trusting to memory and exhibits great carelessness in quotation, a carelessness the more surprising in view of her frequent references to the reading of the appropriate passage from the Scriptures at each of the his- toric spots in the Holy Land visited by her. A more careful study is made in the following comparison of each of the quotations in the Peregrinatio with the text of the Vulgate and of the Versio Antiqua, as given by Sabatier, Latinae Versiones Antiquae : I. Per. 8. 22. Quid tu hie Helias ? 3 Kings 19:9. Vulgata Nova. Quid hie agis, Blia ? The Versio Antiqua fails us here. II. Per. 9. 21 and 10. 2. Solue corrigiam calciamenti tui ; locus enim in quo stas terra sancta est. Exod. 3:5. 154 SANCTAE STLVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 155 Vulgata Nova. Solve calceamentum' de pedibus tuis ; locus enim In quo stas terra sancta est. Verslo Antiqua. Ne-accesseris hue nisi solueris caloiamentum de pedibus tuis; locus enim in quo stas terra sancta est. III. Per. 13. 35. In meliori terra Egypti oolloca patrem tuum et fratres in terra lessen, in terra Arabiae. Gen. 47:6. Vulgata Nova. Terra Aegypti in conspectu tuo est; in optimo loco fao eos habitare et trade eis terram Gessen. Versio Antiqua. Ecce terra Aegypti ante te est : in terra optima colloca patrem tuum et fratres tuos. IV. Per. 15. 30. Ascende in montem Arabot, montem Nabau, qui est in terra Moab contra faciem lericho et uide terram Chanaan, quam ego do filiis Israhel in possessionem, et morere in monte ipso in quem ascenderis. Deut. 32:49. Vulgata Nova. Ascende in montem istum Abarim, id est tran- situum, in montem Nebo qui est in terra Moab contra lericho et uide terram Chanaam quam ego tradam filiis Israel obti- nendam et morere in monte. Versio Antiqua. Ascende in montem Abarim . . . , et morere ibi. The Septuagint has dlSoi/j.!., corresponding to the do of the Pere- grinatio. V. Per. 16. 12. Et plorauerunt filii Israhel Moysen in Arabot Moab et lordane contra lericho quadraginta diebus. Deut. 34:8. Vulgata Nova. Fleueruntque eum tilii Israel in campestribus Moab triginta diebus. Versio Antiqua. Planxerunt filii Israel Moysen diebus triginta. Here the resemblance is marked to the Septuagint reading: €v ' Apaj3ih6 Mwa^ ^irl toO 'lopSdvov Kara 'lepetxti. The number of the days oC mourning, however, differs also from the Greek version and is, doubtless, a mistake of memory. VI. Per. 27. 4. Exi de terra tua et de domo patris tui et uade in Charram. Gren. 12:1. Vulgata Nova. Egredere de terra tua et de cognatione tua et de domo patris tui et ueni in terram quam monstrabo tibi. Versio Antiqua. Exi de terra tua et de cognatione tua et de domo patris tui et uade in terram quam tibi demonstrauero. 'Pro calceamentum plures codd. liahent calciamentum. Variae Lectiones Vulgatae Latinae. Carolus Yercellone. Rome, 1860. 150 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY VII. Per. 35. 31 and 42. 5. 9. Benedictus qui uenit in nomine Domini. Matt. 21:9. The Vulgata Nova and the Versio Antiqua have the same reading. VIII. Per. 41. 3. Cum uenisset lesus in Bethania ante sex dies paschae. John 12:1. Vulgata Nova. Jesus ergo ante sex dies Paschae uenit Bethaniam. Versio Antiqua. Jesus ergo ante sex dies Paschae uenit in Bethaniam. IX. Per. 43. 4. Videte ne quis uos seducat. Matt. 24:4. Vulgata Nova. Videte ne quis uos seducat. Versio Antiqua. Videte ne quis uos seducat ullo modo. X. Per. 44. 15. Et accessit quantum iaetum lapidis et orauit. Luke 22:41. Vulgata Nova. Et ipse auulsus est ab eis quantum iactus est lapidis et positis genibus orabat. Versio Antiqua. Et ipse feoessit ab eis quasi ad iaetum lapidis et positis genibus orabat. XL Per. 44. 20. Vigilate ne intretis in teniptationem. Matt. 26:41: Mark 14:38. Vulgata Nova. Vigilate et orate ut' non intretis in tentationem. Versio Antiqua. Surgite et orate ut transeat a uobis tentatio. Mark It : 38. In Matt. 26 : il the reading is tlie same as that of the Vulgate. XII. Per. 48. 24. Non credo nisi uidero. John 20:25. Vulgata Nova and Versio Antiqua. Nisi uidero . . . nou credam. To this list the following indirect quotations are to be added : I. Per. 17. 35. quoniam, sicut scriptum est, sepulturam illius nullus hominum scit ; quoniam certum est eum ab angelis fuisse sepultum. The reference is to the burial of Moses. Deut. 34:6. Vulgata Nova. Et sepelivit eum in ualle terrae Moab contra Phogor et non cognouit homo sepulcrum eius usque in praesentem diem. Versio Antiqua. Et sepelierunt eum in Geth prope doraum Phegor et nemo scit sepulcrum eius usque in diem istum. The Septuagint likewise has no reference to the angels. 1 Some MSS. have ne for ji,t non. SANCTAE SILVIAE PEEEGEINATIO 157 II. Per. 20. 8. Hie est locus ubi optulit Melchisedech liostias Deo puras, id est panes et uinum, sicut scriptum est eum fecisse. Cf. Gen. 14: 18. Vulgata Nova. At uero Melchisedech rex Salem proferens panem et uinum. Versio Antiqua. Et Melchisedech rex Salem protulit panem et liinum. III. Per. 23. 33. de quo satis bene scriptum est esse flumen magnum Eufraten et ingens et quasi terribilis est. Vulgata Nova. Gen. 15:18 fluuium magnum Euphraten. Josh. 1:4 fluuium magnum Euphraten. Apoc.il :14 influmine magno Buphrate. Apoc. 16 :12 flumen illud magnum Euphraten. Versio Antiqua. Gen. 15:18 flumen magnum Euphraten. Josh. 1:4 flumen Euphratem. Apoc. 9:14 and 16:12 flumen illud magnum Euphraten. IV. Per. 43. 14. et legit ilium locum ubi ludas Scariotlies hiuit ad ludeos, definiuit quid ei darent ut traderet Dominum. Matt. 26:14, 15. Vulgata Nova. Tunc abiit unus de duodecim qui dicebatur' ludas Iscariotes2 ad principes sacerdotum et ait illis : Quid uultis mihi dare et ego uobis eum tradam. 1 Versio Antiqua, uocabatur. 2 Versio Antiqua, Scariotha. Compare also Mark 14:10 and Luke 22:3, i. INDEX.^ a and db, 94. Ablative for predicate nominative, 107; for accusative, 107 ; to express limit of motion, 109 ; and nomina- tive absolute, confusion of, 110. ac si equivalent to tanquam, 121. Accusative for predicate nominative, 107; adverbial, 110; cognate, 110; for locative, 110 ; Greek, 87, 1,30, 132. -acus, adjective ending in, 83. ad. cunstruclions with, 94; for apxid, 104. ad-phrase with a verb of saying, 102; for the ablative, 103; for the dative, 10:i ; to express place where, 103; to express time when, 103. Adverbial accusative, 110. Adverbs, peculiarities in meaning, 147 ; unusual forms, 83. Adveisative clauses, 124. ae for e, 76. Agreement, logical not grammatical, 110; mistakes in. 111. aliqxiandiu, 147. aliquando = uiiiquam, 147. ■anus, ad.iectives ending in, 83. Anacolouthon, 153. ante, constructions with, 94, 95. antequam, 122. Aspirate, absence of initial, 77 ; incor- rect initial, 77; incorrect initial with prosthesis, 78 ; absence of medial, 78. Assimilation, 80, 81. 6 for V, 78. Bible, quotations from, 154 flf. c for qu, 78. Case construction, irregularities of, 107 ; expressed by a prepositional phrase, 102-5. cata, 95 and loO. Causal clauses, 115, 116. ch for h, 78. circa, constructions with, 95. coepj, periphrasis with, 126. Cognate accusative, 110. Comparative of the adjective, 87. Compound prepositional phrases, 101, 102. con, verbs compounded with, 84. Conjunctions, peculiarities in use of, 148-51. Consonants, confusion of, 78, 79. contra, constructions with, 95. cum, adversative, 124; causal, 115; temporal, 118; the preposition, 95, 96. d for t tinal, 79. de, constructions with, 96; for ex, 105 ; de se for ipse, 105. de-phrase for the genitive, 104 ; for the ablative of means, 104 ; for the ablative of time, 10.3; for in and the ablative, lOJ ; to express the partitive idea, 104. Declension, errors in, 86, 87; parallel forms of, 87. Departures from classical usage in the meaning of words, 136-43. Deponent verbs in the active, 92 ; active verbs used as, 91. dt for z, 79. dignus, constructions with, 117. Diminutives, 128. donee, 122. dum, 122. Duration of time, lOS, 109. e for ae, 75. 6 for oe, 76. Ecclesiastical Latin, words peculiar to, 133-6. ^ All references are to pages of the Study of the Latinity. 158 SANCTAE SILYIAE PEEEGEIN'ATIO 159 eo quod introducing a Bubstantive clause, 112-15. Errors in spelling, 80. et superfluous, 149. etiam — sed et, 149. Extent of space, 107, 108. / for ph, 79. facio, passive of, 90; with verbal nouns, 126; se facere for fieri, 126. Final letters, omission of, 79, 80. foras, 96. forsitan =fere, 147. forte =fere, 147. fortuitu, 83. Future indicative, incorrect form of, 90. Geminatio, 152. Genitive for dative with compound verb, 110. Gerund, uses of, 117 and 125. Greek accusative, 87. Greek words and phrases, 128, 129 ; words of Greek origin, 129-32. habere, used impersonally, 127 ; = ha- bere necesse, 127 ; libenter habere. 127 ; iter habere, 126. hoc est, 145, 146. i for y, 76. id est, 145, 146, ille as the definite article, 144. Imperfect indicative, incorrect forms of, 90. in, constructions with, 96-8 ; verbs compounded with, 84. m-phrase for genitive of the charge, 105. ineipio, periphrasis with, 126. Indicative, irregular forms of, 88-91 ; in indirect questions, 115 ; in result clauses, 116. Indirect questions in the indicative, 115. Infinitive for causal clause, 116 ; to express purpose, 117. inibi = ibi, 147. inter, intra, intra, constructions with, 99. ipse, uses of, 145. iter facere, 126 ; iter habere, 126. iain =fere, 147. iiixta, constructions with, 99 ; mean- ing of, 105. iuxta consuetudinem and its syno- nyms, 105. libenter habere, 127. licet, sequence with, 124. Locative case with nouns not names of cities, 110. m final dropped, 79, SO. magnus, driven out by ingens and grandis, 140. inilia as an adjective. 111. mox as a conjunction, 121. nee, uses of, 150. nee nan et, 148 ; nee non etiam, 149 ; nea non etiam et. 149. Nominative absolute, 109 ; for accusa- tive, 107. non solum — sed et, 149. Noun, syntax of, 93-111. nunquid. 147. o for um, 91. Participle, periphrasis with, 125; incorrect perfect passive, 91 ; end- ing in o, 91. Passive periphastic, 125. per, constructions with, ICO; adjec- tives compounded with, 82; verbs compounded with, 84. Perfect indicative, incorrect form of, 91. Periphrastic forms, 125, 126. post, constructions with, 100. postmodum, HI. postqiiam, 121. praeter, constructions with, 100. Prepositional phrases, compound, 101, 102; for case -construction, 102-5. Prepositions with an unusual mean- ing, 105, 106 ; omission of, 106. Present tense with future force, 112. primiius =primu7n, 147, priusquam, 122. 160 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY pro, constructions with, 101 ; equiva- lent to propter, 106. Pronouns, irregular forms of, 87 ; peculiarities in use of, 144-6. prope and propter, 101. Prosthesis, 78. Purpose clauses, 117, qu for eh, 79. qua equivalent to quando, 119, 120. quam, omission of. 111. q umnlibet , quamquam, and quamuis, 124. quando, causal, 116; temporal, 119. quanti equivalent to quot, 146. quemadmodum, temporal, 120. quia, causal, 115 ; introducing a sub- stantive clause, 115. quod, causal, 115 ; introducing a sub- stantive clause, 112-15. quomodo, 146. quoniam, causal, 115; introducing a substantive clause, 112-15, 118. Quotations from the Bible, 154 ff. quotiens, 123; quotienscumque, 123. quousque = dum, 122. Relative, attraction of, 111; intro- ducing a temporal clause, 123, 124. Result clauses, 116. s final dropped, 80. satis, 148. singulariter = singuli, 117. -sio, nouns in, 82. Style, 151-3. siih, adjectives compounded with, 82. Subjunctive, incorrect present forms, 91. Substantive clauses, 117, 118 ; for the infinitive, 112-15. super, constructions with, 101 ; equiv- alent to de, 106. sitpe?'-phrase for the dative, 105. Supine, 91. susu. 83. t for d final, 79. taliter, 83. tain modif J ing a phrase, 147. tarn — quam — et — et, 149; tarn — tarn, 150. tam — uel, 150; tarn — quam etiam — sed et, 149. tamen, uses of, 151. Temporal clauses, 118-24. Tenses, sequence of, 112. -tio, nouns in, 82. Tmesis, 152. -tor, nouns in, 82. u for au, 77. M6i, temporal conjunction, 120; rela- tive adverb, 148. ubique, 148. ubieumque, temporal, 123. unus as the indefinite article, 144. ut, temporal, 118, 119. ualde, 148. uel, uses of, 150. Verb, irregular forms, 87-92 ; syntax of, 112-27. Vowels, confusion of, 75-7. Ube XttniverBttg of dbicago FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER Epideictic Literature A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTIES OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOLS OF ARTS, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE, IN CANDIDACY FOR THE degree of doctor of philosophy (department of greek) BY THEODORE C. BURGESS CHICAGO Zbe 'mntversits of Gblcago press 1902 T COPYRIGHT, T902, BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO EPIDEIOTIO LITEEATUEE. By Theodore C. Burgess. While the following pages attempt to give a general survey of epideictic literature, it is with certain necessary limitations. A full discussion of this important and extensive branch in all its phases and relations is far too large a theme for a single paper. I have found myself compelled to treat the subject in many parts in a cursory manner and to make what may be regarded as a somewhat arbitrary choice among the topics which it presents : to develop some of its features in considerable detail and merely to touch upon others in themselves of interest and importance. The existence of monographs on some phases of the subject has caused these to be passed over more lightly. It has seemed unnecessary, for instance, to treat anew the ttoXitiko^ Xo'70?, consolations, the TrpoTpeirTCKO'i Xo'709, and some other single features which have been amply discussed by others. The absence of a special presentation of the Sophists and the Trpoyvfivdcrfjiara (see p. 108, n. 1) may seem the most considerable omission. These influential factors in epideictic history are not discussed in a separate chapter, because the most important names naturally enter here and there as individuals, and because the history of these movements as a whole has been amply treated. The early Sophists have suffered the extremes of praise and blame. In place of the disrespect in which they were held as a class has come at the present day a tendency to magnify their influence. The modern discussion starts with Grote's notable chapter and the extended argumentation which has grown from it.' Dis- cussions of the important Sophistic revival which began in the 1 See Sidgwick, Journal of Philology, IV (1873), 288, and V (1874), 66 ; he continues Grote's defense and cites other writers. Of. also statements and references in the histories of Greek literature, notably Christ (3d ed.), Croiset, Bernhardy ; Gomperz, Gfrieehisehe Denker; Dummler, Prolegomena zu Platon's Staat. 89 90 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY first and second century A. D., and is called the New Sophistic, are very numerous.' Among the most interesting features of the subject are the extent of the epideictic influence and the relations of other branches of literature to this form of oratory. The chapters on Poetry, History, and Philosophy are written from this point of view, but are necessarily mere sketches, which may be made more complete at some future time in separate papers. I have adopted the following order of topics : an intro- ductory statement ; epideictic literature and its general char- acteristics ; the uses of the word i-TriSeiKvvfMi, in Isocrates and Plato; Isocrates' conception of oratory; a brief sketch of epi- deictic oratory; the general rhetorial treatment of this depart- ment of oratory, especially in Menander and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, with the main characteristics of each of the separate forms of epideictic speech recognized by these rhe- toricians ; a few of these forms — the /3ao-tXt«:o9 Xo'70? as a special development of the iyKcofiiov of a person, the •yeveOXiaKO'i Xo'709, the eTTtra^to?, and wapaBo^a iyKa/j-ia — are chosen for more detailed consideration in separate chapters. These are selected because of their individual importance and because they well illustrate the range of epideictic literature. Although much has been written on the subject of the eVtrac^to?, it is difficult to find even the familiar facts about this important form in a single paper, and ' The literature of the subject may be found in Christ, see index ; Croiset, V (1900), 547 ff. ; Bernhardy, I, 509, et passim. Compare also W. Sohmid, Ueber den kiilturgeschiehtliGhen Zusammenhang und die Bedeutung der griechischen Renaissance in der Romerzeit (Leipzig, 1898); H. von Arnim, Leben und Werke des Dio von Prusa (Berlin, 1898) ; E. Rhode, " Griechische Sophistik der Kaiserzeit," in Der griechische Roman, 310 (2d ed., Leipzig, 1900) ; B. Norden, Antike Kunstprosa (Leipzig, 1898), see index ; W. Sohmid, Der Atticismus in seinen Hauptvertretern (Stuttgart, 1887) ; Blass, Attische Beredsamkeit, see index ; Baumgart, Aelius Aristides als Reprasentant der sophistischen Rhetorik d. zweiten Jahrh. der Kaiserzeit (Leipzig, 1874) ; Kaibel, " Dionysius v. Halicarnassus u. die Sophistik," Hermes, XX (1885), 497-513; Wilamowitz, "Asiarlismus u. Atticismus," Hermes, XXXV (1900), 16. Cf. also numerous treatises on individual Sophists, e. g., for Philos- tratus, Kayser's Introduction; Cobet, "Ad Philostrati Vitas Sophistaruni et Heroica," Mnemosyne, I (1873), 209-32; Volkmann, " Philostratea," Jahvh. f. Phil., LXXXl (1860), 702. EPIDEICTIC LITEEATUEE 91 also something remained to be done in the way of illustrating by parallel passages its stereotyped character and of bringing the extant orations into direct connection with the requirements of Menander and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. A separate chapter is given in each case to the relations of epideictic literature to (1) poetry, (2) history, (3) philosophy. The closing chapter gives a list of the more prominent epi- deictic orators with dates and representative works. The names of some writers whose literary product as a whole would class them elsewhere are introduced here on account of some single epideictic composition. No attempt is made to include all of the Christian writers or those of the Byzantine period. Krumbacher's Geschichte der byzantinischen Littercdur may be conveniently consulted for this period, which was one with very considerable epideictic production. I take this opportunity also to express my great indebtedness to Professor Paul Shorey, of tl e University of Chicago, at whose prompting this work was undertaken, and to whose inspiration and kindly criticism any value it contains may be largely assigned. Professor G. L. Hendrickson, of the University of Chicago, has also made most helpful suggestions and has placed me under obligations by his discriminating criticism. Introduction. Since the time of Aristotle a large body of Greek oratory has been classified under the title "epideictic." The term, as we shall see (pp. 97 f.), was used to some extent before his day, but not with the definiteness of application which Aristotle's Rhetoric gave to it. Like many other rhetorical terms among the Greeks, the word iTTiSecKTiKO';^ held at different times or at the same time quite ' I use the word " epideictic " in referring to this branch of literature, although the terms "panegyric" and "encomiastic" were also used by the Greek rhetors; c/. Philodemus, I, cols. 30, 32, pp. 212, 213, Sudhaus; Hermogenes, Spengel, Rhet. Gt., II, 405, et passim; Diog. Laert, VII, 42 ; Aristides, Sp. II, 502, 17 ; Alexander, son of Numenius, Sp. Ill, 1, 10 ; Menander, Sp. Ill, 331, 8 ; Theon, Sp. II, 61, 22; Nicolaus Sophista, Sp. Ill, 449, 13, 1. 20. Cf. also the Latin genus laudativum, genus demonstrativum. 92 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY different meanings ; to generalize, it had its stricter and its loose and more inclusive application. Aristotle is the earliest and most important authority for the former. His triple division of oratory' [Bhet., I, 3, 1 and 3) is based upon the attitude of the hearer. He is necessarily either a 6ea}p6<; or a Kpir-^'i. The /CjOiTTj? has some real interest at stake and is expected to make a decision, as in the case of one who listens to a legal argument or a speech in the assembly. The 6ea)p6<; is so named from the analogy of the theater, where the audience are mere spectators and entertainment is the chief purpose. He looks upon an oration chiefly as a display of intellectual ability, and this atti- tude of mind on the part of the auditor distinguishes the epi- deictic branch of oratory from the others. Aristotle's definition was adopted by other writers and was long employed.^ A more inclusive use of the term "epideictic" may be found! even before Aristotle in the works of Isocrates,^ who placed under i it symbouleutic oratory as well.* Cicero does not confine the epideictic class to oratory. History also belongs here.^ Quin- tilian's references to history and poetry (X, 1, 28, 81, 38) seem! to associate them with this division. 'Doxopater, Walz, Rhet. Or., II, 90 ff., gives three explanations ot the triple division of oratory : one mythical, Hermes in bestowing the oratorical gift made the division ; one from the poets, who used the three forms in writing of gods and men ; one historical, by which the present division may be traced back to the beginnings of rhetorical study in Sicily. The three branches correspond to the divisions of man's nature, thus : I \oytK6v dvixiKbv ^iri6ufji.riTtK6v y) l>r}TopLK7i See Walz, Rhet. dr., II, 73, 80, 121, 139. 2 Of. Philodemus, I, p. 32 = Suppl., p. 18, Sudhaus ; Alexander, Sp. Ill, 1 ; Menander, Sp. Ill, 331; Nicolaus Sophista, Sp. Ill, 483, 13; 450, 2; Quintil., Ill, 4, 6 ; III, 7, 1 ; III, 8, 7, 63 ; Auctor ad Heren., I, 2, 2 ; Cic, De Inv., I, 6, 7 ; De Orat, I, 31, 141. ' The use of the word iinSeUmiM. in Isocrates and his ideal of oratory are discussed in some detail on pp. 97 ff. * Compare Nicolaus Sophista, Sp. Ill, 484, 2 ff. '= See Orat., 37 and 207. EPIDEICTIO LITERATURE 93 Hermogenes includes all literature except distinctively legal and deliberative oratory. After claiming Plato as the perfect example of an epideictic writer in prose, he adds that Homer, though a poet, is equally to be classed as epideictic, and that poetry, as a whole, should be placed under this division (Sp. II, 405, 7 and 21 ; 408, 15 fp.).' Menander in his treatise -n-epl eTriSeLKTiK&v recognizes this larger definition of the word, since he illustrates the word vfivos from poetry or prose indifferently. He closes his discussion of this epideictic form with the statement that his rules are such as the TrotT^r?;?, the avyypacfjev'; , and the prjrap employ in composing hymns to the gods (Sp. Ill, 344, 6). Among the hymns some forms are more appropriate for prose and some for poetry (343, 29). An epideictic speech in its more technical sense was regarded among earlier rhetoricians as one whose sole or chief purpose ' A like application of the term "epideictic" to poetic compoBitions is found in the Anthologia Palatina, where the term is used in its most vague and general meaning. The epigrams classed under this title comprise Book IX (c/. also App., chap. 3, ed. Didot, which, though of much more recent date, bears the same title). They are very miscellaneous and inclusive. The majority are real or imaginary incidents put in poetic form. A few are purely epi- deictic in motive, e. g., IX, 524, a hymn to Dionysus ; 525, to Apollo ; 363, on Spring, containing the same rhTroi. as Choricius ; App., 158, \oiTpov ^tto.li'os ; ef. also IX, 412, and others. Some are descriptive, and many are imaginary speeches of celebrated persons ; many personify animals or inanimate objects. It seems impossible to trace the title historically. The scholiast to Anth. Pal., IV, 1, indicates that Meleager's Anthology was alphabetical. Topical arrangement first appears in Agathias' collection. The title iTnSeiKTLKd is not among his seven headings, but apparently there was material of this nature placed under different titles, as : I, Dedications ; II, On Statues ; IV, Horta- tory. Cephalas {Anth. Pal., IV, 1) seems to have begun the work of claesifica- tion entirely anew, furnishing the basis for that of Maximus Planudes. The scholiast (at the beginning of Anth. Pal., IX) seems to interpret the title "epideictic" in a strict sense and to connect with it narrative epigrams. He says : oiiSk ToTs iraXaiots 7iixi\riTai rb ^TriSuKTiKhv yivos, dXX' ecrri Kcd iv to?! iTTtypd/j,- IJuKTiv elipetv Kal ep/M-rjvelas ewiSei^iv xal irpaypATiai' yevop.4voiv 6rras ^ us yevop^vwv d,(piy7](riv. This would agree with the natural supposition that the term iTiSeiKTLKii was suggested by the many epigrams which would come strictly under that head, and that it then became a convenient title under which to place all those not readily classed elsewhere, and this the more easily because of the great liberty in the use of this word in its application to prose. 94 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY was display, thus agreeing with the derivation of the word "epi- deictic." ' The hearer is to gain pleasure, at least, if not informa- \J tion.'' The style is the most distinctive feature." This general characteristic marks out the limits of the territory naturally occupied by this division of oratory in its narrower conception. Its tendency is to exclude topics of a practical nature where the thought of the auditor centers chiefly on the subject discussed or in the argument, or where his interests are to any extent affected by the conclusions reached or implied.* Since the appeal is to the emotions more than to the intellect, form is of greater importance than subject-matter. A tendency to ornament of every kind is fostered, and there is too little regard as to whether it be legitimate or not. Even truth may be disregarded in the interests of eloquence.' "A pomp and prodigality of words," well-balanced periods, a style half poetic, half oratorical, are the qualities most desired. The orations which emphasize the qualities which come under this conception of the word "epideictic" are happily but a fragment of the large body of epi- deictic literature ; yet this lower usage has stood, in the minds ' Cf. Anaximenes, chap. 35, init., oi5k dySivos aXV i-mSel^ews SvcKa. ^^--2 Quintil., II, 10, 10. " Cic, Orat., 61, 207 ; Quintil., Ill, 8, 7, and 63. * Compare Philodemus, I, p. 32 (Sudhaus) = Suppl., p. 18, where he approves the criticism of Epicurus that those who listen to displays and panegyrics, and the like, are not under any oath or in any hazard, and do not consider their truth or falsehood, but are charmed by the -^xos and beauty of style ; such things would not be endured in court or assembly. * Isocrates, Busiris, 4, presents, as a general principle, the fact that one composing a eulogy may invent good qualities, and vice versa with one who makes a speech of detraction. Aristides (Sp. II, 505) says the encomiastic division among other things makes use of irapdXccfis and ei(j>riij.la. By the former only the praiseworthy is brought forward. Ei)07j;nia is a euphemistic way of stating facts which are in reality unfavorable to the one praised. So in the i/'ivos, unfavorable facts are presented in a light worse than the truth (dvcn)>Tiij.la.). Nicolaus Sophista (Sp. Ill, 481) tells the orator to call deiXlay cuXd/Seiai' Kal Trpo/x^deiav, rb Sk Bpitxos 6,vSpda.v Kal e^i/'ux'ac, Kal SXws del TravTH iwl rh k6.Wi.ov ipya^dfjievoi. ; cf. Aristotle, Bhet., I, 9, 29 ; Quintil., Ill, 7, 25 ; Anaxi- menes, Sp. 1, 186, 10-13 ; 188, 1-10 ; Plato, Phaedr., 267 B, 273 D, E ; Isoc, Pan., 8. Compare the Sophistic view of rhetoric as an " art ot perversion." Accord- ing to .'Anaximenes, this perversion of the truth belongs to all rhetoric ; cf. chaps. 29 and 30. EPIDEIOTIC LITEEATUEE 95 of many, as representative. This fact has tended, both in ancient and modern times, to bring the epideictic branch as a whole under adverse criticism.// Quintilian defends a higher interpretation of the term under discussion. Speaking of the scope of this branch of literature, he objects (III, i, 12, 13) to its title as one suggestive of mere ostentation. In III, 7, 1 he directly states that Aristotle and Theophrastus did not recognize fully enough the practical value of the epideictic branch. "Would anyone deny that panegyric speeches are of the epideictic order, yet these have a suasory form and generally relate to the interests of Greece. Though there are three kinds of oratory, in each of these a part is devoted to subject-matter and a part to display" (III, 4. H)-' The propriety of introducing epideictic features in other forms was generally recognized. Anaximenes classed all oratory as belonging either to the assembly or the court. Though he discusses epideictic material in detail, it is always as an element to be employed in either the dicastic or the deliberative form. The point involved is discussed in some detail by Nicolaus Sophista, Sp. Ill, 478, 10 ff. He says one may take the enco- mium as a thing complete in itself, or as an element in some other form. In the former case we set ourselves the task of praising something ; in the latter we make use of it incidentally in an oration whose purpose is deliberative or legal. The Pane- gyricus of Isocrates, for example, has the ffvii^ovXevTiKov elSo<;, but employs encomiastic material ; so, too, Demosthenes' oration On the Croion comes plainly under the SiKaviKov etSo?, but praise and blame are its chief elements.^ It agrees with this that Menander (Sp. Ill, 531—416) includes {passim) as epideictic passages from literature of almost every kind and purpose, both prose and poetry. One may note, for example, pp. 334, 336, 338, 343, 360, 430, 437 ; Alexander, Sp. Ill, 4, 19 ; Hermogenes, Sp. II, 405 ; Quintilian, III, 4, 30 fP. Cf. Philodemus, col. 32, 7, Vol. I, p. 213, Sudhaus. 2 Cf. also Sp. Ill, 484, 14; Walz, Rhet. Gr., II, 410 (Doxopater); Auctor ad Heren., Ill, 8, 15. This passage is as follows : "At in iudicialibus et in deliberativis causis saepe magnae partes versantur laudis aut vituperationis." 96 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY The rhetors who treat the various forms of school exercises [irpoyv/j^vdafiaTa, see p. 108, n. 1) show a like freedom in citing examples.' The epideictic division had always closer connection with deliberative than with legal oratory.^ The element of persuasion or advice, which Quintilian so clearly recognizes (III, 4, 14), was common in epideictic compositions. It entered early. It is a prominent feature of Isocrates' Panegyricus, and also of his Panathenaicus. Lysias, also, in the third section of the Olympi- acus, says that he does not intend to trifle with words, like a mere sophist, but to offer serious counsel on the dangers of Greece. To take a modern judgment ; "The great epideictic \6yoi deserve a better name. They express the drift of the pan-Hellenic sen- timent of the time, and are only unpractical in the sense that internationalism has no executive power." (Murray, Gk. Lit., p. 333.) Thus epideictic oratory varies greatly in the themes which it may treat. According to one conception, .it had a comparatively narrow field into which praise and blame entered as a definite and easily distinguishable, usually far the most prominent, ele- ment. This was especially true of its earlier theoretical treat- ment. Its practice was always wider than its theory.^ There was also the more comprehensive view by which it came to include the "occasional speech" of almost endless variety in theme and treatment. This is illustrated to some extent in the time of Socrates, but more especially in the period known as the second Sophistic." The remains of epideictic literature, taken in a rough way, fall into three classes : First, that characterized by elevation of sub- ject and a certain practical application usually arising from the admixture of the deliberative element. Here belong Isocrates and his immediate followers. Second, the treatment of a para- doxical theme, a mere jeu d' esprit. Third, the vast mass of ' Of. Nioolaus Sophista, Sp. Ill, 479, 20 ; 455, 22, 27 ; Aphthonius, Sp. II, pp. 23, 44, 45, 43 ; Theoa, Sp. II, 66 ; Hermogenes, Sp. II, pp. 5, 16. 2 See Arist., RheU I, 9, 35; Quintil., Ill, 7, 28. ' Cf. also Sears, The Occasional Address, p. 110, et passim. EPIDEICTIG LITERATURE 97 epideictic literature lying between these extremes, presenting mixed motives and treatment — speeches such as the circum- stances of common life call for iu any age of high cultivation, in many cases of no permanent value, yet serving a worthy purpose at the time. The situation arises constantly where an oration is appropriate.' The epideictic orator is ever ready to meet this opportunity. Speechmaking of this character — the "occasional address" — was much cultivated by the Greeks and has formed a large body of honorable literature from that day to this. It includes the widest possible range of treatment — the poetic style of Himerius, the philosophical tendency of Themistius and Dion Chrysostomus, the more purely rhetorical form of Choricius. or the sober treatment of political themes in Isocrates. Here may be found speeches which serve chiefly to dazzle an audience, to flatter a prince, and those which gain these ends to some extent, but combine with this purely ephemeral interest a more permanent value, and thus approach orations of the first class mentioned above and the ideal of Isocrates.'' The Use of €iri8eiKVDii.i in Isocrates and His Conception of Oratory. This general statement of the scope and meaning of the epideictic branch of Greek literature may be supplemented by a more particular inquiry into Isocrates as an early and dis- tinguished exponent. Isocrates' references to oratory indicate the triple division made so distinct and permanent by Aristotle. ' Cf. Croiset, Lit. greeque, V, 549 flf. ^ Isocrates presents specimens of each ot these classes of epideictic speech. The Busiris (cf. Sp. Ill, 482) was written to show what might be done with a paradoxical theme. His Helen and Euagoras, and many passages in other orations, are excellent examples ot the epideictic speech in its more restricted sense, but the great mass of his writings belong to a class which makes an elevated theme, and one of practical and lasting importance, a prime necessity. The whole weight of his influence lies in this direction. The Panegyricus is the best example. Isocrates was the " completer of Thrasy- machus of Ohaloedon and Gorgias in elevating the style of prose." The errors of his predecessors were corrected, and the possibilities for eloquence which prose contained within itself, but which had been sought outside, were devel- oped to a high degree of perfection. Croiset justly styles him "an artist in speech, addressing himself to lovers of beautiful language." Though but a ■98 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Incidental mention is made of each in terms which, if not already technical, amply prepare the way for Aristotle's terminology. In Contra So2:)histas, 9, we find the term ttoXitikow Xoyov;.^ Section 20 repeats these words and includes SiKaviKow Xo'701/?, elsewhere termed Trpo? ayaiva'; (^Antid., 1; Panath., 271) and ol irepl roiv IBiav avfji/SoXaioov (^Pan., 11). The expression s (^iXous r' dvtCjv, (fiou Svvarbs eJvat X^yciv. Cf. Ran., 771. ^ The use of this word in Plato may be introduced at this point for con- venience of comparison. Plato uses the verb iTrideiKm/xi. 90 times, the noun ^ir£5ei?is 13 times, and the adverb iTriSeiKriKus once ; a total of 104 instances. In 41 cases the word has its original and common force — "to show, point out, prove,'' etc. In 17 cases there is the idea of public display more or less prominent, but with no special reference to literature. In 46 instances it involves the display of some literary product, sometimes in the strictly technical sense, in other cases with various degrees of approach to this. Plato uses the word (verb, 26 times ; noun, 11 ; adjective, 1) in a technical sense in the following passages : Gorgias, 447 A, B (twice), C (twice); 458 B ; Hip. Min., 363 A, C, D ; 364 B (twice); Hip. Maj., 282 B, C (twice); 285 C ; 286 B (twice); 287 B ; Soph., 217 E ; 224 B ; Sympos., 194 B ; Phaedr., 235 A ; Axiochus, 366 C ; Sisyphus, 387 A ; Protag., 323 D ; 347 B ; Ion., 530 D ; 542 A (twice). He uses the word also in a less formal way of sophists setting forth their views in discussion with others : Lysis., 204 E (twice); Euthyd., 274 D (three times); 275 A (twice); 278 C; 282 D ; Eryx., 398 E. Prodicus' lecture course is called an ^irfSeifis in Crat., 334 B. iiridetKyvfii is employed in referring to the presentation of plays by poets : Laches, 183 B (twice); iJep., 398 A ; Laws, 658 B ; 817 D ; 936 A ; Sympos., 195 D. Ion interprets Homer, Ion, 542 A (twice); of. also 530 D. In the Theaet., 143 A, and Phaedr., 236 E, it seems to mean "repeat." The passages cited indicate that the use of iTrldet^Ls in the sense of an oration for display was fairly established in the time of Plato. Exactly half of the passages cited come from the two dialogues — Hip. Maj. and Hip. Min. It is noticeable in this connection that the genuineness of the Hip. Maj. and the Hip. Min. has been much called in question. The results of discussion have been much more favorable 100 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY We may gather still further from Isocrates' use of the word eTTiSeiKvvfM that he recognizes the pure epideictic speech as legiti- mate and worthy, though inferior to the style of speech which he employs (e. g., Panath., 271 f. ). The word in several instances is introduced for the express purpose of disclaiming any intention of making a display in the speech in question. By an epideictic speech he seems to mean primarily one prepared for a iravrj'yvpt'; {cf. Antid., 147, and Ep., 1, 5, 6). But he also includes here any speech whose purpose is display or whose style is polished with especial care. Oratory is of two kinds as regards its style, simple and for display — toxs fiev ac^eXoi? • tov? Be i'KLheiiCTiicM'i [Pan., 11; cf. also JEp., 6, 5); the former is appropriate for the court-room. Orations of these two varieties maintain just limits, and he who can speak epideictically — which, he explains, means with nice finish (a«:/3i/3&j?) — can also speak simply [dirXw), with the implication that the epideictic style is higher and more inclusive. The master of this style is able to employ any other at will, but the same cannot be said for the orator who cultivates any other style. His defense of his own elaborate style, at the beginning of the Panegyricus, carries with it a rebuke to those who despise orations which are carefully worked out. His to the authenticity of the Hip. Min., though many regard both as the work of Plato. The conclusion which we draw is not affected by the decision on this question, as the instances outside these dialogues amply establish the usage. The lines of discussion may be seen in the Prolegomena of Stall- baum and other editors; Zeller's Plato and the Older Acad., p. 86; Plato- nische Studien, pp. 150 f.; Grote, Plato (Murray, London, 1888), I, 308, II, 33 ; Christ (3d ed.), pp. 435, 450 ; Blass, Attische Bered., see index ; Horneffer, De Hippia Maiore, qui fertur Platonis (Diss., Gott., 1895); Rollig, Wiener Studien, XXII. Jahrgang, 1. Heft (1900), pp. 18-24. That its technical use is not more frequent in Plato, although so many of his dialogues make the sophists a chief theme, may be accounted for, if in no other way, by tbe fact that Plato deals with the teachings of the sophists, their influence as professors of omniscient pretensions, rather than with their oratory. The fact that the word is used ten times to indicate the informal dialogue-presentation of the sophists' views on some question under discus- sion, and eight times tor the public recitation of poetry, original or another's, indicates a wider usage than the word usually had at a later time ; the authority of Aristotle restricted it. Gorgias turns at the entrance of Socrates from an ^TrMeifis of the technical kind to one of this less formal order. EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 101 approval of the epideictic style may be learned from this passage, and also from such statements as Phil., 27, where, after referring to the fact that his speech will not have the charm and persuasive- ness which come from good delivery, he adds: "It has not the rhythm and variety of style which I used in my youth and taught to others, through which they made speech more agreeable and also more persuasive."' Originality is not, in his view, an essential feature of the highest type of speech.^ To treat a topic better than others is the form of novelty to be approved [Pan., 9, 10). Yet speeches only for display require it.' Isocrates' own ideal is plainly indicated. It is defined in Panegyricus, 4 : "I regard as the best speeches those which are on the greatest topics and which best display the speakers and profit the hearers." He offers the Pdiiejii/ricus as an example of this class. In technical terms, his ideal is a mixture of the crvfj,- fiovXevrtKoi Xo'70? and the e7nBeiKTLK6<;. It is an oration on some theme of general interest, elevated in style and of real importance, preferably a speech of advice, to be treated in epideictic style. His theory of topic and style is stated in Panathenaicus, 2. He says that he did not adopt the simple stj'Ie which some advise the youth to practice, nor did he write on mythical themes, but "omitting these, I treated such as profited the city and all Greece — full of argument and antithesis and balancing of clauses and other figures which shine in an oration and which compel hearers to applaud."* While approving epideictic compositions as a whole, for those who desire, he strongly disapproves of some of the developments of this class, e. g., in Panathenaicus, 1, he says that even when young he did not write on myths and topics full of the marvelous or false, as many did. His protests are 1 Compare also Phil, 28 ; Sophist., 16; Ep.. 6, 6 ; Antid., 45 S. ; Nic, 1 flf. ; Phil., 17, 18, 109, 110. Compare also his praise o£ Uyos, Nic, 1-10 ; Sophist., 17-19 ; Pan., 48-50 ; Antid., 177, 181, 183, 190, 278, 279, 291-5, 306. 2 Ad Nic., 41 ; Phil., 84 ; Antid., 1. 3 Cf. Phil., 93 ; Panath., 84, 85 ; Antid., 82, 83. * Note also Panath., 271 ; Peace, 1-5 ; Nic., 10, 17 ; Phil, 9, 15 ; Antid., 3, 45-50, 67, 70, 84, 276, 277, 278 ; Pan., 188, 189 ; Ad Nic, 1, 2, 53, 54. 102 STODIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY especially directed against irapaSo^a iyKayfiia. In Phil., 17, 18, speaking of the alarm felt by his friends over his purpose to send an oration of advice to Philip, instead of an encomiastic display, he shows incidentally the frequency and honorable position of such speeches. Isocrates has often been underrated as an orator, both as regards style and theme. Many have regarded as a pretense his assumption of a lofty aim and permanent purpose — a mere epi- deictic subterfuge. Recent years have brought a sounder and more appreciative judgment. Isocrates worked in each of the three great departments of oratory. His court orations are his earliest compositions ; they are few and brief. In later years he speaks in contempt of those who write for the law courts. He wrote pure epideictic orations, and those which he studiously proclaimed as deliberative ; but even these are so thoroughly imbued with the epideictic spirit, not to speak of the long passages which are technically such, that it is hardly a stretch of terms to call him an epideictic orator throughout. General Sketch of Epideictic Literature. Oratory as a recognized branch of Greek prose began not far from the middle of the fifth century B. C. The epideictic form attained a very rapid and high degree of development. Gorgias,' the "founder of artistic prose," adopted this style. He trained Isocrates, the epideictic orator par excellence, and the two fur- nish the model for later literature of this class. The epitaphius, 'Epideictic literature as a distinctive division of oratory may for all practical purposes be said to begin with Gorgias. The ornaments of lan- guage known as the Gorgian figures belong to the epideictic branch far more fully than any other. The rhetorical devices attributed to him are as follows: (1) /xaicpaXoyia, amplification {of. Quintil., VIII, 3, 53); (2) trwro/ila, brevity; (3) an answering of jest with earnest and earnest with jest (cf. Horace, Sat., I, 10, U ; Oic, De Orat., II, 58, 236); (4) teaching by example rather than by precept ; (5) a style characterized by flowing expression, and rhythmic arrangement, startling figures of language, bold metaphor, poetic epithets. His name is especially identified with six figures of language : (1) antithesis (dvTWeo-is); (2) paronomasia (Trapoyoij.a(rla); (3) repetition of sound, alliteration (TrapTixi/fTis); (4) repetition of words (dmdiir\u(n.s); (5) likeness of sound in final EPIDEIOTIO LITEEATUEE 103 panegyric, encomium, and other leading types of epideictic speech are found in this early period. Thus the epideictic division of oratory reached great prominence very early in the development of prose literature. It continued, assuming always an important, often a commanding, place, until the Greeks ceased to produce literature. Taking the most comprehensive possible view of the course of epideictic oratory — covering as it does some eighteen centuries, if one includes the oratory of the church on to the end of the eastern empire — there are three periods which stand out with remarkable prominence when compared with other centuries. These are : the first century of its development, the fourth B. C, to which the last years of the fifth should be added, including such names as Gorgias, Hippias, Isocrates, Alcidamas, Polycrates ; the fourth century A. D., with a thoroughly epi- deictic spirit and a large production ; such orators as Libanius, Themistius, Himerius, Choricius, are representative of the period ; the second century A. D., with a, large literature, and such orators as Aristides, Dion Chrysostomus, Polemon. There is ample evi- dence of abundant activity in this branch of oratory during other centuries, though comparatively little has been preserved. It is difficult to judge how cornpletely the orators, with the titles and character of their orations, have been reported to us, and any attempt to generalize about epideictic literature must, of course, take this into consideration as a modifying feature. Epideictic oratory, from the ephemeral nature of many of its themes and its general light and occasional character, would seem least likely to be preserved.' syllables of successive words or clauses {o/wiorfKevTov); (6) arrangement of words in nearly equal periods {Trapia-ua-is, or iiro/cuXa). These Gorgian figures had great effect upon Greek prose style, especially oratory, but are nowhere so prominent as in the epideictic branch. Compare Navarre, Essai sur la RMtorique grecque (pp. 92 £E.). ' Such references as Plato, Sympos., 177 A flf., and Isocrates, Phil., 109, and in the Helen and the Busiris, to the frequency of hymns in honor of the gods and prose praises of heroes must imply a large body of literature of this class before Plato or contemporaneous with him. Cf. Philodemus, col. 34, 1,. 215, Sudhaus, probably for a later period. He derides the practice of address- ing words of praise to a deity. 104 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY The Theory. Several Greek writers deal with the theory of epideictic literature. The earliest extant treatise on rhetoric is that of Anaximenes/ But this precedes Aristotle's by but very few years. Both come so early in the history of rhetoric as in itself to render it improbable that oratory received any important gen- eral treatment before their day.^ Anaximenes divides oratory into two classes — h-qix-qiyopiKov and Bmuvikov.'' These, however, cover the same field which Aristotle and later writers divide into three parts. Of these two classes Anaximenes makes seven forms : TrpoTpewTiKov and cnrorpeTrTiKov, which are political ; ijKcofj-iaaTCKov and ■yjreKTiKdv, which are epideictic ; and KarayopiKov and cnroXo- jrjTLKov, which are judicial.* To these he adds i^eraa-TiKov, which may be used by itself or in connection with one of the other forms. His analysis of the materials for encomia follows much the same lines as are found later. He indicates the tottol much more fully than Aristotle. His treatment shows how early they 1 For a discussion of the question of authenticity see Cope's Introduction to Aristotle's Rhetoric, pp. 401 flf. ; Spengel, "Die 'V-qTopiKTj Trpbs 'AXi^avdpov ein Werk des Anaximenes," Zeitschr. f. d. Alterth., 1840, 1847 ; idem, Artium Scriptores, 183 flf.; Susemihl, Geschichte der griech.ischen Lit., II, 452; idem, Jahresber.ilb. die Fortsah. d. class. ^Zierf/i. (1885),XIII, p. Iflf.; Bl'ass, Attische 5ered., II, 353; III, 353 f.; Ipfelhofer, Die Rhet. des Anaximenes unter den Werken des Aristoteles (Diss., Wurzburg, 1889); Maas, Deutsche Literatur- zeitung, 4 (1896), pp. 103 fP.; Navarre, Essai sur la RMtorique grecque (1900), 336 ; Barth^lemy Saint-Hilaire _in the introduction to his translation of the Rhet. ad Alexand. The date of the treatise in question, whether immediately before or after Aristotle, is regarded by some as open to debate. ^However, the great rhetorical activity of this period is clearly shown .from literary sources practically contemporaneous, notably Plato, Phaedr., 266 E £E., where special mention is made pf Theodorus of Byzantium, Evenus of Paros, ThrasymachuB, Polus, Prodicus, Hippias, Protagoras, Lycimnias, with the implication that others might be named. Compare Sp. Artt. Script. ; Dionys. of Hal., De Isaei lud., chaps, xix if.; Arist., Rhet., Ill, 13, 5; Quintil., Ill, 1, 7 ff.; Plato, Sympos., 177 A ; Cope on Arist., Rhet., Ill, 1, 7 ; Navarre, Essai sur la RMtorique grecque (1900) ; Cic, Orat., chap. 12 ; Suidas. 