KeO 
 
 Prelented to 
 The Coinell University, 1869, 
 
 BY 
 
 Goldwin Smith, M. A. Oxon., 
 
 Regius Profeffor of Hiilory in the 
 Univerfity of Oxford. 
 
1 
 
 DATE DUE 
 
 
 
 -' --1 ft '■ 
 
 
 
 1 '-^ - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 GAYLORD 
 
 
 
 rHINTEO IN U S.A. 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029227174 
 
Cornell University Library 
 BR 160 .B85 
 
 History of the church from the Edict of 
 
 olin 
 
 3 1924 029 227 174 
 
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 ist^rg 0f i\t €linxt\, 
 
 FROM 
 
 THE EDICT OF MILAN, A.D. 313, 
 
 THE COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON, A.D. 45L 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM |RIGHT, M.A., 
 
 PELLOW OF UNIVEHSITY OOLLEQE, OXTOKD ; 
 LATE PEOEESSOB OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTOKT m THE SCOTTISH CHURCH. 
 
 J. H. AND Jas. PARKER. 
 
 i860. 
 
■ ^ — I- — efc- — *«4- 
 
 -ci-J 
 
 [. 
 
 ^ 
 
 "CORNEL 
 UNiVERSfTY! 
 
 IBRARY 
 
 X 
 
 (J 
 
 iprinttb b^ gltsEK. pinhtr, Cornaiarkt, (Di-fovb. 
 
•: ; i' TO iHS'/fiiiTjEaiiiffi ^ ' '■- "' , :■ 
 HENRY GORDON /MEiSBifA-N, . JI.A, 
 
 HEAD MASTEB, OF KING EBWAED's SCHOOL, GUILDEOHD, 
 LATE FELLOW AND TmOB OF NEW COLLEGE, 
 
 IS AFFECTIONATELT INSCEIBED, 
 
 IN REMEMBKANCE OF THE EAKLT DATS OF 
 
 A LONG-PEIZED FRIENDSHIP. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 rpHE folio-wing account of the Church's general pro- 
 gress, from the close of the age of Heathen perse- 
 cution to the doctrinal settlement eifected by the Fourth 
 (Ecumenical Council, is based substantially on what 
 I had formerly occasion to prepare for my pupils at 
 Trinity College, Glenalmond. I would fain hope that 
 it may to some extent enable the younger students of 
 Ecclesiastical History, and general readers interested 
 in the subject, to increase their knowledge of a period 
 which is second in importance to the Apostolic age 
 alone. 
 
 Those who study such a period may be warned 
 against two extremes, disguised in the garb of reve- 
 rence and of candour. It is possible to make facts 
 give way to an ideal, to forget that wrong is wrong in 
 the orthodox, and to judge their opponents without 
 equity. It is also possible, in reaction from this un- 
 fairness, to approach the subject as it were ab extra, to 
 be cold or hostile to the great Church leaders, and to 
 reserve one's tenderness for heresiarchs. Modern ten- 
 dencies run strongly against the first of these two 
 methods, but give some encouragement to the second. 
 I trust that in these pages there will be found no trace 
 of either. 
 
 One brief but most majestic Psalm, which con- 
 
VI PEEFACE. 
 
 tributes to our Easter gladness, may well be m our 
 thoughts as we contemplate the early triumphs of 
 Christ's kingdom. " "When Israel came out of Egjrpt, 
 and the house of Jacob from among the strange people," 
 there was in it far more of unfaithfulness to a high 
 vocation than in the Church of Athanasius and Augus- 
 tine, of Chrysostom and Leo. Yet " the sea saw and 
 fled, Jordan was driven back," because " Judah was 
 His sanctuary, and Israel His dominion." And so the 
 Church held on her way, — not without spot or blemish, 
 not without struggle and suffering, — yet still beautiful 
 and " terrible as an army with banners," victorious by 
 the strength of her faith in one royal and world- 
 redeeming Name. 
 
 ^o 
 
 Michaelmas, 18C0. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Maettes.— The Church has rest. — Donatism.— Death of Maximin. — 
 Ancyra. — Neocsesarea. — Council of Aries. — Quiet Days. — Licinian 
 Persecution. — Arius. — His Argument. — Athanasius. — The Power of 
 Ariauism. — Eecall of Donatists. — The Eusebii. — Alexander's Encyclic. 
 — The "Thalia." — Constantine's aspect towards Christianity. — The 
 Homoousion. — Council of Nicjea meets. — Arius examined. — Trickery 
 of Eusebians. — The Creed. — Other Questions. — The Council 
 closed page 1 — 26 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Death of S. Alexander. — Helena at Jerusalem. — The Cross and the Se- 
 pulchre. — Consecration of S. Athanasius. — S. Frumentius. — S. Nina. 
 — Recall of Arius. — Deposition of Eustathius. ■ — ^ Charges against 
 Athanasius. — Case of Ischyras. — Case of Arsenius. — CouncU of Tyre. 
 — The Mareotis Commission. — Council of Jerusalem. — First Exile of 
 Athanasius. — MarceUus. — Death of Arius. — Death of Constantine. — 
 Return of Athanasius. — Council of the Dedication. — Gregory at 
 Alexandria. — Second Exile of Athanasius. — Persecution in Persia. — 
 TheophUus the Indian. — Council of Sardica. — Secession of Eusebians. 
 — Acts of the Council 27 — 55 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Photinus condemned. — Donatns.— The " Macarian Times." — Council of 
 Carthage. — Letter of Pope Julius. — Flavian and Diodore. — Return 
 of Athanasius. — Death of Constans. — Martyrdom of Paul. — The Ano- 
 moion. — New Accusations. — The Homoiousion. — The Homoion. — • 
 — Council of Aries. — Council of Milan. — Weakness of Bishops.— Per- 
 secution. — Liberius exiled. — Hosius exiled. — Death of S. Antony. — 
 Syrianus' Irruption. — Outrages at Alexandria. — Intrusion of George. 
 
Vlll CONTENTS. 
 
 — Exile of S. Hilary.— Egyptian Monasteries.— Retreat of S. Atha- 
 nasias page 56—84 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Pall df Hosius.— Fall of Liberius.— S. Basil in Pontus.— Cyril deposed. 
 Council of Ancyra.— Hilary's " De Synodis."— The Dated Creed.- 
 Council of Ariminum. — Deputations to Constantius. — Council of 
 Seleucia.— Conference at Nic&. — Council of Ariminum yields. — Tri- 
 umph of Acacianism.— Council of Constantinople. — Eudoxius at Con- 
 stantinople. — Macedonianism. — Hilary in Gaul.— Meletius.— Ariau 
 Creeds. — Aerius. — Death of Constantius . . . 85 — 108 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Julian's Apostasy. — His treatment of Christians. — Christian Zealots. — 
 Murder of George. — Return of S. Athanasius. — Council of Alexandria. 
 — Lucifer at Antioch. — The Peace-makers. — Donatists recalled. — 
 Donatist Tyranny. — Julian at Antioch. — Fourth Exile of Athanasius. 
 — The Attempt at Jerusalem. — Death of Julian. — Council of Alex- 
 andria. — Jovian and the Arians. — Jovian's Policy. — Valentinian and 
 Valens. — Council of Larapsacus. — Deputation to Liberius. — Easterns 
 conform. — Damasus and Ursinus. — Ursinus expelled. — Council of 
 Tyana.— Edict of Valens 109—136 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Fifth Exile of S. Athanasius. — • Council of Laodicea. — Council of 
 Rome. — Epistle " ad Afros." — S. Basil consecrated. — Persecu- 
 tion. — Athanasius and Basil. — Basil and Modestus. — Basil and Va- 
 lens. — ApoUinarianism. — Gregory consecrated. —Death of S. Atha- 
 nasius. — His Character. — Persecution at Alexandria. — Labours of 
 Martin. — Basil and Eustathius. — Exile of Eusebius. — Ambrose conse- 
 crated. — Troubles of Basil. — Gratian. — TJlphilas. — Epiphanius. — Ques- 
 tion of "the Hypostases." — Jerome and Damasus. — "Tome of the 
 Westerns."- Recall of Exiles.— Death of S. Basil . 137—163 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 S. Gregory at Constantinople. — Council of Gangra. — Edict of Tlieo- 
 
 dosius. — Priscillian. — Council of Saragossa. — Gregory in S. Sophia. 
 
 Chrysostom. — Council of Constantinople. — Gregory resigns. Nee- 
 
CONTENTS. IX 
 
 tariua. — The Creed re-edited. — Canons. — The Hierarchy. — Eome and 
 Constantinople. — Council of Aquileia.— Jerome at Eome. — The altar 
 of Victory. — Augustine at Rome.— Manicheism. — Augustine at Milan. 
 — Amhrose and Symmachus. — PriscUlian executed. — Justina's first 
 attempt. — The Portian Church. — Jerome leaves Eome. — Progi-ess of 
 Augustine. — Justina's second attempt. — Discovery of Eelics. — Con- 
 version of S. Augustine page 164—194 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 . Martin at Treves. — Sedition at Antioch. — Flavian's Pleading. — Bap- 
 tism of S. Augustine. — S. Ambrose at Treves. — Theodosius at Milan. 
 Theodosius at Eome. — Jerome at Bethlehem. — Jovinian. — Massacre 
 at Thessalonica. — Penance of Theodosius. — Penitential Usages. — 
 Theodosius absolved. — The Serapeum. — The Massalians. — Murder of 
 Valentinian II. — Great Law against Idolatry. — The Maximianists. — 
 Jerome and EufEnus. — Epiphanius in Palestine. — Origenistic Con- 
 troversy. — Battle of Aquileia. — Paulinus at Nola. — Death of Theo- 
 dosius. — Augustine as a Pastor His Consecration.— Death of S. Am- 
 brose 195—223 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 S. Ninian. — Third Council of Carthage. — Death of S. Martin. — " Can- 
 dida Casa." — S. Chrysostom consecrated. — The "De Principiis." — 
 " Fourth Council of Carthage."^Eutropius. — Theophilus abandons 
 Origenism. — First Council of Toledo. — Writings of S. Augustine. — 
 S. Chrysostom at Ephesus. — The Tall Brothers. — Theophilus at Con- 
 stantinople. — Council of the Oak.— Chrysostom's Ejection and Re- 
 turn. — Death of Paula. — Sacrileges at Constantinople. — Chrysostom's 
 Second Exile. — Persecution of Joannites. — Donatist Outrages. — Pe- 
 lagius. — Chrysostom at Cucusus. — Atticus. — Joannites in Exile. — 
 VigUantius. — Pagans invade Gaul.^Death of S. Chrysostom 224 — 255 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Theodosius II. — Siege of Rome. — Ccelestius. — Paulinus. — Synesius. — 
 Taking of Eome. — Andronicus. — Conference of Carthage. — Council of 
 Braga. — Trial of Ccelestius. — His Condemnation. — Augustine and the 
 Pelagians Death of Theophilus. — End of Antiochene Schism. — Vio- 
 lences at Alexandria.- — Orosius. — Conference at Jerusalem. — Council 
 of Diospolis. — Theodore. — Council of Carthage. — Council of MUevum. 
 — Letter of S. Innocent,— His Death .... 256—282 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 Cyril and Atticus.— Coelestlus at Eome.— Pelagius' Confession.— Zosi- 
 mus deceived.— He is resisted.— Council of Carthage.— S. Germain.— 
 Letter of Zosimus.— Julian condemned.— Predestinarianism.-Boni- 
 face and Eulalius.— Case of Apiarius.— Gaudentius.— Deatli of S. Je- 
 rome.— Persecution in Persia.— Dispute as to Illyricum. — Antony 
 of Fussala.— Case of Apiarius closed.— Disputes at Adrumetum.— 
 Semi-Pelagianism. — Leporius. — Nestorius. — Vandals in Africa.— 
 Teaching of GaUicans.— Augustine's Statements.— Grace and Free- 
 will page 283-309 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Origin of Nestorianism.' — " Theotocos." — Sermon of Proclus. — Reply of 
 Nestorius. — The Question at Issue. — S. Cyril's Letter to the Monks. 
 — His First Letter to Nestorius. — Cassian's Treatise. — S. Germain in 
 Britain. — Second Letter to Nestorius. — His Reply. — Cyril writes to 
 Theodosius. — Council of Rome. — Death of S.Augustine. — Third 
 Letter to Nestorius. — A General Council summoned. — Nestorius and 
 Theodoret. — Bishops at Epliesus. — The Council opened. — First Session. 
 — Nestorius condemned. — John of Antioch arrives. — The Roman 
 Legates. — Definition of Doctrine. — The "Bights of Cyprus." — 
 Canons 310—339 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Count John. — Dalmatius. — Cyril's E.xplanations. — The Deputies. — 
 Maximian consecrated. — S. Palladius. — Death of Ccelestine. — Coun- 
 cil at Antioch. — Eastern Dissensions. — S. Patricia. — Paul of Emesa. — 
 Formulary of Union. — Paul's Sermons. — S. Cyril and John united. — 
 Anger of Nestorianizers. — Perplexity of Cyril's friends. — "One In- 
 carnate Nature." — Vincent of Lerins. — S. Proclus. — Exile of Alex- 
 ander. — Nestorianism in Persia. — Tome of S. Proclus. — The Memory 
 of Theodore. — Taking of Carthage. — Council of Riez. — Death of 
 Sixtus.— Accession of S. Leo 340—365 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 First Council of Orange. — Manicheans at Eome. — Death of S. Cyril. — Di- 
 oscorus. — Death of Nestorius. — Case of Celidonius. — Claims of Leo. — 
 He breaks with Hilary. — Rescript of Valeutiiiian. — S. Germain an-ain 
 in Britain. — Priscilliauists. — The " Eranistes." — Letters of Theodoret. 
 — His Confession of Orthodoxy. — Ibas of Edessa. — Eutyches accused. 
 
CONTENTS. XI 
 
 — " Two Natures." — Trial of Eutyches. — He is condemned. — Trial of 
 Ibas. — A General Council summoned. ^Death of S. Hilary. — The 
 Council meets at Ephesus. — Eutyches acquitted. — Martyrdom of 
 S. Flavian.— The "Latrocinium" .... page 366— 393 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Synod of Rome. — Theodoret -writes to S. Leo. — Arguments of S. Leo. — 
 Pulcheria and Marcian. — Attila in Gaul. — A New Council sum- 
 moned. — It meets at Chalcedon. — Theodoret admitted. — First Session. 
 — Trial of Dioscorus. — He is deposed. — S. Leo's Tome approved. — 
 Egyptian Suifragans. — " Of Two Natures." — " In Two Natures." — 
 Theodoret and Ibas. — Canons. — Twenty-eighth Canon. — The Le- 
 gates object to it. — It is confirmed. — Synodal Letters.^Position of 
 S.Leo 394—417 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 I. The Canons of Nicsea 418 
 
 II. From the Tome of S. Leo 424 
 
 III. Principal Events 428 
 
 IKDEX 431 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 From the Edict of Milan to the Council of Nicaea. 
 
 ** No weapon that is formed against thee shall prosper, and every tongue that shall 
 rise against thee in judgment thou shalt condemn." 
 
 Isa. liv. 17. 
 
 IN the spring of a.d. 313 the universal Church was 
 enjoying rest from the last of the great persecutions. 
 This deadly struggle between the worldly and spiritual 
 kingdoms had begun in the February of 303 ; but since the 
 abdication of Diocletian in 305 it had been mainly confined 
 to the East. It had reinforced the " white-robed host of 
 martyrs" from aU classes of Christians, and by all forms of 
 agonizing death. The Church had been fall of those grand 
 endurances which S. Ambrose calls "seterna Christi mu- 
 
 nera;" wherein 
 
 "... the yearning faith of saints. 
 The vmconqnered hope that never faints. 
 The love of Christ that knows not shame. 
 The prince of this world overcame *." 
 
 Among the martyred bishops were Anthimus of Nicome- 
 dia, beheaded ; Tyrannic of Tyre, drowned ; Sylranus of 
 Emesa, flung to wild beasts ; Irenreus of Sirmium, whose 
 faith withstood the entreaties of wife and children ; Eelix 
 of Tubiza, who, being commanded to surrender the Scrip- 
 tures, persisted in answering, " Habeo, sed non do," and 
 thanked God that, after a virginal life of fifty-six years, he 
 was now in Christ's cause to bend his neck to the slaughter ; 
 PhUeas of Thmuis, who has left a vivid picture of Egyptian 
 martyrdoms, and in the moment of his own gave glory to 
 the "spotless and infinite One, the Eirst and the Last*";" 
 Peter of Alexandria, whose humility would not let him sit 
 down on " the throne of the Evangelist," and whose wisdom 
 and charity are embodied in his Penitential Canons. Among 
 
 ' From Mr. Neale's noble version of this hymn. 
 '■• >> Kuinart, Act. Sine, pp. 433, 391, 621. 
 
 B 
 
MAETYKS. 
 
 the clergy were Vincent of Saragossa, — as noble a deacon, 
 martyr as S. Laurence ; Eomanus of Caesarea, a deacon and 
 exorcist; Zenobius, a priest who' expired under torture; 
 Pamphilus, renovmed for his learning and his intimacy with 
 the Church-historian Eusebiua ; Valens, a venerable deacon 
 who had Scripture laid up in his memory"; Lucian of 
 Antioch, the editor of the Septuagint, who had for some 
 time been connected with heresy, but lived to be a martyr 
 in the Church; Saturninus, an African, who, when tor- 
 tured with other Christians for celebrating the Sunday ser- 
 vice, replied to the proconsul, " It is the command of our 
 Law." Among the people were Alban, the British proto- 
 martyr : Peter the chamberlain, and others of " Caesar's 
 household;" George, (if we may trust the obscure tradi- 
 tion,) a military officer; Sebastian, who held a similar rank; 
 Genesius, an actor, who is said to have been converted while 
 engaged in a mimicry of baptism*. Among the women, 
 youths, and children, were Agnes at Eome, Eulalia in Spain, 
 Theodora in Egypt, Ennathas in Palestine, illustrious as vir- 
 gin-martyrs ; Afra, a penitent at Augsburg, whose thoughts 
 recurred to the Feet that had been washed with tears; 
 Pancras, a boy of fourteen, at Rome ; Apphianus, a youth of 
 twenty, at Csesarea ; Porphyry, the young servant of Pamphi- 
 lus ; Cyriac, a child who shared in his mother's martyrdom. 
 Many also there were whose sufferings came short of 
 death, but who were maimed, or blinded, or sent to the 
 mines or into dreary exile, or sold as slaves, or expelled from 
 the army, or deprived of property or of civil rights. If 
 there were some apostates, as Stephen, bishop of Laodicea, 
 a man of more learning than faith ", and others who becamt 
 " traditors," that is, gave up the sacred books and vessels, 
 or other church furniture, — there were, on the other hand, 
 instances of that over-forwardness which the Church con- 
 demned in general as a virtual tempting of God. It is im- 
 
 « C£ Eus. Mart. 11. ^ S. Aug. c. Don. vii. 53 ; Ruinart, p. 312. 
 
 • Eus. yii. 32. 
 
THE CHURCH HAS REST. 3 
 
 possible for us fully to conceive the varied trials vrhich a 
 persecution brought to bear upon men's faith : the rending 
 asunder of family ties, the perpetual insecurity, the anticipa- 
 tions of intense agony, the "horrible dread" of giving way 
 under its pressure; the actual inflictions which became a 
 routine with Eoman magistrates, — the iron hooks that laid 
 the bones bare, the "little horse" that wrenched them asun- 
 der, and drew forth such cries as " Gratias Tibi ago. Do- 
 mine ; pro nomine Tuo da sufTerentiam' ;" the boiling pitch, 
 the melted lead, the fire, the wild beasts, and other tortures 
 too hideous to describe. In their eagerness to uproot the 
 faith, the persecuting rulers took pains to fill the schools 
 with text-books which insulted its Author b, and the markets 
 with food that had come in contact with idolatrous sacri- 
 fices. They had, in short, left nothing untried ; and a 
 monument in Spain had prematurely boasted of their suc- 
 cess : — "Diocletian Augustus," it was said, "had abolished 
 the superstition of Christ." "Against whom hast thou 
 exalted thy voice, and lifted up thine eyes on high ? even 
 against the Holy One of Israel." 
 
 And now He had made the storm to cease. Galerius 
 had died, in 311, by the fearful disease that smote Antiochus 
 and Agrippa : his last act had been an edict of toleration 
 and an entreaty for Christian prayers. Constantino had 
 won Home, — by his own account to Eusebius, after the 
 vision of the luminous cross, — and Maxentius had been 
 " swept away" by the Tiber. Diocletian had died of grief on 
 hearing the news. Constantino and Licinius had proclaimed 
 toleration of all religious sects, apparently under certain 
 conditions ; whereupon Maximin, the sovereign of the East, 
 pre-eminent for his savage hatred of Christianity, issued an 
 order'' that no force should be used against it. The edict 
 of the two "Western emperors having failed to re-assure aU 
 persons, a second edict was framed at Milan, in the spring 
 
 ' Euiuart, p. 417. i The " Acts of Pilate," a blasphemous forgery. 
 " Eu8. ix. 9. 
 
4 DONATISM. 
 
 of 313, which proclaimed an absolute and unconditional 
 tolerations alike of Christianity and of all other religions, — 
 and added a special order for the restoration of all buildings 
 and places which had belonged to " the Christian body ;"— 
 the individuals who were thus to restore them were to be re- 
 warded by the government. No profession of Christianity was 
 made by the emperors ; they trusted by this decree to win 
 the favour of " whatever divinity might reign in heaven." 
 
 The Edict of Milan, then, did not establish Christianity 
 as the state-religion ; its effect was to annul all legal hin- 
 drances to liberty of worship, and to recognise the Chris- 
 tians as a body known to the law. A separate ordinance, 
 addressed to Anulinus, proconsul of Africa, interpreted 
 " Christian body" to mean the Catholic Church. This 
 was to exclude the new sect, afterwards called that of 
 the Donatists, which had sprung up in the preceding year, 
 and had separated from the communion of Csecilian, bishop 
 of Carthage, on the ground that his consecrator, Pelix of 
 Aptunga, had been a traditor, and that he himself had 
 cruelly punished the confessors who had courted persecu- 
 tion by preventing their friends from coming to relieve 
 their wants. Instead of him the schismatics acknowledged 
 Majorinus as bishop of Carthage. The moral groundwork 
 of this Numidian sect was a gloomy zeal, without humility 
 or love, for the purity of the Church ; a zeal which could 
 ally itself with the grossest violence and injustice, and with 
 personal spite of the basest kind. Constantine ordered the 
 African government to proceed against all who " persevered 
 in this madness, seducing the Catholic people by an un- 
 principled imposture:" while he made over a large sum to 
 Caecilian for the use of the clergy of the " legitimate and 
 most holy" religion, and exempted them from burdens of 
 public oiEce, that they might be free to serve the Empire by 
 their prayers ''. The schismatics, on their part, sent in an 
 
 1 Be Mort. Pers. 48 ; Bus. x. 5. 
 
 I" See Bus. x. 6, 7. For a list of similar exemptions, see the note in 
 Oxf. edition of Fleury, vol. i. p. 162. 
 
DEATH OF MAXIMIN. g 
 
 accusation of Csecilian, and supplicated the " best of em- 
 perors" to have the case tried by judges from Gaul': an 
 appeal to the civil power which for many years gave point 
 to the invectives of the Catholics. 
 
 Meantime, the career of Maximin was hastening to its 
 end. He had not allowed to the Christians, whom his recent 
 order had secured from violence, any liberty of assembling 
 for worship ; and now, throwing off the mask, he declared 
 war. Licinius overthrew him at Hadrianople on May 1. 
 In his despair, Maximin put forth an edict equivalent to 
 that of Milan"; slew many of the pagan diviners who 
 had assured him of victory; and, finally, took poison at 
 Tarsus. His death was a long agony ; in his frenzy he 
 dashed his head against the wall, and the Christians believed 
 that at length, when his sight was gone, a vision of Divine 
 judgment made him cry out as one under torture, " God 
 is there, with attendants in white, giving sentence against 
 me. It was not I — it was the others !" At length — so runs 
 the Christian story — his anguish wrung from him a con- 
 fession of guilt, and a piteous appeal to the mercy of the 
 Saviour °. 
 
 Constantino had now leisure to attend to the case of the 
 African schism. At his desire, Melchiades, bishop of Eome, 
 with several other prelates, held a Council in the Lateran 
 palace at Eome", (Oct. 10, 313,) before which appeared 
 Donatus, bishop of Casse Nigrae, and other accusers of 
 Csecilian. The question as to Felix of Aptunga was not 
 entertained; as to the personal charges against Csecilian, 
 the Council insisted on distinct, tangible evidence, and this 
 was not forthcoming; whUe, on the other hand, Csecilian 
 accused Donatus of having reiterated, in some cases, bap- 
 tism and imposition of hands. The Council set aside the 
 judgment pronounced against Csecilian in his absence by 
 Numidian bishops in the interest of his enemies, affirmed 
 
 ' " Rogamus te, . . . optime imperator, quoniam de genere justo es." — 
 (Aug., torn. ix. p. 778.) 
 ■» Bus. ix. 10. " De Mort. 49. " Aug., torn. ix. p. 779. 
 
6 ANCYEA. NEOC-SSARKA. 
 
 him to be innocent and worthy of communion, but con- 
 demned Donatus alone of his accusers, and offered to recog- 
 nise, in cases of rival bishops, the prelate who might be 
 senior in consecration P. Csecilian, for the sake of peace, 
 was detained by Constantine in Italy ; while two bishops, 
 after making enquiry into the case in Africa, pronounced 
 his adherents to be the true African Church. The case of 
 Felix was examined on the spot by the proconsul, who 
 found the evidence for his having been a traditor to be the 
 forgery of a malignant scribe. The schismatics, still dis- 
 satisfied, asked for a council of all the Western bishops ; and 
 such an assembly was summoned to meet at Aries. Before 
 it assembled, a small council was held (about Easter, 314,) 
 at Ancyra in Galatia, chiefly on the case of those who had 
 lapsed in the persecution. Its most important canon, the 
 thirteenth, forbids an inferior class of consecrated bishops, 
 named chorepiscopi, to ordain priests or deacons, still less to 
 ordain city-priests, except by written leave from the bishop i. 
 The Council also speaks of the three higher classes of peni- 
 tents, the Hearers, the Kneelers, and those who were 
 allowed to join in the prayers of the Eucharist, vfithout 
 actually receiving the oblation, and who are commonly 
 known as the " Consistentes." The lowest class was that of 
 " Weepers." The tenth canon of Ancyra forbids deacons 
 who marry to keep their offices, unless at ordination they 
 intimated their intention to marry. Another Council, con- 
 temporaneous with this, was that of Neocaesarea, the capital 
 of Cappadocia, where S. Gregory the Wonder-worker had 
 in the former century been bishop. This assembly decreed 
 that a priest who should marry must lose his office ^ ; de- 
 
 p Aug. Ep. 43. 
 
 1 See Eouth, Eell. Sao. iv. 214. There is a question as to whether some 
 chorepiscopi were not, in fact, equivalent to rural deans. Those who think 
 so urge the thirteenth canon of Neocaesarea, wMch compares them to the 
 Seventy. Bingham considers that all the chorepiscopi were bishops, i. 183, 
 (b. 2. c. 14. 5. 4.) 
 
 ' The ancient Church allowed married men to become priests and retain 
 their wives ; but disapproved of marriage after ordination. Socrates, i. 11. 
 
COUNCIL OF AELES. 7 
 
 nounced the marriage of a woman with, two brothers suc- 
 cessively ; forbade, in ordinary cases, the ordination of one 
 who had been " illuminated" (i. e. baptized) during illness, 
 because such a person's faith " is of constraint, not of free 
 will;" spoke of "offering" (the Eucharist) as the great 
 priestly duty ' ; asserted the superiority of city-priests to 
 country-priests, and, on the ground of Acts vi., fixed seven 
 as the maximum for the deacons of every city. 
 
 The Council of Aries met on Aug. 1, 314. Sylvester, now 
 bishop of Eome, was represented by four clergy, but Mari- 
 nus of Aries was president. About four hundred bishops 
 appeared ; among whom were Eborius of York, Kestitutus 
 of London, and Adelphius of Lincoln*. Again Caecilian's 
 cause was triumphant. Besides the sentence against his 
 enemies, twenty-two canons were passed, the most impor- 
 tant of which were, — the first, which ordained that Easter 
 should be kept by all on one day, and that the Bishop 
 of Eome should write to all, according to usage, re- 
 specting that day in each year ; the eighth, which or- 
 dained that converts from heresy, who could shew that 
 they had been baptized in the Name of the Trinity, should 
 "receive the Holy Spirit by the laying on of hands," but 
 that those who could not should receive baptism " ; and 
 the fifteenth, which emphatically prohibited deacons from 
 " offering " the Holy Eucharist. 
 
 To Constantine's extreme disgust, the defeated schis- 
 matics appealed to him against the Council. " The judg- 
 ment of bishops" (so he wrote to the members of the 
 ■ Council) " ought to be regarded as a judgment of the Lord 
 Himself. To ignore the heavenly sentence and to demand 
 
 • Compare S. Haary, Fragm. 2. 16 ; — " Saoriflcii opus sine presbytero 
 esse Hon potuit." 
 
 ' "De civitate ColonisB Londinensium : " probably a mistake for Lindi, 
 Lincoln. Eouth, iv. 296. 
 
 » This was the point contended for by Stephen of Kome against S. Cy- 
 prian, on the ground that the holy Name of the Trinity gave reality to an 
 administration of baptism even by a person of unsound belief. 
 
^iUiJir jJAio. 
 
 a secular one," was, in his view, an insane imitation of 
 heathen fashions. What could these men think of Christ 
 their Saviour ? The act, of itself, stamped them as traitors. 
 Tet he consented to receive their appeal, "intending after- 
 wards to make his excuses to the bishops^," and being 
 minded to leave the appellants without excuse for further 
 obstinacy. After some changes of purpose as to the scene 
 of this new hearing, he confronted Caecilian with the appel- 
 lants at Milan in 316. The result was that he wrote, on 
 Nov. 10, to Eumalius. the "Vicar^" of Afriqp, :— " I have 
 found Cascilian to be a person thoroughly innocent, and 
 faithfully observant of all the duties of his religion. It 
 plainly appeared that no crime could be proved against 
 him^" 
 
 In the first moments of his indignation against the ac- 
 cusers, Constantino thought of putting them to death*. 
 But he contented himself with issuing decrees of banish- 
 ment, and expelling the schismatics from the churches. It 
 is uncertain at what time the schisraatical episcopate at 
 Carthage began to be held by the second and more eminent 
 Donatus, from whom the party took its name". 
 
 While the African Church was harassed by Donatism, in 
 other provinces the faithful had an interval of tranquil sun- 
 shine between the storm of persecution that had passed 
 away and the more terrible storm of heresy that was at 
 hand. " There sprang up for us all," says Eusebius, " a 
 heaven-sent joy*." It seemed a fulfilment of the prophecy, 
 " My people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation." The 
 worship of the Church was celebrated with all that stateli- 
 ness which even in earlier times, whenever she had the op- 
 
 T s. Aug. Ep. 43. 
 
 « Under the Praetorian Praefect of Italy were Vicars of Rome, Italy, and 
 Africa. The title of praetorian praefect, originally belonging to the com- 
 mander of the preetorian guards, was given under Constantino to the chief 
 magistrates of the East, Illyricum, Italy, and Gaul. 
 
 « S. Aug. c. Creso. iii. o. 71 ; BreT. Coll. 3. 37 ; P. CoUat. i. 33. 
 
 ^ S. Aug. 0. Ep. Parm. i. 8. = Hoolier, b. 5. 62. 7. i Eus. x. 2. 
 
LICINIAN PEKSECUTION. g 
 
 portunity, was the natural expression of her faith and love"^. 
 — She could worship, if need were, in catacombs ; but even in 
 her days of depression, the rich lamps and the golden altar- 
 vessels witnessed for the principle of sacred splendour, and 
 prophesied of the cathedrals that were to be. There had 
 been magnificent churches in the Christendom of the third 
 century ; but now the sanctuaries that arose were like 
 " high palaces," and all the skill of sculptor and architect 
 was tasked to make them a glorious thank-ofiering. Such 
 was the new cathedral at Tyre, erected by the Bishop Pau- 
 linus and his flock, the dedication of which was marked by 
 a florid sermon from Eusebius '. 
 
 But in those Eastern provinces which Licinius still re- 
 tained, after his unsuccessful war with Constantine in 314, 
 the Church had new sufierings to undergo. Licinius, who 
 hated Christianity, began to impede the action of the 
 Church system by forbidding the bishops to hold synods, 
 and thus compelling them, as Eusebius says^, either to 
 violate his commands or to nullify the institutions of the 
 Church ; " for no otherwise than by synods could great 
 questions be settled." Gradually he went further in the 
 path of persecution : forbidding Church services within 
 cities, " because the country air was purer ;" forbidding 
 women to worship with men, " lest public morality should 
 suffer ;" casting ofi' his loyal Christian servants, and at 
 length commanding all his soldiers to sacrifice on pain of 
 dismissal. Then came an outbreak of the old persecutors' 
 fury : bishops were again, as formerly, the special victims 
 of an emperor's hatred. One was cut in pieces ; another, 
 Paul of NeocsBsarea, had his hands disabled with hot iron. 
 At Sebaste forty Christian soldiers were stripped and ex- 
 
 « See Hooker, b. 5. c. 15 ; ib. c. 79. s. 14. See also Routh, Rell. Sao. iv. 
 323, for the list of gold and silver chaUces, lamps, &o., siuTendered by 
 SilTanus and others. See Mill's Univ. Serm., p. 316. 
 
 t See Eus. viii. 1 ; x. 2. 4. 
 
 8 Eus. Vit. Const, i. 61. 
 
lO AEIUS. 
 
 posed to the piercing Armenian winter •■. According to the 
 story, they kept on praying, " As forty have entered the 
 stadium, O Lord, let forty win the crown !" One of them 
 gave way, and sought the warm shelter which was offered to 
 apostates ; whereupon the guard, suddenly converted, took 
 his place, and completed the roll of the Porty Martyrs. 
 
 This trouble, however, was soon to pass away. Not so 
 that other affliction then beginning, so terrible in its early 
 strength, so wonderfully enduring in its consequences, which 
 was brought upon the Church by the heresy of a priest at 
 Alexandria. 
 
 Several years before the martyrdom of Bishop Peter, a 
 schism had been formed in Egypt under Meletius, bishop 
 of Lycopolis, which took for its watchword the purity of 
 Church discipline. The character of Meletius is to this day 
 a problem'. Among his adherents was a Libyan named 
 Arius, who on returning to Church unity was ordained 
 deacon by Peter, and afterwards, on giving fresh proofs of 
 spiritual disloyalty, was excommunicated. Peter, we are 
 told, refused in his last days to take off the censure, fore- 
 seeing that Arius would rend the Church. Achillas, who 
 succeeded Peter in 312, was so indulgent as to re-admit 
 Arius into communion, and ordain him priest for the most 
 important charge in Alexandria : the name of this church 
 was Baucalis. Achillas was succeeded by Alexander in 313 ; 
 and Arius continued under him to hold a high position 
 among the parish priests, as we should call them, of the 
 
 ^ S. Basil does not say tliat they were exposed on a frozen lake, but that 
 the lake near the city in which they suffered was frozen. In the same con- 
 text he says that they suffered in the midst of the city. Hom. 20. His 
 family held them in special veneration. 
 
 ' According to Epiphanius, he was a brave confessor who never himself 
 seceded, and who deemed Peter too gentle to those who had lapsed. Ac- 
 cording to the far higher authority of Athanasius, Apol. c. Ar. 59, he was 
 condemned by Peter in a council for various crimes, and amongst others 
 for actual apostasy. The Nicene Fathers say nothing about his apostasy, 
 nor does a letter of contemporary bishops which remonstrates with him for 
 schismatioal proceedings. 
 
HIS ARGUMENT. 11 
 
 city. The notion that he resented Alexander's election 
 seems to rest on insufficient evidence). 
 
 In the year 319, the sixth of Alexander's prelacy, he ad- 
 dressed his clergy, at some length ^, on the supreme mys- 
 tery of the Triune Godhead. The Father and the Son, he 
 insisted, were of one essence and co-equal majesty. Arius 
 protested against this statement, as amounting to that Sa- 
 bellian heresy which had confounded the Persons, and been 
 denounced by Dionysius, one of the greatest of Alexander's 
 predecessors. He then proceeded to argue : — The Father 
 is a Father, the Son is a Son. Therefore the Father must 
 hare existed before the Son. Therefore, once the Son was 
 not. Therefore, He was made, like all creatures, of a sub- 
 stance that had not previously existed. 
 
 This was the essence of Arius' teaching. Trained in the 
 schools of disputatious logic at Antioch, and by tempera- 
 ment devoid of reverence, he had accustomed himself to 
 think nothing too majestic for the grasp of a syllogistic 
 formula. He took his stand on the assumption that such a 
 formula could comprehend the Infinite ; that he could argue 
 irresistibly from human sonship to divine. And yet his 
 argument, to thoughtful minds, was self-destructive ; for it 
 began by insisting on the truth of our Lord's Sonship, and 
 ended by making Him whoUy alien from the essence of the 
 Father. 
 
 Before this public avowal of his opinions, it appears that 
 Arius had disseminated them in private. We can form, by 
 means of the descriptions which have come down to us ', a 
 vivid image of the great heresiarch. There might be seen 
 in Alexandrian streets and houses a taU, elderly man, in a 
 half-cloak and a short tunic, with a worn, pallid face, and 
 downcast eyes. The quiet gravity of his bearing, — the 
 
 ' Theodoret, i. 2, says that he acted from jealousy ; PhUostorgius, that 
 he waived Ms claims in favour of Alexander, 
 k Soo. i. 5. 
 ' Epiph. Hser. 69, with Constantine'a Ep. to Arius. 
 
ATHATTASIUS. 
 
 sweet persuasive voice, with its ready greetings and its 
 fluent logic,— had a wonderful fascination for several of his 
 brother-clergy, a large body of laymen, and many of the 
 consecrated virgins. Alexander a^fest endeavoured to 
 reclaim him by holding conferences in which the subject 
 was discussed. But these proved ineffectual : so that the 
 Archbishop, who had already been blamed for too great for- 
 bearance, — on the ground of which a priest named CoUu- 
 thus had actually set up a sect of his own, and pretended to 
 confer holy orders, — was obliged to employ the censures of 
 the Church. He pronounced the Arian doctrine an impiety; 
 commanded Arius to retract, and on his refusal, excommu- 
 nicated him. He wrote a letter to Arius' partisans, exhort- 
 ing them to submit to the faith ™ ; and the great majority of 
 the priests and deacons subscribed this letter. Among the 
 deacons was a young man of twenty -four or thereabouts, 
 who had been carefully educated for the service of the 
 Church, and had already distinguished himself by treatises 
 "against the Gentiles," and "on the Incarnation." His 
 name was Athanasius °. 
 
 The excitement was rather increased than abated by this 
 proceeding. The Arian party grew daily in strength and 
 boldness; the women especially were in the forefront of 
 the faction, and were employed to support the accusations 
 which its leaders brought before the civil courts, against the 
 Archbishop and the faithful. There seemed to be every 
 prospect of an Alexandrian sedition, with all its terrible 
 phenomena, in behalf of a doctrine which amounted to 
 apostasy from Christ °. Alexander summoned a council of 
 nearly a hundred bishops, who owed obedience to his seeP. 
 It was ascertained by this assembly that, in Arius' view, 
 
 " See Ath. Hist. Tracts, p. 297. 
 
 » The story about his having attracted Alexander's notice by "shewing 
 his mates how saints baptize and bless," is against chronological and other 
 probabilities, and may safely be set aside, although given by Ruffinua 'and 
 after him by Socrates and Sozomen. ' 
 
 , « Theoii. 4. PS0C.L6. 
 
THE POWEK OF ARIANISM. 13 
 
 the Son of God was the first of creatures, and in that sense 
 the Only-begotten ; created after the image of the Divine 
 Wisdom, and therefore called the "Word ; created in order 
 that by His meaj^^^JuK. might create us; incapable of 
 thoroughly knowing either the Father's nature or His own. 
 One awful question remained. The Arians were asked 
 whether this exalted creature could change from good to 
 evil ? They answered, " Yes, He ean." The Council re- 
 plied to this fearful utterance by a solemn anathema against 
 Arius, with two bishops who adhered tp him, Secundus and 
 Theonas, five priests, and six deacons. — Two other priests 
 and four other deacons were either then or soon afterwards 
 included in the condemnation. 
 
 We can never understand the history of an error until we 
 to some extent appreciate its attractions. "What was the 
 charm that Arianism possessed, during so many years, for 
 adherents so diverse both in race and character ? First, it 
 was a form of rationalism, and therefore a relief to minds 
 that shrunk from so awful a mystery as the Incarnation of 
 the Eternal. Secondly, it was a vague, elastic creed, con- 
 genial to those who disliked all definite doctrine. Thirdly, 
 it appealed to many by its affinity to older heresies. 
 Fourthly, its assertion of a created and inferior godhead 
 would come home to persons in transition from polytheism 
 to Christianity 1. Fifthly, the scope which it practically 
 allowed to a profane and worldly temper was agreeable 
 to the multitudes for whom the Church was too austere, 
 who desired a relaxed and adapted Grospel. Lastly, who 
 
 1 Hence the Fathers often taant the Arians with formal idolatry, as 
 worshippers of one believed to be a creature. S. Ath. ad Ep. JEg. 4, 13 j Or. c. 
 Ar. i. 8. Hilar, de Trin. viii. 28 ; "0 heretic, who declarest Christ to he a 
 creature, understand what thou art, — thou who canst not but Icnow that to 
 worship a creature is accursed." Ambr. de Fide, i. c. 11 ; " If they think 
 the Son foreign to the Father, why do they adore Him ? . . . . Or if they 
 do not adore Him, let them say so, and there is an end of it. " The worship 
 of Christ was a thing so ingrained in ancient Christianity, that the Arians 
 durst not say, "We adore Him not." 
 
1^ RECALL OF DONATISTS. 
 
 can tell how many simple souls were allured by the promise 
 of a safeguard against Sabellianism, or against "carnal 
 views " of the nature of God ? 
 
 These events happened in 320 and 321. At the same 
 time, the regions westward of Alexander's patriarchate (if 
 we may here apply that term by anticipation) were again 
 disturbed by the Donatist troubles. One of the schismatic 
 prelates, Silvanus of Cirta, was denounced before the civil 
 court as a traditor and a simonist ^. The accuser was Nun- 
 dinarius, a deacon whom he had deposed, and whom he had 
 refused to receive again into favour. Zenophilus, who tried 
 the case, found Silvanus guilty, and sent him into banish- 
 ment. Another oilicer named Ursacius seems to have acted 
 with Zenophilus, and incurred the hatred of the party. But 
 shortly afterwards the Donatists requested Constantiue to 
 stop the persecution which they had endured for disowning 
 " that worthless bishop of his." The Emperor, by a letter 
 of May 5, 321, recalled them from exile, at the same time 
 expressing his detestation of their violence, and declaring 
 that he left them to the judgment of God^. And it was 
 probably about this time that he exhorted the Catholics to 
 wait patiently for a Diviue relief from their afflictions'. The 
 extraordinary audacity of the Donatists is shewn by his own 
 words : " "Whatever sufferings may be inflicted by their fury 
 will be counted as martyrdom in the sight of God." It can 
 hardly be doubted that he refers to the outrages of those 
 wild fanatical peasants who derived from their original 
 habits of beggiug from cottage to cottage the name of 
 circumcellions^. We shall hear more of them at a later 
 period ; it may suffice to say that the strange frenzy which 
 made them, in many cases, rush upon their death in the 
 cause of Donatism, had previously led them to court mar- 
 
 ' See S. Aug. o. Creso. iii. 32 ; Routh, Eell. Sao. ir. 320. 
 
 • S. Aug. ad Don. post coll. 54, 66. The letter was to Verinus, the vice- 
 praefect. 
 
 • See S. Aug., torn. ix. 791. » S. Aug. o. Gaud. I 32. 
 
THE EUSEBII. I5 
 
 tyrdom at the hands of pagans on festivals of the gods''. 
 Their organization, as a Donatist force, became more per- 
 fect afterwards ; but they seem to have been in these early 
 days of the schism a terror to the defenceless Catholics. 
 Encouraged by the revocation of penal edicts, the Donatists 
 sent a bishop named Victor to Eome y. He could not gain 
 admission into any church, and was reduced to assemble 
 his small flock of Africans outside the city, in a cavern 
 on a hUl, whence they derived the contemptuous epithet 
 of " Montenses." 
 
 To return to the Arian history. Deprived of a home in 
 Alexandria, Arius wrote to the Bishop of Nicomedia, who 
 had been bred in the same school with him at Antioch ''. 
 His name was Eusebius. He had procured by court in- 
 terest a translation from the see of Berytus ; and he now 
 possessed the ear of Constantino. Arius complained to 
 this unprincipled and ambitious man that he was " unjustly 
 persecuted by the Pope Alexander^" for denying the 
 eternity of the Son. The Son, he insisted, must be a 
 creature, although He might be entitled " perfect God." 
 
 Having quitted Egypt, Arius visited Palestine. Euse- 
 bius the historian, bishop of Csesarea, was one of the pre- 
 lates on whom he relied ; and although the extent of his 
 sympathy with Arianism has been disputed, it may be truly 
 said that "his ■acts are his confession''." Nor did he 
 " scruple to say plainly that Christ was not true God ;" 
 a saying which has been coupled with that of a thorough- 
 going Arian, Athanasius of Anazarbus, that Christ was 
 " one of the hundred sheep °." Macarius of Jerusalem, and 
 Philogonius the patriarch of Antioch, would have nothing 
 
 » See Aug. Ep. 185. 12. i Optatus, lib. ii. • Theod. i. 5. 
 
 " The term Pope was at this time more specifically applied to the Arch- 
 bishop of Alexandria than to any other prelate, although it rightiully 
 belonged to aU. 
 
 •> Newman's Arians, p. 150. ed. 1854, 
 
 « See S. Ath. de Syn. 3. 17. This latter impiety was in a letter to 
 Alexander. 
 
i6 Alexander's encyclic. 
 
 to say to Arianism. Alexander sent letter after letter to 
 the Syrian bishops'*, some of whom answered as if agreeing 
 with his view, while others avowed their feeling for Arius. 
 But if Palestine was doubtful, Nicomedia was committed to 
 his side ; and there he found a welcome from Eusebius, who 
 had written to him, " Since your sentiments are good, pray 
 that all may adopt them: for it is plain to any one that 
 what has leen made was not, before its generation^." 
 