'See Volkmann in Iwan Miiller's Handbiicher der klass. Alt.-Wis., II, 3 (1891), p. 640; tor a different view cf. Navarre, Essai sur la Rhitorique grecque, pp. 3.35 ff. * Compare a similar division in Diog. Laert., Ill, 95. EPIDEIOTIC LITERATURE 105 became stereotyped, and the presence of the same in Menander and in extant epideictic literature indicates their persistence. The considerable volume of epideictic writing which had pre- ceded Aristotle's time had, so far as rhetorical treatment was con- cerned, apparently been connected with either political or judicial oratory. Aristotle, with his instinct for classification, as so often in his Rhetoric, takes here a word which had .been used in a somewhat loose and general way by Plato, and with much greater definiteness by Isocrates (see pp. 97 ff.) , and makes it a full techni- cal term, with distinct outlines and well-defined field. His division of oratory [Rhet., I, 3, 2 and 3) is based on the attitude of the hearer, who must be either a /c/air^? or a 6eo)p6<; (see p. 92). The task of the epideictic orator is partly praise and partly blame.' He deals chiefly with the present time.^ All of Book I, chap. 9, of Aristotle's Rhetoric is devoted to this topic. It is an analysis of virtue and vice, the sources of praise and blame — the material of the epideictic orator. In section 38 and following he calls attention to the appropriateness and importance of amplification and comparison. The former, though a feature of all oratory, is a chief characteristic of epideictic speech.' The frequency with which Aristotle refers to epideictic orators or quotes from them is noticeable. The most numerous references are to the eTrtrai^to?, iravrj'yvpiKO'; , TrapdSo^a eyKa>iJ,i,a, and iyKco/j-ta of persons — -the four types of pure epideictic speech best developed at that period.* 1 Cf. Arist., Rhet., I, 3, 5 ; Nicolaus, Sp. Ill, 449, 20 ; Alexander, Sp. Ill, 1,20; Quintil., 111,7, 1. 2 Arist, Rhet., I, 3, 4 ; Alexander, Sp. Ill, 1, 9. 3 Anaximenes, chap. 3 = Sp. 1, 186, 11 fif.; Arist., Rhet., II, 18, 3-5 ; III, 17, init; Quintil., Ill, 7, 6; Aristides, Sp. II, 505, 11; Walz, Rhet. Gr., Ill, 422; VII, 12, 74. *C/. 1, 7, 34 (Pericles' inrdtpMs); III, 10, 7 (same); III, 17, 10 and 11 (Gorgias, Isocrates); III, 14, 1, 2 (the same); III, 14, 11 (the Menexenus); I, 9, 30 (the same); III, 14, 11 (Gorgias). In II, 22, 6, he recognizes the familiar topics of the epitaphius (and other panegyric forms). " How eulogize the Athenians unless we are informed of the sea-fight at Salamis, the battle of Marathon, or the exploits achieved by them in behalf of the Heraclidae and other like matters? For it is on the real or apparently honorable traits attaching to each object that all orators found their panegyrics." Note also 106 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Aristotle {Rhet, I, 5, i and 5) shows his general familiarity with the chief Toirot of epideictie discourse — euyevei.a, -TroXvcjjiXca, XPV'^Tocj)i\ia, eureKv^a, ttXoOto?, TroXvTeicvia, eiepyia, vyieia, KaWo<;, oa'xy'i, fie'yeOo';, 8wafj,i<; ayavoaTtKij, Bo^a, ti/jltj, evTvy(^ia, aperrj, etc. In III, 12, 5 and 6, Aristotle states that the epideictie style is the best adapted for writing, for its purpose is to be read,' and adds (III, 1, 7):. "Written speeches [yevo'; iiriSeiKTiKov) owe their power more to the style than to the thought." During the comparatively barren period from the close of the fourth century B. C. to the beginning of the second A. D. there is abundant epideictie product and many rhetorical treatises were written.^ There is no extant treatise of importance from the time of Aristotle (350 B. C.) to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, late in the first century B. C.^'^ There is a wide gap, not only Isocratee {Phil., 146-8), where he says that no one praises the city (Athens) for anything so much as for Marathon and Salamis and Sparta for Thermopylae. Though more closely identified with the epitaphius than with any other single form, Marathon, Salamis, and earlier mythical contests, as Aristotle here suggests, are among the standard topics of epideictie literature as a whole. Cf. Xenophon, Mem., Ill, 5, 7-14, where Socrates discusses with Peri- cles the younger the remedies for the decline of Athens. The record of their ancestors should stimulate them — the contest between Athena and Poseidon ; the birth and rearing of Erechtheus and the wars waged by him ; the defense of the Heraclidae ; the wars carried on in the time of Theseus against the Amazons, the Thracians, and Crete ; how they fought against the Persians, who were masters of Asia and Europe and did ix^yio-Ta epya (canal through Athos, bridge over the Hellespont); alone of the Greeks they are airdxSoves ; Athens has been the defender of justice, an asylum for the oppressed. The earliest grouping of epideictie themes taken from Athenian history is to be found in Hdt., IX, 27, where the Athenians employ the familiar topics in presenting their case — the Heraclidae and Eurystheus' insolence ; the renown of those who died at Thebes; the wars with the Amazons; the part of Athens in the Trojan war ; her deeds at Marathon, and in general her distinguished services in the Persian wars. Cf. also Lucian, Rhet. Praec, 18. ' Of. Quintil., Ill, 8, 63, though he perhaps puts a different meaning into Aristotle. 2 Susemihl, Orieeh. Litt. in der Alexandrinerzeit, treats of this period. ^ Upon the much discussed question oC the genuineness of the rhetoric under the name of Dionysius of Halicarnassus see C. Brandstatter, Leipz. Stud., XV (1893), p. 263 ; Blass, De Dionys. Hal. Scriptis Rhet, Bonn (1863); Rossler, Dionya. Hal. Librorum de Init. Reliquiis (Lips., 1873); Sad^e, De EPIDEIOTIC LITEEATURE 107 in time, but in treatment. Anaximenes, and still more notice- ably Aristotle, treat epideictic oratory from a general point of view, almost entirely disregarding such special forms {c. g., / eTTtTot^toi?, ■jrpoTpeTTTiKO'i, TravrjyvpiKO';, etc.) as had already become established. The purpose of the earlier treatises by Anaximenes and Aristotle was to give the general characteristics and theory of this branch of oratory. Their rhetoric is not a series of rules designed to be used by students in actual composition. It is rather the foundation upon which such rules might be based. Menander, and still more conspicuously Dionysius, present little or no general view of their subject.' They occupy themselves Script. Rhet. Questiones Crit. (Argentor, 1878); Croiset, Lit. grecque, V, 333 S.; Usener, Dionysii Hal. quae fertur Ars Rhet. (1895). Usener thinks there are two parts. The first seven chapters are abridgments from worlds of the time of Aristides. Of the second part the fourth chapter is a work of the first century; chaps. 1 and 2 are from different schools, and the last two are the work of Dionysius. Cf. also Christ, Gh. Lit. {3d ed., 1898), p. 642 ; Jahrb. f. cl. Phil, 115 (1877), 809; Acta Societ. Phil. Leips., V (1875), 269. ' Among the lost works of Philodemus there is a irepl iwalvov ; see Sudhaus, I 219, col. 38. ' The two treatises irepi iiriSei.KTi.Kuiv under the name of Menander may be found in Walz, Rhetores Graeci, Vol. IX, 127-330, or in Spengel, Rhetores Oraeci, III, 331-446. Certain difficulties presented by the title, arrangement, and contents have been noted by scholars and discussed to some extent. The text of the title is as follows : MevdvSpov p-riTopos Teve6\iojv Siaipetrts tCjv iiribuKTiKCiv. The word Tevee\lav is unmanageable. Walz and Spengel approve Valesius' suggestion of wpbi TevieXiov, taking the words as a dedication ; Walz sees a lacuna between the two treatises. More extended discussion of the ques- tions involved may be found in Nitsche's Der Rhetor Menandros und die Scholien zu Demosthenes (Berlin, 1883). He quotes the views of Bursian that the tirst part is by Menander, the second by an unknown author ; but himself holds that Menander is the author of the second half, written perhaps in 273 A. D., and that the first part is by his contemporary Genethlius. This view is based largely upon similarities between the second part of the treatise and the Demosthenes scholia by Menander. The two treatises became joined in a corpus on epideictic oratory, and through error the name of Menander was placed before the first. There is an error, too, in the order of the second part. Nitsche would rearrange : (1) §aai\m6sJK6ys3, (2) aviKbs, (3) 7rpeo-j3euTiK6s, (4) X/j.i.p6iaK6s, (5) kXi;tik6s, (6) irpoaiptiivriTmbs, (7) linfiaTiipioi, (8) irvvraKTiKbs, (9) XoXid, (10) irpoTpeirTiKy) XoXid, (11) iiriffaXafiiov, (12) KarevmffTiKbs, (13) yeveBXiaKbs, (14) fXovifSla, (15) TrapaixvBTjTiKSs, (16) iwirdipios. In this oi-der 1-4 inclusive treat of the half-deified rulers of the state and of Apollo ; 5-8 inclusive might be addressed to Roman governors ; 9, the 108 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY with differentiation of forms and special directions to students. Menander in his Trepl eTriBecKTCKwv gives rules in minute detail for the composition of twenty-three varieties which the praise of men and of things might assume, and even then leaves a consider- able part of the iield untouched. Dionysius treats only six. Three of these (the iravrjyvpiKO'; , yafiiKoi;, and •KporpeTrriKO'; adXrjrai';) are not found in Menander ; the other three are treated by him with practically the same directions. Menander's failure to include the ■Travrjyvpi.Ko'; may perhaps be accounted for by the changed status of the iravr/'yvpi,'; and the degeneration of the speech attend- ing it to a mere personal encomium. Other extant rhetors add little or nothing to the treatment of the epideictic branch of oratory. Several confine themselves to the practice exercises of the rhetorical schools [Trpoyvfivdcr- fiaray^ Alexander, son of Numenius (second century A. D.), uses \a\i.d, is a form which may apply stylistically to all ; 10-16 are speeches appropriate to private life. Of. also Volkmann, Rhet. Griech. u. Rdmer, p. 119, n., and Phil. Rundschau (1884), 643 ff. ' The epideictic department of oratory had an important position in the rhetorical training of the Greek youth. There is ample evidence of this in the theoretical treatment and the topics of the xpoyvfivdfiia (p. 477, 20), he says the encomium is no longer a simple thing, but much subdivided. He perhaps means to have it understood that this extreme minuteness of subdivision is of comparatively recent date. The origin of the word iyKcofjuov is discussed by several rhetors. Hermogenes gives as an explanation (Sp. II, 11 &.): "They say it is called iyKOifnov because the poets sang the hymns of the gods anciently in villages [iv K(i)fj.at,<;) ." The more probable derivation is given by Theon (Sp. II, 109, 27) : iyKm/Mov Be Xeyerai tS> tov; TraXaioii^ ev Kcofj^w tlvI koX TratSta ra? et? Oeov'i €vXoyia<; Troielv} The extent and variety of epideictic literature are readily learned from the monuments and the reference to such oratory in Greek literature. But our conceptions gain in scope and clearness, especially for the period preceding and following the beginning of the third century A. D., from the notable treatise by Menander, irepl iiriSeiKTCKav, to which reference has already been made. Menander (Sp. Ill, 331 ff.) begins with an extremely brief statement about epideictic oratory in general — two pages it : the dva^Kev^ and Karaa-Kev/i, confirmation and tlie opposite ; the koivAs Tiiros, locus communis ; the iyxibiuov, a laudation ; the fbyo$, the opposite of iyKii/xiov ; the o-ijKpia-is, a comparison ; the rjBoTroUa, an impersonation or delineation of character; the fK(t>paeia, irporpoTT^, dTrorpoTr^, dvaa-Kev^, irapaaKevf) ; for the court orator : ^^trts, Koivhs T67roy, dvaCKev^, Trapaa>vr]Ti.K6<;, an address of wel- come to a ruler, closely allied to the ^aaiXiKot;. (17) e7ri.Td(f>i,o<; X6yoava)TiK6<; [aTe(l)avLK6<;) Xo'70?, ' The large literature falling under this general head is treated by Buresch in Leipziger Studien, IX (1871), 1-164, under the title, "Consola- tionum a Graecis Romanisque Scriptarum Hietoria Critica." He discusses the feeling of antiquity in regard to pain and sorrow, and enumerates with more or less fulness of detail all the compositions of this character among Greek and Roman writers. A supplement is added on Philodemus' irepl davdrov. Of. also for Latin literature, Jahrb.f. cl. Phil, Suppl., N. P. (1S92), XVIII, 445, and XIX, 319 {cf. also p. 70). 112 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY a gratiarum actio, at the presentation of a crown or in recognition of some honor bestowed. It is a pure encomium. (19) Trpecr^ev- TiKO'; \6jo<;, an ambassador's speech, closely allied to the pre- ceding and, like it, often becoming a ^aaiXiKot;. In addition to the praise of the ruler, it states the special cause for the embassy . and pictures the conditions which occasioned it. The speech admits of great variety. (20) kXtjtiko'; Xo'70?, a speech of invita- tion addressed to a ruler. It contains praise of the prince and of the city, of the event to which he is invited. It is therefore largely a /Sao-tXtKo? Xo'709. (21) (TvvTaKTiKo<; X070?, a farewell speech. It laments the necessary parting, praises the people left and that to which one is going. Homer [Od., XIII, 38 ff.) presents a model and a text. (22) /xovctfSta, a plaint. Its tottol are in part those of the eTrcTciipio'; and the Trapafivdriri/co';. Its style more closely resembles that of poetry. It is brief, and may be occasioned by other circumstances besides the death of a rela- tive or friend. An example may be found in Aristides' oration (Or. XX) on the destruction of Smyrna by an earthquake ; or Libanius (Or. LXI) on the burning of Apollo's temple. (23) S/iti'^(.aK09 X6yo<;, in honor of Apollo. It is a hymn. Menander was himself the author of one (Sp. Ill, 335, 21). To these may be added from the Rhetoric of Dionysius of Halicarnassus : (24) yafxiKO'; Xo'70?, similar to the iiriOaXafiiov (25) ■7ravr] Xoyo) Koa/j.TJaa'; TrapaSoiTj Oeatpelv vfilv Kal crvvSiaTpl/Setv avTaK. Moral qualities 1 Hermogeces, Sp. II, 11, 23; Aphthonius, Sp. II, 35, 26; Theon, Sp. II, 109, 27 ; Nicolaus Sophista, Sp. Ill, 479, 4. The indebtedness of the encomium to poetry, in particular that ot Isocrates to Pindar, is presented in detail by E. Courotte in Mus6e beige, II (1898), p. 168. 2 Cf. Euag.. 6 ; Panath., 1 and 2, 116 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY had found a place in encomia in Pindar, but only in single sen- tences as a general characterization. There is no analysis of character. To introduce the deeds as an evidence of virtues, to bring out the character of the one praised, was a new point of view. Isocrates does this for the first time in the Enagoras. This exaltation of character and the choice of the traditional four virtues, appearing just at this period for the first time, are in keeping with the more elevated view which Isocrates took of the epideictic class of literature, and must also be due in large measure to the influence of the Socratic teachings. The enco- mium in the form which Isocrates gave it, and which it maintained ever after, could hardly have come into being apart from this influence. The encomium, although closely related to it, should be care- fully distinguished from history, both in aim and method. His- tory has for its purpose the narration of events, the presentation of facts, usually in chronological order, and an impartial inter- pretation of their relation to one another. It is not concerned with praise or blame, and is far from having a theory to main- tain for which facts must be chosen, some emphasized and some ignored, or even the truth sacriflced. It lacks all personal bias. The encomium does not necessarily narrate, but in most cases I assumes a knowledge of the facts. It presents them only so far' as its chief aim — the glorification of the individual — may be best served. To this end facts may be selected at will, grouped | in any order, exaggerated, idealized, understated, if detrimental \ points must be touched upon. Although both rhetors and orators make frequent protestation of adherence to truth, facts may be invented in some cases. The special aim and the personal ele- ment are strong and open. The difference both in treatment and style was recognized by ancient rhetors. Cf. Arist., Rhet., Ill, 16, init. : SLtjyrjat'i 8' iv fiev row eiroSeiKTiKol'; icTTiv ovk ec^e^jj? aWa Kara fiepo^ .... Sia Se tovto eviore ovk e'l^e^j)? Set SirjyelcrOai,, olov el OeXea 'A^iXXe'a eiraivelv 'laaai yap Trai/re? ra? Trpd^eif, aXXa 'x^pyjcrOai avTai<{ Set. iav 6e K.pi.T(av, Set • ov yap iroWol 'icraaiv. Theon, Sp. II, 112, 2 ; wpd^ei'; .... ovk e^e^rj? Biyyov/xevoi. EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 117 Doxopater, Walz, Rhet. Gr., II, 113, 13 : laTopCa to, wpoaovTa tlctIv ayaOa iKTi6eTai, to Be iyKwuiov fiera av^t^crea}'; koI KaraaKevrj'; 7rpodyea-9ai Set, and 112, 25 : to fiev yap Sir/yri/xa \6yov iariv eKdeTL- K0<; Trpayfj,aT(Ov aTrXco?, to Be eyKfOfiiov Ka\S)v irpayixaTociv koI tov fiev Biijyfj,aTOi, aW 6 aico'iTO'i to BiBd^ai BrjXaBrj tov uKpoaTriv ttjv irpay- fiaTeiav, tov Be iyKcofiiov to Oavfiaadfjuai eirl Tok Xeyofievoi'; to eyKco/Mia^o/Mevov koX ev fiev tw Bi-qyrjfiaTi icav to, TrpoaovTa tlvI BiepyaifjieOa, aXX' oy^t Kal tov irpd^avTa davfidl^ofiev iir' eKeivoL<; ■ iv Be T(p eyKcofjbio) ov fidvov to, irpoaovTa tlvI KaXa Xeyo/iev, aWa Kal €7r' eKeCvoi'i Oav/id^ofiev. The eTrtra'c^to?, which is the oldest form of prose encomium extant, shows these characteristic differences from history. They may be seen also in Isocrates' Euagoras, and are directly stated a few years later in the Philippus (sec. 109), where he refers to the usual rehearsal of Heracles' exploits in encomia as historical ; they merely enumerate his deeds. He sees the opportunity to treat the subject anew in the form of a true encomium which makes virtues — character, the determining feature. The connection between the encomium and biography is still more intimate. Biography is an essential part of history, but when made a separate composition it partakes of the nature of Jaoth history and the encomium. A portrayal of character is the main aim in each, so events may be treated in summary fashion ; but the encomium gives more room for choice, idealization, omission. The encomium may be more or less fully biographical as the sub- ject is well known or not. Achilles does not require that the facts of his life be presented, but in praising Critias, whose deeds are not familiar, the orator must narrate. Polybius (X, 21 (24:), 8) contrasts the method appropriate for his life of Philopoemen with that to be employed in history : wairep yap melvo'; 6 Toiro'i, v'7rdp')(a)v iyKcofuaaTiKOf, air-QTei tov Ke^aXaicoBij Kal fjueT' av^ijaeoo'; Tcbv Trpd^ecov airoXoyiafiov ovTco'i 6 t?)? oaTopia';, koivo^ av eiraCvov Kal yjfoyov, ^rjTel tov aXrjdfj Kal tov fieT^ cnroBeL^eto^ Kal tmv eKaaTOK irapeirofievmv avXXoyicriJbOiv. Compare also Dionysius of Halicar- nassus, Ep. ad Cn. Pomp, de Platone, 751, 8 (Eeiske). The point in discussion is the difference between an encomium and a 118 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY complete investigation : orav /xev eiraivov TrpoeXrjTUi ypa(f>eiv tk Trpdy/j.aTO';, etVe (Tcofj^aro'i OTroiovyerivo'i, ra? aperw? avrov, Kat, ov to, aTV')C^fxaTa, et Ti Trpocrecm tw irpdyfiaTi,, fj tw crco/xan, Beiv 7rpo(f)e- peiv orav Se ^ovXrjOy Siayvaivai, t/ to KparicTTOv ev OTqthrjTroTe ^i(p, Kal Ti TO /3e\TLcrT0V t5)V vtto ravTO yevo'; epycov, rrjv a,Kpi^eaTaTr]v i^eracrtv TTjOO^epety, ical ixijSev TrapaXei'Treiv tS>v Trpocrovrcov auToi<;^ eiT€ KaKMv, etre ayadSiv. The encomium is not to be made an apology. Isocrates is our authority for this. It is no true encomium which assumes an apologetic tone. He says [Helen, 14) : cnroXoyeladai p.ev yap TrpoarjKU irepl tcov ahiKelv alriav i'X^ovToov, eTraivelv Se tow eTrl ayadq rivi Si,a(pepovTa<;. This is quoted by Theon, Sp. II, 112, 11, in support of his opinion that faults should be concealed as much as possible, p-r) \d6oDp,ev airoXoy iav avr' eyica>iJLiov TrotT^crai'Te?.' Compare also Nicolaus Sophista, Sp. Ill, 481, 28, where he says that the question often arises whether the encomium admits of avTiOea-i'i (opposition, criticism, disputable material). The answer is : No ; but if the case absolutely requires it, explain away artfully. Quintilian (III, 7, 6) provides for occasional apology and defense. Rhetorical treatment of the encomium in the abstract, /. e., apart from some person or thing, is not separated from that of encomiastic literature as a whole. ^ Rhetorical discussion of the encomium in its more restricted sense is abundant.'' The rhetors who deal with the ■irpoyvpvdap.aTa make the iyKO)- fMov* one of its forms and add rules for its composition. With them the term has at least three distinct significations: (1) It ' Cf. Busiris, 5. ^ Cf. Anaximenes, chaps. 3 and 35; Aristotle, Rhet., I, 9. ' One would consult here Dionysius of HalicarnaBsus, Ars Rhet.; Menan- der, irepl iiriSeiKTmCiv ; the writers on progymnasmata — Hermogenes, Aphtho- nius, Theon, Nicolaus Sophista, Aristides, together with the scholia to Aphthonius, and Doxopater, Ad Aphthoniuvi. ■'The iyKii/juov and ^6705 are treated with much minuteness o£ detail by writers on the ■7rpoyvixvdrjfj,iav e')(ovTe<; Xoyot under the title iy/CQ)/j,i.ov and calls it an elBof. Doxopater, Walz, Rhet. Gr., II, 415, 13 : Icrreov Be, 6tl to eyKCDfJuovyeviKov ecTTLV ovofia- SaipeiTaiyap eh Te eTri^aTrjplov; . . . Kai airXw'; ek 7rdvTa<; roii'i evfj.iov. (3) The encomium is an element which may be introduced as a subordinate feature in other forms. This use is discussed by Nicolaus Sophista, ,SgJ[JI^4-7S- (see p. 95). From the specific statements given by these rhetors and Menan- der, together with the more general treatment of the subject given by Anaximenes and Aristotle, we can readily discover the method and the topics which by theory should enter into the encomium. The ideal for the encomium of a person, both in theory and prac- tice, was remarkably uniform.' It agrees in general conception, qualities. The most prominent among them is the use of encomiastic tStto in other and apparently unrelated -n-poyvixvaaixaTa, e. g., those classified below as especially helpful for symbouleutic and forensic oratory. In the x/'f'o praise of the author, his country, etc., are important T67roi. Cf. Sp. Ill, 461-3 ; II, 6. Aphthonius, Sp. II, 23, gives a sample xpf'" in which the " iyKoi/uaffTiicSv'' is made a prominent division. So also in the example of the yvw/MTi; Sp. II, 26. For eTraivos in the Koivbs tSttos see III, 470, 471 ; II, 106, 107 ; in the ffiyKpitns, II, 14, 42, 113-15 ; in the vBoTroUa, II, 115 ; III, 490. The Biiris [of. also the virSSeffis) is defined as symbouleutic in form, but pane- gyric in material ; Sp. Ill, 494, 495 ; II, 120, 121. The composition of the eia-is, a fictitious address before an imaginary tribunal, based upon laws exist- ing only in the mind of the speaker, and its rd-iroi, directly transferred from the ijKdfiiov, favored the epideictic style. Cf. Choricius, p. 205, Boiss.; Liba- nius, Vol. IV, R; Seneca's Controversiae. Much the same could be said of several other forms. Thus the prominence of the iyKii^ov as a separate vpo- yi/xvaa-fM, together with its entrance as an element into many others, helps to prove the epideictic character of the Trpoyviimty/iaTa as a whole and accounts in large measure for the strong influence of Greek rhetorical training in continuing and extending the epideictic style. ' For instance, Theon [of. also Hermogenes, Sp. II, 12, 21) reproduces iSp. II, 110) much of the detail of Anaximenes (Sp. I, 186, 187). Much the same may be found also in Aristotle, Rhet., I, 9, 16, 18, 19, 31, 38, and Quintil., Ill, 7, 12, 16. 120 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY and even largely in details, from almost the. earliest to the latest period of Greek literature. The main topics or divisions' are given in the most thoroughly tabulated form by Aphthonius' (date variously given, 315, 400 A. D.) in his brief treatment of ijKoof^iov. Cf. also Sp. II, 35 and 36; Walz, Bhet. Gr., II, 617, 20 ff. {Scholia ad ApMhon.) ; Doxopater, Walz, II, 423 if.; 434, 30; 464, 20. His scheme is as follows : 1. irpooifjLLOV "1. t^vos II. yei/os 2. 3. ^1. Trarpts TTpoyovot iraTepcs iniTrj^ev/xaTa III. dvarpOKJir] - ~ 2. .3. rixvri vd/xoi '1. Kara xpvyriv I dvSpet'a ' 4>p6vrj(ri'S IV. (to jxiyUTTOV _j 2. Kara criXot V. CvyKpLUL'S VI. iiriXoyos Although Menander gives no separate chapter to the enco- mium, he recites its tottol, e. g., Ill, 420, 11. The eTrtrac^io? ' /ce0dXaia, T67roi are used, though, the latter more frequently. fi^pTi occurs sometimes. Doxopater, Walz, Khet. Gr., II, 412, discuBses the use of these terms. He regards rdiroi as more appropriate for the encomium, but in II, 434, 30, and elsewhere, he uses xe^iXoia for the main heads and /i^p-n for subordinate. 'This seems to represent what Nicolaus Sophista (Sp. Ill, 479, 26) of a century later calls the prevailing view in distinction from that of the ancients, especially Plato, and represented apparently by Theon. EPIDEIOTIO LITERATURE 121 employs them : yevo<;, yeveai';, vcn<;, avaTpo(j>r^, iraiBeia, iTrirrjSev- fiUTa, -Kpa^ea (1. 25), Tvxn (1. 28), avyKpi.a-t.'; (1. 31). Cf. 413, 11 and the ^aa-iXiKo^ \6ia, StKaioavvT], avSpeia, evSo^a iwi- TTjBevfiaTa. These are to be made more prominent. Compare also Auctor ad Heren., Ill, 6, 10 ff., for an analysis similar to that of Theon. Almost all writers upon the encomium and other epideictic forms speak directly or indirectly of the great freedom allowed in applying rhetorical precepts. The subject and the circumstances li must determine the prominence of the various tottoi. The situa- tion may even demand that some be omitted altogether. One 1 Cf. 227, 2 and 22 ; 228, 1. 2 In discussion of tAttoi he sometimes almost translates Anaximenes and Aristotle (see p. 119, n. 1). 122 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY frequently meets such statements as that of Menander (Sp. Ill, 370, 9) : iav Be tirjre -q TrarpU fiijTe to e6i'0<; rvyx'^^V irepifiXe'irTOV, a^rjcrei'; fiev touto, etc. Cf. Quintil., II, 18. The essential features of an ordinary encomium of a person seem to have been : 1. irpooifiiov. Great freedom is allowed here ; anything which the subject suggests.^ One of the most common features was a profession of inadequacy before a subject so vast. Doxopater (Walz, Ehet. Gr., II, 449, 33) says: "It is the law of encomi- asts to agree always that the subject is greater than words can match." 2. 7eVo? — the ancestry immediate and remote. Here belongs also reference to the city, the country, or the nation of the one praised. Any one of the four subdivisions given by Aphthonius may be taken to the exclusion of the others. 3. 7eWcrt?. This refers especially to any noteworthy fact pre- ceding or attending the birth — an omen or a dream. Pericles, Romulus, and Cyrus are the stock examples.'' 4. avaTpo(j)i] — the circumstances of his youth.'' A stock reference here is to Achilles, who fed on lions' marrow and was trained by Chiron. Under this head one may refer also to early indications of character ((/)vo-t9 t?)? T/^fX???), love of learning, natural ability, special aptitudes.* Doxopater (Walz, Ehet. Gr., II, 429, 27) defines avaTpocjirj -. r^ he avaTpo(f>rj ttjv iraihevat.v Kal rfjv eK iraiScov ew dvSpa^ SrjXoi irpoohov. He says one must not call it Tpop6vr]cn,<;. ^iXavOpocnrCa is often added as a separate or a more comprehensive virtue. Theon, Sp. II, 112, 2: /xera 6e Tavra ra? Trpd^eK icaX to. KaropOw/xaTa TrapaXrj-ijrofieda ovk e^e^rj^ Snjyov/iievoi,- \eyovTe<; yap aXXa TrpocTTidep^ev Kara ptiav e/cdaTrjv aperr/v, eireiTa to, epya 8ie^iovT€<:, olov on fjv crax^pwv, irpoXejeiv koI eTTKJsepeiv evffv';, ti avTa (TQ)(f)poyr]TLK6v epyov irenrpaKTaL, o/iotW eTrl rSiv aWmv aperaiv. Menander, Sp. Ill, 373, 5 : hialpei yap diravTa'x^ov ra? irpd^eK &v dv p.eXX.Tj'; iyKCO/jud^eiv, et? ra? dperdi .... Kal opa, Tivmv dpertov elaiv al Trpd^ei'i. Aristotle [Rhet., Ill, 16, 2), speaking of the form of narra- tion appropriate for epideictic oratory, adds : Sto. Se tovt' iviore OVK i^e^rj'^ hel SirjyelaOai Trdvra, . . . . e« fiev ovv tovtoiv dvSpelo^, Ik he TMvBe (70<; 7J Tiixv"^ ^ '''<>iv Trarepwv earl hoopTJfj.ara, alrai, he t?)? rjfiwv aiiTMv yvcofJLTj'; Kal Trpoaipeaew;. Doxopater, Walz, Rhet. Gr., II, 433, 10 ff., in answering the question how one can call ra? dperd'! ' irpd^eK ' when the latter are more properly efei?, says : irpd^eK rrj'i irpoaipea-edx; elai, while KdX\o<; and other physical qualities are dtrpoaipeTa . . . . ov ra? T?j? ■\jrvxfj<; t} tov am/xaTO'i ivTavda dpeTd<; Xeyei, dWd ra? Sid tS)v dpeTMv TOVTcov Trpa^et?- Kal yap t&v Trpd^emv al p,e'v KaTd EPIDEIOTIC LITEEATUEE 125 SiKaiocTVVTjv, at Be fcara avSptav, al 8e koO' erepav TOiv aXXcov aper&v yivovrai.^ Even when speaking of external and physical matters, qualities of character are to be made prominent. Theon, Sp. II, 111, 12 ff., when discussing other goods, e/cro? koI irepl crw/jLa, like evyeveta, one should speak of them ovk aTrXco? ou8' m ervye tov Xoyov SiariOe/xevoi, aXX' e^' eKdarov huKvvvTe;, on, p-rj avoijToo<;, aXXa (fypovi/Mw; Ka'i aj? eSei avToh iy^p-qaaro {rjKLaTa yap iiraivovcri fjurj KaTa wpoaipeaiv aXX' m Tv^rj'i a e')(0V(Ti,v ayaOd) olov on eijTV)(0)v rjv fierpio'i Kal (jsiX.dvOpooiro'i, Kal tt/so? tov<; 4>i\ov^ 6 auTO? Kal StKato?, Kal TOK TOV cr(o/j.aT0<; TrXeoveKTTjfiacri cr&x^poW? Trpoar}ve')^6rj. Compare also 112, 1 : fidXiaTa yap iv tow dTV)(r)fjLaai,v eKXdp,Trei, rj aperrj. 1. avyKpicTK. This is regarded as a most important division, but in application it is left to circumstances and the judgment of the writer. Hermogenes states both facts in a single sentence (Sp. II, 13, 3): fJLeyia-TT] 8e iv tok iyKoofiiOi'i acpopfi-ij rj cnrb TOiv avyKpicremv r)v rafet? ft)9 av 6 Katpb'; v^rjyrJTai. crvyKpiaK is a notable reliance in all epideictic writing. It is enjoined in Aristotle.^ The rhetoricians indicate two distinct kinds of comparison. There is the minor or incidental o-vyKpia-i'; [fiepiK'^, Sp. Ill, 377, 5), where some one phase of a subject or a single quality is likened to some other, and the final or general a-vyKpi,-fi (22), ^TriTijSei^Mara (22), ipbvT\(nv ^ aituraaav ttjv dperiiv better than Sick Toioirav ipyav Kal KivBivavT' An oration is better than a statue for a portrayal of character, inciting to imitation ; 73, c/. 75. Other references to the portrayal of aperii as the main purpose of an oration of this character may be found in 4, 5, 8, 23, .33, 41, 65. (6) rix'n (25, 59); (7) aiyKpun^. An extended comparison, 37, 38 ; minor ones, 23, 27, 35, 60, 64, 65. (8) iirlkoyos (73-80). In 19 we meet the phrase so familiar in all forms of epideictic speech : &p^ofULi 5' ^K tCov h^ioKoyoviUvfjiv X^etf irspl airov. The word iTTLTTiSei/xaTa occurs twice, 2, 77. In the former case it is nearly equivalent to irpdfeis ; in 77 dperal might V)e a fair substitute. A similar analysis of the Agesilaus of Xenophon could be made, though it agrees tar less fully with the type. EPIDEIOTIO LITERATURE 127 by the addition of the local coloring and circumstances which the type or the special occasion suggests, almost any epideictic speech can be made to result. Among personal encomia the most frequent, the most dis- tinctive and extravagant in praise, would naturally be that addressed to a person in high authority — a king, emperor, or governor of a province. Quintilian recognizes this by a direct statement : "Fortune, too, gives dignity, as in kings and princes ; for here there is an ampler field for displaying merit" (III, 7, 13). Dionysiusof Halicarnassus {Ep. ad Pomp., 783 E) speaks of the advantage Theopompus had in topic : ^aaiXecov re yStoi/9 Kal Tpoirav ISuufiara BeSijXcoKe} Eules for the composition of such an encomium are found in Menander's treatise (III, 368 ff.). His title is 6 /SacnXiKo'; Xo'709, and he apparently intends it as primarily, at least, a series of directions for an address to the Roman emperor. It stands as the representative rhetorical treatment for this type of speech. Although the encomiastic address to one in high authority is frequent and belongs to all periods, Menander's title does not seem to have been extensively employed.^ It is, however, the most convenient term by which to refer to a large and important branch of epideictic literature, and as such we shall employ it in ^ Cf. Isocrates, Euag., 40 ; vOv 5' dTravre^ &v bixoKoy-^aeiav rvpavvida Kal rCjv Seiujv i.yadlav Kal tu>v dvdponrivuv p.^yt(yrov Kal (reiivbraTov Kal irepi^ax'H'^liTaTov eivai, " What orator could do justice to the praises of a liing ?" ^ It would appear that the title which Menander employed, appropriate though it was, did not obtain currency. Even epideictic orators near Menander's time did not use it. Libanius (Or. 60) has the title efe toiJs airoKpdropas KdufCTavra Kal Kcovo-tolvtlov, /3a'i)TiK6s and the /Saa-iXixJs X670S (III, 415, init, especially 11. 6, 9). Strangely enough the reference which he makes to the p-iyas ^acriKiKis of Callinicus (III, 370, 14) cannot be verilied. Suidas speaks in particular only of a TrpouvriTtK6i ToKirivij.. 128 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY this chapter and elsewhere for the encomium of one in high author- ity, without special regard to the period when it was written. The /Sflto-tXt/co? Xoyoi is a form of oration which is less likely to be found under freedom and democratic forms of government. More than any other type of epideictic speech it belongs most naturally to a subject people. It exactly befits the Greece of the period of Macedonian, or still better of Koman, supremacy, and there it is most frequent. In the form in which Menander outlines it, it is hardly conceivable for the Greece of the time of the Persian wars. The existing and reported ^aaiXiKol Xoyoi are numerous and extend from the time of Isocrates to the end of the fourth century A. D., or to the fall of Constantinople, if we include orations by the Christian writers. The latter usually take the simple title "encomium," imitating the composition of the /Sao-iXt/co? X6yo<; somewhat, but choosing the deity or some saint to take the place of the /3aa-i\ev<;. There are numerous examples also in mediaeval and modern times. It would appear that many such orations were composed in honor of Philip and Alexander, notably that by Theopompus ;' that there was less activity in this as in practically all forms of literary composition from that period until the second century A. D., when there was a marked renewal continuing for some centuries. Its history is in a very general way that of ' Polybius (VIII, 10) speaks of historians who through fear or hate laud Philip, and "as a result their compositions have the appearance of a panegyric rather than of a history." Writers of the ^ao-iXiicis make constant reference to Alexander as the model king. Of. Julian, Themistius, and Libanius. Isocrates {Phil., 17), implies the frequency and naturalness of a speach praising the wars of Philip ; cf. sees. 18, 19, 20. The whole speech has many of the elements of the Papoa'vvrj, ikavepcoTrla.s 1j KtovcrTdvTios, ed. Dind., p. i, 1. 18- p. 5, ]. 5, ending with, the words : 6pare odv bn t6 ffixiKphv iKetvo (iTJfia biaKpoiovri p.0L diras 6 tQ>v dperwv e(7^6s virotpd^yyerai. Cf. p. 8, 1. 13 : ert rolvvv bri fxaXKov ^aaCKLKUiT^pa (ftiKavdpwirla tov XolttoO x^po^ tu>v d.p€Twv. EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 135 topics of a /SacrtXt/co? Xo'70?. Or. 7 is a similar combination. Compare also Or. 6, (^tXa8e\t/)ot 7) Tj-epl (j>iXavOpanria<;, which unites praise of the king, of his clemency, and of the city; and also Or. 3, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, which, though not ^acriXiKol \6yoi, show praise of a king as a chief feature and are of the same general character. Libanius in Or. 12 and 60 adheres more closely to the type of Menander, in minor points as well as in the general outline. Oration 60 (Vol. Ill, 272, Reiske) presents the peculiar feature of praising two kings in the same speech.' The oration unites the two, except when speaking of their deeds. In the irpooifiiov he reminds one of Aristides, as cited above (p. 132) ; cf. Ill, 274, 12 : ecTTt fiev ovv eOo^ rol'i eTTLj^etpovcnv i'yicwp.idi^eiv Trjv p,ev avrcov KaTafi,e/J,(j)eadai ivvafxiv, oj? ttoXv XeL7rop,evr]v toov Trpay/jLtxTcov T'qv he tS}v TrpayfiaToyv cnroOavfjid^eiv inrep^oX-qv, &)? ttoXv viKMcrav Tov<; Xdyovamv ipxovTa, and Boissonade's note. 2 Cf. like claims for his hero by Aristides, Or. IX, p. 112, Dind. (see p. 133). 136 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Sappho, that the king may live longer than Solon. The oration is addressed to Julian, who was devoted to philosophy, and this fact, taken with Menander's injunction, Sp. Ill, 371, 29, Kav fiev ev Xojoi'i y Koi (f>iXoao(f>La Kal Xoyoov yvaxret, tovto iTraivecreK, accounts for the differences between this and Or. 60. A part of this oration and several of those by Themistius are so general and so largely impersonal in character that they approach the form of a general treatise on the duties and responsibilities - of a king. A large class of Greek orations under the title irepl ^aaiXeia'i^ has this as the avowed purpose — to picture the ideal prince, to lay down the principles upon which he must base his rule, to present a code of morals and offer precepts appropriate for his guidance under any circumstances likely to arise under his administration of the sovereignty. As is noted later (in the chapter on philosophy), it has its connections with the TrporpeTTTiKo';. Though cast in the form of orations and given that title, they differ little from the style of the modern essay. They largely lack the personal element. But this is almost wholly omitted from some orations which would receive the title ^aa-iXiKoi, so that the lines of distinction become practi- cally obliterated ; cf. the four orations irepl Bacn,Xei,aio$, p. 147); Villemain,£',ssca sur I'oraison funthre; Calliaux, De Voraison funebre dans la Orice paleniie; Girard, Etudes sur Viloqiience u.ttique ; Westermann, Quest. Demosth., Part II; Sauppe, Ausgewalte Schriften , pp. .369, .372,752; Sauppe, Die Epitaphia in der spdtern Zeit Athens ; Momm- sen, Feste derStadt Athen (1898); Martin, " Notes sur I'h^ortologie,'' in Rev. de Phil, X (1886), pp. 17-.37; Nusslin, Epitaphische Lobreden von Pericles, Lysias^ Plato, iibersetztunderkldrt. Hauvette,"LesEleusiniensd'Eschy]e,"in ill^/a)i- ges Henri Weil (1898) : Vollmer, " Laudation um Punebrium, Romanorum Hie- toria et Eeliquiarum, Editio," Jahrb. f. class. Phil, 18, 445 ; 19, 319, gives a full discussion of the funeral oration among the Romans; Buresch, "Con- Bolationum a Graecis Romanisque Scriptarum Historia Critica,'' Leipziger Studien, IX (1887), 1-164 ; cf. p. Ill, n. 1. EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 147 the direct connection between the poetic and the later prose lament as it appears in the public and private eTnrd<^ioi,. But the transition lies in the misty period preceding the sixth cen- tury, and cannot be observed. Snell (ed. Lysias' Epiiaphlos, p. 9) says: "The cause of the transformation of the ihrenos into the epitaphios must be sought in the altered state of society at Athens toward the close of the sixth century." He mentions the growth of oratory and the general state of enthusiasm so promi- nent after the Persian wars as main factors. The eTrira'c^to? as an annual solemnity seems to have arisen not long after the vic- tory over Persia.' This custom was peculiar to Athens ; cf. Demosth., Lept., 449, 21; Aristides, Panafh., p. 310 (Dind.); Diod. Sic, XI, 33, 3 ; Dion, of Hal., A. B., V, 17; Polyb., VI, 53, 54 ; Cic, Leg., II, 25, 26 ; Brut., 16, 61. The state chooses the orator : Plato Menex., 234 B ; Demosth., De Corona, p. 320, etc. The custom was annual : Arist., Banath., 310 (Dind.) ; Plato, 3I('ncj'., 240 B ; Menander, Sp. 111,418; Arist., Banath., 310. The following are the extant eTrirac^tot, together with some others prominently mentioned in antiquity • 1. The Samian oration of Pericles, delivered in the Ceramicus at the close of the Samian war, 440 B. C; cf. Plut.. Life of Bcr., p. 156, 18 ; Arist., Bhct., I, 7, 34. 2. A speech by Pericles found in Thuc, II, 35. 46. delivered in 431 B. C. over those who fell in the first year of the Pelopon- nesian war. 3. The oration composed by Grorgias, 426-420 B. C; cf. Philost., V. S., I., chap. 9, 3, p. 403. For fragments see Frag. Bhil. Gr., II, 143 (Didot). 4. The oration by Lysias (probably spurious) in praise of those who fell in the expedition to aid the Corinthians, 394-387.'' ' Hauvette, "Les Eleusiniene d'Eschyle et rinstitution du discours funebre k Athene," in Melanges Henri Weil (1898), pp. 139 ff., argues in favor of Cimon as the originator of the law requiring this celebration and the removal of Theseus' bones as the occasion of its establishment. 2 The genuineness of the iinTdios of Lysias has been the occasion of much discussion. The subject may be investigated by reference to the following : L. Le Beau, Lysiaa' Epitaphios als eeht erwiesen (Stuttgart, 186.3); cf. also 148 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY 5. Keference is made (Plato, Moie.r., 234 6-236 A) to ora- tions by Archinus and Dion ; cf. Photius (Bekk.), p. 484. Date 380 or a little earlier. 6. The Menexeniis of Plato.' 7. The oration, falsely attributed to Demosthenes, in honor of those who died in the battle of Chaeronea, 338 B. C. 8. Hyperides' oration over those who died in the Lamian war, 323-2 B. C. 9. Menander (Sp. Ill, 418) speaks of three orations by Aris- tides, second century A. D. The extant e7rtTa<^iot conform to the same general model. The material falls chiefly under three heads : (1) eTraivo<;, about four- \ fifths of each oration ; Bprjvo'i ; irapaiJ.vOLa. Plato, Menex., 236 E, shows this triple division. Under these there may be many minor subdivisions ; compare Dionysius of Halicarnassus, A. R., chap. 6, and Menander, -rrepl iTriSecKTiKav, Sp. Ill, 418, whose formal treatment of the eTrtrac^io? is the chief source of our theoretical knowledge. The treatise of Menander applies more especially to a private funeral. Both agree that the ToVot are those of the Jahrb. f. class. Phil, 93 (1866), 808-20, and 87 (1863), 366 ff.; Eckert, De Epi- taphio Lysiae Orator i falso tributo (Berlin, 1868); Thomaschik, De Lysiae Epitaphii Autheniia Verisimili (Diss., 1887); Richter, De Epitaphii qui sub Li/siae nomine fertur genere dicendi (Greifswald, 1881); Sauppe, Oot- tinger Gel. Anz., 1861, pp. 821 fl.; Blass, Attische Bered., I, 436 ff.; Christ, Oriechische Lit. (3d ed.), p. 375; Reuss, Rh. Mus., 38, 149; Wolff, Quae ratio intercedat inter Lysiae epitaphium et Isoeratis panegyricum (Difs., Berlin, 1896); Krilger, "Hat Platons Menexenos eine Beziehung auf den Epitaphios des Lysias ? "' Hist.-phil.^ Studien, I, 238 ff.; P. KnOU, Sind Beziehungen dem Epitaphios in Mewxenos und dem sogen. Lysianisclien nachzuweisen? (Krems, 1873). ' The genuineness of the Menexenus has been much debated. Where the decision has been against it, it has been through yielding to literary feeling against the weight of external argument, which favors its genuineness. The question is discussed often in connection with the Hippias Major and Minor. Cf. the Prolegomena of Stallbaum and others ; Zeller, Plato and Older Acad., p. 86; Platonische Studien. pp. 144 9.; Wilamowitz, Aristoteles u. Athen, I, p. 99, n. .^5; Bonitz, Index to Aristotle; Christ, Oh. Lit., 3d ed., 451; Blass, Attische Bered., II, 4.31 ff.; Ill, B, 346; Grote, Ok. History (Harper, 1861), I, 308; II, 33; Plato (Murray, London, 1888), III, 401 ff.; Wendland, "Die Ten- denz des Platonisohen Menex.," Hermes, XXV (1890), p. 171; Sauppe, Oott. Oel. Anz. (1864), p. 201. EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 149 iyKfOfiiov — irarpk, •yevo'i, (})V(nv, iraLBeM, Trpd^ii,oi, though Pericles does not use the word avT6x6ov€<;. Cf. Lysias, 17; Demosth., 1390, 14; Hyp., 1. 39 (Cobet); Pericles, Thuc, II, 36, 1; Plato, Menex., 237 B; Isoc, Pan., 45, 24; Panath., 125. This topic is a commonplace among orators and poets ; cf. Dion Chrys., Vol. II (Dind.), p. 209, 1. 23; Demosth., False Leg., 296 ; Himer., II, 2 ; I, 9, 13 ; VIII, 4; Plato, Timaeus, 23, D and E ; Strabo, p. 286, 22 (Didot) ; Pseudo-Heraclitus, Epist., 154 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY VIII, 4; Thuc, I, 6; Pausan., II, 14, 4; Hclt.. 1. 171; Eur., Frag., 360 {ErccMheus) ; Eur., Ion., 29, 589,737; Aristoph., JVas2:)S, lOli] ; Soph., Ajax, 201 ; Homer, II., II. 546 ff. ; Quin- til,. III, 7, 26 ; Aelian, Variae Hist., XXII. Ridiculed by Antisthenes ; cf. Diog. Laert., VI, 1, 1; Dion Chrys., Or. 64, 209, 23, Dind. Cf. also Swinburne, Eredheus, 1160-80. Plato and Demosthenes add as evidence of her motherhood that Attica was the first country to produce the necessities of life : Plato, Menex., 237 E; Demosth., 1390, 11; Isoc, Pan., 25. Athens gives physical blessings and also those of a higher character : Isoc, Pan., 28, 38 ; Menander, Sp. Ill, 384, 16 ; 440, 10-15 ; Diod. Sic, XI, 2, 4 ; Dion Chrys., II, p. 209, 1. 29 ; Himer., Eel., 2, 7 ; Or. II, 4, 5, 6 ; Themistius, 336 D ; Callim., Hymn to Dcmeter, 21; Cicero, Pro Flacco, 62; Lucr., VI, Iff. General praise of Athens : Isoc, Ai-eoj?., 74 ; Himer., Or. X ; Isoc, Phil., 147 ; Plut., T'. Aristides, XXVII, 9 : ^? [Athens] 4'i\avdpanria<; koI ^prjcTTOTrjToii eTi TToWa koI icad' rjjxa'i rj TToA-i? eKc^epovaa SeiyfJbaTa 6avfjid^€Tai Kal BrjXovTai. BiKUioov. Praise of Athens is a favorite theme of poets ; cf. Eur., Herac, 197, 329. 314 ff.; Medea, 824; Rhesus, 941; Aesch., Eum., 916 ff.; Siipxjl, 378; Soph.. 0. C, 107, 260, 668, 1003; Pindar, Frag., 77 (196); Xem., 2. 8; 4, 18; Frag., 76 (46), and the parody, Arist., Kn.. 1327; Arist., Clouds, 300-313; Adtarn.. 181 ; Clouds, 986. Anon comic poet, Kock, p. 407, 44, and p. 471, 340, and others ; Soph., O. C, 668-720 ; Libanius, 13, 410 (Reiske); Horace, Odes, I, 7, 5-7; cf. also Milton, Paradise Begained, Book IV, 236-80. The Atlantis story in Plato, Timaeus, 24 D ff., is merely a praise of Athens. It has the to'ttoi — Athens, leader of the Greeks, stood against the enemy alone, vanquished them, pre- served the rest of Greece, etc. Compare alsoLucian, Nicjr., 12-14. and Pint., Life of Aristides. near the end. The sacred olive forms a favorite theme for praise, though it is not introduced in any extant e7rtTa(^to9, Hdt.. S, 05, 82 • Soph. 0. C. 701 ff.; Ajmlloilonis. S,li; Arist.. Clouds, 1005; Athen., IX, p. 372 B; Dion Chrys., p. 311, 29 (Dind.); Himer., X. 3. EPIDEICTIO LITEEATUEE 155 The adjectives used by the poets in connection with the word "Athens" correspond with the general tendency to praise. The favorite words are : 1. Xmapai — cf. Arist.. Acharn., 639 ; Pindar, N., i, 18 ; Frag.. 46; O., 2, 20; Eur, I. T., 1130; Ale, 152; Troades, 803; Arist, Kn., 329; CL, 300; Binls. 826; Frag., 1(52; Frag., VII, p. 169 (Didot). 2. KXelvai — cf. Soph, Frag.. 300; Eur, Frag., 221 ; Aesch, Pers., 171; Eur, Jou, 30 ; Hippol., 123; Herac, 38; Soph, Frag., 631; AJasc, 861; Arist, Kn., 1319. 3. evSa(/j,a)ve'; — cf. Soph., 0. C, 282, 260; Eur., Fl, 1289; /. T., 1088 ; Hdt., 8, 3. I. Upai — Pindar, Frag., 75; Soph., Aja.r, 1221; Arist., Kn., 1319. 5. eeoB/xrjToi — Soph., FL. 707 ; Eur., Hippol., 971. 6. fi€ya\oTj-6\ee<; — Pindar, P., 7, 1. 7. eeoae/SeaTUTai^Soph., 0. C, 260. 8. Tifionarai — Soph, O. C, 107. 9. oK^iat, — Eur., AJc. 152. 10. fjieyaXai — Eur., Herac. 359. II. KaXkCxopoi — Eur., Herac 359. 12. tov\d- ^avre'i to, iroi-qTiKa — intending this as a rough characterization of early prose as a whole.' Oratory, with its rapid development in the early years of the fifth century, assumed prominence at a period a little later, when, as Strabo puts it, prose had with- drawn little by little from poetic form and influence. But in the department of epideictic oratory especially there was a ' Cf. Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa, I, 36. This chapter was ia its pres- ent form before the publication of Norden's work, and I leave it unchanged. EPIDEICTIC LITEEATURE 167 strong tendency toward the preservation of poetic qualities or their renewed imitation. The most prominent name connected with this movement is that of Gorgias, who must have begun his oratorical career not later than 450 B. C, thus placing him among the earliest workers in prose. He is characterized as the first to employ artistic prose.' He made definite selection of those features of poetry best adapted for employment in prose, and formulated these into a simple and practical system (c/. p. 102, n. 1). Grorgias was the teacher of Isocrates, and Isocrates was the epideietic orator jxir excellence — the founder of a school both in style and theme. Thus epideietic oratory was, in its earliest stages, more intimately connected with poetry than were the other two branches — the judicial and the deliberative." Poetry, too, is by its very nature and scope more closely con- nected with epideietic oratory than with that of the court or the assembly, whose chief function it is to marshal facts and work out definite conclusions by argument and close logical reasoning. Poetry has a wide domain. It teaches and inspires ; it is pro- found, sublime, pathetic ; it exerts a most powerful influence upon the noblest qualities of man's heart and mind. But to give pleasure is also its legitimate function and in many forms certainly its chief aim. Aristotle,' Eratosthenes (as quoted by Strabo, I, 2, 3) , and others regarded it as the chief mission of poetry to give gratification, though there existed earlier than this and persisting along with it the theory that the poet is primarily a teacher.* Poetry stirs the depths of human emotions, but it also has its lighter forms which move only the surface. Under its delicate transforming touch trite or commonplace ' His debt to Empedocles and Heraclitus is referred to on p. 214, n. 2. ^For the general dependence ot oratory on poetry, c/. Cic, Orat., 20, 66 ff.; De Or., I, 16, 70 ; III. 7, 27 ; Hor., Sat., I, d, i5 ff.; Tac, Dial, 20 ; Quintil., X, 2, 21 ; Ovid, Ex Ponto, II, 5, 65 ff.; Dion, of Hal., Ve Cump. Verb., 25 f . ^Poetics, XXVI, 7; XIV, 2; Met., I, 1, 918b, 17 ff.; Pol.,Y, 5, 1339&, 32. * Of. Butcher, Aristotle's Theory of Poetry and Fine Art. chaps. 4 and 5 ; Horace, Ars Poetica, 338-44, esp. 343-4 : Omne tulit punctmn qui miscuit utile dulci, Lectorem delectando pariterque monendo. 168 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY thoughts may assume attractiveness and sesthetio value through the charm of poetic clothing and imaginative treatment. Epi- deictic oratory seems far removed from poetry. The two are, indeed, not comparable in power or value to humanity, and yet these latter characteristics of poetry belong also to a certain extent to some branches of epideictic literature. An examina- tion of this department of oratory indicates that poetry, especi- ally in its lighter forms, has by its very nature and aim far more in common with it than with any other branch of prose, if indeed one be permitted to compare the well-founded and enduring with that which was to a large extent hollow and arti- ficial, possessing only occasional elements of permanent value. A consciousness of a special connection between epideictic oratory and poetry in theme and diction runs throughout the course of this branch of literature, but is particularly noticeable at its beginning and near its close — the end of the fifth century B. C. and the fourth A. D. The epideictic orator seems constantly to have the poet in mind as he speaks. Isocrates in the early stages of this style of oratory employs what becomes a commonplace. Near the beginning of the Eiiagoras he laments that orators have not the license of poets to employ myths, meter, rhythm, figura- tive language, ornamentation of every form.' However, he will attempt "to praise a good man in prose not less effectively than poets have done in song." In Antklosis, 45 ff., he speaks of the prose styles as not less in variety than those of poetry. The expression roiv fiera fierpov Troir] /xdrav is used here and elsewhere as though the addition of fiera fierpou were necessary to mark the distinction between this and a prose which might claim the term ■jroLr)fia with almost equal justice.'' He compares his own speech to poetry — "all would call them more like those made fisTo, fi.ovaiKri<; Kal pvOfiwv than those spoken in the dicastery, for they present I Cf. Mayor, "Licentia Poetica,"' Jour, of Phil., X (1879), 260 ff. -Cf. Dion Chryeostomus, XII (1,214, Dind.), ^as iiSiaTous i/xiiiTpwn Kal a.p.iTpuiv Xbyuv; Libanius, Or. V (I, 225, 10 Rt, ttoit/ttJs vixvov iv iM^rpifi Kal priTopiKbs vfivov &vev p-irpov ; Isoc, Ad. Nic, 7 ; Strabo, I, 2, 6 ; Plato, Phaedrus, 2.34 E, 236 D — both refer to the author of the first oration of the Phaedrus as iroiTjTiJs ; Pindar, Pyth., I, 94, Kal \oyioi.s Kal doiSois ; Nem., VI, 33. EPIDEICTIO LITERATUEE 169' deeds in a more poetic and varied style, more elevated and fresh, and adorned with more and brighter figures. The hearers are not less pleased than with those made in meter . . . ." [Antid., 46, 47 ; Cic, Orat., 52, 175). Isocrates, when he saw that poets had the advantage over orators, used poetic qualities for variety and pleasure. Compare with this Himerius of the fourth century A. D. : Or. Ill, 1: "Gladly would I adapt these words to the~ lyre and make them poetry, that I might sportively praise thee as Simonides and Pindar do Dionysus and Apollo.'' Or. 14, 10 : "I shall not address you in Lesbian strains, for I am not a poet, but shall speak without meter." Or. 14, 5 : "The art of oratory to my injury does not grant me the lyre and barbiton, but a- prose muse." Eel., 13, 32: "Would that I could invoke the winds as a poet, but alas I have not poetic strains to utter." Eel.. 12, 7 : "Had I the poet's power, I would show, etc."' This affectation of the orator's inferiority is a special characteristic of Himerius; cf. Choricius, p. 48, 1. 7 (Bois. ): "A poet would have honored thy grave with poetic offerings, but I without, meter, for I am not a poet."^ Procopius. Epistolographi, p„ 568, 37, exclaims : " Would that I were a poet ; of a truth I would call on Apollo and the muses too, saying, give me power to speak (etVeti/)." The epistolographers abound in similar passages. The epideictic orators, especially those living after the begin- ning of the Christian era, are more inclined to employ quotations from the poets. They are frequently quoted in the ordinary sense of that term ; more often the quotation is worked in with- out indication of its author or of the fact that it is a quotation.' Frequently a passage from a poet or an entire poem forms the theme of an epideictic discourse. Dionysius of Halicarnassus enjoins upon those who compose iwL6a\dfj.t.a in prose the use of Od., VI, 183, as a text. It is. perhaps, not fanciful to compare ' Cf. also like expressions in Eel., 13, 25 ; 21. 3 ; Oi-. 1, 20 ; IV, 3 ; IV, 9 ; XIV, 2, 3. ^ Cf. Aristides' hjmn tn Ser:ipis. 'Cy. Hermogenes Trepl yXu/fiiri/Tos, Sp. II. 302 4, and Trepi xpv"'^'^^ (ttoiv iv ■wiilif \ayif ; Quintil., I, 8, 1 170 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY the vagrant and promiscuous delivery of speeches, as in the cases of Dion Chrysostomus and Himerius, witli the wandering life of the early bards.' Epideictic oratory is also directly and inti- mately connected with poetry in its theme. Menander in his treatise irepl eTriBeiKTLKwv recognizes nearly thirty varieties of epideictic speech, differing enough in theme and treatment to merit separate mention. A large proportion of these — all the leading divisions — are more or less direct continuations of forms long before firmly established in poetry. The subordinate themes are largely subdivisions or are easily derivable from these, thus making epideictic literature in a broad sense depend- ent upon poetry. The v/j^voi, the €Trida\dfjt,t.o<;, and some other themes especially allied to the poetic, are treated in some detail elsewhere (see pp. 17J:ff. and 170 f.). The eTTira^to? \6yov iravijyv- pLKwrarov. Rohde [Griechisclte Roman, 335) has good founda- tion for his belief that the et'/coW? of Philostratus, Choricius, and others are prose continuations of such poetic compositions as. EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 173 Homer's description of Achilles' shield and the Heracles' Shield of Hesiod.' Euripides has examples of the TrpecrffevTiKo^ X0709, e. g., Heraclidae, 134 ff. The TrporpeTrTLKO'; Xoyo-; is a continuation of the parenetic and moralizing element in Homer, Pindar, and especially the gnomic poets; compare Cic, Horteiisitis or De Philosophia; Ausonius (Peiper), 250. TrporpeTrTi/co? ad Xepoieui. With Menander's rules for praise of a country compare Calli- machus' Tlijmn to Delos. Besides this general relation to the themes of poetry, there is also in some eases a much closer relationship. Several special forms of epideictic oratory do not merely find their germ in poetry, as in the cases just mentioned, but come by direct trans- ference. The early centuries of the Christian era witnessed a most remarkable development of epideictic literature, reaching its culmination in the fourth century A. D. One of its most notable features was its attitude toward poetry. We find here the antithesis to the earliest days of Greek prose. Then all expression tended to employ poetic forms. Prose had to win its way against oppo- sition. The fourth century A. D. presents a situation in many respects the reverse. '^ Poetry was now in a j^osition of insignifi- cance, almost extinction, and prose was held in high esteem. Not content with poetic features which had always characterized epi- deictic speech, orators not only employed these with much greater freedom and frequency in highly colored forms, using "poetic properties not as spice but as food," but also made conscious imi- tation and transference of themes popularly regarded as poetic only.' Prose poems of three classes were composed and declaimed ' C/. also Aiiaereo?iida, 52 (35) ; 55 (50); Anth. Pal., Book 11; Ausonius (Peiper), 3,31 ff. 2 For comments upon a similar relative decline of poelry, as compared with prose, in the first half of the fourth century B. C, cf. Holm, History of Greece, III, 153. Cf. also Norden, Ant. Kunstprosa, I, 78. 'We may compare here similar compositions in modern times. Notable examples may be found in Tourgu^neff's Poems in Prose, translated and pub- lished by Cupples, Upham & Co., 188.3, and Pastels in Prose, from the French, translated by Merrill, with an introduction by W. D. Howells (Harper's), 1890. Howells makes the error of claiming the prose poem as peculiarly a modern Hi STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Vjy epideictic orators — epitlialamia (which existed in prose as early as the first century B. C), hymns to the gods, poems on trifling or occasional topics, e. g., spring, the rose, the nightingale, and the like. Menander (c/. pp. 110 ff.) in his Trepl i-TriBeiKTiKaiv (Sp. Ill, 333)^ makes a general division of this branch of ora- tory into two classes according to theme : orations which deal with gods, and those which deal with men. The former are called vfjivoi. He defines nine varieties : k\t]tik6<;, where the presence of a deity is invoked ; aTroTre/^TTTi/cd?, addressed to a departing god ; this is purely poetic ; for explanation of this fact see Spengel, Rhetores Graeci, II, 336 ; (pvatKo';, a statement of the physical qualities of a god; /xv6ik6<; (for title cf. Plato, Pliaedrus, 265c), relating some myth ; rospUonetice , I, 3, 5, 12, 20, ,32, 37, 38 ; II, 2, 4, 6, 7, 12, 14 ; III, 11, 23, 27, 23 ; IV, 4 ; protrep>Hce, I, 27 ; II, 4 ; syllogistice. III, 2S ; symboleutice, II, 3, 17 ; threnus, I, 24. ^Callimachus' if^i7i7i to Apollo has much in common with the outline given in Menander. After a brief prelude he i-eters to the need of praise on EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 17-") Menander mentions models for many of the types, and in some cases quotes. Here, as in his detailed treatment of the more dis- tinctively prose forms, he claims for the epideictic branch every- thing which he regards as of an epideictic character, however fragmentary or brief it may be — even a single sentence — and regardless of the general literary character of the production in which it is imbedded (see p. 93), c. g., Plato (many hymns), Sappho, Empedocles, Anacreon, Herodotus, Demosthenes. Sopho- cles, etc. Hymns to the gods form one of the earliest poetic themes, and they are also the most continuous. Menander cites Sappho, Anacreon, and Alcman as authors of kXt^tikoI v^jlvoI} He refers to Bacchylides as author of cnroTre/xTrTiKol v/xvou They were also called TrpoTreixTTTiKoL (^vaiKol vfivoi are rather poetic than prose, though Julian's hymns may be classed as (jivaiKoL According to Menander, Plato contains several, e. g., in the Symposium, where he refers to Hojoo? and TlevCa. He says (Sp. Ill, 3-37. 22) that in the Critlas (passage lost) Plato calls the Timaeus a hymn of the All [to irdv) ;^ compare also Empedocles, Parmenides, Orpheus. For the iJ,vdiKo<; vfj,vov eu-)(^MV vvvl cnanrrjcrai. Compare also p. 322 : rrjv Be ttoXlv aSovai /xev TraVre? Kal aaovrac. The two hymns of Julian — to the sun and to the mother of the gods — are far less worthy of the title "hymns,'' if the defini- tion is to be derived from existing specimens in poetry and prose. The two are usually classed as (f)vcnKol, though the term applies far more strictly to the hymn to the mother of the gods than to that addressed to the sun. It is, at least, an open ques- tion whether fhe latter should not be called /ui/cro'?. He follows 17S STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY largely the same lines of thought as Aristides, except that the philosophical element is prominent. He begins with an intro- duction stating his interest in the subject, his qualifications, his inadequacy (c/. Aristides). Then follow elements of the evKTiKo^, yeveaXoyiKO';, 7re7rXacr/xeVo?, jjlvOlk.o';. A very close parallel might be made between this hymn and a ^acn\iKo<; \6 tov<; ydfMOvi. Here and elsewhere the dual nature of the hymn and of the epithalamium is recognized. The words vfivelv and aSeiv are not used in the directions for the oUier \6yoi, except in the sense of "sound the praises of," though a more indiscriminate use of those words came in with the ^lext century. It would appear (p. 400) that Menander wishes to establish a precedent in antiquity for the use of prose in place of poetry at a wedding celebration. He says that at the marriage of Megacles and Agariste the best of 1 Cf. Anatolius and Ephraim Syrus ; cf. Philologus, H, 228 (HansEen), and Christ and Paranikas, Anthol. Oraeca Carminum Christianorum ; Julian, Diet, of Hymnology; Neale, Hymns of the Eastern Church. ^Passages may bo cited as follows: Luke 1:68-79; 2:14,29-32; Eph. 5:19, 20; Col. 3:16, 17; 1 Tim. 6:15, 16; Titus 3:1-7; James 1:17; 2 Tim. 2:11-13. 180 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY the Greeks were present. There was no poet there, but prose writers did not fail. The orator spoke and the writer of prose read books, and all joined in hymning [avv/xvovv) the marriage. Dionysius and Menander agree closely in the tottoi for this X070? : the origin of marriage, its god, its necessity, its universality, its advantages, noted marriages, encomium of the bride and groom, comparisons, advice, prayer. Himerius follows the roiroi more closely than most extant speeches do their respective directions. In his preface he says that the best rule is to follow the diction of the poets, and at sec. i he refers to Sappho' as the singer of epithalamia po?' excellence, and his own model, though Apollo was the first to sing the marriage hymn. Menander cites Hesiod.^ Prose Poems on Occasional Topics. Such compositions must have been numerous in the fourth century A. D. Though unlike the v/xvoi and the i'mOaXdixi.a, they are not recognized in the rhetorical treatises, and comparatively few have come down to us. The following are known : Himerius, Spring (Or. Ill, 1-7; also IX and XXI) ; Choricius, Spring (p. 173, Boissonade) ; the Kose (pp. 129, 139, 143, 156, 176, 202, 282, 308 ; R. Foerster, Philologus, 51 (1895). 114 ; Procopius, Spring (cited in Bekk., Anec, 143, 24) ; the Eose (Bekk., Jiwc. 146, 26) ; com- pare also Achilles Tatius, the Rose in Leucippe ami Cliioplion, and the reference to Spring in Themistius (Or. 26), to the Nightingale (Or. 25) and to Spring in Libanius (Or. 4). All are brief ; most are separate speeches ; others, as all of those by 1 Cf. Hermes, 27 (18921, 249, Kaibel, noting the dependence of Theocritus, and incidentally also of Himerius, upon Sappho. ^ For poetic epithalamia cf. Iliad, XVIII, 493, TroXis 5' vixivaioi opiipetv; Hesiod, Shield, 272 ff.; Sappho, 48, 49, 82, 89-103 (Hiller); Stesrchorus; Theoc, XVIII; Anacreontea, 60 ; Catul., 61, 62,64; Eurip., Troad., 308; Arist., Pa.r, end; Aves, end; Poet. Lat. Min., 111,387; Sen., ilfedea, 56 ff.; Statiup, Siitae, I, 2, Ex:)itlialamium in Stellam et Uiolentillam ; Claudianus, p. 93 of Teubner text, on the marriage of Honorius and Augusta; Duodecim Pan. T'et, VI ; Paulinus of Nola; Sidonius, Apollinaris ; Dracontius ; Ennodius ; Luxorius ; Venantius; Portunatus; Ausonius ; Licinius Calvus (p. 84, ed. Luc. Milller); Lemaire, Lat. Poet., Ill, 337, 404,406, 407. 397. Cf. also English Epithalamia, R. H. Case, editor (London, 1896). EPIDEICTIO LITEEATUEE 181 Himerius and some of those by Choricius, are preludes, inter- ludes, or epilogues in other speeches. These receive mention elsewhere ; see pp. 187 f. Several of these prose poets reveal no slight native poetic power. Christ (3d ed., p. 808) justly esti- mates Himerius when he says that in him a good poet was changed from his natural direction to oratory. The same might be said, in a less degree, of Aristides. His hymn to Zeus, which he terms vfivo Trdai jxev v/xvoc; a^ie Kal eirecnv aheaOai^ /j-dXiara Se irdvTWV ifxol Kal Xo'yot?, ovi Kal iv (nrapydvoi'i aurot? irXaTTOixevov^ rjyaTnjcra'; .... "A7e Sij jxoi, TTTepovcrde to Xolttov, & Xoyoi, Kal to kutco jxeOev- re? Trpo? aiOepa to evTevOev (f)epea9e. irTepol yap vp.a'i 6 Mova-yyeTT]';. Or. 14 closes with an euKTtKO'^ v/xvo<; to the muses. Or. 2'2, G : Tai<; MovcraL^ u(^' ah ol XoyoL Troip-aivovTaL. Or. 18, 3 : his school is addressed as the home of the muses. Julian, p. 170, 19 (Hertlein): aX.X' efioiye tovtov irapaaTairj ;So?/^o? o re Xoyio<; 'E/Syu.))? auu Tah M.ovaai<; o re M.ovarjyeTrj<; 'AiroXXcov, eirei Kai avTU) TTpoarjKU T(t)v X6yu)Vy Kal Solev Be e'nreiv oiroaa tok 6eoi<; cpiXa XeyeaOal re Kal incTTeveaOai irepl avTOiv. Cf. p. 206, where he begins the hymn to the sun with . (pduai .... ypd^ofiev .... eKXaXr]aT\ el Tt? irapioL BiKacrTijpiov, ovk av yvoirj paBico'; iroTepov evBov irivovaLV rj BiKd^ovTai ■ Kav (jo(j)LaTov Be ocKrjp-a 7rX-t]aCov fj ouk eaTai yvcavai Trjv BiaTpijirjv. Philostratus, Lives of the Soj)Jtisfs, I, 8, 7 : edeXye S' auToi"? TOV Xoyov Kal to iirl Trdaiv, o eKelvoi /xev wBrjV eKaXovf, iyu> Be (ptXoTLp-Mv, eTreiBrj tok cnroBeBeiyp.evoi'i €cf>vp.velTai. Themistius, Or. 28 (315c) : aBei,v Kal TrpoadBeiv. Compare also Or. 28 (341c) ; Or. 24 (3016) ; Libanius, Or. 13, p. 405. Such references in Hime- rius, Themistius, Aristides, and other orators might be multiplied indefinitely. Himerius compares himself with Sappho, Homer. Simonides; see i?c/., XVII, 1 ; Or. I, 16 ; I, 4; Y, 2 ; cf. Dion Chrysostomus, Or. I, p. 3, 8 : Apollo, Persuasion, and the Muses must assist the speaker. Strabo (I, 12. 6), arguing that prose arose as an imitation of poetry, refers to the fact that in ancient times deiBeiv was used for Spd^ei-v. Himerius and other Sophists also use aBeiv and its compounds in reference to their orations. If this word alone were used, it might be regarded as a mere affectation, but taken in connection with other evidence it appears that there was some effort to present their art as incorpo- EPIDEICTIO LITERATURE ISS rating or supplanting poetry. It might be noted here that Dionysins and Menander observe a fairly consistent usage regard- ing vfiveiv and aBeiv and the like. These words are used together with Xeyeiv in the directions for hymns and epithalamia, but in the other Xoyoi, \eyeiv alone, except in a few easily explicable cases. Himerius at least uses not only aSeiv, but the general ter- minology of poetry — /u.e'\o?, vjjlvo^, (phrj} Cf. the references noted above, pp. 181 f ., and such as Ed., XXXVI. 11 : avyyva>fir)v Se aira'; i)(^eTQ) Kal yepcov Kal veo<;, el eirrj (f}dey'yofj.aL ■ olBe yap olBev epa><; ical \6yov TTOielv avTOvofiov ; and Or. I. ('> : ydfjLov aao/xev .... \6yov ava^t^d(TavT€<; ; Or. I, i : cnraKov fj.iXo'i evpelv ; Or. IV. 10 : o Be Br] vixvo<; ecTTco rw X°PV^ TovBe dp'^^etv eirl irXelaTOv 'EWi'jvcov ; Or. XI. 1 : vvv Be avroh waKiv t'ov opBiov vd/xov Trpoadacofiev ; Or. XV, - : Xo'709 rjyeCado) ttjOO? ^lovaoiv XeifJiowa^ Kal vdfiaTa, avrl Be TrXrjyr]^ cnrrjvov'; to, aafiara ; Or. XVII, 1 . Xoyoi Be dpa dvaia Movawv. Cf. also Ed.. 13, 36 ; Or. Ill, 1 ; Or. VII. 5 : VIII. 2. In Or. V, 3 if ., he compares poets and orators. Xote also Choricius, p. 173, 5 : not to speak would be dishonorable to the muse ; ITS. end, eap aBav, and p. '2(JU. ••come, XdyoL, let us seek some other theme for song."" One may note here Episiolographi (Julian), p. 342, XV : "we offer our speeches to you as to Hermes, god of eloquence .... If you dislike them, cast them aside as foreign to the muses." Compare also pp. 330. 21 : 312. 3S ; 3o5. lU ; 3ivp,(f>ai, poB6')(povi Be KCKfypoBira Trapa t5)v cro(f>a>v KaXelrai. poBov, a> ^epicTTOv dvdo<; [12 (5)1, poBov etapoi /xeXi^p-a \p6Ba Kal Oeolai TepirvdA. Cf. also 47 (37), 1; 33 (40), 2; 7 (15), 7; 4 (18), 4; 5 (59), 2. Frequent reference to the rose is found in Theocritus and the lyric poets. Meleager (Headlam), IV, "the rose fairest of flow- ers ;" XXIX, "love's favorer ;" XXXVIII, " spring and the rose ;" Simonides, Bergk (Hiller), pp. 231, 6; 258, 146; 316, 21. Compare also Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and Clitopihon, which 186 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY contains a rose song in prose ; Bion, Adonis, 11. 15, 65 ; Moschus, II, 40, 63 ; III, 5 ; Callimachus, Bath of Pallas, 28 ; Himeriiis, passim; Johannes Secundus, I ; Pervigilium Veneris; Ausonius, pp. 113, 41'J, (le rosis nascciitibus. Idyl 14 ; Horace, II, 11 ; Poet. Lat. Min., IV, 278 ; innumerable passages in modern poets. Choricius celebrates the rose in a prose poem irepl poSov, p. 129 (Bois.). This contains the myth of Aphrodite and Adonis. The rose is supposed to gain its color from the blood of Aphrodite, wounded in her hasty search for her slain love. Aphrodite is often connected with the rose in poetry; compare Anacreontea, 53 (53). For the myth compare Bion, Lament for Adonis, 20, "as she goes, the brambles tear her and pluck her sacred blood ;" 84, "flowers redden from grief;" 65, "Adonis pours forth tears and blood .... the blood begets the rose, the tears the anemone" (c/. Pseudo-Theoc, 30) ; Pervigiliii.m Veneris, "her blood tinges the rose ;" compare Shakespeare, Venus and Adonis. This myth is a favorite one with Choricius. It is found in the Bois. ed., pp. 129, 143, 176, 139, 156, 308, and R. Foerster,, Philologies, 54 (1895) 114; compare also p. 202, &aXe|et9 wepl poSov, where the rose is represented as winning the prize of beauty for Aphrodite from Paris. The myth is frequently met in the Poet. Lat. Min. It was also a stock topic in the schools ; compare a Bi.Tjyrjfia, given as an example, Aphthonius (Sp. II, 22, 14, and Walz, Rhet. Gr., II, 241). The epideictic activity of the period took in part the form of epistles. The specimens preserved present not only much of a general epideictic character, but also many instances of the intro- duction of poetic features comparable to that of the orators of the same period. Some of these epistolographers were also epideictic orators. Though their orations are not preserved, the character of their oratory may be fairly inferred from the letters. The general tendency of epistolography to assume artificial, epideictic form may be seen from the statement made by Proclus, Trepl e-maToXep^aiov ')(^apaKTr}po<;. He says (Didot ed., p. 6) : ra ypd^eiv ^ovXo/Mevo) Trpocrijicei, fir] aTr\ca<; fiijB' o)? erv^ev iiriaTeXXeiv, aWa a-i)v aKpi,/3eia TToXXy koI rexvy ; and again (p. 7): tt^v e-maToXrfv EPIDEICTIC LITERATUEE 187 KaTaKoa/xelv . . . . (irj fievroi ye irepa tov TTpoarjKovTOa)vo<; ariBcov. Simonides, 56 (120), evr' arjBove'i TroXvKcoTiXoL j(Xapav')^eve'i, eiapuvaL Hermogenes (Sp. 11,3, 1), discussing the fivOo^ as a part of the ■jrpo'yvfji.vdcrixaTa, says that the ancients used myths : 'HcrtoSo? /xev rov rrj'; drjB6vo<; [/j,v6ov^ el-Trtov. Hesiod, Woi'ks and Days, 203 ; Soph., Electra, 149, calls the nightingale Zeus' messenger, because, adds the scholiast, it is the sign of spring.' Associated with the three preceding is the TOTroi the swallow. Hesiod, Works and Days, 568 : "After winter the swallow comes with its plaint at dawn to the sight of men, when spring is fresh." Simonides, 57 (21): dyyeXe kXvtu eapo<; dBvoSfiov, Kvavea %eXt8ot. [C/". Sappho, 86 (52).] "The Spring Song," Hiller, p. 318: ^X^', ^X6e 'x^eXi.Sdiv, «aXa? apwi djovaa Koi KaXom iviavTOW, etc.^ 'O/. Theoc, I, 136; V, 136; VIII, 38; XII, 7; XV, 121; Epig., IV, 11; Moschus, III, 9, 33; Callim., Bath of Pallas; Arist., Birds, 676; Theognis, 934 (939); Meleager, 38, "poets are nightingales." The same thought is in Anth.Pal.,yUAU; Aesch., ^gf., 1144, 1146 ; Themistius, 336c, 330 ; Aristides, XX (428, Dind.); Philost., V. S., 4 ; Soph., O. C, 672, makes the nightingale one of the charms of Colonus; Eur., Ion, 1482; Hel, 1110; Hec, 337; Poet. Lat. Min., V, 363, 368 ; Choricius, p. 137, speaks ot spring and the nightingale ; c/. p. 280, myth of Procne and Philomela ; Aristides, I, 428 ; Themistius, 64, 32 (54o), 405, 24 (3366); Himerius, Or. Ill, 3 (twice); I, 5 ; V, 14 ; XIV, 11 ; XVIII, 4 ; XXII, 6 ; Eel., 12, 5 ; 13, 8, 35 ; 23, 1. Eel, 12, 5, the poet is compared with the nightingale and the cicada; c/. Plato, Phaedo, 85a; Epistolog., p. 96, sec. 9 ; 136, top ; 580, 120 ; Libanius, Ep., 532 : "enough for me to sing (?5eiv) like the nightingale." Dion Chrysostomus was called driSHm (rofi(TTu>v ; Euripides called Socrates Tdvixoov di;56i'o iiovawv. - Of. also Themistius, 336c, 330 ; Anaereontea, 9 (12), 25 (33); Moschus, III, 38; Anth.Pal.,X, 1: " Happy sailors, for the swallow now flies and storms are o'er ; ' Aelian. de Natura An., X, 34 ; Choricius, 172, 3 ; 136, 4, 14 ; 291, 10; Himerius, Or. Ill, 3 ; VI, 3 ; IX, 1 ; XIV, 8 ; XIV, 35 ; XXXIV, 7 ; Eel., XXIII, 1; Plato, P/iacdo, 856; Epistolographi, 5.35,24; 534, 39; 372, 44: "the swal- low announces the spring ; " 546. 36 ; 550, end ; 557, 35 : " one swallow does not niake the spring" (c/. Arist., Eth. N., I, 7, 15) ; Liban., Ep., p. 777a; Hor., IV, 12; Epist., I, 7, 12-43; Vergil, Georg., IV, 305; Liban. speaks ot letters as 190 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Syuesius {Epist. Gk., 7G31) makes an elaborate comparison between orators and the cicada. He says it begins its song on the first appearance of spring ; it is more tuneful at mid- day, as though drunk with the sun's rays ; makes the tree its bema and the field its theater, and offers music to passers-by. "We gird ourselves to sing your virtues. Poets are compared to cicadas (486 mid., 556, 40 ; 4, 36 ; 135, end ; 339, 2) ; Libanius, Ep.,1219, compares eloquence to the cicada, and in 304 compares poets and Sophists ; Plato, Phaedrus, 259a-ej Libanius (Wolf ed. of Ep.), p. 34 ; Sophists are called cicadas, Liban. (Wolf), p. 290 ; Arist., Birds, 1095, "divine cicada maddened by sunlight ;" 783, 69 ; 377, 16 ; 780, 61 ; 534, 61.' The swan is the bird of Apollo, prophetic, the type of the poet. Plato, Pliaedo, 85/;; Oppian, Cyneg., II, 548, kvkvol IxavTiTToKoi ; Lycophron, 426 — the souls of poets become swans ; Plato, Rep., 620a; Horace, II, 20; Anth. Pal., VII, 19; The- mistius, 405, 24 (3366); Pratinus, Hiller, p. 268, 5; Diogenes Laertius, III, 7, refers to Plato's being like a swan. Socrates dreamed of a swan and next day heard of the birth of Plato. Menander (Sp. Ill, 436, 27, /jlovqiSm) refers to the grief of the swan on the death of its mate. Callimachus, hymn to Apollo, 5 ; to Delos, 249 — minstrels of the gods . . . birds of the muses .... most tuneful of winged creatures. "^ swallows {Wolf, p. 50); c/. Julian, Letters, p. 53, 536, 5; Homer, Od., XXI, 4H. Menander (Sp. Ill, 436, 27) refers in his fiovi^Ua to the sorrow of the swallows. In Greece still on the first of March children sing on the streets and carry a wooden swallow ; cf. Class. Rev., Feb., '91, Vol. V, p. 1. ' Other references to the cicada may be noted . Homer, II., Ill, 151 ; Hesiod, W. and D.,5%5; Shield of H., 390; Simonides, 164 (2,31); 166 (224); Pratinus, 2 ; Theoc, 1, 148 ; IV, 16 ; V, 29, 110 ; VII, 139 ; IX, 31 ; Anacreontea, .32(43); Anth. Pal., IX, .372, 373, et passim; Alcaeus, 43 (28); Choricius, p. 140 et passim, to p. 141, end ; Themistius, 299, 15 {246a), 405, 24 (336&); Himerius, Eel, 10, 5 ; 12, 5 ; 13, 30, 35 ; 23, 1 ; Or. VI, 3 ; IX, 1 ; X, 1 ; XIV, 11; XVII, 3 ; XIX, 2 ; XXII, 6 ; VII, 4 ; XI, 1. 3 Cf. also Arist., Birds, 870 ; Eur., /. T., 1104 ; EL, 151 ; Aesoh., Ag., 1444 ; Theoc, V,137; XXV, 130; Moschus,3, 14; Anacreontea, 58 (fg. 1); Johannes Secundus, 1; Julian, 236a (306, Hertlein), refers to the swan as a com- monplace. Aristides, Or. XX (428, Dind.); Choricius, 173, 6 ; Himerius, Or. 111,4; VI, 1; VI, 2; XII. 7 ; XIII, 12; XIV, 7, 20, .36; XVII, 3; XVIII, 4; EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 191 The germs or fully developed antecedents of the most impor- tant Xoyoi iiriSeiKTiKoi may be clearly discerned, as we have seen, in Greek poetry preceding or contemporaneous with the birth of epideictic oratory. When with the development of poetic features the effort was made to supplant poetry by prose, upon a j)'>'iori grounds one would expect that in whatever struggle arose the most stubborn resistance would be made over the hymns to the deity. The hymn would be defended as involving a religious propriety as well as through literary feeling. The strife between prose and poetry as to the proper confines of each, if there was one, passed almost in silence for us. The monuments show but little trace of it, but there are indications of discussion, especially upon the propriety of using prose for the hymns to the gods. Strabo, of the first century A. D., discusses the relations of prose and poetry for a different purpose — defending the poet against the dictum of Eratosthenes, that the aim of the poet is gratifica- tion, not teaching. He adds: "Men of our day even say that the poet only is wise"' (I, 2, -1). This was quite in harmony with the prevailing Greek view of the poet as a teacher. The most important utterance is that by Aristides (second century A. D.). He is the earliest writer of prose hymns as a separate composition, and his extended defensive discussion of the subject seems conclusive evidence that the propriety of employing prose for the heretofore exclusively poetic theme was one of the burn- ing questions of the day. As to how much wider the discussion was, or how general, it is unsafe to attempt an inference. But it is indicative of its importance that Aristides should give up nearly one-half of his hymn to Serapis to a comparison of the relative merits of prose and poetry, and the defense of the former for any purpose, even a hymn to a deity. The following is his line of thought. He begins in a somewhat ironical tone. Happy the race of poets (see p. 168) . They can take any topic they choose — incredible, untrue, non-existent — and deal with it as they please. XXIV, 5; Eel., 13, 8 ; 13, 35; 11, 5; 21,1; 23, 1; Libanius, Ep., 441, 10; Epist. Gr., 260, 2; Hor., II, 20; IV, 2, 25; 3, 19; Aelian, De Nat. An., Book II, 32 ; XIV, 12. 192 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Take away the accessories and their work is nothing. They live at ease, like Homer's gods, and make hymns and paeans. They assume supremacy, and we hold them sacred and give up hymns to them as though they were actually prophets of the gods. We use prose for every other purpose — in business, in courts, panegyrics, myths ; we have a X070? for everything. It is absurd not to deem it fit for use in hymning the gods who gave it to us. We use prose in sacrifice ; why not in hymns ? Do poets have need of the gods which other men do not share ? Even poets say that all men need the gods. Then all should honor them, as they have power. Are poets their only lovers ? Why not, then, their only priests ? Oracles, the voice of god, use prose. Prose is more natural, as to walk is more natural than to ride. Poets did not create language. Prose was first, and poetry arose for pleasure. If we honor nature and the order- ing of the gods, we shall honor prose, the older, the original gift. Be not ashamed to address the gods as we address one another, without meter. I mean no dishonor to poets, but merely that prose is as worthy. If to follow nature pleases the gods, they will honor us. Meter gives poets their reputation. We have something better — inflection, delivery. Poetic meter is no great advantage. We have meter, too. A good physician is more accurate without weights and measures than an inexperienced man with them. It is true the poet's ode has advantages over prose — greater license in form, phraseology, treatment. But we^ abiding in rank, like a well-trained soldier, will attempt an address to Serapis. So elaborate an apology for the prose hymn seems to imply either a defense against attacks or, if the Serapis be his first hymn, a preparation for the reception of an innovation. The two chief sources of our knowledge of the theory of epi- deictic oratory are, of course, Dionysius and Menander. Both provide for the use of prose in distinctively poetic themes — Dionysius in the epithalamium and its subordinate, the 7a/Ai«o'9 ; Menander in these, and also in the far wider and more technically poetic field, the hymn. A difference of attitude is discernible EPIDEICTIO LITEEATUKE 193 between the work of the rhetor at the close of the third century A. D. and the earlier worker in the same field. The eiriOaKdfiLo'; and the yaficKo'; admit of direct comparison, as they are treated by both. The tottoi and their order agree closely. Dionysius gives more prominence to the ya/xiKO';, while Menander makes this a mere variant of the eVt^aXa/ito?, not requiring separate treatment, and enters much more into detail with the i7rL6aXdfuo<;. As might be expected, the poetic character of the epithalamium, and direct relationship between it and its poetic predecessors and contemporaries, is more clearly discernible in Dionysius. Menander in his much more detailed treatise employs the word viMvelv but three times, and two of these are in a mere conventional way. Dionysius uses v/ivelv, awixvelv, aheiv, and iiraSeiv, and apparently in a more strict sense. He makes a direct reference to Sappho as a model for the form of composition : -^v fiev ovv Kal Trapa "^lawi^ol t^5 iStiz? TavTrj<; trapa^ei'^ fxara eTTiOaXa- fiioK ovToy; iTriypacf)Onevai'! raK (pBaK (sec. 1). He recommends that the orator use Homer, Od., VI, 183, as a text. He also assumes a distinctly apologetic tone on the question of the pro- priety of using prose for this form of composition. He says it might be well for the orator to state at the very outset on ol fiev aXXoL Tov "T ixevaiov aSovaiv. rj/jLeh B' avrl tov "T p-evaiov tov Xoyov, ov^ vtt' aiXoK rj TrrjKTia'iv, rj vr) Ai'a KaWii^covia tlvI ToiavT-rj aW' iiralvoK km, vfivoi<; tmv lyeyafirjKOTav (sec. 1, end). In the lines just preceding he uses the perfect, Bievi]vo)(^e, perhaps showing that he is not speaking of an innovation, but of a practice not so fully established as not to suggest apology and justification of somewhat the same character as Aristides makes for his hymns nearly two centuries later. The treatise of Menander, however, belongs to a period when the use of prose in epithalamia is thoroughly familiar and meets with no opposition. He not only treats the marriage speeches without reference to their poetic origin or a possible present rivalry between the orator and the poet, but his treatise on hymns shows a similar advance over the feeling of the second century as revealed by Aristides. Dionysius makes no mention of hymns, but thinks even the epithalamium 194 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY worthy of explanation and excuse. Aristides, probably of a later date, makes an elaborate defense of the prose hymn ; Menander, coming still later, feels no such defense necessary. He is quite the opposite of apologetic. He writes evidently at a period when the rights of prose are too firmly established to require discussion. Examples of its use in antiquity are cited ; see p. 179. There remains only a question of taste as to whether in the matter of hymns the function of the prose writer and the poet is coextensive or not. The nature of the hymns will dictate sometimes prose and sometimes poetry as the more appropriate. This, he says, is a question worth investigation, and thinks this general principle may perhaps prevail that such hymns as relate primarily to the divine side of the deity may well be given poetic treatment ; for that which relates chiefly to the human side one may use prose. But in the next sentence he adds : %jOr;crT6'oi/ 76 fji,r]v koX tS> avyypacjiel Kal Tcp \oyoypd(f>(i) koI tovtcov iicdaTQ) et'Set Kal ofxov Trdaiv b-rrr} Kai TLXdroiva irepl rrjv ypa(f>rjv aKpov Kal dpiarov elvaL TreTTicrTevKafxev (Sp. Ill, 334, 5). When he comes to the detailed treatment of the nine classes of hymns, he excludes the prose writer from but one, and this, as Heeren explains, had gone out of use even in poetry. The cjivcriKo^, he says, is more suited to poetry than to prose. This agrees with the principle cited above. Models for the others are quoted freely from poets and prose writers. He closes with the remark: "We have given the rules by which poets and prose writers and orators may hymn the gods in a fitting manner." The hymn to the gods as a function of prose plainly arose later than the same use of the epithalamium, and very likely was assisted by it not only in a general way, as a precedent, but also in that the marriage speech, when constructed by rule, contained within itself a prose hymn which might serve as a model. Menander (Sp. Ill, 400, 31) says: rd Be fierd rd TrpooLfiia earco irepl tov 6eov tov •ydp.ov X6'yo<; ; and Sp. Ill, 402, 21 : /A€Ta TOV Tvepl ydfiov Xajov, iv S tov 6eov vfivr^crm. Menander's epideictic orator is at the same time orator and poet ; he deals with a great variety of themes ; he may pass quickly from prose to poetry in the same oration — he is an Himerius. EPIDEIOTIC LITERATURE 195 The Epideictic Element in History. The earliest form of prose was historical. It had much in common with poetry, with which epideictic literature more or less consciously claimed a relationship throughout its course. Later evidence of the direct influence of the epideictic style upon history appears in the careful attention to rhetorical beauties which characterizes many writers, and its more restricted and technical side is seen in the speeches which form so distinctive a feature of Greek historians. The epideictic tendency in history is conspicuous from the time of Isocrates. It is apparent in the general ornateness of historians, and their frequent use of devices purely epideictic in narrative passages as well as in their more natural domain — the speech. There is negative evidence also in the violence of Polybius' attacks upon the historians who make fine writing an aim. He represents himself as almost the solitarj' exception amid the multitude who devote themselves to false practices. Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa, I, 81 ff., and Croiset, Liti. grecque, V, 283 ff., present the prevailing conception of history and the style appropriate for it, which Polybius so severely condemns.' History is represented as becoming a panegyric on 'The Greeks created the two chief types of history — the pure narrative, in Herodotus, and philosophical history, brought to its highest development in Thucydides. Their conception ot what history should be is seen rather through its exemplification in the works of these and other historians than through any discussion of its ideals. A historical sense arose among the Greeks along with the development of prose itself. The content and style of history, however, are left with mere incidental reference until the time of Polybius, who gives his views at length in positive form and in negative, through his criticism of others; cf. especially I, 1, U, 35; II, 35, 56; III, 31, 57, 58; V, 75; X, 21; XII, 7, 12, 25. He is particularly severe upon Timaeus, see XII, 3-15, 23 8. The chief other presentations of theory are by Lucian, De Hist. Conscr., and Dionys. of Hal., chiefly in De Princ. Hist, and in De Thuc. lud. Cic, De Orat., II, 15, 62-4, notes the fact that the writing of history had never received rhetorical treatment as had poetry and oratory. For traces of a 7^x05 Io-topik6v cf. Syrianus' scholia to Hermogenes' Rliet.; Walz, Rhet. Or., IV, 60 ; Aristotle. Rhet., I, 4, 8 (but cf. Cope's note); Nicolaus Sophista, Sp. Ill, 483, 19 ; Ruf us, Sp. I, 463 ; Sp., Artium Scriptores, p. 185. The modern conception of history may be gathered from discussions such as that by Macaulay in his essay on History, or by Thiers in the preface to 196 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY a grand scale or the opposite, according to" the bias of the writer. The aim is to praise or to blame, not to state facts in a natural and unprejudiced manner ; compare Polyb., XII, 25, 3, et passim, e. g., The History of the Consulate and Empire of France. Rhodes (Atlantic, February, 1900) gives the most recent summary of the qualities required for the ideal historian — natural ability, diligence, accuracy, love of truth, impar- tiality, digestion of material, compression of narrative, power of expression. He finds all these qualities in Thucydides and Tacitus, and most of them in Herodotus. The similarity between this latest statement of essential qualities and the early ideal of the Greeks is noticeable ; e. g., taking Rhodes' order: natural ability is implied in Lucian, De Hist. Conscr., 4, 5,34; dili- gence in i; accuracy in 47; love of truth in 39; Dionys. of Hal., De Thue. lud., 8 ; c/. Hecataeus, init.; Cic, De Leg., I, 1, 5 ; impartiality in Luc, 39, 41, 49 ; digestion of material in Luc, 47 ; compression of narrative in Luc, 56 ; power of expression in Luc, 6, 9, 34, 44, 45, 49,51, 59; Quintil., X, 1, 31; Dionys. of Hal., pp. 941, 942, 772, 774, 776 R. To these we add utility, found in Luc, 9 ; no over-laudation, in Luc, 11, 12, 13, 19, 57 ; discernment as to what is important and what may be passed over, Luc, 25, 27 ; Dionys. of Hal., p. 771 R incorruptibility and freedom from fear, Luc, 37, 39, 41 ; perspicuity, Luc 55 ; political sagacity, Luc, 34 ; must write for the future, Luc, 39, 61 ; variety, Dionys. of Hal., 772 R. Compare Cicero's canon for the writing of history De Orat., II, 15, 62 1.: The first law is that history must not dare to tell false hoods ; second, the historian must be bold enough to tell the whole truth third, there must be no suspicion of partiality or personal animosity; the facts must be orderly and show cause and effect ; there must be careful attention to style. With this high ideal compare his request that Lucceius write a panegyrical history of his deeds, ad Fan,., V. 12, 3. The references to history in Greek and Roman writers most often allude to its like- ness or unlikeness to poetry or oratory. Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa, I, 91, cites for its relation to poetry Quintil., X, 1, 31: "History may nourish the orator with a certain rich and pleasing food, but it must be read with the conviction that the orator must avoid most of its very excellences. History borders closely upon poetry. It is a poem unfettered by the restraint of meter." Cf. Polyb., II, 56, 11, where he argues that the end of history and tragedy are not the same. Lucian, De Hist. Conscr., 8 : "history and poetry are not alike.'' Aristides, 49 (II, 513, Dind.), speaks of the historian as being between the poet and the orator. Demetrius, De Eloc, 215, says that Ctesias might rightly be called a poet. Marcellinus, Vit. Thuc, 41 : " some say history is not rhetorical, but poetic ; " cf. Himerius, Or. XIV, 27. Agathias in the preface to his history (p. 135, Dind.): "history and poetry are sister arts." To these we may add Aristotle, Poetics, IX : Verse is not the difference between the historian and the poet. The one speaks of events, the other of what might have happened. He concludes that poetry is more deserving of attention than history. Quintil., X, 2, 21 : This must be avoided — an imitation of poets or historians in oratory, or in history of orators or EPIDEIOTIC LITERATURE 197 X, 21 : "My present work is a history, and therefore absolutely uncommitted to praise or blame. It requires only a true statement, a clear and truthful putting of facts in proper sequence."' declaimere. There is its own law and propriety established for each. Lucian, De Sist. Conscr., 45 : History may well have some poetic qualities, especially in choice of noble and eloquent words . . there is need of a certain toujtikJs fiw/ios to deal with war, to fill the sails and bear ship over the waves ; yet the diction walks upon the ground, is moderate and well restrained. There is danger of getting into a poetic passion, and therefore the need of reins. Shelley, Defense of Poetry, ed. Cook, p. 11: "All the great historians, Herodotus, Plutarch, Livy, were poets, and though the plan of these writers, especially Livy, restrained them from developing this faculty in the highest degree, they made copious and ample amends for their subjugation by filling all the interstices of their subjects with living images." Compare Rhodes {Atlantic, February, 1900): "History requires fine constructive imagination. Therefore the canon requires the qualities of a great poet." Dionys. of Hal. approves of the poetic style in history to a certain extent : iyCi S' oir' aixi'-VP"-^ Kal dK6(rfj.r}Tov Kal IdtcoTtKTiv rriv IcrropiKT^v elvai irpayfiaTeiav d^twcratij.'' hv, dXX' exoutrdi' rt Kal irotTjTtKdf oijT€ TraprdTrairt Troi7]TLK7]v, dW iir' 6\iyov ^K^e^i}Kmav Trjs Iv idei. {De Thuc. lud., 51). Compare also chap. 24. Nicolaus (Walz, Rhet. Gr., I, 287) doubts whether to class Herodotus among writers of history or poetry. He concludes that he does not differ essentially from a poet. Strabo, I, 2, 9 : the end of the poet and the historian is the same, to relate nothing but facts. Cic, De Leg., I, 1, 4 : alias in historia leges observandas .... alias in poemate. De Or., 1,16,70: the poet is nearly allied to the orator. Cicero (De Opt. Oen. Or., chaps. 5 and 6) disparages the oratorical style for history; c/. Orat., 8, 30 ff.: nothing can be borrowed from Thucydides for the forensic orator. De Leg., 1, 2, 5: Cicero is urged to take up history, as he has always held that it most of all demands oratorical qualities. The early ideals of historical writing were always maintained as the standard, but by the time of Poly bins the excessive use of rhetorical ornament and the tendency to turn history into a mere laudation, espe- cially where it dealt with the state or persons in power, had become offen- sively prominent. On this general topic the conception of history, in addition to references cited by Norden, we may add Varro, ad Ant. Imp., II, 6 ; Demetrius, irepl 4pfj.rivelas (Sp. Ill, 265, 3 ff., sec. 19), on the character of the historical period ; Lucian, De Hist. Censor., 45; Cicero, De Orat., II, 12, 51-64; Sen., N. Q., VII, 16, 1 and 2. In this passage Seneca impeaches the authority of Ephorus, and then charges historians in general with being inaccurate and careless. Some are credulous, some negligent. With some, falsehoods creep in unawares, to others the false is pleasing ; the former do not avoid them, the latter seek them. 1 Norden quotes Cic, Brutus, 42/ and Orat., 66 ; De Leg., I, 5 ; Quintil., X 2, 21; Pliny, JEp., V, 8, 9; Lucian, De Hist. Conscr., 7; L. Verus, ad 198 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Of extant historians only Herodotus' precedes the school of Isocrates. He may be considered as occupying a place by him- self among historians. He represents the natural, unaffected, unhampered style of the pure story-teller.