 Arius and his companions wrote to their Archbishop', 
 from Nicomedia, a letter which has been reckoned the first 
 of the Arian creeds. They addressed him respectfully as 
 their " blessed Pope," and referred to his own alleged teach- 
 ing. They spoke of the Son as " God's perfect creature, 
 but not as one of the creatures." He was not, they affirmed, 
 of the Father's essence — for that would imply a materialistic 
 view. He was said to be generated before all time, but 
 still to have come into existence, so that He was not before 
 His generation. Eusebius urged Paulinus of Tyre to de- 
 clare himself s, and insisted that Prov. viii. 22 ^ made the Son 
 a creature, and that even the dewdrops were called the 
 offspring of Grod. The bishops of Bithynia, under the guid- 
 ance of Eusebius, pronounced Arius worthy of their com- 
 munion, and put forth a circular letter to all prelates, re- 
 questing them to mediate between Alexander and the friends 
 of Arius '. The Archbishop of Alexandria, on his side, issued 
 an encyclic to all Catholic bishops, in which he gave a his- 
 tory of the schism ; set forth the Arian propositions with a 
 comment which became proverbial, "Who ever yet heard 
 such things ?" and arrayed Scripture texts against them, vrith 
 the Scriptural predictions of an apostasy which the faithful 
 must abhor '^. He caused his own priests and deacons to 
 
 a Epiph. Hffir. 89. ' S. Ath. 1. o. 
 
 ' S. Ath. de Syn. 16. s Tlieod. i. 6. 
 
 l" eKTicre ixf, LXX. S. Ath. applied this text, thus rendered, to Christ's 
 Body. Some Fathers " had the aouteness to tind out the mistransktion of 
 the original — ixnae for iKriiirmo." — (Bp. Forbes on Nio. Cr., p. 158.) 
 
 ' Soz. i. 15. k Soo. i, 6. 
 
THE "THALIA. 1/ 
 
 subscribe this letter, as they had subscribed the one ad- 
 dressed to the Arians. Arius, wishing by all means to 
 popularize his views, embodied them in a poem called 
 Thalia, in a metre which had very evil associations. De- 
 scribing himself as a "well-known sufferer for God's glory," 
 he spoke of the Son as " not equal, no, nor one in essence 
 with the Father," but a creature of His will, called into 
 existence at a certain period, capable of knowing Him only 
 in part'. From this " store of all irreligionm," and from the 
 songs which he wrote for sailors, travellers, and millers, 
 arose in great measure that storm of Arian irreverence, 
 which varied the talk of the shop or the bath by flippant 
 denials of the Co-equality, and assailed the very boys and 
 women in the market with scoffing questions about an 
 Eternal Son". 
 
 After this Arius returned to Palestine, and was permitted 
 by Eusebius of Csesarea and other bishops to form a distinct 
 congregation, on condition that he did his utmost to be re- 
 conciled to Alexander ". This permission is alluded to in a 
 long letter from Alexander to his namesake of Byzantium, 
 preserved by TheodoretP, which may be taken as a sample of 
 the mass of letters which he wrote against Arianism. He 
 denounces the Arians for their heathenish and Judaic views 
 of Christ, for their persecuting violence, their intellectual 
 arrogance, their disingenuous pretences. He insists on the 
 doctrine of an Eternal Father and an Eternal Son, whose 
 sonship is by essence, and not by adoption. This doctrine 
 involves no Sabellianism, no Ditheism, no partition of the 
 Divine essence, no denial of the Father's prerogative as the 
 TJnbegotten. One remarkable point in this letter is that it 
 speaks of Mary as " the Mother of God <i ;" another, that it 
 
 1 S. Ath. de Syn. s. 15 ; Or. o. Ar. i. 5. 6. » S. Ath. c. Ar. i. 10. 
 
 " Ibid. i. 22. o Soz. i. 15. p Theod. i. 4. 
 
 1 As does S. Ath., Or. o. Ar. iii. 14, M tjjs @^ot6kov Mapias. lb. 
 29, 33. So S. CyrU of Jerusalem, Catech. x. 19, "The Virgin Mother 
 of God is His witness. " 
 
 C 
 
i8 constantine's aspect 
 
 avows the inadequacy of human language for the full expres- 
 sion of a transcendant mystery '. It appears from the letter 
 that Alexander had framed a formulary of doctrine, which 
 he requested the Byzantine prelate to subscribe '. 
 
 While the controversy was thus raging, Constantine had 
 been at war with Licinius. The latter was overthrown in 
 323, and the conqueror then assumed a more distinctively 
 Christian attitude. Priests had accompanied him in the 
 late campaign ; he had been wont to pray, before a battle, 
 in a tent where the cross was erected ; he wrote letters ', 
 acknowledging that the only true God had given him vic- 
 tory. It would be monstrous that " God's servant" should 
 be neglectful of His confessors ; therefore the Emperor re- 
 called all Christian exiles, readmitted Christian soldiers to 
 the army, set free all who had been enslaved, restored pro- 
 perty to confessors and heirs of martyrs, and to the Church 
 as a corporation. He caused himself to be painted as in 
 the act of prayer, and with a cross over his head and a trans- 
 fixed serpent under his feet. In a letter to the Eastern 
 provincials, he pointed out the judgments which had fallen 
 on the persecutors ; but while recommending the religion 
 which God had visibly supported, he promised that it should 
 be forced upon none. Hence we must suppose that the 
 edicts which he issued against sacrifices had reference to 
 some magical rites, and to the offerings made in the Em- 
 peror's name". He shewed himself zealous against impure 
 idolatries, and earnestly desirous of the Church's extension. 
 Having already commanded " Sunday" observance", he gave 
 
 ■• Compare S. Aug. de Trin. v. 9, that as to what is meant by Three in 
 the Godhead, "magnS, prorsus inopi4 humanura laborat ingeniutn." See, 
 too, his Serm. 117. 5. 
 
 " The Benedictines would identify this "tome" with S.Alexander's 
 letter to all bishops. 
 
 ' Eus. V. C. u. 24—42. 
 
 « See Milman's Hist. Christ, ii. 463. Still, he did not refuse the title 
 of Pontifex Maximus. 
 
 ^ All work in towns was to cease on " the venerable day of the sun :" but 
 country people might "flreely pursue agricultural work." 
 
TOWARDS CHRISTIANITY. 19 
 
 an example of attendance on other festivals, and supplied a 
 blaze of lights for the Paschal vigils. He built churches, and 
 contributed to their splendour : crosses bright with precious 
 stones, and probably stone altars, began to appear under 
 his encouragement^. The Emperor became a lecturer on 
 religion, and spoke in grave and solemn tones on the Divine 
 unity, on salvation, and on the account to be rendered. 
 Was he sincere in all this ? Most probably he had a genuine 
 belief in the Christian system, so far as he understood it : 
 but he knew little of its teaching as a dogma, or of its de- 
 mands as a law. Hence, while he gave much to his re- 
 ligion, he did not give himself. A strange iaconsistency 
 distinguished his religious position ; and bishops, too ready 
 to become courtiers, allowed a piince who had not asked 
 for baptism to dogmatize on things pertaining to God, and 
 to call himself "a bishop for the external relations" of the 
 Church *. 
 
 Public peace was Constantine's first object ; and now, 
 after all his trouble with the Donatists, he was sorely dis- 
 appointed to find in the East a wider and deadlier schism. 
 In a letter to Alexander and Arius*, he expressed his 
 natural longing for " tranquil days ;" but he also exhibited 
 his ignorance of the real bearings of the controversy, and 
 his imperial self-confidence in pronouncing upon it. The 
 strife, he said, had arisen from an unpractical question 
 stirred by the one, and an inconsiderate opinion expressed 
 by the other. Let them indulge no more in such intellec- 
 tual exercises ; or, at any rate, keep them from publicity. 
 
 7 For the antiquity of this solemn observance of that night, "the sanoti- 
 fioation of which/' in the words of the Paschal " Praeconium," "restores in. 
 nooenoe to the fallen and joy to the sorrowful," see the story of Narcissus 
 in Euseb. vi. 9. 
 
 ' See Bingham, b. viii. 0. 6. s. 15. We shall see that wooden altars 
 were still in use after the days of Constautine. The ancients did not con. 
 sider that the reality of an altar depended on its being of stone. Sixtus III, 
 gave a silver altar to S. Mary Major ; Puloheria gave a golden altar to the 
 great church in Constantinople, 
 
 » Bus. V. C. ii. 24. b Soo. i, 7. 
 
20 THE HOMOOUSION. 
 
 Seven times ia the letter he insists, with a sort of passionate 
 emphasis, that the points at issue are minute and trivial. 
 On all vital points, he assures them that they agree ; why 
 should they rend the Christian brotherhood about specula- 
 tive opinions on which few men think alike ? 
 
 Thus, in the spirit of a man of the world, for whom doc- 
 trinal truth was a mere unreality, Constantine threw aside, 
 as absolutely unimportant, the question whether Christ was 
 very Grod or no. He sent the letter by the aged confessor 
 Hosius, bishop of Cordova. On his arrival at Alexandria, 
 about the beginning of 325, another Council met •=. Arius 
 was again condemned; so were the Meletian schismatics; 
 CoUuthus submitted to the Church, and Isohyras, on whom 
 he had laid hands, was pronounced a layman ^. Far from 
 accepting the Emperor's view of the controversy, the Council 
 appears to have adopted the term Homoousion, in order to 
 express the great truth that the Son was included withia 
 the very essence of the Father, without being merged in 
 His personality <= : that He was God of God, begotten, not 
 made, literally, absolutely, eternally divine. 
 
 Arius sent a remonstrance to Constantine ; but the Em- 
 peror was now under a different influence, as it would ap- 
 pear, from that which had produced his recent letter. He 
 replied to Arius, partly by a coarse invective ', partly by a 
 peremptory order to recognise the Son as of one essence 
 with the Father. 
 
 But it was now clear that neither provincial councils nor 
 
 t On this see TUlemont, vi. 230, on Soe. iii. 7, Philost. i. 7. 
 
 * Ath. Apol. c. Ari. s. 74. This of itself would dispose of the statement 
 of the credulous EutyoMus, patriarch of Alexandria in 933, that until the 
 time of S. Alexander the patriarchs were consecrated by twelve presbyters. 
 S. Jerome's statement, that until the time of Dionysius they were clwsen. 
 and named by the presbyters (from their own body), is perhaps true. 
 
 ' Sabellianism was excluded " by the 6ii.ov, ' together,' which imphed a 
 difference as well as unity." Ath. Treatises, i. 203, note, (Lib. F.) So 
 S. Basil, Ep. 62. 
 
 ' He sneered at his dismal, emaciated figure, and called him "a shop of 
 iniquity." 
 
COUNCIL OF NICJ5A MEETS. 2 1 
 
 imperial mandates were suiEcient for the need. The idea of 
 a General Council of all bishops, such as could not have been 
 held during the Church's season of adversity, recommended 
 itself to Constantino. Such an assembly might also decide 
 two other questions: 1. that of the Meletian schism in 
 Egypt; 2. that of the time of Easter. Syria and some 
 Other districts maintained the old Quartodeciman custom, 
 which had formerly been prevalent in proconsular Asia; while 
 the majority of Churches made the close of the Lenten fast 
 depend, not upon the 14th day of the month Nisan, but 
 upon the iirst day of the week. 
 
 Constantino accordingly summoned the bishops of Chris- 
 tendom to meet at Nicsea, which was conveniently near his 
 own residence at Nicomedia. The day of meeting was June 
 19, 325. The number of bishops present has been ^usually 
 stated as 318 s. Sylvester of Eome was too old for such a 
 journey ; he was represented by two of his priests. Alex- 
 ander was present, attended by his deacon Athanasius. 
 Two other faithful Alexanders were there, from Thessalonica 
 and Byzantium. There, too, appeared Eustathius of Antioch, 
 Macarius of Jerusalem, Leontius of Cappadocian Csesarea, 
 the consecrator of Gregory the "Illuminator" of Armenia; 
 Aristaces, Gregory's son and representative; James of 
 Nisibia ; Hosius from Spain, Csecilian from Carthage, Ni- 
 catius from Gaul, John from Persia, Theophilus "bishop 
 of the Goths ;" brave confessors, like Paul of Neocaesarea 
 with his disabled hands, and Paphnutius from Thebais, and 
 Potamon of Heraclea, who had each been deprived of an 
 eye*; Acesius, a bishop of the Novatianist sect, who was 
 specially invited by Constantine in his desire of unity. 
 Among the Arianizers were the bishops of Nieomedia aud 
 Caesarea ; and the deposed Arians, Secundus and Theonas, 
 were permitted to attend the great assembly, which was 
 
 s S. Ath. ad Afr. 2. Optatus, Hilary, and others, follow him. Julius of 
 Rome says 300 ; Eusebius, above 250. 
 i" Constantine kissed the scars of the confessors. Soo. i, 11; Theod. i. 7. 
 
2 2 AEIUS EXAMINED. 
 
 able to review all previous judgments. A large concourse 
 of clergy and laity, present as spectators, but not as mem- 
 bers, althougb some were allowed to address the Council, 
 contributed to the grandeur of the scene. There is a ques- 
 tion as to the bishop who presided. If Hosius did so, there 
 is no good evidence * for saying that it was in the character 
 of Sylvester's legate ; and it is probable, on the whole, that 
 he was " chief of the Council" only inasmuch as he was em- 
 ployed to frame the Creed ; and that the actual president 
 was Eustathius of Antioch. Before the proceedings began, 
 a significant incident happened''. A pagan philosopher, who 
 had harassed some of the bishops by his volubility, was 
 encountered by a pious lay confessor with the simple state- 
 ment of the Christian faith, and was then and there won 
 over to accept it. Before the Emperor's arrival, the Council 
 met in the cathedral of Nicsea. Arius was summoned and 
 examined. He boldly declared that he held the Son to be a 
 creature who once did not exist, who was made out of 
 nothing by God, who might have chosen to sin against 
 Him. A thrill of horror went through the assembly: many 
 bishops stopped their ears ', and said that they had heard 
 enough ; others insisted on a thorough discussion ™. Among 
 those who, as members of the Council or as taking part in 
 the debates, exhibited their argumentative skill on the side 
 of orthodoxy, Athauasius the deacon was pre-eminent. 
 
 On the 3rd of July the Council was transferred to the 
 palace. Constantino appeared in gold and purple, but with- 
 out the pomp of guards. Modest and graceful in address, he 
 replied " to the loyal speech of Eustathius with an expres- 
 sion of his earnest wish for the unanimity of the Council. 
 He listened to all with attentive patience, disclaiming all 
 thought of dictation to the prelates ; he was but the " fel- 
 
 ' Only that of Gelasius of Cyzious. S. Athanasius says that he led the 
 synods, Apol. de Pugd, 5. Cf. Hist. An. 42. k go^ ; jg 
 
 ■ S. Ath. ad ep. ^g. i. s. 13 : compare Soc. i. 9. m goz j 17 
 ^ " Eus. V. C. iii. 12 ; Theod, i. 7. He had ah-eady burned ' 
 rials which bishops had given in against bishops. Soz. i. 17. 
 
 some memo- 
 
TRICKERY OF EUSEBIANS. 23 
 
 low-servant of his dear friends." Arius was heard a second 
 time. The Eusebians, as they began to be called after the 
 Nicomedian prelate, attempted to defend him, but were 
 inconsistent in their statements when called on by the 
 majority to explain themselves. The line taken by the 
 orthodox was this": — "Let us hold fast the deposit of 
 sound doctrine ; let us take the baptismal I'aith, received in 
 our several Churches, as the true apostolic teaching, the 
 true sense of Scripture, the true test of all new state- 
 ments." When it appeared by this process that the very 
 Godhead of the Eedeemer was the faith which had converted 
 the world, the bishops, willing to express the sense of Scrip- 
 ture in Scriptural terms, should such be found sufficient for 
 the present emergency, proposed to declare Him to be " of 
 Grod ;" whereupon the Eusebians professed to accept this, 
 inasmuch as " all things were of God." The orthodox went 
 on: "He is the Power of God; the Image of the Father, 
 and in Him always." The Eusebians, whispering and beck- 
 oning to each other P, agreed to this also in their own sense : 
 "The term. Power of God, is applied to angels, to men, 
 even to locusts ; man is God's image ; in Him we have our 
 being, and nothing shall part us from His love." Again 
 the orthodox insisted, "He is very God." ""Well," said 
 the equivocating Eusebians, " He has been made so." The 
 bishops theni quoted such texts as "the Brightness of 
 His glory, the express Image of His substance ;" " In Thy 
 Light shall we see Light ;" " I and My Father are one ;" 
 and at length, finding their opponents ready to explain away 
 all Scriptural terms, concentrated the sense of Scripture 
 into the phrases, "from God's essence," and "of one es- 
 sence with the Father." They saw, in short, that the Homo- 
 ousion was indispensable. When Eusebius of Csesarea pre- 
 
 See Keble's Sermons, pp. 386—414, shewing that the Nicene Creed, as 
 expressing the true sense of the various baptismal confessions, does really 
 give us the substance of that original "catechesis" which the apostles gave 
 to their first converts, and which the baptismal formulas enshrined. 
 
 P See Ath. de Deer. Nio. s. 20, and Ad Afros, 5. 1 Ath. ad Afros, 6. 
 
24 THE CEEED. 
 
 sented a creed which did not contain it, the formula was set 
 aside as defective; when a paper by Eusebius of Nicomedia 
 was read, which spoke of the Homoousion as plainly un- 
 tenable, the "blasphemous" document was torn in pieces'. 
 The term had, indeed, been; given up by the Council of 
 Antioch in the preceding century, because the heresiarch 
 Paul of Samosata had interpreted it sophistically in a ma- 
 terial sense = ; but, in truth, it involved no error and no ab- 
 surdity, and had been used by great writers in the sense 
 now given to it, as expressing neither more nor less than 
 the essential Godhead of the Son, or, in other words, Ris 
 very and true Sonship. 
 
 The Council, having resolved to adopt this term, com- 
 missioned Hosius and others to frame a creed, and the re^ 
 suit was as follows ' : — 
 
 " We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of 
 all things visible and invisible. And in one Lord Jesus 
 Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father, Only-be- 
 gotten, that is, of the essence of the Father : God of God, 
 and Light of Light, very God of very God, Begotten, not 
 made; of one essence'^ with the Father; by whom all things 
 were made, both in heaven and in earth. "Who for ua 
 men and for our salvation came down, and was incarnate, 
 and was made Man ; suffered, and rose the third day ; 
 ascended into the heavens ; shall come to judge the quick 
 and the dead. And in the Holy Ghost. 
 " But those who say, Once He was not ; and, Sefore He was 
 lyegotten. He teas not " ; and. He came into existence out of 
 
 ' This is the likeliest account. Compare S. Ambr. de Fid, iii. 15 ; Eusta- 
 thius in Theod. i. 7. ' S. Ath. de Syn. s. 45. • Soo. i. 8. 
 
 ^ I venture so to render homoousion, because ousia is properly ' essence,* 
 and hi/postasis, in the anathemas, ought to be rendered 'substance:' see 
 Newman's note in S. Ath. Treatises, i. 66. 
 
 » The Arians regarded the generation, not as an eternal fact in the Di. 
 vine essence, but as an event which once occiu'red ; before which event Grod 
 had no Son. Origen had long before expressed the Catholic doctrine, 
 6 2mtJ)p a.e\ jivv^Tai. Ap. Eouth, Roll. Sac. iv. 354. g. Athanasius says 
 that the Arians, by their ^j/ ttote Sxe oin ^v, rob God of His Word and 
 say that the Light was once without Radiance, Or. c. Ar. i 14. 
 
OTHER QUESTIONS. 2 J 
 
 nothing ; or, who say that the Son of God is of another sub- 
 stance, or essence, or is created, or mutable, or changeable, 
 are anathematized by the Catholic and Apostolic Church." 
 
 Seventeen Arianizing bishops objected to sign the Creed. 
 Eusebius of Csesarea was among them ; but after some con- 
 sideration he gave way, on grounds which cannot be called 
 satisfactory as regards his personal faiths. The phrases 
 anathematized, he remarked, " were not in Scripture, and 
 had caused confusion ;" that was all, it appeared, that he 
 had to say against them. Others also yielded under menace 
 of civil penalties — for the Emperor was resolved to enforce 
 unity ; until at last only five were left, Eusebius of Nicome- 
 dia, Maris of Chalcedon, Theognis of Nicaea, Secundus, and 
 Theonas. Maris then signed ; Eusebius and Theognis ^ 
 followed ; Secundus and Theonas stood firm, and were con- 
 demned with Arius, and with two of his friends, Pistus and 
 Euzoius. lllyria was their place of exile. 
 
 The case of the Meletians was very gently handled. " In 
 strictness," as the bishops said, " Meletius deserved no 
 favour ;" but he was admitted to communion, aad allowed 
 to retain the title without the powers of a bishop. His 
 clergy, after the canonical defects in their ordination were 
 supplied, were to rank after the clergy of Alexander. 
 
 A strong feeling " against Judaic tendencies was exhibited 
 in the settlement of the Paschal question. All Catholics 
 were to keep Easter on the Sunday after the full moon 
 following the 21st of March ''. It was then that Constantino 
 
 J Soo. i 8. 
 
 » Philostorgius, the Arian, tells us that they privately inserted an iota, so 
 as to make Homoiousion, ' like in essence :' that Secundus afterwards said, 
 " Eusebius, you signed to avoid exde ; I am confident in God that you will 
 be exiled within the year," — which came to pass. This, however, looks like 
 a story invented for the honour of a thorough-going Arian. 
 
 ' Soo. i. 9. 
 
 k It seems to have been arranged that every year the bishop of Alexan- 
 dria was to ascertain the right day by means of Egyptian science, and 
 announce it to the bishop of Rome, and also to his own Church of Egypt ; 
 hence came S. Athanasius' "Festal Epistles." 
 
26 THE COUNCIL CLOSED. 
 
 asked the Novatian bishop whether he would accept the 
 Creed and this Paschal rule. " O Emperor," replied Ace- 
 sius", "the Council has determined nothing new. The 
 Paschal rule and the definition of faith agree with what I 
 have learned by tradition from the apostles." " Why, then, 
 do you not join the Church ?" Acesius answered by nar- 
 rating the origin of his sect in the Decian persecution. 
 " I must hold to the rule which denies absolution to those 
 who sin mortally after baptism. God may forgive them, but 
 not through the priesthood." Constantino replied, " Well, 
 then, set up a ladder for yourself, and ascend to heaven 
 alone." 
 
 The Nicene Council passed twenty canons, which will be 
 found in the Appendix. A synodal letter* was addressed 
 to the Egyptian and Libyan Churches, recounting what had 
 been done, praising the venerable Alexander, and conclud- 
 ing thus:— "Pray for us all, that what we have thought 
 good to determine may remain inviolate, through God Al- 
 mighty, and through our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Holy 
 Spirit, to whom be glory for evermore. Amen." 
 
 Ultimately this prayer was granted to the full : and it was 
 the Council's loyalty to inherited faith which secured for it 
 a position of such unrivalled majesty. When its sessions 
 were closed on the 25th of August, individual Catholics 
 might still have much to suffer, but the cause of the Catho- 
 lic faith was won. 
 
 « Soc. i, 10. i Soc. i. 9. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 From the Council of Nicaea to the Council of Sardica. 
 
 " Great Athanasiss ! beaten by -wild breath 
 Of calumny, of exile, and of wrong, 
 Thou Wert familiar grown with frowning death, 
 Looking him in the face all thy life long. 
 Till thou and he were friends, and thou wert strong." 
 
 "Williams, Cathedral. 
 
 TT is a beautiful tradition of the Armenian Church, that on 
 -*- the return of Aristaces, Gregory the Illuminator received 
 the Nieene Creed with this doxology; "Tea, we glorify 
 Him who was before all ages, adoring the Holy Trinity, 
 and the one only Divinity of the Pather, of the Son, and 
 of the Holy Ghost, now and ever, through ages of ages. 
 Amen"." 
 
 These words might well express the joy with which the 
 great majority of Churches would welcome the august con- 
 i'ession when announced to them by their chief pastors. It 
 was to them, doubtless, the full utterance of that simple 
 faith in Christ's true Godhead, which had ever lain close to 
 the heart of the Church — had filled her rude old hymns 
 with majesty ^, had burst in broken words from the lips of . 
 her martyrs, had kindled her abhorrence of " a God-denying 
 apostasy <=," and prompted the heathen sarcasms against her 
 worship of a crucified God. They were deeply conscious of 
 the truth which has been admirably brought out by a living 
 writer, that this Nieene faith "alone is an entire belief, of 
 which all the elements are in unison ; in which is proportion 
 and symmetry, grandeur and simplicity ; which fully realizes 
 whatever is true in human nature, and whatever we may 
 conceive of as proper to the Divine nature *." In several 
 
 "* This is still sung after the Creed in the Armenian Liturgy. See Neale's 
 Introd. i. 418 ; Chr. Rememb. xxxiii. 357. 
 
 •■ Euseb. iii. 33 ; v. 28. 
 
 " The name given to the doctrine of Theodotus, that Christ was a mere 
 man, about A.D. 194. , '' Restoration of Belief, p. 322. 
 
28 DEATH OF S. ALEXANDER. 
 
 parts of Palestine, which had been under the inflaence of 
 Arianizers, the feeling would be different ; and in Gaul, 
 where the Church knew notliing of heresy, the necessily of 
 the Creed was not felt, and for years it was very little 
 known ^. 
 
 For the present, the Catholics appeared secure of Con- 
 stantine. What he cared for, indeed, was not truth, but 
 peace; and as he had failed to establish peace by indif- 
 ferentism, he was ready now to establish it by persecution : 
 and he made it a capital crime to retain any writing of 
 Arius, whom he denominated a second Porphyry'. Some 
 time after the Council, Eusebius ofNicomedia and Theognis 
 were condemned and banished for communicating with here- 
 tics 8, and Constantino wrote a violent letter to the Nico- 
 medians, denouncing Eusebius for civil as weU as spiritual 
 oifences ''. 
 
 Alexander, on returning home, carried out the decree of 
 the CouncU respecting Meletius, but required of him a cata- 
 logue of the bishops and clergy of his party. Meletius per- 
 sonally gave in a list', including himself with twenty-eight 
 other bishops, and a small number of priests and deacons : 
 and in this paper we find the title of " Archbishop." But 
 shortly after, when on his deathbed, the incorrigible schia- 
 matic named as his successor j one of the bishops in his cata- 
 logue; and tbis John, who was surnamed Arcaph, became 
 a second head of the schism which thus broke forth anew. 
 The aged Alexander died within five months after the 
 Council. It is said that in his last moments he called for 
 Athanasius i'. The great deacon was absent. Another 
 Athanasius answered, " Here am I." The Archbishop, in- 
 stead of addressing him, exclaimed again, "Athanasius!" 
 
 = S. Hil. de Syn. 63. 91. 
 
 ' Soc. i. 9. Porphyry, or Malchiis, was bom in 233 ; heard Plotinus at 
 Rome ; wrote against Christianity in Sicily ; and died at Rome in 304. 
 8 See Vales, in Soz. i. 21. i Theod. i. 20. 
 
 i S. Ath. Apol. c. Ai-i 71. j Soz. ii. 21. 
 
 ^ Soz. ii. 17, quoting ApolUnaris. 
 
HELENA AT JERUSALEM. 29 
 
 adding at last, " Tou think you have escaped — but you will 
 not escape." The words were taken for a prophecy. 
 
 This year 326 is celebrated for the proceedings of Con- 
 stantine's pious mother Helena at Jerusalem. She was 
 nearly eighty years old, and had been fifteen years a Chris- 
 tian, when she journeyed to the land which all Christian 
 instincts have called holy. Guided by the local tradition 
 to the place of Christ's burial, she ordered the mound of 
 earth which either Hadrian ', or some other enemy of Chris- 
 tianity, had raised over the sepulchral cave, to be cleared 
 away ; demolishing the temple of Venus which stood on its 
 summit. The obstructions being removed, the " monument 
 of the resurrection™" came to light. This is substantially 
 all that Eusebius tells us. But S. Cyril of Jerusalem, writing 
 in 347, implies", and in a letter to Constantius, if that be 
 genuine, asserts, that the cross on which salvation was 
 wrought was found at the same time with the sepulchre. 
 S. Jerome, in 386, tells us that it was kissed by pilgrims ° : 
 S. Chrysostom, about 394, says that the cross had been 
 buried, aud was discovered lying between two other crosses f : 
 S. Ambrose, in 395, says that Helena, finding three crosses, 
 " adored not the wood, but the King that had hung upon 
 it *." These two latter fathers tell us, that the holy cross 
 was distinguished from the others by its title ; later writers 
 say, by its miraculous efiects r. The silence of Eusebius is 
 
 ' Hadrian is named by S. Jerome, Ep. 58. Euseb. V. C. iii. 26, says 
 " certain godless men." 
 
 " Eus. V. C. iii. 28. He ascribes the worlc to Constantino : probably 
 because it bad his full approval. 
 
 " Catech. iy. 10, x. 19, iiii."4, speaking of the wood of the cross as 
 existing, and as having been distributed piecemeal. 
 
 ° Ep. 46. See also Ep. 108. p Horn. 85 in Job. 
 
 1 Orat. in ob. Theod. 43 — 48. He also says, as do Socrates, Sozomen, 
 Theodoret, that two nails were found. 
 
 ' Sulp. Sev. ii. 61, says that a corpse was revived by the touch of one of 
 the crosses. Euff. i. 7, Soo. i. 17, and Soz. ii. 1, that Macarius, the bishop, 
 after prayer, caused each of the crosses to be applied to a dying woman, 
 who was healed by the touch of the third. So Theod. i. 18, but he does 
 not say, like the others, that the title was found lying by itself. Rufanus 
 
30 THE CROSS AND THE SEPULCHRE. 
 
 a difficulty in the way of believing that any cross whatever 
 was found; but if, in spite of it, the evidence for the ap- 
 pearauce of three crosses is strong enough to command our 
 assent, it appears that we must choose between a profane 
 imposture on the part of the local Church, and a real dis- 
 covery providentially ordained. 
 
 That S. Helena's proceedings gave a great impulse to 
 Christian belief and devotion at Jerusalem and in Palestine, 
 cannot be reasonably doubted. The sepulchral cave was 
 separated from the ,rock out of which it had been hewn': 
 it was then cased with rich marbles, and adorned with 
 columns, so as to assume the form of a small chapel. Con- 
 stantine wrote to Macarius, expressing his delight at the 
 wonderful discovery of the sepulchre, and urging him to 
 provide, at the public cost, all that might be needful for its 
 due decoration ' : and he began to erect the great Basilica 
 of the Resurrection to the east of the sacred spot. Another 
 church, called that of the Holy Cross, was raised in honour 
 of the Crucifixion ; and two others arose at Bethlehem and 
 on the Mount of Olives, in honour of the Nativity and the 
 Ascension. "Under the great terebinth at Mamre, unchristian 
 rites had been carried on ; Constantino reproved the bishops 
 for not denouncing this idolatry, and ordered the altar and 
 tbe images to be superseded by a Christian church, for the 
 worship of the Saviour who had appeared there with two an- 
 gels \ He was active in cleansing the chief scenes of heathen- 
 ish impurity ^. Temples were razed to the ground, and their 
 images of gold and silver melted down, by visitors armed 
 with the imperial warrant : and while many of the pagans 
 were thus led to embrace Christianity, otliers, Eusebius tells 
 us, were at least convinced of the nothingness of idols. 
 Churches rose by the Emperor's munificence; at Eome the 
 
 says that at the application of the third cross the woman opened her eyes 
 and rose up. 
 
 " I need not refer to Williams's Holy City, ii. 76—80 &c. 
 
 ' Eus. V. C. iii. 39 ; Soo. i. 9. « Eus. V. C. iii. 52. » Ibid. 54, 58. 
 
CONSECKATION OF S. ATHANASIUS. 3I 
 
 Lateran Basilica, — converted, as the law courts easily were, 
 into a place of Christian worship, — became the Cathedral 
 of Our Saviour, with an adjacent baptistery dedicated to 
 S. John. On the Vatican, where Christian piety revered 
 the grave of the first apostle, a temple of Apollo fell, and 
 the church of S. Peter arose ^. Like the Lateran church, 
 it was richly endowed with estates, both in Italy and in 
 distant countries ; and part of its Eastern property supplied 
 the incense for its ritual. Other churches of Rome called 
 Constantine their founder ; one of these was dedicated 
 to S. Paul, two to S. Laurence and S. Agnes ; and one, 
 which had been the Sessorian Basilica, was designated from 
 its possession of a fragment of the Cross. 
 
 Some months after the death of S. Alexander, Athanasiua 
 was elected by a majority of the provincial bishops, in ac- 
 cordance with the desires of the people ^, who prayed aloud 
 to Christ for his election, and persevered for days and 
 nights in entreating the bishops to give them " a genuine 
 bishop" in Athanasius, " the good, the pious, the Christian, 
 the ascetic," expressing by the last term his known habits 
 of self-denial and devotion. 
 
 The new Archbishop was about thirty years of age : the 
 smallness of his stature seems to have been compensated by 
 the majestic beauty of his countenance^. His consecration 
 took place in the end of 326 ; and shortly afterwards we 
 see him seated in council with his brethren, to hear tidings 
 of great interest from the South. It was indeed a wonder- 
 ful story of unexpected providences. The narrator was 
 
 7 This old S. Peter's had a splendid pillared nave, with two aisles on 
 either side. The apsidal sanctuary, screened by six columns, contained 
 the altar surmounted by a cross. 
 
 ' This is attested by the Egyptian bishops in a synodal letter, ap. Ath. 
 Apol. c. Ar, s. 6. The Arians had a story, of which Philostorgius gives a 
 detailed version, that Athanasius was clandestinely and irregularly elected 
 by a small minority, — Philostorgius says, in a church at night. See 
 Philost. ii. 16, and note in Ath. Hist. Tracts, p. 22. 
 
 " If Julian says that he was " a puny little fellow," Greg. Naz. says that 
 he had the face of an angel. Or. xxi. 9. 
 
32 S. FRUMENTIUS. 
 
 Frumentius, who had been Eegent of EtWopia or Abyssinia. 
 He told how he and his brotlier, Tyrians by birth, had been 
 shipwrecked in the Eed Sea, when journeying to Ethiopia 
 with their kinsman Meropius ; how the natives, then at war 
 with Rome, put to death all on board save the two boys, 
 whom they gave as slaves to their king ; how the latter had 
 made Frumentius his secretary, and Edesius his cupbearer ; 
 how on his death they had been made the guardians of his 
 sons, and had administered the kingdom ; how, in par- 
 ticular, Frumentius himself had encouraged the Christian 
 foreigners in Abyssinia to meet for worship in a house of 
 prayer, and had converted some of the natives. Their re- 
 gency coming to an end, they had faithfully rendered up 
 their trust, and obtained from the queen a reluctant per- 
 mission to leave the country. Edesius had gone home to 
 Tyre, Frumentius had come to tell the Archbishop of Alex- 
 andria that there were Christians in Ethiopia who greatly 
 needed a bishop. "And who," asked Athanasius, "can be 
 fitter than yourself for such a work ?" Forthwith he con- 
 secrated Frumentius as bishop of Axum ; and the newly- 
 formed community grew up into a national Church, which 
 honoured Frumentius as its father and apostle ''. 
 
 Three national conversions belong to the earlier portion 
 of the fourth century, and each supplies an instance of God's 
 " choosing the weak things of the world." Iii Armenia, 
 A.D. 302, the instrument was Gregory, fourteen years a 
 captive. In Ethiopia, it was a shipwrecked youth, raised to 
 a position like that of Joseph : in the third case, which may 
 here be mentioned, as occurring in the reign of Constantine, 
 we are reminded of the maiden who waited on Naaman's 
 wife. In Georgia, then called Iberia, we find a captive 
 Christian woman, called Nina", producing a considerable 
 impression on the natives by her devotional earnestness. 
 She seemed to pray without ceasing, and persevered in fast, 
 
 '■ Soc. i, 19 ; Soz. ii. 24 ; Theod, i. 23. 
 
 = This name is not given in Soo. i. 20 ; Soz. ii. 7 ; Tlieod. i. 24. 
 
S. NINA. gg 
 
 and vigil, and thanksgiving, until they asked her why she 
 followed such a rule. " This is the way of serving the Son 
 of God!" Presently a child, grievously sick, was brought 
 to the foreigner, in the hope that she might know of some 
 cure. " I know this only, that Christ healed the sick ;" 
 and with these words she laid the infant on her poor bed, 
 and prayed for its recovery. The prayer was heard. The 
 queen herself was similarly cured of an illness ; the stranger, 
 in reply to offers of royal bounty, said that the work had 
 been none of hers. " It is the Son of God, the Creator of 
 all things, who has done this ; if you would reward me, be- 
 lieve in Him !" The king, — so runs the story, — losing his 
 way in a mist, called on the God of the foreign woman, 
 and not in vain. His conversion carried with it his people's ; 
 Christian clergy were obtained by an application to Con- 
 stantine ; but Nina was reverenced as the Illuminator of 
 Georgia. 
 
 Early in Athanasius' episcopate, he visited the Thebaid, 
 which had been a stronghold of Meletians ; and Paohomias, 
 the superior of a great monastic society in the Isle of Ta- 
 benne, came forth to bid him welcome, but hid himself when 
 he heard that Athanasius wished to ordain him presbyter. 
 
 Towards the close of 328, the Arian troubles began anew. 
 According to one account, the arch-heretic himself and his 
 companion Euzoius were the first of the exiles to regain 
 Constantine's favour ^, by giving in an evasive declaration 
 of their faith ; and their recall was followed by that of 
 Eusebius and Theognis, who presented to the principal 
 bishops what Socrates calls a palinode, to the effect that at 
 Nicsea they had signed the Creed without the anathemas, 
 but that now they were ready to approve all that the Coun- 
 cil had done. There are difficulties, however, connected 
 with this account ^ ; and another view is that they were by 
 some means able to dupe the Emperor, and that they, in 
 conjunction with an Arian priest, who gained a hold over 
 
 •i Soo. i. 14 ; Soz. ii. 16. = See TiUemont, vi. 810. 
 
g^ RECALL OF AKIUS. 
 
 Constantine'by means of his sister Constantia, effected in 
 330 the recall of Arius and Euzoius. There is no doubt, 
 at any rate, as to the formula which Arius gave inS. It 
 marks an epoch in the history of Arianism. It avoids the 
 out-spoken audacity which horrified the Nicene Council, 
 and deals in phrases which might succeed in lulling sus- 
 picion, although plainly defective in a Catholic point of 
 view. The Son of God is called " God the "Word, begotten'' 
 of the Father before all ages :" and thus the Nicene faith 
 was wronged by an inadequate statement, rather than by a 
 positive denial. With equal astuteness, they contrived to 
 combine a profession of respect for Catholic doctrine with 
 an allusion to Constantino's former language about the un- 
 desirableness of unpractical speculations. The Emperor, 
 at this time, was mainly interested in an event which of 
 itself deserves a place in Church history, the dedication of 
 his New Rome, or Constantinople, which took place on 
 May 11, 330. It was to be a purely Christian city", dedi- 
 cated to the God of Martyrs; and besides several other 
 churches, three were devoted to the glory of Christ as the 
 Wisdom, the Peace, the Strength of His people. Eusebius 
 of Csesarea was desired to furnish fifty copies of Holy Scrip- 
 ture for public reading in the churches of New Eome''. 
 A cross of gold and gems was the chief ornament of the 
 chief room of the palace, and the fountains in the forum 
 were hallowed by the image of the Good Shepherd. It is 
 mournful to think of the corruptions and wickednesses 
 which almost immediately began to haunt the palace and 
 city thus elaborately Christianized. 
 
 The Eusebian party — the chiefs of which were the Nico- 
 median Eusebius, — his namesake of Csesarea, — Acacius, the 
 pupil of the latter, — George, whom Alexander had deposed 
 
 f Soc. i. 25. e Soo. i. 26 ; Soz. ii. 27. 
 
 '■ r«7€i'v7);U€Voc, not yeyei'Tiiispov, is the reading adopted by Bingham, 
 iii. 357, and Newman, Ath. Treat, i. 104. 
 ■ S. Aug. Serm. 145. c. 9. k Eus_ y. C. iv. 36. 
 
DEPOSITION OF EUSTATHIUS. 35 
 
 from the priesthood, and who had originated the sophism 
 about all things being from God', — Leontius, a smooth, 
 cautious man who had studied in Lucian's school, — Eu- 
 doxius, afterwards notorious for his profanity, — and Valens, 
 bishop of Mursa in Pannonia, who became equally con- 
 spicuous by shameless want of truth, — ^had one definite ob- 
 ject before them, to undo the work of Nicsea. Their tactics, 
 as now arranged, consisted of three points ; 1. to maintain 
 their hold over the Emperor ; 2. to get rid of the leading 
 Catholic bishops ; 3. to propagate Arianism in forms less 
 ofiensive to general Christian feeling than those which the 
 Council had anathematized. 
 
 Their first victim was Eustathius. The patriarchal see 
 of Antioch had suffered much in the third century by the 
 scandal of an heretical occupant. It was now to pass through 
 sufferings from the effect of which it never quite recovered. 
 Eustathius was an eloquent and blameless prelate™, who 
 persevered in zealous defence of the truth, and would never 
 receive the Arians into communion °. He had particularly 
 expressed his distrust of the orthodoxy of Eusebius of 
 Csesarea and two other bishops". Eusebius retorted by 
 the charge of Sabellianism, which Arians always brought 
 against the Catholics, and which, as we have seen, S. Alex- 
 ander had to repel. On this ground, and also on the evi- 
 dence of a perjured woman, suborned to blacken his spotless 
 character P, a synod of Arians deposed Eustathius, and Con- 
 stantine banished him, as " a pollution 1," to lUyria, in 331. 
 Paulinus of Tyre was transferred to Antioch ; and on his 
 death shortly afterwards, Eulalius was made bishop. He 
 soon followed Paulinus. The vacant see was offered to 
 Eusebius of Csesarea. He declined on canonical grounds to 
 
 1 S. Ath. de Syn. s. 17. 
 
 " Theodoret, i. 8, cites Eustathius as explaining Proverbs viii. 22, in 
 doing which he told how the "blasphemous writing" of Eusebius (i. e. the 
 Nicom.) had been torn in pieces. 
 
 " S. Ath. Hist. Ari. s. 4. " Soz. ii. 19. 
 
 p Theod. i. 21. 1 Eus. V. C. iii. 60. 
 
36 CHARGES AGAINST ATHANASItlS. 
 
 be translated; Constantine highly applauded his refusal', 
 and thereupon, although a party in the city called for the 
 restoration of Eustathius, the Arians placed Euphronius in 
 the see. 
 
 Other faithful bishops were persecuted by the faction, 
 as Eutropius of HadrianopleS who had warned all who 
 ■visited him against the " impieties" of the Nicomedian 
 Eusebius. The latter now wrote to Athanasius, urging 
 him to admit Arius into communion. The answer was 
 stern and explicit: "No communion with inventors of 
 heresy who have been anathematized by an CEcumenieal 
 Council." Eusebius then made Constantine write in the 
 tone of a despot to a rebellious subject: "Now that you 
 know my will, admit into the Church all who wish to 
 enter : if you disobey, I will send some one to expel 
 you*." Athanasius wrote to impress upon Constantine, that 
 heresy which lifted itself up against Christ had no portion in 
 the Church Catholic. He invited the famous hermit Antony 
 to Alexandria, who by the sanctity of his presence and his 
 fervent exhortations did much for the Catholic cause. He 
 told the people that, as Christian men, they could not com- 
 municate with those who made the Lord of all a creature. 
 Meantime Eusebius, who had already secured the aid of the 
 Meletians, devised with them a series of charges in order to 
 ruin Athanasius. 
 
 1. The first was, that he had forced the Egyptians to 
 contribute linen vestments for the Church services. Two 
 of his priests. Apis and Macarion, were then actually at the 
 court, and disproved this charge before Constantine, who 
 condemned the accusers, and sent for Athanasius. 
 
 2. The Archbishop, on arriving, found himself accused 
 of having sent a purse of gold to the rebel Philumenus. 
 
 ' Eus. V. C. ui. 69, seq. b g. Ath. 1. c. s. 5. 
 
 « S. Ath. Apol. c. At. s. 59. If Socrates were a mere copyist of S. Atha- 
 nasius, he would hardly have said that the Emperor wrote thus from 
 a desire of pubho peace and welfare ; i. 27 : see Chr. Remem. xl. 142. 
 
CASE OF ISCHYEAS. 37 
 
 Constantine went into this charge also, in a suburb of 
 Nicomedia, and afterwards drove the slanderers from his 
 presence. 
 
 3. A. more elaborate calumny followed. Ischyras, as we 
 have seen, had been pronounced by the Council of Alexan- 
 dria to be a mere layman. He had, however, persisted in 
 officiating at a little hamlet called Sacontarurum, in the 
 Mareotis. Athanasius had heard of this when performing 
 a visitation of his diocese, and had sent a friend, named 
 Macarius, prohibiting Ischyras from such a procedure. The 
 man's own relatives enforced this order, and he thereupon 
 went over to the Meletians. A story was concocted, that 
 while Ischyras was in church offering the oblations, Maca- 
 rius came in, threw down the Holy Table, and broke the 
 chalice^, proceeding also to burn the church books. Con- 
 stantine enquired into this case also, and the following facts 
 were ascertained. 1. There was no church " in the hamlet : 
 Ischyras had been wont to oiSciate in a cottage belonging 
 to an orphan boy named Ision. 2. He was not a real priest. 
 
 3. Macarius' visit was not on a Sunday; therefore, by the 
 Alexandrian usage, there could have been no celebration y. 
 
 4. Tliere was no chalice at the place ^. 5. Ischyras was ill 
 in bed on the day in question \ 6. Ischyras had come to 
 Athanasius after the dissemination of the story, and with 
 tears protested that he had been compelled by violence to 
 affirm it ; this declaration he repeated in writing, and gave 
 it to "the blessed Pope Athanasius" in the presence of 
 thirteen clergy. " I take," he wrote, " Grod as my wit- 
 ness, that no chalice was broken, and no table overthrown, 
 — that nothing of that which has been stated did in fact 
 occur''." 
 
 These enquiries, and their results, excited the Emperor's 
 indignation against " cabals," which he expressed in a letter 
 
 " It was sometimes pretended that Athanasius himself had broken 
 the chalice. » Ath. Apol. 85, 76. ? Apol. 11. 
 
 ^ Ibid. a Apol. 46, 83. ^ Ibid. 64. 
 
g8 CASE OF AESENIUS. 
 
 to tte Alexandrian Catholics ; affirming also in the strongest 
 terms his belief that Athanasius, to whom he entrusted the 
 letter, was a sound teacher and a man of God ". 
 
 4. The next invention was yet worse. " Athanasius has 
 murdered Arsenius, a Meletian bishop. He has cut off the 
 dead man's hand, and kept it for magical purposes. We can 
 produce the hand itself." A prince of the imperial family 
 was ordered to enquire into this matter, and sent the Arch- 
 bishop notice to prepare for a trial at Antioch. At first 
 Athanasius treated the afiair with' scorn. But as Constan- 
 tino was disturbed by it, a deacon was sent to enquire 
 throughout Egypt whether Arsenius were dead or alive. 
 The messenger fell in with four persons who confessed that 
 he was concealed at a monastery in the Tbebaid. Having 
 given this information, they lost no time in warning Pinnes, 
 the superior of the monastery, who instantly sent Arsenius 
 down the Nile into Lower Egypt. The deacon, reaching the 
 monastery, found that he was too late; but took Pinnes 
 into custody, and had him examined by the military officer 
 in command at Alexandria. Then the truth came out ; and 
 Pinnes wrote a letter "^ — one of the most curious papers 
 connected with the history — to John Arcaph, the head of the 
 Meletians, who was then at Antioch. After narrating what 
 had happened, he added : " I tell you this, my father, lest 
 you should determine to accuse Athanasius, for I said that 
 he was alive and had been concealed with us, and all this ia 
 become known in Egypt, and cannot any longer be kept « « « 
 secret." In short, the conspiracy had broken down. But 
 where was Arsenius ? He had been warned to avoid Tyre. 
 Tet, impelled, as Socrates thinks, by a special providence °, 
 he went to Tyre, where some friends of Athanasius, having 
 heard that he was concealed in a house of one of the citi- 
 zens, at length discovered and denounced him. The man 
 would not confess his identity, until Paul, bishop of Tyre, 
 made further denial useless ; and then he wrote a humble 
 
 <^ Apol. 61, 62. d Ath. Apol. 67 ; Soz. ii. 23. « Soc. L 29. 
 