^ His history is com- paratively free from set speeches, and such as occur are usually simple in style, e. g., the speech of the Spartans, V, 91 if.; of Xerxes, Mardonius, and Artabazus, VII, 8 ff. The battles of Marathon and Salamis, so fruitful a theme for all subsequent epideictic treatment, call forth no rhetorical speeches from Herodotus. The speech of the Tegeans and the Athenian reply before the battle of Platea, where each claims the right to a choice of position in battle by tracing glorious deeds of their ancestors, show that Herodotus is familiar with the usual epi- deictic topics, which had become stereotyped before his day; compare also IX, 27, where epideictic topics are enumerated (see p. 105, n. 4). The political changes of the early fifth century and the pre- eminence of Athens as a literary center, the transfer of historical Frontonem, II, 3, p. 131 ; Fronto, ad Ant. Pium, II, 6, p. 107 ; Philostorgius, H. Ecch, 1; Photius, Bihl. Cod., 77 ; Hermogenes, De Ideis, p. 417, 28, etc. The substance of the passages cited is that history and oratory naturally differ in style, but that history has become a panegyric. ' Thucydides, of course, composed history before the time of Isocrates' rhetorical school, but he was to some extent under the same stylistic influ- ences which Isocrates later represented. ^Compare Jebb, in Hellenica, pp. 269 ff., where he refers to V, 49 and 92. as evidence that even the " longer speeches in Herodotus have usually the conversational tone rather than the rhetorical." However, some evidence of elaboration of style of a purely rhetorical character may be detected even in Herodotus. Jebb sees traces of rhetorical dialectic in the conversation between Solon and' Croesus, I, .32; c/. also III, 80-82; 111,36. Cf. Diels, Hermes, XXII (1887), 424. On Herodotus' style see Blass, Attische Bered., II, 408, 417, 476, and Eh. Mus., XXIV (1869), 524; Hauvette, Hirodote (1894), 65-158; Creuzer, Herodot u. Thucydides (Leipzig, 1803) and his diss.. Hist. Kunst der Oriechen ; Hof er, Ueber die Verwandtschaft des Herodotischen Stiles mit dem Honierischen (Merau, 1878); Rudiger, De Orationibus, quae in Rerum Scriptoribus Graecis et Latinis reperiuntur, imprimis Herodoti et Sallustii Ratione habita (Schleiz, 1875); Schweidop, Zur Moduslehre im Sprachge- brauche des Hdt. (KOnigsberg, 1876); Tender, Hdt. u. die dlteste Poesie der Oriechen (1875); Bergk, "Thuc. u. Hdt.," Jahrb. f. Phil., CXVII (1878), 177-80; and the handbooks, especially Croiset, II, .616 ff. EPIDEICTIC LITEEATURE 199 authorship from Asia to Attica, produced a radical change in conditions, and hence in style. Here rhetoric became an element in historical writing, and the great majority of his- torians from this time on are under its influence. Many, like Tacitus among the Romans, were at the same time orators and historians. Corax, Tisias, and Gorgias were founders of the Sicilian school of history as well as of oratory. Isocrates trained men for both professions. Theopompus conspicuously united in himself the two pursuits. From an epideictic point of view it is noticeable that among the rhetoricians it was Isocrates who founded a school of history,' and many who regarded Herodotus or Thucydides as the model historian, in matters of style openly professed their imitation of Isocrates. The fact that so many historians were rhetors before or at the same time with their historical activity would make it reasonable to expect epideictic qualities in all their writings. Far more notable than the general ornate tendency of the Greek historians is the employment of special epideictic roTrot and devices. The most specific instances of a direct relation between epideictic writing and history may be found in the frequent introduction of set speeches and in the formal descrip- tions so often introduced into history. We may consider these two features briefly, taking them in reverse order. The wpoyvfi- vdcr/jiaTa (see p. 108, n. 1, for definition and references) as a whole had an important bearing upon history, and the fact is frequently referred to by rhetors. There is a notable tendency in many of its divisions to choose some historical character or ' On the indebtedness of Ephorus and Theopompus to Isocrates see Seal a, Vortrag gehalten zu Miinchen am 23. Mai 1891 in der vierten allgemeinen Sitzung der 41. Versammlung Deutscher Philologen u. Schul- manner (1892), where he holds that Isocrates had a strong influence upon the style of history; Wachsmuth, Einleitung in das Studiuvi der alien Oesohichte, p. 505. He says, in substance : As a pupil of Isocrates he (Ephorus) made stylistic beauty his aim. History presented opportunities to display this — panegyrics, battle descriptions, general's speeches, etc. The fragments also prove that he could write political speeches like another Isocrates. Cf. also Volquardson, Untersuchungen iXber die Quellen der grieehisehen und sicilischen Geschichten bei Diodor (Kiel, 1868); Ed. Meyer, Forsch. z. alt. Gesch., II, p. 16 ; Blass, Attische Bered., II, 369 ff. 200 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY situation as the theme to be developed rhetorically. This would be in harmony with the epideictic coloring of most history at that time, and would also assist in making the rhetorical features of history prominent. The forms most frequently mentioned by rhetors as valuable for the writer of history are the SLtjyrjCTK (^BirjyjjfjLa), fjivdo<;, kolvo<; toVo? and r^Ooiroua.^ But the most important division of the irpoyv/xvcia-fiaTa for our present purpose, the one most likely to be characterized by epideictic qualities, was the €Kpacn'; is a description of persons, things, places, seasons, events, strange living objects, etc. It is conceded by all that eK(j>pa(n<; is involved to some extent in all of the other forms of TTpoyvfivdcriJiaTa, especially in the avyKpicrK and iyKafitov, yet its claim to a separate place is maintained ; compare Hermogenes, Georgius, Nicolaus. That the eK(j)pa(Ti,pacn'; apoXoywv, eK^pacn's eiKovo'i ; the elKovei of the Philostrati and iK(^pd(Tei<; by Callistratus and Libanius, IV, 1046-90, R. It is found also in the Anthologia Palatina and other poetry. It became a feature of Christian literature also. Examples of the legitimate and effective use of eK<^paL\av6po)TrM ; the first to give means of living and laws to the Greeks ; mother of eloquence ; source of the mysteries, of learning ; the schoolmaster of Greece. The reply of Gylippus is epideictic in style, though not in tottol. It ridicules the claims of Athens, XIV, 65 ff. Theodorus of Syra- cuse (XIV, 65 ff.) makes epideictic reference to deeds of the ancestors of the people of Syracuse. The speeches in Dionysius of Halicarnassus' are more numer- ous than in any other extant historian. Some are almost devoid of epideictic features ; some have only an epideictic reason for existence ; the average of his speeches as well as his narrative is characterized by the coarser epideictic features and shows little appreciation of what is appropriate. The oration which he puts into the mouth of Romulus is a weak imitation of that part of Pericles' funeral oration in which he discusses the forms of government. Throughout he makes Romulus speak with all the rhetorical devices of the sophistic age : periodic sentences, wellr balanced clauses, antithesis, isocola, homeoteleuton, parechesis, etc. There is an element of the preacher in this as in many of his speeches; compare Tullius' (IV, 9 ff.) oration after the death of Tarquin, where he toys with the terms "justice," "gratitude," "right," "common freedom," etc.'' The speech is a laudation of Tarquin along the lines of the epitaphius. There is often a total disregard of harmony and proportion, like the speech of C ' The dominant quality in Dionysius of Hal. is oratory. It is his instinc- tive form of expression. The similarity of his speeches to those of Livy both, in thought and occasion has been much discussed. Upon Livy as primarily an orator see Taine, Tite Live. 'This philosophical or moralizing tendency is common in the speeches of historians, e. g., Dionys. of Hal., Rom. Antiq., IV, 11 ; Dion Cas., I, fg. 33 (p. 91j; I, fg. 40, sees. 30-31 ; Book XXXVIIT, chaps. 20 ff., a Trapaii/eTwis ; Book LII, chap. 2 ; and especially chaps. 14 ff., where the speech of Maecenas urging Augustus to assume the monarchy is a pure treatise irtpl /3a(riXe(as ; of. Isoc, ad Nicoclem. In LIII, chaps. 3 ff., Caesar outlines his policy; of. Isoc, Nioocles ; of. also Dionys, of Hal., II, 3 flf.; IV, 9 ff., 31,32; VI, 19 ff.; Diod. Sic, XIII, 20, 21 ; Theophylactus, 1, 1, 14-21, a xepi /SatriXeias to Mauritius ; Thuc, II, 35 ff. (Pericles). See Dionys. of Hal., Ad On. Pomp., chap, vi, where he says that Theopompus introduced many beautiful speeches about justice, piety, and other virtues. EPIDEICTIC LITEEATUEE 207 Claudius (XI, 7 ff.) on the status of the plebs. It is purely argu- mentative in topic, but absurdly rhetorical in style. His general's speeches are referred to elsewhere. Other speeches marked by epideictic qualities are VI, 72-80; VII, 40-46, 48-53; VIII, 29-35 ; IX, 9 ; X, 36 ; XI, 7, 26, Dio Cassius has many long speeches, all in general epideictic style; e. g., the speech of Pompey (XXXVI, 25, 26) recounting his glorious deeds in behalf of Rome, in boastful, antithetic sen- tences, with frequent paronomasia and homoeoteleuton. Gabinius' reply is an encomium of Pompey (XXXVI, 27-9). The speech of Philistus (XXXVIII, 20 ff. ) is an encomium of Cicero. His character is discussed from the point of view of the four virtues. He is (jjpovLfiaiTaTOi , StKaioTaToi;, avipawTaro^, notable for aw^poavvrj. The orator starts in a moralizing tone, which is continued in the next oration where he consoles Cicero upon the eve of exile. This oration soon becomes purely parenetic. It is a moralizing dis- course on one's proper bearing in adversity. Other speeches in ornate style are : Catulus, XXXVI, 31-7 ; Caesar, XLI, 27 ff. ; the speeches of Antony and Augustus to their armies before the battle of Actium, 1, 16 ff. Caesar's speech before the battle with Ariovistus (XXXVIII, 36 ff.), though containing much that is not usually found in such orations, is an excellent example of the general's speech, full of epideictic devices (see p. 212). The funeral oration pronounced by Antony (XLIV, 36-49) over the body of Julius Caesar follows the tottoc of this type of oration. The powerlessness of the orator to do justice to the topic is referred to three times ; words cannot equal his deeds (twice) ; evyeveia, Tpo(^r), iraiheia ; Caesar's character, private and public, and his deeds as a soldier and statesman, his ^iXavdpanrCa, avSpeta, XPV- o-oTTy?. The whole speech is in the highest degree epideictic. The same may be said of Tiberius' oration on the death of Augustus Caesar (LVI, 35 ff.). The speeches of Maecenas and Augustus on state policy, especially the former (Dio Cas., Book 52, 2 ff.), are examples of the Trepl ^acriKeia<; in history; see p. 206, n. 2. The set orations of Arrian are not very numerous, though a number of speeches are introduced in substance. They are 208 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY characterized by the same easy and unaffected but vigorous style which belongs to his narrative as a whole. Few formal devices are introduced. The address of Alexander (II, 7, 3 ff.) to the army before Issus, given in indirect discourse, agrees with the average general's speech. His speech at the Hyphasis, as well as Coenus' reply, are slightly epideictic. The farewell words of Alexander (VII, 8 if.), addressed to soldiers who were about to return to Macedonia, is a eulogy of his father and himself. It recounts their deeds of devotion and sacrifice to the fatherland, their success in war, and the rewards it has brought to the state, closing with the aTrne, the formula of the eTTtrac^io?, with which it has throughout many points in common. It is notable for isocola and antithesis, and is distinctly ornate. Appian's narrative is too rapid to admit much speech-making. The -De JRebus Punicis contains a few, but all are very brief. The nearest approach to an epideictic speech is found in the De Bellis Civilibus, Book II, where speeches are assigned to Pompey, Caesar, and Antony, characterized by slight epideictic touches. Pseudo-Callisthenes has many short speeches devoid of epideictic character. Later historians, such as Herodianus, Theophylactus, and Zosimus, present nothing worthy of comment in this connection further than is noted under the topic "generals' speeches." The special epideictic devices used so freely in the funeral orations and other more technically epideictic forms run through- out the speeches as found in the historians. As in the eVtrac^tot the antithesis KOLv6<;-tit,o^ is the most frequent. This is especially true of Dionysius of Halicarnassus. In order of frequency follow : Xoyoii-epyov, 7roXv?-oXt70?, Bwaio'i-aBiKaio'i, ddvaro<;-a6dvaTo<; (this antithesis is also expressed in many other ways); eXevOepCa is a common word and theme. Such stereotyped antitheses are most numerous in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, but are common in Thucydides and others. The speeches found in the works of Greek historians naturally deal with a great variety of themes, They grow from the situa- tion arising in the narrative and throw light upon this situation, EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 209 or argue some question connected with the state or the individuals involved. The conditions of historical writing preclude, as a rule, the repeated intrusion of the same topic, or the presence of the same speech in many different authors. The speeches connected with the appeal to Coriolanus,' and that spoken by Nicias in the Syracuse campaign, and orations before battle by Scipio and Han- nibal, are among the few instances of speeches represented as given by the same person under the same circumstances by dif- ferent historians. Warfare, however, furnishes a theme for speeches common to almost all writers of history. The most dis- tinctive, fully developed, and persistent single type of speech among historians is the general's oration before battle, urging his army to deeds of valor. Over forty such speeches are extant in Greek literature alone. The theme and the situation present the greatest temptation to epideictic treatment, and such a style is universally employed even by writers who elsewhere present little or no tendency to epideictic forms. While it is true that the general's speech is not one of the recognized divisions of epideictic oratory in Menander or Dionysius of Halicarnassus, its importance and frequence are greater, and it preserves its identity even more thoroughly, than many of those which have unques- tioned recognition and detailed rhetorical presentation. We may note, however, in addition to the fact that in sees. 2 and 3 it has a direct reference to the general's speech, that the ■KpoTpeirTiKot aOXrjTal'; of Dionysius of Halicarnassus' comes nearer than any- thing else in rhetoric to containing a theoretical outline of this well-defined form. The conditions under which this speech is supposed to be delivered are those of an army at the moment of conflict, and the speech of exhortation follows a similar outline. The ■n-poTpeirTiKO'; aOXrjTaK is a speech at a ■7rav^yvpL<:, but it praises the contestants who are present to compete for prizes rather than 1 Dio Cas., I, fg. 17, 7, 8, 9, p. 52 ; Dionys. of Hal., VIII, 39-42 ; Plut., V. Coriol ;Tuivy, II, 40; c/. for Nicias, Thuc, VII, 61; D. Sic, XIII, 15; for Scipio and Hannibal, Appian, De Rebus Punieis; Polybius, III, 63, 64; Livy, XXI, 40-44. 2 The fact is noted on p. 232 that the irpoTpeirTiKSs of Lesbonax is a gen- eral's speech ; see Didot ed. of Att. Or., Vol. II. 210 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY the irav'^yvpL';. It is sometimes made by the agonothete himself. It considers the character of the contest. An oration is needed, as in war (sec. 2) : Xo'709 yap ek iravra iinTriSeto';, kol ttjOo? irav eTTippavwaiv ovrw koX e-jrl iroXefiov Koi eirl TrajoaTafeo)? Beovrai tJTpaTicoTai, Tov Trapa tuiv crTpaTr]'ya)v Xoyov Kal t?}? nrpoTpoirrj';, kui aiiTol avTcov ippccfievearepoi. eyevovTO. Again, in sec. 3 : Oratory is of value to spur on athletes to noble deeds, and it is compared to that addressed to soldiers by their generals : SxT-Trep yap Kal iv crrpaTOTreSo) ol yvrja-cdiTaToi, Trapa tS)v a-TparriySiv Xoyov^ aKOvaavTe; , /jboXia-Ta ^L\.OTLp,ovvrat irepl rrjv vcktjv, ovtu) Kal 01 iirl rot? aySyai irpoTpewTLKOv'; Xoyov^ olKeLCO<; avaSe^dfievoi- p,dXiaTa yap opeyoivro TOV Trapayeveadai. This section sets forth the glory of the contest and of the victory. Sections 4 and 5 contain topics appropriate to the 7ravr]yvpiKb<; Xo'709, as is directly stated, sec. 5, init. Sec- tion 6 refers, as in the case of the general's speech, to their past achievements as an encouragement to victory. Section 7 makes reference to their ancestors who have conquered in like circumstances. Note in connection with this the staple roVot of the general's speech ; see pp. 212 f . There is also occasionally in the introduction of extant ora- tions a reference to the appropriateness or universality of such a speech. In discussing the necessary qualifications for a general, Socrates says that the general will, of course, know what words he should speak o-T/aartcoTat? irapaivovvn better than the rhapsodist (Plato, Ion, 540 D.) . Plutarch {Praec. Ger. Reip., VI, 7, 803 B) , after approving a moderate epideictic element in political speech, since it admits of sententious style, historical references, fables, and metaphors, more than the juridical, recognizes the purely artificial character of the general's speech by adding : "but as for the rhetorical orations and periods of Ephorus, Theopompus, and Anaximenes, which they made after they had armed and arranged their armies, one may say : 'None talk so foolishly so near the sword' " (Eurip., Autolycus, fg. 284, 22). Compare also Polybius, XII, 25, who criticises Timaeus' disregard of truth in "public ' For Trapalveiri.s as the technical term for the general's speech see p. 229, footnote 1. EPIDEIOTIC LITEEATUEE 211 speeches, military harangues, ambassadors' orations, and all compositions of that class." Theon (Sp. II, 115) refers to the general's speech under the -Trpoiyvfivda fxara. Speaking of the proper uses of the Trpoaco'rro'iroUa he says : aTpaTriyo<; rot? arpario)- TaK iirl toik; kivBvvois. Compare also Theophylactus, III, 14, 1 : avvBieTiOevTO yap Tu'i yjrv)(a<; tuk tov aTpaTr/yov "rrapaiveaecnv. Cicero [Orat., 21, 66) refers to exhortations [hortationes) as a charac- teristic feature of history. Norden, Aidike Kunsiprosa, I, 87, refers to the fact that generals IkuvoI Xeyeiv were in demand ; compare S. Dehner, Hadriani Beliquiae (Bonn, 1883), 10. Speeches after battle were of frequent occurrence. Hermogenes, Sp. II, 15, 27, gives as a sample topic for the rjdowooia words which a general might speak after a victory. All speeches of this character follow with varying exactness a well-defined series of tottoi and are artificial in the extreme. This type appears very early and continues almost unmodified to the time of the Byzantine historians. Like almost all other types, it may be said to have its beginning in Homer in the words of encouragement uttered by leaders before battle. We see evidence of it in other poetry, e. g., Aesch., Persae, 4U0ff. ; Eurip., Suppl., 700 ff.; Heradidae, 820 ff. Herodotus shows the general's speech in rudimentary form. In the famous speech by Xenophon [Anal)., Ill, 2) it becomes well developed.' The same to'ttoi are found in Herodianus and Theophylactus, showing its persistence." The general's speech is ' His speech is a model of its kind, if a few neighboring sections are included with the main oration, e. g., Anab., Ill, 2, 8-32, and III, 1, 20-24, 42, 43, 44. 2 The formal and epideictic character of this type is equally noticeable in Latin literature. The numerous and prominent examples in Sallust, Livy, Tacitus, Quinctius Curtius are familiar. In imitation of the ancients Tasso causes his leaders to deliver harangues quite in the style of the general's speech as outlined here ; ef. XX, 14 ff.; IX, 17 ff.; IV, 9 ff.; cf. also the brief addresses on either side in Milton's P. L., Book VI. In the time of the crusades and later mediseval history similar speeches may be found, but it does not agree with modern taste to ascribe long speeches to generals in impossible conditions. With the passing of the speech as a feature of history this, the most purely rhetorical of them all, has also gone. The most notable instance in a comparatively recent period is that of Napoleon I., who addressed his armies in a style comparable to that ascribed to generals by 212 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY a compound of commonplaces calculated to belittle the enemy's power and the danger of battle, and to make the most of any real or fancied superiority on the side of the army addressed. The characteristic to'tto; may be established by comparison of the typical speeches of this class. I have chosen the following, representing a considerable range both in the character and the period of the historians: Phormio, Thuc, II, 89; Cyrus, Xeno- phon, Cyroj)., I, 4 ; Hannibal and Scipio, Polyb., Ill, 63 ; Postu- mius on the eve of a battle with the Latins, Dionys. of Hal., VI, 6 ; Nicias at Syracuse, Diod. Sic, 18, 15 ; Alexander to the army before the battle of Issus, Arrian, De Ex. Alex., II, 83 ; Caesar' before the battle with Ariovistus, Dio Cas., 38, chaps. 36-46 ; Antony before Actium, Dio Cas., 50, 16-24; Augustus Caesar before Actium, Dio Cas., 50, 24-80 ; Severus to his army, Herodianus, III, 6. The following are the usual ro-rroi -. 1. The ancestry — their glorious deeds, how they dared zeal- ously for the state, regarding the public interests as personal and personal interests as public. They were few against many, but conquered. They toiled joyously, kept the old possessions, and acquired new. Especial reference is made to their achievements against the very enemy with whom battle is now impending. This TOTTO'i is used by Postumius, Augustus, Alexander, Julius Caesar, Nicias, Cyrus, Xenophon {Anab., Ill, 2), Scipio. 2. With such ancestry do not disgrace your heritage ; Julius Caesar, Nicias, Xenophon. 8. A comparison of forces ; Julius Caesar, Antony, Augustus Caesar, Alexander, Postumius, Severus, Cyrus, Phormio, Han- nibal, Scipio. 4. In war valor, not numbers, prevails ; Julius Caesar, Antony, Postumius, Severus, Phormio, Xenophon, Alexander, Pabius. 5. The most magnificent prizes await the victors ; Julius Caesar, Antony, Postumius, Xenophon, Alexander, Augustus, Hannibal. the ancient Greek historians ; cf. his proclamation before Austerlitz and that on the first anniversary of that battle, or that on the morning of the battle of Moscow, etc. EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 213 6. The auspices are favorable, the gods are our allies ; Postumius, Severus, Xenophon, Alexander, Cyrus. 7. Death is glorious to the brave ; Postumius, Hannibal. 8. The disgrace of defeat ; Julius Caesar, Augustus, Pos- tumius, Nicias, Hannibal. 9. We have conquered this enemy before ; Severus, Xeno- phon, Alexander, Fabius, Postumius, Severus, Phormio, Scipio. 10. The wrongs suffered from this enemy; the war is just ; Julius Caesar, Antony, Severus, Xenophon, Augustus. 11. An appeal to patriotism ; Postumius, Alexander, Augustus. 12. Our commander is superior to that of the enemy; Alex- ander, Antony, Augustus, Scipio. Other speeches of this character are found as follows : Dio Cassius, Book XLI. chap. 27, Caesar to discontented army; L, 16, Antony to his army; LXII, 9, 10, 11, three brief general's speeches. Appian, Book II, chap. 73 (De Bel. Civ.), Caesar to his army; IV, 90 [ibid.), Cassius to his army; IV, 117 [ibid.), Brutus to his army; IV, 119 [ibid.), Antony to his army; VIII, 19 [De Bel. Pun.), Scipio to his army; VIII. 116 [ibid.), Scipio to his army. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Book IX, chap. 9, Fabius to his army. Diodorus Siculus, Book XIII, chap. 15, Nicias to army; XIII, 98, Callicratides to his army. Herodianus, Book VIII, chap. 3 ; II, 10. Theophylactus, Book II, chap. 13 ; cf. also 11, and III, 13, for short speeches. Xenophon, Cyrop., VI, 4, 12, Cyrus to his army. Thucydides, Book II, chap. 87, a general to his army; II, 89, Phormio to the sailors; IV, 10, Demosthenes to his army; IV, 95, Hippocrates to his army; IV, 126, Brasidas to his army; VI, 68, Meias to his army; VII, 61, Nicias to the navy; VII, 66, Gylippus to the navy. Polybius, Book I, chap. 27, a general to the army; III, ii, Hannibal to the army; III, 63, Hannibal to his army; III, 61, Scipio to his army; III, 108, Aemelius to his army; III, 111, 214 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Hannibal to his army; XI, 28, Scipio to his army; XI, 31, Scipio to his army; XX, 10, Hannibal to his army; XV, 10, Scipio to his army; XV, 11, Hannibal to his army. Arrian, Book II, chap. 7, Alexander before the battle of Issus ; V, 25, Alexander at the Hyphasis ; VII, 9, Alexander to soldiers proposing to return. Josephus, Hist. Jews, XV, 5, Herod to his army. The Epideictic Element in Philosophy. The investigations of the pre-Socratics were almost wholly devoted to an inquiry into the origin and constitution of the uni- verse. Studies of this character have seldom found expression in epideictic style.' Some left no written works ; some employed poetry as the vehicle of communication ; those who made use of prose present little which can rightly be considered epideictic in theme or style. '^ The Sophists form an exception. With them the case is quite reversed. The rhetorical side becomes as strong as the philosophical is weak. The interest in artistic speech which fol- lowed the Persian wars was nowhere greater than among the Sophists. Their self-imposed task as general educators in mat- ters public and private tended to increase the importance which they assigned to charm and impressiveness in presentation. The A notable instance of the employment of stylistic charm even in cosmo- logical studies may be seen in Plato; of. Shorey, "The Interpretation of the Timaeus,'' Amer. Jour of Phil., IX, pp. 401 flf.; 408 ff. On the general topic of the rhetorical influence upon philosophy see the handbooks, especially Norden, Antike Kunstprosa (1898), 104 fl., 154, n.l, and elsewhere; Uohde, Orieohisehe Roman (1900), pp. 344 ff. ^ It is true that some of the most permanent features of fine writing appear already in Heraclitus and Empedocles. The former, the first great prose writer, is justly styled the "source of a current in literature." His prose was rhythmical. Heraclitus and, perhaps in imitation of him, Empedocles made frequent use of the great antinomies of thought which gave rise later to mere rhetorical antithesis. It is thought that Gorgias was a pupil of Empedocles (c/. Quintil., Ill, 2), and gained from him some features later made so prominent in his style. Dials ("Gorgias u. Empedocles," in Sitzungsber d. Berl. Ak., 1884, 343) presents evidence in regard to Empe- docles' influence on Gorgias, both in philosophy and rhetoric ; e/. Dummler, Academica, 36, 1 ; of. Norden, Antike Kuntsprosa, I, 16 f. EPIDEICTIC LITBEATUEE 215 newly formed rhetoric of Sicily was turned to their uses. The intermingling of rhetoric and philosophy was a necessary result of the new themes which philosophy discussed and the fact that discus- sion became so general. The great Sophists, Protagoras, Gorgias, Hippias, Prodicus, though classed as philosophers as well, stand for nothing so much as brilliance of oratorical display. So, too, with those of lesser renown — notably Alcidamas, Polus, Pro- tarchus, and Thrasymachus of Chalcedon. Among the early philosophers we may note here Democritus (fifth century B. C), who is characterized as a writer remarkable for eloquence, impetuosity, and brilliance, with use of poetic illustrations.' Among the followers of Socrates, not to speak of Xenophon (see pp. 203 f.), Aeschines was well versed in the rhetorical art, and as an orator wrote in special imitation of Gorgias.^ The Megarians are said to have devoted themselves to idle and trivial disputations. Taking the term " epideictic " in its widest application — a style of prose in which ornateness is introduced in a conscious effort to please, Plato is a most conspicuous example of its use. Aris- totle, though no stylist in his extant works, is praised by Cicero and others- for eloquence and beauty of style (see also p. 218, n. 1). The attitude of the immediate followers of Plato toward rhetoric and the niceties of style was determined largely by his supposed hostility. His attacks upon the Sophists, his denunciation of that prostitution of the rhetorical art which would employ it for empty display or to secure an unworthy end, were interpreted as directed against oratory in itself. Little attention was paid to rhetoric or style until the time of Carneades (second century B. C); yet this period, marked by indifference or open hostility on the part of the schools as a whole, presents several names associated with tine diction. For a favorable view of the Academy see Cicero, Or. 3, 12: "I confess that I have been made an orator such as I am, not by the workshop of the rhetoricians, but 'C/. Cic, Z»e Oral., I, 10, 42 and 49; Or. 20, 67; De Div.,11, 64,133; Diog. Laert, IX, 40; Plut., Qu. Conv.,V, 7, 6, 2; Dion, of Hal., De Comp. Verb., c. 24. 2 Diog. Laert., II, 63 ; cf. also Walz, Ehet Gr., IX, 559 (Longinus). 216 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY by the walks of the Academy. For that is the school of manifold and various discourse in which first of all are imprinted the foot- steps of Plato, .... for all that copiousness and abounding source of eloquence is derived from these men." Compare Brut., 31, 121 ; 97, 333 ; De Oral, I, 13, 55 and 56 ; Keid's ed., Acad., In trod., p. 13: "Cicero calls eloquence the child of the Academy." He cites Farad., sec. 2 ; De Fat., 3 ; Tusc, I, 7 ; De Off., I, 3 ; De Fin., IV, 5. We may note also Tac, Dial, 31. In the fourth century Xenocrates was of sufficient eminence as an orator to be employed on an embassy. Crantor was a writer of choice diction and pleasing fulness. Diog. Laert., IV, 27 ; Cic, Acad. Q., II, 44, 135 ; for a fragment see Sext. Emp., XI, 51-8; Zeller [Plato and the Academy, 553). Polemo thought philosophy should concern itself with matters of practi- cal import only; Diog. Laert., IV, 18. He wrote on literary topics, but was in general averse to popular display; Diog. Laert., I. c. Arcesilaus (Arcesilas) belongs to the third century. Cicero, De Orat., Ill, 18, 67, says: "Arcesilas employed an eminently graceful manner of speaking, .... He was the first to adopt the practice of not declaring what he himself thought, but disputing what any other person said that he [ArcesilausJ thought." DiogenesTLaertius says (IV, 28, speaking of the Academy) that he began the custom of disputing both sides of a question. Else- where (IX, 51) he represents this idea as originating with Pro- tagoras. Cicero [Tusc, II, 3, 9) likes this custom as giving scope for eloquence, and says that Aristotle first made use of it, and later all the Aristotelians as well as the Academy.' Quin- tilian (XII, 2, 25) makes the practice peculiar to the Academy and adds that it is likely to prove serviceable to eloquence.'' The custom, wherever practiced, has naturally a strong epideictic tend- ency. Carneades is a notable example. Arcesilaus is compared with him, Cic, De Orat., Ill, 21, 80. Crates (third century B. C.) left orations delivered to assemblies and speeches as ambassador ; Diog. Laert., IV, 23. ' Cf. De Orat, I, 8, 84 ; III, 27, 107, 108. 2 Cf. XII, 1, ?,5; Diog. Laert., VII, 181. EPIDEICTIO LITERATURE 217 The second century B. C. is rendered notable by Carneades, whose epideictic displays at Rome and elsewhere occasioned so much discussion. He marks the entrance of a new spirit into the Academy, a reversal of its traditional attitude. His striking eloquence is often referred to.' Diodorus of Adramyttium (second century B. C.) united philosophy and rhetoric (Strabo, XIII, 1, 66). As in the first period when the school avoided rhetorical display, so after Carneades there were some who stood out in opposition to the general trend, adhering to heredi- tary teachings. Clitomachus of Carthage (second century B. C.) was a pupil of Carneades, but a professed enemy of rhetoric, though his consohdio on the fall of Carthage would seem to have been of an epideictic character (Cicero., Tusc, III, 22. 54). Cicero {Tusc, II, 3, 9) shows that Philo of Larissa (first century B. C. ) was enthusiastically devoted to rhetoric as well as philosophy. He is classed [Tusc, II, 11, 26) among those not only very eloquent, but also fond of introducing appropriate lines from the poets. Charmides (Charmadas in Cicero), also of the first century, was as remarkable for eloquence as was Clitomachus for genius (Cic, Acad. P., II, 6, 16). He held that philosophy was the only source of eloquence (Cic, De Orat., I, 18, 84 ff.), denying that rhetoric was of any value in gaining it. He is classed among those who would relegate oratory to the court and petty-assembly tamqiiam in aliquod pistrinum (Cic, De Orcd., I, 11, 46); compare also Or. 16, 51, where Carneades compares the diction of Charmides and that of Clitomachus. Charmides seems a fair representative of a class of philosophers who, though employing the arts of eloquence themselves, affect to despise rhetoric and deny its influence upon oratory.^ The Peripatetics had always an appreciation of the beauties of language, and seemed to pride themselves upon their devotion both to the theory and the practice. The Academy justified its hostility by a one-sided interpretation of Plato, and the Peripa- tetics in their opposite position made appeal also to the founder 1 Cic, De Orat., I, 45, 49 ; II, 38, 161 ; III, 18, 68 ; Acad., 1, 12, 46 ; II, 18, 60 ; De Rep., Ill, 8 ; De Fin., Ill, 12, 41 ; and elsewhere. 2 Of. Sext. EmpiricuB, p. 678 (Bekk.). 218 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY of their school and his immediate successors. Cicero {De Orat., I, 10, -13) sajs : The Peripatetics hold that the very aids and ornaments of speech which you consider the peculiar property of orators must be sought Irom them. (They say) that Aristotle and Theophrastus wrote more copiously and better than all the masters of the art of speech.' Cicero probably refers to the general course of Peripatetic philosophy, but in the case of the Academy chiefly to his own or the immediately preceding period, when he speaks of the " delicate and flowing style of the Peripatetics and the Academy," and adds that their language is "too diffuse and luxuriant for a spirited contest in the forum or a pleading at the bar" [Brut., 31, 121).' In harmony with the general favor in which the Peripatetics held graceful writing is the fact that more than the other schools they seem to have taken up literary and historical studies. ' Cf. also Orat., I, 5, and Tusc, I, 4, 7 : '-joined eloquence with philoso- phy" (c/. Heine's note), and Brut., 31,119 and 120, where he indicates Ihat he regards the Peripatetic philosophy as the most proper to form the ideal orator's style upon ; cf. De Orat., Ill, 35, 141 ; Orat. 19, 62 ; Quintil., Ill, 1, 15 ; XII, 2, 25; Tac, Dial., 31. For general appreciative reference to Aristotle's style see note, Wilkins' De Orat., I, 11, 49. To the references there Grote adds {Aristotle, I, 43), Ad Att., 11,1; Dion, of Hal., De Comp. Verb , chap, xxiv; Demetrius (Spengel, III, 290, 27). We may add still further Cic, Tusa., I, 4, 7 ; De Oral, III, 18, 67 ; III, .35. 140 44. '' Cicero is not careful to distinguish between the Platonists and Aristote- lians in his references to the rhetorical qualities of philosophical schools; c/. Teuffel and Schwabe, Lat. Lit., sec. 183; Cic, Brut., chap. 31. et passim. The Academy and the Peripatetics are referred to separately as contributing much to oratory, but in several of the more notable passages the two schools are joined; e.g., De Fin., IV, 3, 6, where he grows enthusiastic over their "instances of good speaking in orations," their "polish and fitness," and their " brilliance of language." "With what splendid language have they adorned that part of the subject which requires ornate and impressive eloquence, discussing justice .... not like men picking out thorns — the Stoics .... but like men who knew how to handle great subjects elegantly. What there- fore are their consolations ? what their exhortations ? " Cf. also De Orat., Ill, 27, 107, 108, 109: "omnem civilem orationem in horum alterutro genere versari." Cicero's ideal orator is a combination of the orator and the philoso- pher : cf. De Orat., 1, 15, 68 ; Tnsc, I, 26, 64, 65 ; V, 2, 5, 6 ; De Orat., I, 3, 9 ; I, 10, 43 ; II, 16, 60, 61 ; III, 143 ; Orat. 3, 12, 13. His own power as an orator is due to philosophy: Tusc, I, 3, 6 ; Ora'., 3, 12, 13; De Or., I, 20, 91 ; P. Arch.,. VI, 12, 1.3. EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 219 Zeller [Aristotle, II, 451) says that no philosopher after Strato merits the name of an independent thinker. The school culti- vated history, literature, and grammar, and devoted itself zeal- ously to rhetoric and ethics. This last statement must apply, though in a lesser degree, to the period preceding Strato. The successor of Aristotle was given the name Theophrastus in recognition of the "divine character of his eloquence.'" Strabo (XIII, 2. 4) says "Aristotle made all his disciples eloquent, but Theophrastus most eloquent of all." Heraclides of Pontus (fourth century B. C) was a versatile writer in general literature and rhetoric and philosophy. He wrote histories, some in the style of comedy and some in that of tragedy. His writings are KaXXiaTci re koI dpcara, Diog. Laert., V. 86-90. Of Callisthenes of Olynthus (fourth century B. C.) Cicero says {De Orat., II. 14. 58) that his style was appropriate for rhetorical declamation rather than history; cf. Ad Quint., XI (XIII), 4; Plutarch [Alex., 53 and 54) shows his dexterity in arguing both sides of a question epideictically. Clearchus of Soli (fourth century B. C.) is styled by Zeller [Aristotle, II, 443) a man of literature rather than a philosopher. Lynceus and Praxiphanes (fourth century B. 0.) are cited by the same authority as among those who turned from philosophy "to history, history of literature, politics, ethics, and rhetoric.'"^ Demetrius of Phalerum, at the very close of this century, presents the style of the philosopher combined with the orator's strength and impressiveness ; Diog. Laert., V, 82. A versatile writer : "the most polished of all these orators ; " Cicero, De Orat., II, 23, 95 ; Orat. 27, 92, 94 ; Brut., IX, 37 ; De Off., I, 1, 3, speaks of his pre-eminence as a philosopher and orator. Strato, of the third century, was chiefly noted as a natural scientist." Ritter, Hist. ' Diog. Laert., V, 38; Strabo, XIII, 2,4; Cic.,0m<.19, 62; Qumtil.,X,l,83; Cic, Tusc, V, 9, 24 ; De Orat.. I, 11, 49 ; III, 48, 184 ; and Brut., 9, 38 ; 31, 121. 2 WiJamowitz-Mollendorff, " Asianismus und Atticismus," Hermes, XXXV (1900), 16, refers to the epideictio tendency of Aristotle's immediate friends and pupils. ^ Gross' statement {Philodemus, LV) seems to be based upon a misinter- pretation of Diog. Laert., V, 58. 220 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY of Phil., Ill, 370, says that after him came the period of afPected ornament. Lyco of Troas (third century B. C.) is classed by Ritter, I. c, with Aristo of Ceos and Critolaus as one of those who helped clothe philosophy in the mantle of oratory (Strabo, X, 5, 6). Ciaero {Dc Fin., V, 5, 13) speaks of him as a man rich in eloquence. Diog. Laert. (V, 66) terms him a surpassingly sweet speaker, and as evidence of his reputation in this regard adds a current play upon his name. Aristo of Ceos is fixed for us as a philosopher of strong epideictic tendency by Strabo's (X, 5, 6) characterization : "The oldest imitator of Bion." Cicero {De Fin., V, 5, 13) says he was a "neat and elegant writer" of "polished style," but lacking in dignity. In the second century B. C. Critolaus was one of the embassy to Rome (155 B. C), where he gained great favor as an orator. His style was scif,a et teretia (Gell., VI, I-t, 10). Cicero [De Fin., V, 5, 14) refers to his eloquence.' Quintilian (II, 17, 15) shows that he wrote also on rhetoric. Sextus Empiricus (p. 677, 10, Bekk.) says that Critolaus and his followers, noticing the ease with which rhetoric was prostituted, spoke ill of it and called it KaKOTe')(yCa. Agatharchides (second century B. C.) wrote on grammar, history, and geography. Photius says his style was dignified, clear, full of sententious passages. In his speeches he imitated Thucydides. Apellicon of Teos (first century B. C.) was employed as an ambassador in the war against Mithridates. Athenaeus of Seleucia (first century B. C.) was among those who styled rhetoric the art of deceiving. The Stoics, like the Peripatetics, regarded rhetoric as of great importance. But their interest was in its formal side rather than in rhetoric as a means of securing the more pleasing qualities of style, Diogenes Laertius says (VII, 42) that the Stoics adopted the common definition of rhetoric as the art of speaking well nrepl tSjv iv Sie^oSo) Xoymp ; but with them speaking well was speaking the exact truth(Walz, Rhet. Gr., VII, 8, 20). ' Of. De Orat., II, .38, 160. EPIDEICTIC LITEEATUEE 221 In spite of individuals of marked epideictic characteristics, it is a just representation of the school as a whole which Quintilian gives (X, 1, 84): "The old Stoics paid but little attention to elocution. They had great power of reasoning and in enforcing what they taught. They were rather acute in discussing their subjects than lofty in style — an excellence at which they certainly do not aim." So also Cicero, Brut., 31, 119 ff.: "They [the Stoics] devote their whole time to the study of logic and never trouble to acquire the free, fluent, varied style. Your uncle [Cato] gained what the Stoics could give — the art of reasoning, but for the art of speaking went to the masters of rhetoric.'"' The Stoics use "language which is not clear, smooth, and flowing ; but meager and dry, broken and disjointed ; and if anyone shall approve sach a style, he will do so with this limitation, that it is not suited for the orator" [De Oraf., II, 38, 159).^ Aristo of Chios is styled by Diog. Laert. (VII, 161) a man of persuasive eloquence and of great popularity with the masses. He was popularly called the "siren." Zeller [Epicureans and Stoics, 60) says he was fluent and wordy, and adds that he condemned logic. Diogenes the Stoic was one of the embassy to Rome (155 B. C), and there made epideictic speeches. His style was modesta ct sobria (Gell., VI, 14, 10). Mnesarchus (second century B. C.) is classed [Cic, De Oraf., I, 11, 45, 46) among those who would relegate oratory to the court and petty-assembly tamquam in aliquod pistrinum. In De Orat.,1, 18, 83, he is represented as saying: "Those whom we call orators are nothing but a set of mechanics, with glib and well-practiced tongues. No one can be an orator but the man of true wisdom — the philosopher." Panaetius of Rhodes (second century B. C.) is said to have aimed at a more brilliant rhetorical style. Cicero {De Fin., IV, 28, 79) shows that he was fond of quoting Plato, Xenophon, and Theophrastus. His belief that a lawyer is justified in supporting the probable, even 1 Of. also Brut, 31, 118. 2 Of. also Brut., 31, 118, end ; De Orat., Ill, 18, 65 and 66. 222 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY though it be not altogether true {De Off., II, 14, 51), may throw some light 'On the character of his style. Strabo (III, 2, 9) speaks of an exaggerated rhetorical style as characteristic of Posidonius (first century B. C). He was a versatile writer, an ambassador to Kome in 86 B. C. He discoursed with dig- nity and fluency on the value of pain, while being tortured by the gout (Cic, Tusc, II, 25, 61). His style was far removed from the ungraceful stiffness which frequently characterized the Stoics. Athenodorus of Tarsus (first century B. C.) won great influence through his capacity for discoursing at great length without preparation on any given subject. Among the Romans Seneca (first century B. C.) presents the epideictic qualities in great prominence. Quintilian (X, 1, 125) does not approve his style ; cf. Aul. GelL, XII, 12. The views of the Stoics of the second century A. D. may be gathered from the writings of Epictetus, who, while professing approval of skill in argument, urges those who would follow real philosophy to make eloquence purely subordinate.' In III, 23, he chides those who are fond of ostentation. Philosophy must attract by its teachings, not through display. Hearers should leave the school with pain rather than with pleasure. It is a school of surgery. He quotes Eufus as saying that, if one had leisure to praise him, he was speaking to no purpose. His Enchiridion, 33, 11, advises against attending private display-recitations ; cf. also 1, 26. He does not entirely reject care about speaking, but men must not be captivated by it as by a siren (1, 23, end). Plato's eloquence was no aid to his philosophy (1, 8).^ The attitude of the Epicureans upon the question of fine writing is quite similar to that of the Stoics, and their theories were fully observed in practice. Epicurus cared nothing for logic or literature. He thought rhetoric of value only to give clearness (Diog. Laert., X, 13). His writings, however, are not characterized by this quality, and are not free from ostentation. Diogenes Laertius, X, 2, says he was led to the study of philosophy ' C/. I, 8 ; I, 7 ; I, 17 ; II, 2.3. ^ Cf. Simplicius on Epictetus, chaps. 49, .33, 11 ; M and 45. EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 223 by a contempt for the grammarians who could not explain certain points in Hesiod. His advice is: '■Avoid all kinds of education.'" Aristophanes the grammarian (Diog. Laert., X. 13) censures his choice of words; Cicero [Ttisc, II, 3. 8) speaks, as though voicing the general sentiment, in derision of Epicurus and the whole school as taking no pains to express themselves well and therefore unfit to be read. This agrees with other evidence that the hostility of Epicurus had become hereditary in the school. Hermarchus of Mitylene (270 B. C.) was his successor. Diogenes Laertius (X, 24) says that he was devoted to rhetoric, and that his writings were " KaWiaTa." Cicero classes Metro- dor us (fourth century B. C.) with Epicurus in his censure {Tusc, 11, 3, 4). Lucretius seems checked in his natural tend- ency to eloquent style by his adherence to Epicureanism.^ A bitter opponent of rhetoric appears in the first century B. C in the person of Philodemus. He follows and enlarges upon the teachings of Epicurus. His views are set forth in his rhetoric. He is especially opposed to the claim that rhetoric can fit youth for public life. He compares rhetoric and philosophy, to the disadvantage of the former. Rhetoric con- tributes nothing to human welfare. Rhetors are sycophants ; they get money falsely; they destroy the people. Philosophy is the benefactor of the race ; it is the only source of right living, the true basis for oratory. His position on the question. Is > Diog. L., X, 6 ; cf. also Quintil., XII, 2, 24 ; II, 17, 15 ; Cic, De Fin., I, 7. 2 Lucretius, speaking of the inspiration of his theme (I, 921 ff.) and the pleasures of poetry, assumes a distinctly apologetic tone. He makes haste to give his didactic and scientific purpose the chief prominence. He excuses for the use of verse and for poetic beauty, and shows the estimate he would place upon it by comparing it to the honey with which physicians smear the cup that contains a bitter potion. The same comparison is made. Book IV, 1-25, and for the same purpose. In 1, 143 fl. and elsewhere, the subordination of literary beauty is made clear; c/. 1, 415. He puts forth lucidity as his great aim, I, 143, 144, 415, 933. He speaks in scorn (I, 643, 644) of those who veraque constituunt, quae belle tangere possunt auris et lepido quae sunt fucata sonore. The exceeding difficulty of his task is referred to I, 1.36-9, 920-50; III, 258-61. 224 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY rhetoric an art ? is somewhat inconsistent. At one time he makes full denial (see p. 225, end); at another he seems to hold, against other Epicureans, that Sophistic rhetoric is an art. There is no art of forensic or judicial oratory. Every man's general knowledge will answer for that. The question is dis- cussed, e. g., Vol. I, pp. 68, 69 [Siippl., p. 34, Sudhaus) ; SuppL, 38, 45, 47, 61, 22, Vol. 11, p. 235.' 1 The conflict between rhetoric and philosophy was long and memorable. Their rivalry had a basis in differing views in regard to the theory and method of intellectual and moral training. There was added to this in many cases bitter personal animosity. The periods of most heated strife were the fifth and second centuries B. C. and the second and fourth A. D. Between these the conflict lulled. Sometimes one side or the other seemed almost conquered, only to revive and renew the struggle on slightly different grounds. With such fluctuations it continued for more than eight centuries. The Greeks traced both their rhetoric and their philosophy back to Homer. But previous to the close of the fifth century neither had received formal study; they w6re not reduced to a system, and no rivalry existed. The philosophical studies of the pre-Socratics were not of such a nature as to come into special conflict with oratory. The two did not occupy common territory. Then came the conscious effort to formulate the laws of language and argumentation, and to teach men to speak well. Oratory also claimed to give ethical and political culture. At almost the same time Socrates created a new meaning for philosophy — the study of men rather than of the physical universe. His successors followed him in this, though with less rigid adherence to his limita- tions. Prom this time on philosophy in its highest sense meant the pursuit of truth. While this conception of philosophy was in process of formation the Sophists precipitated conflict by the extent and character of their pie- tensions. They claimed to be the exponents of culture, to unite in themselves philosophy and rhetoric. The task of educating the youth should fall to them. In a sense their claims were well founded, but neither their rhetoric nor their philosophy was of the higher type. Truth was not the only or the chief aim in their investigations. The beautiful in form and the specious in argument were in many cases the limit of their search. Their educational aim was to produce the subtle man, the successful politician, rather than breadth, of view and nobility of character. A quibble was as important a topic for discussion as a serious moral question. Rhetorical training sufficed for all the needs of life. The strong grounds taken by Plato in opposition to these defects in sophistic ideals is familiar. The lines on which the conflict was to be waged are already visible. It was carried on with vigor by the philosophers and the rhetors, who in a sense were the successors of the Sophists. It does not seem probable that this strife affected the mass of the people to any extent. Arnim supposes that, in spite of the radical differences between them, phi- losophy and rhetoric were looked upon only as two means of education EPIDEICTIC LITERATDRE 225 The Cynics were followers of Antisthenes (fourth century B. C), so noted as an epideictic orator. He was a pupil of Gorgias, and retained, in some of his writings at least, the style peculiar to that school after he had turned to philo- sophical studies ; Diog. Laert., VI, 2 ; cf. also, for his epi- deictic qualities, Diog. Laert., VI, 14. He was fond of playing on words. Antisthenes is the earliest writer in whose works a StaTjOt/877 is cited.' The Cynics and the Stoics were especially inclined to the adoption of this form, and some of its peculiar quali- ties are seen already in Antisthenes. Diogenes Laertius, VI, 9, may differing chiefly in method. Socrates and Protagoras were to them men of the same calling. With modifications, it was the present-day question of the "practical" education versus general mental training. At the close of the fourth century B. C. rhetoric had taken a subordinate place. It was one of the culture topics, the ^/cfaXia fiaO-fi/mra. The introduction of Greek civiliza- tion to Rome was simultaneous with the renewal of the slumbering rivalry. Should rhetoric or philosophy gain the greater influence ? Philodemus, Sextus Empiricus, Quintilian, Cicero, and Lucian are the chief sources of information, and the points of attack were plainly much the same as in earlier centuries. The differences were still based on opposing conceptions of culture. Specific charges were brought against rhetoric : 1. It is not an art. It fails when tried by the Stoic definition of a t^x""; ; cf.. e. g., Sext. Emp., 10, 78, 26 ; Quiutil., II, 17, 18, 27 ; II, 16, 1 ; II, 16, 11; Philod., I, 22 ; II, 107. A true art is the same regardless of time and place ; rhetoric is not, so is not an art. .4 true art deals with the truth ; rhetoric makes use of falsehoods, therefore is not an art ; cf. Philod., 1, 22. All true arts have a definite end (t^Xos) which they attain ; rhetoric has not, therefore is not an art; Sext. Emp., 13; Quintil., II, 17, 22; Philod., II, 105, 125. The three kinds of oratory {i.