COUNCIL OF TYKE. 39 
 
 letter to his " dearly beloved Pope," protesting with many 
 pious expressions that he would renounce all schism and 
 render all due obedience to Athanasius. " I, Arsenius, pray 
 that you may be strong in the Lord many years ^ !" John 
 Arcaph also professed his submission to the Church : and 
 his conduct was approved by Constantino, who also wrote a 
 letter to Athanasius e, which he desired him publicly to read, 
 and in which he announced that any further plots of the 
 Meletians should be punished by civil and not by spi- 
 ritual law. 
 
 After an ineffectual attempt on the part of the Eusebians 
 to ruin Athanasius by a council at Caesarea, which he abso- 
 lutely refused to attend \ he was warned in the next year, 
 335, to attend a council at Tyre, with the threat that if 
 he refused he should be carried thither by force. The occa- 
 sion of this meeting was that a number of bishops were to 
 attend the dedication of the church of the Eesurrection at 
 Jerusalem ; Constantino desired them first to assemble at 
 Tyre'. Forty-nine Egyptian bishops attended their chief '', 
 and protested against several of the judges as avowedly 
 hostile to him. One of the Egyptians, Potamon, who had 
 lost an eye in the persecution, exclaimed aloud to Eusebius 
 of Caesarea ', " Do yow sit there as a judge of the innocent 
 Athanasius ? When I was maimed in our Lord's cause, how 
 came you to escape without betraying it ?" Eusebius rose 
 up in high wrath : " What must you be when at home in 
 Egypt, if you can tyrannize over us here ?" Paphnutius 
 took hold of Maximus of Jerusalem, led him aside, and told 
 him how the case really stood. Supported by the Count 
 Dionysius, who presided over the assembly, the Arians were 
 masters of the position ; and one reckless charge followed 
 fast upon another ™. " Athanasius procured his election by 
 the bad faith of a few bishops. He has scourged and im- 
 
 f Ath. Apol. 69. e Ibid. 68. " Theod. i. 28. ' Soo. i. 28. 
 
 ^ They were introduced into the council "by a jailor, not by the 
 deacons." Ath. Apol, 8. 
 ' Epiph. Hser. 68. >" Soz. n. 25. 
 
40 THE MAEEOTIS COMMISSION. 
 
 prisoned those who would not communicate with him. He 
 has thrown down an episcopal chair. He has deposed 
 Callinicus, bishop of Pelusium, and subjected him to mili- 
 tary custody and tortures. He has given the see of Pelusium 
 to a deposed presbyter. He has caused a presbyter, Ischy- 
 rion, to be imprisoned on a false charge of throwing stones 
 at the Emperor's statues °." A woman was brought in to 
 denounce him, and put to shame her employers by mistaking 
 one of his priests for the man whom she came to accuse. 
 Last of aU, they produced " the hand of Arsenius" in a 
 wooden box, and excited by the display of it a cry of horror. 
 Athanasius calmly asked, " Did any of you know Arsenius ?" 
 " "We knew him well." A person, muffled from head to foot, 
 was led in : Athanasius uncovered his face, and the living 
 Arsenius was at once recognised. But if he had not been 
 murdered, ha,d he been mutilated? Athanasius lifted up 
 the long cloak first from one hand, then from the other. 
 " "Where was the third hand cut off ? has God given any man 
 more hands than two"?" Incredible as it may appear, the 
 Eusebians were able to meet even this home-thrust by a cry 
 in which the spectators joined p, — " Away with the sorcerer!" 
 and the authorities had to rescue Athanasius by hurrying 
 him on board a ship. The faction resolved to revive the 
 tale of the broken chalice, and appointed six bitter enemies 
 of Athanasius to enquire in the Mareotis as to the facts of 
 the case. He complained to the Count Dionysius, who ex- 
 horted the Council, in vain, to choose the commissioners 
 fairly '. Eemonstrances were made both to him and to the 
 Council, by the Egyptian bishops and by the venerable 
 Bishop Alexander of Thessalonica. It was in vain. The 
 commissioners left the priest Macarius, the person accused 
 by Ischyras, a prisoner at Tyre, and took Ischyras with them, 
 " a companion in lodging, board, and wine-cup "'." Their 
 
 " These statues were so treated in the first excitement of the contro- 
 versy, o Soo. i. 29 ; Theod. i. 30. p Soz. ii. 25. 
 
 1 See Ath. Apol. 77 — 81. This Count, however, menaced Athanasius 
 with violence. Apol. 9. t Ibid. 14 
 
COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. 4I 
 
 proceedings were a prolonged outrage. Philagrlus, the preefect 
 of Egypt, an apostate to heathenism, was in attendance to 
 intimidate the witnesses ^. In his presence, and in that of 
 Jews and Pagans, an enquiry was carried on respecting the 
 Eucharistic Sacriiice ' ; an enquiry from which presbyters 
 were excluded, while catechumens, who could not have been 
 present at the celebration, gave evidence inconsistent with 
 the original tale. ""We were present when Macarius rushed 
 in," said some " ; others, in still more direct contradiction, 
 testified that the man who was alleged to be standing at 
 the altar as a celebrant was, in point of fact, lying sick in 
 a small cell. The report based upon this evidence was of 
 course altogether worthless. As such, it was denounced by 
 the Catholic clergy in addresses to Philagrius, to the Council, 
 and to the six "conspirators"," with a solemn appeal to the 
 future judgment of God. Contemptuous of these protests, 
 Valens and Ursacius, with their four associates, completed 
 their task by letting loose the Pagan soldiers on the helpless 
 Catholics of Alexandria, and then proceeded to Tyre with 
 their report. 
 
 Athanasius had not waited for their return, but, with a 
 parting protest, set sail for Constantinople. The Council 
 condemned him on the ground of the accusations ; and 
 Arsenius signed the sentence against his alleged murderer. 
 The Meletians were recognised as Churchmen; and the 
 wretched Ischyras, who had only seven adherents in Sacon- 
 tarurum, was actually made a bishop with that hamlet for 
 a see y. The bishops then proceeded to Jerusalem, where 
 the dedication of the great church took place on Saturday, 
 Sept. 13, 335. Two hundred prelates attended ^ The Basi- 
 lica was in the freshness of its splendour ; its roof blazed 
 with gold, its walls were rich with coloured marble. Through 
 
 » Ath. Apol. 83. ' Julius of Eome, ibid. 31. 
 
 i" Ibid. 83. ' = Ibid. 73—76. 
 
 7 A church was afterwards built for him by the Emperor's order. Ibid. 85. 
 2 Maximus, then bishop of Jerusalem, was for a time beguiled by the 
 Eusebians. 
 
^2 FIKST EXILE OF ATHANASITJS. 
 
 the nave with its double aisles the bishops passed into the 
 apse, where twelve pillars, adorned with silver bowls, repre- 
 sented the apostles, and a gorgeous curtain hung around 
 the altar a. Beyond, a cloistered court encompassed the 
 chapel of the Holy Sepulchre. Such was the scene amid 
 which the judgment of Nicaea was set aside, by the solemn 
 recognition of Arius and his adherents as men who had 
 suffered from factious jealousy, and whose creed of 330 had 
 proved them orthodox ''. 
 
 Meantime, Athanasius had reached Constantinople. In 
 the middle of the road, while Constantino was riding into 
 the city", he was suddenly startled by encountering the 
 Archbishop, who by sheer persistency obtained a hearing, 
 and begged that his judges might be summoned to court. 
 This request seemed reasonable, and Constantino wrote a 
 peremptory letter, blaming the bishops of the Council of 
 Tyre for their tumultuous violence, and commanding them 
 instantly to justify their sentence before him. They re- 
 ceived this letter at Jerusalem, and Eusebian craft wag 
 equal to the emergency. They dropped the recent charges, 
 and resolved to take the Emperor on his weak side. While, 
 then, the majority of the bishops fled in terror to their 
 houses, the six most active foes of Athanasius — the two 
 Eusebii, Theognis, Patrophilus, Valens, and Ursacius — went 
 up to court, and accused Athanasius of threatening to prevent 
 the sailing of the corn-ships from Alexandria to Constanti- 
 nople ■*. Athanasius protested that the thing was impossi- 
 ble for one like himself, a poor man in a private station : 
 Eusebius of Nicomedia affirmed with an oath, that Athana- 
 sius was a rich man who could do anything ; and Constan- 
 tino ^, who in the hands of Eusebius was a cbUd, turned a 
 
 » Eus. V. C. iii. 36 ; Theod. i. 31. b Ath. de Syn. 21. 
 
 « Ath. Apol. 86. 
 
 ■1 Ibid. 9, 87. Sozomen, ii. 28, says 'that they revived the matter of 
 Ischyras : Athanasius says that they durst not do so. 
 
 " Socrates, ii. 1, says that he had at first followed Ruffinus, who placed 
 this persecution of S. Athanasius after the death of Constantine ; but that 
 
MAECELLUS. 43 
 
 deaf ear to Athanasius and banished him to Treves, where 
 the government took ample care for his maintenance, and 
 Maximin the bishop received him with all honour, in Feb- 
 ruary, 336. 
 
 The Eusebians then attacked a bishop advanced in years, 
 who had sat in the Nicene Council, Marcellus of Ancyra. 
 In discussion with the Arian " sophist V' Asterius, who had 
 placed the Son, as a " Power of God," in the same category 
 with the locusts, Marcellus had given some occasion for the 
 charge of Sabellianizing. He seemed to make the Son a 
 Power temporarily put forth by God ; and although it was 
 afterwards said that the offensive language had been used 
 only " in the way of argument s," there may have been an 
 unsoundness in his views at this period, which after-years 
 tended to develope. The Eusebians denounced him as a 
 heretic, and also as having shewn disrespect to the Emperor 
 by refusing to attend the recent dedication at Jerusalem. 
 He was deposed by a synod at Constantinople, and appealed 
 for sympathy to the Eoman Church, wherein Marcus suc- 
 ceeded Sylvester in January, 336. But while the Eusebians 
 were thus far successful, Arius could make no way at Alex- 
 andria. He had been sent back thither after the condemna- 
 tion of Athanasius, but Constantino found that it was ex- 
 pedient to recall a man whom' the Alexandrians would not 
 receive. Arius was accordingly summoned to attend the 
 Emperor, who asked '^ if he held the orthodox faith. He 
 answered, with a solemn oath, that he did hold it ; and gave 
 in another formula couched in Scriptural terms, professing 
 that he did not hold the opinions imputed to him by Alex- 
 ander. "If you really do hold the faith," said Constantine, 
 "you do well to swear; but if otherwise, God will judge 
 you for your oath." The Eusebians now resolved to bring 
 
 after perusing S. Athanasius's own works, lie re-wrote the earlier portion 
 of Ms History. But he compared S. Athanasius with a hostile writer, Sa- 
 binus ; ii. 15, 17. ' Ath. de Syn. 18. 
 
 e Ath. Apol. 47. •■ Ath. ad Ep. Mg. 18, to Serap. 2. 
 
^4 DEATH OF ARIXJS. 
 
 him publicly to Communion; and the Emperor gave them 
 his full support. 
 
 Alexander bishop of Constantinople was now more than 
 ninety years old. Eusebius of Nicomedia menaced him 
 with instant deposition if he refused to receive Arius. " I 
 cannot receive the heresiarch," was his reply. " "We have 
 brought him hither," said Eusebius, " against your will, and 
 to-morrow, against your will, he shall come to Communion." 
 Alexander heard this announcement on a Saturday. At- 
 tended by the Alexandrian priest Macarius ', he betook him- 
 self to the altar of the Church of Peace, and fell on his face 
 in an agony of prayer. " If Arius is brought to Communion 
 to-morrow, let me Thy servant depart. But if Thou wilt 
 spare Thy Church, — and I know Thou wilt, — then, lest 
 heresy enter the church with him, take aiuay Arius^." 
 
 It was late in the afternoon of Saturday. In the flush of 
 his assured triumph over the Nicene Council, Arius walked 
 through the city with his supporters, attracting the gaze of 
 all the people. His high spirits were remarked, and doubt- 
 less appeared natural in one who was enjoying the discomfi- 
 ture of his enemies. He seemed that day to have the world 
 at his feet. Suddenly, as the throng approached the great 
 porphyry pillar in the centre of the forum, he stopped 
 short and withdrew from his fiiends. An internal disorder, 
 accompanied by violent bsemorrhage, carried him in a few 
 moments to the judgment which he had invoked. The 
 corpse was hastily buried ; men thought with horror of the 
 Eield of Blood, and the next day's Eucharist was undisturbed 
 by heresy. The mode of his death involves no miracle; 
 but if Arnold' could ascribe the ruin of the French army in 
 Eussia to " the direct and manifest interposition of God," 
 it is no wonder that the Catholics saw in the event which 
 
 1 See hia account of it as reported by Athanasius, ad Serap. 3, who is 
 quoted by Theodoret, i. 14. Socrates, i. 37, makes Alexander spend days 
 and nights in prayer. 
 
 ■s ''Apov 'Apetoy. 1 Lect. Mod. Hiit. p. 178. 
 
DEATH OF CONSTANTINE. 45 
 
 "took away Ariua" the terrible presence of an avenging 
 visitation. 
 
 Alexander died in this same year 336, and Paul, wliGm he 
 had recommended™ as apt to teach, though young in years, 
 was elected in preference to his elderly rival Macedonius, but 
 speedily banished to Pontus by Constantino, who continued 
 to rely on the Eusebians, and withstood the Alexandrian 
 petitions for the recall of Athanasius. In vain did Antony 
 write letter after letter, warning the Emperor against Mele- 
 tian falsehood. Constantine replied" by commanding the 
 clergy and the virgins to forbear their urgency in behalf of 
 a turbulent man condemned by a synod. He could not 
 believe, — so he wrote to Antony, — that so grave an assem- 
 bly had been governed by personal feelings. Athanasius 
 must assuredly be what they had pronounced him, the 
 arrogant foe of unity and order. At the same time, Con- 
 stantine was decidedly adverse to factious movements on 
 the opposite side ; and doubtless took credit for impartial 
 justice, when he sent John Arcaph into exile, and disre- 
 garded all entreaty for his recall. 
 
 Constantine had deferred baptism, — by his own account, 
 until he could receive it in the Jordan. Such delay had 
 been already censured by the Council of Neocaesarea ; and 
 the Emperor's motive was, apparently, a worldly unreadi- 
 ness to commit himself altogether to Christian responsibili- 
 ties, masked by a lofty estimate of the effects of baptism 
 whenever administered. Feeling that his end was near, he 
 received the imposition of hands which made him a cate- 
 chumen, the regular instructions given during the catechu- 
 menate, and then baptism from the hands of the Bishop of 
 Nicomedia. " JSTow," said he, " I know I am really blessed ! 
 No one can know, as I do, the preciousness of what I have 
 received." He died in the white robes of a neophyte, aged 
 sixty-four, on the Whitsunday of 337. His second son, 
 Constantius, in a partition of the empire with his brothers 
 
 ■» Soo. ii. 6. n Soz. ii. 31. 
 
46 RETURN OF ATHANASIUS. 
 
 Constautine and Constans, secured the dominion of the 
 East. 
 
 Constantius was only twenty at his accession. His charac- 
 ter was singularly repulsive. In the weakness which made 
 him a tool of household favourites, in the despotic arro- 
 gance " which took the place of moral dignity, in the sus- 
 piciousness which hardened his heart and defiled his palace 
 with kindred blood, the worst features of his father's charac- 
 ter appear exaggerated, and unrelieved by any virtue except 
 the avoidance of sensual sin. He fell under the influence of 
 that priest who had swayed Constantino in favour of Arius ; 
 and Eusebius, his principal chamberlain, with whom, accord- 
 ing to a pagan sarcasm, " he had a good deal of influence p," 
 was readily converted to the laxer creed. These circum- 
 stances fixed the religious policy of his reign, and prepared 
 a series of bitter trials for the Church. 
 
 Por the present, however, there was a breathing-time. 
 The exiled bishops were recalled in 338 : Constantine II., 
 writing on June 17 from Treves, informed the Alexandrians 
 that he was but fulfilling his father's intentions in pending 
 back their bishop 1. After two interviews with Constantius, 
 in Moesia and in Cappadocia ■■, he was welcomed at Alexan- 
 dria with a burst of exulting joy. Even Arsenius begged to 
 be restored to his communion. About the same time, Paul 
 returned to Constantinople; but Eusebius of Nicomedia 
 had set his heart on the see of the imperial city, and was 
 translated thither after an Arian synod had condemned 
 Paul. This year is also marked by the death of Euse- 
 bius the historian ; Acacius, his disciple, became bishop of 
 CaBsarea. 
 
 The party again set to work against Athanasius. " How 
 
 ° We are told by Ammonius that he affected an imperturbable demean- 
 our, which became, in fact, a dull, image-liie stifihesi. He used to stoop 
 his diminutive person when passing through a high doorway. Amm. 
 xvi. 10. 
 
 p Amm. xviii. 4, q Ath. Apol. 87 ; Soo. u. 3 ; Soz. iu. 2. 
 
 ' Ath. Apol. to Const. 6. 
 
COUNCIL OF THE DEDICATION. 47 
 
 had he dared to resume his see without the sanction of a 
 council?" Another calumny was concocted, that he had 
 sold the allowance of com granted to the Alexandrian 
 Church, and appropriated the proceeds to his own use : and 
 Pistus, an excommunicated Arian, consecrated by the noto- 
 rious Secundus, was set up as a rival bishop at Alexandi-ia. 
 Three clergy were sent to accuse Athanasius, on old and 
 new charges, before Julius bishop of Eome, who had suc- 
 ceeded Marcus in February, 337. But a great Council of the 
 Catholic prelates of Egypt put forth a solemn encyclic, tes- 
 tifying to the innocence of their chief, and denouncing the 
 murderous animosity of his accusers ^. He, on his part, sent 
 messengers to Eome, who exposed the character of Pistus. 
 Julius had been asked to recognise Pistus ; he now asked 
 the Eusebian deputies what they had to say in reply to 
 those of Athanasius. They could say nothing ; one of them, 
 indeed, decamped by night, in spite of illness, rather than 
 face the Alexandrian presbyters ' ; and Athanasius sent 
 other delegates to establish his innocence before the em- 
 perors. Some sixty-three other bishops, he tells us, bore 
 written testimony in his favour. 
 
 The Eusebians requested Julius to propose a councU, and 
 he did so, allowing Athanasius to select the place. But the 
 Eusebians, unwilling to attend a councU in the West, took 
 occasion to hold one at the dedication of the newly-finished 
 cathedral of Antioch, called from its splendour the Golden 
 Church. Here, in the early part of 341, ninety-seven 
 bishops attended, and after the solemnities of dedication, 
 confirmed the decision of Tyre against Athanasius, by enact- 
 ing, and giving retrospective force to, a canon which cut olf 
 from aU hope of restoration, or even of a hearing, the bishop 
 
 s Ath. Apol, 3 — 19. One passage in this letter, referring to the imputa- 
 tion of sacrilegious violence, is remarkable : " Oiir sanctuaries are now, as 
 they have always been, pure, and honoured only vrith the Blood of Christ 
 and His piotis worship." Athanasius says, Apol. 1, that this council con- 
 sisted of nearly one hundred bishops : the Sardican fathers say eighty. 
 
 ' Julius in Ath. Apol. 24. 
 
48 GREGOKY AT AL±!.AAiMi>jn,iA. 
 
 or priest who should officiate after a canonical deposition. 
 They passed twenty-four other canons ", and three creeds. 
 The first creed is very short, beginning, "We who are 
 bishops have not been followers of Arius, but have ex- 
 amined his doctrine." It stops short of full truth, but as- 
 serts no falsehood. The second, ascribed to Lucian, and 
 known especially as the Creed of the Dedication, gave very 
 high titles to the Son, as the immutable and unvarying 
 Image of the Father's Godhead, begotten before all times 
 and ages. In fact, it all but called Him "Homoousion." The 
 third was read before the assembly by Theophronius, bishop 
 of Tyana ; it was a vague, short statement, anathematizing 
 Paul of Samosata, Sabellius, and Marcellus of Ancyra^. 
 The Eusebians hoped by these formulas to persuade the 
 Western Church of their substantial orthodoxy. 
 
 As Eusebius of Edessa, who afterwards became bishop of 
 Emesa, declined to accept the Alexandrian bishopric, it was 
 given by the Council to a Cappadocian called Gregory y. 
 In the Lent of this year he was installed by Philagrius. 
 Hideous outrages by pagan soldiers attended his intrusion. 
 The Holy Table was used as an altar of pagan sacrifice; 
 the church candles were lighted before pagan idols; the 
 stores of the church were ransacked ; Catholics, male and 
 female, were insulted and beaten on Good-Eriday and 
 Easter-day, to the delight of the unbelievers ; the old con- 
 fessor Potamon was so cruelly scourged that careful nursing 
 could only for a time restore him ; and Athanasius' aunt 
 was denied a grave. The last extremity of sacrilege was 
 
 " The first canon enforces the Nicene rule about Easter. The second is 
 against those who will come to church for Lessons, but not for prayer and 
 Communion. The fifth is against priyate conventicles. The tenth implies 
 that chorepiscopi were real bishops. The nineteenth provides for election 
 of a bishop by the episcopal sjmod. The twenty-first is against episcopal 
 translations. The twentZ-third forbids a bishop to name his successor. 
 
 » See the creeds of Antioch in Ath. do Syn. 22 — 24. 
 
 y Socrates, ii. 11, confounds this intrusion of Gregory with outrages of the 
 year 366. He also supposes that Gregory was expelled by the Arians soon 
 after his intrusion, and that George immediately succeeded him. ii. 14. 
 
SECOND EXILE OF ATHANASIUS. 4^ 
 
 reached by casting the Holy Eucharist on the ground. This 
 league between Pagans and Arians is significant ; the former 
 saw that in the hands of the latter Christianity lost the 
 main part of what they abhorred. 
 
 Athanasius, acting on the command to flee from persecu- 
 tion ^, withdrew to Kome, after writing an encyclic to all 
 other bishops on the infamies of Gregory's intrusion. Ju- 
 lius then * sent Elpidius and Philoxenus, two of his priests, 
 to the Eusebians at Antioch, inviting them to a council for 
 December, 341. Meantime Athanasius, having laid his case 
 before the Eoman Church, spent his time in frequenting its 
 services, and took the opportunity of making the Western 
 mind acquainted with Egyptian monasticism''. The Euse- 
 bians, instead of coming to the Council, detained the Homan 
 envoys. When they did not appear, Julius and fifty bishops 
 met in the church of the presbyter Yito, recognized Athana- 
 sius as innocent, and confirmed towards him "their fellow-; 
 ship and loving hospitality "." In January, 342, the Eusebians, 
 sent back the two envoys, the sorrowful bearers of a defiant 
 letter, on which, at the autumnal synod of that year, Julius 
 commented with just severity in a letter to the Eusebians ''. 
 He rebuked the arrogance of their tone, their subterfuges 
 in regard to the proposed council, their detention of his 
 envoys ; dwelt on the gross unfairness of the Mareotic en- 
 quiry, the patience and nobleness of Athanasius, the ortho- 
 dox statement made by Marcellus in presence of the Italian 
 Council. He maintained that, as bishop of Eome, he had 
 a right to be informed in case of suspicion attaching to the 
 
 ' Matt. X 23. 
 
 ' This is according to Newman's arrangement of the order of events, 
 (Pref. to Hist. Tr. of S. Ath.) 
 
 ^ He had with him a monk, Ammonius, who paid no attention to any 
 building in Eome save S. Peter's. Soc. iv. 23. The letters of the Alexan- 
 drians cheered S. Athanasius. He wrote his Paschal letters as usual. 
 
 = Ath. Apol. 20. 
 
 ^ Ibid. 20 — 35. At this time, Julius says, Athanasius had been a year 
 and a half in Eome, waiting for his accusers. 
 
 H 
 
go PERSECUTION IN PERSIA. 
 
 bishop of Alexandria «. He insisted that tlie cturelies should 
 be relieved from outrages whicb provoked the mockery of 
 the heathen, and would assuredly be visited in the day of 
 account. 
 
 Among the bishops who had received the sympathy of 
 the "Westerns was Paul of Constantinople. In this year 342, 
 the death of Eusebius was followed by a popular restoration 
 of Paul. Constantius sent Hermogenes to expel him f. In 
 a tumult Hermogenes was slain, and Paul was sent in chains 
 to a castle on the Tigris ; but his rival Macedonius, being 
 implicated in the tumult, was not put in possession of the 
 see for which the Eusebians had consecrated him. 
 
 Sapor the Long-lived, king of Persia, had been addressed 
 by Constantine the Great in favour of the Persian Chris- 
 tians, whose bishop, John, had been present at Nieaea. He 
 was now at war with Constantius, and was soon persuaded 
 by the Magi that his Christian subjects, who would not 
 adore the sun, were Romans at heart. He began 'in 343 s 
 a terrific persecution. Symeon Bar-saboe, bishop of Seleucia 
 and Ctesiphon, was cast into prison. His friend Usthazad, 
 an old eunuch, who had apostatized through terror, saluted 
 him as he was led away''. The Bishop averted his face, and 
 Usthazad, changing his white robes for black, bewailed 
 himself as a wretch who had denied his God, and whom his 
 friend had disowned. His stedfastness returned, and he 
 was beheaded on Maundy Thursday. On Grood-Priday a 
 
 ^ He probably referred to the case of S. Dionysius of Alexandria, whose 
 alleged errors were laid before Dionysius of Rome. Julius's own words do 
 not bear out the statement of Soc. ii. 8, Soz. iii. 10, that according to 
 Church law enactments made without the consent of the bishop of Eflmo 
 were invalid ; and see Soc. ii. 15, 17. 
 
 f Soc. ii. 13. 
 
 e That is, the 7th of Constantius, (Jerome's Chron.) Others date it in 
 340 ; others in 330. But Constantine's letter in Ens. V. C. iv. 8 — 13, and 
 Eusebius's own remarks upon it, clearly imply that the persecution had 
 not begun. 
 
 ^ See the account in Soz. ii. 9. He referred these events to the reign 
 of Constantino. 
 
THEOPHILUS THE INDIAN. ^1 
 
 hundred persons died for Christ, Symeon being last of all \ 
 His successor, Sadoth, was also martyred. His sister Pher- 
 butha, or Tarbula, with another Christian maiden, was 
 denounced as having caused the Queen's illness. They were 
 sawn asunder, and the Queen, in order to her recovery, was 
 made to pass between their mangled remains. Although 
 after a time the martyrdom of his favourite servant Azad 
 induced Sapor, in his grief, to confine the persecution to the 
 clergy, we are assured that 16,000 names of sufferers were 
 preserved in the records of the Persian Church, and that 
 many others perished whose names could not be known. 
 
 About this time Constantius sent an embassy to the 
 Homerites in Arabia Felix, with a view of promoting Arian 
 Christianity. The envoy was Theophilus, caUed the Indian, 
 who had been sent as a hostage to the court of Constantine, 
 and been ordained successively deacon and bishop. He in- 
 duced the Arabian prince to buUd three churches ; and after 
 dedicating them, he passed over to his native island near 
 the mouth of the Indus, and thence to parts of Hindostan, 
 (where he taught the Christians to stand up when the 
 Gospel was read,) and after visiting the church of Axum, 
 returned to Constantinople. 
 
 The death of Constantine II. in 340 had left the young 
 Constans lord of all the West. He sided with the Catholics ; 
 but the Eusebians resolved, if possible, to win him over. 
 They accordingly sent to him, a few months after the Dedi- 
 cation Council, what is called the fourth of its Creeds''; 
 which, like the others, was evasive and unsatisfactory. 
 When he came to Milan in the end of 345, some bishops 
 requested him to press his brother for a council; he did so, 
 and then sent for Athanasius, who had been staying three 
 
 ' One of his companions, Ananias, an aged man, trembled as lie was made 
 ready for death. Pusices, the master of the king's artizans, said to him, 
 " Close thine eyes for a little space, and presently thou shalt see the light 
 of Christ." He too was seized, confessed his feith, and suffered a cruel 
 martyrdom. k Ath. de Syn. 25. 
 
^2 COUNCIL OF SAUDICA. 
 
 years at Home, and whom he received with great kindness, 
 though they never met in a private interview i. Just at this 
 time, Eudoxius and two other Eusebians came to Milan with 
 a long formula called the MacrosticTi, which expressed the 
 better kind of what has been termed Semi-Arianism, and 
 blended together some Catholic and some Arian ideas. It 
 was very emphatic against Marcellus, and his pupil Pho- 
 tinus" of Sirmium, as holding that the Word was an energy 
 which dwelt for a time in Christ, and that on its departure 
 His office would come to an end. This creed was intended, 
 like its predecessor, to calm the "Western mistrust. But 
 Westerns, though unversed in theological distinctions, were 
 ready to ask, " Where is the Homoousion ?" So long as the 
 Nicene Creed was not adopted, the most elaborate Eastern 
 formulas profited nothing. Such was the decision of the 
 first Council of Milan in 345. 
 
 Constans determined on another Council, which might be 
 of sufficient dignity to restore peace to the whole Church. 
 He told Athanasius that he had written to Constantius, who 
 agreed to the proposal. 
 
 The place selected was Sardica, a McBsian town on the 
 confines of both empires, already memorable for the horrible 
 death-scene of Galerius. About 170 bishops assembled, the 
 Western being a small majority, in the year 347. The 
 Easterns, about seventy-six in number, at first expected 
 that the assembly would be like those with which they were 
 most familiar ", in which counts and soldiers were ready to 
 overawe their opponents. Finding that, on the contrary, 
 those opponents vpould confront and accuse them", they 
 
 ' Att. Apol. Const. 4. He had previously desired Athanasius to send 
 him a volume containing the Scriptures. 
 
 "' It called this man Scotiiius. Such playing on words was common to 
 the gravest ancient writers. Eus. v. 23, vi. 41, vii. 10, 31. 
 
 " Ep, of C. of Sard, in Ath. Apol. 48. See Ath. Hist. Ari. 15. 
 
 " In their subsequent Epistle they express great indignation at the fact 
 that Athanasius and Marcellus were sitting along with the other bishops, 
 and allowed to "join them in celebrating the Divine Mysteries." Hil. 
 Fragm. 3. 14. 
 
SECESSION OF EUSEBIANS. 
 
 53 
 
 resolved, wUle on their journey, to take no real part in the 
 proceedings, but simply to announce their arrival. Accord- 
 ingly, on coming to Sardica they shut themselves up in the 
 palace where they were lodged ; and it was with dif&culty 
 that two of their body found their way into the church, and 
 denounced their brethren's schemes before the Council, 
 which was already sitting under the presidency of Hosius. 
 
 The Eusebians were repeatedly invited to attend. They 
 sent word that they would not come until their opponents 
 were deprived of seats in the Council. " This is a General 
 Council," was the reply : " the whole case is to be laid be- 
 fore its judgment. Come and present your own statements ; 
 Athanasius and his friends are ready to meet you, and the 
 Council is ready to hear both sides p." There were also 
 present in the Council men who could shew the wounds 
 they had suffered from Eusebian violence ; and one pre- 
 late exhibited the chains which they had made him wear. 
 There were Alexandrians who had been driven into exile ; 
 and a letter from the Alexandrian Church drew forth tears. 
 Deputies were present from various Churches, who could 
 tell of forged letters, of menaces from the judgment-seat, 
 of ruffians with swords and clubs enlisted in the cause of 
 heresy 9. Not choosing to face these witnesses, or to meet 
 Athanasius on equal terms, the Eusebians, including five 
 Western bishops, withdrew from Sardica on the pretext 
 that Constantius had sent them news of a victory over the 
 Persians. On receiving this message, the Council rebuked 
 their "indecent and suspicious flight," in a letter which 
 announced that unless they returned they would be held 
 as guilty'. Instead of returning, they established them- 
 selves as a Council at Philippopolis, on the eastern side of 
 the border, re-affirmed the former sentences against Atha- 
 nasius, and uttered new ones against the bishops of Rome, 
 
 p Hosius, and Protogenes of Sardica, were urgent that they should at- 
 tend. Soo. ii. 20. Hosius even offered to hear their charges privately. 
 Ath. Hist. Ari. 44. 
 
 1 Ath. ApoL 45. ' Ibid. 36 ; Hist. Ari. 16. 
 
54 ACTS OF THE COUNCIL. 
 
 Cordova, Treves, and Sardica. They published an encyclic, 
 denouncing Marcellus, Paul, and the " sacrilegious " chalice- 
 breaker, the crafty plotter of Alexandria ; and they sent it 
 to " Donatus, bishop of Carthage," as to the other prelates 
 in their communion. Lastly, they adopted a creed ' made 
 up of the fourth Antiochene and the Macrostich. In all 
 their acts they usurped the title of the " holy Council of 
 Sardica." 
 
 The true Council, meanwhile, proceeded to examine the 
 cases before them. They found enough in the documents 
 to account for the secession of the Eusebians. Having re- 
 gard to a long list of outrages, and, above all, to the guilt of 
 the Eusebians as promoters of " the accursed Arian heresy," 
 the orthodox Council of the West, acknowledging Athanasius 
 and his brethren* as innocent men and true bishops, pro- 
 nounced the deposition and excommunication of eleven Euse- 
 bian bishops by name. " They who separate the Son, they 
 who alienate the "Word from the Father, ought themselves 
 to be separated from the Catholic Church, and alien from 
 the Christian name." The solemn judgment was summed 
 up in the words, " Let them therefore be anathema." 
 
 A Council so loyal to the faith could promulgate no for- 
 mulary in place of the Nicene Creed. The bishops passed 
 twenty-one canons, the most celebrated of which have 
 reference to the conspicuous trustworthiness of their absent 
 Eoman brother. Hosius proposed, as he did in regard to 
 the canons generally, that a bishop whose cause had been 
 lost in the synod of his province might signify his wisli 
 for a new trial. His judges should then, "in. honour of 
 S. Peter's memory," write to Julius, bishop of Eome. 
 Thereupon the bishop of Rome should commit the new trial 
 to the bishops of the neighbouring province; and migM 
 also, if requested by the appellant, send presbyters of his 
 
 s Hil. de. Syn. 34 ; Fragm. 3. 
 
 « Socrates, ii. 20, names Paul of Constantinople ; the Epistle of the 
 Council in Athanasius does not. 
 
ACTS OF THE COUNCIL. ^5 
 
 own "to judge with the bishops." It is evident that these 
 rules make nothing for the claim of a papal supremacy, but 
 rather bear witness against it. It may well be that their 
 object was a temporary one ", — to strengthen the cause of 
 orthodoxy by strengthening the hands of Julius. But sup- 
 posing that all his successors were included in the scope 
 of the canons, the powers described were far too small for 
 spiritual sovereignty, and they proceeded avowedly from 
 the Council's grant''. Another canon, the tenth of the 
 series, forbade the elevation of a layman to the Episcopate 
 until he had been tried in the offices of reader, deacon, and 
 presbyter. 
 
 The Council wrote letters to the Emperors, to Julius, to 
 the Church in Alexandria and in Mareotis, to the bishops 
 of Egypt and Lybia, and to all Catholic prelates. They 
 assured the suffering Catholics of their brotherly sympathy, 
 dwelt on the exposure of Eusebian and Meletian calumnies, 
 exhorted all the Alexandrians to shun " the accursed com- 
 munion" of Gregory, who had never been a real bishop, 
 and declared Marcellus innocent of having maintained that 
 Christ's person " began to exist from S. Mary," or that His 
 kingdom would ever have an end. Athanasius wrote per- 
 sonally to the faithful of Alexandria and of Mareotis y. 
 
 The number of prelates who, either in the Council or 
 afterwards, subscribed the decree in favour of Athanasius 
 and against the Eusebian troublers of the Church, was 284 ^. 
 On this great occasion it might be truly said that the 
 Western Churches, with many of the Eastern, stood firm on 
 the Creed of Peter. 
 
 « See Dr. Pusey on Councils, p. 142. Yet, as Prof. Hussey remarks, 
 (Rise of Papal Power, p. 9,) to name Julius would establish a precedent, 
 so far as the canons were recognized. 
 
 ^ " If it seem good to your charity," or, " If it please you. " 
 
 7 Ath. Op. iL 1047. 
 
 z British bishops are mentioned by Athanasius, Apol. 1, as approving 
 the sentence ; but their names are not given in his list, Apol. 50. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 From the Council of Sardica to the Retreat of 
 S. Athanasius. 
 
 " Let us hold for certain that there is one truth -which Christ has bequeathed to the 
 world, and one Church, against which the gates of heU shall never prevail ; that 
 whUe error is multiform and self-destructive, this truth is essentiaUy one." 
 
 Mill, University Sermom. 
 
 THE secession of the Eusebiana to Philippopolis was the 
 signal for a new persecution of the Catholics in the Eastern 
 empire *. Philagrius was employed to behead at Hadrianople 
 ten citizens who would not communicate with the seceders. 
 This city had been determinedly orthodox. Its bishop, Eu- 
 tropius, had been a confessor ; Lucius, who succeeded him, 
 had been put in bonds by the Eusebians, and was now again 
 loaded with chains on the hands and neck, and sent to die 
 in exile. Theodulus of Trajanople, who apparently left 
 Sardica before the Council broke up, was put to death in 
 his ilight from Eusebian fury. Orders were sent to the 
 authorities at Alexandria to behead Athanasius, or certain 
 of his clergy, should they venture to return home. A reign 
 of terror began ; conveyed at the public expense, Arians 
 passed to and fro, "seeking whom they might devour';" 
 many fled at their approach into the deserts, while the dread 
 of scourging, chains, or exile drove many to a hypocritical 
 submission. Tlie two bishops, Macarius and Asterius, who 
 had withdrawn from the Eusebians at Sardica, were punished 
 by exile in the wilds of Libya. 
 
 In the West, of course, the decrees of Sardica received 
 the full sanction of Constans. In the latter part of 347 
 the second Council of Milan was held in order to carry them 
 out. In this assembly Valens and Ursacius, finding it in- 
 convenient to be under the ban of the West, presented a 
 written condemnation of all who said that " once the Son 
 
 « Ath. Hist. Ari. 18, seq. Compare Ath. Apol. 45. 
 >> Ath. Hist. Ari. 20. 
 
PHOTINUS CONDEMNED. 
 
 57 
 
 was not, or that He was made out of what did not exist, or 
 that He was not Son of Grod before all ages "." The Council 
 also condemned Photinus of Sirmium, who carried out boldly 
 the views which the Sardican Council had thought Marcel- 
 lus clear of holding. It was of the last importance to show 
 that the orthodox had no tenderness for a Sabellian denial 
 of Christ's personal pre-existence. Marcellus, in fact, be- 
 came gradually more aad more committed to heresy, and 
 Catholics found him to be beyond defence *. 
 
 It was either in this year or in the following that Cyril, 
 the chief presbyter of Jerusalem, delivered his famous Cate- 
 chetical Lectures in the churches of the Holy Cross and of 
 the Eesurrection, in order to prepare candidates for bap- 
 tism. More than once in this course he alluded with great 
 severity to Marcellus ^, as one who dared to make the "Word 
 a mere effluence, and Christ's dominion temporary. 
 
 It had beeu resolved to apply to Constantius iu behalf of 
 the exiled bishops. . Fortified by a letter from Constans, 
 the Sardican delegates, Vincent of Capua and Euphrates 
 of Cologne, reached Antioch about Easter, 348. The Arian 
 patriarchs of Antioch had been five, Paulinus, Eulalius, Eu- 
 phronius, PlaciUus, and Stephen who now held the see. 
 This man, who had presided at Philippopolis, undertook to 
 ruin the character of the aged Euphrates by a flagitious 
 conspiracy. Its detection ruined him with Constantius. 
 He was deposed, and Leontius placed in the see. Some 
 banished Alexandrian clergy were recalled ; but Constan- 
 tius would do no more, and Athanasius, invited by Constans 
 
 = It may be supposed that their paper given in at Milan said this, which 
 was the language of their second paper, quoted by Athanasius and Hi- 
 lary, (Fragm. 2,) for in the second they refer expressly to the first. Atha- 
 nasius adds the word " God" before the " Son of God." 
 
 <> Sulpicius says, ii. 64, that Arians craftily mixed up the case of Athana- 
 sius with that of Marcellus, but that at last Athanasius withdrew his com- 
 munion from Marcellus as being undeniably heterodox, a sentence which 
 Marcellus had the modesty not to question. 
 
 ' See especially Cat. xv. 27, on "the new head of the dragon lately 
 sprung up in Galatia," &c. 
 
58 DONATUS. 
 
 to Aquileia, continued to dwell there under his protection, 
 and in friendship with Fortunatian, the metropolitan of that 
 important see. 
 
 Gratus, the Catholic bishop of Carthage, had been pre- 
 sent at Sardica, and had supplicated Constans in behalf of 
 the African Church. Constans thereupon sent two envoys, 
 Paul and Macarius, to Africa, charged with gifts from the 
 Emperor " for all Christians." The real purpose of their 
 mission was to win over the Donatists by an exhibition of 
 impartial beneficence, and to use all their influence in be- 
 half of Catholic unity. Donatus, who, as we have seen, had 
 been recognized by the Eusebians of Philippopolis, and who, 
 though his sect knew little of it, had Arian views, was a 
 fitting head for the most arrogant of schisms, and a for- 
 midable adversary to any scheme of re-union. His pride, 
 both spiritual and official, was as intense as the homage of 
 his adherents was servile. He bore himself as if he were 
 sovereign of Carthage. He treated his fellow-bishops as his 
 servants ; would not allow them to send him the eulogia 
 of bread, which prelates sent to each other in token of 
 unity ; was wont to communicate in private, and then come 
 carelessly into church. He even disliked to be addressed 
 as "bishop*." His followers had an oath, "By the white 
 head of Donatus," and used to sing to him, " Well done, 
 good leader, noble leader !" Such was the man who, when 
 Paul and Macarius explained their business to him, saying 
 that they had brought the Emperor's bounty for the poor, 
 broke forth in words altogether inconsistent with the early 
 history of his party, " What has the Emperor to do with the 
 Church ?" adding other disloyal words about Constans. "We 
 shall go," they replied, " throughout the provinces to distri- 
 bute the Emperor's gifts." " I have written already to prevent 
 the poor from receiving them." The wild fanaticism of the 
 sect took fire. The rumour spread that force was to be em- 
 
 ' See the account in Optatus, who adds that he spoke of his sect as "my 
 party," when talking to visitors from other districts. 
 
THE " MACARIAN TIMES." gg 
 
 ployed for "the Union." It was even said that the old 
 times of heathenish persecution, in which Donatism had 
 been nurtured, were returning. " Paul and Macariua, those 
 two beasts, will come and attend the Sacrifice ; and when the 
 Altar is prepared as usual, they will suddenly place an image 
 upon it ! "Whoso tastes of the Sacrifice of the friends of 
 Union is as one who eats things offered to idols s." It was 
 vain to say, " No force is thought of — no one has been per- 
 secuting — not even a rod has been seen." The insane panic 
 produced an insane fury. Another Donatus, of Bagai, called 
 out the Circumcellions, giving them the title of " Champions 
 of God." Their hideous violence had raged, apparently, in 
 the days of Constantine against the Catholics' possession of 
 the churches, and had, shortly before the period which we 
 have reached, attained its complete organization in the old 
 quarrel of poverty against property. Then, under Maxido 
 and Fasir, the "leaders of the saints," they had declared 
 war against masters and creditors \ and spread around such 
 terror that even their own bishops invoked the aid of the 
 .Count Taurinus, whose soldiers put many of them to the 
 sword. Now they rushed to oppose " the Union" with the 
 same wild craving for excitement which sometimes found 
 vent in gross sensuality' : howling their war-cry of " Praises 
 to God''," brandishing the huge clubs which they called 
 Israels, they obliged the two envoys, in self defence, to apply 
 to Count Silvester for a military escort. Some of these sol- 
 diers, being attacked by the fanatics, stirred up their com- 
 rades' fury. The officers could not keep them in ; a battle 
 was fought, the fanatics were worsted, Donatus of Bagai 
 was slain, with another bishop named Musculus. These 
 men, and two others who are said to have died in what was 
 
 B Optat. ii. ^ Compare S. Aug. Ep. 185. 15. ' Aug. c. Ep. Farm. ii. 3. 
 
 ^ The Churcli's habit of perpetual thanksgiving had made "DeoGratias" 
 a Catholic watchword ; and the Circumcellions, in altering the form to 
 "Dec Laudes," adhered instinctively to the principle. Aug, in Ps. 132. 
 For the clubs, Aug. in Ps. 10. 
 
6o COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE. 
 
 called " the Macarian persecution V were revered as martyrs 
 by the Donatists ; others who were exiled for non-conformity, 
 as was Donatus of Carthage himself, took the rank of good 
 confessors. The Catholics afterwards used to say, " If 
 Macarius in his zeal became cruel, we defend him not; 
 but if you cry out against him, what shall we say of your 
 Circumcellions™ ?" 
 
 His measures probably made few converts, but they pro- 
 duced much outward conformity, and a Council held at 
 Carthage in 349 expressed by the mouth of Gratus the 
 Church's thanks for "the end of the wicked schism." 
 Fourteen canons were enacted. The bishops being asked 
 whether persons who had been baptized in the faith of the 
 Trinity should be baptized anew on joining the Church, an- 
 swered unanimously, " God forbid !" True to the principles • 
 of Caecilian, the Council forbade those who had rushed on 
 their own death to be called martyrs. Insolent and con- 
 tumacious clergy were to be censured; but clerical trials 
 were to be very solemnly conducted, three bishops being 
 required to judge an accused deacon. The clergy were to 
 have no women dwelling with them, nor to undertake any 
 secular business. 
 
 The pertinacity with which Constans insisted on the 
 recall of the exiles placed Constantius in a difficulty, from 
 which, in the beginning of 349, the death of Gregory re- 
 lieved him. He permitted Paul to return to Constantinople, 
 and wrote three letters to Athanasius, to the effect that he 
 
 ' See Tillemont, vi. 116, on Isaac and Maximian. 
 
 " See Aug. Psal. o. Don., &o. Optatus says, iii. 5, that the Donatists 
 boast of Donatus Bagaiensis and Musculus as martyrs : "quasi omnino in 
 vindictam Dei nuUus niereatur ocoidi !" These words Dean Milman calls 
 "a damning passage," a proof that the Catholics " proudly vindicated their 
 harlarities." (Hist. Chr. ii. 374.) He adds, "Compare the whole chapter." 
 The whole chapter shews that Optatus speaks of the slaughter of the two 
 bishops as a thing done by soldiers nobis nescientibus. The Donatists said 
 that they had been thrown, one from a rock, the other into a pit. S. Au- 
 gustine thought it probable that they had flung themselves down, suicide 
 being common with the men whom they had employed. Cf c litt Pet. ii. 
 20 ; c. Cresc. iii. 49. 
 