\o(Torl>Lav), and elsewhere. But the unquali- fied assertion, " irapalvea-is non est exhortatio, sed, ut Senecae verbo utar (Ep. 95, 65), praeceptio," while stating a true distinction, gives an impression of uniformity in the use of these words which is not warranted by the usage of Greek authors. The lack of separate rhetorical treatment in extant works renders the exact idea contained in these two terms more difficult to deter- mine. The irpoTpeirTiKbs a,6\r]Tats, for which rules are given in Dionys. of Hal. (Ars Rhet., chap, vii), is of little assistance. It is purely epideictic, and its connections are with the panegyric and the gi'm-ral's speech (cf. p. 2.32, and for further discussion of its relations to the general's speech, see pp. 209 ff.). It is quite a different thing from the irpoTpewTiKhs \6y05 as a characteristic speech of philosophy and rhetoric. The casual references to protreptic and parenetic 230 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY claimed that such a union existed in themselves, and with them doubtless this form originated, as Hirzel argues, Hermes, X, 61 ff. Isocrates [Ad Demon., 3) implies a well-settled title.' It has no extant rhetorical treatment as a distinctive form of epideictic oratory. Menander recognizes it only as a concomitant > Cf. also Euthyd., 278 D and 307 A, and elsewhere in Plato. speech in Menander are also of little assistance to a clear idea of the use of these terms. In general we may say : (1) that such technical distinction as Hartlich states can be easily established and instances of its use presented ; but (2) it is also true that in many cases the words seem to be used even by technical writers as fully interchangeable ; and (3) in the vast majority of instances they are used in a loose, indefinite way, either with almost the same meaning, or more frequently with a more or less noticeable predominance of the precept character in the word irapaivQ and its derivatives. We may add, at this point, that the lexicons (exc. Hesychius, cf. also Stephanus)fail to give any distinctive use of the words, and the meanings given there require no special notice. In trying to determine more fully their usage, we have con- sulted especially the following authors: Plato, Aristotle, Isocrates, Dion Chrysostomus, lamblichus, Sextus Bmpiricus, Demosthenes, Lycurgus, Andocides, Dinarchus, Lysias, Euripides, .\eschylus, Sophocles, Thucydides, Herodotus, the rhetors as found in Spengel and Walz. The narrow technical use of the words Trapaheins and ir/jor/jcTrri/cis X670S, and the general scope of each, may be seen in such passages as Isoc, Ad Demon., hiit. (cf. also Dionys. of Hal., TrpoLav, and in the same section uses Trapaivw as a substitute, i\offo(f>eiv. Walz, Rhet. Gr., II, 297, 14 ff., under the chapter-heading rijs 5J yvii/nts rb p-iv ^crn wpoTpeirTiKbv, rb d^ diroTpeirTi.K6v^ irapaLvea-is and irapaLi'oDp.ev as well as vpoTpeTrTLKbv are used in the discussion ; II, 588, 19, speaks of the usefulness of tlie XP^^" for Trapalveins, and in the next line irpoTpiirop^v is used to refer to the same thing — rot^ 5i iiriKbyoLS bih TTJs Trapatc^cews, iv ots ^rfKovv Tavra. TrpoTp^Trop.€v ; II, 568, 26, uses TrapaivSv in contrast with i.iroTpiwuv, where one would require irpoTp^-n-uv; cf. also II, 592, 3 and 22 ; 571, 23, 24 ; 573, 20 ; and Menander (Sp. Ill, 405, 20-2:i ; 410, 10, 17; 453, 13; II, 23, 20). Menander wept iin.Ta.(t>iov (Sp. Ill, 421, 28 ff.), speaking of the hortatory character which the iTiTOL(j>ios may assume, says : a-vpLJlovXTtv xai iirod-qKi]v Trpbs 232 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY in sec. 3 of his Me'^oSo? eTnOaXdfumv says, "with praise mingle advice." He also presents details for a speech entitled TrpoTpeirTi- Ko'i aOXrjTaK ; cf. p. 209. This is of pure epideictic character. Its appropriate time is the TraPT^yvp^, Exhortation is made the first TOTTO?, but forms only a small part of the speech as a whole. He has no treatment of the ■irporpe'irTiKot; except in this specialized T7)v yvvaiKa Kal Trpbi tov^ -jraTSas, el dyav v4ol Tvyxdvoiev 6vt€s, rijv /x^r f'ljXoCi/ rat apxaias Kal dpi(rras twv yvvaiKdv Kal ijpi^vas^ Toi/s 5^ iratdas ^tj\ovv tAs tov iraTpbs dpe- rds, which is parenetic. But Dionys. of Hal. (fi^Oodos iiriTacplai',^] uses irpoTp4iru in the same situation ; cf. also Plato, Menexenus, 263 E, where TrapaLverai and TrapaKf\ev6p.evos are used in the same part of the iiriTdcpios. In his rules for the epithalamium (sec. 3) he uses irporpoTriJ for the precept : live in harmony, and like instances could be multiplied indefinitely; cf. Thuc, II, 45; Sopatr., ^Mlp., p. 338; Plato, CTit,410 D; Euthyd., 282 D, 283 A, B, where TrapaKe\ev- (TTiKbs \6yos ^tt' dper^f takes the place of the usual phrase ■n-poTpeirTi.Kbs \lyyos iir' dperTjii; but irapaKeXeia is a recognized substitute for wapaivCi. Hdt. uses TrpoTpi-jra but once (I, 31, 1), and there it means "admonish by example," for which irapaivui might be used. The cohortatio to the Greeks assigned to Justin Martyr, though a pure TrpoTpeimKbs, has the title X670! irapaiveTiKbs irpbs "EXXi/pos ; cf. Isidore. The TrpoTpeirTiKb! X670S of lamblichus shows not only the lack of clear distinction between the terms, but also that the irapalvea^i had a legitimate place within the TrpoTpcn-T^Kis. On p. Ill, 6 (ed. Pistelli) he has Siparai wapaiveiv rd aird, etc., though three lines before irpoTpiirciv is used in like conditions. Chap. 21, init., he treats of the a-ip^oka as a source of the rb TrpoTpeTTTiKbv elSos (105, 7) and the irpOTpoTrij el^ tpL\o(ro(piav (105, 10), yet in the further discussion he uses irapaivui (116, 4) as well as irpoTpi-irei (1. c. 16); cf. 12.3, 6, Ik S^ Toirov i\o(Tofpeii' irapaivet. Chap. 6, init., says one must mingle with these TrapaKXijtreis, the TrpoTpoTT-Zj toward political and practical life. Chap. 20, init.: It is proper to use ttjv dia. twv vTodriKwv TrpoTpoirj^v related to the topics, how one ought to live, how one should associate with men, how gain glory, etc. Continuing the same topic on p. 97, 15, he adds r)Se ■^ irapalvvri.t iirl rb aitrb t^Xos • V'^^- Compare Quintil., IX, 2. 36 and 37, Est et iactus sine jyersona sermo, and the familiar use of "at" in Latin, e. g., Cic, De Leg. Man., 60, et passim. Susemihl disregards the dialogue element, appealing to Her- mogenes' definition (Sp. II, 429, 3 ff.): SiaTpi^rj 8' iarl fipaxeo<; BtavorjfiaTO<; rjOiKov eKTacTL'i, 'iva i/ju/jLeivrj to ^^o? tov Xeyoj/ro?. He regards it as a brief, more or less unconstrained, essay on an ethical theme. Hirzel speaks of it as a treatise on a philosophical subject more literary in its character than the ordinary composi- tions of philosophers, and marking the decline of the dialogue spirit. Yet it is contemporaneous with the best types of the dialogue. The SiaTpi^ij frequently represents the abstract as personified and taking part in an argument. Bion the Borys- thenite is generally named as the originator, and Teles as the type, of this class of writings, though Norden recognizes an example of it in Demetrius of Phalerum (Stobaeus, 1, p. 184, Meineke), and sees the free personification of abstracts already in Plato, Protag., 352 Eff., 361 A; Crito, 50 Aff., etc., and in Antistheues as represented in Diog. Laert., VI, 9. Prodicus' famous "Choice of Heracles" (Xen., Mem., II, 1, 21 ff.), where Virtue and Vice present their claims in human form, goes still farther back; so, too, the personification of the just and unjust causes in the Cloxfls of Aristophanes. In the allegorical introduction to Parmenides' poem, where AiKrj opens the gates for him and the goddess Wisdom indicates the directions in which the diverging paths of truth and error lead, he presents the basis in which but a single detail need be changed to give us the "Heracles' Choice'' or the argument in the Clouds; and so, I think, furnishes the real starting-point for Prodicus, Aristophanes, Antisthenes, Bion, and the long list of imitators. For the personification and vocalizing of inanimate objects compare Aesop's Fables.' ' The extensive fable literature of Greece, extending over so many cen- turies and so thoroughly identified with their life, could hardly be without 236 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Bion' the Borysthenite, 270 B. C, may have been the first to see in such compositions as the "Allegory " of Prodicus new pos- sibilities for popular philosophy. Our knowledge of him comes not so much through the direct evidence of his writings as from Teles, Diogenes Laertius, 8trabo, and stray items elsewhere. He was one of Teles' ideals, and we infer that he imitated as well as quoted him. The fragments (Stobaeus, I, p. 123, Meineke) show that Bion employed in his dialogues the device of personi- fying abstracts, e. g., '!rpdyf/,a,Ta and -jvevia. The information from Strabo reaches an earlier date. In I, 2, 2, he quotes Era- tosthenes as saying that Bion was the first to adorn philosophy with flowers (of rhetoric).' Compare for the same Diog. Laert., IV, 52. He justifies this by saying that he used every style of speech. Diogenes Laertius (IV, 47) calls him a man TroXinpoiro'; Koi j for his writings. Susemihl thinks that vTropLvr^ixara (Diog. Laert., IV, 47) is synonymous with htaTptl^aL But the term seeuis to be used in the colorless sense of "writings;" cf. Diog. Laert., VIII, 78, and elsewhere. In VII, 163, he seems to differentiate hiarpi^aC and vTrofivrffiaTa. Strabo, X, 5, 6, says that the oldest imitator of Bion was Aristo of Ceos, of whose oratorical tendency we have further evidence in Cic, De Fin., V, 5. its influence upon other forms of literature. Its most natural connection is with the Sia.Tpi§ij and the TrpoTpeirTi.K6s, and one may easily believe that the fable was one of the direct influences in the development of these two branches of literature. We have here animal life, and inanimate objects also, endowed with human speech, and always for the purpose of carrying some moral lesson. It is this moral element which must have influenced Socrates to choose the fables of .\esop when he turned prose into poetry during his last days in prison. Fables were much used in wpoyvij.i'dcrfi.aTa (p. 103, n. 1). •On' Bion the chief sources are Teleti.i Reliquiae, O. Hense (1889, Pro- iegom.), and R. Heinze, De Hnr. Bionin imitatore, Diss., Bonn (1889). EPIDEICTIC LITEEATUEE 237 At about the same period lived Teles (c/. p. 236, n. 1), whose reputation, as well as the extant fragments, prove him of the same class, and, since Stobaeus has preserved several long frag- ments, he stands for us as the representative writer of the &a- Tpi^ri for the third century B. C. With Teles a favorite method is to begin by quoting his opponent as a text ; then to reply, using the second person singular, as though the opponent were present; compare Stobaeus, III, 200, inii. In the average case the opponent appears at the beginning, and once farther on, e. (J., in this case at 1. 2, p. 202.' Occasionally a regular dialogue of rapid question and answer is introduced, e. g., IV, p. 53 ; II, 66. The objector appears more frequently in II, 66 £P., e. g., p. 66, 16 and 29; 67, 26; 68, 3 and 27. In each case he is introduced by aXXa ; compare "at'" in Latin. Musonius Rufus, a Stoic philosopher of the first century A.D., stands in the same relation to Epictetus as Bion, Strato, and Diogenes to Teles. Stobaeus, III, 3 ff., Meineke, is an excellent example of the Bion-Teles Star/Ji/Sjj, with the objector furnishing the text and introduced in support of his views several times later. He gradually grows more definite until at the end he is addressed as veawcr/co'?. In II, 70-75, he parallels Teles, in topic as well as in style. He addresses a man who grieves over exile. The opponent reappears at 70, 22, and again at 73, 19. Here and elsewhere we meet a characteristic feature of the inarpi^rj — the introduction of the objection in the form of a question asked rhetorically, e. g., IV, 70, 8 ; 219 ; II, U, 8 ; III, 148, 27, etc. The argument and the line of thought are similar to those of Teles. The topic and treatment have become stereotyped, as in the case of more purely epideictic forms — IV, 162-164, presents nearly the features of an ordinary dialogue ; so II, 336-340, where the opponent is formally introduced 338, 21 — (Jjult] rt? av itTOK. Compare for the Siarpi^-^ also I, 154 ff., and I, 303 ff. We meet the Biarpi^ij again in Dion Chrysostomus, Epictetus, and Maximus Tyrius. Dion turned from rhetoric to philosophy, but retained much of the former in spite of his declaration (Or. 1 Cf. also Stobaeus, III, 211, init, and 213, 1, 4 ; III, pp. 177 and 187. 238 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY VIII, pp. 144, 145, Dind.) that he is a physician for the morally sick. Diogenes and Socrates are his ideals in philosophy, Alex- ander among men of the world, and Homer among poets. A large proportion of his writings assume the dialogue form. Here he has all varieties, from the formal dialogue to the Siarpi-^ij. Hirzel (/. c, II, p. 117) makes the distinctive feature of his Scarpc/Sai lie in their origin. Other harpi^ai are historical, in the sense that they go back to actual speeches or conversations ; Dion's have only a literary origin and purpose. He also notes their variety — narrative, dramatic, instructive, hortatory. We may observe also that in Dion Chrysostomus the Biarpi^i] takes the final step in its departure from the formal dialogue. Oration 27 bears the title SiaTpijS'^, but presents no suggestion of a dialogue. The same is true of Or. 12, the 'OXvfi7naK6aiev dv (I, 253, 9), and his presence is assumed by the use of the verb in the second person singular 254, 11 and 13 ; 254, 23 has <^r)(Tovai.. At 255, 6 the objector is introduced by aX\d ; so 255, 12 ; 257, 29. At 255, 19 there is no introductory word ; so at 256, 1 ; 256, 8 ; 257, 12. The last half of page 256 is a quick interchange of brief question and monosyllabic answer on the part of the opponent. The speaker's replies are introduced by t( Stj (254, 31), Ti Se (255, 14 ; 256, 3; 259, 8; 257, 15). Of similar style are Or. 16, 66, 11. Oration 74 begins with a brief formal dialogue and then becomes a hiaTpi^rj. At 257, 26 an imagined opponent enters {ipei tw); c/. also 257, 28 ; 258, 31 ; 259, 32 ; 264, 27. There are weak traces of the Siarpi/S'^ in Or. 18 and 62. The SiaTpi^ai of Epictetus are equally free from any characterization of the opponent. But they contain far more dialogue than any extant BiaTpi^ai which EPIDEICTIC LITERATURE 239 precede him. The opponent is apt to put his thought iii the form of a question, and in general seems introduced merely as a guide in the line of argument. In some cases he starts, like Teles, with a remark of the opponent as a text, and he reappears later in its defense. I, chaps. 1 and 2, are fair samples of his huaTpi^rj ; I, 2.") has much dialogue ; I, 23 has almost none ; so II, 23. In III, 7 the objector is defined as an Epicurean gover- nor. Many of his harpc^ai begin: "When a person asked him The hi,arpLJ3r] was also employed among the Romans in poetic form. Compare the Satires of Horace and those of Perseus (*'. 7]TopiKal ; ''EpuTtKal iirKTroKai. Libanius. 350 A. D. Sophist and rhetorician. Thoroughly epideic- tic. ^'E.yKihp.ia; MeX^rai ; 'M.ovt^bia'^ Tlpoyvfj.ifa.ap.dTwv irapadeiypara. Longus. Third century (?) A. D. Sophist. Daphnis and Chloe — a romance. Lucian. Second century A. JD. Satirist and essay loriter. En- comium on Demosthenes. narpiSos 4yKd}pLoy, ^yKfjip.iov pvia^, IlpoXaXtaf. Lysias. 415 B. C. Orator. '0\vpTn- ands ; 'Eirird^ioj (doubtful authen- ticity) ; 'EpuTiKol ; many regard the 'EpuriKo's \6yos in Plato's Phaedrus> 230 E-234 C, as genuine. Manuel II. Palaeologus. 1400 A. D. Emperor. A wepl paopoi., Monimus. Fourth century B. C Philosopher. XlporpeTTiKSs \6yos (Susemihl, Ok. Lit., I, 31). Naucrates. 350 B. C. Rhetorician. Funeral Oration over Maussollus ; other funeral orations. Neanthes. 240 B. C. Historian. Panegyrical orations ; biographies. Nicagoras. 240 A. D. Sophist. Jlpea- l^evTtKSs X070S. Nicephoras Philosophus. 900 A. D. Oratio panegyrica Antonii Caulei. Nicetas Paphlago. 880 A. D. Ec- clesiastic. Encomia and biogra- phies. Nicetas Rhetor. 880 A. D. Perhaps the same as the above. Encomium in Magnum Nicholaum Myro- bleptem et Thaumaturgum ; Dia- triba in gloriosum Martyrem Pantieleemonem. Nicolaus Damascenus. Close of first century B. C. Historian. Eulo- gistic biography of Augustus. Nicolaus Sophista. Fifth century A. D. Sophist, rhetorician. MeX^- Tai l)'f]TopiKal ; UpoyvpvdapaTa. Nicolaus of Myrae. Fifth century A. D. Sophist. MeX^rai. Nicostratus of Macedonia. 160 A. D. Rhetorician. Encomium on M. Antoninus; EkoVes; other encomia. Numenius. 120 A. D. Rhetorician. HapapvffrjTiKbs X670S addressed to Hadrian on the death of Antinous. Ocellus Lucanus. 400 B. C. (?) Phi- losopher, lie/)! ^aatXelas Kal txn.bT-qToi. Onesicritus. 350 B. C. Historian. Encomium on Alexander (Diog. Laert., VI, 84). EPIDEICTIC LITERATOEE 33 Oribasius. 360 A, D. Medical loriter. Hepl ^afftXeias. Origen. 230 A. D. Ecclesiastic. Eis fiapripiov TrporpeTrTiKbs Xdyo^. Orion of Alexandria. 120 A. D. Orammarian. Panegyric on Had- rian. Palamas. Fourteenth century A. D. Ecclesiastic. S. Petri Athonitae Encomium. Palladius of Methone. 320 A. D. Sojlhist. AiaX^^eis ; A6701 did(t>opoi — dXvfj.iTLaKds, Trav7]yvpLK6s, 8LKavLK6s. Parthenius. 30 B. 0. (?) Poet, llepl ipojTLKCiv Tvadf^jiaroiv (prose) ; Ap'^TT]^ ^7Kci;iuo>' (perhaps poetic) ; UpoTre/nrTi.- k6s (perhaps poetic). Paulus oe Tyre. 120 A. D. Sophist. MeX^rat ; Upoyvpivda-puTa. Pepagomeuus [Nicolaus]. 1340 A. D. Ecclesiastic. Eulogy on the mar- tyr Isidorus. Pericles. 440 B. C. Statesman. EiriT(£0coi. Persaeus Cittieus. 260 B. C. Phi- losopher. Hepl /3a(riXe/as ; XIporpeTrri- Koi', Atarpt/Saf ; Xpemt. Philiscus of Miletus. 390 B. C. Orator. Encomiastic Life of Lyour- gus, the orator. Philostorgius. 400 A. D. Ecclesias- tic. Encomium on Eunomius. Philostratus. 240 A. D. Sophist. EWc6s ; 'RpaiKo, ■ biography. Philostratus the Lemnian. Third" century A. D. Rhetorician. E;k6- ves ; Havad-qvaiKbi X670S ; TpcoiKbs X670S ; MeX^rat. Plato. 390 B.C. Philosopher. Mene- xenus, a funeral oration ; many epideictic passages elsewhere. Plutarch. First century A. D. Biog- rapher. Biography ; essays ; his Tvepl T^s 'AXe^dvdpov rix't^ is a eulogy. Polemon. 130 A. D. Sophist. Kbyot. iTn.Tii.oi ; Oration at the dedication of the temple of Zeus at Athens, 135 A. D.; other epideictic speeches (c/. Menander, Sp. Ill, 386, 31). Pollux. 185 A. D. Sox)hist and grammarian. AiaX^leis ^toi XaXiai ; MeX^rat; 'E7ri^aX(i/itos X670S ; a pane- gyric on Rome. Polus. Fourthcentury B. C. Sophist. Display speeches (Lucian, Herod, chap. 3). Polyorates. 400 B. 0. Sophist and rhetorician. Ilapddo^a iyKiifua ; ^'E.yKib^iov Qpa<7v^o6\ov ; and other encomia. Poseidonius. First century B, C. Philosopher. UpoTpeirriKd. Potamon of Mytilene. First century A. D. Rhetorician. 'Bpoirov iyKili- IXiOV, Proaeresius. 310 A. D. Teacher of rhetoric. Eulogy on Rome. Procopius. 540 A. D. Historian. Kria-fxaTa — a panegyric on build- " ings erected during the reign of Justinian. Prodicus. Fifth century B. C. Sophist. Orations for display (Lucian, Herod, chap. 3); The- mistius (XXX, 349) implies a pane- gyric on agriculture; 'Optw (Xen., 3Iem., II, 1, 21). Protagoras. Fifth century B. C. Sophist. Speeches for display. Diogenes Laertius (IX, 8, 3) refers to epideictic characteristics. Psellus (Michael Constantinus). Eleventh century A. D. Teacher. JlpeiT^euTLKbs X670S ; Moj'ySfa ; En- comium in Metaphrastem Do- minum Symeonem. Secundus ot Athens. 120 A. D. Sophist. MeX^rai pT)Topma.l. Serapion of Alexandria. 120 A. D. Sophist. IlavT]yvpLKbs iir' 'ASpiavc^ T^ /SatTiXe?; BovXevriKdi' AKe^avdpeva-iv. Severus Rhetor. 470 A. D. Rheto- rician. 'SSotrodai.; Ai'^y/iara (Walz, Rhet Gr., I, 537, 539). 254 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Speusippus. 360 B. C. Philosopher. Panegyric on Plato. Sphaerus. 250 B. C. Philosopher. Jlepl ^afftKeias ; Atarpi^ai. Strato. 290 B. C. Philosopher. Jlepl j3a(rtKeLas. Syncellns (Michael). 820 A. D. Ecclesiastic. Encomia Dionysii Areopagitae, and other encomia ; Ilepl ^a(Xi\eias. Synesius. 410 A. D. Ecclesiastic. Ilepl /Sao-tXc/as; panegyrical ora- tions; Encomium on Baldness. ThemistiuB. 340 A. D, Orator. Many panegyrical orations ; Ilpea- ^euTtKol ; etc. Theodectes. 350 B. C. Rhetorician. Funeral Oration over Maussollus. Theodectes, son of the preceding. 320 B. C. Rhetorician. Encomium on Alexander the Epriot. TheodoruB of Cynopolis. Date un- certain. Rhetorician. 'RdoTroda (Walz, Rhet. Gr., I, 540). TheodoruB Hyrtacenus. 1320 A. D. Teacher. Panegyrics ; funeral ora- tions; prose hymns. Theodorus Studita. 790 A. D. Ec- clesiastic. 'Ettitci^ios; 'EyKdiaa. Theon (Aelius). Date uncertain. Rhetorician. Tlpoyv^xvaujiara. Theophilus of Alexandria. 400 A. D. Ecclesiastic. IIpoir^wpi/TiKis, TheophrastuB. 330 B. C. Philoso- pher. UpoTpetTTiKds ; Ilepl ^aatXetas. Theophylactus. 1050 A. D. Arch- bishop of Bulgaria. Ilepl paa-iKelas to Constantinus Porphyrogennetus ; Panegyric on Comnenus. Theopompus. 350 B. C. Historian and orator. Encomium on Philip and Alexander ; panegyrical ora- tions ; Funeral Oration over Maus- sollus. Thomas Magister. 1300 A. D. Rhe- torician. Encomiastic and occa- sional addresses ; Ilepl ^aa-iXelas ; Upea-^evTLKbt \6yos. Thrasymachus. 400 B. C. Sophist. Ilaiyvta; 'A0op/xat pTjTopiKai', HvBlkSs ^ OXv/jLiTLaKS^ y E7rtTdpapaai.^ in, 201. EpictetuB, 222, 237. Epicureans, The, 222 ff. Epicurus, 98 n. 1, 222, 229, 234, 247, 250. iinSeUvvfu and its derivatives in Iso- crates, 97-100 ; in Plato, 99 n. 2. Epideictic literature, definition, 91 ff.; epideictic applied to poetry, 93; characteristics of, 93-7 ; perversion of the truth in, 94 n. 5 ; relation to symbouleutic and court oratory, 96 ; themes of, 96 ; divisions of, 96, 97; history of, 102, 103; early abundance, 103 n. 1 ; rhetorical treatment of, 104 ; earliest group- ing of tAttoi, 105 n. 4 ; as treated by Menander, 109-13; the encomium as a part, 113 ff.; jlaa-iXiKbs X670S, 113- 42 ; yeveSXiaKis \6yos, 142-6 ; iiriTA- 01OS, 146-57 ; wapddo^a iyKdi/xia, 154- •66; and poetry, 166-95; may use terms appropriate to poetry, 181 ff.; uses poetic tSttoi, 184 ff.; the rose, 185 ; spring, 187 ; cicada, 190 ; swan, 190; in epistolography, 186f.; early relation between poetry and prose, 191 ff.; and history, 195-214; and philosophy, 214-48 ; in modern times, 244-8. ineaXdixLov, 111, 112, 169, 174, 193, 201, 179, 180. iTlXoyoi, 126. Epiphanius, 178, 250. iiTLTdtf'o^, 90, 111, 112, 117, 120, 121, 170, 208, 231, 243 ; discussed, 146-57; extant iiriTiiipioi, 147, 148; divisions of, 148, 149 ; rSroi, 150 ff. 4irLT7]deup.aTa, 122, 123. Erasmus, 162. Eratosthenes, 191. Eucherius, 242. Eunapius, 250. Euphantus, 250. Euripides, 171, 172, 173, 2.30 n. Eusebius, 240, 242, 244, 247, 250. Eustathius, 250. Everett, E., 246. Evodianus, 250. Favorinus, 162, 165, 250. Fronto, 165. ' Galen, 250. yap.iK6s Xiyos (yapL-^XLOs), 112, 179. General's speech, 209-14. yivecTis, 122. yeveeXiaKht X670S, 90, 111, 142-6, 244. GenethliuB, 250. yivos, 122. Georgius Aoropolita, 244. Georgius Chereboscus, 200. Georgius (Gregorius) of Cyprus, 244, 250. Georgius of Laodicea, 250. Georgius Pisida, 251. Gorgias, 159, 167, 199, 215, 225, 229, 244, 251 ; founder of artistic prose, 102 ; epideictic devices, 102 n. 1 ; ^TTtrd^ios, 147. Gorgias of Athens, 251. Gregorius Nazienzenus, 240, 243, 251. Gregory of Nyssa, 240, 242, 243, 244, 250. Gregorius Thaumaturgus, 240, 243, 251. Gryllus, 251. Hecataeus, 166. Hegesias, 251. Heliodorus, 251. Heraclides, 165, 247, 250. Heraclides of Pontus, 219. HermarchuB, 223. Hermesianax, 251. 258 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY Hermogenes, 122, 125, 172, 200; con- ception ot epideictic literature, 93 ; origin of iyKti/uov, 109, 115 n. 1. Herodes Atticus, 251. Herodianus, speeches in, 208, 212, 213. Herodotus, 175, 195 n. 1, 199, 200, 201; earliest grouping of epideictic riiroi, 105 n. 4, 111, 230 n. ; epideictic element in, 198, 211. Hesiod, 17i, 180, 189, 241. Hierax, 244. Himerius, 97, 103, 170, 184, 194, 239, 251 ; ■irpo(T(pafirjTiK6s, 138, 139 ; yeve- e\iaK6s, 143, 144 ; oratory and poetry, 169 ; prose hymns, 178 ; epitha- lamium, 179, 180; prose poems, 180, 181, 186, 187 ; use of terms appro- priate only to poetry, 181 f. Hippias, 103, 215, 251. Hippolytus, 242, 251. History, distinguished from enco- mium, 116 ; epideictic element in, 195-214; early history, 195; Poly- bius, 195, 205 ; Greek conception of, 195 n.l; rhetorical element intro- duced, 199 ; epideictic rdiroi, 199 ; Trpoyvfii'dffixaTa and history, 199 ff.; eK(j)pa(Ti!, 200; speeches in, 202 flf.; the general's speech in, 209-14. Homer, 143, 162, 172, 173, 182, 185, 200, 211, 224 n. 1, 228, 238, 239, 240, 241 ; contains germ of (Sao-iXi/cAs X67os, 129. Horace, 186, 200, 239. Hymus, 98, 110, 174-9, 194; early Christian, 178, 179. Hyperides, 148, 156, 251. lamblichus, 229 n. 2, 233, 251. lamblichus (Syrian), 251. Ion, 251. Isidore, 242. Isocrates, 97, 98 n. 1, 103, 115, 118, 146, 157, 167, 226, 229, 230, 234, 244, 245, 251 ; conception of epideictic literature, 92 ; may invent in eulogy, 94 n. 5 ; symbouleutic element in Panegyricus, 96; as an epideictic orator, 97 n. 2 ; his divisions of oratory, 97, 98 ; use of iwiSelKwui., 98 ; conception of oratory, 100-102 ; an innovator in encomium, 115, 116 ; Euagoras, 126 n. 4, 130; The Helen as a (SairiXiKAs X670S, 133 ; irepl jSa- o-iXe/os, 136; oratory and poetry, 168, 169, 171 ; and history, 195, 199, 204 ; and Ephorus and Theo- pompus, 199 n. 1; Travqyvpi.Kbs and iTrirdfpLOS, 149 ; irapddo^a iyKibfita^ 159, 160. Isocrates of Apollonia, 251. Jerome, 240, 242. Joannes Argyropolus, 242, 243, 251. Joannes Bessarion, 243, 251. Joannes Damascenus, 240, 244, 251. Joannes Laurentius, 251. Johannes Secundus, 186. Josephus, 214. Julian, 124, 135, 174, 182, 183, 251 ; his ^ao-iXiris X670S, 132 ; encomium on Busebia, 133; hymns, 177. Justin Martyr, 240, 242, 252. KaTevvaartKbs X670S, 111. /cXi)Ti/c6r Uyoi, 112, 201, 244. Lachares, 252. XaXtti, 111. Lamachus Myrrhinaeus, 252. Lesbonax, 252. Libanius, 103, 165, 180, 182, 183, 190, 201, 247, 252 ; his ^aa-AiKis Uyos, 134, 135 ; TrpoiTcj>{iivriTmb$ X670S, 138 ; hymn to Artemis, 178. Longus, 252. Lucian, 159, 162, 165, 195 n. 1, 200, 225, 252 ; iivlas iyKwuiov quoted, 163. Lucretius, 223. Lycophron, 165. Lyco of Troas, 220. Lycurgus, 230 n. Lysias, 229, 230 n., 252; '0\vinriaKb% 96 ; ^7riT(l0ios,147. Manuel II. Palaeologus, 252. Matris of Thebes, 252. Matthaeus Camariota, 252. Maxim us Tyrius, 238, 239 f. Megareans, The, 215. EPIDEICTIC LITEEATUEE 259 Melanchthon, 242. Meleager, 185. Menander, 93, 105, 122, 124, 138, 170, 172, 179, 180, 183, 190, 193, 230, 233, 243, 245, 252 ; the epideictic in other forms, 95; treatment of epideictic forms, 107 ; authenticity of the irepl iTnSeiKTiKQv, 107 n. 1; his treatment of epideictic oratory, 109-13 ; riiroi of iyKii/MOp, 120, 126 ; (Sao-iXi/cJs X67os, 127, 131, 1.32; yevee\ia.Kds Xiyos, 142, 143 ; hymns, 174-6, 178 ; poetry and prose, 192 flf. ; ^Trird^ios, 148 ff . : irapd- do^a ^jKiiJixccL, 157. Menippus, 226. Metopus, 244. Metrodorus, 223. Michael Apostolius, 252. Michael Monachus, 252. Minucianus, 252. Mnesarohus, 221. Monimus, 226, 234, 252. liovtfdla, 112, 170, 201. MoschuB, epideictic t6t!-oi in the Lament for Bion, 184. Musonius Rufus, 237. Nancrates, 252. Neanthes, 252. Nicagoras, 252. Nicephorus Philosophus, 252. Nicetas Paphlago, 243, 252. Nioetas Rhetor, 252. Nicolaus Damascenus, 252. Nicolaus Sophista, 94 n. 5, 95, 109, 115 n. 1, 118, 119, 120, 200. Nicolaus of Myrae, 252. Nicostratus, 252. NumeniuB, 247, 253. Ocellus, 229, 252. OnesicrituB, 252. Oribasius, 253. Origen, 242, 253. Orion, 253. Orpheus, 175. Ovid, 162. Palamas, 253. Palladius, 253. Panaetius, 221. wava97]vaiK6s X670S, 172. TravriyvpiKbs X670S, 105, 112, 172, 243. irapddo^a, iyKibp.ia, 110, 243 ; Isocrates on, 113 ; discussed, 157-66. irapaLPeriKhs \6yos, 113, 206 n. 2, 229 and n. 2. irapafivBriTiKis \6yos, 111, 112, 148, 149, 156, 231, 243, 246. Pardus, 240. Parmenides, 235. Parthenius, 253. Paulinus, 240, 244. Paulus, 253. Pepagomenus, 253. Trepl PaiTiXelas, 136, 137, 228, 229, 242, 246 ; in modern times, 139, 141, 142 ; in Dio Cassius, 206 n. 2, 207. Pericles, 147, 227, 233, 253. Peripatetics, The, 217 fF. Persaeus, 229, 234, 247, 253. Persius, 239. Peter of Alexandria, 247. Pherecydes, 166. Philip, encomia in honor of, 128. Philiscus, 253. Phillips, W., 246. Philo of Larissa, 217. PhilodemuE, 94, 107 n. 4. 159, 225, 247 ; irapado^a iyKd!/j.i.a, 161 ; enemy of rhetoric, 223 ff. Philosophy, the epideictic element in, 214-48; early philosophers, 214, 215 ; Megarians, 215 ; Plato and the Academy, 215 ff.; Peripatetics, 217 ff.; Stoics, 220. ff.; Epicureans, 222 ff.; Cynics, 225 f.; and rhetoric, 223, 224 and n. 1. Philostorgius, 253. Philostratus, 172, 178, 182, 201, 253. Philostratus the Lemnian, 253. Pindar, 114, 115 n. 1, 116, 142, 173, 175, 176, 241 ; relations to iSao-iXi/cJs X670S, 129, 130, 171. Plato, 98 n. 1, 172, 175, 221, 222, 224 n. 1, 227, 230 n., 234, 235, 240, 246, 247, 253; an epideictic writer, 93, 260 STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY 215 ; his use of iviSelKmiu, 99 n. 2 ; fiaffiKLKhs X670S, 131, 132; irapddo^a iyKci/ua, 160, 164 ; hymns, 178 ; iin- rdipMS, 148. Pliny, 137. Plutarch, 142, 143, 162, 210, 247, 253. Polemo, 103, 216, 243, 253. TToXiTocis X670S, 89, 98 n. 1. Pollux, 253. Polus, 215, 253. Polybius, encomium of Philip, 128 ; ■jrapddo^a iyKuj^ita, 161 ; and history, 195 and n. 1, 205 ; eK(t>paii(riiaTa, 89, 96, 108 n. 1, 118, 199, 211. TTpOoiflLOV, 122. TTpowepTrTiKhi X470!, Ill, 172, 201, 231. Propertius, 144, 145. Prose poems, 173 ff., 180 f. 7rpo(r0uj/j;TiK6s X670!, Ill, 201, 243 ; allied to (SacriXi/cJs X670S, 138, 139; in modern times, 1.39-42. Protagoras, 159, 215, 225, 234, 247, 253. Protarchus, 215. TrpoTpewTiKbs X670S, 89, 112, 172, 173, 228 ff., 246 ; TrpoTpeirnKbs d6\T]Tais^ 112, 113, 209 ff., 232; as distin- guished from irapaiveTLKdi, 229 n. 2 ; and Christian sermons, 240 ff. Psellus, 253. Pythagoras, 247. Quintilian, 92, 95, 96, 118, 159, 161, 204, 221, 222, 225, 227. Rhetoric, treatment of epideictic branch in, 104 ff.; early rhetorical treatises, 104 n. 2, 105; strife be- tween rhetoric and philosophy, 223 ff. Sappho, 175, 180, 182, 185, 188. Secundus of Athens, 253. Seneca, 222. Serapion, 234, 253. Severus, 240, 242, 253. Sextus Empiricus, 225, 226, 230 n. Sidonius, 240, 244. Simias, 247. Simion, 247. Simonides, 182, 185, 189. 40. [ ] thy shadow overwhelming countries. 41. Thou art [not] troubled daily, nor is thy face darkened, 42. [ ] thou lookest into the night, thou makest to glow [ . . . .J. 43. In regions unknown and distant, and places (?) without number, 44. O Samas, thou art distressed when thy light fails, and the night [ ]. 45. Among all the Igigi there is not one who gives rest besides thee, 46. Nor among the gods of all the regions one who excels like thee. 47. At thy rising the gods of the countries assemble, 48. Thy terrible brilliancy overwhelms the land. 49. As for those that speak with the tongue in all countries, 50. Thou knowest their plans, their walk thou observest. 51. [ J thee, mankind, all of them, 52. [O Samas], upon thy light they think in harmony. 53. [In] the divining cup'"' of the seer, at the preparation of the cedar, 54. [ ] of the magician, the interpreter of dreams, 55. [ ] of the preparations bow down before thee, 56. [In thy pres]ence the evil and the just bow down. COLUMN II. 1. [ ] into the deep without thee, 2. [ ] and the wicked, thou bringest to light their judgment. 3. [ ], 4. [(Cf. transliteration) ] 5. Thou makest the evil-doer to quake who does not ] 6. Thou (?) , who wrests (?) judgments ] 7. By the righteous judgment, Samas, which thou proclaimest . . .] 8. Excellent is thy renown, unchangeable (?) ....]. 9. Thou standest by the traveler whose way is steep, 10. To the seafarer who fears the flood thou givest [courage (?)]. 11. Paths that have not seen a hunter thou [ ], 12. [ ] (?) rival(?)of Samas(?). 13. [ ] (?) from the flood thou wilt save, 14. [ J (?) thou establishest (?) s^Cf.Zijnmevii, Beitrdge zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion. Dritte Lieferung. 16 THE Sam AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS 15. [ ]-bi ma-ba-zi tu-kal-lam 16. [ J i-du-ii tu-kal-lam sal-la 17. sa i-na bu-kur[" 18. blti(?)-ka sa ina bit [ 19. sa ilu-su it-ti-su [ 20. i-na a-ma-ri te-[ri(?)- 21. te-mid a-na amei [ 22. ta-par-ra-as ar-[ 23. tu-ub-bal [ 24. i-na mat la taiarti [ 25. ilatlstarate^^- sab-sa-[a-te 26. si-ra-ta ma ul si(1)[- 27. iiSamas i-na su-us-kal-li-[ka 28. i-na''* gis-par-ri-ka la-[ 29. s^^" a-na ma-mi-ti [ 30. a-na la a-dir sa-[ 31. tar-sa-at se-it-ka rap-[ 32. sa a-na al-ti tap-pi-su is-su-[ 33. i-na u-um la si-ma-ti*" u-sa-[ 34. kun-na-as-su" kip-pu zi-ru-u [ 36. is-sir-su i?kakku-ka ma mu-se-zi-bu ul [ 36. ina di-ni-sii''^ ul i-za-az-za abi[-su(?)] 37. ina pi da-a"-a-ni ul ip-pa-lu su-nu ab6^^--su 38. ina hu-!ba-ri sa Sri-e" sa-lii-ip ul i-di 39 sa ka-sir an-zil-li kar-na-su tu-bal-la 40. e-pis sid-di ka-pi-du e-ni kak-kar-sii 41. da-a-a-na zal-pa mi-si-ra tu-kal-lam 42. ma-liir da-'-ti la mus-te-se-ru tu-sa-az-bal ar-na 43. la ma-^ir da-'-ti sa-bi-tu a-bu-ti en-se 44. ta-a-bi eli ilSamas balata ut-tar 45. da-a-a-an*'' mus-ta-lum sa di-in me-sa-ri i-di-nu 46. u-gam-mar Skalla sii-bat rube?''- mu-sab-su 47. na-din kas-pa*" ana sid-di Ijab-bi-lu mi-na-a ut-tar 48. us-ta-kaz-za-ab" a-na ni-me-li ma u-tal-lak kisa 49. na-din kas-pa a-na sid-di r1ik1iti -P'- mu-tir I sikla a-na se-[lal-ti(?)] 50. ta-a-bi eli 'iSamas balata ut-tar 51. sa-bit i?zi-b[a-ui-ti ]-lul-ti 52. mus-te-nu-u abanME.SU.*' [ ]-sap-pal 63. us-ta-kaz-za-ab a-na ni-me-li-im-ma u-[ ] 64. sa ki-ni sa-bit i?zi-ba-ni-ti ma-'-da [ ] 55. mim-ma sum-su ma-'-di [. . . .""'] ad-ki sa-as-su [....] 56. sa-bit i? BAR e-pis si-[ ] 37 Not bur, as Br. « K. 3474, DI . TAR. *8 83-1-18, 472, ...]?an 38K.3474, ina. "K.3474, e-ri-e. ki-i-si gaC?) ?[ ]. 39 K. 3474, Sa. 45 K. 3474, na. 49 83-1-18, 472, has end of MK. 9356, gi-ma-ku. ■'(' K. 3474, kaapa. sign like e. Perhaps two 41 K. 3474, dti. 47 K. 3474, zab. signs are missing. 42 K. 3474. su. THE SAMAS religious TEXTS 17 15. [ 1 thou makest the city to see, 16. [ J (?) thou makest the captive to see. 17. Who among the first-born of [ J,. 18. As for thy house, which in the house [ J. 19. He whose god is with him [ ], 20. In the observation of [ ]. 21. Thou standest by the [ ], 22. Thou decidest [ ]. 23. Thou bringest [ ]„ 24. In the land of No-Keturn [ ]. 25. The angry goddesses [ ], 26. Lofty (?) [ ]. 27. Samas, with [thy] drag-net [ ], 28. With thy net [ ]. 29. Who against the oath [ ], 30. To him who fears not [ ]. 31. Thy broad snare is spread over [ ], 32. As for him who to his neighbor's wife [ ]. 33. On an unpropitious day [ ],. 34. [(C/. transliteration) J. 35. Thy weapon diminishes (?) him, there is no deliverer, 36. His father (?) does not stand up for his cause. 37. At the command of the judge they answer not — they are his brothers ; 38. With a trap of bronze an overthrower he does not know. 39. As for him who gives protection to wickedness, his horn thou wilt destroy, 40. Even the fixer of boundaries, who schemes to oppress his land. 41. The wicked judge thou makest to behold bondage, 42. Him who receives a bribe, who does not guide aright, thou makest to bear sin. 43. He who receives not a bribe, who has regard for the weak, 44. Shall be well-pleasing to Samas, he shall prolong his life. 45. The judge, the arbiter, who gives righteous judgment, 46. Shall complete a palace, a princely abode, for his dwelling-place. 47. He who gives money for a boundary, the worthless fellow, what does he profit ? 48. He brings about deception for gain, and changes weights. 49. He who gives money for distant boundaries and gains in return one shekel for three (?), 50. He shall be well -pleasing to Samas, he shall prolong his life. 51. He who handles (?) the scales [ J, 52. He who alters the weights [ ]. 53. He brings about deception for gain and [ J; 54. But he who handles the scales honestly, much [ ]. 55. Whatever his name, much [ ] ? [ ], 56. He who handles the measure (?), who does [ ]. 18 THE SAM AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS COLUMN III. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. -20. 21. 22. 23. [ ] i-na bi-ri-i* lu-sad-din at-ra a]r^'-rat nise^'- i-kas-sad-su .]-ni-su [..]-sa-al i-ras-si'^^ bil-ta [ ] ul i-be-el apaP a-na [ ] ul ir-ru-bu sii-nu alieP^--su [ ] na-din se-im i-na [. . ]-sab^* u-sat-tar dum-ku [ta-a-b]i eli ilSamas balata ut-tar u-[rap]-pa-as kim-ta mes-ra-a i-ra-as-si ki-ma me^''- nak-bi da-ri-i zir da-[. . .] a-na e-pis u-sa-at dum-ki la mu-du-ii [ ] mus-tin-nu-u sap-la-a-ti ina mas-ta-ri sa-[ ] sti-ut lum-nu i-pu-su zir-su-nu ul [ ] sii-ut ul-la pi-i-su-nu sa-kin ina mafe-ri-ka [. . .]-sab-mat si-it pi-i'^^-su-nu ta-pa-as-sar at-ta ta-sim-me te^'^-bir-si-na-ti sa rug-gu-gu tu-mas-si" di-in-su ma-na-ma ma-am-ma"* pu-uk-ku-du ka-tuk-ka tus-te-es-sir™ te-rit-si-na sa suk-su-ra™ ta-pat-tar ta-sim-me ilSamas su-up-pa-a" su-la-a vi ka-ra-bi su-kin-na kit-mu-su lit-bu-sii''' ii*^ la-ban ap-pi a-na b.ar-ri pi-i-su" dun-na-mu-ti i-sa-as-si-ka li-la-lu en-su ^u-ub-bu-lu mus-ki-nu um-mi sal-la mas-ta-ra^'^ gi-na-a i-mali^-bar-ka sa ru-kat kim-ta-su ni-su-u alu**-il-su 24. [ina(?)] sii-ru.-bat seri ri-'-u" i-mab-bar-ka [ ]-par*'-ri ina te-se-e na-ki-du ina ii™6inakri [iiSamJas i-mah-^ar-ka a-lak-tu i-ti-ku pu-lu^-ti [ ]-bi al-la-ka amsi samallH^" na-as klsi [iiSamas(l)] i-mab-fear-ka ba'ir ka-tim-ti sa-a-a-du™ ma-bi-su mu-tir-ru btlli ina bu-un zir-ri a'^sliji^(Ju i-malj-bar-ka 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. mut-tab-li-lu sar-ra-ku mu-sal-lu-u sa ii Sam-si 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. [ina] su-li-e s6ri mut-tag-gi-su i-mai^-bar-ka mi-i-tum" har-bi-du e-kim-mu bal-ku ilSamas im-^u-ru-ka [ ] ul tak-li su-ut im-liu-[ru ] ana sar-[ ]-a-ti ilSamas [ J sa at(?)-[ ] ilSamas uz-[ ] 5i)8S-l-18, 472, e. 5183-1-18, 472, fir. 62 83-1-18, 472, i-ra-a6-5i belta. 53 8.3-1-18, 472, a-pal-Sd. •" Possibly p i ; 83-1-18, 472, pa-an. 6583-1-18, 472, pi-Su-nu. *6 83-1-18, 472, t a . •783-1-18, 472, tu-mas-aa di-en-5i-[na]. 58 &3-1-18, 472 inserts n be- fore ma-am-ma. 59 83-1-18,472, -Sir te-ri- te-5i-na. 60 83-1-18,472, ru. 61 83-1-18, 472, su-up-pu-d STi-ul-lu-ii ka-ra-bu. 62 83-1-18,472, &&. 63 83-1-18, 472, om. 6^83-1-18,472, sii. 65 83-1-18,472, ri. 66 83-1-18,472, a-lu-Su. 61 83-1-18, 472, a. 68 Br. wrongly [t u] - u S - Sur-gu. 6«§AKAN.LAL. ™K. 3474, daO). The first sign is probably sa, and not a. '1 K. 3474, amsl BAD. THE SAMAS religious TEXTS 19 COLUMN III. 1. [ ] in (?) who levies excessively, 2. [ ] the curse of men will reach him. 3. [ ] he will be subject (?) to tribute, 4. [ ] he will not have control over his son ; 5. Into a[ J his brothers will not enter, 6. [ ] who plants grain in [ ] will bring about great good. 7. He shall be well-pleasing to Samas, he shall prolong his life, 8. He shall increase his family, wealth shall he possess. 9. Like the waters of a perennial spring (his) seed [ ], 10. In rendering gracious help he knows not [ ]. 11. He who searches into the things below (?) [ ], 12. As for those who do evil, their seed shall not [ ]. 13. As for the boasting of their mouths, made in thy presence, 14. Thou shalt cause it to burn, that which issues from their mouths thou wilt interpret. 15. Thou hearest their transgressions, as for him who has done evil thou forgettest his judgment, 16. Everyone, whosoever it may be, is subject to thy hand. 17. Thou guidest their omens, those that are bound thou loosest, 18. Thou hearest, Samas, supplication, petition, and prayer, 19. Homage, kneeling, whispering, and prostration ; 20. From the depth of his mouth the weak one cries out to thee. 21. The frail, the feeble, the wronged, the humble, 22. The woman in bondage (?) without ceasing prays to thee. 23. He whose kin are distant, whose city is far away, 24. [In] the shower of the field the shepherd prays to thee. 25. [. . .] (?) in disaster, the shepherd among enemies, 26. O Samas, he who goes his way in fear, prays to thee. 27. [ ] the traveler, the tradesman, he who carries the weights, 28. [O Samas (?)], the hunter with the net prays to thee. 29. The hunter (?), the cattle-man, the tender of herds, 30. In the (?) the wise man prays to thee. 31. The robber, the thief, is an enemy of Samas ; 32. He who is overpowered [in] the road by the field prays to thee. 33. The dead man, the (?) , the robber, the destroyer, 34. Samas, they have prayed to thee [ ]. 35. Thou dost not refuse those who have prayed to [thee ], 56. To[ ] O Samas, [ ]. 37. [ ] O Samas, [ ], 20 THE SAMAS religious TEXTS 38. [ ]ka is [ ] kit(?) [ ] 39. [ ] te-rit'2-si-na ina ni(?)-[. .]-i as-ba-[. . .] 40. a-na sar6 irba" ar-kat-si-na ta-par-ra-as 41. kal si-^i-ip da-dd-me uz-ni-si-na tus-pat-ti 42. ma-la kap-pa ni-ti-il ini [. . .] ul im-su-ii sa-ma-mu 43. ma-la ma-kal-ti ba-ru-ii-ti ul im-sa-a gi-mir-si-na matatei'^- 44. i-na Hm nis-se ri-sa-ta il-la-ta u hi-da-a-ti 45. tak-kal ta-sat-ti el-la ku-ru-un-si-na si-kar si-bi-'-i ka-a-ri 46. i-nak-ka-nik-ka si-kar sa-bi-' ta-mab-bar 47. sa-la-mu (lim)-na-a-ti" [. . .]-iiu a-gu-li'* tu-se-zib at-ta 48. el-lu-u-tum'^ ib-bu-u-ti sir-ki-si-na tam-tah-^^ar 49. ta-sat-ti mi-zi-'-si-na kurun"-na 50. su-um-mi-rat ik-pu-du tu-sak-sad at-ta 51. su-ut ik-kan'^-sa el-lit-si-na ta-pat-tar 52. su-ut ik-tar-ra-ba ik- ri-bi-si-na tam-tab™-!h.ar 53. si-na ma pal-Jia-ka us-tam-ma-ra zik-ri*''-ka 54. tar-ba-ti-ka i-dal-lal a-na da-r[i-is(?)] 55. sak-la-a-ti sa li-sa-na da-bi-bu sa-[ ] 56. sa klma irpatii*'- la j-sa-a pa-na u [ ] COLUMN IV. 1. sii-ut i-ba-' irsi-tim*' ra-pa-as-ti 2. sii-ut li-kab-bi-su sadeP'-"- e-lu-ii-ti 3. ilLuh-mu su-[. . . ]-ba sa ma-lu-u pu-lu^-ta 4. e-ri-ib tamtim sa apsl i-ba-'-ii 5. mi-bir-ti nari sa ir-te-du-ti uSamas ina mah-ri-ka 6. a-a-ii-tu bur-sa-a-nu sa la lit-bu-su sa-ru-ru-ka 7. a-a-ta kib-ra-a-tum sa la is-tah-ha-nu na-mir-ta urri-ka 8. mus-par-du-u e-tu-tum mus-na-mir uk-li 9. pi-tu-u ik-li-ti mus-na-mir irsi-tim rapas-tim 10. mu-sab-lu-u li-mu mu-se-rid an-kul-lu ana irsi-tim kab-lu ti-me 11. mu-sah-mit ki-ma uab-li irsi-tim ra-pa-as-tum 12. [mu]-kar-ru-u u-me mu-ur-ri-ku museP'-''^ 13. [ ] ku-su hal-pa-a sii-ri-pa** sal-gi 14. [ ]-gal issikkur*'^ sami-e mus-paP«-ku-ii'' da-lat'* da-d,d-me ^2 Not to be read la k, as Br. " K. 36.50, ku-ru-un-nu . *3 K. 3474, mu- [5 el "Br. wrongly IM.DU. 'S K. 36S0, kam. 8ir / / . ./ /^-i 'ft'. '.^r OIW rrV-P —01317 i & TOP r^- il& A .CT Ki-17I7 .KTV *4? THE SAM AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS ^^P'^^^s^^ l^^'^W^^ ^^ i^^. Cv^^^^fe^^jB ;^; ^m t:^>sjE ^ ^^r g' ';/'/ ft/iA^X-^ ^'WMMM^ ^■-^^^ ^ >^ tr >5^'''' =«^'- THE SAM AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS " ■ " ^ >m tfFF !g< ^i -^ $^?^^^t|gE^^^?^ v^ '-4^ -^ <-^ t^ HSP^iw^^^^rim^r^ writer: ^s^rr^ ^^ IMf^"-^^^^^^^ ^■v^ JTTr. THE SAMAS RELIGIOUS TEXTS PloL-V-elT ^2.-5-63. 0^ 'Hi I J iT ; I J^' f i I n-r v^t^i />: ^f^i^J u,lu^.Mjnll, 'gMiiM£ THE SAMAS religious TEXTS PW-t-e-^n: THE SAMA8 RELIGIOUS TEXTS ^^^Hfv^rf >*f-. ^ / ' i^.f THE SAM AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS SriCiX,. ^ ■ -' ' ■ -"/iiijyiJ/ijA 1:133.04. ■TSs-V- TrifW*^ ,4f ?^Tf^*^?^^^'^/| '/ 7/- 3 K-rl'f-a.. TZ/OJ-SL^ Yi'S-'^ 00. THE SAM AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS ■^2.€-6:r (oe^ XI MM:' "^ THE SAM AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS ricL+eX. *^ M^if>14?^ 1j;a , ^^^TTv^r^?^ iff? 'SLisjo . &s^. ^1 ^ t^^' .;|UT WIS' U^ ^K^W^^^iSfv^fi .Kit f?W^ v^ T^ vfAr v^ / (K^^ ^|Bf m- ^aT ^fF M" /. Si3 10. THE SAM AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS Pl/bt^XI. , - ■ #4m\J\ ;i-,-?fiir B-t-v- 5?;^^' , pr ^.^ M^ ^fe^ v^f^tfiT^w ^ 1! A- ^"4;- THE SAM AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS T)A,te.:nL. *-"^'WTF^^ 5. •FV «^< ... .^_^ ,., vi- t^ ^ViT?= f Pt f?»^r>*fw vw ^^ ^tffT *rw „,. i|^rwTW^ ^ f Mr >^ ^^^ ^ Ki.i^i' itlf ^ ^^%.^f ^v^l&fl^V^^'l' ^«^^S^if HfAVtf/f^»^^>i^^^ "fe,"^ , ^,^ __., _, .,.,- :^^-min THE SAM AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS ^ '^ vvf ^ ^^ ]W^ ZB-evr Si #^.^^^ 'I ,¥. „^J wl^ v^ tY S&e^ THE SAMAS religious TEXTS EWi-eXEl. ^ iv^v^r ^ w^ 2.e.-Yr THE SAM AS RELIGIOUS TEXTS K»ft.^J(-. //jHl^ ft^"^;^ ,f x--t^ feif? i^ w :iUv. %- ^--^Kf^ K-s-ofcy. r^_^ ■BCStfC ■Re,v >^?f wfv^%V C? T *i- HW^^pw, Sfc. v>f ,^ THE SAMAS RELIGIOUS TEXTS l^WT' ^t>^gS^^^tf^^^.yKff ^ ^ v^^ v^ v^^^^l: ^^FFi i-^^ VHjSfvtf ■^t^^^ ^^W^'^' '<>.\i^mMi^'^j. . ^^Mf^ffjffi^py?^/ riJS ^AAfAS RELIGIOUS TEXTS K. 5-/3 5: AM^/j I , #1^^^^"" "'' '%^ ~\ -; 'I ~ A ^^^-M^W'% ;.,^.^*<,i3f ^r Hm ^ ^■^Mj^7^^wrv^^f 7ee.vr THE SaMAS religious TEXTS Elft-teSir \ ^1033. C^-^r' 'i^-^ r^zjz t3-l-lX4Ta. ©-tv: :r.«lv. ^ '^Wo'^^^' ^ vJ^S. 4?r- ^rn^A. #? fr^>p^^tsw^t^^>^r t^ Kevf Iff/ tiWif^l^^v p^ HTii ^r7 THE SaMAS religious TEXTS Z1flj|-eJX.. "g^^isH-*^ f /^ iJpif w^ B>e-->r : p^ ^»h5^ "^^^^W fcf ?E- ^ A^ VITA. I, Clifton Daggett Gray, was born in Somerville, Mass., on the 27th day of July, 1874. I prepared for college at the Somer- ville High School, from which I was graduated in 1893, and entered Harvard University the same year. I began my Semitic studies during my Junior year, and worked for two years under the direction of Professors C H. Toy, D. Gr. Lyon, and Dr. George Keisner. I received the degree of A.B., with Final Honors in Semitics, in 1897, and the degree of A.M. in 1898. In 1899 I received the degree of B.D. from The Newton Theological Insti- tution, where for two years I had continued my biblical studies under Professors Charles Rufus Brown and Rush Rhees. On June 28, 1899, I was ordained to the ministry of the Baptist denomination. In the summer quarter of 1899 I came to the University of Chicago, as Fellow in the Department of Semitic Languages and Literatures, and have since attended lectures under President William R. Harper, Professors George Adam Smith, George S. Goodspeed, and Robert Francis Harper. From July 1 to Decem- ber 1, 1900, I studied in the British Museum, copying and col- lating the texts that are here published. To all of my teachers, at Harvard, at Newton, and at Chicago, I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness. XEbe mniversiti? of (Ebfcago FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER THE STROPHIC STRUCTURE OF HABAKKUK A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTIES OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOLS OF ARTS, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE, IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (department of old testament literature AND interpretation) BY FRED T. KELLY CHICAGO Zbe lIltiiversitB ot Cbicaso press 1902 THE STKOPHIC STKUCTURE OP HABAKKUK. In. the following study an attempt is made to discover the original strophic division of the book of Habakkuk, or of the parts of which it is composed. As the question of the source of the material is somewhat closely related to the strophic arrange- ment, it will be necessary to consider the integrity of the book before discussing the strophes in detail. The greatest diversity of opinion obtains with regard to how much of the book may be attributed to the prophet himself. Some credit him with the whole of the book, while others credit him with a minor portion of it; e. g., Stade, ZATW., Vol. IV, pp. 154-9, gives him 1:2 to 2:8, or only 28 verses out of 64 (66). Others, admitting the authenticity of some parts rejected by Stade, reject a part of that accepted by him. Thus Wellhausen, followed by Nowack, throws out 1:5-11 as an earlier oracle. In speaking of the integrity of the book, it will simplify matters to discuss the authenticity of the third chapter first. This chapter treats the subject of the oppression of the righteous from a wholly different standpoint from that taken in the rest of the book ; the style is quite different, and the expected deliver- ance is to be wrought out in a wholly different manner. So that even the most energetic supporters of the unity of chaps. 