LETTEK OF POPE JULIUS. 6l 
 
 had all along sympathized with his distress, had expected 
 him to return of his own accord, and now desired his im- 
 mediate attendance. One of these letters was sent by 
 a priest of Alexandria, another by a deacon ; and six counts 
 were employed to write encouraging letters, while Constans 
 was informed that the Church of Alexandria would be kept 
 vacant for its true bishop. On receiving the third letter at 
 Aquileia, Athanasius went to Eome, to bid farewell to his 
 friend Pope Julius, who addressed to the Alexandrians a 
 cordial letter. Their piety — so he wrote — had awaited, 
 and their prayers had procured, this happy end of their 
 affliction. Their bishop and his brother, — the glorious con- 
 fessor'' who had despised death, and whose firmness in the 
 cause of heavenly doctrine had given him a world-wide 
 glory, — was coming home, pronounced innocent, not by 
 Julius only, but by the whole Council. " Eeceive him, 
 then, with all godly honour," ennobled the more by recent 
 trials. "Tour letters consoled him in exile", and now it 
 delights me to imagine the universal joy which will hail his 
 return, the multitudinous welcome, the glorious festivity. 
 What a day will that be to you when my brother comes 
 home, — what a day of perfect happiness, in which I too can 
 join, since God has enabled me to enjoy his friendship ! 
 May Grod and His Son reward your noble confession with 
 those better things to come which eye hath not seen nor 
 ear heard." So parted the two patriarchs. Athanasius 
 proceeded to Antioch, where Constantius received him gra- 
 ciously. But Athanasius did not lose the opportunity of 
 remonstrating personally w'ith a sovereign who had lent 
 himself so grossly to false accusers. " Call my accusers, 
 I beg of you ; let them stand forth, and I will meet them." 
 "So," said Constantius : "I take God to witness that I am 
 absolutely resolved to listen to no more accusations ; and 
 
 ° Soc. ii. 23. These eulogistic phrases are omitted by Athanasius in his 
 edition of the letter, Apol 52. 
 " This is the substance of the passage. 
 
62 FLAVIAN AND DIODOEE. 
 
 the records of former charges shall be erased." He wrote 
 to the prsefect of Egypt, signifying that it was his pleasure 
 to have all orders tending to the injury of the adherents 
 of Athanasius obliterated from the order-books ; and that 
 Athanasius and his clergy were to enjoy all their former 
 immunities. To the Egyptian bishops and clergy he wrote 
 that " the most reverend Athanasius had not been deserted 
 by the grace of Grod ;" and added that to adhere to him 
 would thenceforth be a guarantee of absolute security. He 
 exhorted the Alexandrian laity to welcome their bishop, to 
 make him their " pleader before God," and to be perfectly 
 united and tranquil under his care. 
 
 Athanasius found the Catholics of Antioch divided. Some 
 worshipped apart from Leontius, and were called "Eus- 
 tathians ;" others joined in the established worship, the 
 rathtT that Leontius, who was a master of Arian craft, 
 refrained from all display of his own opinions, insomuch 
 that when some chanted " and to the Son," in the doxology, 
 and others adopted the form of " 5y the Son," the cautious 
 patriarch slurred over the critical words, and all that could 
 be heard from him was " unto ages of ages." His policy 
 was not to proclaim himself an Arian, but to Arianize the 
 clergy, and thereby to work upon the Church. The two 
 men who most stedfastly opposed him? were not clergy. 
 Flavian and Diodore, laymen who followed the monastic 
 mode of life, gave themselves up to the work of strengthen- 
 ing their brethren against the insidious heresy, and called to 
 their aid a mighty instrument p. By night, around the 
 tombs of the martyrs, the stillness was broken by the 
 psalmody of a double choir ; and the antiphonal chant be- 
 came the symbol and support of Catholicity. Athanasius 
 joined the " Eustathians 9," and contracted thereby a re- 
 lation which had important results. When Constantius 
 asked him to allow the Alexandrian Arians a single church, 
 he asked in turn that a church might be given to the 
 
 p Theod. ii. 24. q goz. iii. 20. 
 
KETURN OF ATHANASIUS. 63 
 
 Eustathians r, but this the Emperor's advisers would not 
 allow. 
 
 On his, way to Jerusalem Athanasiys was received at the 
 Syrian Laodicea by ApoUinaris, a young reader in that 
 Church, highly educated, and previously, as it appears, 
 inclined towards a kind of eclecticism, yet whose cordial 
 kindness won the affection of his guest. At Jerusalem a 
 council was held, which was a happy contrast to that of 
 335 ^ Then Arius had been treated as a much misrepre- 
 sented theologian. Now aU but two or three bishops em- 
 braced the communion of Athanasius, excused their former 
 proceedings as involuntary, and congratulated the Egyptian 
 Church on recovering its pastor. Maximus of Jerusalem 
 had long before this repented of his share in Eusebian in- 
 justice, and was the first to sign the recognition of Atha- 
 nasius, who at length could rejoice in the orthodoxy of 
 Palestine. 
 
 Then came the holy welcome, the " glorious festivity," 
 which Julius had anticipated for the Alexandrian Church. 
 It was a day to make men forget the past, and to strengthen 
 them for the future. Nor was it a mere holiday of un- 
 practical enthusiasm. The faithful " encouraged one an- 
 other ia virtue." Many embraced a life of devotion, or 
 remained single for Christ's sake; "every house seemed 
 like a church," and the intense thankfulness found ex- 
 pression in works of charity*. Letters came flowing in 
 from bishops who declared that their hearts had been with 
 him while they were acting under Arian pressure. Some of 
 these were doubtless insincere adhesions, as was the " pali- 
 node" of Valens and Ursacius. Unsought for as it was 
 on the part of Athanasius, it was too plainly a following up 
 of their sudden tergiversation in 347. Of their own free- 
 will, as Hosius afterwards testified, they went to Eome, 
 asked pardon for their offences before Julius and his clergy", 
 
 " Theod. ii. 12 ; cf . Soo. ii. 23. ^ Ath. Apol. 57. « Ath. Hist. Ari, 26. 
 « As Western bishops they speak with great reverence to Pope Julius, 
 while they address Athanasius less ceremoniously. Ath. Apol. 68. 
 
64 DEATH OF CONSTATS. 
 
 and, after receiving it, gave in a paper confessing the false- 
 hood of their charges against Athanasius, expressing their 
 desire to be at peace, and anathematizing Arianisin " both 
 now and for ever, as we set forth in our declaration at 
 Milan." This letter, duly signed by both, was preserved in 
 the Eoman Church's archives", and a copy sent to Atha- 
 nasius. They also signed letters of peace which three of 
 his adherents presented to them ; and they wrote from 
 Aquileia with an easy confidence which real penitents would 
 not have shewn, certifying their " lord and brother, well- 
 beloved," that they were at peace with him, and in CathoUc 
 unity. Meantime a Council of bishops at Alexandria af- 
 firmed the decrees of tlie Sardican Council, and four hun- 
 dred bishops throughout Christendom were now in com- 
 munion with Athanasius. 
 
 Such was the triumph of 349. But on Peb. 15, 350, 
 Athanasius lost his chief secular support. Constans, " whose 
 kindnesses he could never forgets," was murdered in his 
 flight from the rebel Magnentius. Constantius, after this 
 tragedy, sent a gracious letter to assure Athanasius of his 
 continued protection, concluding with, " May Providence 
 preserve you, beloved Father, many years." On receiving 
 this from two great officers, Athanasius proclaimed in 
 church, " Let us pray for the good estate of the most 
 religious Emperor Constantius Augustus," and the congre- 
 gation at once responded, " Christ, send Thy help to 
 Constantius." The Emperor was obliged to withdraw from 
 his campaign against Persia in order to meet the Western 
 rebels, Magnentius and Vetranio, the latter of whom he 
 won over. On his retiring, Sapor besieged, not for the 
 first time, the Mesopotamian city of Nisibis, on the Roman 
 
 " Theod. ii. 16. 
 
 y The pagan Zoaimus gives him an evil character. But to Athanasius, 
 at any rate, Constans had been a steady friend ; and he was a baptized 
 Catholic, not, like Constantius, an unbaptized Arian. Athanasius testifies 
 to his "Christian spirit." Hosius says that he never overawed a Church 
 court, never persecuted an Arian. 
 
MARTYRDOM OF PAUL. 65 
 
 frontier. James, its bishop, who had sat in the Nicene 
 Council, encouraged the people to build up the wall which 
 Sapor had destroyed by diverting the river, and is said also 
 to have obtained by prayer a plague of insects which drove 
 Sapor to retreat ^. 
 
 It was probably in this year that Maximua of Jeru- 
 salem died, and Cyril became archbishop. The story that 
 Maximus was deposed and Cyril substituted by Acacius 
 is ^inconsistent with probabilities, and with the testimony 
 borne by the second General Council to the canonical regu- 
 larity of his consecration. The other tale, which Jerome 
 credited, that Cyril obtained the see from Acacius on con- 
 dition of disclaiming the ordination which Maximus had be- 
 stowed, is utterly incredible, and probably sprang from the 
 prejudices of a rigid party which mistrusted Cyril. His 
 Lectures, though the "Homoousion" does not occur in them, 
 clearly prove the soundness of his faith. Acacius did in- 
 deed take part in his election, but though excommunicated 
 at Sardica, he was still de facto bishop. 
 , Another event of this year was the final expulsion of 
 Paul from Constantinople. Philip the prtetorian praefect 
 was appointed to decoy him to the Baths of Zeuxippus, and 
 so convey him on board ship. He was then sent to die at 
 Cueusus in Armenia. According to the report of Fhilagrius 
 the apostate praefect of Egypt, Paul was shut up for six days 
 without food, and ultimately strangled ^. Macedonius now 
 took full possession of the see, probably by means of that 
 massacre of above 3,000 persons which is sometimes dated 
 ■ at an earlier period. 
 
 ' Theod. ii. 30. The story makes Sapor see, on the wall of Nisibis, a 
 radiant figure in imperial robes, which at first he took to be Constantius. 
 It is added that S. Ephrem the Syrian, who had been baptized by James, 
 begged him to ascend the wall and ourse the Persians. His only curse was, 
 " May they know by small insects the power of the God of Christians." 
 
 " Within a year Philip was disgraced, and perished miserably. Ath. 
 Hist. ArL 7. Socrates, ii. 16, makes Philip decoy Paul before the Council of 
 Sardica. 
 
 F 
 
66 THE ANOMOION. 
 
 Considerable excitement was produced at Antioch by the 
 ordination of Aetius as deacon. This man, the most odious 
 of the extreme Arians, had gone through many changes 
 of life, as a vinedresser's slave, a goldsmith, a medical man, 
 a guest and pupil of Arian bishops, and a professor of that 
 disputatious logic in -which the heresy was at first em- 
 bodied. He was the first to affirm openly that the Son 
 was essentially unliJce the Father ^. Leontius intended this 
 diaconate to be a means of propagating Arianism. Jut 
 Plavian and Diodore threatened formally to renounce his 
 communion ; and he thought it best to depose Aetius ^ 
 
 The Paschal season of 351 was marked at Jerusalem by a 
 luminous appearance in the form of a cross, which appeared 
 in the sty over the city. It produced a great impression; 
 and Cyril is said to have sent an account of it to Con- 
 stantius *. The latter was this year at Sirmium, where a 
 council met to depose Photinus, who had been hitherto able 
 to retain his church, in spite of former censures. The 
 Council published a creed, which had no less than twenty- 
 seven anathemas ; some being meant to answer objections 
 brought against Arian or Semi- Arian views, — some contain- 
 ing an explicit condemnation of the Photinian view, that 
 "the Son from Mary is only a man," and that He only 
 pre-existed in God's foreknowledge. Hilary, who had now 
 been some two years bishop of Poitiers, and was the great 
 support of Catholicity in Gaul, considered this creed as 
 orthodox ^ ; and the first Sirmian council is certainly the 
 most respectable of the Eusebian assemblies, although it 
 
 ^ S. Basil, a. Eunom. i. 1. He was sumamed "the Godless." Ath. de 
 Syn. 6 ; Soc. ii. 35. 
 
 <■ Theod. ii. 24 ; Ath. de Syn. 39. 
 
 ^ The genuineness of this letter, in which he mentions also the finding of 
 the cross, has been doubted. One objection is that it contains the word 
 " Consubstantial," which at that period Cyril would hardlj' have used. 
 
 ^ HiL de Syn. 38 seq. ; see the Creed also in Ath. de Syn. 27 ; Soc. ii. 
 30. Socrates is wrong about its framer. Some of its anathemas express 
 the belief (which S. Augustine first abandoned) that in the Old Testament 
 theophanies, God the Son Himself appeared. 
 
NEW ACCUSATIONS. 6j 
 
 cannot claim a higlier place. The victory of Constantius' 
 arms over Magaentius at Mursa, Sept. 8, 351, directly 
 increased the influence of Valens, who persuaded the Em- 
 peror that he had received the neves from an angel; and 
 thereupon he and Ursacius proceed to recant their re- 
 cantation'. " It was made through fear of Constans." It 
 was, in fact, their own unforced proceeding, the evident 
 result of a calculation of expediency. 
 
 S. Julius died April 12, 352, and his successor Liberius 
 was soon required to attend to new charges against Atha- 
 nasius, which also came before the Emperor, whom the 
 Eusebians warned against the results of his leniency. We 
 may take these accusations in order, with the replies s. 
 
 1. " Athanasius influenced Constans against Constantius." 
 He had never any wish to play such a part ; and if he had 
 wished it, he had had no opportunity. 
 
 2. " He has corresponded with Magnentius." This mon- 
 strous slander struck him mute with indignation. What 
 should induce him to court the murderer of his friend? 
 Could any letters from him to Magnentius be produced ? 
 Any which purported to be his, he could shew to be for- 
 geries. 
 
 3. " He has used a church at Alexandria built by the 
 Emperor, while yet undedicated ; and this without per- 
 mission." This was the great Caesarean church. Athanasius 
 had allowed the people to keep Easter in it, because their 
 assembling in smaller churches had caused much incon- 
 venience in Lent, and the people had entreated to have the 
 use of the Caesarean'', in default of which, they said, they 
 would meet in the open country. 
 
 4. "Why has he not obeyed an imperial summons to 
 
 ' "To return like dogs to their vomit." S. Ath. Hist. Ari. 29. 
 
 e See Atli. Apol. ad Constant. 
 
 i* He mentions other oases in which an undedicated church had been 
 used. He had seen this done at Treves and Aquileia ; and S.Alexander had 
 so used the church of S. Theonas. 
 
68 THE HOMOIOUSION. 
 
 Italy?" Simply because the Emperor's letter professed to 
 grant him leave to do so : which leave he had never asked 
 —for the letter asking it was an Arian forgery. 
 
 Liberius and his council were satisfied with the state- 
 ments of Egyptian bishops on behalf of Athanasius, and 
 wrote to the Orientals accordingly'. But the latter had 
 Constantius in their hands ; and in the autumn of 353, the 
 death of Magnentius by his own hand left Constantiua 
 master of the West, and at leisure to crush the man whom 
 he had been forced to recall '^. 
 
 At this momentous crisis, what was the doctrinal aspect 
 of the schools extraneous to Nicene orthodoxy ^ ? 
 
 The Eusebians, — worldly, subtle, and unprincipled,— had 
 for some time kept up a kind of credit by using phrases less 
 plain-spoken than the original Arian language. The formulas 
 connected with the Dedication Council had tended to make 
 many persons forget the true and simple issue. Was the Soa 
 of God created, or was He not ? August names were freely 
 given to Him, and blinded many to the fact that a creature, 
 however glorious, was, by comparison with the Creator, 
 simply on a level with the humblest of His works. In a 
 word, these formulas had " created a belief""" in minds 
 more honest than the Eusebian leaders. Men were really 
 holding and teaching that the Son was " Like in essence, 
 Homoiousion, to the Father," — born of His essence, before 
 times and ages, not a creature like other creatures, — but 
 still not essentially one with God. This was Semi-Arianism, 
 held by many religious scholars, like Basil of Ancyra, maialy 
 through the mistaken notion that the Homoousion implied 
 Sabellianism. "The men were better than their creed"." 
 Some of them were gradually coming to see its untenable- 
 
 ' Some Arian forged a "letter of Liberius," telling- the Orientals that he 
 had exoommumcated Athanasius for not coming to Rome. 
 
 i* He was more arrogant and self-confident after 353 than before; he 
 boasted that God was on the side of Arianism. 
 
 1 See Newman's Ai-ians, 169. 
 
 " Newman, Arians, 169. n Ibid. 171. 
 
THE HOMOION. 6g 
 
 ness. And the Eusebians, perplexed by the phenomenon 
 whicb they had produced, and finding that on the West 
 the Semi-Arian formulas had made no real impression, were 
 disposed to adopt a more manageable principle, which Euse- 
 bius of Csesarea had indicated, and his successor Acaciua 
 was ready to expound. Its simplicity might be more suc- 
 cessful with the downright "Westerns than the subtlety of 
 the Homoiousion. For it threw aside all such terms as 
 " essence," and professed to be content with the theological 
 language of Scripture, and to know nothing beyond the 
 "likeness" of the Son to the Father. ""We have seen 
 trouble enough arise from phrases of man's invention. Let 
 us confess the Son to be ' altogether Homoion °,' and we 
 shall establish Christian peace." Many, doubtless, weary of 
 the strife of tongues and the succession of formulas, listened 
 eagerly to this teaching. "Was it not suiEcient to say what 
 Scripture said ? "Was it not the only way to peace, and the 
 path pointed out by religious humility ? They who so rea- 
 soned saw not that when the terms of Scripture are the 
 matter in debate, no unity can come from declining to say 
 whether they mean one thing or another; that the true 
 sense of Scripture is Scripture p in truth, and that a vague 
 reply to " "What think ye of Christ ?" is a disloyalty fatal to 
 hearty worship i and holy living. 
 
 Such was Homjean Arianism, taken up by the Eusebiana 
 when they cast off the Homoiousion, and found it ne- 
 cessary to provide some form of the doctrine less offensive 
 than the Anomoion represented by Aetius. In that formula 
 there was a simplicity of a certain kind ; odious as it was to 
 pious minds, it was a positive and consistent view, and its 
 maintainers scorned all moderate Arianism as a mean thing 
 void of courage or candour. Now, although the Eusebiana 
 
 ° Cyril of Jerusalem had used this formula, but ia a Catholic sense. Cat. 
 iv. 7, &o. 
 p See "Waterland, on EcoL Antiq. vii. 8. 
 1 See Prof. Husse/s Acad. Serm., p. 261. 
 
JO COUNCIL OF AELES. 
 
 had no real and religious aversion to this extreme Arianism, 
 yet they saw that its language was imprudently audacious ; 
 that if there were no alternative between Anomoion and 
 Homoousion, the hope of an Arian Christendom was lost. 
 Just now the Anomsean Aetius, as being the favourite of 
 Gallus, the Emperor's cousin, was associated with the odium 
 of his misgovernment at Antioch. 
 
 A new attempt to Arianize the West was now resolved 
 upon. "When Liberius sent Vincent of Capua and other 
 deputies to Constantius, asking for a Council to be held at 
 Aquileia, Constantius caused it to meet at Aries, where the 
 bishop, Saturninus, was an Arian. The first thing insisted 
 on by the Arians at the Council was, that the bishops should 
 renounce the communion of Athanasius. The aged Vincent, 
 who had represented Sylvester at Nicaea, unhappily con- 
 ceded this point, in the vain hope that Valens and his 
 friends would, on their side, condemn heresy. He appears 
 to have thought it necessary to sacrifice one man, in order 
 to secure the Creed. But Paulinus of Treves saw that in: 
 that one man the whole cause of the faith was represented. 
 To abandon Athanasius was, in fact, to abandon Nicaea. 
 He therefore withstood threats and persuasions, and bravely 
 endured a painful exile. 
 
 Liberius wrote to Hosius, — "I had hoped much from Vin- 
 cent. Tet he has not only gained nothing, but has himself 
 been led into that dissimulation." There was then at Eome 
 the chief Sardinian bishop, Lucifer of Caliaris, a man of 
 extreme sturdiness and vehemence, who at his own request 
 was sent with a priest and a deacon, Pancratius and Hilary, 
 to ask the Emperor for another council which should pro- 
 ceed on the basis of the Nicene faith. Liberius recom- 
 mended them to the gopd offices of one whom he knew to 
 be " kindled with the Spirit of God," Eusebius bishop of 
 Vercellse, remarkable for having persuaded his clergy to 
 adopt the monastic life. 
 
 Earlyin 355 the new Council met at Milan, where Dionysins 
 the metropolitan, and his people, were earnestly Catholic. 
 
COUNCIL OF MILAK. 7I 
 
 About three hundred "Western bishops were present; of 
 Easterns, only a small number. A letter which spoke of 
 Athanasius, not as heretical, but as sacrilegious, was sent to 
 Eusebius to urge his attendance. He replied that he would 
 come and do his duty. On reaching Milan he was excluded 
 for ten days from the sittings in the cathedral. When he 
 was admitted, the Arianizers desired him to sign a condem- 
 nation of Athanasius. With a diplomatic subtlety which 
 marred his nobleness, Eusebias held out the Nicene Creed, 
 saying, " Pirst let us make sure of the faith. Some persons 
 here are not sound. Sign this, and I will sign what you 
 please." Dionysius extended his hand for the paper, but 
 Valens snatched it forcibly away. " That has nothing to do 
 with the present business." A great agitation followed ; the 
 people, who could hear in the nave what was passing in the 
 sanctuary, began to murmur; and Valens, Ursacius, and 
 their friends procured an adjournment to the palace, where 
 Lucifer has already been temporarily detained"^. 
 
 There a new scene opened. The court influence was 
 brought to bear on the bishops. Constantius had written, 
 — as he pretended, in consequence of a dream, — a letter full 
 of Arianism, which his agents attempted to pass oil. While 
 the bishops were in the presence-chamber, and Constantius, 
 as was usual, behind a curtain which hung across the room, 
 they were asked to adopt this paper. " The Emperor's heart 
 is set on the peace of Christendom, and God has attested 
 his doctrine by his success." Lucifer broke forth : " The 
 letter is Arian — there is no true faith beside the Ni- 
 cene — and all the Emperor's army would not prevent me 
 from abhorring what is blasphemous." "Insolent men!" 
 said Constantius ; " is it their duty to school an emperor ?" 
 But in a short time he took up a different point ; the rather 
 
 ■■ The BoUandists (May 25) give many details, e. g. that Dionysius at 
 another sitting did subscribe the Nicene Creed, and that the faithful 
 obliged many Axians to leave the church, after which Dionysius celebrated 
 the Eucharist : also, that Dionysius was left in the church when the others 
 were summoned to the palace. 
 
72 WEAKNESS OF BISHOPS. 
 
 because his letter had been read in church, and indignantly 
 rejected. He caused Valens and Ursacius to repeat the 
 charges against Athanasius. Lucifer and Eusebius ex- 
 claimed against them as self-convicted liars: Constantius 
 started up, saying, " It is I who am accusing Athanasius !" 
 "Tou cannot," said they, "be a legitimate accuser; you do 
 not know the facts, and the accused is not here. This is no 
 case in which an emperor's word can suifice." The great 
 majority, including Eortunatian of Aquileia, had no such 
 spirit. The presence and tones of an Arian despot capable 
 of any ferocity', and commanding their obedience in his 
 own palace, fairly broke them down. They yielded, not 
 only to sign the decree against Athanasius, but formally to 
 profess communion with the Arians. Dionysius, in a mo- 
 ment of weakness, had yielded on the first point in order to 
 secure from opponents a corresponding concession, which 
 should leave the faith undisturbed*. It is said that he re- 
 pented of having yielded at all, and that Eusebius " very in- 
 geniously"" contrived to get his signature effaced. There is 
 no doubt that Eusebius and Lucifer were stedfast ; and when 
 Constantius answered their appeal to canons by Saying, " Let 
 my will serve you for a canon, as it serves the Syrian bishops," 
 they lifted up their hands, protested against his bringing 
 " the Homan sovereignty into Church affairs," and bade him 
 think of God and the day of judgment ''. They were instantly 
 condemned to exile ; Dionysius, who now cast in his lot 
 with them, shared their sentence; as did Pancratius and 
 Hilary, the latter of whom, when cruelly beaten, found sup- 
 port in thinking of the scourging of Christ. A few others, 
 apparently, stood aloof from the unhappy weakness which 
 
 ■ Ammianus sa3'S, xxi. 16, that he used sometimes to protract as far as 
 nature would allow the agonies under which criminals expired. 
 
 ' Sulp. Sev. ii. 66. 
 
 " Brev. Kora. Dec. 16, The story, as given in a sermon in the Appendix 
 to S. Ambrose, has a doubtful aspect ; and as it ascribes to Eusebius a petty 
 stratagem, one would gladly think it false. 
 
 » Ath. Hist. Ari. 33, 34. Constantius, he says, drew his sword, and all 
 but ordered them to execution. 
 
PEKSECUTTON. 73 
 
 betrayed this Council — called b.y Hilary of Poitiers "a 
 synagogue of malignants J" — into formally undoing the work 
 of Sardica. 
 
 Dionysius was banished into Cappadocia, from which 
 country a man named Auxentius, ordained priest by Gre- 
 gory at Alexandria, was sent for to fill the see of Milan. 
 Masimus of Naples, though weak from illness, stood firm, 
 and died in exile. A pious bishop, Eufinianus, was com- 
 pelled by a young Arian prelate, Epietetus of CentumcellsB, 
 to run before his chariot, until he died by bursting a blood- 
 vessel. Lucifer was kept in a dark dungeon at Germanicia ; 
 Eusebius, at Scythopolis, the see of an old Arian, Patro- 
 philus, was repeatedly dragged with brutal violence down 
 a flight of stairs. Ear and near, officers of the palace and of 
 the tribunals went about threatening and denouncing all 
 kinds of penalties to those who would not renounce Atha- 
 nasius^. Arian clergy sharpened the zeal of the lay perse, 
 cutors. To avoid scourging, chains, false charges, exile, 
 many gave way, and some whom Constantius personally 
 dealt with were pent up in their houses until they repeated 
 the words, " Athanasius is out of our communion." 
 
 It is difficult to realize the misery of that time. Liberius, 
 who sympathized heartily with the confessors % was now to 
 take his turn. At first it was attempted to lure him over ; 
 Eusebius the chamberlain was sent to him with gifts'". 
 " Comply with the Emperor, and accept these." Liberius 
 replied that it could not be. He could not contravene the 
 decrees of Eome and Sardica. If the Emperor really desired 
 peace, let him allow a free Council to meet, not in his pre- 
 sence ; to begin by securing the faith, and then take up the 
 Athanasian question, without being swayed by the liars 
 Valens and Ursacius. " Forgetting that he stood in a 
 bishop's presence," Eusebius insulted Liberius with me- 
 
 y Hil. ad C. i. 8. '• Ath. Hist. Ari. 31. 
 
 " Sulpicius says that large sums were subscribed for the sufferers : and 
 Athanasius observes that their being separated was a means of spreading 
 the faith. Hist, Ari. 40. ^ Ath. Hist. Ari. 35. 
 
74 LIBEKIUS EXILED. 
 
 naces, and then presented .the Emperor's gifts at S. Peter's: 
 whereupon the Pope rebuked the keeper of the church 
 for not casting out the unholy ofiering. Eusebius re- 
 turned to exasperate Constantius. The Emperor deter- 
 mined to get rid of the man who had demanded an ec- 
 clesiastical council for the hearing of charges, and had 
 declared war against Arianism. Rome was agitated by 
 threats and promises employed to detach men from their 
 bishop : the very gates and harbour were guarded against 
 Catholics who might visit him ; at length he was summoned 
 to Milan, and personally beset by Constantius, Eusebius, 
 and Epictetus ". Renounce Athanasius he would not. He 
 insisted ou justice and the Nicene Creed, representing in 
 his own person Roman liberty and Catholic belief. He bade 
 Constantius forbear fighting against Christ; he knew, he 
 said, that he should be exiled, and when he was offered three 
 days to bethink himself, answered confidently, — " Three 
 days, or three months, will not change me ; I have taken 
 my leave of Eome !" He was banished to Beroea in Thrace, 
 having spurned presents of money not only from Constan- 
 tius, but from Eusebius, whom he scornfully bade to " go 
 and become a Christian, before he presumed to bring alms 
 as to a convict." Three " spies," as Athanasius calls them, 
 "unworthy of the name of bishops," held an election at 
 Eome, and consecrated Felix in the palace ; the churches 
 being barred against them by the laity. 
 
 The next step was to persecute the venerable Hosius. He 
 was more than a hundred years old, and had been more 
 than sixty years a bishop, besides his dignity as a con- 
 fessor, and as eminent, to say the least, in the Nicene 
 Council. At first he was sent for, and urged to renounce 
 Athanasius and recognise the Arians. He replied by a 
 severe rebuke, and returned to Spain, whither letters of 
 
 " Ath. Hist. An. 39. Tteodoret, iL 16, gives a long eonvorsation ; in 
 which, among other things, the Ischyras affair is referred to. Eusebius 
 says that Athanasius was proved a heretic at Nicaja ! In Hist. Ai'i. 75 
 Athanasius calls FeUx a man worthy of his Ariau ordaiuors. 
 
HOSIUS EXILED. 75 
 
 flattery and of menace followed him, to which he made a 
 noble reply, preserved by Athanasiua ''. After a solemn 
 reference to his own age and standing in the Church, he 
 dwelt on the breaking down of the case against Athanasius, 
 both at Sardica and elsewhere. Then he reminded the 
 Emperor that he was a man, who must face death and judg- 
 ment. " Intrude not into Church affairs, nor command us 
 concerning them, but learn about them from us. Into your 
 hands God gave the sovereignty; to us He entrusted the 
 Church « . . . . This I write in my desire for your salvation. 
 On the subject of your letter, I have made up my mind. 
 I will not join the Arians : on the contrary, I anathematize 
 their heresy. I will not sign the condemnation of Athana- 
 sius, whom we and the Eoman Church, and the whole Synod, 
 pronounced innocent." Constantius replied by summoning 
 him to Sirmium. 
 
 The persecution drew from Hilary an earnest appeal to 
 Constantius, which may have tended to produce the law 
 published by the latter on Sept. 23, 355, that bishops 
 should be tried by other bishops, not by the civil courts. 
 On Nov. 6 the Emperor appointed his cousin Julian, the 
 brother of Gallus, to command in Gaul with the authority 
 of Csesar. 
 
 Eor twenty-sis months Athanasius had been left unmo- 
 lested. At last, two secretaries of the Emperor, followed by 
 Syrianus, duke of Egypt, came to Alexandria. "Now," 
 said the Arians, "he will be obliged to leave the city." 
 But Athanasius and his people referred Syrianus to Con- 
 Btantius' promises of protection : and he swore that until 
 the Emperor's will were known he would take no step. The 
 day before this (Jan. 17, 356) Antony had died, aged 105, 
 calmly bequeathing "a garment and a sheepskin to the 
 Bishop Athanasius," and entreating that his body might be 
 
 ^ Hist. Ari. 44. 
 
 « Hequotes, "Eender to Csesar," &o., and says, " We have no authority 
 to bear rule over the earth, nor have you, Emperor, to bum incense." 
 
•]() DEATH OF S. ANTONY. 
 
 buried in the monastic solitudes, and not taken into Egypt, 
 " lest they store it up in their houses. Finally, my children, 
 farewell : Antony is going away, and will be with you no 
 more '." He died as he had lived, with a sweet bright face, 
 the outward expression of that joyful faith i which had been 
 his strength in temptation, and had prompted his own rule 
 of monastic life: "Having begun, persevere manfully; the 
 sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be com- 
 pared with the coming glory ; if we spend eighty or a hun- 
 dred years in pious discipline, we shall not reign for a like 
 number of years only, but for ages of ages''!" It was two 
 years since he had told his brethren, with tears and groans, 
 that he had seen a vision of mules kicking at "the Table of 
 the Lord's house," and had heard a voice saying, " My Altar 
 shall become an abomination'." 
 
 On Thursday night, the 8th of February, Athanasiua 
 was presiding over a vigil-service at S. Theonas' church, in 
 preparation for a Communion on the morrow ^. Syrianus 
 suddenly beset the church at the head of more than iive 
 thousand armed men. Hilarius the notary, and Grorgonius, 
 commander of the police, attended him. The Archbishop, 
 seated on his throne within the sanctuary, calmly bade the 
 deacon in attendance to read Psalm 136, and the people to 
 take up the burden of each verse, 'For His mercy endurethfor 
 ever, and then all to leave the church as best they could. 
 
 ' Ath. Vit. Ant. 91. 
 
 B Vit, Ant. 67. "His calmness of soul made liis outward aspect tran- 
 quil ... his face was never gloomy, for his mind was full of gladness. 
 lb. 42 : " If the devils find us rejoicing in the Lord, and musing on the 
 future bliss, and thinking how all things are in the Lord's hands .... they 
 retire in confusion." He was wont to quote Eom. viii. 35, and other like 
 texts. 
 
 ^ Vit. Ant. IS. Antony was remarkable for his love of Scripture (ib.), 
 for his good sense (72), and for the practical simplicity of his exhorta. 
 tions, (20.) « Vit. Ant. 82. 
 
 ^ Ath. Apol. de fug£l, 24 ; compare ad Const. 25, and the Protest of the 
 Alexandrians in Ath. Hist. Ari. 81. There are some slight differences 
 easily reconciled, between the accounts. It may be observed that in 
 churches where the celebration was not daily, it took place on Wednesday 
 and Friday as well as Sunday. 
 
SYKIANUS' IHRUPTION. "JJ 
 
 The Psalm, it appears, had been finished when the doors 
 were burst open ; with a loud shout, a deadly discharge of 
 arrows, and " swords flashing in the light of the lamps," the 
 soldiers rushed in, killing some of the people and of the de- 
 vout virgins, and trampling down others, as they pressed on 
 to secure their main object by seizing Athanasius. He was 
 ■ urged, meanwhile, to escape, but answered, " Not until all 
 the rest are safe :" then standing up, he called for prayer, 
 and begged all present to leave the church. "Better my 
 risk than your harm." He was, in fact, all but seized, and 
 some of his friends were just in time to bear him away 
 through the soldiers who thronged the entrance of the 
 chancel; — safe, indeed, from their murderous grasp, but 
 fainting from the agitation and the pressure. The invaders 
 ran riot in the church, penetrating " where not even all 
 Christians were allowed to enter ;" the corpses of the slain 
 were removed, but several bows, arrows, and swords re- 
 mained to bear witness to the tragedy. The Catholics 
 afterwards prevented them from being taken away, and 
 drew lip two formal protests : the second, which is extant, 
 and is dated Peb. 12, was made after Syrianus had de- 
 nied that any fatal event had accompanied the irruption, 
 (even although the corpses were publicly exposed,) and had 
 caused those who remonstrated to be beaten with clubs. 
 The document, after narrating the outrage, declares that the 
 Catholics are ready for martyrdom, but are resolved to as- 
 certain' whether a persecution which has made several 
 martyrs is sanctioned by the Emperor who had solemnly 
 guaranteed to them the episcopate of Athanasius. 
 
 Constantius made prompt reply. He had willed what had 
 been done. Count Heraclius, the bearer of his letter, pro- 
 claimed that all the churches were to be given up to the 
 Arians "'. The Pagans were threatened that if they opposed 
 
 1 Some of the subscribers were going to complain personally to the 
 Emperor. They " adjure" all officers, and all whom it may concern, to let 
 the facts be known. "' Ath. Hist. Ari. 54. 
 
78 OUTRAGES AT ALEXANDRIA. 
 
 the mandate, they should lose their idols. The Catholics 
 asked each other, " Has then Constantius turned heretic?" 
 On a Wednesday, after service in the Csesarean church, 
 when only a few women were left who had just risen from 
 prayer, Heraclius with a hand of young Pagans and some 
 Arians fell on them with stones and clubs, tearing off their 
 veils, insulting them with brutal language, beating, kicking, 
 stoning the helpless sufferers. They seized the curtains 
 which enclosed the sanctuary, with the seats of the clergy, 
 the episcopal throne, " and the Table, which was of wood ;" 
 some of these they burned outside the church " ; they were 
 only prevented by rules of heathen ritual from sacrificing a 
 heifer in the church, and actually did sing hymns to their 
 idols, rejoicing that " Constantius had turned Greek." Faus- 
 tiuus, the Eeceiver-general, was the ready instrument of 
 the Arians, who roamed about the city, ransacking houses, 
 terrifying peaceful inhabitants by their very presence <", and 
 searching even the tombs to discover the hiding-place of 
 Athanasius. 
 
 Meanwhile, he whom they sought, and who had hidden 
 himself in the wilderness " until the indignation should be 
 overpast P," sent a letter to his children to comfort them 
 with the thought that if the Arians held the churches, they 
 held that Apostolic faith against which nothing should pre- 
 vail i. They had need of such comfort ; for the persecutors 
 were venting their malignity on the virgins of the Church, 
 whom they exposed to the fury of Arian women; they 
 
 " Athanasius says that one profligate youth seated himself on the throne, 
 sang an infamous song, and then, attempting to drag the throne away, im- 
 paled himself. 
 
 » Men changed their residence from street to street in order td avoid 
 their oiitrages. Many fled to the desert. 
 
 p Ath. Ap. Const. 34. 
 
 1 Fragm. in Ath., tom. ii. 772, ed. 1857. The story that he lay hid in the 
 house of a beautiful and pious virgin until the death of Constantius is an 
 absurd fiction ; but he may perhaps have been sheltered by her between his 
 escape from the church and his retirement into the wilderness. Vit S. 
 Ath,, p. cxxix. 
 
OUTRAGES AT ALEXANDRIA. 79 
 
 caused EutycHus a sub-deacon to be scourged almost to 
 death, and sent him to the worst of all the mines, which, 
 however, he never reached, dying on his way of the wounds 
 which had been allowed no tending. Pour citizens of dis- 
 tinction were scourged for remonstrating, and the Arians 
 compelled Syrianus to scourge them a second time. " We 
 are beaten," said they, " for the truth's sake, for not com- 
 municating with heretics : beat ua now as thou wilt, — God 
 will judge thee for it." Men were persecuted for relieving 
 the poor, for whose wants it became necessary to provide 
 elsewhere than at the churches, the ordinary place of alms- 
 giving. The very heathen cried shame on Arian cruelty. 
 Monasteries were destroyed, and the inmates narrowly es- 
 caped from the fire. Clergy were banished, beaten, robbed 
 of their stores of bread; a priest named Secundus was 
 kicked to death, gasping out as he expired, " Let no one 
 bring my cause before the judges — the Lord is my avenger." 
 And now, as it would seem, a council of Arians at Antioch ' 
 put forth a creed to be signed by the bishops of Egypt, and 
 sent George, a Cappadocian, to occupy the throne of Alex- 
 andria. Hereupon Athanasi as wrote his "letter to the Egyp- 
 tian and Lybian bishops," warning them against this new 
 sample of Arian versatility, which professed to be a " Scrip- 
 tural" confession. He had some thoughts of going at once 
 to court, and began to draw up an "Apology" which be 
 might then address to Constantius, and in which he meant 
 to enter at length into the more recent charges brought 
 against him ; the tone of the paper shews that he wished to 
 preserve as long as he could the feelings of a loyal subject^, 
 but the events of this year changed them into indignant 
 abhorrence. 
 
 ' See Soz. it. 8 ; Tillem. vi. 394. 
 
 » Still, enough had happened to make eulogies on the Emperor's "piety 
 and benignity" (Apol. Const. 32, &c.) appear unreal. Athanasius, how- 
 ever, never again employed such language. His writings in 357 and 358 
 call Constantius an Arian persecutor. 
 
8o INTRUSION OF GEORGE. 
 
 As Gregory had arrived in tlie Lent of 341, so George 
 reached Alexandria in the Lent of 356. The Catholics re- 
 garded him with scorn as well as horror. He had cheated, 
 they said, as a pork-contractor * ; he had the reputation of 
 being a Pagan at heart ; and Athanasius declares that he 
 was "a great proficient in plundering and killing, but 
 wholly uninformed as to the Christian faith^." The man 
 had, however, some intellectual tastes, for he collected a 
 valuable library. As was usual with Arian intruders, he 
 came surrounded by a military force ; an imperial letter re- 
 commended liim to the Alexandrians as " the most venerable 
 George," and contrasted him with " the low-born impostor" 
 who had become a self-condemned fugitive, and whose flat- 
 terers might "perhaps" find mercy if they forsook at last 
 " the villain's" cause. George was attended by Aetius as 
 his deacon, and by Eunomius, afterwards the chief of the 
 Anoraaeans. His presence fanned the fire of persecution : 
 " after Easter- week ^ virgins were imprisoned," men thrust 
 by night out of their homes, widows and orphans plundered. 
 Of the bishops y who refused to recognise the usurper, six- 
 teen were banished, more than thirty were obliged to ilee 
 for their lives : on the whole, nearly ninety were in various 
 ways under persecution. Many of these prelates were 
 bowed down with age and illness ; one died on his enforced 
 journey ; some were set to work in the quarries. A few 
 were terrified into apostasy ^ ; we hear of a bishop, Theodorus 
 of Oxyrinchus, who consented t6 be re-ordained by Georges 
 The vacant sees were filled up by simony and other corrupt 
 means : the new bishops were " men who prepared the way 
 for Antichrist''." The Meletians, who took a purely secu- 
 
 ' Ath. Hist. Ari. 75. 
 
 " Ath. ad ep. ^g. 7. Theodoret, ii. 14, says he was more savage than 
 a wolf or a bear. 
 
 " Ath. Ap. de fugi, 6. r Ath. Apol. Const. 27 ; De fuga, 7. 
 
 ^ Some, says Athanasius, were *' constrained to dissemble." 
 
 ^ His people broke off from his communion, and wei-e for a time governed 
 by their clergy ; they afterwards procured a bishop iu Heraclides. 
 
 I' Ath. Hist. Ari. 79. 
 
EXILE OF S. HILARY. 8l 
 
 lar view of the Church, easily lent themselves to the domi- 
 Bant party; ApoUonius, one of their bishops, joined Theo- 
 dorus in persecuting the faithful "=. 
 
 During this Paschal time of 356, the Gallican Church was 
 brought under the yoke of Arianism. Hilary of Poitiers 
 had addressed a remonstrance* to Constantius after the 
 Council of Milan, and had refused to communicate with 
 Saturninus, Valeiis, and TJrsacius. Julian was now ruling 
 in Gaul. Before he went into Germany, which he did in 
 June 356, a council was held at Beziers " ; Hilary was not 
 allowed to read a statement against Arianism; the "false 
 apostles" carried matters their own way, and none stood by 
 him but Ehodanius of Toulouse ^. Both, by the influence of 
 Saturninus, were banished to Phrygia, and it was when 
 going into exile that Hilary first heard the Nicene Creed S; 
 his brethren in Gaul and Britain had held, he says, the faith 
 in its integrity without needing written formulas. But he 
 found that heresy had created such a need ; the greater 
 portion of the ten Asiatic provinces was "really ignorant 
 of God," i.e. overrun by pure Arianism. The church of 
 Toulouse was, meantime, the scene of outrages such as had 
 elsewhere marked an Arian triumph. Clergy were beaten 
 with clubs and pieces of lead, and profane hands were laid 
 on the Holy Sacrament ^, 
 
 We must return to Alexandria. It was the Sunday 
 after Pentecost when the faithful assembled for prayer in 
 a cemetery outside the city. George, indignant at their 
 avoidance of his communion, stirred up against them the 
 Duke Sebastian, a hard-hearted Manichean, who fell upon 
 them with more than three thousand soldiers, and endea- 
 
 <: Marcellinus and Faustinus, in Sirmond. Op. i. 252 seq. 
 
 li His " First Book to Constantius." ' Hil. c. Const. 2. 
 
 f Sulpioius says that he was sustained by Hilary's example and friend- 
 ship, e Hil. de Syn. 91, 63. 
 
 l Hil. 0. Const. 11, saya, " Holy persons will understand me when I say 
 that on Christ Mimself hands were laid." 
 
02 EGYPTIAN MONASTERIES. 
 
 voured to force them into conformity '. Virgins were held 
 close to a fire, and wounded in the face. Some of them, 
 with forty laymen, were scourged with thorny palm-twigs. 
 The torturers guashed their teeth as the victims called on 
 Christ. Some died in a few days, and a fragment of a 
 letter from Athanasius speaks of the Arians as sitting 
 round the tombs to prevent their burial ^. 
 
 One misery after another had been reported to Atha- 
 nasius; the persecution in the "West, the persecution of his 
 own flock by George, and now, at length, his own pro- 
 scription. Constantius had ordered a strict search to be 
 made for him, even to the southern limits of the empire; 
 and the princes of Axum were bidden to send Prumentius, 
 to be examined by George as to his appointment and his 
 conduct. Then Athanasius gave up the idea of going to 
 the Emperor. One shelter was still left him, among the 
 monastic cells, especially those which lay to the west of 
 Alexandria, — in Scete, near the Libyan frontier, and on 
 the mountain of Nitria, somewhat to the north of it. Antony 
 was gone, and Paehomius of the Thebaid, and Ammon of 
 Nitria; but Macarius the elder, who has left Homilies, and 
 Macarius of Alexandria were alive, and Pambo in the 
 " wilderness of cells," who " scarcely in nineteen years" 
 learned to practise the first verse of the 39th Psalm, and 
 Theodore, who now presided in Tabenne, remarkable for his 
 sweetness and sympathy ; and Stephen, a friend of Antony, 
 who while his limb was being cut off, continued his occu- 
 pation of weaving palm-leaves into a basket, and reminded 
 his brethren that " what God works must come to a good 
 endi." "We may think that the picture which Athana- 
 sius has given of Egyptian monasticism is more or less 
 ideal ; that many recluses, in all likelihood, fled from the 
 world through mistaking their vocation ; that the eremitic 
 
 ' Ath. Apol. de Fuga, 7 ; ad Const. 27 ; Hist. Ari. 72. 
 '' Theod. ii. 14. 1 Soz. vi. 29. 
 
KETREAT OF S. ATHANASIUS. 83 
 
 life ™ was manifoldly perilous, and the coenobitic was marred 
 by much that was unhealthy ". But neither can we doubt, 
 looking merely at the practical result of such lives on their 
 generation, that Antony's holiness was a blessing to Egypt, 
 and that communities which set themselves, in the face of a 
 corrupt society, to " care for the things of the Lord," and 
 to perpetuate in some sort the devotion of confessors, bore 
 a witness which was not thrown away. 
 
 It was, then, to these quiet sanctuaries, which were to 
 the eye of Athanasius as the "goodly tabernacles of Israel"," 
 that he now directed his "retreat," which he justified P by 
 the precept and example of Christ, and of the Saints of 
 Scripture. The five or six years which followed it are 
 comparatively a veiled period in his history 1. We know 
 that it had its days of calm, when he could compose de- 
 fences, epistles, and the great Orations against Arians, and 
 could join the monks in their Communions on Sunday and 
 Saturday, or the twelve psalms of their nocturn office, as 
 well as in the brief prayers " darted up" many times a-day » ; 
 when they could gather round him as their "father" and 
 arbitrator, and drink in his words as oracles, and marvel at 
 his union of contemplative with active sanctity. We knovv 
 that there were times when the soldiers employed to hunt 
 him down were so fierce in pursuit that he had to fly for his 
 life from one monastery to another, or lurk in stifling 
 
 » Many hermits approximated to the ooenobitio system by living in 
 groups of cells. 
 