1 and 2 express their doubts about chap. 3. Many put it late in the Babylonian exile. However it may be viewed, it seems hardly probable that Habakkuk wrote it. The passage that causes so much trouble in all attempts at finding a logical connection for the material in chaps. 1 and 2 is the section 1:5-11. As noted above, Wellhausen disposes of the matter summarily by cutting it out. Giesebrecht, recognizing that it is out of place in the MT., places it before vs. 2, but this is unsatisfactory. Budde, followed by Cornill and G. A. Smith, places it after 2:4, but this has not been generally accepted. 3 4 THE STEOPHIO STKUOTUKE OF HABAKKUK At present we may say that, in general, there are two lines of interpretation of the two chapters, as represented by Driver, with the order of the MT., on the one hand, and as represented by Budde, on the other. There are slight differences of detail, due in large part to differences in emendations of text, etc., but these two views may be said to be representative. According to the view represented by Driver (in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible and his Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament) , in 1 : 2-4 the prophet views with dismay the lawlessness and violence now reigning in Judah, and expostulates with Yahweh for allowing this to go on unchecked. In 1:5-11 Yahweh answers that the punishment is near at hand. He is raising up the Chaldseans, that bitter and hasty nation that marches through the land to take possession of dwelling-places not its own ; whose advance is swift and irresistible ; whose law is its own imperious will ; who, subduing one country after another, deifies its own might. But the answer raises a fresh difficulty in the mind of the prophet, as he contemplates the rapacity and inhumanity of the Chaldseans as they overcome the other nations ; the thought is forced upon him (1:12-17) : "Can this be God's method of recti- fying injustice?" That is, if He has ordained the power of the Chaldseans for judgment, is it possible that it can be a part of "His pure and holy purpose" that they should so exceed the bounds of their commission by trampling upon all nations in such a reckless manner? Is not this a greater wrong than that which it was intended to correct? In 2 : 1-4 the prophet places himself in imagination upon his prophetic watchtower (c/. Isa. 21:6), and waits for the answer of Yahweh to his complaint, or impeachment of God's justice in governing the world. The significance of the answer is indicated by the fact that it is to be inscribed on tablets that may be easily read by all. It is this: "The soul of the Chaldsean is elated with pride, but the righteous shall live by his faithfulness." The moral distinction indicated carries with it the different des- tinies of the Chaldsean and the righteous — destruction, sooner or later, for the one and life for the other. After dwelling for a moment (vs. 5) upon the ambitious designs of the Chaldaeans, the prophet develops at length the ruin destined to overtake them. This is put dramatically in the THE STEOPHIO STRUCTURE OF HABAKKUK 5 mouths of the subjugated peoples in the form of "taunting proverbs," denouncing in turn the insatiable lust of conquest shown by the ChaldsBans, their suicidal policy pursued in estab- lishing their dominion, the dishonesty and cruelty by which the magnificence of their cities is kept up, their wild and barbarous triumph over the subdued nations, and their irrational idolatry. At the close of the last "woe" the prophet passes from the con- templation of dumb and helpless idols to the thought of the living Grod enthroned in his heaveanly place. Budde, in Theologisohe Studien und Kritiken, 1893, pp. 383 sqq., and Encyclopcedia Biblica, starting on the theory that 1:5-11 forms a break, as many are willing to admit, between 1:2-4 and 1:12 sqq., joins 1:4 to 1:12, deleting vs. 12c, d (also deleted by others who do not accept his arrangement of the material), because it furnishes a premature solution of the problem. Then 1:5-11 is put after 2:4 and interpreted as fol- lows : The prophet complains that he is left to cry in vain for help against the oppression and tyranny of the wicked (Assyria), on whose account law and justice are suffering (1:2-4). The prophet cannot see how Yahweh, holy and just Himself, can permit the wicked to destroy the righteous (Israel), how he is allowed to take men and peoples like fish with hook and net, and then deify the instruments by which he maintains his wealth and greatness (vss. 12-17). In 2 : 1 the prophet takes his stand upon his watch tower and awaits the answer to his complaint. In vss. 2-4 the prophet is bidden to write on tablets, and set up where all may read them, the joyous news that help is coming in due time, and that the just who waits patiently shall live by his faithfulness. Then, according to Budde, 1:5—11 follows, announcing the coming of the Chaldseans whom Yahweh is about to raise up against the wicked (Assyria) to destroy them. The writer char- acterizes these Chaldaeans as bitter, impetuous, irresistible, sub- duing one country after another, i. e., as the Assyrians have used violence on other peoples, so they themselves shall be subjects of violence. Then the prophet returns in 2:5 sqq. to the violent one (Assyria), who has preyed upon other nations and puts in the mouths of these nations' taunting proverbs, developing in five 1 In his notes Budde deletes 2 : 6a, b, thus making the prophet utter the woes. b THE STKOPHIO STKUOTUEE OF HABAKKUK woes the ruin destined to be meted out to their oppressor (Assyria). It will be noted in the above summaries that in the first case the prophet starts with oppression within Israel itself, relief comes from the Chaldseans, they exceed their commission, and justice is outraged more than before ; then the answer comes that this can- not last, because wickedness cannot endure and relief will surely come. In the other case Israel is oppressed by an outside nation, and relief is to come from another outside nation. Both views are beset with difficulties. In the first case, in 1 : 5, the raising up of the Chaldaeans is looked on as something almost incredible, yet in vss. 13-16 the author speaks of their treatment of conquered nations, and the moral problems involved, in a manner that seems to imply that he and his countrymen were well acquainted with their methods. Again, if he complains of injustice in Israel in 1 : 2—4, how can he consistently complain of the injustice of those called to avenge this injustice in Israel? Further, the subject of complaint in 2 : 1 ought to be the same as in 1:2-4, but according to the first view it is not. In other words, only 1:2-4 refers to Israel, and this is to serve as a sort of introduction to a prophecy against Babylon. So the question arises : Why speak of Israel's oppression of each other at all, in a prophecy directed against the Chaldeeans? In addition, the wicked and righteous in 1:13 ought to be the same as in 1 : 2-4 ; whereas, according to the first view, the wicked and the righteous in one case are the Chaldseans and Israelites, and in the other the wicked and righteous are both in Israel itself. Driver gets rid of a part of these difficulties by saying that 1:2-11 is earlier than the rest of the prophecy, the rest having been written after the Chaldaeans had begun devastating the country. Budde maintains that the pictures of 1:12 sqq. and 2:5 sqq. do not suit the Babylonians, as they appear in history, so well as the Assyrians. Davidson, however, claims that it suits the one as well as the other. The main objections raised to Budde's theory are : (1) Can the misplacement of 1 : 5-11 from what he calls their original position be accounted for? (2) Why, in a prophecy of two chapters, is Assyria not named? (3) How can the methods of warfare of the Chaldseans have become so well known at the time THE STEOPHIO STKUOTUEE OF HABAKKUK 7 Budde places the prophecy (626-621) ? (4) Did Assyria at this time (626-621) have any considerable hold on the western provinces? If not, then 1:2-4 presents a greatly exaggerated picture. (5) It seems hardly probable that deification of means of warfare should be spoken of with regard to two nations. Budde answers (1) by saying that the r6le assigned to the Chaldseans in the original prophecy, of liberators of Israel from Assyria, seemed so little verified in history that at a later time, when the Chaldaeans had become the oppressors, an editor of the book attempted to remove the seeming difficulty by making the prophecy refer to the Chaldseans. With regard to (2) it has been said that the people well understood whom the prophet had in mind, but it was impolitic to mention names. Budde disposes of (3) by saying it is imaginative like Isa. 5:26-30. Yet it seems as realistic as vss. 12-17. With regard to (4) it may be said that, while Assyria was undoubtedly greatly weak- ened, yet, in a period of change and doubt as to the final issue of the struggle to overcome its adversaries, its representatives might endeavor to conceal the signs of weakening by a show of greater force. Evidently, if we put the prophecy at the time to which Budde assigns it, it would seem that Judah must have been sub- ject to Assyria, and we might compare with this the readiness with which Josiah, later, goes out against Necho of Egypt, an enemy of Assyria. Budde disposes of (5) by saying that the last line of vs. 11 goes back to the Assyrian, and thus forms a transition to 2:5. On the whole, the arrangement of Budde seems to present fewer difficulties than that of the MT., though whether one can be as definite as he is with regard to naming the oppressor seems doubtful. Professor G. A. Smith, as stated above, follows his arrangement of the material, but does not venture to be so definite with regard to the identity of the oppressor. Because of the realistic way in which the Chaldseans are spoken of, betokening an acquaintance with Chaldsean warfare hardly probable during the Assyrian supremacy, he suggests Egypt as the oppressor. But with our present knowledge of the historical situation, as he says, it seems impossible to fix definitely on the oppressor. However, it seems quite probable that it was a heathen power outside of Israel, rather than the wicked in Israel. Otherwise, as stated above, why should a prophet try to comfort his people by introducing a 8 THE STEOPHIC STEUCTUBE OF HABAKKUK prophecy against their enemies, with a short plaint of only three verses, calling for vengeance on the wicked in Israel itself ? As it has no essential bearing on the great problem of 1 : 5-11, and its position, the question of the authenticity of the "taunt songs" has been deferred until after that matter was discussed. Stade questioned all but the first of these songs, and was followed by Cornill and Kuenen. The second is questioned because it cannot well be said of the Ohaldsean (Budde's Assyrian) that he places his nest on high to deliver himself from evil. But, as Davidson says, the evil need not imply present danger, but prospective or possible calamity. The fourth song, it is said, can hardly be Habakkuk's, because nothing is known of the devastation of Lebanon by the Chaldsean. Budde, however, calls attention to the fact that the Assyrians were constantly drawing on this region for timber to carry on their building ; hence it is thoroughly appropriate. The more conservative admit that there is more ground for questioning the third and fifth "woes." The third, because it contains reminiscences of other passages, viz., Mic. 3:10; Jer. 51:58, and Isa. 11:9. Further, it has been questioned on the ground that it repeats, in a measure, the preceding woe, or, at least, the preceding presupposes the building process spoken of here. The fifth woe is questioned because it treats of idolatry, a subject not mentioned elsewhere in the book, except in an indirect way, and then the allusion is not to carved images, as here. This, coupled with the fact that these two do not quite correspond in form to the other three, renders both of them questionable, to say the least. The book as a whole has not been considered as poetic, though it is conceded that the third chapter is a psalm, and hence is in poetic form. But on a closer examination of the other two chap- ters we find the characteristics of Hebrew poetry, for in these chapters are found the peculiarities of poetic style, viz., parallel- isms, archaic and poetic forms, alliterations, unusual words, chi- asms, and the inverted order of words, as well as the rhythmical flow of the language in a definite number of words to each line. Further, as we shall see later, these lines may be arranged in a regular scheme of strophes for each section. Taking up the matter of parallelism, we find that these two chapters (with the exception of prose connecting links) may be THE STEOPHIO STRUOTUKE OF HABAKKUK 9 set off in the form of lines of approximately the same length, these lines bearing definite relations to other lines, and thus giving rise to the so-called "parallelism of members." The three chief classes of parallelism are represented in these two chapters, as well as some of the more complex forms or combinations. Of the synonymous parallelisms we may note 1 : 10, lines a and 6; l:12o, h; 1:13a, h, and c, d; l:15o, h; 2:1a, 6, and c, dj 2:5c, d, and e,f. Of the antithetic the most marked is 2:4a, h, and of the synthetic, 1:6a, b, and c, d; 1:10c, d; 2:26, c; 2: Be, d, and 2:9a, h, furnish examples. Of the complex forms we may note 2:7, where the first two lines are synonymously parallel in their relation to each other, but both are in synthetic relation to the third line; the same seems to be true of 1:9. In 2:1 the first two lines are synonymous, and so are the second and third, but the two groups are synthetic in their relation to each other. Further, the number of synonymous parallelisms in these chap- ters (at least fourteen) is quite at variance with the usage of the ordinary prose style ; in prose so much repetition, instead of emphasizing, would weaken and render the discourse burdensome. Of archaic and poetic forms the following are worthy of note : n, 1:9 and 15, for the masculine suffix i : +f1"'n'' for +nn\ 2:17; "ISb , 2:7, a poetical form so frequently used in the Psalms ; ^T , used as a relative, 1 : 11, a form used only in poetry, and the poetic nibiSt with a suffix iiTb^i! , 1:11, this being the only case of its occurrence. Then of the alliterations the following are examples : byS b?3, 1:5; ib'i^b , 1:6 and 2:6; itiSTTI] , ^2X32, 1:7; ITDS rifllS, 1:8; 3>1S3 3>2n, 2:9, and Q'^rbSi^ brj-'bx , 2:18. As uncommon words found in this passage we may note : nzyQ, 1:9; t:"^tiny, 2:6; 0^35, 2:11; llSa , 2:15; "llbp-'p , 2:16. These are found only in these two chapters — quite an unusual number for so short a passage. T\'yi2'2'0 , 1:15, 16, appears elsewhere only in Isaiah (once), and there in the form lri"iJ3SM . To these may be added words occurring only here and in the poetical books, viz., ^iHi , 1:4; pniB^ , 1:10, and "iTT", 2:5, while D'^2T"l and words from the root bpJ occur only here, in the poetical books, the Song of Deborah, and Isaiah (one case of each in the last two named). Examples of the chiastic order are: 13532 i^lln, 1:7; VTBIS riB^SI, 1:8; 552 tiSTua 's^is^i nin" Dnp7j nni< Kibn (i2a,6) iii 'man' xb ■'^r^p "nbi^ y^ nisna d^d-^jj nint: (i3a,6) bain xb b535'-bx ta^nni n^iji:i ci-an nab (i3c,d) iv y-'-i^ yian ybnn ©■'"inn Q-'H "^riii tni* "nwni (M) la bira-xb ira^s nbsn nsnn nbi (i5) v b'^j-'i naiB^ i^-by im72S5jb ^tip-'i lainb "naT" (isa) ipbr; 1^113 nam ^s (i66) vi nx-a ibsxai i^an lann p-'i-^ "p-by (i7) bian-'-xb n-'ij ^nnb *WelIhausen for ^'inD'50 reads ^"^lODTQ; c/. vs. 15. Nowack suggests fl^inDIO • But "I'^nO'D may mean "surround" in a hostile sense. 5 The 1D""by of MT. in 1. 4= seems unnecessary, as the expression occurs in 1. 1, and seems to add little to the emphasis. By its omission the measure is rendered more regular. 6 We probably have a D"*^&D ^Ipn in the T\M2^ Xb of MT. 7 The latter half of vs. 12 of MT., furnishes a premature solution of the problem, and breaks the connection between the first half of vs. 12 and vs. 13. It is probably due to a later hand ; so Wellhausen, Gr. A. Smith, and Nowack. If it be retained, read with LXX ^TliS instead of n"l2£ • 8 The MT. has 1D'50)0 at close of second line ; LXX and Syriac omit it. The line is full without it, and the idea of comparative guilt does not seem to be emphasized elsewhere in the book. 9 Perhaps in the third line it is better to read with Wellhausen and Nowack, following LXX, waw conjunctive rather than consecutive. Wellhausen and Nowack also change to n'tt5y"'T and refer to the tyrant's view of men, i. e,, he treats them as fishes, etc. ; but leaving it in the second person it continues the complaint ; not only is Yahweh silent, but he makes men " a swarming disorder," so that they are easily preyed upon, 10 Omit 1D~b3?) as it appears in the preceding line and adds no strength to this one. Besides, the line is over-full without it, and, further, by its omission 1. 4 Is made like 1. 2. 11 With Kautzsch (BSAT.) omit t^ from before "jD'by in 1. 3, and 1 from before Tl^QJ^ . Both may have arisen from dittography. Griesebrecht, Budde, Rothstein, Well- hausen, G. A. Smith, and Nowack read Dbl3?n in 1. 3, but Kautzsch's emendation is simpler and makes a smoother passage. Griesebrecht, Kautzsch, Wellhausen, Gr. A. Smith, and 12 THE STEOPHIC STEUCTUEE OF HABAKKUK mayjt ^rnaffix:-by (2:i) vii "'ni2a-by nns-ni^i na^^l nin^ ^Say^l (2:2a) ninbn-by isni inn sns (26, c) viii 11 i^^ip yii^ ^ab nyiab -jiTn iiy ■'D (3a,6) nts^ 5 (Hebr. 5137) i followed by Wellhausen and Nowack. At any rate, we expect a sub- stantive as the counterpart of p112 in next line. LXX A. has vwxeXeuojii^raii, which suggests Bredenkamp's reading DbyDH ; LXX 0', ihv UTroffTeiXijToi oiK eiSoKci, etc. Vulg. has incredulua. Targ.: "Behold the wicked say, all this shall not happen, etc." So, probably, as above, following the Syriac. THE STEOPHIC STRUCTUKE OF HABAKKTJK 13 different measure, which is maintained throughout this division. From this point on the movement is trimeter or a close approxi- mation to the same. The slight variations from the movement are apparently due to a desire to make the form correspond, in some measure, to the thought, whether short, concise, and emphatic, or long drawn out, though the longer lines in some cases may be due to the exigencies of the language, the writer being unable to express his thought in the usual number of words. But, doubtless, some of the long lines are long only in appearance, as some of the constructs and unemphatic words were probably considered as part of the following words for accentual purposes. At least we may infer some such a state of affairs as this, since the great majority of lines show the trimeter movement. This is accomplished quite frequently in the Masoretic text by the use of the maqqeph. However, these maqqgphs are only traditional, and are used at times where the measure would be more regular without them. But to return to the strophes, having given voice to an outcry of distress in the first strophe, in the second (vs. 4) the author treats of the ethical and moral results of so much unrequited oppression — great moral disorder prevails. (Here, as in the following strophes of this division, there are four lines to the strophe.) This moral disorder prevalent on all sides raises the question in the prophet's mind whether this can be in accord with the character of God — His purity, unchangeableness, and utter abhorrence of all that is evil. He gives expression to this thought in the third strophe, 1 : 12a, 6," 13a, b. Then in the fourth strophe (vss. 13c, 14) he further gives utterance to his perplexity in the presence of the facts of experience. God, being so pure and just, how is it that He seems unconcerned in the presence of violence, has even made men, such as they are, helpless in the presence of the oppressor ? Passing from the idea of the helpless- ness of man before the tyrant, the prophet pictures, in the fifth strophe (vss. 15, 16a), the exultant tyrant who has dragged down men and nations, and who then deifies the means by which this was accomplished, or, perhaps better, the might which made use of the means. Thereupon the reason why the tyrant does this suggests itself to the mind of the writer — a reason he gives in the fifth strophe (vss. 165, 17). 16 It will be noted that if vs. 12c, d be retained here, between 126 and 13, the lines mar the picture— the prophet begins to speak of the attributes of God, then interrupts himself to say that someone is ordained for judgment, and then returns to contemplate the attri- butes of God. Hence omit vs. 12e, d with WeUhausen, G. A. Smith, and Nowack. 14 THE STEOPHIC STEUOTUKB OF HABAKKUK The prophet has now stated his plea, and there is a pause, during which he forms a resolution as to what attitude he shall take in regard to the matter. He expresses this resolution in the seventh strophe (2:1) — whatever may be the outcome, he will watch and wait. While in this attitude of expectancy, a voice is heard bidding him inscribe the expected answer plainly on tablets so that all may read, for the fulfilment of the answer is certain, though not immediate (Strophe VIII, 2: 2?)-36). (The prose intro- duction of vs. 3 may not have been in the original poem.) At the close of the eighth strophe, it was suggested that, though the vision might not be fulfilled immediately, it should certainly come to fruition. In the first two lines of the ninth strophe (2:3c, 4) he is admonished to be patient, and then, in the third and fourth, follows the answer to the prophet's plaint in the form of a general principle : "The soul of the wicked is not upright (level, natural, or normal) in him (and from the nature of the case cannot endure), but the righteous shall live by his faithfulness," i. e., his loyalty and steadfastness toward God and right. The variations from the trimeter movement in the division already considered are not very marked. Among the long lines may be noted the third line of 1:4, perhaps to emphasize the weariness of the continued oppression, and something of the same idea must be back of the second line of vs. 15, while the first of vs. 16 is drawn out as a sort of echo of the long line in vs. 15. The short line, vs. 16c, belongs to a class of parallelisms very common in the Psalms — e. g., 2:11; 9:9; 12:3, etc.^ — the first line makes a full statement, and this statement is given in a different form, with fewer words, in the second line ; in each case there is an ellipsis of some one element of the parallelism in the second line. In addition, note the short, concise lines in 2: la, 6, expressing vigorous determination. 2. Hah. 1:5-11: An Address to the Tyrant. 1t:^ani "n-'Tjh 1N"I (1:5) I " Instead of D''152 of MT., read with LXX A, followed by Kautzsch, Rothatein, and Nowack, D'^n^l- Syriac here has "proud;" Arabic, "negligent." However, Vulg., Targ., Aq. Sym., and Theod. follow MT. But the reading of LXX, A, is more definite in view of the threat, and the occurrence of ^3^ in vs. 13; c/. also 2:5. THE STEOPHIC STEUOTUEE OF HABAKKUK 15 D'^TTcsn-ns n-pa "isn ^i (6) ii ''in^^iui nan n^n ynsf^-'amab -jbinn ib-s'b niDSira nianb xin ^'^^niDi D^S< (7) roiD D'^^ttia ''ibp (Sa-d) iii bisxb ■mn -iicds is:''' (Se) iv xii^ Danb nbs (9) na-'np on^Ds ^'nasa "3123 biTO "viCS-^l cbpn^ Q^sban ''xini (lo) v lb pniaa n-'D-ni pmr" "'nsna-bsb 5av'qs. 20LXX for nKl![J has Xij/Mfxa; Syriac, "vision." 21 With Wellhausen omit 1 before ibp ; so Kautzsch. Also omit at the beginning of 1. 3. 2S The Gesenius-Buhl Dictionary gives the two meanings for ^"IB, i. e., "horseman" and "riding horse;" so KOnig, in Lehrgebdude der hebr. Sprache, Vol. II, Part 1, p. 89; for the meaning "war-horses or chargers" cf. Joel 2:4; Ezek. 27:14, andlsa.21:7, 9. The latter seems quite conclusive in favor of "riding horses," yet some question it. Schwally, ZATW., Vol. VIII, p. 191, questions whether TD*lS ever means a horse of any kind. Still, it would seem strange to use the same word with different meanings in such close proximity one to the other. One wants to read the first " horsemen " and for the second " chariots," but it is doubtful if IIBS will allow it for the first, and there is no manuscript authority for the second. Most of the later commentators with the LXX omit one I'l'lJJ'lS , saying the other arose by dittography ; in that case one of the verbs is omitted. Evidently the text is corrupt. ^^mor^^ ill "^s. 9 is doubtful. The word is generally taken to mean "striving," " endeavor," Arabic ^ rr^ ; c/. Greek /cd/iw ; Syriac has " aspect," "appearance." Nowack and Wellhausen leave the word untranslated. 24 With Kautzsch read waw conjunctive, if original reading is not perfect consecutive ; so in vs. 10 in following strophe. 25 The waw at the beginning of 1. 1 might be omitted ; at least, the English idiom does not require that it be translated. 26 13i2')3 apparently feminine here and in Isa. 17 : 3 ; cf. Bottcher, § 877, 1. Hitzig thinks it stands for ^ilTO l^y here ; cf. 1 Sam. 6 : 18. 27 Read inb i a slight variation from Wellhausen's correction, in place of ni"l of text. Numerous other readings have been suggested. But none are very satisfactory ; the above is given with hesitancy. The use of 133? in this line is unusual, too ; probably the text is corrupt. For the use of the perfect after TfeC cf. Gesenius-Bubl, Dictionary, under TX . 16 THE STEOPHIO STEUOTUKE OF HABAKKUK The second division, 1:5-11, may be considered as an address to the oppressors, threatening them with violence for their deeds, though some would have us take 1 : 6-11 as the message to be inscribed on the tablets rather than vs. 4 of chap. 2 (vs. 5 of chap. 1 being taken as an interpolation rendered necessary by the transposition of this section from its original position to its present place in the Massoretic text). In that case they would consider the announcement of 2:4, the enunciation of a great moral prin- ciple, given for the uncertain interval before the facts are realized in history. One very serious objection to this view is that 1 : 6-11 would make a rather long inscription for the busy man, "running" (c/. 2:2) hither and thither, to read. So it would seem better to take 2:4 as the inscription (not quite so short and striking, perhaps, as Isaiah's inscription, Isa., chap. 8, yet terse enough to attract attention); then the whole passage, 1:5-11, is the prophet's message of relief to the oppressed, perhaps delivered later as an unfolding of the message inscribed. This section is not so regular in its strophic arrangement as the one already treated. There are twenty-four lines, and the flow of thought in these determines in favor of the division into strophes of 4 + 6-|-4-|-4 + 6 lines, or, deleting vs. 5, four strophes of 6 + 4 + 4 + 6 lines — quite symmetrical, to be sure, but 1 : 6 does not attach itself very readily to 2:4, while it does to 1:5; other- wise the strophic structure would argue strongly in favor of throwing out 1:5. Hence it will be as well to retain vs. 5 as an introductory strophe. This strophe of four trimeter lines announces to the oppressors that God is about to do a work that will astonish them, a work that seems incredible, in view of present conditions. How this section is connected with that already considered can only be inferred from this opening of the address. Possibly after the people have had time to ponder over the inscription, and have become inquisitive about it, the prophet comes forward and in a dramatic manner addresses the tyrants who are supposed to be before him. The remainder of the section up to vs. 11 contains the announcement of that which is to be the cause for astonishment. The next strophe of six lines, No. II (1:6, 7) announces who is to appear as the avenger of present wrongs, and gives a charac- terization of the coming Chaldaean — bitter, hasty, covetous, inspiring terror, imperious. Then the third strophe of four lines THE STEOPHIC STRUCTURE OF HABAKKUK 17 (l:8a-d) apparently describes the rapid approach of cavalry and baggage train, while the fourth, also of four lines (vss. 8e, 9) indicates the object the Chaldsean has in view, and the avidity with which he pursues it. Following this is the fifth strophe of six lines (vss. 10, 11), describing the ease with which the Chal- dsean carries on his operations, and, in the last line, probably returning to the oppressor, who, by deifying his might, has brought on himself guilt, and hence doom. If we were to argue merely from the standpoint of strophic arrangement, we might decide to throw out the section 1:5-11 entirely, as Wellhausen does on the ground that it does not fit logically after 1:4, but in the same manner we might throw out 2:5-20, as there is no return to the four-line strophe in that sec- tion. Again, it has been urged, against the assumption that the two sections already considered are by the same author, that there are too many parallels in the two sections. May it not be that the artist makes use of these parallels to accentuate his message : as the oppressor has done to others, so shall he himself be treated, or even with greater severity ? There are no very long lines in the second section. The second line of vs. 5 is short and alliterative, and so is the third line of vs. 8, evidently so chosen to intensify the impression to be made on the hearers. Otherwise, most of the lines are quite regular, and call for no special notice. 3. Hah. 2:5-20: The Downfall of the Tyrant. nja ''■\:^^_'2 qsi (2:5) i ''mi" Kbi nri" ^hj yzi'ii-' Nbi T\ro^ Sim D-iJn-bs rbit -ics^i D-^ayn-bs rbs yap-'i 28 This correction is somewhat doubtful, especially since l^'i is represented neither in the Greek nor in the Syriac version. Syriac : "A foolhardy and covetous man is insatiable," etc. LXX: " The haughty and contemptuous is a man wandering about." Vulg. : "Quomodo vinnm potantem decepit sic vir superbus," etc. Bredenkamp and Giesebrecht, independently, emended thus : IISS DSS51 ; tliey a™ followed by Budde. 29 Read with Wellhausen after Syriac niT^ instead of mS"' I Syriac translates both this and y^lBI of 1. 3 by the same verb, ■»- '-""; Vulg. translates : "heshaUnotbehonored." Targ., first two lines : " Woe to the robber, a man who is not able to quiet his desire," etc., perhaps suggesting WeUhausen's conjecture, noted below (p. 20, note 43). 18 THE STEOPHIC STRUCTURE OF HABAKKUK ittTfl" bira rhy obi nb^ at^bn (6a, 6) ^)js^i lb niTH ns^b'ai ib-Kb nman "in (6c, d) ii '°t:"tJ3y rby "i^nsai -■-STrD laip" yns Kibn (7) -j^yTyTa l::p"'i 172b nicTT'jb n''''ni D-'ii D-^ij nib^r nns"'i (8) D^ay ^n^-bi "jibin'' Y^N-C7jri1 'Qli< ''12112 nn ^ma^-bil n-^ip in'-nb y^ ysa yiia "in (9) m I2p Dn7:3n niab yT-p72 b^Dnb -jtr-nb nirn niiy' (lo) D^in D^ay ''ni::p -]TBS3 >{tiini pyTn n"p7j px-^s (H) nsDy -pj '^c^sDi D"7::i=i n-^y nn ''in (i2) iv nbiyn n^np ^sisi niiiiii nin^ n^a ^^nan j^ibn (i3) TE^-'na Q^T^y lyj-'^i isy" pn-'in Q-aj^bi souiXiDy. "»"■. Xe7. C/. 1333? "to pledge;" Arab. ioA^ "to hold fast, confirm," so, perhaps, a mass of pledges ; for formation cf. ^I^^D " a heaTy rain," Prov. 27 : 15 ; '^*l^S'ttII , Jer. 43 : 10. Some, following Hieronymus, have taken it as two separate words, and translate " thick clay ;" Syriac, " a thick mass of dirt or mire." But this does not suit the parallelism as well as " a mass of pledges." LXX, " Who makes heavy his collar (yoke 1) fitting closely " (LXX in vs. 7, "those biting him ;" vs. 8, Targ. adds to refrain " and of Jerusalem"). ^^ '^ri^""!^ breaks the connection if retained between 11. 1 and 2 above ; so place as 1. 3. 32 LXX and Syriac, followed by G-. A. Smith and Nowack, read second singular masculine perfect of V^^ ; then following line will be circumstantial, " at the same time sinning," etc. ; cf. Green, g 309, la; Ewald, § 3416, c; Driver, Hebrew Tenses, § 161. ^^CSD, ^'T. Xe7. = (perhaps) "beam;" Syriac, "nail" or "peg;" LXX A, a "worm" or "beetle;" Aq. /itifa iK |i)\ov,- S. ixivSeafios olKodo^ij^; Targ., " a piece of wood." In the Mishna the word means " a building stone." Gratz would read here, D'^S5')2 VSI • 3* Bead, with Syriac, Yulg., and LXX, nSH, instead of nSH' Kautzsch makes a hexameter of 1. 3 by adding, oonjecturally, "ITlbS. Syriac for 11. 3, 4, and 5 has: "These things, all of them, are from the Lord All-powerful, the nations are stirred up as a furnace, and peoples labor in vain," THE STROPHIO STRUCTURE OP HABAKKUK 19 y"isn sban ^5 (m) ''Q'^-by IDS-' D^as iny^ npira --in (is) v '"niy^j t:^an iy7ab nin^ T'a'^ ois -j^by nicn ''bynni nns-Qj nmr ninsa "jibp romai (I6) "jor ■'iisnb o^jn "5 (i7) m ^mr-'-bsi iT'np nis-'pn yyb i^jk rn (i9) vi Dain pxb '-iv r,c3i am "tuisn "laipn "i-^ii nii-bsi "bca b^yin ht: (is) ipir miai riDor rby *'in2"' nan ^s D^abx D-'b-^bN niTOb iTBip bs-^ni mn-'i (20) ynxn-bi rssa en 35 LXX has a^ToiJs for Ql . 36 L. 2 of the strophe is probably corrupt, nor do the versions help much ; however, Wellhausen suggests the reading given above, also the change of QH to 1 . 37 Perhaps the plural form of the noun might have been retained. Of. Kautzsch's " zeige deine Vorhaut " in the following verse. 38 On the whole, it is better to read, with Wellhausen, after LXX, by^H > instead of b*iyn of MT. ; then 1. 4 is, in a sense, parallel to 1. 2, and by a transposition, evidently required logically, 11. 1 and 4 run parallel to each other. In the same way 11. 3 and 6 are rendered parallel. 38aEead ^ instead of ■} with LXX. 39 n ill 1- 3 is omitted before fcClH to avoid hiatus (Ewald, Syntax, § 3246). *o lUISn in 1. 4 is doubtful ; after analogy of THK ^ 1 Kings 6 : 10, perhaps, "overlaid." *i If vs. 18 is not a later addition, it should come after vs. 19, i. e., after the woe has been pronounced. Stade calls vs. 18 (11. &-10) the pious ejaculation of a reader ; cf. ZATW.^ 1884, pp. 18-20. Rothstein, Studien und Kritiken, 1894, says it rounds off the thought of vs. 19, so makes it follow vs. 19, as above. *2 In 1. 9 omit one form of IS"^ and point the other as a participle with a suflBx, with Wellhausen and Nowack. One form probably arose by dittography. 20 THE STEOPHIC STEUCTUEE OP HABAKKUK The third division, 2:5-20, consists, in the main, of trimeter lines, the variation from this measure being slight, as in the divisions already discussed. This division, in the main, like the first, has the oppressor for its subject, but treated from a different point of view. Here there is an exultant note running through the section — a feeling that the oppressor is soon to be over- thrown. This feeling of exultancy breaks out in the so-called "taunt songs," of which there are five ; these, with an introductory strophe of six lines, 2:5, in which the author moralizes on the action of the tyrant in general, constitute the whole section. The strophic arrangement in this section is more complex than in the first, but still very clearly indicated by the introduc- tory word in case of the "taunt songs," and, as there is only one other strophe, that can easily be set off. But when we come to the authenticity of the section, that is a matter not so easily dis- posed of. It was stated above that Stade attributes only the introductory strophe and the first taunt song to Habakkuk. But perhaps this is too sweeping a statement. Others of the "taunt songs " show close relation both in structure and thought to the first (Strophe II), and one other (Strophe V), like the first, has a refrain following it. The fourth strophe (vss. 12-14) is con- sidered doubtful by Professor G. A. Smith and others, as it seems to be a composite of three other passages, viz., Mic. 3:10; Jer. 51:8, and Isa. 11:9, though this might be earlier than some of them. Professor Smith also thinks the sixth strophe (vss. 18, 19, 20) is too much like the language of the later prophets to be Habakkuk's ; in this view he is supported by many others ; in fact, but few of the latest commentators maintain that Habakkuk was the author of this strophe. Before discussing further the authenticity of these "taunt songs" let us consider their form and content. As stated above, the introductory strophe has six lines in which the writer muses over the rapacity of the tyrant, and this, if our interpretation of the last line in 1 : 5 be the correct one, attaches itself in a manner to the final thought there, and also leads up to the outburst of the prophet in "taunt songs" against the oppressor."'" *3 The beginning of this ilrst (introductory) strophe is attended by a difficulty in the text which it seems almost impossible to clear up. Wellhausen sees in it a mutilated 1*1^ » and so calls it another "taunt song" or "woe," but it does not correspond in form to the other " woes," and, if the present text is correct, the woes are not expected until after vs. 66v •* Euben, who does not follow Budde, after a series of interesting emendations (in the Jewish Quarterly Review, April, 1899, pp. 448-55) , makes the whole of the second chapter tak» THE STEOPHIC STKUOTUEE OF HABAKKUK 21 The first of the "taunt songa," Strophe II (vss. 6c-8, the first part of vs. 6 being a prose introduction), consists of eight lines approximately of the trimeter measure, and has for its sub- ject the one who increases his wealth by spoiling others, threat- ening him with a like spoliation. This eight-lined strophe is followed by a refrain of two lines ; the same refrain occurs also after the fifth strophe ; indeed, it has been suggested that origi- nally the other "taunt songs" were followed by the same refrain. This "woe" (Strophe II) may have its lines divided thus: 3 + 3 + 2. Further, the woe is pronounced in the first group, the oppressor is addressed in the second, and the third is introduced by ■'3 . This description of form and number of lines also applies to the third strophe (vss. 9-11), treating of covetousness or self-aggrandizement, and the vanity of building projects and other public works ; and also to the fifth strophe (vss. 15-17), dealing with the tyrant's contemptuous treatment of conquered kings and prostrate princes. Turning to the remaining "woes" or "taunt songs," we find that the fourth strophe (vss. 12-14), dealing with him who carries on building projects and public works by means of forced service, also has eight lines, but these lines are arranged in a different manner from those in the second, third, and fifth. Instead of 3 + 3 + 2 we have 2 + 3 + 3, and there is no direct address made to the oppressor, as in the other three "woes." So in the sixth strophe (vss. 18-20), which deals with the folly of idolatry, there is a difference of arrangement. To make the "'IH stand at the beginning we should probably make vs. 18 follow vs. 19, as the verse cannot be connected logically with the pre- ceding strophe. Then we have a strophe of ten lines, with the groups 2 + 3 + 3 + 2, with the two lines following as a sort of antiphon. Here, too, there is no direct address to a tyrant ; in fact, there is nothing said of a tyrant, nor of oppression. The whole strophe deals with a subject hardly touched upon by the prophet, and hence probably belonging to a later time. The poetic arrangement also argues in favor of a later authorship. In the case of the fourth strophe the form argues somewhat also in favor of a later addition. This, in conjunction with the evi- dence brought forward above, and, in addition, the fact that the the form of a strophe (vss. 1-8) and antistrophe (tss. 9-17), foUowed by an epode (vss. 18-20). But, to obtain a logical order for the strophe, he makes some rather questionable changes of the text. On the whole, the smaller divisions seem simpler. 22 THE STROPHIC STEUOTUEE OF HABAKKUK last part of the third strophe presupposes the building processes spoken of in the fourth, renders the fourth quite doubtful. The logical connection in these woes, naturally, is not very close. Taking the three "taunt songs" that probably belong to Habakkuk, the tyrant is treated first as a spoiler and then threat- ened with spoiling ; in the third strophe the woe is pronounced upon him because he hopes to make his house secure by heaping up these unjust gains ; here even the very buildings he has erected must tell the story of his wrongs. Then in the fifth strophe the tyrant is denounced as severely for his treatment of the conquered princes as he was in the other two for his treat- ment of the workmen. The measure in this section is not quite so regular as in the other two, but in the main is trimeter. Of long lines we may note the first line of Strophe III, pronouncing the woe, and the long line (No. 3) in Strophe IV, where the question arises whether the last word ought to be omitted. Of the short lines we note ""in'O"!? , an emphatic pause in the second strophe ; also in the second line of the following verse a line like that in 1 : 16c, treated above. The short line in the third strophe (vs. 9c) is a circumstantial clause placed here abruptly to emphasize the idea intended to be conveyed. The irregularities of the lines, in the strophes whose authenticity is questioned, do not call for any special mention. 5. Hah. 3:1-19: Prayer of Habakkuk. niraic by j^-'iDn pipnnb nbsn (3:i) y^-a ^T\:>i2^ mn"' (3:2) i -bys nifT' "nx"!'' ifT^'^ri D-'STu n^pn xin^ -p^Kz nibx (3) II nbo pxs-^na irinpi « Euben says the second D"'DtJ i"1p3 in vs. 2 should probably be replaced by SSS T\yT\ ; c/. LXX : iv T(^ irapeivai rbv Kaipbv. <6 Nowack would read, with the LXX, y"Tin instead of yiTlfl of MT. But the paral- lelism is just as good with pointing of MT. Beginning with 1. 2, the LXX has : "I considered Thy works and was astonished; in the midst of two beasts (?) (or lives [?]) (fiiuc) Thou Shalt be known." Syriac : " In the midst of the years of life," etc. THE STBOPHIO STRUCTURE OF HABAKKUK 23 "p^^n nxba inbnni ='nni -jb^ rssb (5) iii ■p^ ^^■:i53■'^ lay (6) D^i: nrr^i nx^ cibis msaa inia lb Dbv nisbn ITEiD ^bns ■^n-'i!*^ iiK =*innn (7) iv ■j-'DiD-by msn ^i *7 Eead IH^D with the versions (instead of fiDiD ) ; so Nowack. *8For □'^3"lp in sense of "rays,'' cf. Eiod. 34:29. Syriac seems to have read Jl'^'lp • *®n''')3 "from his side;" so Wellhausen, Nowack, Reiuke. Vulg. seems to have read ITS. 50 LXX (A., 2., Aq.) and Syriac read QHJl in last line ; so Wellhausen and Nowack ; but Vulg. follows MT., which seems as well in a poetical description. LXX renders the line thus : "And He made love (or loving) (dydinja-tv) the power of His might." 51 LXX vocalized '1^'^ "word;" better as in MT. 52 LXX translated Clljjn in 1. 2 by Tredla. Reinke suggests that LXX must have read D'^S'llJ. Syriac for Cltt?"! has ""death;" so Vulg. In Deut. 32:24 it is a sickness or disease of some kind; Kimhi makes it a "burning disease." Sinker translates: "lightnings." Parallelism requires a disease. 53 Read with Wellhausen :^;^1'a1^ ; cf. Job. 30:22 and LXX, 4a-a\eiidr]. Kautzsch and Nowack read t2t3T'0'^*l • This, or Wellhausen 's conjecture, might do, but the latter form is not found, while the former is. Sinker thinks there must be a root "TTQ . At any rate, it can hardly be from TT53, whose pi'el is used meaning "measure," for it would not be likely to have a pO'el with a different sense, such as the parallelism, requires. 54 Perles (Analekten, p. 161, quoted by Nowack) vocalizes the first two words of 1. 1 thus : ■jiK nnn "On is dismayed;" then changes 'in"'X1 to li^l^ (Syro-hesaplar translates this line as if it had '155'^, which Perles takes as a mutilation of IK"^'^)' Nowack follows Perles, but Wellhausen objects on the ground that "On" cannot well stand for all Egypt, and "TtJID is not understood of Egypt. LXX has olvtI KSircap, k. t. X. 55 Read with G. A. Smith D"'nn » instead of D'^"inD i as this follows in the next line, and the D'^nH have been mentioned before. 56 KOnig, Syntax, % 277e, takes ^^DDDI'JQ as noim in construct, even with suffix ; so also Ewald, Syntax, % 2916 (in poetry). Harper, Syntax, § 6, 1, rem. a, calls following noun accusa- tive of limitation ; so Driver, Hebrew Tenses^ % 193, 1 ; Gesenius-Kautzsch, § 131r, takes second noun as epexegetical of the first. Davidson. Syntax, § 29, 4, treats the second noun as in apposition. Gunkel, Sc?iGpfung und Chaos, reads nSlUX instead of nyTttJ^ ■> and joins to following line. 24 THE STROPHIC STEUCTUEE OF HABAKKUK iniflp myn "n^^y (9a, &) v nbnt iw riT ts^jir (ii) isbiT' yi'n -wb ■jn-'Dn p-Q nj3b yni<-l3>2Jn™ !35'T3 (12) D-'ij irnn qK^ D-^nn ib-'n-^ -jii*n (lo) may w'a "^aiT ibip ninn ini KTB3 '''inTn?^ Din ^^-j-^DiD D-'n nim (i5) D-'ai D^a nan 1^5? yiB-'b nsii" (is) vii -jrT"ii3a-n5t "^j-'Trinb nbD "^nis-iy nic niny 57 rr^^^y 1 KOnig, § 329o, calls infinitive absolute used as absolute object ; Green, § 281, 1, c, verbal noun used for infinitive absolute ; Gesenius-Kautzsch, § 113t«, substantive used for infinitive absolute. WelUiausen conjectures from 2 Sana. 23:18 the reading "iHiyn "^^IS?- Syriac: "Thy bow is rigid (tense) ;" LXX: "Stretching, Thou didst stretch." In favor of ordinary rendering, cf. Arabic 5 \ j-C , also "1*13? in 2 : 5 and D'^')3T*3? ■, Gen. 3 : 7. 58 Wellhausen says 1. 2 is lost to all the arts of exegesis. But cf, rendering of G. A. Smith, who quotes LXX, Cod. Barb. : ix^pTV^^^^ ^o\l5as t^s ^ap^Tprjs a&rov. Nowack also follows this last. Delitzsch says no less than one hundred different translations of this line have been given. Read at end "^flStDi^ • 69Inl. 6 LXX evidently read n3?iSn instead of 1!P!£rii as it has "make small;" per- haps as well, or almost so, as reading of MT., in view of the following line. 60 As stated below (p. 27), 1. 1 is very doubtful, both as to meaning and position; the text is probably corrupt. Many attempts have been made to explain it, but none seem to overcome the diflB.culties. 61 Correct, with Wellhausen and Nowack, after Ps. 77 : 18. 62 This emendation is due to G. A, Smith, who thinks IH^^^l'D = *in"'&5"l^ i and this suggests to him IHT'ITQ; cf. Amos 6:1; Jer. 16:5. At least, the parallelism requires some such change. 63 Wellhausen says vs. 15 in MT, "steht verloren." Nowack places vs. 15 before vs. 8. But it seems suitable here, at least more so than before vs. 8 ; Gunkel thinks vs. 15 supplies the missing words of vs. 8, and would restore a part of that verse thus : '0*^'2, flD^in "^D D'^'JD ^'JOn^ ^DDDTJO T'OID » hut he does it, in part at least, to make hexameters. 64 37TJ5''b is called an infinitive by KOnig, g 233c ; BOttcher, § 516, " noun in construct with nfi5 following; cf. use of construct with 21;" Davidson, guardedly, "if an infinitive, it governs the accusative." On the whole, perhaps it is better to read with Wellhausen and Nowack y tDlnb ; cf. LXX : toG (rQ "to break the head;" cf, 1. 3. 67 In 1. 5, second word, read with G. A. Smith, Nowack, and Wellhausen, *^1IO')OD i instead 68 The last line is very doubtful, and seems to be mutilated. LXX: "they shall loosen their bridles as eating the poor in secret," apparently reading rilsSlO for ril32'^b3?' (In the preceding line, for I^T^lS LXX seems to have read T'S'^IS •) Nowack does not see how the last line can be corrected, even with the help of the versions. 69 Read with Wellhausen, Nowack, and G. A. Smith, "i^lBiC , instead of ^115^ , which gives no good sense here ; then make the verb agree. "^ niD&C in 1. 5 seems at first to require an unusual translation. Gesenius-Buhl, Dic- tionary, gives "schweigend" for this passage and 1 Sam. 25:9; cf. LXX, dvaTra^ ¥ ^'^^ " the house of god." The word Q.-^Ameans a large house, a castle, hence the king's palace. Thus the sacred building is to the god what the palace is to the king, a glorious dwelling place. There is also another word for house, [7^ , pr, which is always used for the god.° The meaning of pr included all the estate dedicated to a god, even the herds which were to be sacrificed, while ht referred only to the build- ing. It is possible to trace clearly the development of the temple names in Egypt. First we find simple, short names, as Opet for Amon's temple in Thebes, and Esher, the temple of Mut. In the Middle Empire there was a decided change. A taste for long, high-sounding names was cultivated. In the name was included, not only the place in which the temple was erected, but also the name of the king who built it or contributed largely to its glory. Thus the name of the famous temple in the Fayum capital was "that Amen-em-het may live forever in the house of Sobk in Shedt."