 " See the case of Pier's vow, not to look upon any of his kindred, and 
 other stories in Soz. vi. 29. The three main elements of the old monastic 
 feeling were — 1. a desire of high spirituality ; 2. a wish to follow in the 
 steps of those who in other days gave up all for Christ ; 3. an intense per- 
 ception of the moral evils of a society which the Church had not had time 
 to soften or to cleanse. See S. Chrys. adv. 0pp. Vit. Mon. i. 7, (torn. i. 
 p. 55.) " Tit. Ant. 44. P Apol. de FugS,. See S. Aug. Ep. 228. 
 
 1 Some have thought that he found his way to Seleucia, if not to Arimi- 
 num, when councils met at those places ; but this is improbable. 
 
 ' The twelve psalms were a fixed number. The chanter stood in the 
 midst, the others sitting on low stools around. For their ejaoulatory 
 prayers, see Aug. Ep. 130. 
 
84 EETKEAT OF S. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 recesses 5 where a single attendant could with difficulty 
 visit him, where he had the pain of being severed from his 
 friends, and the worse pain of knowing that they had 
 suffered for giving him shelter. But we know that he, if 
 any man beside the great Apostle, knew how to be abased 
 as well as how to abound ; that in calm or in storm he was 
 caring for his Church, guarding the simple against Arian 
 craft, watching the progress of the controversy and the 
 trials of foreign confessors, thinking tenderly of other men's 
 weakness, keeping through all a patriarch's heart, and un- 
 dethroned in the hearts of his people. 
 
 « Compare the story of his being hid in a dry cistern (that he was there 
 for years is an incredible romance) with a description in his letter to Lucifer 
 (Ath. torn. ii. 770, ed. 1857.) " Etsi cum labore et periculo videre potui 
 fratrem qui solet...necossaria...destinare." He says that the soldiers "go 
 round the wilderuesjses, and put forth their murderous hands" against the 
 monks. He mentions his own grief at his not being able to see the bre- 
 thren, adding, " The Lord is my witness, that«ince the persecution began 
 I have not been able to see my parents, who aje alive." 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 From the Retreat of S.Athanasius to the Accession of Julian. 
 
 " Only in Athanasius there was nothing ohseryed throughout the course of that long 
 tragedy other than such as very well became a wise man to do and a righteous 
 to suffer." HooKEH, E. P. t. 42. 5. 
 
 SO violent a prelate as Macedonius of Constantinople was 
 not likely to refrain from persecuting in 356. Sup- 
 ported to some extent by an edict, he raged against Catho- 
 lics and Novatians alike, for both parties held the Nicene 
 Creed ^. Agelius, the Novatian bishop, iled ; banishments, 
 confiscations, branding with hot iron, horrible tortures, 
 forcible administration of Baptism and of the Holy Eucha- 
 rist, became the familiar weapons of an aggressive heresy. 
 Eleusius, bishop of Cyzicus, and Marathonius of Nicomedia, 
 seconded Macedonius. Martyrius, a deacon, and Marcian, 
 a reader, were put to death as being implicated in the 
 tumult whereby Hermogenes had been slain. Churches 
 were pulled down, and the Novatians, hearing that one of 
 their own was menaced, anticipated the agents of de- 
 struction, and carried away the materials to another site, 
 where the church was promptly rebuilt ; and when an armed 
 force was sent against the Novatians of Paphlagonia, it was 
 repelled by a multitude armed with sickles and hatchets. 
 In Constantinople, Macedonius resolved to remove the coffin 
 of Constantino from the church of the Apostles, which was 
 in a dangerous state. This excited the wrath of a large 
 body of the people, while others supported Macedonius ; a 
 desperate conflict ensued, and the precincts of the church 
 ran with blood. Constantius was naturally incensed against 
 the bishop, as the cause of so much violence and scandal. 
 
 " See Soo. ii. 27, 38. He derived his information from a sufferer, the 
 aged Novatian priest Auxano. See, too, Soz. iv. 20. 
 
86 FALL OF HOSItJS. 
 
 On the 28tli of April, 357, Conatantius visited Eome, and 
 found the general feeling strong against Pelix''. Some 
 ladies of rank, at the suggestion of their husbands, pe- 
 titioned him to recal Liberius. He consented (probably 
 on the understanding that Liberius should satisfy the pre- 
 lates of the court party) to restore him as joint-bishop with 
 Telix"; but when his edict was read in the circus, it pro- 
 duced a cry of scornful indignation, " One God, one Christ, 
 one Bishop !" 
 
 Towards the middle of this year a conference of some 
 Arian bishops was held at Sirmium. Potamius of Lisbon — 
 said to have sold his orthodoxy for an estate— produced a 
 grossly heretical creed*, which exhibited the real affinity of 
 the adherents of Acacius to that extreme Arianism which 
 they often found it prudent to disown. It condemned Ho- 
 moousion and Homoiousion, because they were not Scrip- 
 tural terms, and because the subject was out of man's 
 reach ; and while it called the Son God, and spoke of a 
 perfect Trinity, it asserted as indubitable the superior glory 
 of the Pather ". In other words, the Godhead was not one, 
 nor tlie glory equal, nor the majesty co-eternal. This is 
 what Hilary calls the "blasphemy" of Sirmium. It had 
 one most miserable success. Hosius had been kept a year 
 in durance, had been repeatedly and savagely beaten, had 
 been placed on the rack, had been made to suffer in his 
 family affections ^ until at last, after enduring what would 
 fix the brand of infamy on Constantius, if he had committed 
 no other outrage, the old man consented to subscribe this 
 creed. But whereas Vincent of Capua had given up Atha- 
 nasius and clung to the faith, Hosius in surrendering the 
 faith utterly refused to condemn Athanasius. After thus 
 
 >> Theod. ii. 17. ' Soz. iv. 11. He thinks Felix held the faith. 
 
 ■i Hil. de Syn. 11. For the Greek version, Ath. de Syn. 28 • Soo. ii. 30. 
 
 ^ The Latin says, "claritate, maj estate." The Greek version says 
 "Godhead." 
 
 f Ath. Apol. deFuga,5, speaks of the conspiracies formed against his kins- 
 folk. See also on his case Ath. Apol. c, Ar. 89 ; Hist. Ari. 45 • See. ii. 31. 
 
FALL OF HBEEIUS. 8/ 
 
 shewing that "the grey-haired saint may fail at last," 
 Hosius was permitted to return to Spain s. But he never 
 knew peace of mind; and with his last breath, two years 
 later, he retracted his enforced concession, and anathe- 
 matized the heresy. The " second creed of Sirmium" was 
 sent to Gaul, but expressly condemned by Galilean bishops, 
 and in particular by Phcebadius of Agen. 
 
 Liberius had spoken well in 355, but he over-estimated 
 his own strength. After two years of banishment his in- 
 tense longing for Eome threw him into a deep melancholy''. 
 His deacon Urbicus was taken away from him, a privation 
 which he felt bitterly. Demophilus, the bishop of Beroea, 
 where he was detained, and Fortunatian of Aquileia, who 
 himself had yielded at Milan, urged him not to sacrifice him- 
 self for a single man, so often condemned by synods ; and 
 thus he was led to renounce Athanasius, and to acquiesce 
 in some uncatholic formula. He wrote to the Orientals, 
 " I do not defend Athanasius, — I have been coovinced that 
 he was justly condemned ;" and added that he put Athana- 
 sius out of his communion, and accepted the catholic faith 
 of the Orientals, put forth by many bishops at Sirmium. 
 " This I have received ; this I follow; this I hold." Hilary, 
 who transcribes this letter', inserts some wrathful comments 
 of his own : " This is the perfidious Arian faith. (This is 
 ray remark, not the apostate's.) I say anathema to thee, 
 Liberius, and thy fellows : again, and a third time, anathe- 
 ma to thee, thou prevaricator Liberius !" There is a ques- 
 tion as to what creed Liberius did sign ; the second creed 
 of Sirmium, signed by Hosius, could hardly be called the 
 creed of the Orientals ; on the other hand, the first Sirmian 
 
 e The Luciferians, Maroellinus and Faustinus, have an incredible story of 
 his persecuting Gregory, bishop of Eliberis, who stood firmly by his creed. 
 He sat, they say, as judge, ''immo super judicem,'* i.e. above the ''Vicar" 
 Clementius. Gregory, it is added, appealed to the judgment of Christ ; 
 Hosius tried to speak, but fell convulsed and distorted from his high throne, 
 and was carried out as dead. Sirmond. i. 238. 
 
 t Ath. ApoL c. Ar. 89 ; Hist. Ari. 41. ' Hil. Fragm. 6. 6. 
 
88 S. BASIL IN PONTUS. 
 
 could tardly be thought so abominable'' bj Hilary. Ac- 
 cording to Sozomeu, (who, however, places the event some- 
 what later,) it was a digest from the old Antiochene creed 
 against Paul of Samosata, the Dedication Creed, and the 
 lirst Sirmian. In this case, Liberius accepted Semi-Arian- 
 ism ; in any case, he abandoned the Nicene Creed. He 
 wrote an abject letter^ to Valens and his associates, asking 
 their good offices witli the Court for his immediate restora- 
 tion ; and to Vincent, whose fall he had once deplored, he 
 sent an intimation that he had given up "that contest 
 about the name of Athanasius," begging that the Cam- 
 panian bishops might be informed, and that supplication 
 might be made to the Emperor for his deliverance from 
 his " great afiliction." The letter concludes, " If you have 
 wished me to die in exile, God wUl judge between me and 
 you." Thus, in the latter part of 357, the Eoman see lost 
 its purity of faith. 
 
 This year, so memorable in Western history, was marked 
 by the formation of a monastic system in Pontus under 
 the superintendence of Basil. He had been, together with 
 his friend Gregory, son of Gregory bishop of Nazianzum, 
 a fellow- student of Julian at Athens in 355. He had after- 
 wards visited the monks of Egypt, and those who in Pales- 
 tine had embraced the monastic life under the guidance of 
 the celebrated Hilarion. In Asia Minor Basil found that 
 Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste, had disciples living by ascetic 
 rules, and after attaching himself to them for a season, 
 retired with some companions to a beautiful spot in the 
 mountain-country of Pontus™. " Quiet," said he, "is the 
 first step to sanctification:" and here he settled his com-. 
 
 ** Baronius thinks these expressions spurious, the invention of some 
 pseudo-Hilary. 
 
 ' To this letter Hilary appends, " I say anathema to the prevaricator 
 along with the Arians." 
 
 ■" His description of the woody mountain, the rapid river and the se- 
 cluded level ground surrounded by glens, exhibits a strong sense of natural 
 beauty. Ep, 19. 
 
S. BASIL IN PONTUS. 89 
 
 munity, forming by degrees a rule for coenobitic labours ' 
 and devotions, which became a pattern for all subsequent 
 monasticism in the East. They met for prayer, not only, 
 according to the ancient Christian usage, in the night, before 
 dawn, and at dawn, and in the evening, but at the third, 
 sixth, and ninth hours, and at the beginning of night °. We 
 cannot doubt that they used at Evensong that noble hymn 
 which was already old in their time, and which must have 
 had a special significance in an age when Christ's true God- 
 head was called in question" : — 
 
 " Light of gladness. Beam divine 
 From the glory's inmost shrine, 
 Where in Heaven's immortal rest 
 Keigns Thy Father everblest ; — 
 
 " Jesus Christ, our hymn receive ; 
 Sunset brings the lights of eve ; 
 Day is past, and night begun ; 
 Praise we Father, Spirit, Sou. 
 
 " Night and day for Thee is meet 
 Holy voices' anthem sweet. 
 Ringing through the world abroad, — 
 Hail, life-giving Son of God !" 
 
 At the end of 357 or the beginning of 358 an import- 
 ant change took place at Jerusalem. For two years Cyril 
 had been at strife with Acacius. He maintained for Je- 
 rusalem, as the mother-church, possessing an "Apostolic 
 throne," and marked out for honour by the Nicene Coun- 
 cil P, an independence of CsBsarea which Acacius would not 
 grant ; and he was also obnoxious to Acacius on theological 
 grounds, as holding the orthodox doctrine in fact, if not in 
 the fulness of Nicene terminology. Acacius now summoned 
 a small council of bishops of his own party, which Cyril 
 
 " They did not obaeiTe Prime, which was introduced afterwards at Beth- 
 lehem. They said Psalm 91 at the last office, which was the original form 
 of the Western Compline. 
 
 " It is still the Vesper-hymn of the East. S. Basil quotes part of it, 
 intimating that it had long been used by Christians, and that no one 
 knew its author. r See Appendix. 
 
90 S. CYRIL DEPOSED 
 
 declined to attend. This was regarded as contumacy ; and 
 he was gravely accused of having committed an offence in 
 selling some of the church ornaments to provide food for 
 the famine-strichen poori. He was condemned and ex- 
 pelled from Jerusalem. He appealed, with more formality, 
 as it appears, than had been usual in such cases, to "a 
 higher court ;" proceeded to Antioch, where he found that 
 Leontius was dead, and no one had been appointed his suc- 
 cessor; and ultimately found a welcome at Tarsus, where 
 Silvanus the bishop, one of the best of the Semi-Arians, 
 received him in disregard of remonstrances from Acacius. 
 This circumstance brought Cyril for the next few years into 
 connection with the Semi-Arian party; and he illustrates 
 the fact that it contained men of whom Athanasius could 
 say, in his noble readiness to discern substantial unity 
 under verbal difference, " We do not treat as enemies those 
 who accept everything else that was defined at Nicsea, and 
 scruple only about the Homoousion : for we do not attack 
 them as raging Arians, nor as men who fight against the 
 Fathers, but we discuss the matter with them as Irothers 
 with Irothers who mean what toe mean, and differ only 
 about the word''.'" 
 
 The vacant throne of Antioch was filled by Eudoxius, the 
 intriguing and thoroughly irreligious bishop of Germanieia. 
 He gained this promotion by fraud, and the aid of court 
 
 1 Sozomen, iv. 25, says that ho sold church treasures and sacred veils. 
 Theodoret, ii. 27, mentions a robe of cloth of gold presented by Constantine 
 to be worn by the bishop when baptizing. Such an accusation does Cyril 
 honour, and ranks him with other illustrious prelates, Ambrose, Augxistine, 
 Exuperius, Acacius of Amida, Deogratias of Carthage, Gregory the Great, 
 Ethelwold of Winchester, who all in Uke manner sanctioned the principle 
 that *' the law of love is the highest law of all" (Trench on the Miracles, 
 p. 313.) Observe in this case, as in that of the undedicated church, the 
 alliance of a narrow formahsm, not with orthodoxy, but with heresy. 
 
 ' Ath. de Syn. 41. But he did not abandon the Nicene term in deference 
 to their scruples. Ho simply pronounced a charitable judgment on men 
 who had not as yet shaken off their prejudices. Time, he thought, should 
 be allowed for a process which would one day end in their full conformity ; 
 for, as he says in the same context, since they confess so much already, 
 *' they are not far from accepting the Homoousion too^ 
 
COUNCIL OF ANCTRA. gi 
 
 eunuchs ; he openlj patronized Aetius, whose views he had 
 imbibed ; he circulated an exaggerated account of Liberius' 
 concessions, and held a synod which condemned the Homoi- 
 ousion, exhibiting herein a readiness on the part of Aca- 
 cius to fraternize with Anomoeans as against Semi-Arians. 
 forthwith George of Laodicea sent a letter to Basil of An- 
 cyra and Macedonius, to the effect that unless Aetius could 
 be expelled, all was lost at Antioch. The letter found Basil, 
 with others of his party, dedicating a church at Ancyra, on 
 the 12th of April, 358. They had already heard, through 
 Hilary, of the stedfastness of the Galliean and British 
 Churches as against the Sirmian "blasphemy," and they 
 now held a Council which adopted twelve anathemas in op- 
 position to it, and asserted that the Son was like unto the 
 Father not merely in power, but, " which is the chief point 
 of our faith," in essence also. This Semi-Arian manifesto 
 treated the Homoousion as implying Sabellianism, but in- 
 sisted on the Homoiousion as indispensable to the real Son- 
 ship, and condemned the Homoion as eiFaciog the distinc- 
 tion between "Son" and "creature." It referred to the 
 Dedication Council, to that of Philippopolis under the name 
 of the " Council of Sardica," and to the first Council of Sir- 
 mium. Three bishops, Basil, Eustathius, and Eleusius, with 
 a priest, Leontius, were sent to the Emperor, who had just 
 given to a messenger from Antioch a letter in favour of 
 Aetius. Convinced by the deputies from Ancyra, who can- 
 celled the anathema against the Homoousion, Constantius 
 withdrew his letter, and wrote another which denounced 
 Eudoxius and Aetius. The latter, with Eunomius, recently 
 ordained a deacon, was banished into Phrygia, Eudoxius 
 retired to Armenia, and others of the party' were sufferers 
 by this Semi-Arian triumph. An QJcumenical Council was 
 resolved upon ; at first Nicsea was fixed on as the place, but 
 its associations were not agreeable, and Nicomedia was 
 thought of instead. But on the 24th of August — about 
 
 » For instance, Theophilus the Indian was exiled to Pontas. 
 
92 
 
 three weeks after Liberius had entered Eome, and Felix 
 had been driven out of it— an earthquake laid the city in 
 ruina, and killed two bishops in its church. Consultations 
 were then held as to the best place : and just then some 
 change of mind induced Constantius to receive the leading 
 Acacians into a share of his counsels. They devised the 
 mischievous plan of breaking the single Council into two, 
 in the hope of being able thereby to " divide and govern." 
 Eusebius the Chamberlain advocated the change; "the 
 bishops of the East and West might go respectively to an 
 Eastern and to a "Western Council ; their journeys would 
 be shorter, and the public expense would be so much less." 
 Constantius agreed, and Ancyra and Ariminum were named 
 as the two places. 
 
 While things were in this state, Hilary complied with the 
 Galileans' desire by giving them an account of the "East- 
 erns' faith." The multifarious creeds which had issued from 
 Asia perplexed the simple-minded Galileans. Hilary, in 
 writing this treatise, aimed at bringing about an under- 
 standing between the Galileans and the Semi-Arians. It 
 was highly important at this crisis to keep the Westerns 
 from taking such a line as would exasperate the Semi- 
 Arians of the East, when they seemed to be tending to- 
 wards orthodoxy. It was equally important to assist that 
 tendency by direct endeavours to dispel their prejudice 
 against the Nicene formula. Hilary undertook this double 
 task, by putting the best sense * which he could upon the 
 Eastern formulas, and by exhorting the Semi-Arians to ac- 
 cept the Homoousion in its true sense, apart from all per- 
 versions", as the complement to their own Homoiousion, 
 and as the only formida which could do justice to the 
 
 ' As Tillemont says, viii. 445, " il excuse tout ce qui se peut exouser . . . 
 mais il ne trouvait pas que leurs expressions, quoique bonnes, fussent suffi- 
 santes." 
 
 " He mentions three such perversions: — 1. That Homoousion involves 
 Sabellianism ; 2. That it involves a division of the Divine essence ; 3. That 
 it presupposes a substance prior to that of the Father and of the Son. 
 De Syn. 68. 
 
THE DATED CREED. 
 
 93 
 
 belief in a true Son, begotten of the Tatter's very essence. 
 •* Such was my own preTious belief, in wbicb the Honioousion 
 greatly confirmed me . . . Bear with me, brethren, if I say, 
 you are not Arians ; why rank yourselves with Arians by 
 denying the Homoousion'^?" 
 
 The treatise De Synodis was written at the end of 358. 
 Ancyra was not thought a suitable place, and there was 
 again an uncertainty, which led Basil to see the Emperor at 
 Sirmium in May 359 . There he met y Valens, George of 
 Alexandria, and Mark of Arethusa, Grerminius of Sirmium, 
 and another bishop. They agreed that the Eastern Council 
 should be at Seleucia in Isauria. But they also agreed, after 
 a long discussion, which lasted till night, — the night of 
 Whitsun-eve, — to adopt a formula of doctrine drawn up 
 in Latin by Mark of Arethusa, who had carried the fourth 
 Eusebian creed to Constans in 342. He himself was a 
 Semi-Arian ; but this third Sirmian creed, otherwise called 
 the Dated Creed ^, because its heading recited the consuls of 
 the year and the day of the month, — the eleventh of the 
 calends of June, or May 22, — was, in fact, Acacian. It 
 abandoned the word 'essence' as perplexing and unscriptural, 
 and confessed the Son to be "in all things like to the 
 Pather, according to the Scriptures." It gratified the Semi- 
 Arians by its lofty language as to the Divine Sonship " ; but 
 Basil evidently felt that he was inconsistent in accepting it 
 at all, and added a note to his own subscription to the ef- 
 fect that he understood "in all things" to mean, "in sub- 
 sistence, existence, and being." The ultra-Arian Valens, 
 when copying it out, was dishonest enough to omit "in all 
 things :" but Constantius compelled him to insert the words, 
 and he was then despatched with it to Ariminum. 
 
 » De Syn. 88. J" See Hil., Fragm. i5: 
 
 2 Ath. de Syu. 8 ; Soc. ii. 37. The circumstance of the date was perhaps 
 
 too much insisted on by Cathohc sarcasm. 
 
 » "Begotten before all ages, before all origin, before all conceivable time, 
 
 before all comprehensible essence, — the only one from the only Father, 
 
 God from God." 
 
OA COUNCIL OF ARIMINUM. 
 
 There the 'Westem Council met, consisting of more than 
 400 bishops ^ including some from Britain <=. About eighty 
 were Arians, for the most part of the advanced school. 
 Liberius was not present, nor did he send any legates. 
 Taurus, a prsetorian prefect, was charged to prevent the 
 bishops from dispersing until they were agreed as to the 
 faith. Constantius' letter forbade this Council to make any 
 decree respecting the Easterns. They were to settle the 
 question of doctrine, and send ten deputies to the court. 
 
 When the discussion began, Valens and TJrsacius, sup- 
 ported by Auxentius and others, attempted to cut it short *. 
 " Our business is simple ; we are not assembled to enter on 
 these subtleties, which will only breed discord, but to esta- 
 blish unity on the basis of a simple creed. Here is such a 
 creed, expressed in clear and Scriptural language ; the Em- 
 peror approves it — ^let the CouucU adopt it." They read 
 the Dated Creed, whereupon many answered, " We did not 
 come here because we wanted a creed. We tave the Ni- 
 cene Creed, and want no other. If you are of the same 
 mind with us, say anathema to Arianism ; or, if you will 
 not «, let us read the various formularies which have been 
 issued, and measure them by the Nieene. The matter is 
 indeed simple ; we are not learning our faith, but have only 
 to hold fast the faith of our fathers." 
 
 Valens and his adherents of course refused to adopt the 
 Nicene standard. The Council proceeded to depose them 
 as heretics of long standing who attempted! to annul the 
 only true Creed. " Let these enemies be condemned, that 
 the Catholic faith may abide in peace." A " definition" 
 was framed, adhering to the Nicene Creed, and declaring 
 that "substance, name and thing" must be firmly retained, 
 as established by many Scriptures. They pronounced eleven 
 
 i> Ath. de Syn. 8. 
 
 " Sulp, Sev. ii. 67. He says that three of the British bishops were too 
 poor to dispense with the State provision for their support. He thinks 
 that this does them credit. 
 
 ■" Soz. iv. 17. e Ath. ad Afr. 3. 
 
DEPUTATIONS TO CONSTANTIUS. 
 
 95 
 
 anathemas against the Arian, Sabellian, Photinian, and other 
 heresies : and in a letter to Constantius they narrated what 
 they had done, and explained their principle of loyalty to 
 Nicseaf. They begged him to allow no innovation, no in- 
 jury to the ancient faith, observing that Arian novelties 
 were a stumbling-block to the heathen, as well as a distress 
 to the faithful. And they entreated permission to return 
 to their respective churches. " Many of the bishops are 
 worn out with age and poverty ; suffer us in quietness to 
 offer up our prayers for your good estate and for your 
 empire, and that God may reward you with deep and last- 
 ing peace." 
 
 The Catholic deputies to Constantius were ten in number, 
 young mens, deficient in knowledge and judgment; the 
 Arians were " wary and practised veterans," who found it 
 easy to poison the Emperor's mind. Indignant at the 
 rejection of a creed framed in his own presence, he treated 
 the Council's deputies with coldness, and after a long delay 
 informed them that until the Persian campaign was over he 
 could not give his mind to their business ; they must there- 
 fore await his return at Hadrianople. This resolution he 
 announced to the Council, and received in reply'' an as- 
 surance that the bishops would adhere to their decision, 
 and an entreaty that they might be sent home before the 
 winter. 
 
 So ended the first scene of the proceedings at Ariminum. 
 The Easterns met at Seleucia on Sept. 27. The number of 
 bishops was about 160; of these the great majority, 105, 
 were Semi-Arians, headed by George of Laodicea, Eleusius, 
 and Sophronius. Of the rest, some were shifty Homoeans 
 led by Acacius ; a few were thorough-going Anomceans ' ; 
 another small party, consisting of the Egyptians, George 
 the usurper of course excluded, were loyal to the Nicene 
 faith. Hilary, summoned as a bishop dwelling in Asia, 
 
 ' Ath. de Syn. 10 ; Soz. iv. 18. 8 Sulp. Sev. ii. 67 ; see Hooker, v. 42. 5. 
 k Soc. ii. 37. ' Hil. o. Const. 12. 
 
9 6 COUNCIL OF SELEUCIA. 
 
 was admitted to a seat in the Council, after declaring that 
 his Church held that faith''; and he has left us some par- 
 ticulars of the proceedings. 
 
 Leonas, an officer of the household, was charged to at- 
 tend throughout all the discussions; and after some dis- 
 pute as to whether doctrine, or cases of complaint against 
 individual bishops, e. g. Cyril and Eustathius, should be 
 first considered, the precedence was given to doctrine. The 
 majority were in favour of the Nicene Creed, omitting 
 the Homoousion as obscure and liable to suspicion ; or, at 
 any rate, of the Dedication Creed of 341'. The Acacians 
 were for the Dated Creed ; and their bolder Anomoean com- 
 panions, as Eudoxius, uttered hideous profanities, which 
 raised a great excitement. At last the Acacians withdrew, 
 and the Dedication Creed was read in their absence. Next 
 day the majority, within closed doors, adopted the Dedi- 
 cation Creed. The Acacians protested against this step ; 
 and when Basil and Macedonius arrived, they further pro- 
 tested that until those whom they had accused or con- 
 demned were excluded, they could not enter the Council. 
 Their demand was granted, in order to leave them no ex- 
 cuse ; and on the third day the Council again assembled. 
 
 Leonas then said, " I have a paper here, given me by 
 Acacius ; I will read it to the Council." It turned out to 
 be a Homoean creed, avowedly of the same type as the Dated 
 Creed ™ ; it rejected both Homoousion and Homoiousion, " as 
 foreign to the Scriptures;" but it formally anathematized the 
 Anomoion, indicating thereby that Acaciiis was ready to 
 throw over his more audacious friends. Hilary told an Aca- 
 cian "who came to tempt him," that he could not understand 
 the position thus taken up. He was answered that Christ 
 might be called like to the Father as being the Son of His 
 will, not the Son of His Godhead, a distinction which 
 came strangely from the party whose watchword had been 
 simplicity of doctrine. Sophronius, a Semi-Arian, said, 
 
 ^ Sulp. Sey. ii. 68. ' Soc. ii. 39. » Ath. de Syn. 29; Soo. ii. 40. 
 
CONFEKENCE AT NICE. 
 
 97 
 
 after tbe reading of the new formula, " "We shall never 
 understand the truth, if to be constantly putting forth our 
 private opinions be called an exposition of the faith." 
 
 On the fourth day Eleusius took high ground in behalf 
 of the Dedication Creed as the true faith of the Fathers; 
 Acacius urged that many creeds had been made since the 
 Nicene. At length, after Acacius had been asked how the 
 Son could be " altogether like," yet not "like in essence," and 
 the disputes appeared endless, Leonas dissolved the Council. 
 Next day he would not attend ; nor would the Acacians, 
 although summoned to appear at the enquiry into Cyril's 
 case. The majority pronounced them contumacious. Aca- 
 cius, Eudoxius, George, and sis other bishops were de- 
 posed ; nine other persons were excommunicated ; and de- 
 puties were sent to Constantius, who were outstripped by 
 the Acacians. Thus ended the Council of Seleucia. 
 
 Before any persons from Seleucia reached the Emperor, 
 a conference had been held at Nice " in Thrace, on Oct. 10, 
 between the Catholic and Arian delegates from Ariminum. 
 Constantius overawed the former. Eestitutus, bishop of 
 Carthage, their spokesman, was made to admit that Valens 
 and Ursacius had never been heretics, and that the pro- 
 ceedings at Ariminum were null and void. They also signed 
 a new edition of the Dated Creed, worse in two respects : 
 1. it omitted "in all things;" 2. it proscribed the word 
 Substance (hypostasis) as well as Essence. And with this 
 formula, which the Acacians hoped " — incredible as it seems 
 — to pass off as a " Nicene" creed, the delegates returned to 
 Ariminum. Constantius wrote to the Council, proscribing 
 the words Essence and Homoousion, and commanded Taurus 
 to detain the bishops until the number of those who would 
 not sign the formula should be reduced to fifteen, who were 
 then to be sent into exile. 
 
 The Arians at Ariminum wrote to the Easterns, i. e. the 
 Acacians, signifying their agreement with them in faith. 
 
 » HU. Fragm. 8. " Soz. it. 19 ; Soo. ii. 37. 
 
98 COUNCIL OF ARIMINUM YIELDS. 
 
 They also wrote to the Emperor p, expressing their joy at 
 his prohibition of "that unscriptural name, unworthy of 
 God, which the others were wont to apply to G-od and 
 His Son." They begged that he would not detain them 
 along with the rest, seeing that they had " subscribed the 
 sound doctrine, and worshipped none but God the Pather 
 through Jesus Christ." The majority of the Council at 
 first held aloof from Restitutus and his fellows, although 
 the latter protested that they had acted under constraint. 
 But after a time the bishops' patience gave way. They 
 shrank from a winter on the shore of the Hadriatic ; they 
 were utterly weary of so long a sojourn at Ariminum, and 
 this weariness disposed them to listen to any argument 
 which might justify concession. They were told, most 
 falsely, that the Council of Seleucia had accepted the Dated 
 Creed. " Will you rend the West from the East ?" Again, 
 " Why will you stand out for a word ? Is it Christ you 
 worship, or is it this word Homoousion ? ?" 
 
 The resolution of the majority, thus undermined, broke 
 down with a crash. Bishop after bishop signed the imperial 
 creed, on the ground that the substantial doctrine of Nicsea 
 could not depend on the word Homoousion ; but about 
 twenty still held out, headed by two Gallicans, Phcebadius 
 and Servatius. Taurus tried both menaces and tears, urging 
 them and imploring them to imitate, and thereby release, 
 their brethren. Phcebadius answered, "Any suffering rather 
 than an Arian creed." Valens, after some days had been 
 thus spent, openly declared, as if referring to rumours about 
 a treacherous purpose, that he was no Arian ; he abhorred 
 the Arian blasphemies. "If," he added, "you think the 
 creed inadequate, you may affix to it what explanations you 
 will"-." They caught eagerly at the notion; and on a fol- 
 lowing day Muzonius, an aged African bishop ^ proposed 
 
 P Hil. Fragm. 9. 1 Soz. iv. 19 ; Aug. Op. Imp. i. 76 : Euff. i. 21. 
 
 ' Sulp. il. 69. 
 
 ■ See Jerome, ady. Lucifer. 18. He quotes the records in the " church 
 chests." 
 
COUNCIL OF ARIMINTJM YIELDS. gg 
 
 that the opinions popularly ascribed to Valens and his 
 friends should be read out, and condemned by the Council. 
 " Be it so," answered all the bishops. Claudius, an Italian 
 bishop, was appointed to read them : Valens broke in, 
 loudly disclaiming them, and repeating anathemas which 
 the Council gladly echoed. " Anathema to him who denies 
 the Son to be begotten before the ages; to be like the 
 Eather according to the Scriptures ; to be co-eternal with the 
 Pather. If any one calls the Son a creature as the other 
 creatures are ; if any one says that He is from things non- 
 existent, and not from God the Father; if any one says. 
 There was a time when He was not ; let him be anathema." 
 The bishops and spectators clapped their hands and stamped 
 with joy. Claudius added, " My lord and brother has for- 
 gotten one thing; in order to make everything clear, let us 
 condemn this other statement : if any one says that the 
 Son was before all ages, but not altogether before all time, 
 implying that something was prior to Him; let him be 
 anathema." Again the church rang with " Let him be 
 anathema." Other propositions were condemned : no one 
 now stood higher than Valens in point of orthodox reputa- 
 tion; all agreed in adopting the formula of Nice in the 
 sense of these anathemas, and Valens, Ursacius, and others 
 of their party were sent with the news of this agreement 
 to the Emperor. 
 
 The Council of Arimiaum had thus, in the words of Sulpi- 
 cius, " a good beginning and a foul conclusion." It was not 
 until after this conclusion that all its "foulness" became 
 apparent. There was indeed, prima facie, a culpable sur- 
 render of the Nicene Creed ; but the bishops thought they 
 had kept its spirit by means of the anti-Arian statements 
 which they had procured from Valens. And doubtless two 
 or three of these statements were unequivocally anti-Arian. 
 and could only be got rid of by the most absurd sophistry, 
 But the inexperienced Westerns did not see that others 
 were ambiguous, and that the fourth really implied Arian- 
 ism. Arius himself had plainly said, in writing to S. Alex- 
 
lOO TRIUMPH OF ACACIANISM. 
 
 ander, that the Son was " God's perfect creature, but not 
 as one of the creatures*." Yalens put this statement into 
 a disguise, and the bishops accepted it as meaning that He 
 was not a creature. They saw not what was implied in his 
 phrase, " as the other creatures," i. e. that of all God's crea- 
 tures He was the most excellent. By such miserable means, 
 terror and detention on the one side, and shameless equivo- 
 cation on the other, did Homoean Arianism, working through 
 an ultra-Arian instrument, win its scandalous victory in the 
 close of 359. If the event gave a severe shock to the moral 
 authority of synods, — if it shewed that a great Council 
 might do what the Church was called upon to repudiate, — 
 it also exposed the untruthfulness which characterized the 
 Arian policy ". 
 
 "We must now change the scene to Constantinople. Soon 
 after the Conference at Nice in October, the Acacians ar- 
 rived from Seleucia'', and prejudiced Constantius against the 
 majority of that Council. When the deputies of the Council 
 came, and denounced Eudoxius as the author of an Anomoean 
 paper which they shewed to Constantius ?, Eudoxius attri- 
 buted the paper to Aetius. He was summoned, and avowed 
 that it was his. Constantius ordered him to be exiled, but 
 did not then carry out the sentence. Eustathius proceeded. 
 " Eudoxius agrees with Aetius. If he does not, let him con- 
 demn this paper." Eudoxius, as cowardly as he was profane, 
 shrank from the Emperor's roused anger, and condemned 
 the Anomoion, with other Arian terras^. Constantius re-, 
 solved to examine Aetius, who was then brought before him 
 and successfully encountered by Basil and Eustathius ; the 
 great Basil being in attendance on his namesake. 
 
 ' Ath. de Syn. 16. 
 
 » Ruffinus says, i. 21, " E3, tempestate facies ecolesi^ foeda et admodum 
 turpis. . . . Ara nusquam, nee immolatio, neo libamina ; prxvaricatio tunc 
 et lapsus erat, ac ruina multorum." 
 
 » Soz. It. 23. 
 
 7 Theod. ii 27. This document perverted 1 Cor. viii. 6. 
 
 ' Theodoret says that Silvanus operdy avowed the Homoousion, as im- 
 plied in the uncreatedness of the Word. 
 
COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 101 
 
 The Ariminian deputies now arrived, and the Seleuciana 
 in vain endeavoured to prevent them from joining Acaciua 
 and Eudoxius"; urging that although Aetius individually 
 had been condemned, it was necessary to condemn his doc- 
 trine. The Ariminian s at once took the side of the Aca- 
 cians, and explained that their fourth anathema did in fact 
 include Christ among the creatures. Other statements of 
 theirs they explained away, e. g. " when we called the Son 
 eternal, we meant in regard to future existence." " With 
 all our hearts," said the Acacians, " do we accept the Ari- 
 minian creed ;" and Constantius, after carrying on the de- 
 bate through the last day and night of the year, obliged 
 the Seleucians also to accept it. 
 
 A Council was now held (Jan. 360) at Constantinople. 
 Some fifty bishops were present. One of them was a very 
 eminent man, TJlphilas, successor of that Theophilus, bishop 
 of the Goths, who had sat in the Nicene Council. 
 
 Acacius ruled the assembly. The Creed of Ariminum was 
 adopted ; but it is probable that TJlphilas and others signed 
 it in simplicity, without any Arian meaning. Aetius was 
 made a scape-goat by the Acacians, and deposed from the 
 diaconate. Some few bishops declined to condemn Aetius, 
 and were excommunicated unless in six months they should 
 repent*. Having taken this line against Aetius, the Coun- 
 cil deposed the leading Semi-Arians, but not on doctrinal 
 grounds. Basil of Ancyra was called a hinderer of tran- 
 quillity, and accused of violent acts and neglect of all 
 Church discipline. Eustathius had been already censured 
 by his own father, the bishop of Cappadocian CsBsarea, and 
 by a local Council. Macedonius had caused much blood- 
 shed, and been lax in discipline. Cyril, Silvanus, Eleusius, 
 and others, were similarly deposed. Banishment followed 
 on deposition. 
 
 During the sittings of the Council, Hilary, who had fol- 
 lowed the Seleucians to Constantinople, presented an ad- 
 
 " Hil. Fragm. 10. 
 
 b Theod. ii. 28. Letter of the Council to George of Alexandria. 
 
102 ETIDOXIUS AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 dress, still extant, to Constantius ■=. He was apprehensive, 
 he said, for the Emperor's salvation. Error was putting an 
 unnatural sense on sacred words : the very names of Father, 
 Son, and Spirit were being robbed of their true meaning. 
 " There are as many faiths as fancies." In this confusion 
 of jarring formulas, Homoiousion and Homoion were in turn 
 asserted; nothing was sacred or inviolable: "We settle a 
 creed a year, or a creed a month, we repent of what we 
 have settled, defend those who repent, anathematize those 
 whom we have defended;" "There is not a heretic who 
 does not pretend that his teaching is Scriptural." Hilary 
 requested leave to discuss the faith before the Emperor and 
 Council, and concluded by referring to texts of Scripture. 
 His request was refused ; he vented his intense indignation 
 against Constantius, as a " precursor of Antichrist," in a 
 vehement invective which as yet he did not publish, and he 
 was ultimately sent back to Gaul as a disturber of peace, 
 without any remission of the sentence of esile. 
 
 The unreality of the Council's censure on Anomoeanism, in 
 the person of Aetius, was shewn by the enthronement of 
 Eudoxius at Constantinople on Jan. 27. On Feb. 15 he 
 dedicated the restored church of the Eternal Wisdom, for 
 the service of which Constantius offered splendid vessels, 
 curtains, altar-cloths, blazing with gold and jewels. In the 
 midst of the ceremonial, Eudoxius began his sermon with 
 these words ; " The Father is irreligious, the Son religious." 
 A commotion followed ; the Bishop bade the people to calm 
 themselves. "Surely the Father worships none, and the 
 Son worships the Father !" A burst of laughter followed 
 this speech, which became a good jest in the society of the 
 capital. Eudoxius was well fitted to hand on the old tradi- 
 tion of Arian profanity. 
 
 In one case, however, he exhibited more reserve. Euno- 
 mius, the disciple of Aetius, was a voluble Anomoean dis- 
 putant, a rationalist in principle, and very ignorant, says 
 
 ' HU. ad C. ii. 
 
MACEDONIANISM. lOQ 
 
 Socrates*, both of the letter and the spirit of Scripture. 
 Eudoxius appointed him bishop of Cyzicus, advising that for 
 the present he should conceal his Anomoeanism. But >= an 
 artifice on the part of some of his people drew from the 
 bishop such unequivocal expressions of that heresy, that he 
 was at once denounced before the Emperor, and Eudoxius 
 was obliged to depose his friend ; who, finding himself sacri- 
 ficed, like Aetius, to the worldly policy of a man who shared 
 his views, proceeded to form a separate sect, and became the 
 consolidator of extreme Arianism. 
 
 The Semi-Arian bishops revoked their adhesion to the 
 Ariminian creed, and wrote to all the Churches against Eu- 
 doxius and his party. Macedonius is said to have at this 
 time brought forward his peculiar heresy regarding the Holy 
 Spirit, whom he spoke of as the proper Arians had spoken 
 of the Son. The Son was God, like in essence to the Eather : 
 the Spirit was but the minister of the Son. Athanasius, 
 while in the desert, heard that such a theory was forming, 
 and wrote against it to Serapion of Thmuis. 
 
 The Ariminian creed was enforced alike in East and "West, 
 and caused inconceivable perplexity and sufiering. When 
 S. Jerome says ', " The whole world groaned, and marvelled 
 to find itself Arian," he expresses the indignation with 
 which the Western Church heard of the successful trickery 
 of Valens. Liberius and Vincent refused to admit the new 
 creed, and this firmness went far to eflface the stain of 
 former lapses. Gregory of Elvira was commended by Eu- 
 sebius for refusing to communicate with " hypocrites." 
 Lucifer wrote against Constantius in a style of rude and 
 verbose invective, and sent his tracts both to the Emperor 
 and to Athanasius. The latter, who had written his work 
 on the Councils of Seleucia and Ariminum before he heard 
 of their fatal result, acknowledged Lucifer's tracts in a 
 letter full of sympathy ; but at the same time, in a spirit 
 unlike Lucifer's, expressed a compassionate hope for the 
 
 ■> Soc. iv. 7. • Theod. ii. 29. ' Adv. Luoif. 7. 
 
104 HILARY IN GAUL. 
 
 restoration of those who had yielded through "temporal 
 fear." There were multitudes in the East to whom these 
 words might apply, who had temporized or had been 
 scared into conformity to the Ariminian creed, beside 
 those who, like the old Bishop of Nazianzum, had accepted 
 t because it was " Scriptural in language ?. " Of the 
 Ariminian bishops themselves, some, in despair, adhered 
 to the Arian communion ; others, bewailing their own 
 weakness, communicated with no bishops whatever ; others 
 wrote to the exiled Catholic bishops, professing the true 
 faith, and imploring their communion ; a few " defended 
 their mistake as if it were a deliberate action '"." Hilary 
 exerted himself in Gaul to undo, as far as he could, the 
 work of Ariminum ; councils were held, at which the 
 bishops who had yielded might recover their ground by 
 condemning the heresy. At the Council of Paris, the pre- 
 lates, replying to the Seleucians, declared that they had 
 been deceived as to the mind of the Easterns; that they 
 now accepted the Homoousion in its true sense ; that they 
 condemned Valens and his party ; that Saturninus, who 
 withstood all movements against Arianism, was excluded 
 from their communion. 
 
 We iind Hilary now rejoined by one who had been his 
 disciple before his exile, and was destined to be the next 
 great Galilean saint. This was the famous Martin. Born 
 in Pannonia about 316, he had served in the army, and 
 according to the beautiful legend inseparable from his 
 name', had, " while yet a catechumen, bestowed the half- 
 cloak on Christ." He had then been baptized ; had ob- 
 tained, some years later, his discharge from the army, and 
 
 s His son Gregory had to interpose between him and the scandalized 
 Cappadocian monks. i" Jerome, adv. Luoif. 7. 
 
 ■ It is brieiiy this. He met a poor shivering beggar one bitter day at 
 the gate of Amiens : having no money with him, Martin cut liis military 
 cloak in two, and gave half to the beggar. The next night, in a dream 
 he saw Christ clad in the half-cloak, who said to the attendant angels 
 *' Martin, still a catechumen, hath arrayed Me in this gaiment." 
 
MELETIUS. 105 
 
 been made an exorcist by Hilary, who would fain bave 
 made him a deacon. Visiting lUyricum, be was scourged 
 for opposing Arianism. During Hilary's exile be led a mo- 
 nastic life at Milan, until be was driven away by Auxentius. 
 He now established near Poitiers the first monastery that 
 had been seen in Gaul ^. 
 
 The see of Antioch remained vacant until the beginning 
 of 361, when a Council assembled which placed Meletius in 
 the see. This excellent man had a rich persuasive eloquence, 
 and a disposition which endeared him both to Catholics and 
 Arians. A rumour began to spread that he was positively 
 Catholic \ After some sermons of a general character ™, he 
 was desired to take part in a series of expositions of the 
 great controverted text, Prov. viii. 22°. After George of 
 Laodicea had given a strongly Arian address, — he had now 
 deserted the Semi-Arians, — and Acacius had read a paper 
 which seemed to aim at a safe ambiguity, Meletius rose, 
 and asserted in unequivocal language the essential doctrine 
 of Nicsea. The church rang with cries of applause and wrath, 
 proceeding from Catholics and Arians. The Arian arch- 
 deacon stopped the new patriarch's mouth with his hand ; 
 Meletius held out three fingers, then one ; and when his 
 lips were freed by the archdeacon's seizing his hands, he re- 
 peated aloud his former words, and exhorted the people to 
 cling to the Nicene faith. This could not be borne ; the 
 Council, at another session, deposed Meletius ; Constantius 
 drove him into exile; Euzoius, tbe old comrade of Arius, 
 was made bishop of Antioch ; and a new creed was pub- 
 lished " which affirmed the Son to be in nowise like to the 
 Pather, and to be made out of what once was not. The 
 authors of this Anomcean formvda, being asked how they 
 
 ^ If Martin died, aged more than 80, in 397 or 402, he cannot have been 
 discharged from Julian's army at the age of 20, as the present text of 
 Sulpioius asserts. Baronius thinks that he was baptized in 351, set. 35, 
 and left the army in 356. 
 
 1 Soz. iT. 28. '^ Soo. ii. 44. ° Theod. ii. 31. 
 
 " Ath. de Syn. 31 ; Soo. ii. 45 ; Soz. iv. 29. 
 
106 ARIAN CREEDS. 
 
 could reconcUe it with a recognition of the Son as " God of 
 God," employed the quibble which had been originally in- 
 vented by George of Laodicea, " He is of God aa all things 
 are," (1 Cor. xi. 12). But the indignation of the people 
 compelled them to withdraw this creed, and fall back on 
 that of Ariminum. 
 
 It may here he well to enumerate the various Arian 
 formulas, put forth by individuals or Councils since the 
 commencement of the controversy. 1, the letter of Ariua 
 and his friends to S. Alexander ; 2, the creed of Arius 
 and Euzoius, which beguiled Constantius ; 3, a formula di- 
 rected against Marcellus by a Council at Constantinople 
 in 336 ; 4, 5. 6, 7, the creeds of Antioch, 341, 34)2 ; 8, the 
 Macrostich; 9, the creed of Philippopolis ; 10, first Sir- 
 mian ; 11, the " letter of Constantius " proposed at Milan 
 in 355 ; 12, a creed framed at Antioch, 356 ; 13, second Sir- 
 mian, "the blasphemy;" 14, the digest signed by Liberius, 
 or "the perfidious faith;" 15, the formula of Ancyra; 
 16, third Sirmian, or Dated Creed ; 17, Acacian creed pro- 
 posed at Seleucia ; 18, third Sirmian revised at Nice, signed 
 at Ariminum and Constantinople ; 19, Aetius' formula, de- 
 nounced by Semi-Arians ; 20, Anomoean creed of Antioch, 
 " They will never be at rest," said Athanasius P, " until they 
 acknowledge the Nicene CouncU." These tossings to and 
 fro of Arianism, this bewildering succession of formulas, 
 with the perpetual hurry and excitement produced by so 
 many synods i, were doubtless a stumbling-block to the 
 heathen, and tended to cast a stigma on synodal action. 
 But the list given above may shew on which side was con- 
 sistency and simplicity. "While heresy was thus prolific in 
 self-contradiction, the Church stood by the one Creed of the 
 great Council which gave the law to all her synods. Thus 
 in 361 the downward tendencies of Acacianism were fully 
 manifest ; its natural goal was the Anomoion. And doubt- 
 less many a Semi- Arian was led by the teaching of events 
 
 P De Syn. 32. q Ammian. xxi. 16. 
 
AEEITIS. 107 
 
 to feel tbat his natural refuge against Acacians and Ano- 
 moeans was that one creed which he had been taught to 
 dread as Sabellian ; that in the Ancyrene dogmatism he 
 could find no security ; in short, that he must either sink 
 or ascend. An indication of the tendency of Arianism to 
 breed new errors had been already given in Aerius, whose 
 disgust at being passed over when Eustathius was made 
 bishop of Sebaste had led him to embrace pure Arianism, 
 and to maintain the equality of presbyters to bishops'', 
 — a doctrine rebuked by anticipation in the Alexandrian 
 proceedings as to Colluthus, — to say that it was wrong to 
 pray for the departed, and to denounce as Judaical the ob- 
 servance of fast-days and of Easter. We are told that his 
 adherents mocked at the Catholic solemnities in Holy Week. 
 
 Euzoius was of course repudiated by aU the orthodox in 
 Antioch. Those of them who had up to this time remained 
 in the established communion, broke off from it altogether, 
 and regarded the exUed Meletius as their bishop. But 
 those who had hitherto been known as the Eustathians, and 
 with whom Athanasius had communicated, could not bring 
 themselves to unite with men who recognised a bishop of 
 Arian consecration, although he might now be of orthodox 
 belief. This old Catholic body, therefore, continued to wor- 
 ship apart from their " Meletian" brethren, as well as from 
 Euzoius and his adherents'. Paulinus, a priest of high 
 character, was their head. 
 
 This year was full of agitating rumours. It had been 
 known that the Csesar Julian in 360 had been compelled by 
 his soldiers to accept the imperial title, and that Constan- 
 tius had spurned his proposal for a division of the empire. 
 It was now reported that he was on his way to the East. 
 Civil war, then, was impending. But many probably, 
 
 >• Epiph. Haer. 75. 
 
 » The Meletians assembled in the old city on the bank of the Oroutes, 
 in what was called the Apostle church. Theod. ii. 31. Euzoius allowed 
 Paulinus, for whom he had a great respect, to officiate in a small church in 
 the new city, which was upon an island. Sec. iii. 9. 
 
lo8 DEATH OF CONSTANTIUS. 
 
 thougtt that a baptized communicant, who had been ranked 
 among ecclesiastics as a reader, and had been friendly to 
 Hilary on the occasion of his exile, would prove at least as 
 good a sovereign for Christian interests as the Arian cate- 
 chumen who had so long been vexing the Church. They 
 were presently undeceived. Julian had indeed attended the 
 Church service at Vienne on the recent feast of Epiphany*; 
 but in the course of his expedition he declared himself a 
 worshipper of the gods. Constantius, who at first talked of 
 going to " hunt" Julian, began ere long to be haunted by 
 superstitious presages of death ; he caused Euzoius to bap- 
 tize him at Antioch, and hurried westwards. At the foot 
 of Mount Taurus he was stricken with a fever which made 
 his ilesh like fire to the touch 'i ; and he expired after a pro- 
 longed death-struggle, on the 4th of JSTovember, 361. 
 
 « The Epiphany, as a distinct festival, was derived about this time by 
 the West from the East ; the Nativity (on Dee, 25) by the East from the 
 West, about 375. See S. Chrys. in Diem Nat. J. C, o. 1. 
 
 » Amm. xxi. 15. Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. 21, says that with his last 
 breath he repented of having innovated on the faith. So Theod. ii. 32. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 From the Accession of Julian to the Edict of Valens. 
 
 " I saw the unjust witli towering; plume, 
 A green tree in his native ground ; 
 But he is gone ; — hehold his room : 
 I sought, and he no more was found." 
 
 Keble, Fsalter, 
 
 rrHE unhappy man who was now lord of the Empire had 
 -*- been for some ten years a hypocrite in his Christian 
 profession. Three causes may be assigned for his apostasy. 
 First, there was in his nature a strong superstitious element, 
 which craved for such excitements as he found in the Ephe- 
 sian and Eleusinian mysteries. Secondly, his singularly 
 Greek temperament invested with a false power the Pagan- 
 ism which had enlisted so much beauty in its service. 
 Thirdly, Christianity itself, as represented by Constantius, 
 his odious courtiers, his Arian disputants, had been mise- 
 rably associated in Julian's mind with everything that was 
 most worldly, base, and tyrannical. He must rank with 
 those'unbelievers to whom bad Christians have been a rock 
 of offence. A wayward eccentricity of temper, conspicuous 
 in his student-life at Athens % would dispose him to identify 
 the system with the men ; and his lack of the Roman mas- 
 sivenesa and consistency of character will account for the 
 strange union of opposites observable in his religion and in 
 his conduct. The Paganism which he adopted was made up 
 of Platonic fantasies and a petty repulsive formalism ; and 
 though he was chaste and temperate, active, and often mag- 
 nanimous, his justice could be absolutely quenched by his 
 animosities, and the philosopher could sink into a spiteful, 
 scoffing tyrant. 
 
 One of his first cares, on entering Constantinople in the 
 second week of December, was to clear the palace of the 
 
 " S. Greg. Naz. Orat. iv. 25 ; Soo. iii. 23. 
 
110 Julian's apostasy. 
 
 crowd of eunuchs and other profligate courtiers, and to put 
 to death the chamberlain Eusebius ". He openly professed 
 himself the restorer of the old religion; surrounded him- 
 self with professors of a mystic Pagan "philosophy," with 
 priests, diviners, prophets, and impostors as base as the 
 parasites whom he had swept away '. Then it was that he 
 « washed off the laver " of Baptism by a hideous self-immer- 
 sion in bull's blood \ and sought to cleanse his hands from 
 the touch of the " Bloodless Sacrifice " by holding in them 
 the entrails of victims ^ He set up an image of Fortune in 
 the great church, and while he was sacrificing there, Maris, 
 bishop of Chalcedon, now a blind old man, was led up to 
 him at his own request, and rebuked his impiety. " Will 
 your GalilsBan God cure your blindness ?" asked Julian. 
 "I thank my God," said Maris, " for the blindness which 
 saves me from seeing the face of an apostate^." Julian 
 heard this in scornful silence : he professed to have no 
 intention whatever of persecuting those whom he always 
 designated as Galilceans. They should not, he said, be 
 constrained to adore the Immortals. He would make no 
 martyrs b. So far from it, that he would recall those whom 
 Constantius had banished on grounds of religion. This act 
 of grace was really intended to produce a revival of Chris- 
 tian strifes, and so to weaken Christianity'', and nothing 
 amused him better than to assemble Christians of dif- 
 ferent parties in his palace, and set them to dispute with 
 each other. Of course the Emperor put forth edicts for 
 the restoration of temples, and especially commanded that 
 Christians who had destroyed them should rebuild them at 
 their own expense ; a command which became the ground- 
 work of many severities. It was one of his ingenious modes 
 
 t Amm. xxi. 4. « S. Chvys. de S. Babyl^ 14. 
 
 ■1 The Ritual of the TauroboMa, Pradent. Peristeph. 10. See Trench, 
 Huls. Leot., p. 224. 
 
 s S. Greg. Naz. Orat. iii. 51. ' goo. ili. 12 j Soz. v. 4. 
 
 B S. Chrys. in Jut. et Max. 1 ; Greg. Naz. Orat iii. 65. 
 l" Amm, xxii. 6 : Soz. v. 5. 
 
HIS TREATMENT OF CHRISTIANS. Ill 
 
 of indirect persecution. Another was the license which he 
 practically allowed to heathen populations \ as those of Gaza 
 and Ascalon, to vent their fury on defenceless Christians, 
 who suffered death by the most hideous tortures ; the 
 Emperor coldly observing, when some such cruelties were 
 slightly punished by the local government, that the citizens 
 ought not to ha^e been arrested for taking vengeance on 
 Galilseana. A famous case of this kind was that of Mark, 
 bishop of Aretbusa, who after suffering from the Pagan 
 citizens what none but a tragic poet, in Theodoret's opi- 
 nion*, could describe, was at length released, and converted 
 his tormentors. Julian also, as might be expected, abolished 
 all immunities which had been bestowed on the clergy, ex- 
 pelled several bishops as " leaders of sedition," let loose 
 heathen officials against churches, confiscated Church pro- 
 perty " in order to secure poverty of spirit," forbade Chris- 
 tians to be civil governors "because their law forbade them 
 to take up the sword," or to practise as physicians or as 
 advocates, or to teach the Greek and Eoman literature'. 
 " Why should they wish to teach what they do not believe ? 
 Let them expound Mark and Luke in their churches." 
 This last prohibition, which Ammianus calls " harsh"," led 
 the accomplished Apollinaris to produce Christian works on 
 the classical model °. One of the professors who lost their 
 offices by this law was Victorinus at Eome, who had been 
 converted in old age, and after a temporary concealment of 
 his faith, was led to profess it openly in the church, to the 
 great delight of the Christiana. 
 
 ' S. Greg. Orat. iii. 68, 81. When heathen governors oppressed the Chris- 
 tians, JuHan would answer their complaints with a sneer: "Bear it pa- 
 tiently, as your God commands you." Soo. iii. 14. Capitolinus, governor 
 in Thrace, burnt alive .^imilius, a leading Christian. A zealous deacon at 
 Heliopolis was killed by the people, who devoured part of his flesh. 
 Theod. iii. 7. 
 
 ' Theod. iii. 7. After many tortures he was hung up in a basket, 
 smeared with honey, and exposed to wasps and bees. He had composed 
 the Dated Creed in 359. 
 
 ' S. Chrys. in Juv. et Max. 1. ™ Amm. xxv. 5. "■ Soz. v. 18. 
 
112 HIS TREATMENT OF CHRISTIANS. 
 
 Such was the petty and ungenerous policy which Julian 
 substituted for that of open persecution. In the army he 
 acted on a similar plan ; he aimed at committing his Chris- 
 tian soldiers to some act which would be equivalent to 
 idolatry". Pictures of the gods were placed beside the pic- 
 ture of the Emperor, which was to receive an obeisance that 
 might be construed to include them. Soldiers receiving a 
 donative were to cast incense upon an altar. We are told 
 that some complied unreflectingly, — that one of them soon 
 after, when signing the cross over his cup, as was usual 
 with Christians, was reminded of his inconsistency, — that 
 the men forthwith rushed out, and indignantly gave back 
 the gold, exclaiming, " We are Christians P." 
 
 To these varied methods of attack we must add the sys- 
 tematic employment of a sovereign's personal influence on 
 all .the Christians whom he thought it important to win 
 over. They had to contend against his seductive gentle- 
 ness or his sarcastic pity, which combined with the harass- 
 ing discouragements above mentioned to make up what 
 S. Jerome calls " a mild persecution, under which many 
 Christians gave way of their own accord i." We can easily 
 conceive the taunts and sneers by which the faith of Julian's 
 Christian servants — such as was Caesarius, the brother of 
 Gregory of Nazianzum, who withstood all the Emperor's 
 urgency — would be put to trial. The Galilaean religion, 
 according to Julian ■■, was a clumsy human device, the work 
 of blunderers like Matthew, who misapplied the words of 
 Hosea, and impostors like Paul, who contradicted the Old 
 Testament ; not to speak of "the good-natured John," who 
 first deified the dead Man as an object of Christian worship. 
 
 ° Soz. V. 17. P Theod. iii. 17 ; Greg. Naz. Orat. iii. 50. 
 
 1 Hiaron. Chron. One of these men, who "had no root in themselves," 
 was Ecebolius, a professor of rhetoric, who lived to bewail his apostasy 
 with tears, grovelhng at the church-gate and crying aloud, " Trample on 
 me, for I am as salt that has lost its savour." Soc. iii. 13. 
 
 ' See Lardner, iv. 332. Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. iii. 97, gives his saying 
 about "that senseless word, Believe." See also a "mahgnaut sneer" of his 
 about " catching men," quoted by Dean Trench, On Mirac, p. 133. 
 
CHETSTIAN ZEALOTS. 110 
 
 Could sensible men, whose Homage was due to the Immor. 
 tals, continue in bondage to the Gralilsean teachers with 
 their ceaseless cry of " Believe, believe ?" Could they fail to 
 see the absurdity of magnifying a few cures performed in 
 Jewish villages into an evidence of divine power in Jesus ? 
 But, scornful as Julian thus was towards Christianity, he 
 could recommend the Pagan pontiff of Galatia to take a 
 lesson from the rules of the Galilaean priesthood for the 
 better government of the ministers of the gods ; and could 
 express indignation at the inhuman negligence which al- 
 lowed the Gentile poor to be dependent for their bread on 
 "the impious Galilseans^" 
 
 If some Christians followed the Emperor's example of 
 apostasy under the pressure of a temptation for which they 
 were not prepared, others exhibited an over-forward zeal 
 which amounted to the grave mistake of courting martyr- 
 dom. Christianity had been so long dominant that the 
 sight of a restored heathen altar was too much for their 
 powers of self-command. And thus it was that during 
 Julian's journey to Antioch in the early summer of 362, — 
 while Catholic and heterodox* exiles were returning home 
 on all sides, and while Gregory of Nazianzum was entering 
 on those priestly duties which he had undertaken against 
 his will'i, — ^two young men were put to death in Galatia by 
 the Emperor's command for having overthrown the altar of 
 Cybele. A priest named Basil, who had previously been 
 tortured for his bold denunciations of idolatry, provoked 
 Julian, by yet greater boldness, to give up his intention of 
 dismissing him. To S. Basil, afterwards archbishop, Julian 
 wrote two letters, the second of them in a tone of menace, 
 to which Basil replied, with dauntless severity, "Demons 
 
 » Soz. T. 16. 
 
 ' He recalled Aetius with sgeoial honour, as having been intimate with 
 his brother. He praised Photinus for not holding that a woman's son 
 could be God. 
 
 » He was ordained priest in the end of 361, retired into Phrygia after 
 Epiphany, returned to Nazianzum at Easter, and afterwards wrote the 
 noble discourse "in defence of his retirement." 
 
 I 
 
114 MUEDEK OF GEORGE. 
 
 have raised thee to so proud a height, that now thou liftest 
 up thyself against God. Once we read Holy Scripture to- 
 gether, and nothing then escaped thee." The inhabitants 
 of Cssarea in Cappadocia were especially odious to Julian ; 
 for they had recently destroyed the only temple which was 
 left standing in their city. Julian expunged Cassarea from 
 the catalogue of cities, imposed heavy taxes, made the clergy 
 serve in the pohoe force, and put to death a young man of 
 high birth named Bupsychius, for having taken part in the 
 demolition. Dianius, bishop of Cfesarea, died about this time, 
 protesting on his death-bed that his signature of the Arimi- 
 nian creed had not been a departure from Nicene faith. The 
 people compelled the provincial bishops to elect in his place 
 a man of high character, but as yet unbaptized, named Eu- 
 sebius. They afterwards protested against this compulsion, 
 and Julian's wrath against the city was increased by it. He 
 reached Antioch about the end of June, while the Pagan 
 women were performing the annual lamentations for Adonis. 
 One of his first acts at Antioch was to put to death Ar- 
 temius, duke of Egypt, for having destroyed idols and lent 
 his aid to Greorge's violent proceedings against the temples". 
 The news of his death stirred up the Alexandrians against 
 George, whom it was now safe to attack. He had used his 
 great powers as bishop of Alexandria in a very oppressive 
 fashion ; had exasperated the people by claiming for Con- 
 stantius a special dominion over the city ; had been driven 
 forth by a tumult, and on his return had provoked the 
 Pagans by saying as he passed a splendid temple, " How 
 much longer will this sepulchre stand ?" It must indeed be 
 admitted that although Pagans assisted his first intrusion, 
 he was ultimately ruined by his open warfare against Pagan- 
 ism. Having found, when preparing a site for a church, 
 that a multitude of human skulls had been buried in ground 
 consecrated to the worship of Mithra, he exposed them to 
 
 I Theod. iii. 18 ; Amm. xxii. 11. Ammianus expressly says that George 
 was slain after the people heard of Artemius' death. 
 
RETURN OF S. ATHANASIUS. II5 
 
 public view as relics of victims immolated by Pagan diviners. 
 The result vras a furious outbreak, in which the Pagans, 
 having first imprisoned George, dragged him about the city, 
 tormented him for hours, burned his mangled corpse, and 
 cast the ashes into the sea. Julian rebuked them in the 
 name of their " holy god Serapis " for an outrage which 
 had anticipated the justice of the law^. 
 
 Athanasius had not returned to Alexandria before the 
 death of George. After hearing of it, he emerged from his 
 retirement, in August 362, and his people enjoyed another 
 such " glorious festivity " as had welcomed him back in 349. 
 All Egypt seemed to assemble in the city, which blazed with 
 lights and rang with acclamations ; the air was fragrant with 
 incense burnt in token of joy ; men formed a choir to pre- 
 cede the Archbishop ; to hear his voice, to catch a glimpse 
 of his face, even to see his shadow, was deemed happiness ^. 
 Lucius, the new Arian bishop, was obliged to give way : 
 the churches were again occupied by the faithful, and 
 Athanasius signalized his triumph, not by violence of any 
 sort, but by impartial kindness to all, by the noble labours 
 of a peace-maker, and the loving earnestness which could 
 conquer hearts. Eusebius of Vereellae and Lucifer of Ca- 
 liaris were at this time returning from their exile in Upper 
 Egypt, and a Council was resolved upon to be held in 
 Alexandria. Lucifer was to have attended it, but he pre- 
 ferred to go immediately to Antioch, and Eusebius attended 
 the Council, with two deacons to act as Lucifer's represen- 
 tatives. The business was of four kinds, relating to 1, the 
 Antiochene schism ; 2, the bishops who repented of accept- 
 ing the creed of Ariminum ; 3, a difference of doctrinal 
 phraseology which had sprung up between two parties of 
 the orthodox; 4, a tendency which had become apparent 
 towards a new heresy in regard to the Incarnation. 
 
 y Soc. iii. 3. The popular legend of " S. George " has really nothing to 
 do with the soldier George, who is supposed to have suffered in 303. It is 
 an Arian allegory referring to .the Alexandrian usurper. 
 
 ' S. Greg. Orat. xxi. 36. 
 
Il6 COUNCIL OF ALEXANDRIA. 
 
 1. The CouDcil resolved that Paulinus and his flock ought 
 to unite with Meletius, who had now returned from exile, 
 and his adherents. The united Church of Antioch ought 
 to receive converts from Arianism on their confessing the 
 Nicene Creed, and condemning Arianism, Sabellianism, and 
 other heresies, including the new error which made the Holy 
 Spirit a creature, and separated Him from the essence of 
 Christ. " For there is no real avoidance of the abominable 
 Arian heresy, no genuine confession of Nicene faith, if one 
 divides the Holy Trinity, and calls any member thereof a 
 creature "." 
 
 2. Applying the same principle, the Council ruled that 
 all who desired to return to Catholic unity should be 
 received on these terms; and declared the creed of Phi- 
 lippopolis to be totally without the authority of Sardica, 
 " for the Sardican Council declared the Nicene Creed to be 
 suf&cient." 
 
 3. There were two phrases current among Catholics as to 
 the Holy Trinity. Some, apparently the majority, adhering 
 to the older use of the word Hypostasis, as meaning Sub- 
 stance^, asserted One Hypostasis of God. Others, espe- 
 cially those who had been connected with Semi-Arians, and 
 were especially jealous of Sabellian tendencies, had come to 
 use Hypostasis in the sense of really-existing Person, and 
 therefore spoke of Three Hypostases. Mutual explanations 
 were made. The latter party disclaimed all Tritheistic 
 ideas, and declared that they were contending for a real 
 Trinity of Persons, not for any division in the Godhead. 
 The former as earnestly disclaimed all Sabellianism, and 
 explained their phrase as witnessing for the undivided God- 
 head, without prejudice to the Personality of the Son and 
 Holy Spirit. Both parties anathematized Arius, Sabellius, 
 Paul of Samosata, the Gnostics, and the Manicheans ; and 
 the Council exhorted all persons for the future to prefer the 
 
 ° Ath. Tomus ad Antioch . 3. 
 
 I" See Bishop Forbes on the Nicene Creed, p. 149. 
 
LUCIFER AT ANTIOCH. II7 
 
 Nicene language to eitter " One Hypostasis," or "Three'." 
 This exhortation, however well-meant, was not, and perhaps 
 could not be followed. 
 
 4. Explanations were made by some persons who were 
 supposed to deny that our Lord assumed a reasonable Soul. 
 They affirmed that they truly held it ; that He could not 
 have been really Incarnate if His Body had been without a 
 Mind ; for He was Saviour alike of soul and body, as true 
 a Son of Man as He was Son of God ; the self-same after 
 Abraham as before him, the self-same in asking about Laza- 
 rus as in raising him up, the self-same in His Passion as in His 
 miracles of mercy. We shall see hereafter how wonderfully 
 these declarations anticipated the work of subsequent de- 
 fenders of truth. The Council of 362 was equally illustrious 
 for its many-sided orthodoxy, and for its wise and thought- 
 ful moderation. The synodal letter was signed by " Pope 
 Athanasius," Eusebius, Asterius from Arabia, and fourteen 
 African bishops. Eusebius added to his signature the 
 statement that "the Son of Grod assumed all (our nature) 
 except sin." 
 
 Before the decree could reach Antioch, Lucifer had taken, 
 in conjunction with two other bishops, the unhappy step of 
 consecrating Paulinus, in order to gratify his strong sym- 
 pathy with the Eustathians. "This," says Theodoret*, 
 "was not right; it increased the dissension," which con- 
 tinued, in fact, to the year 415. Eusebius, finding the 
 wound enlarged which he had hoped the Council might 
 heal, remonstrated with Lucifer, who broke off communion 
 with him, with the Alexandrian Church, with all who advo- 
 cated moderation, in regard to Antioch or to those who had 
 given way in 359-360. Hence arose the sect of Luci- 
 ferians, headed after Lucifer's death by that Hilary who 
 had been a delegate of Liberius at Milan, and reproducing 
 
 c However, the Creed favoured the "One Hypostasis," by using the 
 ■word in the sense of substance. Socrates, iii. 7, so far mistook the synodal 
 letter as to think that it disapproved both words, Hypostasis and Ousia. 
 
 <i Theod. iii. 5. 
 
Il8 THE PEACE-MAKERS. 
 
 in great measure tte hard austerity of tlie Novatians and 
 the Donatists". S. Athanasius had been too long con- 
 nected with the Eustathians to disown Paulinus now that 
 he was in fact their bishop; and Paulinus accepted the 
 synodal letter, with a special statement penned by Atha- 
 nasius f. 
 
 The counsels of Alexandria were adopted by the vast 
 majority of the faithful. Eusebius visited various Eastern 
 Churches before he returned to Italy; and in Italy he found 
 Hilary ready to co-operate with him. EufEnus says that 
 he played the part of a healer and of a priest, and that he 
 and Hilary were as glorious lights irradiating Illyricum, 
 Italy, and Gaul, Liberius, in a letter to Athanasius, made 
 full profession of his orthodoxy as to the Trinity and the 
 Incarnation s ; and writing to the Catholic prelates of Italy, 
 urged that " repentance must eflPace the fault of inexpe- 
 rience''," that Greece and Egypt are both of this mind, 
 and that entire submission to the Nicene faith ought to be 
 a passport to the Church's favour. The bishops of Italy 
 wrote to those of Illyricum, repudiating the Ariminian, 
 and professing the Nicene Creed, against Arius, Sabellius, 
 and Photiuus. S. Jerome*, after saying that "Italy laid 
 aside her mourning-weeds to welcome Eusebius," gives a 
 vivid description of the eagerness with which those who had 
 been ensnared by the nets of Ariminum protested, " by the 
 Lord's Body, and by every holy thing in the Church," that 
 they had taken the anathemas of Yalens in what appeared 
 to be their orthodox sense, without a thought of heretical 
 
 8 See the memorial of Maroellinus and Faustinus in Sirmond. i. 243. " Sub 
 Tocabulo pads impietas tegitur." They quote, ** Not as the world giveth^" 
 &c. They disown the name of Luciferians J ''Christ is our teacher." Gre- 
 gory of Elvira was a Luciferian. 
 
 f As to 1. the reality of the Three Persons, (his own habit was to speak 
 of One Hypostasis, but he approved the language of the Council as to this 
 and the other phrase) ; 2. The rational Soul in Christ ; 3. The Consub- 
 stantiality ; 4. The uncreatedness of the Holy Spirit. See Epiph. Hier. 
 77. 20. e He asserted, e.g., the true assumption of Perfect Manhood. 
 
 ^ Hil. Pragm. 12. i Adv. Lucif. 19. 
 
BONATISTS RECALLED. HO 
 
 equivocation. Some bishops, it seems, were for deposing 
 these repentant men; but popular feeling and Christian 
 equity alike forbade such intemperate harshness. Spain 
 and Gaul united with Italy and Egypt in regard to this 
 point ; and Basil, who had returned to Csesarea before the 
 death of Dianius, and was ordained priest soon afterwards, 
 accepted the letter of the Alexandrian Council. The three 
 men who were most useful at this time in carrying out the 
 views of that letter, and securing peace to the Church, were 
 Athanasius himself, Eusebius, and Hilary. 
 
 The Donatist exiles resolved to profit by the indulgence 
 of the Emperor towards others who had been sufferers for 
 their views of Christianity. They addressed Julian as a 
 prince "in whom alone justice resided ^" and petitioned him 
 to recall them. His rescript, referring to this petition of 
 " E/Ogatianus, Pontius, Cassianus," and others, ordered that 
 all proceedings against them should be cancelled, " and all 
 things return to their former state'." Hereupon they 
 returned to vent their fury on the Catholics. " Subtle in 
 seduction, pitiless in bloodshed"," they expelled many bi- 
 shops, and renewed or exceeded their former outrages. In 
 one place they tore off the roof of a church, showered down 
 the tiles on the congregation, and thereby slew two deacons 
 at the altar. Two of their bishops were forward in this 
 sacrilege. Two others drove out a Catholic congregation at 
 Thipasa ; women were dragged along, infants were slain ; a 
 bottle of sacred chrism was flung out of a window ; and the 
 schismatics shewed yet more audaciously their disbelief in 
 the validity of Catholic ordinances, by " casting the Eucha- 
 rist to dogs." Altars were broken, scraped, carried away"; 
 the timbers of which they were composed were used for 
 
 >■ S. Aug. in Ps. xxxvi. ; o. litt. Pet. ii 205. 
 
 ' S. Aug. c. litt. Pet. ii. 224. » Opt. ii. p. 48. 
 
 1 Opt. vi. p. 111. He adds, "What is an altar but the seat of the Body 
 and Blood of Christ?.. .The Jews laid their hands on Christ upon the cross. 
 By you He has been smitten on the altar." Compare S. Hilary's language, 
 quoted above. 
 
120 DONATIST TTKANNY. 
 
 boiling water ; "tte elialices wbicli bore tbe Blood of Cbrist" 
 were melted down and sold. Baptism was iterated wben 
 Catholics joined tbe sect " ; consecrated virgins were bidden 
 to put away their purple capsP, and receive new ones from 
 Donatist bishops ; the civil powet was employed to take 
 away from the Catholics the sacred books, tbe veils and tbe 
 palls 9; and tbe cemeteries were closed against Catholic 
 funerals, as if to exhibit in tbe intensest form their abhor- 
 rence of all fellowship with the Church ^ Tbe most vehe- 
 ment zeal was shewn in making proselytes ; Catholics were 
 accosted with "Come, be Christians — redeem your souls." 
 " Such-a-one, are you still a Pagan ? How slow and slug- 
 gish you are in becoming a Christian = !" Those who joined 
 tbem were morally deteriorated ; a bitter and restless spirit 
 seemed to possess them ; they lost tbe very instincts of cha- 
 rity and humility *. And all this time, at Donatist altars, 
 tbe Eucbaristic prayer ascended in tbe ordinary form, " Por 
 the One Church which is spread throughout the whole 
 world " !" Such were the miseries which the recall of the 
 Donatists entailed on what soon became tbe Catholic mi- 
 nority in tbe province of Africa. 
 
 "We must return to Julian at Antiocb. Tbe prevalence 
 of Christianity in the city was to bim a perpetual source 
 of annoyance ^ ; while the satirical humour of tbe people, 
 which had never spared their monarchs, was excited by tbe 
 singular aspect of " the little man with tbe huge beard and 
 pompous gait," who found no pleasure in their amusements, 
 
 Opt. v. p. 97. 
 
 p MitrelliB. Opt. vi. p. 117. He adds that the mitreUa is "signum, non 
 sacramentum. " 
 
 1 The veils, apparently, for the elements ; the palls for the altar. " You 
 washed the palls, no doubt," saysOptatus. ''Tell us what you did with tbe 
 books?" vi. p. 118. 
 
 ' Optatus also says, iv. p. 91, that many were taught never to say "Ave" 
 to a Catholic. ■ Opt. iii. p. 81 ; vi. p. 120. 
 
 ' Facti sunt ex patientibus rabidi, ex pacifiois litigantes...ex vereoundis 
 impudentes, &c. Opt. vi. p. 120. » Opt. ii. p. 45. 
 
 » On a high festival of Apollo he found the altar supplied with a single 
 goose, which the priest himself had procured. 
 
JULIAN AT ANTIOCH. 121 
 
 and might be seen any day amid a troop of worthless men 
 and women, officiating in the sacrifice of multitudinous 
 bulls y. " Truly he is a bull, running wild over the earth ^" 
 Julian was the more eager in procuring bulla by the hun- 
 dred, and white birds at a great expense, because he was 
 making preparations for a Persian campaign, and costly 
 victims must win the favour of his gods. Eecurring to a 
 device of Maximin's, he cast things oiFered to idols into the 
 public fountains, and caused water that bad been similarly 
 hallowed to be sprinkled on all articles of food ; whereupon 
 two young men of his body-guard, Juventinus and Maxi- 
 minus, expressed their indignation, first in a private party, 
 and then in his own presence, and were put to death by 
 tortures, "not for their religion," it was announced, "but 
 for disrespect to the Emperor "." He resolved to consult 
 the oracle of Apollo in the grove of Daphne*. The response 
 was, that the presence of dead bodies impeded the oracle. 
 Julian found that his brother GaUus had buried within 
 the grove, so long polluted by an impure heathenism, the 
 body of the martyr Babylas ". He ordered the coffi^n to be 
 removed to Antioch. Forthwith a multitude of Christians, 
 men and women, young and old, hurried out to assist in the 
 translation of their Saint. Daphne was six miles from 
 Antioch; and all along the way, to Julian's inexpressible 
 wrath, he heard a sound of triumph and defiance — the 
 thundering chant of the Christian procession, " Confounded 
 be all they that worship carved images, and that delight 
 in vaia gods*!' 
 
 » Amm. xxii. 12. 14. '■ Soo. iii. 17. " Theod. iii. 15. 
 
 l> for this celebrated grove see Dean Milman'snoble poem, "The Martyr 
 of Antiooh," pp. 10, 26. Sozomen, v. 19, describes the exquisite beauty of 
 the spot, where the mass of cypresses formed a "roof" rather than a shade. 
 
 c Bishop of Antioch A.D. 239. S. Chrys. (Horn, de S. Bab.) says that he 
 resisted the Emperor's entrance into his church. Eusebius, vi. 39, says that 
 he died in prison A.D. 250; Chrysostom that he was executed. 
 
 ■i Soz. V. 19. He says that skilful chanters acted as precentors, and the 
 rest responded in chorus. Theodoret, iii. 10, says that a car drawn by 
 two horses conveyed the body. 
 
122 FOURTH EXILE OF ATHANASIUS. 
 
 Sallust, the praetorian prefect, was ordered to chastise 
 the insolent psalm-singers. He remonstrated, but obeyed ; 
 a youth named Theodore was racked and lacerated; he 
 calmly sang the psalm over again, and Sallust, admiring his 
 courage, procured his release. He afterwards said that 
 " he felt a little pain at first, but that a young man stood 
 by wiping the sweat from his face with soft linen, so that 
 the pain was changed into pleasure <^." "We are told of a 
 community of religious women who provoked Julian by 
 chanting this and similar psalms as he passed ; but he 
 contented himself with ordering the superior to receive a 
 blow on each side of the face^. Another vexation befell 
 him on the 22nd of October ; the temple at Daphne, 
 built by Antiochus Epiphanes, was destroyed by fire ; he 
 /iscribed it to Christian incendiarism, the Christians to a 
 lightning- stroke. Upon this he proceeded to severer mea- 
 sures, and closed the Golden Church ; on which occasion 
 Felix, his treasurer, looking at the splendid altar-plate, 
 scofiingly observed, " See what kind of vessels are used in 
 the service of the Son of Mary !" and was seized, says 
 Theodoret, with a haemorrhage that proved fatal s. All the 
 priests fled from Antioch, save one named Theodore, who 
 sufiered tortures and death for not giving up the vessels in 
 his custody ^. 
 
 In November, Julian ordered Athanasius to leave Alex- 
 andria without delay '. He had never, he wrote, permitted 
 the exiles to return to their churches. It was absurd enough 
 in the Christians of Alexandria to adore as Grod the Word 
 a Man whom they had never seen, instead of the beneficent 
 solar deity; but if they would do so, they might be content 
 with other teachers of impiety. The " mean little fellow," 
 he added, — the meddling knave, the wretch who had dared 
 to baptize Greek ladies while Julian was emperor, should 
 
 « Theod. iii. 11 ; Soc. iii. 19 ; Soz. v. 20. f Theod. iii. 19. 
 
 e Ibid. iii. 13. h goz. y. 8. 
 
 ' Julian, says Ruffinus, i. 33, " could not keep up in regard to Atha- 
 nasius the appearance of his pretended philosophic temper." 
 
THE ATTEMPT AT JERUSALEM. 123 
 
 find no place in all Egypt. He even proposed, we are told, 
 to put Athanasius to death. Pagans and Jews burned the 
 Ceesarean church at Alexandria. The faithful, all in tears, 
 surrounded the Archbishop, who calmly said, " Let us retire 
 for a little while ; the cloud will soon pass." He went up 
 the Nile ; being pursued, he caused the boat to turn back 
 towards Alexandria. " "Where is Athanasius ?" asked the 
 officer charged to hunt down the Archbishop. " He is near," 
 was the reply. He returned to the city, and lay safe in 
 concealment. 
 
 Early in 363 we hear of two officers, Bonosus and Maxi- 
 milian, put to death for refusing to lay aside the Christian 
 standard of the Labarum''. Count Julian, the Emperor's 
 uncle, who had been concerned in their death and in the 
 recent sacrilege, died by a horrible internal malady. 
 
 The last of Julian's attacks upon Christianity was his 
 attempt to rebuild the temple of Jerusalem. He did in- 
 deed wish to aid the Jews in their desire of renewing the 
 Levitical sacrifices, and to secure their attachment to his 
 government in spite of its Paganism 1 ; but his main object 
 was to confound the Grospel by raising up the fabric which 
 it had expressly doomed, and thus reviving the system of 
 which that fabric had been the symbol and the centre. The 
 rapturous hopes of the Jews were expressed in the scene 
 which followed the imperial mandate, when silver spades and 
 mattocks were employed, and earth was carried away from 
 the excavations in the rich dresses of delicate women™. The 
 faith of the Christians was expressed by Cyril's denuncia- 
 tions of the predestined failure. The heathen historian" 
 tells us what ensued. After all possible assistance had been 
 given by the authorities, " fearful balls of fire breaking out 
 near the foundations with repeated attacks, scorched the 
 workmen several times, and rendered the place inaccessible ; 
 
 t Euinart, p. 609. Meletius accompanied them to martyrdom. Julian 
 had substituted for the Christian monogram the old initials (S. P. Q. E.) 
 of the senate and people. ' S. Chrys. adv. Jud. v. 11 ; Soz. v. 22. 
 
 «■ Greg. Naz. Or. iv. 4 ; Theod. iii. 20; Soz. v. 22. » Amm. xxiii. 1. 
 
124 DEATH or JULIAN. 
 
 and in this way, after obstinate repulses by the fiery ele- 
 ment, the undertaking was brought to a stand." Various 
 details are added by Christian writers °, as of an earthquake, 
 a whirlwind, fire from heaven, a luminous cross in the air, 
 and marks of crosses on the garments of the Jews. It may 
 be that in these particulars there is an element of exagger- 
 ation, and that in the fiery eruption itself, as well as in 
 attendant circumstances, natural agencies were employed. 
 But that those agencies should manifest themselves at that 
 particular crisis will appear accidental, as men speak, to 
 those only who do not estimate the exceeding awfulness of 
 the occasion, — the unparalleled historical position of Ju- 
 lian, the mystery of iniquity in his general policy, and the 
 specially Antichristian malignity of this attempt at a con- 
 futation of Christ's words P. 
 
 " His shafts, not at the Church, but at her Lord addrest i," 
 might well be cast back upon himself by a manifestation 
 of " the finger of God," as real and awe-inspiring as any 
 of those per se natural phenomena, the presence of which 
 under particular circumstances made them a sign of judg- 
 ment against Pharaoh. 
 
 Julian had but " a short time." Early in March he set 
 forth on his Persian expedition. On June 26, 363, he 
 received his death-wound in the course of a painful retreat. 
 That it wrung from him the cry of " Thou hast conquered, 
 Galilsean !" may be only a Christian " rumour "■," growing 
 out of the intense conviction that He had conquered. It is 
 quite as awful, if we rightly consider it, that the man who 
 had thus conspicuously lifted himself up against the Son of 
 God should have expired with the tranquil self-satisfaction 
 of a philosophic unbeliever =. We are told of several in- 
 
 ° e. g. Soo. iii. 20 ; Soz. v. 22 ; Theod. iii. 20 ; Greg. Or. iv. ; Chrys. adv. 
 Jud. V. 11, vi. 2. 
 
 p Those words undoubtedly included in their scope the whole Judaic 
 system. And to this system Juhan undertook to give once more a visible 
 establishment. q Lyra ApostoUoa, p. 212. 
 
 ' See Theod. iii. 25. • Amm. xxv. 3. 
 
DEATH OF JULIAN. I25 
 
 stances in whicli a knowledge of the event appeared to 
 have been mysteriously communicated at the very time of 
 its occurrence. The most famous is that of the Christian 
 grammarian at Antioch, who, vphen the great sophist Li- 
 banius asked him with an exulting sneer, " What is the 
 Carpenter's Son doing now ?" answered, "He is preparing 
 a coffin*." Theodore of Tabenne, and Pammon, were in 
 a boat on the Nile with Athanasius, who, speaking of the 
 Church's misery, declared that he bad a more cheerful heart 
 in persecution than in peace, whereupon his two friends 
 smiled at each other, and Theodore said, " This very hour 
 Julian has been slain ^." "We read also of the illustrious 
 Alexandrian scholar Didymus, hearing in a dream that day 
 that Julian was dead, and that he might send word to 
 Athanasius " ; of Sabas, a pious monk, who suddenly dried 
 his tears, and told his friends that the wild boar was lying 
 dead y ; of an officer sleeping in a church while on his way 
 to the army, and seeing an assembly of saints, two of 
 whom went out, and in next night's dream returned, having 
 executed their commission of judgment '. Whatever ac- 
 count is to be made of these anecdotes, they at any rate 
 shew what the Church felt in being delivered from the 
 Apostate ; and his career might be described by that other 
 story of his proceedings at Csesarea Philippi. In the place 
 of a famous statue of the Saviour, Julian sets up an image 
 of himself : but lightning hurls it to the ground, and it lies 
 a shattered and blackened mass \ 
 
 Jovian, the first of the body-guards, who had confessed 
 Christianity before Julian*, was hastily chosen Emperor. 
 The Christian ensign was again displayed; the army was 
 ready again to declare itself Christian as soon as the arti- 
 ficial support given by Julian to an efiete idolatry was 
 withdrawn. Imperial edicts went forth, undoing the Anti- 
 
 « Theod. iii. 23. » Ath. Op. ii. 695. » Soz. vi. 2. 
 
 y Theod. iii. 24. ^ Soz. vi. 2. 
 
 « Ibid. V. 21. He says, "From that day, even until now, it is there in 
 this condition." b Soc. iii. 13. 
 
126 COUNCIL OF ALEXANDRIA. 
 
 cbristian work of the Apostate; and Jovian, a frank, 
 straightforward soldier, adopted a religious policy, not only- 
 Christian, but unequivocally Catholic, and having thus 
 taken his side, exhibited some impatience of any attempt 
 to alter his resolution. He wrote to Athanasius, praising 
 his loyalty to Christ and his contempt for all perils in the 
 cause of orthodoxy. " Our Majesty, therefore, recalls thee. 
 .... Eeturn to the holy churches, and be the pastor of 
 God's people, and send forth with them prayers in behalf 
 of our Clemency "." He also requested from him a state- 
 ment of the true faith as distinct from the manifold sec- 
 tarian opinions ■■. Atlianasius, who had already returned to 
 Alexandria before Jovian's letter of recall arrived, assembled 
 a Council, which put forth an important doctrinal epistle % 
 referring the "religious Emperor" to the Nicene Creed. 
 "The true and pious faith in our Lord," the bishops pro- 
 ceed to say, " is manifest to all men, being known and read 
 out of the Divine Scriptures '. In this faith were the Saints 
 made perfect and martyred; and now have they departed 
 and are in the Lord. And this faith would have remained 
 unscathed for ever, had not the wickedness of some here- 
 tics ventured to counterfeit it." They go on to describe 
 Arianism, and (as in the synodal letter of 362) to expose 
 the Arian principle in its recent Macedonian form, with- 
 out naming Macedonius. They claim, as adhering to the 
 Nicene faith, the majority of the Eastern Churches, and the 
 Churches in Spain, Britain, Gaul, Italy, Dalmatia, Dacia, 
 Mysia, Macedonia, all Greece, all Africa, Sardinia, Cyprus, 
 Crete, Pamphylia, Lycia, Isauria, Pontus, Cappadocia, Libya, 
 Egypt, and the neighbouring countries. Then, after re- 
 citing the Creed, — including, of course, the anathemas, — 
 they add, " To this faith, O Augustus, it is needful for all 
 men to adhere, as being divine and apostolic." They depre- 
 
 c Ath., torn. ii. 622. '' Greg. Or. xxi. 43. ' Ath., torn. ii. 622. 
 
 f A passage most characteristic o£ S. Athanasius. See de Inoai-n. Verb. 
 56 ; c. Gent. 1 ; ad Ep. ^g. i ; de Deo. Nio. 32. 
 
JOVIAN AND THE AKIANS. 12/ 
 
 cate the "plausible arguments and logomacbies" of Arianism, 
 and observe that the Nicene fathers were not content to 
 say, "The Son is Wee the Father;" for He is not simply 
 lihe, but is very God of God; "but they used the word 
 Homoousios, as expressing the property of a genuine and 
 true Son, truly and by nature Son of the Father. Neither 
 did they make the Holy Spirit foreign to the Father and 
 the Son, but rather glorified Him with the Father and the 
 Son in the one faith of the Holy Trinity, because in the 
 Holy Trinity there is one Godhead." 
 
 Athanasius brought this letter to Jovian at Antioch, ac- 
 cording to a gracious invitation. He was treated with dis- 
 tinguished honour, while Lucius and other Arians received 
 four times a repulse from Jovian, who displayed on these 
 occasions a mixture of shrewdness, humour, and not un- 
 natural irritability. They met him at first as he was riding 
 out of the city. " "We pray your Majesty and Piety to hear 
 us." " Who and whence are ye ?" " Christians, my Lord, 
 from Alexandria." ""What do you want?" ""We pray 
 you, give us a bishop." " I have bidden your former 
 bishop Athanasius to be enthroned." " So please you, he 
 has been many years under accusation and in exile." A 
 Catholic soldier interrupted them : " May it please your 
 Majesty, inquire about these men ; they are the leavings 
 of the vile Cappadocian George, who have laid waste the 
 city and the world." Jovian spurred his horse, and rode 
 into the country. Again they presented themselves before 
 him, and talked of the accusations which had sent Atha- 
 nasius into exile. Jovian threw aside these accusations as 
 of too remote a date, and said, " Do not talk to me about 
 Athanasius : I know of what he was accused, and how he 
 was exiled." "But we have other charges to bring for- 
 ward." " You will never make good your case by a tumult 
 of voices; I cannot talk to each of you, — choose two of 
 yourselves, and two of the people, to speak for the rest." 
 "So please you," they persisted, "give us any one but 
 Athanasius." Jovian's patience here gave way : " I have 
 
128 JOVIAN 'S POLICY. 
 
 made up my mind about Attanasius ;" then in Latin, 
 " Strike tbem, strike them." The Arians urged what was, 
 even for them, a daring falsehood, that nobody would join 
 Athanasius in prayer. " I know by careful inquiry that he 
 is right-minded and orthodox." " He speaks well enough," 
 said the Arians, incautiously ; " but his meaning is insin- 
 cere." "Enough!" said Jovian, "you attest the orthodoxy of 
 his words: his meaning is beyond man's scrutiny." "Allow 
 us to hold assemblies." " Who prevents you ?" " May it 
 please you, he denounces us as heretics." "That is his 
 duty, and the duty of all sound teachers!" "Sire, we 
 cannot endure this man, and he has taken away the ground 
 belonging to the churches s." " Aha ! it was a matter of 
 property, then, and not of faith, that brought you hither? 
 Begone to church, you have a celebration*' to-morrow ; and 
 after the dismissal you can each of you write down the facts 
 as you believe them to be. Athanasius is here also. He 
 that knows not the doctrine of the faith, let him learn from 
 Athanasius ! You have to-morrow and next day." When 
 some of the Antiochenes caught Lucius, and presented him 
 to Jovian, saying, " May it please you to see this man whom 
 they want to establish as bishop," Jovian asked, " How came 
 you hither, by sea or land?" "By sea, so please you." 
 Jovian uttered a jocose but irreverent imprecation against 
 the sailors for not throwing him into the sea ; and caused 
 some of the court-eunuchs to be tortured for espousing his 
 cause against Athanasius. 
 