^ In the New Empire the temple names retained the chief characteristics of those of the Middle Empire, but they were even more elaborate. Temples erected by the same king were distinguished from each other by some modifying phrase, as "the temple of Ramses heq On in the house of Re " in Heliopolis, and "the temple of Ramses heq On in the house of Re', built for millions of years," in Tell-el-Yehudieh. The most common Hebrew name for temple is b5''»l, from the Assyrian ekallu, "palace, temple," a loan-word from the Akkadian Egal, " a great house." It may be related to the Hebrew root bS'' — bi*! = bl3 "to measure, hold, contain," hence a large, commodious building, a royal palace.* The secondary meaning is temple, the palace of God.' I Jastkow, Kel. of Bat. and Ass., pp. 638 f. See also the list of Babylonian and Assyrian temples by Pinches in Proc. of the Soc, of Bibl. Archaology, Vol. XXII, Part IX. = EnMAN, Lift in A iicient Egyft, note on p. 284. l_ _J is most frequently used as a determinative for temple, <^^ I I is also a common name for temple. ' * 4 Amos 8:3; Isa. 13 : 22 ; 39 : 7 ; Psalms 45 : 9 ; Dan. 1:4;! Kings 21:1. 5 Isa, 4 : 5. nin"^ ^5^0 °'^'^"'s ^° ^ Kings 24 : 13 ; 2 Chron. 3 : 17. In a few places we find bD"^!! dpi "sanctuary." INTROD UCTION 1 5 The tertiary meaning of bS"*!! is the Holy Place of the temple." The LXX renders bS"*!! with oikos or vaos. The word for temple in the Apocrypha and the New Testament is to itpdv. Just as in the Egyptian we found two words for "house" in the temple names, so also in the Hebrew there are two words, bSTl , " the royal house," and fi^'Sl , a more general word for a dwelling, including, like the Egyptian pr, the whole estate. niiT' ^"'3 and d'TlbX ^''1 occur frequently. In rab- binical writings the following names are used : - TDlpan t\'%, " the house of the sanctuary," n'^'^nari TT^, "the chosen house," and Q^'absfl T^"^, "the house of the ages." T''^ is usually joined to the name of the god in whose honor the temple had been built, as WJ T\'% and TC53W fl^S •' The temples of Byblos and of Paphos are called lepas^ in the pictures of these temples on ancient coins. From this study of the temple names we may gather : 1. That in all Semitic countries the fundamental notion of the temple is that of a glorious dwelling place for the deity. 2. That in the Assyrio-Babylonian temple names " the mountain home" of the gods, while in the Egyptian the names of the builder and the place, are specially emphasized. 3. That the simplicity of the Hebrew "house of Yahveh" stands out in bold contrast to the more elaborate temple names of Israel's mighty neighbors. 1 1 Kings 6 : 5 ; 7 : 50. It is a singfular fact that this word, when used in a limited sense, docs not refer to the Holy of Holies, as one would naturally expect, for this was the very place where the deity was supposed to dwell. 2 Josh, 19:38; 1 Sam, 6, 3 Pefrot and Chifiez, Hist, of A rt in Phoenicia and Cyprus.^ Figs. 19 and 67, pp. I ; 61, rag. From Donaldson's Architeciura Numistica, CHAPTER I. CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES OF ORIENTAL TEMPLES. I. ASSYRIO-BABYLONIAN TEMPLES. One of the most interesting features of modern discoveries in Bible lands is the light they have shed on the architecture of these ancient peoples, who inhabited, not only Palestine, but the river val- leys of the Euphrates and the Nile. First, then, we would study the plan of the Assyrio-Babylonian temples. The sources of information are twofold : References to the temples in Grecian literature, and the results of modern excavations. The latter may contain references by the Assyrians or Babylonians themselves in their inscriptions, as well as show the remains of ruins from which we may gather material for a safe reconstruction. References to these temples by Greek writers are very scant. Herodotus claims to have seen the temple of Bel in Babylon, and gives us an interesting, though very indefinite, description of it. In the time of Diodorus this temple of Bel seems to have been destroyed, for he speaks of it as a building " which time had caused to fall." ' In the same passage he further adds : " Writers are not in accord in what they say about this temple, so that it is impossible for us to make sure what its real dimensions were." Both Strabo'' and Diodorus' claim that the building was destroyed by the Persians. There is scarcely a historical foundation for this claim, because the Persians may have plundered the city and perhaps even the temple, but they would hardly have taken the trouble of destroying the building. A knowl- edge of the building material is enough for a satisfactory explanation. Time and weather were the agents used in the demolishment of this ancient temple. Thus we must depend almost exclusively on modern excavations for our information as to the Mesopotamian shrines. The building material of the temples, both in Assyria and Baby- lonia, was clay. In Assyria, to be sure, there was access to stone, and it was, indeed, employed for altars and slabs for inscriptions, but not I TOv KaToo-KevaffjLtaTOS Sta TOv xpovov StairejrTWKOTOS. II : 9 : 4. !!Strabo,XXI:5. 3 Diodorus, II: 9: 19. 17 1 8 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE in the erection of the temple walls. Assyria adopted the Babylonian custom of using bricks. In Babylonia the scarcity of stone and an abundance of clay naturally suggested bricks as the proper building material.' The easy task of preparing the material resulted in an architecture which was characterized by hugeness rather than artistic taste. Thus the temple grew rapidly, one department after another being added to the original zikkurat. The most prominent building within the sacred grounds was the zikkurat, or the high tower.° The story of the Tower of Babel ^ shows what a prominent part these " high places " must have occupied in Babylonia. It was the pride of the king who built it and the glory of his people. Thus the kings vied with each other in erecting as high a tower as possible. The oldest now known zikkurat, found at Nippur by Peters and Haynes,'' comes from the second dynasty of Ur — /. e., about 2700 B. C. But this may not be the oldest type of the Babylonian temples, for it had three stages, while it is quite likely that the original type of the zikkurat had only one high plateau.^ Jensen^ has shown that the purpose of the zikkurat was to imitate a mountain. The reason for this view is found not only in the very common name for temple " the mountain house," but also in the con- ception, prevalent among the ancients, that the gods had their home on some high mountain. Just as the mountain gradually rises from the plain and grows smaller in proportion as it reaches up toward heaven, so does the zikkurat, rising from a broad foundation, grow smaller with each succeeding terrace, until the top forms merely an insignificant square peak. The Babylonian kings took special pride in the height of the zikkurat, and boasted of the top "reaching heaven." ' As in the case of the pyramids of Egypt, the base of the zikkurat was square and had an approximate orientation according to the four " Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 612 ff. The durability of the mud briclis at first used was not very great, hence the temples had frequently to be repaired, if not rebuilt, but later on the glazed bricks were used. When the art of using cement as early as Gudea's days had been discov- ered, the temples would last longer. Wood was also used, but only for the roof. Precious cedars were secured from the Lebanons. 2The word means simply "a high edifice." The Hebrews and their neighbors did also designate their temples as ** high places." 3 Gen. ir : 4. 5 See further the discussion in chap. v. 4PETERS, Nippur,\\: r24. SJensen, Kosmologie, pp. 185-95. 7Tig]ath Pilescr I., Col. VII, 11. 102, 103. HlLPRECHT. Old Bab. Inscriptions, I: i, pis. 32, 33. Nabopalasser Cylinder, Col. I., 1. 38, according to Jastrow, Rel. of Bab, and Ass,, p. 613, CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES OF ORIENTAL TEMPLES 19 cardinal points.' It has been suggested that the cause for choosing the square base, and for this attempt at a correct orientation, is found in some symbol, as the one in the title "king of the four regions.'"' From the square base the masonry rose perpendicularly to a cer- tain height. From the center of this plateau rose a second stage of the square masonry, and so on until several stories had been built. Along the edge of each terrace there was a parapet of a peculiar shape. It looked like a row of cross-sections of miniature terrace towers.* The height of the zikkurat varied according to the number of stories. Those at Nippur and Ur were about 90 feet, and that at Borsippa 183 feet. The latter had a base of 272 feet square. The terrace was at each stage twenty feet broad, i. e., from the edge of one story to the wall of the next. The following dimensions may give us an idea of the proportions of these structures : Terraces. Base. Heieht. First-Story .... 272 feet square 26 feet Second-story . . . 230 26 Third-story .... 188 26 Fourth-story. ... 146 IJ Fifth-story .... 104 15 Sixth-story .... 62 15 Seventh-story ... 20 15 Sargon's zikkurat at Khorsabad was of about the same height.* The number of stages in the zikkurat was difiEerent in different temples, but the most common numbers were three, four, and seven. There were three at Nippur and Ur, four at Larsa, and seven at Bab- ylon and Borsippa.^ These numbers are also found in ancient pictures of the zikkurat.^ The ambition of the royal builder urged him to erect as high a monument as possible, and thus the aim was to make seven stories, seven being the number of perfection. It is a singular fact that when a smaller number was used it was either three or four. These num- bers, as well as seven, have been considered sacred in all nations of antiquity. Seven, according to the Babylonians, stood for the heavenly 1 Peters, Nippur, 1 : 246 ; II : 120. 2 WiNCKLER, AUorientalische Forsckungen, III : 208-22. 3 This ornament resembles somewhat a double staircase. ,j-^^^^-u, . The same kind of ornamenta- tion occurs throughout all Assyrio-Babylonian art. The tops of altars were often adorned in this way. 4JASTROW, Rel. of Bab. and Ass., p. 6r6. 5 Sargon's zikkurat at Khorsabad had probably seven stages, though only four have been found. Perrot AND Chipiez, ^2i<. of Art in Chaldea and Assyria, I: 388. 6H0MMEL, Gesckichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 19. 20 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE bodies, the sun and the moon and the five planets, Ishtar, Marduk, Ninib, Nergal, and Nabu, hence there was a story for each one of these. The name of the zikkurat at Uruk, "the house of the seven zones," may indicate, as Jensen' suggests, the seven zones into which the earth was divided by ancient geographers. Jastrow' thinks that in the name " the seven directions of heaven and earth" we may discover a similar division of the whole universe into seven zones. If so, the zikkurat would become the symbol of the universe. But whatever may have been the origin of the usage of these numbers, it is certainly clear that the intention was to produce something enormous, and seven stood for hugeness, which from an Assyrian point of view meant perfection. There was at first a narrow staircase leading from one story to another inside the masonry, but later on there was built a winding balustrade around the tower. In the highest story there was a small chamber, according to Her- odotus, in which the god was supposed to dwell. Traces of such a room were also found at Nippur.' That room may therefore be regarded as the most sacred spot within the temple area. At Nippur it was called the " house of the oracle." The name itself indicates the character of the monument. The sacred area contained, besides the oracle, places of worship for the masses. In front of the zikkurat there was a large court, where occasionally jars have been found which may have been used in the religious ceremonies, and it is quite natural to suppose that there had stood in the court a larger altar, like that of the Jerusalem temple. There were at Nippur numerous other buildings, but one in particu- lar attracts the attention. In front of it was a large court surrounded by columns of brick. On each side of the entrance stood a brick column. Peters thinks that in front of the gateway which led to the sacred ground there stood likewise two columns, just as there were two obelisks at the propylons of the Egyptian temples. De SarzeC* also found two large, round columns at the temple of Lagash. Beyond the gateway there were two halls adjoining each other, the second being the smaller. Thus we find the same threefold division of this temple as in the Jerusalem temple. Assyrio-Babylonian Temple. Solomon's Temple. 1. The Vestibule .... The Porch. 2. The Naos The Holy Place. 3. The Papakhu . . . The Holy of Hohes. iJensen, Kosmologie^ p. 171-74. sPeters, NippHr,W\ 122. 2JASTR0W, Rel. of Bab. a?id Ass., p. 620. 4De Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldie^-^^, 62-4. CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES OF ORIENTAL TEMPLES 21 Layard points out a similar division in Nineveh.' In the papakhu he found a statue of the god to whom the temple was dedicated. At Nippur certain writings were found in the papakhu, which would indi- cate that the archives of the temples were kept in that most sacred place. Gudea describes the papakhu as a " dark " chamber.' Herod- otus 'speaks of a statue of Marduk and a golden altar in front of it in the temple of this god at Babylon. On the sides of the court were numerous chambers which were used for storing the sacrificial utensils. Some of them may, per- haps, have been dwellings for the priests and stalls for the mer- chants who sold the necessary votive gifts, etc. It is quite possible that various school buildings and halls of justice were located within the temple area." Besides the statue of the god in the papakhu there was a large number of other pieces of sculpture in the temple. At the entrance: there stood two enormous lions, cut either in limestone or alabaster. There were also huge bulls, which may have, in Assyria and Babylonia. as in Egypt, a religious significance, especially in connection with the temple architecture.^ The eagle, which seems to be the symbol of Asshur, occurs frequently in the decorations of the temples. The chief means of decoration of the Assyrio-Babylonian temples was enameled bricks of various colors, mostly blue and yellow. On the walls of the zikkurats the colors varied with each story. At Borsippa Peters found bricks " twisted, curdled, and broken by heat. A few of them of a dark red color, but most of them yellow, and some of them almost black." ^ In the interior of the large halls these glazed bricks were arranged in accordance with certain textile patterns. But the greatest skill and labor were bestowed upon the gateway entrance and the doors. The latter were generally covered with bronze, skil- fully wrought. The best example is found in the British Museum, the bronze gates of Balawat.' Precious stones of various kinds and expen- sive, imported wood occupied a prominent place in the adorning of the ancient Assyrian and Babylonian temples; 1 Layard, Discoveries atnong the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylony pp. 642-8. 2 Inscription D, Col. 11,1.9. 3 Herodotus, 1 : 83. 4 Gudea mentions a hall of judgment in the temple of Ningirsu at Lagash. 5 " Nebuchadnezzar speaks of retaining the 'bull 'statue of the old temple to Nana at Erech." Jasteow, Rel. of Bab. and Ass., p. 632. 6PETERS, Nippur^ 1:214. 7 Birch and Pinches, The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates of Balawat, London, 1B81. According to Jasthow, Rel. of Bab. and Ass., p. 626. SOLOMON'S TEMPLE 2. THE EGYPTIAN TEMPLES. The pyramids are the most striking features of the Nile valley. As these structures are generally regarded as merely royal tombs, it is not the right place to deal with them here,' but we pass over to the rectangular temple. The Temple of the Sphinx is the best example of the Old Empire temples. The material is roseate granite. The building material of all Egyptian temples is stone, granite, sandstone, and limestone. Diorite and alabaster are used for decorations. The Temple of the Sphinx consists of three halls, and three or four small chambers. First there is a long hall, extending east and west, 57 feet long and 30 feet wide. Ten square pillars supported the roof in this hall. At right angles with it we find a narrow hall, 33 feet long and 23 feet wide, containing six square columns. Parallel to this, but separated from it by a narrow passage, is a third hall, where there are no columns. But in this hall there is a small well, and this we may find to be of great significance. At either end of this hall were small chambers, as is also the case on the sides of the first hall mentioned. A long entrance passage leads from the outside to the second hall. In the Old Empire, small temples stood at the foot of the pyra- mids. They had the same rectangular shape as the Temple of the Sphinx. The one near the third pyramid was examined by Jomard." First he found a large court, then a vestibule, 103 feet long and 46 feet wide, then the main hall, 177 by 186 feet, and finally several adjoining chambers like those of the Temple of the Sphinx. Like it these tem- ples had no ornamentations, and Jomard saw no signs of columns, but Belzoni observed some traces of them in the vestibule. Thus we may conclude that the plan of the Old Empire temple shows four dis- tinct features, which we shall find further developed in the New Empire temple. See the newly discovered temple (fifth dynasty) at Abusir.^ The chief contribution of the Middle Empire seems to be the erec- tion of obelisks and pylons."* We know that Usertesen I. erected an obelisk, 66 feet high, of red granite from Assuan in Heliopolis,' and 1 In the last chapter we shall endeavor to show that the pyramids were not only royal tombs, but also the oldest type of the Egyptian temples, 2 Jomard, Description de V&gypte^ V: 654. zSznxvKR, Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sprache nnd Aliertumskunde, Band XXXVII, 1899, pp. I f., and Band XXXVIII, 1900, pp. 94 f. In this connection Petrie's work in his thorough investiga- tion in 1881-82 is of great value. Petrie, Pyramids and Temples of Gizek. 4 An obelisk, however, was found at Abusir. See Schafer's article, mentioned above. SSteindorff, in Baedeker's Egypt ^ p. lor. CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES OF ORIENTAL TEMPLES 23 knowing, too, the close connection between the obelisk and the pylon, it is inferred that the latter also was built at that time as a distinct feature of the temple. It is, however, the New Empire which produced the great temples of Egypt ; those of Luxor and Karnak having world-wide fame. It is true that the places on which they were built were ancient sacred localities, but there is nothing left of the older temples, and thus we may regard these later temples as the most typical as well as elaborate of the New Empire temples. They are often the results of the work of many dynasties. They have thus undergone so many changes from the original plan, and have consequently so many halls and chambers and pylons, that it would not be practical to chose them for a study of the chief characteristics of the Egyptian temples. We must therefore study first some less elaborate sanctuary. One of the simplest temples is that of Rameses III., at Karnak. It is often referred to as the typical Egyptian temple.' This temple is placed at right angles with the Karnak temple, and even enters upon the area of the great Ptolemaic court. Approaching it from this court we first come to a double pylon, or a huge gateway. There were two kinds of pylons, single and double. A single pylon was a large tower of masonry in the shape of a truncated pyramid, /. e., the sides were slightly inclined. The upper edge was usually crowned with a round moulding. In the double pylon there were two such towers with the doorway between them. In these pylons there were often small rooms, or in some a staircase leading to the roof. They may have been used as a temple fortification. In front of the pylons there stood usually a pair of obelisks, and often two or four colossal statues of the builder. There were also four flagstaffs of cedars from the Lebanons, which were richly adorned with electrum,'' resting on the ground and held in place higher up by large clamps in the fapade of the pylon.' Beyond the pylon we find a large court, or rather a roofless hall. Along the sides of this hall were rows of columns which were connected with the walls by a roof, thus forming on three sides a covered passage. This room is usually called the peristyle hall. In the inscriptions it bears the names "the large hall," "the hall of assembly," and " the hall of appearance." A narrow door leads into the next room, whose roof is supported by eight columns. This hall is called the hypostyle hall. iln the description of this temple the cut of the Karnak temple in Baedeker's ^"^/^ has been consulted. ^ L. D. 111:71a, H. 22) 23. 3 Steindorff, in Baedeker's ^^/^, pp. civ, ff. 24 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE Then we come to the most sacred spot in the temple, the adytum or sanctuary. In this particular temple we find three small chambers, because the temple was dedicated to the three gods Mut, Amon, and Khonsu, each of whom had a shrine. In those temples which were dedicated to a single god, as the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak, we find a single chamber, surrounded by a narrow passage on all sides. That chamber has usually two doors, one at each gable, but often only one. Beyond and around the adytum were smaller chambers, whose purpose is not evident ; but it is supposed that they were used for the storage of temple paraphernalia. In the adytum were often found a statue of the god, and always the sacred boat' and other sacred emblems. The adytum was usually dark. It is probably the nucleus around which the temple grew. First were added some chambers on the sides and the hypostyle hall in front, then the peristyle hall and the pylons. In the case of the larger temples there were further developments, always keeping the rectangular shape. Thus we find at Karnak six pylons in succession, besides the many that lead up from other temples in its immediate vicinity. Perhaps the most symmetrical of the Egyptian temples is that of Horus, at Edfu. The adytum has only one opening, thus making it perfectly dark. In it was found a beautifully wrought granite shrine. On three sides of it ran a narrow corridor, but in front were two vesti- bules. Around these corridors and vestibules were numerous smaller chambers." Behind these chambers, on one side of the temple, a narrow staircase led up to the roof. In front of the vestibules was a small hypostyle hall, containing twelve round columns. Then came the great hypostyle hall with twelve large and six small pillars. Next are found the peristyle hall, forming a large open court in the center, and finally, in front of all, the enormous pylons. Around the whole ran a large wall, making a narrow passage with the temple proper, and forming with the pylons the boundaries of the peristyle hall. Thus we find that, whether simple or complex, the temple plan consisted of five chief parts: (i) the adytum ; (2) the surrounding chambers; (3) the hypostyle hall ; (4) the peristyle hall ; (5) the pylons. The Egyptians were particular in not leaving any space on their temple walls, or even on the columns, free from inscriptions. Most of the figures are simply ceremonial pictures used for decorations, but some of them are setting forth the history and adventures and achievements of the various kings who may have built or added some ' See further chap. iv. = Arranged like the chambers in Solomon's Temple. CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES OF ORIENTAL TEMPLES 25 < ti h » '0' 'n a 1 a (—1 V ft ffl K i g 1 .2 E 3 g a S « § 3 i 3 1 s < 1 OJI .9 d p 3 en 1 a § g J 13 CU) 1 3 S 3 en a 1 3 tn 3 Q [(< 1 =3 1 1 1" .a "(3 a 3 1 1 1 rt tU) a 1 i 3 .J a .2 E < 1 a n _a "3 a i tn H 01 td 2 a =3 1 1 i i i 1 1^ 1 a 3 g 3 en H Q 1 K 8 _rt 1 4J 1 > 1 s g h en td s td si 1 1 ■a 1 26 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE part to the building. Coverings of silver and gold and ornaments of precious stones were frequently used in beautifying the temples. The surrounding grounds were beautified by parks and flowers,' and each temple seems to have had its lake. These artificial lakes were evidently supplied with water from the Nile." The lake at the temple of Mut at Karnak surrounded that sanctuary in the shape of a U. In the immediate neighborhood of the temple were granaries^ and storehouses, where foreign prisoners "both male and female" were kept. 3. THE PHCENICIAN TEMPLE. In Phoenicia we do not find such an abundance of material as in Assyria and Egypt for a reconstruction of a typical temple. The Phoenicians were experienced tradesmen and were good dis- tributors of the Assyrian and Egyptian manufactures. They were even great manufacturers themselves, but in architectural lines they seem to have been behind these nations, for they did not erect their most famous temples before the Graeco-Roman period. Hence they cannot shed any light directly on the plan of Solomon's Temple. But as it is most likely that earlier sanctuaries, though insignificant as compared with those of Egypt and Assyria, may have preceded these later shrines, and as we know how slowly the Semitic peoples adopted something fundamentally new in their religious cus- toms and architecture, we may safely conclude that the chief elements of the older temples may be discovered in such sacred places as Byblos and Paphos. But first let us cast a glance at the El Maabed, at Amrit. This is one of the oldest remains of the Semitic race in Phoenicia, and shows a decided Egyptian influence. The main part of this small sanctuary is the rectangular cella. It is a stone chapel, in which an image or sym- bol of the god was kept, corresponding to the Egyptian adytum. This hall was closed on three sides by huge monolithic slabs ; the fourth side was open. The roof consisted of one large stone, which pro- i**He caused beautiful flowers to grow around it" (i*. e.^ the temple of Luxor). The Building Inscription of Amenhotep III. L,D., Ill :71a, 1. 13, In the same writing we find a reference to a temple lake at Luxor; " Nw is in his lake in every season." ^S^^l/J "Its lake is filled with all (lit. every) the great Nile. Fishes and birds wash (therein?)." This is a reference to the lake of the Mortuary Temple of Amenhotep III,, L. D., Ill : 71a, 1. 6. 3 L. v., Ill: 71a, 1. 6. CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES OF ORIENTAL TEMPLES 27 truded beyond the sides. Renan,' who discovered it, found some evi- dences of this projecting part having been supported by two pillars, presumably of metal. The whole chapel rests on the rock, which thus forms the floor. Here also we find traces of a temple lake. Renan remarks : The four walls of the rock which serves as a base to the edifice are smooth for the upper two-thirds of their height, the lower third, on the other hand, presents the appearance of rock which has long been lapped by water. This circumstance, added to the actual existence of a spring, whose waters now escape through the boundary wall, leads us to suppose that when the the north face was shut in with a wall the inclosure formed a vast basin, in which the tabernacle rose like a "holy of holies."'' The only ornamentation now existing is an Egyptian cornice at the ceiling, but it is supposed to have been profusely adorned with metal coverings which have now disappeared. Byblos was a holy city rather than a commercial center, " the Jeru- salem of the Lebanons."^ The only knowledge we have of the plan of its temple is derived from ancient coins on which the sacred build- ing was pictured.* To the left we notice a pavilion of lattice work on the sides and the ridged roof. In front we find the usual triangular Grecian gable, supported by two round columns. To the right we see an open court formed by a covered colonnade. In the center of this court stands an altar, ornamented on the sides after a lattice pattern. The horns of the altar are particularly noticed. Behind this altar, or possibly on the top of it, rose a high, conic pillar, indicating the phallic worship at this temple.^ In the left cella stands a similar cone on a triangular altar.* Flights of steps led to both parts, indicating that the temple was situated on an elevation, or that there was a court below. The only ancient inscription which deals with the temple of Byblos is the stela of Jehawmelek (about 500 B. C), in which we find an address of the king to the " Mistress of Gebal," telling how he desired to gain certain favors because of the improvements and repairs he had made in the temple. Unfortunately, the inscription is 1 Renan, Mission en Phenecie, pp. 63-8, and plate X. z liid.^ pp. 64, 65. ilbid., p. 21. 4 See Donaldson's Architeciura Numistica. A reproduction is found in Perrotand Chipiez, Hist, of Art in Phoenicia and Cyprus^ I : 61. 5 Perrot and Chipiez liave interpreted what we have designated as an altar simply as a balustrade protecting the cone. Hist, of Art in Phoenicia and Cyprus, 1 : 258. 6 Or it may possibly be a stand supporting a bowl in which to burn incense. 7 Corpus Inscriptionum Semiiicarum, Vol. I, Part I, No. i, Plate I, pp. 3, 4. 2 8 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE not clear throughout, yet three things are evident from the text r (i) there was either in the temple or in the precinct a bronze altar;' (2) gold was largely employed in the decoration of the building ■' (3) the temple had a portico and columns.^ The bronze altar and the gold decorations point to the same class of artistic work which we find in the Solomonic temple. Herodotus' also speaks with admiration of "the great stela of pure gold on the threshold of the temple of Melkart in Tyre." It is not certain whether the columns were of brass or some other metal. The portico may have been the same as the one represented on the coin of Byblos. It was particularly at Byblos that the Astarte cult, with its licen- tious rites, flourished, which later on was continued in the Aphrodite cult of the Greek and Roman period. Renan found at Byblos grot- toes constructed for the purpose of prostitution.^ In these grottoes there were occasionally a statue of Astarte.^ Similar grottoes were found in Sayyidet-el-Mentara, in the village of Magdouschd, in Adloun and Vastha.' 4. TEMPLE IN CYPRUS. The ancient civilization of Cyprus was almost identical with that of Phoenicia. It is therefore natural to suppose that its religious archi- tecture would have the same characteristic features as the Phoenician. Such a supposition becomes a certainty when we observe the pictures of the most famous temple on the island, that of Paphos, as represented on relics found in that place. Perrot and Chipiez^ have given us a most interesting and vivid picture of the same, based on the work of Engel.' Tacitus'" mentions a visit to this temple by Titus at the time of the Jewish war, and adds that "the emperor took pleasure in con- templating the wealth of the temple, as well as many antique objects, to which the vanity of the Greeks gave an exaggerated age." He also speaks of the altar, on which sacrifices were offered under the open sky, and yet no rain fell on them. The latter remark is explained by the dry atmosphere in this region, but it also confirms the idea gained ■iIb^d.,\.^. '/ilW.,n. 4,s. 3 Ibid. ,\. 6. 4 Herodotus, II : 44. 5 Renan, Mission en Pkinicie, p. 204. 6" Dans la caverne de Gebeil et dans celle dont nous parlons en ce moment (Vastha) il y a une niche pour la statue de la deesse." Renan, Mission en Pkinicie^ p. 653. 7 Renan, Mission en Phfnieie, pp. 518, 647, 653, 662. The last one may possibly have been con- structed by Hiram of Tyre, though the evidences are not fully satisfactory. A grotto of Mount Eryx, in Sicily, may have had the same origin. SPerrotand Chipiez, History of Art in Phtenicia and Cyprus^ 1:330 ff. 9ENGEL, ^/r(75, 2 vols. 8vo, Berlin, 1841. 10 Tacitus, ^z5/(7r/, II : 3. CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES OF ORIENTAL TEMPLES 29 from the pictures on the coins that the altar was situated in an open pavilion or peristyle hall.' We have at present three distinct pictures of this temple, on a ring, on a mirror, and on a coin, which in the main give the same views of the temple, though one may be more elaborate than the other. All three of these show the fapade of the temple, the lower open court, the upper peristyle court, and in the coin the front wall of the cella. The ring belongs to the famous Cesnola collection. It was found by General Cesnola at Curium on Cyprus, and the picture of the Paphian sanctuary is engraved in a carnelion stone, which is still in place." The picture shows the forecourt in the shape of a semicircle, two tiny lines indicating the balustrade around it. In the upper court we notice first the two lofty pillars, on each side of which we find a part of the colonnade. In the center was the cone-like pillar, or altar perhaps, and between the lofty pillars and the side columns were the usual candelabra. The picture is so small that only the bare contours may be seen, and it would be difficult to interpret it were it not for the more distinct pictures on the mirror and the coin. The mirror found by Cesnola at Paphos^ shows a part of the fore- court, the two pillars with lotus-shaped capitals, a square altar with two asherahs, one on each side. That which seems to be a crossbar, unit- ing the pillars, may in reality have been intended to represent the roof of the colonnade. The size of the altar indicates that it was a most prominent feature of the picture, standing probably in the center of the court. The best picture is that on the coin." The semicircular court is inclosed by a balustrade. Two gates stand ajar, showing the pavement of the court. In the other pictures this may have been taken for lattice-work on the wall below the upper court, but here we find clearly it is meant to represent the pavement. A dove is feeding in the court- yard. Perrot and Chipiez regard the two lofty structures in front, together with the wall showing the windows, as a narrow pylon with two small, slender towers.^ If that is true, they represent a shape of pylons whose analogy we find nowhere else in the Semitic world. It 1 This may also confirm our conjecture in regard to tiie altar on the coin of Byblos, which Perrot and Chipiez call a balustrade around the cone. 2 See the cuts of the ring in Perrot and Chipiez, History of A rt in Phtsnicia and Cyprus, II : 242. 3 Cesnola, Salaminia, p. 63. 4 See Donaldson's A rchitectura Numistica. Also Perrot and Chipiez, History of A rt in Phcenicia and Cyprus, 1 : 273. s If so, why not regard them as some kind of fiagstaffs i" The Egyptian pylon was adorned with such. 30 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE is more probable that they are two round columns like Jachin and Boaz in Jerusalem.' Behind and on the sides of the pillars is stretched the roof which covered the colonnade. On this roof are two pigeons, the symbols of Astarte. Two of the columns appear on the coin. They are evidently Corinthian. Between the two larger columns we notice the altar and its cone. Within the pavilion we also find two candelabra for evening illuminations, or perhaps two stands, support- ing bowls in which incense may have been burnt. Now as to the three openings between the large pillars, there have been several conjectures. We have already mentioned the view of Perrot and Chipiez. Others have regarded them as part of a balustrade connecting the two pillars. On Cesnola's ring and mirror there seems to be a bar connecting them. The only difference is that on the mirror this bar is too low to corre- spond to that part of the picture on the coin, but just in the right place to represent the roof of the colonnade. From this we may conclude that the pillars stood isolated in the front of the peristyle court, while the so-called "windows" were entirely left out. What seems to be a bar on the ring corresponds in place to the "windows" on the coin. If these "windows" are not connected with the pillars and are above the roof of the colonnade, they must evidently belong to some wall beyond the peristyle court. If so, the star and the cresent moon, the emblem of the goddess, would be regarded as some ornament on the same wall, while on the supposition of Perrot and Chipiez they would have no organic part in the temple plan, being above the line which they regard as the top of the pylon. The natural inference would then be that these figures are signs indicating a house beyond. Whether that be a hypostyle hall or an adytum, it is impossible to tell. If it is a hypostyle hall these openings may be of the same nature as the gratings of the hypostyle hall at Karnak. Similar niches are also found above the door in the royal tomb at Tamassos.° From such scant sources of information it is almost impossible to make a complete reconstruction of the Phoenician temple. We may observe, however, the following features: (i) That in all the pictures we find a double court as in the Jerusalem temple ; (2) that a cella is only inferred from one of the pictures; (3) that they show double columns in front of the perirtyle court ; (4) that an altar, a cone- asherah, and two candelabra are found in the peristyle court. I See further chap. iii. 2 Max Ghnefalsch-Richter, Kypros^ p. 347. CHAPTER II. PREPARATIONS FOR SOLOMON'S TEMPLE. I. David's relation to the temple building. David's purpose in bringing the ark of the covenant up to Jerusa- lem was undoubtedly to secure for it a permanent house. The circum- stances in the kingdom, however, made it necessary, first of all, to fortify the capital and build a royal palace. This David accomplished, but he did not find time or opportunity to erect the temple.' In building his house David seems to have have had the aid of Phoeni- cian workmen. Hiram of Tyre sent him not only cedars, but also car- penters and masons.° Whether this was in compliance with some contract between the two monarchs we do not know, though it may be quite possible. The Chronicler' regards David as the planner of the temple, handing down the plans to his son. It is a singular fact that the earlier record knows nothing of this. David may, however, have made some preparations for the temple, which may have given rise to the tradition recorded by the Chronicler, for in the correspondence between the kings of Tyre and Israel, Solomon speaks as if Hiram was familiar with David's plans.* In these words there may even have been an allusion to a contract between David and Hiram, which caused Hiram to be the first to send messengers. 2. Solomon's contract with hiram of tvre. Whatever the previous plans and preparations may have been, this we know, that a definite contract was made between Solomon and Hiram as to securing material and supplying a working force. Accord- ing to this contract^ it was Hiram's duty to secure cedars, fir trees, and stones from the Lebanons, haul them down to the coast, and make rafts on which to ship the material to whatsoever point Solomon desired,' whence Solomon's people would drag them to Jerusalem. In return for these services Solomon was to provide food for Hiram's household, 1 The numerous wars, the organization of the military forces, and the constant conspiracies of his later years may Jiave prevented him from undertaking so large a work. 2 2 Sam. 5;ir ; I Chron. 14:1. 3i Chron. 28:11 ff. 4 r Kings 5:3. " Thou knowest how that David, my father, could not build an house for the name of Yahweh, his God, for the wars which were about him on every side, until Yahweh put them under the soles of his feet." 5 1 King, 5: i-ii; 2 Chron. 2;i~r8, 6This harbor was Joppa, according to 2 Chron. 2: 16. 31 32 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE consisting of 20,000 measures of wheat and 20 measures of pure oil a year.' The correspondence which led to this contract is written throughout in the first person. Josephus ^ asserts that in his time these letters were to be found in the Tyrian libraries, though he does not give us the proofs for such an assertion. The letters as he gives them are simply reproductions of the Hebrew. Were there two Hirams of Tyre? Is the friend of David the same as the king who contracted with Solomon? From the narratives in 2 Sam. 5:11, 2 Chron. 2:3, and Josephus, ^«/., VII, iii:2, it would seem as if the Hiram of David's time and the Hiram of Solomon's reign was the same person. " But if the mention of the eleventh year of the thirty-four years' reign of the Hiram, who for the most part lived in Solomon's era, is correct, the other Hiram must have been his grand- father. Hiram's father is named by Josephus from the oldest sources Abibal." 3 3. THE MATERIAL USED. From the contract, as well as from the subsequent narrative, we gather that Solomon secured from the Lebanons " great stones, costly stones, and hewn stones" for the walls of the house,* and timber of cedars, cypress, and sandal wood for the roof and the trimmings. ^ The conquerors of western Asia have always utilized the treasures of the Lebanons. Thutmosis III. made his expeditions through Pale- stine and Phoenicia, and brought back large booty for his temples. Among these things were cedars and other kinds of precious wood. The cutting down of the trees is represented in Egyptian reliefs.^ In the quarries of the Lebanons the stones were not only cut out of the rocks, but they seem also to have been trimmed there. 4. TRANSPORTATION OF THE MATERIAL. The Egyptians, who had only to drag the timber to the coast, used, no doubt, the same method as they employed in transporting their large obelisks and other huge monoliths.' They were dragged by men or oxen on low sledges. II Kings 5:9-11. The Chronicler further adds 20,000 measures of barley, 20.000 baths of wine, and has 20,000 baths of oil. z Chron. 2 ; 10. 2 Josephus, Ant., VIII: li, 8. bEwald, Hzst, of Israel^ III: 226, note. 4 1 Kings 5 : 17. *' In I Kings 6:7a tradition has been recorded that the material was so well pre- pared in the quarries and the forests of the Lebanons that it could be put together in Jerusalem without a " blow of hammer, or ax, or tool of iron." 5 1 Kings 5 : 10. ^L, Z>., Ill : 3i3. The same process is shown on the bas-reliefs of Essarhaddon. 7Bas-relief at Deir-el-Bahri. The obelisks of Hatshepsowet already rest in the boat, in which they were to be transported down the Nile, but the fact that they lie on the sledges indicates what method of transportation was used before they were placed in the boat. PREPARATIONS FOR SOLOMON'S TEMPLE 33 Place," in his great work on Nineveh, gives us a picture of the hauling of a monolith on a cart. It is the picture of a bas-relief from the ruins at Khorsabad. The stone is placed on a cart with four wheels, and prevented from falling off by heavy beams of timber. In front are six large cables, by which the men, walking six abreast, are pulling it. There are just as many cables attached at the other end. A body of men behind hold the cart back in case of an incline. Plate 44 bis shows the use of the lever in transportation. What way was the material transported? Did it come by land through Galilee and Samaria, or by sea via Tyre and Joppa and then hauled to Jerusalem? Winckler" urges most forcefully the view that the former route was used. Arguing from analogy he points out the Assyrian mode of transportation mentioned above. Solomon had in all probability a quarry in the southern Lebanons where an army of men labored together with Hiram's builders.^ If so, the nearest way would be through Galilee and Samaria. But we do not know where the quarry was situated. It might just as well be near the Phoenician coast, and if so, the other route would be easier. Under all circum- stances the road through Galilee would be very rough for transporting such heavy weights. The mode of navigation suggested for the transportation of the timber and the stones may not be the best possible, but still there is nothing improbable in the story. Already in the days of Thutmosis III. that route had been traversed clear down to Egypt. In his Annals Thutmosis III. speaks of his campaign in Phoenicia and of the large tributes which the princes of the Lebanons paid him. Then he says : " Behold, (they)* took a ship laden with all these things, with slaves male and female, with copper, lead, and emery, and all good things, and His Majesty sailed southward to Egypt."^ Navigation has always started by men following the coast in small, inferior ves- sels. This route may, therefore, have been the easiest way to trans- port the material. All depends, of course, upon where in the Lebanons the quarries were situated. The metal work was executed in the lower Jordan valley in the clay ground between Succoth and Zarethan.' I M. Place, Niniveh, Plate XLIV. 2W1NCKLKK, Geschichte Israels, II, pp. 260 f. 3i Kings 5 : 14 J. 4 There is a lacuna where the subject should be, but the context shows clearly that the king and his followers are referred to. 5 A nnals of Thutmosis III. ,• i;. ZJ., Ill, 31*. « i Kings 7 : 46. 34 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE 5. PREPARATION OF THE TEMPLE AREA. Ill order to find out the place in Jerusalem where the temple was situated, it is first of all necessary to observe the topography of the city in general. Jerusalem was situated on a high hill. On two sides were deep valleys : on the eastern side the Valley of Kedron, later called the Valley of Jehoshafat ; on the southern side the Valley of Hinnom. In the center of the hill is a depression running north and south, called the Tyropoeon Valley, thus dividing the city into two parts. Coming up the eastern hill we approach first the place where the City of David was probably situated. Higher up we come to the palace of Solomon, and next to it, though a little higher, the Temple of Solomon. It was near the spot on which David erected an altar,' the old threshing floor of the Jebusite king Arauna, where he saw the angel of pestilence. At present the "Dome of the Rock" stands in this place. It is not certainly known how much area was included in the haram. Ezekiel's ideal temple had an area of 500 square reeds, or 3,000 square cubits, but this could hardly have been based on the exact measurements of Solomon's Temple. Considering the temple proper as having an area of 80 by 40 cubits, the Upper Court 100 square cubits, and the Lower Court 200 by 100 cubits, we would have an area of 370 by 240 cubits.° In order to procure a level surface for the building, it was neces- sary to cut off protruding points and fill in cavities. At the same time the foundation walls were laid. Josephus speaks of the huge and strong stones that were placed at the bottom of the foundation walls.^ Excavations show that a trench was hewn out of the native rock, in which the lowest course of stone was laid.^ It is quite natural to sup- pose that in this substructure chambers or grottoes were constructed, and perhaps cisterns of water were also kept there, supplying the nec- essary water for the Molten Sea. There may have been a spring below, which gave rise to Ezekiel's vision of a fountain in the temple sending forth an ever-increasing fiver. 6. THE WORKING FORCE. Who was the architect of the temple ? We do not know, yet it is possible that this work was intrusted to a man by name of Hiram Abu, r 2 Sam. 24 : 28 ; 2 Chron. 3:1. The Chronicler calls the Jebusite king " Oman." s Herod's Temple seems to have been 600 by 597 cubits, according to Josephus. As we know that Josephus used the Greek cubit, and as his dimensions agree with the Bible statements, we infer that they must have used a cubit of equal length to the Greek, or about 18 inches. 3 Josephus, .4 «;*., Vni; iil:i,2. 4 Hurlbut, Old and New Test. Siudent^ Vlltp, 125. PREPARATIONS FOR SOLOMON'S TEMPLE 35 sent to Jerusalem by Hiram of Tyre to supervise tire decorative work. This man's fatlier was a Tyrian and his mother a daughter of Naph- tali.' The Chronicler represents him as having been a man of well- nigh universal knowledge, "skilled to work in gold, silver, brass, iron, stone, timber, purple, blue, fine linen, crimson, and to engrave any kind of work." The author of the narrative in the Books of Kings only claims for him skill as a brassworker. He was, no doubt, a good artisan, and the title Abu might indicate that he was the general over- seer of the whole work. His masterpieces are enumerated in detail in both Kings and Chronicles.' It is not stated how many thousand men Hiram engaged in the work, but they must have been fully as numerous as the Israelites. Among them were famous carvers of Zidon^ and stonecutters of Byblos." Solomon's working force, which, under the leadership of Adoniram, the son of Abda,^ was sent to the Lebanons, numbered, according ta the Hebrew narrative, 30,000 men. Altogether there were 70,000 who carried burdens, 80,000 stone-hewers, and 3,300 overseers of the work.* Thus the preparations were made, the edifice erected, and in the next chapter we shall study the plan according to which it was built. 1 1 Kings 7 : 13, 14 ; 2 ChrOD. 2:13 states that his mother was of the tribe of Dan. = I Kings 7 : 13 ff. ; 2 Chron. 2 : 13 £f. 4 1 Kings 5:18. 3 I Kings 5: 6. 5 I Kings 4: 6. 6 1 Kings 5 : 13-18. According to 2 Chron. 2 : 2, iB there were 3,600 overseers. These numbers are, no doubt, greatly exaggerated. CHAPTER III. THE PLAN OF THE BUILDING. I. THE SURROUNDING WALLS. The narrative of the building plan in the First Book of Kings does not say anything about the outer walls. But that they existed may be inferred from the tradition to which Josephus alludes, when in a description of Herod's Temple he inserts the following parenthesis : " This hill (t. e., the temple hill) it was which Solomon, who was the first of our kings, surrounded, by divine revelation, with a wall of excellent workmanship above and around the top of it." ' We know that both in Assyria and Babylonia and in Egypt the sacred grounds were surrounded by high walls, and that at the entrances there were large pro-pylons, in front of which in Egypt there were two obelisks, and in Assyria, it is supposed, there stood two square pillars. If Solomon was entirely dependent on the Phoenician architect in all details, it may not be so certain that there were such walls, for as yet we have no evidence of their existence in the Phoenician temple plan.' But if he desired to make his temple as glorious as those of his Egyp- tian neighbors, it would seem most natural that such walls surrounded the temple. 2. THE people's court. The whole temple was laid out with axis in the direction of east and west, the building itself also, like most Oriental temples, facing the rising sun. Entering through the eastern pro-pylon, and approaching the sanctuary, we come first to the Lower Court. This was the people's court, where they might gather and observe the ceremonies. It was accessible through many gateways,^ whose doors were overlaid with brass. The court was a quadrangle, inclosed- by colonnades on three sides. It is quite_ probable that Solomon built only the eastern side, which afterward was called Solomon's Portico in the second and third 1 Josephus, Ant.^ XV : xi . 3. The last expression refers, of course, to the cornice. There are differ- ences of opinion as to its appearance, some restorers making: it like the Egyptian cornice, and others like the Assyrian crenellations. Which it was, is impossible to determine. 2 And yet there may have been walls around the Phoenician temples also, though they are not repre- sented in those pictures of the temples which have been found. Besides, it would be difHcult for the artist to show on a small coin the entire plan of the temple. i 3 2 Chron. 4 ; 9. 36 PLAN OF THE BUILDING 37 temples, and that later kings completed the colonnade all around. The size of this court is uncertain. Ferguson estimates it to 200 by 100 cubits.' 3. THE priests' court. The western side of the great court was a solid stone wall. A flight of steps led to the Upper Court, which is sometimes called the " court of the priests."" In i Kings 6:36 we read: " And he built the inner CQurt with three rows of hewn stones and a row of cedar beams. "^ The word "l^ltt, which is translated " row," may mean a wall, a fence, an inclosure, as in Ezek. 46: 23. If we accept this interpretation of the word, we must suppose that the walls surrounding this court on three sides were made up of three layers of stone and a cornice of cedar beams. In Exod. 28: 17 the word means clearly a " row," referring to the four rows of precious stones on the breastplate. It seems possible that both these conceptions may have been included in the word "l!|t3 as used here : a threefold inclosure, formed by rows of cut stones ; hence a double colonnade. Were these columns isolated ? No, " an inclosure of cedar beams, placed in succession," might be a large lat- tice work of beams, connecting all the columns, which, to an observer at a little distance, may look like one row of beams. It is a bungly circumlocution for a covered colonnade, but may have been the only way to express it. Such lattice-work is clearly indicated on the coins of Byblos and Paphos.' In the Priests' Court was the rock which David had bought from the Jebusite king. On the top was a large, brazen altar, visible to the multitude in the Lower Court. It was a square chest of wood, overlaid with brass and filled with stones and earth. According to the Chron- icler^ there was also a scaffold of brass, or a kind of platform five cubits long, five cubits broad, and three cubits high, in this court. This platform may have been used by public speakers in addressing the masses, or in praying. The Molten Sea* was placed in the south- eastern corner of the court, and the ten lavers, five on the north and five on the south side. We find, therefore, a close resemblance I Ferguson, The Temples of Jerusalem^ p. 79. 22 Chron., 4:9; Jer. 26: 10. 3 The same expression is used in i Kings 7: 12 in regard to the great court around the palace of Solo- mon. See also Esdras 6 : 25 in regard to the same words used in connection with the second temple, 4 On the Labican way near Rome a piece of a glass bowl was found in 1882, on the bottom of which there is a picture, which is supposed to represent the Solomonic Temple, and in this picture the house is surrounded by a row of pillars with a cornice of wooden beams. A rckives de /' Orient^ II : 439. According to Pebrot and Chipiez, Hist, of A rt in Sardinia and fudea, 1 : 235. 5 2 Chron. 6:13. i Kings 7 : 39. 38 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE between the courts of Solomon's Temple and the two courts in the Phoenician temples, and also the terrace courts of Deir-el-Bahri. The double courts in Jerusalem correspond to the double peristyle hall in the Egyptian temples. 4. JACHIN AND BOAZ. Crossing the court we reach a flight of steps which lead to the entrance of the temple proper, on each side of which stands a round pillar. Just as the pylons in Egypt had special names," these pillars had also names. The one on the right side was called Jachin, and the one on the left Boaz.° Jachin means probably " he shall estab- lish," and Boaz " in him is strength." Renan regards the two names as forming a sentence or a formula: " May the double column firmly stand." Scholars differ as to the function of these pillars. Some hold that they were support-pillars, others that they were isolated, decorative columns. Stade,^ in his restoration of the temple, regards them as support-pillars, standing in the doorway. So also Hurlbut and Vogii^."* In the Turin Museum there is a portable tabernacle of painted wood. It comes from the nineteenth dynasty in Egypt. In front are two round pillars, with Hathor-headed capitals, standing a short distance from the entrance and supporting a small roof.^ Notice also Renan's observation of the support-pillars in El Maabed at Amrit, mentioned above. Thesec ases of support-pillars in front are, how- ever, found only in smaller tabernacles, and not in large temples. They are a part of a very fitting portico, which takes the place of the vestibule in the larger temples. Ferguson,* regarding it absurd that pillars of the size of Jachin and Boaz could have been made by any brassfounder of antiquity, suggests that there was above the door a lattice work or screen, like those of the Indian temples, supported by two pillars, twelve cubits apart, not more than a cubit in diameter. The purpose of such a screen would be to admit light into the Holy Place. The chief objec- tion to this theory is that the biblical accounts, which are describing these pillars in the smallest details, say absolutely nothing of such a screen, which would, according to this view, be the most important part of the elaborate decoration. ** Amen has received the lifting up of his beauty." Building Inscription of Amenhotep • lIL.i^.ZI., III;7ia, 1. 9. ^i Kings 7: 21. SPekrot AND Chipiez, Hist, of Art in Ancinit Egypt,!:-^^^, Fig. 210. 3 Stade, Ceschichte Israels, 1 : 332. 6 Ferguson, History of Architecture, 1 : 213. 4Dk VoGiiE, Le Temple, Plate XIV. ■^f)^^^J^ PLAN OF THE BUILDING 39 Schick ' has shown conclusively that the pillars were isolated. So also De Saulcy,= Benzinger,^ Perrot and Chipiez/ and others. Similar isolated columns we find at Lagash,^ in the temple of Kalaat-Fakra,' in the temple of Melkart at Tyre,' the Baal pillars in Malta,^ the already mentioned pillars at Paphos,' and those on the Carthaginian stela." In a terra-cotta model of the temple at Dali, Cyprus, now in the Louvre collection, we find likewise two isolated pillars with capitals in the shape of an open flower." The picture of the temple on the bottom of the glass bowl found at Rome, which has been mentioned above, shows clearly that the tradi- tions of the Jews, even at as late a date as the close of the third cen- tury A. D., maintained that these pillars were isolated. They are distinguished from the other columns, not only by their position, but also in their color, one being red and the other brown, while the other columns are white. These pillars are placed at different levels, ■ ne of them not resting in its socket. And the way they are turned shows clearly that it was the artist's intention to show that they were isolated. In the center of the great ptolemaic court at Karnak there are ten isolated pillars, and the distance from them to the nearest columns is so great that it would have been impossible to span it over either with stone or wood, and this has led Ebers " and others to regard them as simply ornamental pillars like Jachin and Boaz. But it is more likely that it was the intention of Ptolemy Philopator, whose cartouche is found on them, to add a new hypostyle hall to the famous temple, and that, when the pylons were up and the work on the columns had begun, he found that the hall was so enormous, and it would take so much money to complete it, that the work was abandoned at this point and was never finished. If so, these columns were meant to be sup- port-pillars. A further proof of this is the fact that the top is so shaped that one would naturally suppose that something should rest on 1 Schick, Die Stiftshutte^ der Tempel in Jerusalem und der Tempelplatz der Jetzizeity pp. 82, 83. 2 De Saulcy, Hisioire de Pari Judaigue, 1864. Plan du Temple de Solomon, K. L. 3 Benzinger, Hebrdiscke A rckdologie^ p. 245. He makes them isolated, but placed inside the ves- tibule. 4 Perkot and Chipiez, History of A rt in Sardinia and Judea, 1 : 235. 5 De Sarzec, Dicouvertes en Chaldie, pp. 62-4. 6 Renan, Mission en Phinecie, p. 335, 336. 7 Herodotus, II : 44. One of gold and one of lapis lazuli. 8 Max Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros^ p. 186. 9 See chap. i. 10 Corpus Inseriptionum Semiticarttm, I : 281. " Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, IV : 2. Article by Friedeich, " Die Ausgrabungen von Sendshirli," p, 236, Fig. I. 12 Ebers, Aegypten im Bild und Wort^ II . 331. 4° SOLOMON'S TEMPLE it. Those who regard them as isolated, ornamental pillars, even sug- gest that some statue or other emblem was to be placed on the top.' The two pillars were made of brass, and measured i8 cubits in height, and had a circumference of 12 cubits.^ From i Kings 7 : 16^ we would judge that the shafts and the capitals were made separately and then put together. The height of the capital was 5 cubits, thus the shaft would be 13 cubits high. This would perhaps include the height of the plinth on which it stood. The exact appearance of the shaft we do not know. It was probably very plain, for otherwise it would be most likely that an elaborate description of it would occur, as in the case of the capitals. The capital was intended to resemble a lily in bloom,* consisting of two parts, the " calyx " i cubit high, and the petals 4 cubits high.=' The "calyx" was covered with an ornament in shape of a net- work,^ and at both upper and lower end there was a row of pomegran- ates numbering two hundred. From the lower row was suspended a chain forming seven wreaths or semi-loops.' From this " calyx" the petals of the lily spread out, forming a large cup. In the various attempts at restoration, the capital is usually represented as a bud,^ but it takes a vivid imagination to discover the lily shape. They are more like an asparagus stalk. 5. SIMILAR PILLARS IN OTHER TEMPLES. We have already mentioned the square brick pillars in front of the Assyrio-Babylonian temples, particularly at Nippur and Lagash. The columns of Paphos have also been referred to, but a word ought to be said about their capitals. They consist of two slender stems surmounted by globes. They might be taken for the stalk and bud of a flower, but they resemble more the very common sun- globe.' Strabo'° speaks of similar phalluses with fork-shaped capi- tals in the temple of Atargatis in Hieropolis in upper Syria. 1 Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, of Art in Ancient Egypt ^ II : 144. 2 The Chronicler, with his usual exaggeration, makes the height 35 cubits, 2 Chron. 3:15. 3 Also 2 Kings 25 : 16, 17 ; Jer. 52 : 21-23. S i Kings 7 : 19. 4 I Kings 7: 19. The same figure is also found in the Molten Sea. Lily-shaped capitals are also found on the columns in the great hall at Karnak and in the hypostyle hall at Ramesseum. 6 Naturally suggesting the leaves which made up the calyx. 7 i Kings 7 ; 16-20. SStade, Geschichte Israels,!: ^-ii. Benziugmr, f/eirdische Archdologie, p. MS- RiEHM, H andworierbuch des bihlischen Altertunts, 2d ed., II: p. 1657. 9 The pillars on the Carthaginian stela have also a capital consisting of a globe, though it is sur- mounted by a bull's horns. Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, 1 : 281. 10 Stkabo, XVI, i : 27. PLAN OF THE BUILDING 41 In Egypt the obelisks take the part which the columns in the temples of other nations occupy. They consist of a monolithic shaft' with four sides, gradually diminishing in size, and ending in a small pyramidion. The ancient appearance of these monuments was very different, for it is certain that the pyramidion at least was covered with metal.' There is still another kind of sacred pillars in Egypt to deal with. At the close of the festival of Ptah-Sokaris-Osiris occurred the "erec- tion of the pillar of (/d," when the king, having sacrificed to Osiris, a mummified figure, bearing on his head the sign of the ifd-pillar, pro- ceeded to raise a figure of this shape &. lying on the ground. It was erected with ropes, a priest offi- Ti elating. Then followed a season of rejoicing. But it is the shape of this pillar rather than the festival in which we are interested at this time. It occurs fre- quently on the monuments, and, according to Erman,^ was the sign of the god of Dedu, a town in the Delta, later on called Busiris. What was the origin of this sign ? What was the hieroglyph meant to represent ? Some hold that it represents a nilometer, but this is scarcely a satisfactory explanation. Dr. Breasted'' suggests that the lower part is an altar,^ and the upper part is meant to show that there were vessels containing offerings placed upon it. The Egyptian artist knew nothing of perspective, and his only way to show that there were several vessels on the altar would be to put one upon the other. This seems a very plausible explanation, and it is easy to understand how in a later age the above-mentioned custom arose, when once this hieroglyph was recognized as the sign of the god of Dedu, irrespective of its origin.^ If this explanation is correct, it is clear that the ^d-pillar is not of the same nature as the other pillars mentioned above, and yet it may shed some light on the origin of columns of this kind — that they stand as a sign of some deity.' Thus we have observed that nearly all temples in the Semitic world I So also the columns of Kaalat-Fakra. *' II y a, en efiet, ^ Fakra, comme dans plusieurs outres constructions du Libanon et de Galilee, de double colonnes monolithes." Renan, Mission e7i Ph^nicie, P- 336- 2 ''Making for him two great obelisks of granite stone of the southern region, half of the upper part with electrum." From the south side of Hatshepsowet's obelisk at Karnak. 3 Eeman, Life in Ancient E^ypt, p. 260. 4 In a class-room recitation. 5 It is the exact shape of an Egyptian altar. 6 The same explanation could be used in regard to the cone-like pictures on the coins of Byblos and Paphos, that they were altars with a cone — possibly a sign of a bread, as an offering, or a phallus — placed upon it. 7 The Baal pillar which Jehu destroyed (2 Kings to : 26, 27) may have served the same function as the ^/()« en /^A^wi^cr^.p, 687, Plate XXII, 7 Cesnola, Salaminia^ p, 100. 8 HiLPRECHT, Old Bab. Inscriptions^ I, 2, p. 24, Ace, to Jastrow, Rel, of Bab. and Ass.., p. 651. FURNITURE AND DECORATIONS 51 in Assyria, later on, was a limestone or alabaster altar. The base of the altar was a solid stone with a circular or oblong plate resting on it. Here we find also the triangular altar." A sample of such an altar is the one from Khorsabad, now in the Louvre. It rests on a broad plinth, also triangular in shape, and is supported at each corner by a lion's paw. The table is circular and bears a cuneiform inscription on the side. The Nimroud altar at the British Museum differs from the rest in having on each end a roll. The shape is like that of the Roman sarcophagi in a later age. The table of the altar was often adorned with crenellations, so usual in all Assyrian architecture. The same monument occurs frequently throughout all Phoenicia.' 2. THE MOLTEN SEA. In the southeastern corner^ of the upper court was situated the huge, brazen sea, supported by twelve brazen oxen, three looking in each direction.* The height of the basin itself was 5 cubits, the diam- eter 10 cubits, and the circumference 30 cubits, its thickness i palm.^ It contained 200 baths. The shape of the large vessel was that of an open lily or lotus flower.'' Below the rim were two rows of knobs cor- responding to the pomegranates on the pillars, ten on each cubit.' The size of the oxen on which the vessel rested is not given. It is quite probable that behind the oxen there was a block of masonry which helped to support it. As the rule of the Hiram of the Bible is known with certainty from in- scriptions to have extended over parts of Cyprus, and in particular just over the most ancient copper mine district between Amathus and Tamassos, we may assume with safety that the great bulk of the bronze and copper vessels for Solomon's Temple were either actually made in Cyprus or made by Cyprian masters in Phoenicia or Jerusalem.^ In Assyria we find a piece of furniture called "Apsu," or " the deep," which evidently corresponds to the Molten Sea. It was cut of large blocks of stone and was beautifully decorated.' That it had a iPereot AND Chipiez, Htst. of Art in Chaldea and Ass, ^ I: 257. 2 Renan, Mission en Phinieit, pp. 72, 162-4, 175. Plates XI, XII, XIII, XX, XXII. May we not suppose that the border around the settle in EzekiePs altar had this shape? Ezek. 43 : 17. 3 Not, as Ferguson supposes, between the altar and the Porch. Ferguson, The Temples ofyeru- saletn^ p. 37 ; i Kings 7 : 39. 4 I Kings 7 : 24. 5 I Kings 7: 23. A circumference of 10 cubits' diameter would be 31.40 cubits, while 30 cubits circumference would have a diameter of 9.55 cubits. 6iKings7;26. 8 Max Ohnefalsch-Richter, ^>'/?'(?j, pp. 444 f. 71 Kings 7:24. 9JASTPOW, ReL of Bab. and Ass., p. 653. $2 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE symbolical significance is almost certain. If we remember that the zikkurat stood for the mountain, it is possible that this vessel stood for the sea, hence a symbolic representation of the earth.' Similarly in Phoenicia and Cyprus we find remains of large vessels used in the temples. The best example of them is the famous lime- stone vase of Amathus, now in the Louvre. It is spheroidal in shape and has a small base and low rim around the circular mouth. On the sides are four large handles, inside of which is a picture of a bull. The vessel is 6 feet 2 inches high and the greatest diameter is 9 feet 2 inches. Remembering that Solomon's Sea was 15 feet in diameter and 7j4 feet in height, we find that this one, though not coming near it in actual dimensions, yet it is the best representation of such a vessel and was evidently used for the same purpose. The place in Amathus, where this vessel was found, resembles Jerusalem in this respect that it was a high hill and that there was a scarcity of springs, hence the necessity of filling this vessel with water for the oblutions in the tem- ple. In the rainy season the vessels were easily filled, otherwise the water was brought from the city reservoir on the backs of donkeys. Whatever may have been the method of supplying the water to the Molten Sea, it seems very plausible that there were taps near the bot- tom for emptying the water into the small, movable lavers by means of which water was brought to the altar. The angles between the oxen would be the most suitable place for them. In Amrit Renan ° made a discovery which may explain the purpose of the large vessel. At the Ain-el-Hayyit, or "Fountain of the Ser- pent," he found a small, monolithic tabernacle resting on a large stone cube, and this in turn on a smaller stone. Just opposite it, on the other side the marsh, there were remnants of a similar tabernacle. These shrines had their openings facing each other, so that in antiquity, when perhaps the water formed a lake rather than marsh as at present, the only access to these sanctuaries was by means of boats. The cor- nice of uraeus serpents and the large winged sun-disc in the ceiling show a clear Egyptian influence in the adornment of this tabernacle. It does not take much imagination to see that, because of the position of the two shrines, we have in Phoenicia also a sample of the temple lakes. In Panaghia Phaneromeni on Cyprus we find that the sanctu- ary was built around a sacred fountain, just as the Temple of the 1 Remembering the zikkurat-like shape of the altar in Jerusalem, we would have the same symbolism represented In Solomon's Temple also. 2 Renan, Mission en PhSnicu, pp. 68-70. FURNITURE AND DECORATIONS 55 Sphinx might have been erected around the well found in its inner- most hall. Thus we may notice that throughout the Semitic world there are in nearly all the temples evidences of the existence of a large quantity of water. It is also clear that where it was possible these waters were collected into small artificial lakes, but that when the temple was situ- ated on a hill, where such an arrangement may have been impossible, we find instead these huge vessels, which are the nearest approach to it. Just as the " Apsu " in Assyria, the Molten Sea in Jerusalem, the giant vase in Amathus, the sacred fountain in Lacarna, and the lake of Amrit were not only in the immediate vicinity of the temple, but within the sacred precincts, so were also the Egyptian lakes within the outer temple walls. The purpose of these lakes was not merely for the sake of ablutions, because then they ought to have been outside, so that the worshipers might pass through the necessary ceremonies of ablution before enter- ing the sacred grounds, but these lakes may have played a part in the ritual. We know of the sacred boats in Egypt which were actually used on the Nile and on the temple-lakes ; and the fact that the only approach to the tabernacles of Ain-el-Hayyit was by boats may indi- cate that small journeys were made to imitate the voyages of the sun- god in the heavens. 3. THE LAVERS. It has already been observed that there were, besides the Molten Sea, ten smaller, movable vessels or lavers. The dimensions of the base on which the laver rested are given as follows : Length 4 cubits, breadth 4 cubits, height 3 cubits.' The laver was, no doubt, an open, cup-like vessel from which the water could easily be drawn during the sacrifice. It contained 40 baths,° and " every laver was four cubits," by which probably was meant its diameter at the brim. The description of the base in i Kings 7:28!. is so vague and unsatisfactory that it is difficult to form a correct idea of its appearance, and hence any attempt at a restoration would be merely a matter of conjecture. It seems evident, however, that the base was a box, 4 cubits long, 4 cubits broad and i y^ cubits high ; 3 that the laver rested in a cylinder, i cubit high, upon the top of the base, forming the appearance of a pedestal.'' The wheels I r Kings 7 : 27. ^ i Kings 7 : 28. 3 The wheels being i%, cubits high and the entire height 3 cubits. 4 In Haskell Oriental Museum there are numerous Egyptian bases of cylindrical shape, supporting very large jars. 54 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE and their axle-trees rested on the extensions below the corner pieces, which in turn were braced by four cleats coming together to a point in the center of the floor. The base was profusely adorned with figures of lions, oxen, and cherubim, and hanging wreaths or chains. On the top, or on the sides perhaps, there were handles by which the motion of the base could be controlled. The large terra-cotta vases found near the altar at Nippur ' may have served the same purpose as these lavers. At Chytroi a basin has been found which may have been used in the same way. It was sup- ported by two figures, one representing the sun-column, and the other the sun-image or a winged woman holding the winged sun-disc.'' 4. THE TABLES. There were in the Holy Place ten tables on which stood the ten candlesticks, five on each side. As to their size and appearance nothing is known. In the central aisle there stood the table of the shewbread. This was probably an altar for bread and libation offer- ings, as can easily be inferred from a similar table found at Tell-el- Amarna, which sustains several wine jars and a pile of bread. That a table of this kind was found in the later temple is clear from the representation of it on the Arch of Titus in Rome.^ 5. THE CANDLESTICKS. The ten candlesticks which stood on the tables were of pure gold and had the shape of a tree with seven branches, i. e., the stem and three branches on each side. If the representation of it on the Arch of Titus in Rome is correct, we notice that the arms or branches, taken in pairs, formed segments of circles. At the point of departure these branches formed a little bowl in which the oil was kept. The tree-like shape of the candlesticks is undoubtedly a relic from the older sacred-tree worship.* So close is the resemblance between these trees and candelabra in the Assyrian inscriptions that, as Robertson I Jastrow, Rel. of Bab. and Ass., p. 652, 2 Max Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, p. 192. sPerrot and Chipiez, Hist, of Art in Sardinia and Judea, 1 : 248, 249, Figs. 160, 161. May we not discover in this the same kind of worship which produced the votive tablets in Egypt on which food was pictured? The form of these articles of food is, of course, a product of the Egyptian ka -belief. There is a close connection between the mastabah and the temple, and the table of shewbread may be for the latter what the votive tablet was for the mastabah. Just as the ka must have the pleasure of enjoying food, so must also the deity. It is the inevitable outcome of an anthropomorphic conception of the gods» One of the votive tablets in Haskell Museum has a gutter into which the libation was poured, 4 Among such sacred-trees the pomegranate holds a prominent place. It is the sacred tree of the Egyptian god Min, and occurs frequently in the inscriptions. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, p. 113. So also in the Cypriote decorations. FURNITURE AND DECORATIONS 55 Smith' remarks, "in the most of them it is not easy to draw the line between the candelabrum and the sacred tree crowned with a star or crescent moon." The Candelabrum Tabarieh" is of the same shape as that in Solomon's Temple, except that the arms do not rise independent of each other, but are tied together by some kind of ornamentation. In Curium on Cyprus, Cesnola^ found also a candlestick. It had a single stem ending in a round globe from which seven arms branched out. It seems to come nearest the description of the candlesticks in Jerusalem. If the stands on each side of the pavilion on the coin of Paphos should be regarded as candelabra," as some have supposed, they certainly are entirely unlike those in Jerusalem. They would resemble more the bronze candelabrum in New York museum.^ Whatever may have been the origin of the candle-stick, and what- ever its shape may have been, from the language of Zechariah it is evi- dent that its function was not only to shed light, but rather to present certain truths by its symbolical character. 6. THE ARK. In the Holy of Holies was the sacred ark, which was made to con- tain the tables of the law. It was an acacia chest,' 2j^ cubits long, ij^ cubits broad, and ij^ cubits high. The ornaments on it con- sisted of gold coverings and a rim of gold at the top. Fastened to the four feet on which the chest rested were four rings, through which acacia staffs were drawn, by means of which it could be carried. The ark may not at that late date have had the shape of a boat, though it must have recalled the shape of the ark of Noah, but it seems most likely that the original intention was to have it represent a boat like those of Assyria and Egypt. It rested on a stone block in the Oracle. Nearly all Semitic peoples in antiquity used the ceremony of carry- ing an ark, or a boat, in solemn processions.' In the Mesopotamian countries almost all the gods had their sacred boats. Gudea calls the ship he built for Nin-girsu " the one that rises up out of the dam of the deep." This name seems to suggest the myth of the journeys of a 1 Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites^ p. 488, 2 De Saulcy, Voyage, Atlas Plate XLVI. 3 Cesnola, Cyprus, Plate XXXII : 12. 4 Though they might just as well have been lavers, occupying the same position as the layers in Solomon's Temple. 5 Perrot AND Chipiez, /^z'j^. of Art in Phoenicia and Cyprus^ 11 : 41Z, 6 Exod. 25 ; 10 f. 7 It seems that when the idea of a boat had ceased to be emphasized, the thought of the divine emblem inclosed in it received more prominence, and hence it occurred that the statues of the gods, seated on thrones, were carried in procession. Lavard, Monuments of Nineiieh, ist series, Plate LXV. Two men carry a chariot, richly adorned. BOTTA, Monuments de Niniveh, 1, Plate XVII. See also Plate LXV. S6 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE sun-god. Marduk's ship was called "ship of light," which also may allude to a solar-myth. Bau's ship hid the name " the ship of the brilliant offspring."" These richly adorned boats, which sometimes were so large that there was a tent for the god in them and that they were manned with captain and crew, were actually used on the water, as JastrOw suggests, according to certain ritualistic ceremonies in honor of the water-deity Ea, though we might just as well suppose that these journeys were made in imitation of the sun-god's voyages across the heavens. In Phoenicia we find the same chest-like boat as the one in Jerusa- lem. The Molock and Baal worshipers had their sacred barks. But it is in Egypt where we can go a step further back in the devel- opment of this custom. There we find both the small, ceremonial boat which was always carried, and the large, sacred boat, which was both carried and actually used on the temple lakes, and especially on the Nile, when the god was visiting the western regions." Hence, out of the myth of the sun-god's journeys grew the custom of imitating these voyages by actual traveling across the Nile with the sacred boat. But in time, when this became tiresome, especially to carry the large boat from the temple to the water, and the significance of the voyages was partly lost sight of, it was easy to substitute the small boat, and by carrying it in procession pass through the same form of making the journeys, until this became a mere ceremony without any meaning, and hence, as among the Hebrews and the Phoenicians, the boat-shape gradually disappeared and the box alone was used. But while form- erly the statue of the god was carried in the sacred boat in Egypt, we find in the chest of Yahweh simply the emblems of the deity, his words cut in stone. 7. THE CHERUBIM. The ark was placed between two cherubim with outstretched wings. The height of the cherubim was ten cubits, and the distance between the points of their wings, when stretched out, was ten cubits, so that the right wing of the one touched the point of the other's left wing, while the other wings reached the walls. The figures were richly adorned with gold.' It is impossible to judge from this brief descrip- tion what was the form of the statues themselves. It is not likely that J Jastrow, /?£■/.£?/ 5a^. a«£f ^^j., p. 655. 3i Kings 6: 23-28. = A good example of such a .sacred boat used on the Nile is found in the Field Columbian Museum. The name of the wia ship, which was the god's boat on the Nile, was "Amen Re is the chief strength," while that carried on land was called "Bearer of his beauty." The king's boat was called " Star of the two lands."' L, D.t III : Tia, 1. 16. FURNITURE AND DECORATIONS 57 they were sphinx-shaped,' because all the presentations of the winged sphinx have the wings bent backward rather than spread out toward the sides. It must therefore have been a being standing upright. Whether it was a combination of man and some animal form," or simply the statue of a winged man,^ is not certain. The aversion in Israel against statues, especially that of a man, who was made in the image of God, seems to have been set aside in the case of these cheru- bim and the twelve oxen, so it is natural to suppose that no objection would be made against the man-like shape of the cherubim. The cherubim were one of the highest classes of angels in the Jewish angelology, and the usual conception of angels is that they are winged men, and this notion may have had its origin in the observa- tion of these statues in the Holy of Holies. Such figures are very common in the Assyrian decorations.'' Winged animals and men are found in ancient decorations throughout all Syria. Cesnola found at Salamis, in Cyprus, a silver ring bearing the figures of the Egyptian goddess Pasht with outstretched wings, and another with a winged griffin.^ The winged goddesses Isis and Nephtys occur frequently in Egyptian decorations.^ Cheyne' regards them of Hittite origin. He further adds : " The Hittite griffin appears almost always, in contrast to many Babylonian representations, not as a fierce beast of prey, but seated in calm dignity like an irresistible guardian of holy things." The origin of the cherubim goes further back than history, to the time when primitive man began to shape in his imagination figures combining parts of man and parts of animals, and animals of different kinds. Many were the grotesque figures which thus were formed that have survived in ancient sculpture and artistic drawings. We know that already in prehistoric times in Egypt the royal garb was a lion's hide, and that the lion's tail, even after the king began to use other 1 Like those four sphinxes which guarded the sarcophagus found by Cesnola at Amathus. Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 267. 2 As thfi hawk-headed man found so frequently in Egyptian decorations and also at Nineveh. See BOTTA, Monuments de Niniveh, I, Plates LXXIV, LXXV. Placb, Nitiiveh, Plate XLVI. 3As the profile picture of the guardian at Khorsabad with the wings spread out on both sides of him. BOTTA, Monuments de Niniveh, I, Plate XXVIII. aPlace.A'/jjiVsA, III, Plates XII-XVI. The one in Plate XII has a royal head; the arms are held in a position of offering. A pair of wings are stretched upward, while a second pair arc pointing downward. From Plates XV and XVI we may judge that the wings form a part of a gown. 5 Cesnola, Salaminia, pp. 50, 51. 6 The conception of the bah in Egyptian thought was that of a man-headed bird. 7 Article on " Cherubim," in Encyclopcedia Biblica, 5 8 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE garments, became one of the royal insignia.' Hence the king and the lion became identified with each other, the natural outcome of which was the combining of the king's head and a lion's body, and we have the sphinx. When once these figures of the sphinx had become so conventionalized that their origin was no longer thought of, other combinations might have been made to shape new and grotesque figures. The same process went on undoubtedly in other countries, and one is apt to borrow from another, perhaps even changing the figure by adding some new element. Thus we find in Assyria the winged sphinx, which was largely copied in Phoenicia. The artistic beauty of the wings made them the most prominent part, and soon animals of various kinds were adorned with wings, and consequently wings were also bestowed upon man. The next step, from cherubim to angels, seems inevitable. Besides those pieces of furniture which we have described many smaller articles are mentioned in Kings, as flowers, lamps, tongs, bowls, snuffers, basons, spoons, and censers, all of pure gold.° 8. THE DECORATIONS. The walls of all Oriental temples were profusely adorned with inscriptions or decorations.^ Sometimes it was the simple form of a textile pattern, as in the Assyrian Naos ; sometimes it was inscriptions telling of the royal builder's wonderful achievements, as in Egypt ; and again it was merely decorations consisting of conventional figures borrowed from the temple walls of other nations, as in Phoenicia and Cyprus. So also in Jerusalem. The Temple of Solomon was famous for its rich ornamentations. The whole interior of the house was trimmed with cedars, covering the entire walls.* The floor was laid with planks of fir. The ceiling, walls, and floors, as well as the doors, were beau- tifully carved and richly adorned with sheathings of gold.^ That the carvings were of some definite design seems to be indicated by the knobs, chains, and such figures as palm trees, flowers, and cherubim. We have already spoken of the pillars inside the house on which in all probability Hezekiah had placed some ornaments of gold. Just outside the haram wall at Khorsabad, Place'' found several fragments ^ The assuming of the lion's tail was celebrated with great festivities. 2 i Kings 7 : 48-50, 3 The Old Empire temples in Egypt are exceptions from this rule. 4i Kings 6; 15, 16, i8. STheword used in the descriptions is "covered" or "overlaid." But it seems hardly possible that this was the case, but rather that the gold was " inlaid " in the figures or adorned the walls. «Place, Niniveh, I, pp. 120-22, III, Plate LXXIII. FURNITURE AND DECORATIONS 59 of a round cedar beam, covered with a sheathing of oxidized bronze, representing the scales on a fish, attached by large bronze nails. Not far from the same place he found a leaf of gold whose shape and size evidently show that it had been on the top of the bronze scales, the holes for the nails even fitting the proper places. One of the most favorite designs throughout Egypt and western Asia was the winged sun-disc, or the winged globe, as above the gate- way of every Egyptian temple, in the ceiling of the Amrit Tabernacle, or on the lintel at Byblos. The famous urseus serpent is also very prevalent in Phcenician art,' and sometimes combined with the winged globe,° as at Oum-el-Awamid. Though insignificant when compared with the shrines of other Oriental nations, the Temple of Solomon was magnificent enough for Israel, and served its purpose well in the days of the kingdoms. Sub- sequently it became the basis of Ezekiel's ideal picture, still later it was restored at the return from the Babylonian captivity, and finally it was made the type of Herod's splendid temple. 1 Rrnan, Mission en Phinicie, Plates VI, IX, XXXII, LII, LIII, LV, pp. 26, 69, 70, 157, 158. 227, 365, 366, 541, 670, 671, 702, 703, 708, 841, 843, 844, 846, 851a. 2 Renah, Mission en Phenicie, p. 843, No, 73. CHAPTER V. THE GROWTH OF THE ORIENTAL TEMPLE. I. THE MOUNTAIN HOME OF THE GOD. From this study of the Temple of Solomon, in the light of other Oriental temples, we have noticed that there is a certain uniformity of plan and decoration in all the Semitic temples, indicating certain fundamental ideas common to all the Semitic nations, though they may be altered or modified in their expression in different localities, due to each nation's stage of development. Solomon's Temple was not a copy of the Egyptian temple, though there are certain simi- larities of plan ; nor of the Assyrio-Babylonian, though the artistic decorations decidedly show such an influence ; nor of the Phoenician, though there is a striking resemblance between the courts and those of Byblos and Paphos. But it combined the chief characteristics of all, and became the typical Semitic temple. Hence it would, perhaps, be of interest, in closing, to sketch briefly the growth of the Semitic temple. The oldest temples of which we have remains are undoubtedly the zikkurat and the pyramid. It has already been shown how the zik- kurat was meant to be an imitation of a mountain, thus indicating the prevalent notion that the god's home was on some mountain peak. At first there was only one plateau, but later on story after story was added, approaching closer and closer to the appearance of a mountain. The belief in the exaltedness of the deity found expression in the lofty zikkurat. The origin of the pyramid was the mastabah or tomb, as is shown by the step-pyramid at Sakkara. One mastabah was placed upon another, whereupon a casing was laid outside, giving it its well-known pyramid shape, which also resembles a mountain peak, though this may not have been the intention, as in the case of the zikkurat. The mas- tabah was the home of the deceased. By magic the ka was made to enjoy all the privileges and pleasures that the deceased had enjoyed in life, and hence the mastabah was furnished as a real home. The pyra- mid, the royal tomb, was therefore the lofty home of the deceased king. But the king was considered a god, hence the pyramid was the moun- tain-like home of a god. The mastabah had not only the chamber in 60 GROWTH OF THE ORIENTAL TEMPLE 6 1 ■which the sarcophagus rested, and the shaft through which the soul could come and go, but also a chapel where worship was conducted, as would naturally be the case in a land where ancestor-worship was so prevalent as in Egypt. It was therefore a kind of temple, even though it may have been of a private nature. In the pyramid we also find the chamber where the body was, and other chambers corresponding to the chapel of the mastabah. Just as the king as god was more exalted in life than his fellow-men, so must his temple-home be more glorious and lofty than theirs in the life to come. Whether the zikkurat had its origin in the native rock, used as an altar, perhaps, which in a later time became the first plateau ; whether the pyramid could trace its origin to the heap of sand thrown over the deceased, which in the course of development became the first mastabah ; it is evident that the finished product, like Yahweh's Horeb, was the mountain home of the god, the first stage in temple buildings. 2. THE god's home among MEN. It was the thought of the exaltedness of the god's abode that led to the construction of the first temples. Then came a time when man realized that his god was an important factor in his daily life, that his success or failure depended upon his loyalty to his god, and hence it became his duty to build him a house like his own, though more splendid and luxurious. Thus there grew up near the zikkurat the rectangular temple which developed in time to a whole community within the sacred walls. Already in the Old Empire in Egypt we notice the appearance of the low, rectangular temples at the foot of the pyramids, which gave rise to the most splendid monuments of antiquity. The sacred chamber in the top story of the zikkurat, the chamber of the pyramid, receive their counterparts in the papakhu and the adytum, these oracles in which the emblems of the god were kept and the divine will was revealed. The Hebrew narrative tells us that from Horeb's peak were brought those words which contained the law of Yahweh, and the ark of the covenant reached finally its permanent home in the Holy of Holies. Thus the god found a home among men, the second stage in the temple buildings. 3. THE TERRACE TEMPLE. Queen Hatshepsowet broke with the conventional style of temple buildings when she erected her sanctuary at Deir-el-Bahri. It is 62 SOLOMON'S TEMPLE regarded as an exception from the rule, which was not imitated in Egypt, but is exemplified by the architecture of Phoenicia and Cyprus. She built her temple on the mountain slope and made four large terrace-courts in front. In the glory and beauty of god's home among men, the exaltedness of his earlier home must not be forgot- ten. These two qualities must be combined, and what more fitting manifestation of this thought could be conceived than a temple that is approached from stage to stage, as in the olden time, and yet main- tain the beauty and the splendor of the rectangular home ? Hence we find in Solomon's Temple in Jerusalem the best and most com- plete type of Oriental shrines, the third stage in temple buildings. GROWTH OF THE ORIENTAL TEMPLE 63 iJ A< s M H i-> "a, K _4> 1 .2 2 D § u \ X QJ S ti 3 > 2 1) XI S u .a 1 3 ■3 1 •L) 6 < ■A « & 'a >-. Oh 4 BIBLIOGRAPHY. Baedeker, Egypt. Leipsic, 1898. Benzinger, Hebraische Archaologie. Birch and Pinches, The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates of Bala- wat, London, 1881. BOTTA, Monuments de Niniveh. Cesnola, Cyprus. Salaminia. Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, I : i. De Sarzec, D^couvertes en ChaldSe. De Saulcy, Histoire de I'art Judaique. Voyage. Atlas. Donaldson, Architectura Numistica. Ebers, Aegypten im Bild und Wort. Vol. IL Engel, Kypros. Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt. EwALD, History of Israel, Vol. IIL Ferguson, History of Architecture. The Temples of Jerusalem.^ Friedrich, Die Ausgrabungen von Sendshirli, Beitrdge zur Assyriologie. IV: 2. Tempel und Palast Salomo's, Denkmaler Phonikischer Kunst, Inns- bruck, 1887. Greene, H. B., Hebrew Rock Altars, Biblical World, 1897, Vol. IX, p. 332. Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions. HoMMEL, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. HuRLBUT, Article on Solomon's Temple, Old and New Testament Student, Vol. VII. Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria. Jensen, Kosmologie. JOMARD, Description de I'^gypte, Vol. V. JosEPHUS, Antiquities. Kent and Goodspeed, Chart of Biblical History, Chicago, 1895. Layard, Discoveries in the Ruins of Niniveh and Babylon. Lepsius, Denkmaler, III. Maspero, Manual of Egyptian Archeology. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros. Petrie, Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh. Pinches, List of Ass. Bab. Temples in the Proc. of the Soc. of Bib. Archceology, Vol. XXII, Part IX. 64 BIBLIOGRAPHY 65 Place, Niniveh. Perrot and Chipiez, History of Art in Ancient Egypt, 2 vols. History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria, 2 vols. History of Art in PhcEnicia and Cyprus, 2 vols. History of Art in Sardinia and Judea, 2 vols. Peters, Nippur, 2 vols. Renan, Mission en Ph^n^cie. RiEHM, Handworterbuch des biblischen Altertums, 2d ed.. Vol. H. Schick, Die Stiftshutte, der Tempel in Jerusalem und der Tempelplatz der Jetztzeit. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites. Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel. Berlin, 1889. Steindorff, in Baedeker's Egypt. Vogue, Syrie Centrale Architecture Civile et Religieuse. Le Temple de Jerusalem. WiNCKLER, Altorientalische Forschungen, Vol. HI. Geschichte Israels. RESTORATION OF JACHIN OR BOAZ. f CuBlTA IC W///////////M>. M//////////m ^ i 2 1 V// MMmMMMMMMM^ ^^^— ^^^^ ^ n ^_ 'f ,_. 4- Cubits 1. The laver. 2. The base. 3. The wheels. 4. The axle-tree. 5. The "undersetters" 6. The pedestal. or cleats. a. ■*! o. a. ■a j5 111 rT A Z Xi S H H H H sO r-* oo o^ pq M o o m £ ^ '-3 tn C) W K t> u 1 — . (i; J3 J3 r^ -13 43 £- H H H H N ro ,Tj- u-> PLAN OF SOLOMON'S TEMPLE. I. The Holy of Holies. 7- The ark. 2. The Holy Place. 8. The cherubim. ^■ The vestibule. 9- The tables for the candlesticks 4- The chambers. 10. The altar of incense. ■5. Jachin and Boaz. II. The table of shewbread. 6. The winding staircase. VITA. I, Emanuel Schmidt, was born in Hudiksvall, Sweden, on April 28, 1868. My parents were L- P. Anderson and Frederika Wilhelmina Schmidt. My earliest instruction I received in a private school in my native city, whereupon I entered Hudiksvall gymnasium and ele- mentary school in the autumn of 1878, continuing until 1886, when I moved to the United States. After two years of study I graduated from Colgate Academy, Hamilton, N. Y., in 1890. In 1894 I gradu- ated with A.B. degree from Colgate University. I then spent two years in Ha,milton Theological Seminary, the Divinity School of Col- gate University. In the autumn quarter of 1896 I entered the Uni- versity of Chicago, and received the D.B. degree at the July convocation in 1898. From that time until the end of the winter quarter of 1902 I have continued my studies in the departments of Old Testament Literature and Exegesis and Egyptology. I would acknowledge with gratitude my great indebtedness to my teachers, especially President W. R. Harper and Professors James H. Breasted, George S. Goodspeed, and Ira M. Price, of the Uiiniversity of Chicago ; Professor S. Burnham, of Colgate University; and partic- ularly my brother, Professor Nathaniel Schmidt, now of Cornell University. ' ■ ■■*?**^i»W»»>'