 But Jovian was not only the first decidedly Catholic em- 
 peror ; he was the first consistently tolerant one. He gave 
 the Pagans full liberty of worship, and rebufied the Semi- 
 Arians, in his blunt emphatic mode of speech, when they 
 begged him to banish the Anomoeaus. Meletius seems to 
 have received with unpromising coldness the attempts of 
 Athanasius to mediate between him and Paulinus ; and in 
 a Council at Antioch he allowed the slippery Acacians to 
 
 e Ta Tfiihf) -rav iKKXrjcnan. i" aifa^is. 
 
VALENTINIAN AND VALENS. IZg 
 
 accept the Homoousion '■ in this sense, that the Son " was 
 begotten of the Father's essence, and was like to Him in 
 essence ;" an explanation characteristically evasive, for it 
 reduced the great testing phrase to the measure, 1. of a 
 less distinct phrase vrhich preceded it in the Creed ; 2. of 
 the Semi-Arian formula. They also joined in the Council's 
 denunciation of the Anomoeans ; who, doubtless indignant 
 at these compliances, proceeded to consolidate their body 
 by the consecration of new bishops. 
 
 Jovian died, aged 33, on Eeb. 17, 364; and Valentinian, 
 who is said to have struck a Pagan priest for sprinkling 
 lustral water upon him, while he was attending Julian to 
 the gate of a temple, was chosen Emperor. He was in 
 several respects a great prince, who " always seemed above 
 his present fortune'^;" his main fault, which in fact proved 
 fatal to him, was a relentless ferocity of temper. In about 
 a month after his election he gave the sovereignty of the 
 East to his younger brother Valens, a feeble prince capable 
 of becoming a cruel one. 
 
 In the course of this year Valentinian came to Milan. 
 Hilary and Eusebius were still there, upholding the Catho- 
 lic cause against Auxentius, and keeping the faithful apart 
 from his communion. The Emperor, who was a Catholic, 
 was also naturally impatient of religious dissensions, and 
 did not choose to worship in a conventicle while the actual 
 bishop professed himself really orthodox. He therefore put 
 forth an edict that no one should disturb the Church of 
 Milan. This, as Hilary said, was indeed to disturb it ; and 
 he denounced Auxentius as in fact an Arian. Valentinian 
 ordered a trial : Auxentius professed his belief in Christ's 
 true consubstantial Godhead. Being ordered to make a 
 written statement, he obeyed, and insisted on the authority 
 of Ariminum, accused Hilary and Eusebius as contentious 
 
 ' Cassian, de Inoam. vi. 3, (Bibl. Patr., torn. 5. par. 2, p. 77,) refers to 
 tlie "Antiochene Creed," i.e. an altered form of the Nicene, containing 
 the Homoousion. "It speaks," he says, "the faith of all Churches." It 
 must have been adopted by this synod. •' Soe. iv. 1, 
 
 K 
 
130 COUNCIL OF LAMPSACUS. 
 
 men who had been deposed, and spoke of the Son in words 
 which might either mean that He was "a true Son" or 
 "a true God." Valentinian was satiaaed: Hilary pro- 
 tested that Auxentius was a trickster; but the Emperor, 
 weary of the controversy, ordered him to leave Milan. He 
 did so, and then addressed a letter to " all adherents of the 
 inherited faith'," beginning, "Fair is the name of peace, 
 but who can doubt that no peace but that of Christ is the 
 peace of the Church or of the Gospels ?" He warned his 
 readers against making the Church depend on secular pro- 
 tection; denounced those who in the Church's name had 
 recourse to sentences of exile and imprisonment ; inveighed 
 against Ausentius as a treacherous Antichrist ; and insisted 
 that walls did not make a church, that mountains and 
 forests were now safer than the basilicas of Milan. 
 
 The Semi-Arians now determined to hold another Coun- 
 cil. They sent the Bishop of Heraclea to ask Valentinian's 
 leave. He answered, " My place is among the laity ; I have 
 no right to interfere in such matters. Let the bishops™ 
 assemble where they will." They met accordingly at Lamp- 
 sacus in 365. The assembly was of the same character as 
 tlie Councils of Ancyra and Seleucia : it asserted the Ho- 
 moiousion, condemned the creed of Ariminum, confirmed 
 that of the Dedication. It declared itself against Eudoxius, 
 the chief of the Anomceans in ecclesiastical dignity, and 
 against Acacius, whose acceptance of the Homoousion had 
 been as short-lived as it was evasive. The Eudoxians were 
 summoned to repent, and pronounced, after a time, con- 
 tumacious; bat Valens inclined to their side, and exiled 
 the deputies of the Lampsacene Council. Eleusius, who 
 appears to have regained Cyzicus after the deposition of 
 Eimomius, was terrified by Valens into conformity to the 
 opinions of Eudoxius, but returned home and made con- 
 
 ' HiL c. Aux. 
 
 " l''"'f' ^'""'' ^ '" '° '^^"y °^'^^'- places, the highest order of the 
 
DEPUTATION TO LIBERIUS. I3I 
 
 fesslon of his weakness in full chureli ^. The Emperor had 
 a design on the Church of Csesarea, which was weakened by 
 the absence of Basil, whom Eusebius' jealousy had driven 
 back to his retirement. But hearing of his Church's peril, 
 he returned to Csesarea, was reconciled to Eusebius, and 
 baffled Valens. Meantime the more thorough-going Ano- 
 moeans, who had not forgiven Eudoxius for his abandon- 
 ment of Aetius and Eunomius, showed their abhorrence of 
 his dissimulation by rebaptizing even Arian proselytes. 
 
 In their distress and peril, the Semi-Arians bethought 
 themselves of the orthodox West and its emperor. They 
 sent to Liberius three deputies, Eustathius, Silvanus, and 
 Theophilus, with instructions to enter into his communion 
 and profess the Nicene Creed. We need not attempt to 
 analyze their motives, nor inquire how far their comfortless 
 position as subjects of Valens assisted them in seeing their 
 untenable position between the pure Arians and the ortho-- 
 dox. Liberius at first looked coldly on the delegates. They 
 assured him that they had come to see the true meaning 
 of Homoousion ; it meant nothing more than was held by 
 those who had stood out for Homoiousion. Such an ex- 
 planation could hardly be satisfactory. Would they, Li-, 
 berius asked, state their faith in writing ? They complied. 
 Their paper, in the form of a letter to their " lord, brother, 
 and fellow-minister Liberius °," began by asserting the or- 
 thodoxy of the Council of Lampsacus, and of other recent 
 assemblies of that kind, and their own commission to repre- 
 sent them. They professed that they had held, did hold 
 and would hold to the end, the Creed of the 318 at Nicsea, 
 in which the Homoousion was holily and piously employed. 
 They anathematized aU heresies opposed to that holy Creed, 
 and especially the Ariminian creed, accepted at Constan- 
 tinople through the craft of perjured men who passed it off 
 
 " Soc. iv. 6. He inserts after this event tlie episcopate of Eunomius, 
 o It is obvious that on the Papal theory such expressions, coming from 
 
 bishops who were professedly desiring the favour of Rome, would be grossly 
 
 deficient in humility. See the letter ia Soo. iv. 12. 
 
1^2 ' EASTERNS CONFORM. 
 
 as "NiceneP." After setting forth the Nicene Creed in 
 full, they declared themselves ready to have their orthodoxy 
 tried, if it ever should be needful, " before such orthodox 
 bishops as your Holiness i may approve." Liberius, on 
 receiving this paper, wrote to sixty-four Eastern bishops by 
 name, and to all their orthodox brethren, expressing his sa- 
 tisfaction at the Catholic statement of their representatives; 
 a copy of which, to prevent all misapprehensions, he appended 
 to his letter, retaining the original at Eome. He repeatedly 
 dwelt on their full acceptance of the JSTicene Creed, " which 
 contains the perfect truth," and "being contained in Hy- 
 postasis and the word Homoousion, repels like a strong 
 fortress aU the assaults of Arian perversity." He explicitly 
 described the Ariminian creed as procured by Arian craft, 
 which beguiled even those whom he was addressing. Now, 
 having ascertained their return to sanity, he recognized 
 them as in union with the orthodox Church. Neither in 
 the paper of the three delegates nor in the profession of 
 faith which they made soon afterwards in Sicily, was there 
 any assertion of the identity of Homoousion with Homoi- 
 ousion ; so that when Liberius' eventful life was closing in 
 September, 366, he had the comfort of thinking that, after 
 his melancholy lapse in former days, he had been instru- 
 mental in receiving the submission of a' great body of 
 Easterns to the Creed which he had once cast away. He 
 had succeeded not only to the " Chair of Peter," but to the 
 blessing which followed on his repentance ; he had been 
 converted, and had strengthened his brethren. 
 
 It is painful to speak of the next scene in Eoman Church 
 history. Damasus, a man of sixty, priest of the church of 
 S. Laurence, was elected bishop. " But after a short time 
 TJrsinus was consecrated by certain bishops, and invaded 
 the Sicinine (church), with his supporters, whither the 
 people of Damasus' party rushing together, persons of 
 
 P Granting that some Westerns may have been deceived by the similarity 
 of Nioaja and Nicfe, is it credible that Easterns could be so ? 
 1 A title then given to all bishops. 
 
DAMASTJS AOTJ TJESINXJS. 
 
 133 
 
 botli sexes were most barbarously slaughtered." Sucb is 
 the account given by Jeroine'^. "We are told also that IJr- 
 sinus, indignant at the election of Damasus, gathered to- 
 gether a band of his friends, and caused Paul bishop of 
 Tibur to consecrate him in the Sicinine or Liberian basilica ; 
 after which, on Oct. 25, a month after Liberius' death, the 
 party of Damasus besieged the church, burst open the doors, 
 and attacked their opponents. On that one day the pave- 
 ment of the basilica was covered with 137 slain persons. 
 The adherents of Ursinus maintained^ that he had been duly 
 elected by the old supporters of Liberius ; that Damasus 
 broke into the Julian church with adherents of the baser 
 sort, who committed a massacre; that he was afterwards 
 simoniacally elected and consecrated in the Lateran ; that 
 in order to regain possession of seven priests adhering to 
 Ursinus, whom he had seized and their friends had rescued, 
 he attacked the Liberian church and left there a multitude 
 of corpses. In this case there is first the question, which of 
 the two was legitimately elected ? And we may most rea- 
 sonably think that the right lay with Damasus, in whose 
 favour we have the recorded opinion not of his friend Jerome 
 only, but of Ambrose, who tells us that " holy Damasus was 
 chosen by the judgment of God' :" not to speak of the high 
 
 ' See his Chronicle. Euffinus, ii. 10, says that Ursinus, infuriated at 
 being postponed to Damasus, collected a band of turbulent men, and se- 
 cured the aid of a simple rustic bishop, &o. 
 
 s See the memorial addressed to Theodosius by Marcellinus and Fausti- 
 nus, two Luciferian priests who joined the Ursinian party because Dama- 
 sus "tried to persecute" Ephesius, the Luciferian bishop at Bome, while 
 the clergy of Damasus broke in upon Macarius, a' Luciferian priest, and 
 dragged him over flints until he receired a mortal wound. The preface to 
 this memorial in Sirmond. i. 227, says that Damasus perjured himself by 
 owning Fehi as bishop ; that in the sedition he was supported by oha^ 
 rioteers, gladiators, and labourers j that not one of those slain in the Libe- 
 rian church belonged to his party ; that three days later the faithful (Ur- 
 sinians) recited " against him " Ps. Ixxix. 2 ; that Ursinus was expelled, 
 recalled, again sent into exile, his rival having bribed the court; that 
 Damasus committed a third massacre at the cemetery of S. Agnes, where 
 the faithful had assembled for prayer ; that bishops, invited to the anni- 
 versary of his consecration, declined to condemn Ursinus. ' Ep. 17. 
 
134 URSINUS EXPELLED. 
 
 place whicli he filled for many years in the estimation of the 
 orthodox™. A conscious intruder could hardly have become 
 that Damasus whom the Church and the Catholic sovereigns 
 held in such honour, and who was the prominent encourager 
 of works of piety and charity among his people. Still there 
 is the fact that he was to some extent connected with mise- 
 rable deeds of violence done in his cause ; and if we suppose 
 that what he did on Oct. 25 was to authorize the forcible 
 ejection of an usurper from a church, we cannot think him 
 clear of responsibility for the inevitable results of such a 
 command, however far they may have been from his con- 
 templation. Ammianus takes for granted that both he and 
 Ursinus were fired with ambition to gain that proudest of 
 episcopal seats, and enjoy " the rich oiferings of matrons "," 
 the splendour of garb, the chariot, the more than royal 
 banquets, which were adjuncts to the bishopric of " the 
 Cityy." He could not, of course, know much of Damasus' 
 character ; but it cannot be forgotten that a taste for state 
 and display formed part of it, that he was by nature inclined 
 to value a position of great dignity, and that Prsetestatus, 
 the Pagan prefect who was more successful than his pre- 
 decessor in quelling the sedition, was wont to say to Da- 
 masus, " Make me bishop of Eome, and I will at once turn 
 Christian M" 
 
 Drsinus was expelled from the city ; but his partisans 
 continued to disturb it by their clamorous accusations 
 against Damasus. 
 
 Germinius bishop of Sirmium had been one of those who 
 proposed the third Sirmian creed for acceptance at Arimi- 
 num. He now'' took up a phraseology so reverential in re- 
 
 » Theodoret, v. 2, speaks highly of his sanctity and zeal. Ruffinus says 
 that the carnage was turned to the prejudice " boni et innocentis sacerdo- 
 tis," of whose " innocence God became the vindicator." 
 
 ^ Marcellinus and Faustinas call Damasus '^matronarum auriscalpius. '* 
 
 y Amm. xxvii. 3. He adds that Roman bishops wonld be truly happy if 
 they Uved in the simple style of some provincial prelates, " pure and modest 
 in the sight of the eternal Deity and His true worshippers." 
 
 ^ Jerome, c. Joan. 8. « Hil. Fragra. 13. 
 
COUNCIL OF TYANA. 
 
 135 
 
 gard to Christ's dignity as to give mucli disquiet to his old 
 friends Valens and Ursacius. "While sitting in council with 
 other bishops, they wrote to him, Dec. 18, 366, asking him 
 to disclaim the phrase, " Like to the Father in all things, 
 excepting that He is not unborn," and to adhere rigidly to 
 the Ariminian language, " Like to the Father according to 
 the Scriptures." G-erminius, addressing the other bishops 
 assembled, peremptorily replied that he did hold what had 
 been complained of, and maintained it to be Scriptural, 
 and conformable to the original draft of the third Sirmian 
 creed. 
 
 In the beginning of 367 we find the Eastern delegates, 
 well supplied with letters of peace from Western Churches, 
 appearing before an orthodox Council at Tyana*. Eusebius 
 of Cappadocian Cjesarea was president. The delegates were 
 recognized as true Catholics, and letters were written ex- 
 horting all the Eastern bishops to meet in Council at Tarsus 
 before the summer heats set in, and consolidate the union 
 which had been effected. It seemed as if the breach would 
 at length be healed, and the Apostle's birthplace give a new 
 triumph to Apostolic Christianity. But some thirty-four 
 bishops met in Caria, and declared that, with every wish for 
 unity, they could not admit the Homoousion nor abandon the 
 Dedication Creed. And Valens, who had already begun to 
 persecute the Novatians for their orthodoxy, and had banished 
 their aged and pious bishop Agelius, was just at this time 
 urged by his Arian wife to receive baptism from Eudoxius 
 on the eve of his Gothic war ". Thus committed to Arian- 
 ism, the Eastern Emperor forbade the meeting at Tarsus <■, 
 and put forth an edict fruitful of suffering for the East, that 
 all bishops expelled by Constantius and recalled by Julian 
 should be again expelled from their cities ^. 
 
 i> Soz. vi. 12. ■; Theod. iv. 12. " Soc. iv. 12. 
 
 « Soz. vl. 12. Maroellinus and Faustinas say that the guilty weakness 
 of many Catholic bishops under Constantius proved a stumbling-block to 
 Valens. The Arians could say, "These men once held our faith ;" and 
 Catholicism could thus be associated with inconsistency. " Haec, hsec res 
 deoepit Valentem !" Sirm. i. 245. 
 
136 EDICT OF VALENS. 
 
 Such was the disappointment of hopes, and the fulfilment 
 of fears, in 367. There was to be once more an Arian per- 
 secution ; and all the Semi-Arians could not be won over to 
 the Church. Those who stood aloof from the Nicene faith 
 were from this time known as Macedonians ; " Semi-Arian- 
 ism" disappears from history. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 From the Edict of Valens to the Death of S. Basil. 
 
 ** Oh tiy Thine own sad burthen, borne 
 So meekly up the hill of scorn, 
 Teach Thou Thy priests their daily cross 
 To beai- as Thine, nor count it loss !" 
 
 Christian Tear^ 
 
 rrHE edict of banisliment came to Alexandria; and the 
 -*- prsefect of Egypt prepared to expel Athanaaius. The 
 Catholics remonstrated; "The edict refers to those whom 
 Julian recalled, whereas Athanasius was the bishop whom 
 Julian specially persecuted." Fearing a tumult, the prsefect 
 allowed Athanasius to remain until he could hear again from 
 Valens ; but one evening Athanasius secretly left his house, 
 which was a part of the cathedral buildings, and a few hours 
 afterwards the prsefect came with an armed force, hoping to 
 seize him without exciting observation. They searched the 
 house in vain, from the uppermost rooms to the basement. 
 It is said that he concealed himself in his father's tomb for 
 four months ; at last the Emperor found it best to quiet the 
 agitation of Alexandria, and prevent any difficulties which 
 might arise from his elder brother's stedfast orthodoxy, 
 by terminating this fifth and last dispossession of Athana- 
 sius ^. At first the persecution was not of a very bitter 
 kind. No attack was made on the Church of CsBsarea, 
 where Basil was now at work in cordial union with the 
 Archbishop, doing his utmost to please and serve the man 
 from whose unfriendliness he had formerly so much to 
 suffer ''. Eusebius found in him an afieetionate and invalua- 
 ble assistant, energetic in organizing the faithful against the 
 Eunomians, supporting the weakness of some, piercing the 
 consciences of others, healing divisions, uniting the Cappa- 
 docian Church in " loyal devotion to the Trinity." No 
 
 • Soz. vi. 12 ; Soo. iv. 13. ^ Greg. Orat. xx. 58. 
 
138 COUNCIL OF LAODICEA. 
 
 wonder tliat alfchougli second in dignity, he was the real 
 ruler of the Church. 
 
 On Sept. 15, 367, Ursinus returned to Eome, but was 
 again banished by Valentinian on Nov. 16, with seven of 
 his adherents : but the position of Damasus was not made 
 secure without fresh severities against the TJrsinian party. 
 Valentinian ordered that all cases in which bishops were 
 involved should be tried not by secular judges, but by the 
 Eoman bishop and his colleagues. 
 
 We may notice here a famous Eastern Council, which was 
 probably held atout this time", although the precise date 
 does not appear ascertainable, — that of Laodicea in Phrygia. 
 It consisted of thirty-two bishops, and its sixty canons were 
 received into the code of the "Universal Church. Some re- 
 late to discipline, e. g. to the cases of penitents and of the 
 twice-married, and to the reception, by anointing, of con- 
 verts from certain sects. Others, to Church administration : 
 e. g. bishops are to elect a bishop — the people are not to 
 elect a priest — bishops are not to be appointed for villages — 
 neophytes are not to be made bishops. But the majority 
 relate to matters connected with Christian worship. None 
 but the regular chanters are to sing in church. No psalms 
 by private individuals are to be sung. A lesson is to be 
 inserted after each psalm. The prayers said at None are to 
 be repeated at Vespers. The Gospel is not to be omitted in 
 the Saturday Celebration. After sermon are to foUow prayers 
 for catechumens and penitents, then the prayers of the faith- 
 ful, then the Holy Offering, (i. e. the most solemn part of 
 the service, beginning with " Lift up your hearts.") None 
 but priests are to communicate within the sanctuary. No 
 clerks below the diaconate are to handle the sacred vessels, 
 or administer the Holy Sacrament. " Bread must not be 
 oflPered in Lent on any day but Sunday and Saturday^." 
 
 = Fleuvy dates it in 367 ; Pagi in 363 ; BeTeridge in 365. Others have 
 placed it as far back as 320. 
 
 ■i That is, on all other days Communion is to take place by means of the 
 reserved or "presanctifled" Sacrament, as now in the Koman Church on 
 
COUNCIL OF EOME. 
 
 139 
 
 There must be no Oblation in private houses. No love-feasts 
 may be held ia churches. No candidate for Baptism may be 
 received after the second week in Lent. Those vpho are being 
 " illuminated " are to learn the Creed, and to say it to the 
 bishop or priest on Thursday before Easter ; after Baptism 
 they are to receive the " heavenly chrism" (in Confirmation). 
 Throughout Lent there must be fasting on dry food. The 
 fast must not be broken on Thursday before Easter. Mar- 
 tyrs' days are not to be kept in Lent; the martyrs to be 
 commemorated on the Sundays and Saturdays. Ko mar- 
 riages, nor birthday feasts, in Lent. Anathema to those who 
 Judaically abstain from work on Saturdays. On Sundays, if 
 possible, men are to abstain. Men are not to join in Pagan 
 entertainments, nor to receive unleavened bread from Jews, 
 nor to cast out devils without authority, nor to forsake God's 
 Church in order to hold conventicles for angel- worship " ; 
 anathema to those who practise this secret idolatry. Magic, 
 astrology, and the amulets called phylacteries, are forbidden. 
 Only the Canonical Scriptures must be read in church. To 
 this last decree is usually appended a catalogue of the 
 Scriptures which may be read; Baruch being included in 
 the Old Testament, the Apocalypse excluded from the New. 
 But there seems at least good reason for questioning the 
 authenticity of this catalogue as a "part of the original 
 conciliar text'." 
 
 On the 13th of January, 368, S. Hilary died at Poitiers. 
 Damasus, as soon as the abatement of the Ursinian tumults 
 gave him leisure, held a Council against Arianism, in which 
 Valens and TJrsacius were again excommunicated, — in 868 
 or 369. Athanasius thereupon held a Council of ninety 
 Egyptian bishops, and wrote in their name to thank Da- 
 masus for this act, but to recommend that Auxentius 
 should be the object of a similar censure. Another letter 
 
 Good Friday. The Councfl in Trullo, a.d. 691, ordered the Liturgy of the 
 Presanotifled to be celebrated on all days in Lent except Sundays, Satur- 
 days, and the Feast of the Annunciation. 
 = See Col. ii. 18. ' See Westoott on the N. T. Canon, 600—508. 
 
140 EPISTLE "ad AFROS/ 
 
 was sent by tlie Council to all the African bishops, insisting 
 on the authority of the Nicene Council, as " an inscription 
 on a pillar" confounding all heresies without exception ; the 
 special purpose of the letter being to give a death-blow to 
 all pleas in behalf of the creed of Ariminum s. It applied to 
 the series of uncatholic creeds the doom against every plant 
 which the Father had not planted : and it re-aflBrmed the 
 sense of Hypostasis as meaning Substance in Heb. i. 3. 
 The concluding words have a grand simple solemnity. " No 
 Christian can have any doubt in his mind about the fact 
 that our faith is not in a creature — but in one God the 
 
 Father Almighty and in one Lord Jesus Christ, — 
 
 and in one Holy Spirit ; one Grod, who is acknowledged in 
 the holy and perfect Trinity, into which also we being bap- 
 tized, and joined in the same to the Godhead, believe that 
 we shall inherit the kingdom of heaven in Christ Jesus our 
 Lord. Amen." 
 
 Towards the middle of the year 370 two very different 
 prelates died, Eudoxius of Constantinople and Eusebius of 
 Cappadocian Caesarea. The latter died in the arms of Basil, 
 who had nobly played the part of a good shepherd in the 
 famine which had recently visited Caesarea^, — selling his in- 
 heritance to feed the sufferers, and including Jews as well 
 as Christians in his bounty. There was, however, a party, 
 chiefly among the upper classes, obstinate in dislike of 
 Basil. They felt, no doubt, that he was too lofty in his 
 single-mindedness to serve their purposes ; and now, when 
 the great see of Caesarea was vacant, they opposed his elec- 
 tion to the utmost, alleging, apparently, his weak health as 
 a paramount objection. The opposition was happily over- 
 come by the two Gregories, father and son, — the latter of 
 whom advised Basil to withdraw from Caesarea until the 
 election should be over, — and Eusebius, bishop of Samosata, 
 who had won the admiration even of Constantius by his 
 firmness in refusing to surrender the election-deed of Mele- 
 
 B Ath. ad Afros. _ t Basil. Horn, in Fam. et Sioc. 
 
S. BASIL CONSECRATED. I4I 
 
 tius whicli bad been placed in his keeping'. The aged 
 •bishop of Nazianzum came to Caesarea in a litter, to assist 
 in the consecration of the new archbishop. "Weak and worn 
 as he was, he took a prominent part in the solemn ritual, — 
 the imposition of hands, the unction, the enthronement. 
 And thus, in June 370, Basil began his nine years of episco- 
 pal trials, anxieties, and disappointments, all to be endured 
 under a continual pressure of bad health. The episcopate 
 was to him a burden indeed. Yet Gregory of Nazianzum 
 could truly say that " what he did with one hand was worth 
 more than what another man did with the labour of both." 
 As primate of Pontus, or as bishop of Csesarea, he was un- 
 wearied in his apostolic labours ; seeking out fit persons for 
 holy orders, busying himself in the improvement of divine 
 service and in the rekindling of devotional zeal, framing, in 
 substance at least, the Liturgy which bears his name, and 
 is still used by the Greek Church on ten days in the year ; 
 diligent as a preacher, constant in visiting the sick, the 
 founder of a hospital which resembled a town, guarding 
 Church discipline J, rebuking clerical misconduct, winning 
 over by a noble frankness and gentleness the bishops who 
 had resisted his election. Such were some of his works ia 
 his own more immediate sphere of duty ; but his anxiety to 
 fulfil his ministry kept him watchful for the welfare of the 
 whole Church. 
 
 About this time we may place the controversy between 
 Parmenian, the Donatist bishop of Carthage, and Optatus, 
 the Catholic bishop of Milevis, to which we are indebted 
 for much of our knowledge of Donatism. 
 
 On July 29, 370, Valentinian published a law which 
 shows the extent to which secularity had taken hold of the 
 
 ' Theod. ii. 32. 
 
 I See Epp. 53, 54: he tells his chorepiseopi that some of them are ac- 
 cused of simony in the matter of ordination ; and rebukes them for ordain- 
 ing without first laying before him the names of candidates. In Ep. 55 he 
 rebukes a priest for transgressing the Nicene canon which forbade women, 
 except relations, &o., to be inmates of the houses of clergy, {synacti or sub- 
 introductcB), 
 
1^2 PEKSECUTION. 
 
 Eoman Church. He forbade clergy and monks to haunt 
 the houses of widows or orphans ; and annulled every be- 
 quest by a woman to her spiritual guide ''. 
 
 Some months after the death of Eudoxius, the Catholics 
 of Constantinople, who had but a single small church in the 
 city, chose Evagrius for their bishop. He was banished 
 into Thrace : the Arians chose Demophilus of Beroea, who 
 had been the tempter of Liberius '. The dominant Arians 
 tyrannized over Catholics at their will; and eighty clergy 
 who went to remonstrate with Valens at Nicomedia were, 
 by his order to Modestus the prsefect, put on board ship as 
 if to go into exile. When the vessel was entering the Pro- 
 pontis the crew set her on fire, took to the barge, and left 
 the prisoners to their doom™. Meletius was banished to 
 Armenia, and Mavian and Diodore, now no longer laics, were 
 again called upon to sustain the faith in Antioch. They 
 assembled the faithful in caverns, by the river-side, and in 
 the open country. Paulinus, who, as we have seen, had so 
 won the respect of the Arian bishop as to be allowed the 
 use of a church within the city °, was now permitted by 
 the Arian. monarch, " on account of his exceeding piety"," 
 to remain undisturbed. 
 
 Basil had much to bear at home from painful misunder- 
 standings with a kinsman, his uncle Gregory ; with his yet 
 unconciliated suffragans ; with Catholics who suspected him 
 for his Semi- Arian connections, or who discerned treason to 
 the faith in the cautious language which he employed as to 
 the Divinity of the Holy Spirit, whom on one occasion, with 
 a view to some weak brethren, he designated rather as un- 
 create than as consubstantial p. Looking abroad, he saw an 
 
 t Jerome says, " I do not complain of the law, but I grieve that we should 
 have deserved it. Yet even this provident severity was insufficient as a 
 check to avarice." Ep. 52 ad Nep, 
 
 ' Basil says, Ep. 48, that " Demophilus has a show of sanctity." 
 
 ■" Soc. iv. 16 ; Soz. vi. 14. ■> Soz. v. 13. o Soo. iv. 2. 
 
 P They scrupled about applying this term to the Holy Spirit, and urged 
 that he was not called God in Scripture. Basil meant gradually to lead 
 
ATHANASIUS AND BASIL. I43 
 
 Arian prince making war upon Catholicism ; the worst form 
 of Arianism overrunning the East ; the general schism which 
 was- to have been healed at Tarsus still dividing brother from 
 brother ; the special schism between Paulinus and Meletius 
 extended into a dissension between the "West and the East. 
 The miseries of the time weighed down his soul. To whom 
 imder Heaven could he turn for aid and sympathy ? There 
 was yet living one man, one "great and apostolic souli," 
 the natural centre of unity for all the faithful, honoured 
 both by East and West, able, if any one was, to draw them 
 both together. "Whether in regard to particular or general 
 difficulties, it was natural to turn to Athanasius. 
 
 Very beautiful and touching is the relation now formed 
 between these two saints. Basil receives an intimation 
 that Athanasius has excommunicated a wicked governor of 
 Libya, and forthwith proclaims the sentence in his own 
 church '. He begs Athanasius to use his influence with 
 the "Westerns for the recognition of Meletius, to manage 
 Paulinus, to stir up the Eastern orthodox by his letters, 
 and to plead like Samuel for the churches. He calls him 
 the " head" of Christendom, and expresses his ardent desire 
 to see his face'. Athanasius sends one of his priests to 
 visit Basil, and on hearing of the suspicions entertained as 
 to his orthodoxy in regard to Macedonianism, exhorts the 
 doubters to put away their fears, and be thankful for so 
 " glorious" a bishop '. To Damasus Basil also wrote, en- 
 treating on behalf of the suffering Easterns that far- 
 reaching and generous kindness for which the Eoman 
 bishops had been celebrated ". Athanasius about this time 
 gave a new proof of his superiority to narrow formalism. 
 The people of Palsebisca and Hydrax, two towns in the 
 diocese of Erythrum, persuaded the aged Bishop Orion to 
 
 them to the full truth, by showing them that He had all the Divine 
 attributes. 1 Basil, Ep. 80. ■■ Bas. Ep. 60. 
 
 « Epp. 66, 67, 69, 80. ' Ath. ad Pall., tom. ii. 763, 764. 
 
 " Ep. 70. Dionysius of Eome, Basil obserres, had sent agents to redeem 
 the Csesarean Christians from captivity. 
 
144 BASIL AND MODEST0S. 
 
 let them have a prelate of their own. He deputed Philo to 
 consecrate the man of their choice, a young layman of 
 practical abOity named Siderius. This consecration, per- 
 formed by a single bishop, and without any sanction from 
 the throne of Alexandria, was doubly irregular in a canoni- 
 cal point of view. But the great Patriarch allowed it to 
 stand, and even promoted Siderius to the more important 
 see of Ptolemais ". 
 
 The request which Athanasius had made to Rome for a 
 special condemnation of Auxentius was complied with by 
 Damasus in a large Council of Italian and GalKcan bishops, 
 probably held in 371. The inviolable character of the 
 Nicene Creed was again enforced. We have the synodal 
 letter as it was sent to lUyricum, and also as it was sent to 
 the Easterns, authenticated by the signature of a Milanese 
 deacon y. Basil wished for a deputation of Westerns, to 
 aid in resisting the Eastern heretics and in reuniting the 
 orthodox; but he trusted that this might come in time. 
 He had an interview with Modestus in the autumn of 371, 
 when he amazed the prsefect by his boldness ^. He would 
 never " adore a creature," i.e. the Son as conceived of by 
 the Arians. " Do you not fear what I can make you 
 suffer ?" asked Modestus. " Tell me what it is," said 
 BasU. "Confiscation, exile, tortures, death." "Find out 
 .some more potent menace," was the calm reply. " Nobody 
 ever spoke so boldly to Modestus," said the praefect, be- 
 wildered by the Archbishop's lofty scorn. The significant 
 answer was, " Perhaps you never before fell in with a 
 bishop!" Modestus, utterly foiled, called Valens himself 
 to aid in conquering Basil. It was Epiphany in 372 when 
 the Emperor attended service in the cathedral of Caesarea ". 
 He found the church thronged with "a sea" of people. The 
 
 » Synesius, Ep. 67. 
 
 y In the letter to Illyricum as given by Theod. ii. 22, but not as in Soz. 
 vi. 23, occurs a statement that "bishops" were sent from Eome to Nioaja. 
 Valesius would read eV/Ae/cToi, "chosen men." For the letter as sent to 
 the Easterns, which contains a like statement, of. Mansi, iii. 459. 
 
 '^ S. Greg. Orat. xx. 73. o S. Greg. 1. o. 76. 
 
BASIL AND VALENS. I45 
 
 «bant of tlie Psalms pealed forth like thunder. The arch- 
 bishop stood, as was then usual, behind the altar >>, which 
 was between him and the people; but although his face 
 was turned towards them, he seemed rapt and absorbed in 
 the service. Around him stood the attendant ministers, 
 and throughout the church all was reverence, solemnity, and 
 order. The unearthly majesty of the scene struck Valens 
 with awe. His nerves gave way when he advanced to pre- 
 sent his offering, and no hand was extended to receive the 
 gift of a heretic : he would even have fallen, but for the 
 support of one of the clergy. On another occasion the 
 effect was deepened by a conversation which he held with 
 Basil; but no such impressions could be lasting on such 
 a mind, and when he arrived at Antioch the persecution 
 of Catholics became a fiery trial indeed. Basil's letters 
 describe the state of the East, the expulsion of faithful 
 pastors, the promotion of daring Anomceans, the contempt 
 of Church laws, of theology, of piety ; the hard worldliness 
 of the prevailing tone, the bewilderment of the simple, the 
 triumph of unbelievers. " Old men lament when they think 
 of old times ; the young are worse off, for they have known 
 nothing better." The faithful avoid the established " teach- 
 ers of blasphemy," and meet for prayer in the wilderness''. 
 At Edessa the Catholics were deprived of their bishop '', and 
 forbidden to meet in the cathedral. Instead of obeying, 
 they crowded thither. Modestus encountered a woman on 
 her way to church, leading a little child. She answered 
 his inquiries by saying that she meant the child to share in 
 the crown of martyrdom with herself. Upon this, Mo- 
 destus gave up his attempt on such a people, but he exiled 
 some eighty of their clergy on their refusal to hold com- 
 munion with the Emperor. 
 
 i* His throne was at the eastern extremity of the sanctuary, and he would 
 advance from it towards the altar, which stood nearer to the ''holy doors." 
 
 <^ Epp. 90, 92; "to the Western bishops," and "to the Italian and 
 Catholic bishops." 
 
 "i Theod. iv. 16 ; Soc. iv. 18 ; Soz. vi. 18. 
 
 L 
 
146 APOLLINARIANISM. 
 
 Soon after the Roman Council had condemned Auxentius, 
 Athanasius was obliged to take more formal notice of the 
 error respecting our Lord's true Manhood which had been 
 condemned in the Council of 362. It was about 369 that 
 this error assumed a more definite form, though even then 
 it was not known as the theory of ApoUinaris. It started 
 from the idea of the true Divinity of Christ ; and professing 
 exceeding reverence for Him, argued that if He had had 
 a human mind, or "reasonable Soul," He must have had 
 sinful instincts, and further that the one Christ would have 
 been, in fact, two. The conclusion was, that the Word 
 supplied the place of a mind in Christ ^. This proposition 
 denied the truth of the Incarnation, by denying that Christ 
 assumed the whole of that Manhood which He came to 
 redeem. And the downward impulse of heretical thought 
 led the followers of ApoUinaris, the real propagator of the 
 doctrine, to maintain that " Incarnation" meant only a con- 
 verse of God with man, and that Christ's Body was not 
 really born of Mary, but was a portion of the Godhead con- 
 verted into flesh. These opinions, and others akin to them, 
 were now gaining a hold on Corinth. Their show of piety 
 made them powerful with minds which would have resisted 
 errors of a difi'erent type ; and the temper which shrank 
 back from such an awful nearness of God to man as was 
 implied in a perfect Incarnation, disguised itself in the garb 
 of jealousy for God's honour. Athanasius, being applied to 
 by Epictetus, bishop of Corinth, wrote a tract against the 
 monstrous notion of a body consubstantial with Godhead, 
 whereby the truth of Christ's birth from Mary, the truth of 
 His Sacrifice, the truth of His Manhood, were annulled. 
 He also wrote two books against the heresy, but without 
 naming ApoUinaris, who was his old friend, and whom, per- 
 haps, he believed to be not committed to it. Another 
 former friend, twenty years older than himself, whose errors 
 
 = Equivocation was sometimes resorted to on this point. It was said 
 " Christ has really a mind ;" meaning, that the Word was to Him instead 
 of it. Epiph. Hicr. 77. 23. 
 
GKEGORY CONSECRATED. I47 
 
 he had been obliged to acknowledge as undeniable, and as 
 the source of great scandal to the Catholic cause, Marcellus 
 of Ancyra, whom Basil had recently again denounced ', sent 
 his deacon Eugenius to Alexandria, with a statement of 
 belief which might be called half satisfactory. It anathe- 
 matized the "insanity" of Photinus, and distinctly asserted 
 the Word's personality ; but it omitted to affirm the per- 
 petuity of Christ's Manhood and kingdom. Athanasius' 
 suffi-agans accepted this declaration; his own signature is 
 absent, — perhaps has been lost accidentally. 
 
 The year 372 was distinguished by the martyrdom of 
 S. Sabas, a Christian Goth, for refusing to eat things oiFered 
 to idols; and by three important episcopal consecrations. 
 Gregory, Basil's brother, became bishop of Nyssa. Gre- 
 gory of Nazianzum was fixed upon by Basil to occupy a 
 new see which he was determined to found at Sasima, in 
 order to strengthen the see of Csesarea against the ag- 
 gression of Anthimus, bishop of Tyana, who claimed to be 
 a metropolitan, because his city had just been made the 
 head of a division of Cappadocia. Sasima was a comfort- 
 less, unhealthy town, full of noise and dust, and inhabited 
 by an unsatisfactory set of people ; of all places the least 
 fitted to be a home for the shrinking and sensitive Gregory. 
 Kegardless of Gregory's objections, Basil compelled him to 
 receive consecration ; he attempted to settle at Sasima, but 
 was driven away by the violent Anthimus, who had on one 
 occasion stopped Basil's way home by a band of freebooters. 
 
 Gregory took up his abode at Nazianzum as his father's 
 coadjutor ; and the unhappy result of the matter was that 
 he never again felt thoroughly at home with Basil, and one 
 
 ' Ep. 69. Basil urges that the Westerns should condemn Marcellus. 
 The Benedictine biographer of S. Basil thinks that the mission of Eugenius 
 took place soon after 363, and that afterwards Athanasius foimd it necessary 
 to withdraw his communion from MaroeUus. There is a curious anecdote 
 in Epiph. Hier. 72. i, that when Bpiphanius asked S. Athanasius what he 
 thought of Marcellus, Athanasius signified by a smile that MaroeUus had 
 just managed to clear himself. 
 
148 BEATH OF S. ATHANASIUS. 
 
 of the most beautiful of Christian friendships was perma- 
 nently marred by a strong will and a lack of sympathy. In 
 July S. Martin was chosen bishop of Tours by the unani- 
 mous desire of the whole district. 
 
 S. Athanasius could not do all that Basil had hoped. 
 Although Meletius, at Basil's recommendation ?, had shown 
 his wish to be in communion with Alexandria, the old ties 
 between Athanasius and the Eustathians could not be 
 broken; and the schism remained unhealed. Athanasius' 
 work was now done. He had sat on the throne of S. Mark 
 for forty-six years, and was past seventy, when he ended 
 his life and labours on Thursday, May 2, 373 •>. 
 
 His glorious career illustrates "the incredible power of 
 an orthodox faith, held with inflexible earnestness, especially 
 when its champion is an able and energetic raani." One is 
 struck with the variety of gifts and the unity of aim which it 
 exhibits. The infidel historian deemed him fit to rule an 
 empire, and obviously he had to the fullest extent the power 
 of dealing with men ; yet he was publicly called for as " the 
 ascetic" at his election, and in exile he was a model of monas- 
 tic piety. If he is great as a theologian, and intensely given 
 to Scripture and sacred studies, he is " pre-eminently quick 
 in seeing the right course, and full of practical energy in 
 pursuing iti." He is as kindly in his judgments of Libe- 
 rius, and Hosius, and the Council of Ariminum, as if he 
 were not the bravest of confessors. He can make allowance 
 for the difficulties of Semi-Arians, and recognize their real 
 "brotherhood" with himself. "Out of the strong comes 
 forth sweetness." It is this union of inflexibility and dis- 
 
 B In Ep. 89 Basil tells Meletius tliat nothing can be done unless he will 
 write first to Athanasius, who was grieved by the previous fEiilure of his 
 efforts to be in communion with Meletius, 
 
 h " Post multos agones, multasque patientice coronas." Ruif. ii. 3. " Quem 
 hierotica! perseoutionis procella non contrivit, sed probavit." Cassian de Inc. 
 Dom. vii. 29. The date 373 seems better supported than 371 ; it has the 
 authority of S. Proterius of Alexandria, the Chron. Orient., and S. Jerome; 
 Socrates would give 371. 
 
 i Eanke, Popes, ii, 222. i S. Basil, Ep. 162. 
 
HIS CHARACTER. 149 
 
 cretion, of firmness and charity, this manysidedness as a 
 pattern for imitation'', which makes him emphatically Atha- 
 nasius the Great. And wherever we find him, — confront- 
 ing opponents, bafiling conspirators, biding his time in Gaul 
 or Italy, turning his hour of triumph to good account for 
 his flock, calling on them in the hour of deadliest peril to 
 praise the Everlasting Mercies, burying himself in cells 
 and dens of the earth, bearing honour and dishonour with 
 the same kingliness of soul, uniting the freshness of early 
 enthusiasm with the settled strength of heroic manhood, 
 writing, -preaching, praying, sulfering, — he is enkindled 
 and sustained throughout by one clear purpose. "What lay 
 closest to his heart was no formula, however authoritative — 
 no Council, however cecumenic. His zeal for the Consub- 
 stantiality had its root in his loyalty to the CoifsrBSTAN- 
 TIAL '. He felt that in the Nicene dogma were involved the 
 worship of Christ and the life of Christianity. The in- 
 estimable Creed which he was said to have composed in 
 a cave at Treves, is his only in this sense, that, on the 
 whole, it sums up his teaching ; but its hymn-like form may 
 remind us that his maintenance of dogma was a life-long 
 act of devotion. The union of these two elements is the 
 lesson of his life, as it was the secret of his power ; and by 
 virtue of it, as has been well said ", although " again and 
 again it is AtTianasius contra mundum ", yet Athanasius is 
 
 k S. Greg. Orat. xxi. 9. He was, in the words of the Parisian Hymn for 
 the Common of Bishops, — 
 
 *' The lame man's staff, the blind man's sight. 
 The sinner's guiding light ; 
 A father, prompt to hea*r each call, 
 And all things made to all." 
 1 " Athanase etait enflamm€, des sa jeunesse, de la passion qtu fait lea 
 Saints, 1' amour de J. C. Le jour ou il crut voir dans les disoours d' Arius 
 une atteinte portSe ^ I'honneur de ce Dieu chgri, il bondit d' indignation, 
 et . . . consaora d&ormais sans reltehe ^ la defense du Verbe Incarn€, toutes 
 les ressources d' une science immense et d' une dialectique invincible, diri- 
 gfes par un grand bou sens et par une volontS de fer." De Broglie, L'JEglise 
 etV Empire, i.Z12. 
 "1 Chr. Eemembr. xxxvi. 206. 
 n When he stood up contra mundum, it was propter Eccksiam. His 
 
1^0 PEKSECTJTION AT ALEXANDRIA. 
 
 in truth tJie immortal, and ever in the end prevails." " HsBC 
 est victoria quae vincit mundum, Kdes nostra." 
 
 He had been asked to recommend a successor. He 
 named his old friend Peter, who was elected and en- 
 throned". But the preefect Palladius, with a band of soldiers 
 and other unbelievers, attacked the church of S. Theonas, 
 and re-enacted the horrors of 356. Pagan hymns and foul 
 ■words resounded through the church ; a youth in woman's 
 attire danced upon the altar where, says Peter?, " we invoke 
 the Holy Spirit ;" a shameless wretch, seating himself upon 
 the throne, delivered a discourse in favour of immorality ; 
 virgins were insulted, and some of them even killed with 
 clubs. Peter escaped ; by one account, he was for a time 
 imprisoned. Euzoius of Antioch, and Magnus the imperial 
 treasurer, were sent by Valens with a great force to install 
 the Arian Lucius. " No monks, chanting hymns from Scrip- 
 ture, preceded " the new bishop ; a far different sound hailed 
 his arrival. "Welcome," cried the Pagans, "thou bishop 
 that deniest the Son, — thou whom Serapis loves and has 
 brought hither !" Lucius openly denied that Christ was 
 truly God, and Peter denounces him as an idolater, who 
 worshipped a being whom he declared to be not from all 
 eternity. Magnus arrested nineteen clergy, commanded 
 them to embrace the Emperor's faith, assured them that 
 even were it not the truth, a compulsory conformity would 
 involve them in no sin, and that their choice lay between 
 wealth and exile. They answered, " It is no new thing for 
 us to serve God. We never will believe that the Son is 
 finite and created; if the Son were not eternal, God was 
 not always Father. The Homoousion is based on Scrip- 
 ture." They were imprisoned, tortured, put on board a 
 vessel bound for Phcenicia, though a storm was raging at 
 the time. A Eoman deacon bearing letters from Damasus 
 
 strength, under God, lay simply in the fact that he was witnessing for the 
 immemorial faith, which had been aflSrmed as Catholic at Nicaea. 
 
 » Soc. It. 20. 
 
 p See his Epistle in Theod. iv. 22. 
 
LABOURS OF MARTIN. 1^1 
 
 was barbarously beaten % and sent by sea to perisb in tbe 
 mines. Citizens, and even their children, were put to the 
 torture ; monks were seized and hurried into exile, bishops' 
 dragged before the tribunal and banished to a place inha- 
 bited by Jews. Some of the faithful were slain, and their 
 corpses, as formerly, kept unburied. Well might S. Basil 
 write to the Alexandrians, "Is not this the great apo- 
 stasy^?" Peter had. escaped to Eome, and was kindly re- 
 ceived by Damasus. The horror with which Lucius was 
 regarded appears in the story of Moses, who was named 
 bishop of the " Saracens " to the east of Palestine, at the 
 request of their queen Mavia, but refused to be consecrated 
 by Lucius. " I know that you cannot confer the Holy 
 Spirit." "How," asked Lucius, " do you conjecture this ?" 
 " I do not conjecture, I know it. Tour words are blas- 
 phemy, your acts are barbarous and impious." He received 
 consecration from exiled Catholic bishops. 
 
 S. Martin, as soon as be became bishop, had begun that 
 course of evangelic labours which won him the title of the 
 Apostle of Gaul. He went about the country, opposing 
 heathenism in its strongholds ; on one occasion, it is said ', 
 he accepted a challenge made by the Pagan priests to stand 
 bound beneath a sacred pine-tree which they offered to cut 
 down. The tree yielded to their blows, and was on the 
 point of falling upon the bishop : he made the sign of the 
 cross ; it swayed to the other side, and fell harmlessly : 
 multitudes were won over to the faith. Miraculous powers, 
 indeed, are said to have frequently accompanied Martin's 
 preaching, and although there may be great exaggerations 
 on the subject, we may well suppose that the work which 
 he had to do in Gaul would be attested by some such divine 
 tokens. He went in the summer of this year to Milan, 
 
 1 " On entering the vessel he made the sign of the cross," 
 ' One bishop, named Melas, was found by the soldiers trimming his 
 church lamps. He waited on them at table. Stories are told of miracles 
 wrought by the confessors. See Soz. vi. 20 ; Theod. iv. 21. 
 ' Ep. 139. ' Sulp. Vit. Mart. 10. 
 
1^2 BASIL AND ETJSTATHIUS. 
 
 where Valentlnian, though prejudiced against him by an 
 Arian wife, was induced at last to receive him graciously. 
 
 One of Basil's greatest troubles began about this time, 
 in the rupture between him and Eustathius of Sebaste. 
 This prelate, whom Basil had for years looked upon with 
 respect for his strictness of life, and whose laxity of doc- 
 trinal principle he had not suspected, was, as we have seen, 
 one of the Eastern deputation to Liberius, and appeared on 
 the whole to have detached himself from his old Arian con- 
 nections". In 373, as it appears, Basil, hearing that Eu- 
 stathius was regarded as really unsound, although the Catho- 
 lic Council of Tyana had restored him to his bishopric, re- 
 quested him to sign a long confession of faith,%hich con- 
 cluded by affirming in strong terms the Divinity of the 
 Holy Spirit, and distinguishing Him from all " ministering 
 spirits." Eustathius accepted it in precise terms. " I, 
 Eustathius, bishop, having read the above-written to you, 
 Basil, acknovpledge and approve it, and subscribe it in the 
 presence of my brethren." But after promising to attend 
 a council which Basil proposed to call for the establishment 
 of a complete understanding between him and those who 
 had deemed him heterodox, he never appeared, and went so 
 far as to hold assemblies in which he denounced Basil, and 
 even to break off all communion with him, on the ground 
 that he had written a letter to Apollinaris. Basil then 
 found, as he expressed it, that " the Ethiopian could not 
 change his skin ;" that the effects of a heretical training 
 were, in this case at least, not to be got rid of. Eustathius 
 continued to calumniate and revile Basil as an Apollina- 
 rian, a " Consubstantialist," an " innovator " on the old 
 doctrine as to the Holy Spirit. When Basil proposed that 
 he should declare unequivocally against Macedonianism, 
 Eustathius took refuge in verbose evasions, and Basil saw 
 that peace was out of the question. He was afflicted about 
 
 « He had been a pupil of Arius, and had afterwards cleared himself 
 of suspicion by presenting a sound confession to Hermogenes, bishop of 
 Cffisarea. 
 
EXTLE OF EUSEBIUS. I53 
 
 this time with repeated attacks of illness ; and had the an- 
 noyance of finding that Evagrius, a messenger from the 
 A¥est, who intimated that some letters from the East had 
 not given satisfaction, refused to communicate with the 
 Meletians. He wrote to Evagrius that he was eager for 
 peace, but could not act without Meletius. 
 
 Early in 374 he was greatly comforted by the accession 
 of Amphilochius, the friend of Gregory, to the see of 
 Iconium, and exhorted him to "be strong and of a good 
 courage, to remember Who would aid him to bear his bur- 
 den, and to ' cast his care upon the Lord.' " But this year 
 was saddened by the exile of his friend S. Eusebius of Samo- 
 sata. An ofiicer came to send Eusebius into banishment : 
 the bishop quietly bade him conceal his errand, " lest the 
 people in their zeal should drown you^." He then said the 
 evening service, took one domestic with him, and crossed 
 the Euphrates at night. Some of his flock overtook him ; 
 he recited to them the texts about obedience to rulers, ac- 
 cepted a few gifts from his dearest friends, prayed for them 
 all, exhorted them to be stedfast in the faith, and went his 
 way. His people would not speak to or visit the Arian 
 who was appointed his successor. After he had been at the 
 public bath, they let out the water as impure. The new 
 bishop, a gentle-spirited man, could not bear to be under 
 the ban of his nominal flock, and resigned the see. The 
 next Arian bishop was of sterner stuff, and punished ab- 
 horrence with sentences of exile. 
 
 On July 12, 374, a Galilean Council was held at Valence y, 
 for the restoration of discipline. S. Phoebadius appears to 
 have presided. The canons relate to cases of bigamy, of the 
 marriage of widows, of dedicated virgins who enter upon 
 " earthly nuptials," of men falling back after baptism into 
 idolatry, or reiterating their baptism^, or falsely accusing 
 themselves in order to avoid ordination. 
 
 I Theod. iv. 14. r Mansi, ConciL iii. 492. 
 
 ^ This is called " polluting themselves by an unholy washing." 
 
1_54 AMBROSE CONSECRATED. 
 
 Towards tlie end of this year Auxentius of Milan died. 
 Valentinian desired the people to choose a successor. The 
 governor of Liguria, named Ambrose", was in the act of 
 exhorting the people to observe order, when a child sud- 
 denly uttered the words, " Ambrose Bishop" The people 
 took up the cry ; it was deemed a special case, in which 
 divine intervention pointed out the predestined bishop. It 
 mattered not, in their view, that Ambrose was not yet bap- 
 tized. The principle embodied in a Sardican canon, which 
 required a time of probation before the episcopate, was held 
 not to apply to an occasion so extraordinary. Ambrose 
 tried various means of escaping from a burden which he 
 unfeignedly dreaded. He attempted to destroy the high 
 opinion which had been formed of him, somewhat after the 
 manner which had just been censured at Valence. He at- 
 tempted flight, and did actually hide himself for a time, but 
 was given up by the owner of his place of refuge to the 
 authorities who were busy in searching for him. Finding 
 resistance hopeless, he asked that none but a Cathohc 
 bishop might baptize him. This was readily granted. Seven 
 days after his baptism he was consecrated, Dec. 7, 374, being 
 thirty-four years old. "Whether the form of the Sardican 
 canon was to some extent complied with by conferring on 
 him, during that week, the inferior orders, has been doubted. 
 From the Greek historians'' we should infer the negative: 
 but Paulinus, his secretary and biographer, is a much higher 
 authority, and his words are, " It is said that after his bap- 
 tism he discharged all ecclesiastical offices " before his con- 
 secration '^. In any case Ambrose might well say of him- 
 self, that he was " snatched from the tribunals to the epi- 
 
 » He bad Heen an advocate, and Anioius Probus, prEetorian prsefeot of 
 Italy, a noble and generous Cbristian magistrate, gave Mm the governor- 
 sbip with words which were afterwards deemed prophetic. **Vade, age 
 non ut judex, sed ut episcopus." Paul. Vit. S. Ambr. 8. 
 
 l- Soo, iv. 30 ; Soz. vi. 24. 
 
 ' Paul. Vit. S. Amb. 9. Bingham seems to have misapprehended this 
 passage. (Book ii. 10. 7.) The Roman Breviary, Dec. 7, and Martene, de 
 Kit. Eccl. ii. 22, say that he passed through all the orders. 
 
TROUBLES OP BASIL. l^g 
 
 scopate, and had to begin to teach before he had begun 
 to learn." He set himself to study theology under Sim- 
 plicianus, a Eoman priest. 
 
 The ecclesiastical history of these years, so far as the 
 East is concerned, might be described as a history of the 
 Bufferings of S. Basil. Seldom has any man of his personal 
 and official eminence in the Church been so heavily bur- 
 dened by the trial of opposition, misrepresentation, isola- 
 tion, and seeming failure. The bishops of the coast of 
 Pontus listened to his enemies, and shrank from his fellow- 
 ship. There is a mournful pathos in the great Basil's letter 
 to these hard-judging brethren ''. He disclaimed all notion 
 of being above criticism ; he was willing to humble himself 
 for any fault that could be proved against him"; but he 
 entreated them for the sake of the " One Lord, the one 
 faith, the one hope," to meet him in any place that they 
 might think best, and give him an opportunity of removing 
 their suspicions. In this, apparently, he succeeded. He 
 had more diiHculty with the Neocsesareans ', who had, to 
 say the least, Sabellian tendencies, and could not endure 
 the emphasis with which he was wont to speak of the Three 
 Persons. They also disliked his encouragement of monas- 
 ticism, and the vigil-services which he had introduced. It 
 appears that the people, under Basil's auspices, assembled 
 in church before day-break, and after a solemn confession 
 of sins, proceeded to chant the Psalms, sometimes anti- 
 phonally, sometimes under the leadership of a precentor ; 
 prayers were inserted between the psalms ; and at dawn the 
 congregation united in the Miserere. It also appears that 
 the Neocsesareans, who objected to the vigils as having 
 been unknown in the days of their apostle, S. Gregory the 
 Wonder-worker, (a.d. 240,) had no scruple about perform- 
 
 ■1 Ep. 203. 
 
 « His reserved manner was sometimes attributed to pride : but he did 
 not shrink from kissing a leper, and in Ep. 66 he owns that he is apt to 
 be forgetful. In Ep. 262 he assures a monk that he need not apologize for 
 writing to him. f Epp. 204, 207, 210. 
 
1^6 GEATIAN. 
 
 ing "litanies" or processional devotions, which were equally 
 devoid of his authority. 
 
 The year 375 witnessed some exhibitions of "Western 
 sympathy for the Eastern orthodox. An Illyrian Councils 
 wrote to the bishops of Asia Minor, strongly affirming the 
 doctrine of the Three Consubstantial Persons ; and Valen- 
 tinian added a rebuke to those Eastern bishops who were 
 abusing the imperial authority to the overthrow of the 
 Catholic faith. He denounced those who rendered to Csesar 
 the things that were God's, and set forth a doctrinal state- 
 ment, condemning those who explained away Homoousion 
 as a mere synonym of Homoion, and declaring Christ to be 
 not a God-bearing man, but an Incarnate God. He died in 
 November, 375, and his son Gratian, a boy of seventeen, 
 who had been eight years associated with him in the em- 
 pire, became sole master of the "West. Soon afterwards, in 
 37(5, Gratian ordained that ecclesiastical cases arising from 
 dissensions or slight offences should be locally tried by the 
 synods ; while cases arising from criminal action should be 
 tried by judges ordinary or extraordinary, or by the chief 
 civil magistrate of the district. 
 
 Basil had some reason for quoting the fable of the 
 wolf and the lamb'' in regard to the reckless accusations 
 showered upon him. He was called a Sabellian, an Apol- 
 linarian, a Tritheist, a Macedonian. On the latter poiut, 
 we have already seen him defended by S. Athanasius. But 
 the charge was revived, on the ground that he had used 
 a suspicious form of the doxology ; " Glory be to the Father, 
 through the Son, in the Holy Spirit." Einding it necessary 
 to defend himself, Basil prayed' that he might for ever be 
 abandoned by the Holy Spirit if he did not adore Him to- 
 gether with the Father and the Son : and he composed a 
 treatise " Concerning the Holy Spirit," which he dedicated 
 to his friend S. AmphilochiusJ, to whom he had recently 
 
 B Some date this earlier. Tlie letter is in Theod. iv. 9. 
 
 '' Ep. 189. i S. Greg. Orat. xx. 100. 
 
 J Amphilochius is the author of a remarkable passage on the relation of 
 
ULPHILAS. 157 
 
 addressed tliree epistles on points of discipline, whicli be- 
 came part of the Eastern canon law. Eustathius persevered 
 in his calumnies against Basil, and at last, in order, as Basil 
 says, to win the favour of Euzoius, signed at Cyzicus a for- 
 mally Macedonian creed. Basil thereupon broke the silence 
 which for three years he had observed towards his adver- 
 sary, and wrote him a formal letter of remonstrance ''. 
 
 Heresy in various forms appeared now to be triumphant 
 in the East. It is supposed that TJlphilas, bishop of the 
 Goths, although he had signed the creed of Ariminum, had 
 not consciously abandoned the Catholic faith'. He had led 
 a body of his countrymen over the Danube, and was re- 
 garded by them" as their Moses and their apostle. He 
 " had undergone many perils for the sake of Christianity," 
 and had given to his flock an alphabet and a version of the 
 Scriptures, from which he thought good to omit the four 
 books of Kings lest they should increase his disciples' pas- 
 sion for war. He was about this time sent to implore aid 
 from Valens against the heathen Goth, Athanaric, and was 
 induced™ to adopt the Emperor's religion. Strong in his 
 ascendancy over the Christian Goths, he unhappily suc- 
 ceeded in bringing them over to Arianism, by the assurance 
 that the difference between it and Catholicism was only 
 superficial. Thus did Constantine's old fallacy revive, after 
 fifty years, to present the heresy to simple-minded barba- 
 rians, who having once thoroughly grasped it, for ages 
 would not let it go. 
 
 The extreme Arians, or Eunomians, although separate from 
 the established Arianism, were powerful enemies of the suf- 
 fering Church. They used to profess a perfect comprehen- 
 sion of the Divine Nature, and to ask the Catholics, " Do 
 you worship what you know, or what you know not ?" Basil 
 
 the Father to the Son. " The Father is greater and equal ; greater than 
 He who slept in the stem, equal to Him who rebuked the sea . . . greater 
 than He who received vinegar to drink, equal to Him who poureth out as 
 wine His own proper Blood." >= Ep. 223. See Epp. 226, 244. 
 
 Soz. vi. 37. » Theod. iv. 37. 
 
1^8 EPIPHANIUS. 
 
 taught his brethren to answer, " The word Mow is am- 
 biguous ; we can know God's goodness, and His majesty ; 
 we cannot Tcnow His very essence^." He had written, seve- 
 ral years before, five books against Eunomius. He was 
 vigilant in opposing Apollinarianism, which he considered 
 to be a revival of the old Valentinian heresy », inasmuch as 
 it denied our Lord's Body to be truly of the Virgin's sub- 
 stance. All our interest in the Incarnation, he contended, 
 must depend on the real union of our flesh to Godhead p. 
 ApoUinarian tracts were widely disseminated, in which the 
 subject was discussed on grounds oi a priori reasoning; and 
 this unscripturalness of the heresy «, — a point which it had 
 in common with Arianism, — was combined with a strange 
 Judaism which looked for a restoration of the ritual of the 
 Law'. And as ApoUinaris had denied the Blessed Virgin 
 to be the real Mother of the Word Incarnate, some were 
 led on to a denial of her perpetual Virginity, and others, by 
 re-action, made her the object of an idolatrous homage. 
 First in Thrace, and then among the women in Arabia, 
 there grew up a custom of placing cakes {collyriies) on a 
 stool covered with linen, offering them up to S. Mary, and 
 then eating them as sacrificial food. Epiphanius, bishop of 
 Salamis in Cyprus, who about this time began his great 
 work against heresies, severely condemned these two ex- 
 tremes. He denounced those who denied Christ's Mother 
 to be Ever- virgin as " Antidicomarians," adversaries of 
 Mary, who deprived her of "honour" due; but he insisted 
 that according to the essential principles of Christianity, 
 " worship" was due to the Trinity alone ^. 
 
 Meantime the Eastern Catholics, who were stedfast in 
 worshipping the Trinity, were often obliged to pay that 
 
 n Ep. 233. » Ep. 261. p Ep. 262. q Ep. 263. 
 
 ' "Again a typical pontiff after the True Pontiff, and sin-offerings after 
 the Lamb of God . . . and divers washings after One Baptism, and the ashes 
 of a heifer, . . . and the shewbread after the Bread from Heayen " &o. 
 Ep. 265. 
 
 » "Let Mary be had in honour ; but let the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, 
 be worshipped ; let no one worship Mary." Hcer. 79. 7. 
 
QUESTION OF THE HYPOSTASES, 159 
 
 worship in the open country, and under the open sky. The 
 aged and the sick, women and children, formed part of 
 these faithful congregations. Cold and heat, winds and 
 storms, were preferable to sanctuaries which had become 
 the scene of Arian "polytheism," and the "worship of the 
 image." Festivals were changed into days of mourning: 
 the preacher's voice, the nightly chant, were silenced ; the 
 altars were bereft of "the spiritual service," and " the holy 
 exultation" of a Communion-day was become a thing of the 
 past*. And the Westerns, Basil complained, had no pity 
 for these sorrows. Damasus was, in his view, a cold and 
 haughty prelate, who would not stoop from his pride of 
 place to hear the truth from men who stood below ^ ; from 
 " that Western superciliousness," he bitterly said, no relief 
 could be hoped for''. Two priests, Dorotheus and Sanc- 
 tissimus, were sent to Eome as envoys from the East, first 
 in 376 y, and afterwards in 377. Kind words were the 
 result of the first mission; but on the second occasion 
 Dorotheus, in a conversation with Damasus and Peter, 
 heard Meletius and Eusebius spoken of as Arians ^. In 
 truth, it was not simply a question between the Westerns 
 as supporters of one bishop at Antioch, aud the majority of 
 the Easterns as recognizing another. Paulinus and the 
 Westerns adhered to the old phrase, " One Hypostasis," 
 meaning one Divine Essence, and suspected Meletius and 
 the Easterns of Arianism on account of their assertion of 
 " Three Hypostases." The latter replied by imputations of 
 Sabellianism, and complained that the disciples of Mar- 
 cellus were indulgently regarded by Paulinus '^. AU the 
 charitable pains taken by the Council of Alexandria ap- 
 peared to have been thrown away : and it is amid these 
 unhappy complications that the great name of Jerome be- 
 comes important in Church history. Eusebius Hieronymus, 
 
 « Bas. Epp. 242, 843. n Bp. 215. » Ep. 239, A.D. 376, 
 
 y So the Benedictines. Tillemont places their first mission in 374. 
 ' Ep. 266. Dorotheus made an angry reply to Peter, which Basil accounts 
 for by " the difficulty of the times." « Bas. Ep. 263. 
 
l6o JEEOME AND DAMASUS. 
 
 a Dalmatian by birth, wbo had in early life been an advo- 
 cate at Rome, had been baptized, and had spent some time 
 at Treves and Aquileia'', was now living as a monk in Syria, 
 ■with two companions. The Syrian monks importuned him 
 to confess the Three Hypostases. He answered that he 
 fully believed in the Three Persons, but could not take 
 Hypostasis to mean anything but Essence". They insisted 
 that he should accept the phrase as well as the doctrine. 
 In his perplexity he applied to Damasus. It was natural 
 that he should do so. Eome was associated with many 
 solemn moments of his undisciplined youth '^, and with his 
 subsequent baptism; and her bishops had been conspicu- 
 ously true to the faith, except in the one sad instance for 
 which Liberius had lived to atone. Their " primacy of 
 honour," on the whole, had been adorned by a faithfulness 
 which accounts for Jerome's fervid language : " While foxes 
 were in the vineyard, and the seamless coat was rent, he 
 felt moved to seek food for his soul where the heritage had 
 been kept from corruption." The kindness of Damasus 
 invited him, although his grandeur was overawing. Follow, 
 ing "Christ only as Chief," Jerome professed to be in com- 
 munion with the See of Peter. "On 'this rock,' I know, 
 the Church is built ; whoso eats the Lamb outside that 
 house is profane. I know not Vitalis" — whom ApoUinaris 
 had recently made bishop of his sect at Antioch — " I disown 
 Meletius, I know not Paulinus. Whoso gathers not with 
 thee, scatters ; that is, whoso is not of Christ is of Anti- 
 christ." He begs Damasus, "by the crucified Salvation of 
 the world," to signify whether the belief in Three Persons 
 may be expressed by " Three Hypostases ;" intimating at 
 
 ^ At Treves he copied out S. Hilary's work on Synods ; at Aquileia he 
 found that the evil done by Fortunatian's lapse had been repaired by his 
 successor Valerian. 
 
 ' S. Basil was just as positive that Hypostasis could not be identified 
 with Ousia. See Ep. 236. 
 
 ^ He used to go with other boys on Sundays to visit the tombs of the 
 apostles and martyrs, and descend into the awful gloom of the catacombs. 
 In Ezech. lib. xii. c. 40. 
 
"tome of the westerns." 161 
 
 the same time his own opinion, that no explanations can 
 clear the phrase from the " poison" of Tritheism «. 
 
 This appeal, which meant, in fact, " Rome has been, and 
 is, the stronghold of S. Peter's faith, and I am safest in 
 following her guidance," was made about the beginning of 
 377 ; and in the following year the claim of Apollinaris to 
 be in communion with Damasus was refuted by his con- 
 demnation at the Council of Eome'. Damasus wrote a 
 synodal epistle, which pronounced twenty-two anathema- 
 tisms, e. g. against those who said that the Spirit was made 
 by the Son ; that the Word was in place of a rational soul 
 to Christ; that the "Word would come to an end; that 
 the Son was not omniscient and coequal; that He was not 
 in heaven even while on earth ; that His Divinity suffered ; 
 that He did not suffer in ilesh, or was not in flesh at God's 
 right hand, or would not return in flesh at the judg- 
 ment; that the Spirit was not Very God, even as Father 
 and Son, with the same divinity, majesty, glory, will, co- 
 equal, CO -eternal, and co- adorable; that the Three are 
 three Gods, not one God. "'For," says Damasus, "we 
 are baptized in the Name of the Father, Son, and Spirit, 
 not (as Jews and Heathen think) in the names of angels 
 and archangels." This " Tome of the "Westerns s" was sent 
 in the first instance to Paulinus. 
 
 But the year 378 was chiefly marked by the recall of 
 the Catholic exiles and the close of the Arian ascendancy. 
 Valens put an end to the persecution when he was on the 
 eve of his last campaign against the Goths. Gratian, who 
 
 « Ep. 15, al. 57. See the following Ep. 16, in whioh he says, " I cry 
 aloud in the meantime, Whosoever is in communion with the chair of Peter 
 is my friend. " 
 
 ' Ruffinus says that the Council decreed "that whosoever should deny 
 the perfection, either of the Humanity or of the Divinity of the Son, who 
 was both God and Man, should be deemed an alien from the Church ; which 
 judgment was confirmed by a synodal decree, both at Alexandria and at 
 Constantinople, and thenceforward the ApoUinarians seceded from the 
 Church," &c. 
 
 e It is probably the document afterwards so described by a Council at 
 Constantinople. 
 
 M 
 
l62 KECALL OF EXILES. 
 
 was preparing to support his uncle, deemed it rigtt to 
 acquaint himself more fully with the Catholic doctrine be- 
 fore encountering the perils of war; he accordingly applied 
 to S. Ambrose, who sent him the first part of a treatise ia 
 five books, Be Fide"^. 
 
 ValeQs perished in the battle of Hadrianople, August 9, 
 378 ; and it was amid the successful ravages of the Goths 
 that S. Ambrose, in order to ransom captives, caused' the 
 unconsecrated vessels of the church to be broken and 
 melted down. In reply to Arian cavils, he said that souls 
 were more precious than gold in the sight of God. He was 
 actively fulfilling his ministry according to the exhortations 
 of Basil, who had congratulated him on his accession to 
 "the apostolic prelacy," and encouraged him to "fight the 
 good fight, and renew the footprints of the Fathers ''." 
 
 One of Gratian's first acts as sovereign of the whole 
 empire was to grant the request of a Roman council for 
 a civil sanction to its decisions against the partisans of 
 TJrsinus. Another was to proclaim toleration to all sects, 
 except Manicheans, Photinians, and Eunomians. Peter 
 now returned to Alexandria ; Meletius returned to Antioch, 
 and proposed to Paulinus^ that they should unite their 
 flocks, and place the Holy Gospels on the episcopal chair, 
 and that the survivor of them should tend the church alone. 
 Paulinus declined to consent ^ ; and Sapor, a military 
 ofiicer, was ordered to put Meletius in possession of the 
 cathedral, which had been in the hands of Euzoius. Eu- 
 sebius of Samosata went about various cities, establishing 
 Catholic bishops. He lost his life in this pious labour. 
 In a little city of Syria, an Arian woman flung down 
 a tile from the roof of her house on the head of Eu- 
 
 ■> "Tu vincere paras, qui Christum adoras...qviifidemvindicas,oujusame 
 libellum petisti." De Fide, i. prol. ' Ambr. Off. ii. o. 28. >■ Ep. 197. 
 
 ' Theod, T. 3. The book of the Gospels, in the ancient Church, was con- 
 sidered a kind of symbol of Christ Himself. 
 
 " So Theodoret. "Paulinus said that canons forbade him to take as 
 a colleague one who had been ordained by Arians." Soo. v. 5. 
 
DEATH OF S. BASIL. 163 
 
 sebius, who died shortly afterwards, and was honoured 
 as a martyr "1. 
 
 His friend Basil did not enjoy more than a few months of 
 the Church's renewed peace. He died, an old man before 
 his time, on the 1st of January, 379, saying, "Into Thy 
 hands I commend my spirit." His funeral was attended 
 by multitudes, who thronged to touch the bier, or the 
 fringe of his funeral garments; even Jews and Pagans 
 joined in the mourning". It was felt that "a prince and a 
 great man" had been taken away ; and there were probably 
 those who believed that the noble life then closed at the 
 age of fifty had been shortened, not only by frequent 
 illnesses, but by the hard pressure of his brethren's in- 
 justice, and the breaking down of plans for the Church's 
 welfare. " I seem for my sins," so he had written in 377 to 
 Peter of Alexandria, "to be unsuccessful in everything p." 
 Yet doubtless he, whose correspondence is so rich in words 
 of comfort for his aiilicted friends, whose sympathy was 
 so ready for those whose portion was the dreariest i, was 
 enabled to look beyond temporary failure, to be "blest in 
 disappointment," and to know that his labour should bear 
 fruit in God's own time. 
 
 " Theod. V. 4. Eusebius made his friends promise never to search for 
 the woman. On the death of Eusebius see Greg. Naz, Or. xxv. 21. 
 o Greg. Naz. Or. xx. 105. p Ep. 266. 1 Epp. 107, 269. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 From the Death of S.Basil to the Conversion of S, Angustine. 
 
 " Peace-loTing man, of humble heart and true ! 
 What dost thou here 1 
 Fierce is the city's crowd ; the lordly few 
 
 Are dull of ear ! 
 Sore pain it was to thee, till thou didst quit 
 Thy patriarch-throne at length, as though for power unfit." 
 
 Zi/ra Apostolica. 
 
 T^IGHTEEN days after S. Basil's death, Gratiaa made 
 ■^ Theodosius, the son of a general who had reconquered 
 Britain, emperor of the East. Theodosius was now thirty- 
 two. The Eastern capital had heen for nearly as many 
 years — reckoning from the final expulsion of Paul — a 
 domain of Arianism. It was resolved to reclaim it by the 
 ministry of Gregory of Naziauzum, who had for some time 
 been a recluse at Seleucia ; and he consented, although with 
 reluctance, to devote himself to this great work, " since in 
 God's providence he was absolutely compelled to be a 
 sufferer^." He went accordingly to Constantinople, and 
 lodged in a kinsman's ^house. He was welcomed by the 
 suffering remnant that still clung to the faith of Alexander 
 and of Paul. The congregation was formed early in 379, 
 and the house dedicated as " the Anastasia," the place 
 where the Catholic faith was to rise again. There Gregory 
 exhibited, before a population corrupted by heresy and 
 irreverence, the living energy of the Church as a spiritual 
 body. Daily services were accompanied by eloquent preach- 
 ing. "The worship of the Trinity" was the missionary's 
 watchword. After earnestly warning his hearers agaiust 
 the miserable levity which, in conformity with the spirit of 
 Arianism, was filhng every place, from the forum to the 
 supper-room'', with fearless disputation on the most awful 
 
 ' Ep. 14. i> Or. xxxiii. 7. 
 
S. GREGORY AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 1 6^ 
 
 topics, he delivered the four great discourses on the Nicene 
 faith" which secured to him the title of Theologus, the 
 maintainer, that is, of the Divinity of the Word <•. On the 
 Divinity of the Holy Spirit he spoke, as he had always 
 done, without any such reserve as had brought trouble on 
 S. Basil. But while proclaiming the Trinity, he was careful 
 to guard the Unity ; he set forth the Catholic doctrine as 
 the middle way between Sabellian confusion and Tritheistic 
 severance ^. Tet the Arians denounced him as a Tritheist, 
 stirred up mobs to pelt him in the street, and a base crowd 
 of women, monhs, and beggars to profane the Anastasia by 
 their wanton insolence '. He was content to be a mark for 
 public scorn. " They had the churches and the people, he 
 had God and the angels ! They had wealth, he had the 
 faith ; they menaced, he prayed ; his was but a little ilock, 
 but it was screened from the wolves, and some of the 
 wolves might become sheep s," Many such conversions 
 took place ; the charm of Gregory's eloquence, the spiri- 
 tual beauty of his character '', the winning sweetness which 
 was combined with his zeal for orthodoxy, the conspicuous 
 unworldliness which contrasted with Arian self-seeking, 
 could not be unimpressive even in Constantinople. Jerome, 
 who had quitted his retirement, and been ordained priest by 
 Paulinus without being bound to a particular cure, came 
 to Constantinople, listened with dehght to Gregory's ser- 
 mons, and conversed with him on passages of Scripture. 
 Peter of Alexandria approved of his work, and united 
 with others in the desire to see him regularly established 
 in the see of Constantinople ; but ere long, unhappily, 
 he lent himself to the nefarious schemes of an unprin- 
 cipled and plausible adventurer named Maximus, who re- 
 tained the long hair, the staflP, and the white dress of a 
 
 "^ Or. xxxiv. — xxxvii. 
 
 ^ In Or. XXXV. 15, he speaks of the Blessed Virgin as Theotocos, 'Mo. 
 ther of God.' " lb. xxiii. 30 ; xxiv. 13 ; xxxii. 63. 
 
 < lb. xlvjiL Ep. 81. They broke into the sanctuarj-, set their leader on 
 the throne, and proceeded to hold a drinking bout. 
 
 I lb. XXV. 41. ^ Prolog. RufBni. 
 
l66 COUNCIL OF GANGRA. 
 
 Cynic philosopher, while professing to be a zealous Chris- 
 tian. This man, who came to Constantinople with an 
 intention of securing the bishopric, found it easy to win 
 the confidence of one so childlike as Gregory, and was 
 actually panegyrized by him in open church *, as having 
 suffered for true religion. Certain Egyptian bishops, sent 
 by Peter to consecrate Maximus, succeeded in enthroning 
 him by night while Gregory was ill, were driven out of the 
 church next morning by an indignant multitude, and com- 
 pleted the ceremonial in a flute-player's house, cutting off 
 at the same time "the Cynic's" long hair. He and they 
 were obliged to leave Constantinople; Theodosius would 
 not take up his cause ; and after insolently threatening the 
 Archbishop of Alexandria that he should be ejected if he 
 did not stir in his behalf, Maximus was himself expelled 
 from AJexandria. 
 
 Towards the end of 379 a Council at Antioch under 
 Meletius accepted the synodal letter from Home. And we 
 may probably assign to this year a celebrated Council of 
 which the date has been disputed. ^Fifteen bishops met 
 at Gangra in Paphlagonia, and condemned a certain Eus- 
 tathius with his followers. If this man is to be identified 
 with the Eustathius of Sebaste \ the CouncU can hardly be 
 prior to the 263rd Epistle of S. Basil, which never mentions 
 it while describing his enemy's career, and which was 
 written in 377. The bishops, it appears, had to deal with a 
 self-righteous and heretical form of asceticism. Eustathius 
 had declaimed against marriage, held aloof from married 
 persons, contemned the Church fasts, denounced the eat- 
 ing of flesh-meat, set up conventicles of his own, and en- 
 couraged slaves to run away on grounds of religion. Such 
 is the statement of the synodal letter to the Armenian 
 bishops. It is followed by twenty-one canons in the form 
 of anathematisms, against those who imitate these mal- 
 
 ' Or. xxiii., which now bears the name of Heron instead of Maximus. 
 •< See Soo. ii. 43. Baronius and Tillemont think that it was a different 
 Eustathius. 
 
EDICT OF THEODOSIUS. l6j 
 
 practices; in particular, who refuse to communicate witli 
 a married priest, wlio insult the married, who observe 
 celibacy, not because of the holiness of a virgin life, but 
 from a detestation of matrimony ^ ; who despise the Church 
 services, the fasts, the commemorations of martyrs, and the 
 love-feasts; who hold meetings for worship without ec- 
 clesiastical sanction ; who slight Episcopal authority ; who 
 fast on Sundays ; who on pretence of ascetic strictness wear 
 a peculiar garb, neglect to educate their children, forsake 
 their parents, or, if women, cut off their hair. The bishops 
 expressly distinguished between a due regard for the vir- 
 ginal and devotional life, and superstitious extravagances 
 which neither Scripture nor the Church had sanctioned. 
 They were clearly determined to crush any growth of 
 Encratism, which might introduce a Gnostic abhorrence of 
 the Creator's gifts™ under the guise of Christian self- 
 denial ; or any such spiritualism as, in the Montanistic 
 movement, had trampled on Church order and cast off 
 Christian humility. Early in 380, Theodosius, having fallen 
 ill at Thessalonica, received baptism from its bishop, As- 
 cholius, whose orthodoxy he had ascertained ; and he then 
 addressed, on Eeb. 28, an edict to the people of Con- 
 stantinople, commanding all his subjects to observe tlie 
 faith which S. Peter delivered to the Eomans, and which 
 Damasus and Peter of Alexandria then professed; that 
 faith which alone deserved the name of Catholic, and which 
 recognized the one Grodhead of Pather, Son, and Spirit, of 
 coequal majesty in the Holy Trinity. He knew not that 
 Peter had died on Peb. 14, and had been succeeded by his 
 brother Timothy. 
 
 The Catholic bishop in Constantinople — he was not as 
 yet bishop q/" Constantinople — was subjected to "the scorn- 
 ful reproof of the wealthy." There was nothing in him, 
 they thought, save the preaching faculty; he was quite 
 a poor man, low-born, country-bred, with no dignity of 
 
 1 Can. 9. » See 1 Tim. iv. 1—5. 
 
l68 PEISCILLIAN. 
 
 manner and no power of conversation. He was out of his 
 element in high society, seldom appeared in public, could 
 not make himself agreeable, nor take his proper place 
 among the citizens °. His gentleness, after all, was no- 
 thing but feebleness. To this latter taunt Gregory replied ", 
 that at any rate he had not been guilty of such outrages 
 as had made up the vigorous administration of Arian bi- 
 shops; he had never profaned sacred vessels, brought in 
 Pagans to insult the Christian altar, mingled the Sacra- 
 mental Blood with the blood of Catholic victims, or denied 
 their corpses the shelter of a grave. Tet he felt that his 
 temperament and habits were to some extent a disquali- 
 fication for so trying a post ; and was only dissuaded from 
 resigning it by the passionate entreaties of his flock, in- 
 cluding mothers and children, that he would not forsake 
 them. After a day had been spent in contending against 
 their loving urgency, Gregory yielded to the solemn re- 
 monstrance, " If you depart, the faith departs with you P." 
 He consented to remain until a fitter man could be ap- 
 pointed. 
 
 We hear about this time of the rise of the Priscillianist 
 heresy. Priscillian, a well-born and eloquent Spaniard i, had 
 adopted a strange compound of various errors originally 
 brought into Spain from Egypt. Its chief elements were 
 the following"^: 1. Pantheism, — the essential divinity of 
 the human soul ; 2. Sabellianism ; 3. The Son only a power ; 
 4. Docetism; hence a fast was kept on Sunday; 5. Patal- 
 ism ; 6. Astrology ; 7. Pre-existence of souls ; their pre- 
 vious sins punished by their detention in bodies ; 8. Man's 
 body the devil's work; 9. Marriage condemned; 10. No 
 resurrection; II. Freedom taken in adulteration of Scrip- 
 
 " See Or. xxt. 28 ; xxxii. 7i. " lb. xxv. 
 
 P Carm. de Viti su9,, 76. 
 
 1 Sulpicius, Hist. ii. 72, says that Priscillian had many gifts both of 
 mind and body, but was vain, restless, and inquisitive. He learned his 
 heresy from a lady and a rhetorician. 
 
 >■ S. Leo, Ep. 15. Sulpicius calls the Prisoillianists G)iostics. 
 
COUNCIL OF SAEAGOSSA. 169 
 
 ture ; 12. Talseliood allowed as to personal beliefs ; 13. Ee- 
 liaBce on magic. 
 
 The principal maintainer of this system was of strict life, 
 capable of long fasts and vigils, careless about wealth, ap- 
 parently devout and humble, and fascinating in address. He 
 " led captive silly women," and won over two bishops, Sal- 
 vian and Instantius. Idacius, bishop of Merida, went to 
 work against the new heresy with a violence which tended 
 to "feed the flame." On Oct. 4, 380, a Council at Sara- 
 gossa * condemned Priscillian and his followers, and passed 
 canons against their practices. A perpetual anathema was 
 denounced as the penalty of " receiving the Sacrament in 
 church, but not partaking of it;" the heretics had been 
 wont to take it into their hands, but to refrain from eating. 
 Another canon forbade men to absent themselves from 
 church and walk barefoot at Christmas-tide. Another con- 
 demned the assembling during Lent in secret chambers or 
 mountain recesses. Others refer to secession from the 
 clerical to the monastic life, and to the age for taking 
 the veil. 
 
 On the 24th of November, Theodosius came to Constan- 
 tinople, and proposed to Demophilus, the Arian bishop, that 
 he should " subscribe the Nicene Creed, and thereby re- 
 unite the people™." He declined to abandon his belief, and 
 was at once commanded to surrender the churches. He 
 summoned his people, reminded them of the text which pre- 
 scribed flight from persecution", (Matt. x. 23,) and trans- 
 ferred their worship to ground outside the city. Lucius, 
 who had fled to Constantinople from Alexandria, accom- 
 panied Demophilus. The Emperor warmly embraced Gre- 
 
 s They had a watchword, "Jura, perjura, secretum prodere noli." This 
 indifference to truth was a feature in the Basilidian, Manichean, and Pauli- 
 cian heresies. Akin to it were the equivocations in which Arians, Apol- 
 linarians. Pelagians, &c., indulged. 
 
 ' Mansi, iii. 633. " Soc. v. 7. 
 
 » Socrates spiritualizes this text ; S. Athanasius, as we have seen, took 
 it literally. 
 
170 GREGORY IN S. SOPHIA, 
 
 gory, saying, " God by my bands gives tbe cburcb to you 
 and to your labours y;" and in spite of tbe clamours of an 
 Arian populace, be proceeded to put Gregory in possession 
 of S. Sopbia. For tbis, bowever, an armed force was neces- 
 sary. The black clouds tbat overbung the city as tbe pro- 
 cession moved along, veere chased by a sudden burst of sun- 
 shine, while tbe Catholic bishop, worn with sickness, but 
 stedfastly looking upward, passed, amid loud thanksgivings 
 and demonstrations of rapturous deligbt, within the gates 
 of the chancel. But his nerves were so shaken by the 
 excitement, and by having seen one man draw a sword 
 against him, that be was obliged to depute a priest to 
 address tbe people, who were calling on Theodosius to 
 enthrone him forthwith. " For the present our duty is 
 to thank God ; other matters may be reserved for another 
 time." The words were received with the clapping of hands 
 so common in that state of society, when tbe lively Greek 
 temperament was too strong for Christian reverence. Gre- 
 gory seldom visited tbe palace, and never exerted him- 
 self, after tbe manner of Arian prelates, to win tbe favour 
 of courtiers and chamberlains ; be was even blamed by his 
 own people for remissness in using his inflaence on their 
 behalf. He went on in his own way, as a meek, unworldly 
 pastor, preaching, praying, visiting the sick, never enrich- 
 ing himself, winning hearts by single-minded charity. One 
 day his sick-chamber was thronged by affectionate adherents, 
 who after thanking God tbat they bad lived to see his epi- 
 scopate, withdrew. A young man, pale and haggard, re- 
 mained at the foot of the bed, in mournful silence, and in 
 a suppliant attitude. " "Who are you, and what do you 
 want ?" asked Gregory. The youth groaned bitterly, and 
 wrung his bands. Gregory was moved to tears, and on 
 learning from another person tbat this was the man who 
 had sought bis life, said to the weeping penitent, " God be 
 gracious to you ; all I ask is, tbat henceforth you give up 
 yourself to Him ^ !" 
 
 y De Vita, 96. 2 lb. 107. 
 
CHRYSOSTOM. I7I 
 
 On Jan. 10, 381, Theodosius by a second edict forbade 
 heretics, especially Arians, Photinians, and Eunomians, to 
 Bold assemblies within towns ; gave back all churches to 
 Catholic bishops ; assigned the Catholic name to all be- 
 lievers in the undivided Essence of the Trinity, and espe- 
 cially denounced those who did despite to the Holy Spirit, 
 " by "Whom we receive what we hope for." 
 
 About this time Meletius of Antioch conferred the dia- 
 conate on John, whom we know best by the appellation of 
 Chrysostom. He was the son of Secundus, a military officer ; 
 born about 347 at Antioch ; and on his father's death, soon 
 afterwards, be became indebted for a careful and Christian 
 training to his pious mother Anthusa, He studied rhetoric 
 under the accomplished Pagan teacher Libanius, who after- 
 wards, on being asked to name his own successor, replied, 
 " John would be the fittest, if the Christians had not stolen 
 him ='." He was baptized by Meletius ; his chief friend was 
 named Basil, and Anthusa's earnest pleadings were re- 
 quired to counteract Basil's proposal that they should both 
 retire into monastic life. Chrysostom, as we may most con- 
 veniently call him, could not resist his mother's appeal ; he 
 continued to live at home, but in the practice of monastic 
 asceticism and the diligent reading of Scripture. He studied 
 theology under Diodore, the companion of Flavian, and Car- 
 terius ; and among his fellow pupils in the rhetorical school 
 whom he drew over to a higher learning was Theodore, after- 
 wards bishop of Mopsuestia. From Diodore he learned to 
 prefer the literal interpretation of Scripture to the alle- 
 gorical. It was probably about 372 — 374 that he and 
 Basil were spoken of as likely to be made bishops; and 
 Chrysostom, by a singular artifice, procured Basil's conse- 
 cration while evading the burden for himself''. For several 
 years he carried out the plan which during his mother's 
 lifetime he had abandoned, living first in ccenobitie " taber- 
 
 » Soo. vi. 3 ; Soz. viii. 2. 
 
 ^ The justification of this stratagem is the least pleasing portion of his 
 far-famed treatise " On the Priesthood." 
 
1/2 COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 nacles," and afterwards as a hermit in a cave, until his 
 health gave way under repeated fasts, and he was obliged 
 to return to Antioch, where he entered the ministry. 
 
 Theodosius now resolved to assemble a Council, in order 
 to settle the affairs of Constantinople and Antioch, and 
 to crush the Macedonian heresy^ The bishops, 150 in 
 number, met at Constantinople on May 2, 381, exactly 
 eight years after the death of S. Athanasius. No bishop 
 from the Western empire attended ;~ and Meletius, although 
 disowned by the "West and Egypt, was appointed to pre- 
 side. Theodosius greeted him with the reverence of a 
 son. There were many illustrious Eastern bishops present, 
 as Grregory of Nyssa, Cyril of Jerusalem, Amphilochius 
 of Iconium. Thirty-six Macedonian prelates were sum- 
 moned, but it was found impossible to reconcile them to 
 the Church ; they refused to accept the Homoousion, and 
 utterly ignored their promises to Liberius. 
 
 In regard to Constantinople, the Council pronounced that 
 Maximus the Cynic had never been a true bishop ; and 
 ignoring the cavil that Gregory had been bishop of Sasima 
 or of Nazianzum, and that therefore he ought not to be 
 translated, they established him as bishop of the imperial 
 city. He hoped that this position might enable him to 
 reconcile the East and "West. Meletius, whose name, as 
 Gregory said, expressed the sweetness of his character, who 
 had recently shown his unselfish meekness by proposing to 
 share the bishopric with his rival, and who had made him- 
 self so dear to the Antiochenes, that they engraved his 
 likeness '^ on their rings, their cups, and the walls of their 
 bed-rooms, was now attacked by an illness which proved 
 fatal. He exhorted the bishops to peaeeful courses, and died 
 while the Council was sitting, a saint outside the commu- 
 nion of Eome. His funeral was magnificent ; lights were 
 
 <= Soc. V. 8. d g. Chrys. Horn, de S. Mel. i. torn. ii. 519. 
 
 ' "Where now," asked S. Gregory of Nyssa in his funeral sermon, "is 
 that sweet calm look, that radiant smile, that kind hand which was wont 
 to second the kind voice ?" 
 
GKEGORY RESIGNS. 173 
 
 borne before the embalmed corpse, and psalms sung in 
 divers languages'; honours repeated in all the cities through 
 which it passed until it rested beside the grave of S. Babylas 
 at Antioch. 
 
 And now Gregory entreated his brethren to recognize 
 Paulinus. He was an aged man, and could not hold the 
 see long ; let him for the rest of his days be acknowledged 
 by all Christendom as bishop of Autiocli. This was clearly 
 the right course ; but the party-feeling of the younger 
 bishops prevailed. They could not bring themselves to give 
 a triumph to the Westerns, and elected Flavian? to succeed 
 Meletius, thus ensuring the continuance of the schism. 
 Gregory was bitterly disappointed ; and the revival of the 
 absurd claim of Maximus by Timothy and the Egyptian 
 bishops, when they arrived at Constantinople, increased his 
 vexation and despondency. Weary of being made perforce 
 " a man of strife and of contention," conscious of being dis- 
 liked by several of his brethren, oppressed with a sense of 
 failure, and exhausted by the labours of the last two years, 
 he resolved to resign the bishopric. " I have been far 
 enough from raising this storm ; but make a Jonah of me, 
 if you will." He applied to Theodosius, " not for wealth, 
 nor splendid church ornaments, nor preferment for rela- 
 tions, but for leave to yield to the envious and narrow- 
 minded ''." It had been against his own wish that he ac- 
 cepted the throne of Constantinople ; he was now most willing 
 to leave it. Theodosius reluctantly consented, and Gregory 
 delivered in the Council his celebrated Parewell '. He gave 
 an account of his mission, and glorilied God for the success 
 which had attended it. Had not the little wrath been fol- 
 lowed by the great mercy ? Had not stumbling-blocks been 
 removed from the path ? Constantinople was now an " em- 
 
 ' Soz. vii. 10. It was usual at that time to sing on such occasions, " Turn 
 again then unto thy rest, my soul. " 
 
 e Socrates, t. 5, says that Flavian was one of six clergy who had engaged 
 to recognize the survivor of the two rival bishops. 
 
 ^ De Vit£l, 757. ' Orat. xxxii. 
 
174 NECTARItrS. 
 
 porium" of the faith. It had a living and working Catholic 
 Church, a venerable presbytery, deacons and readers well 
 ordered, a docile, zealous, and true-hearted people, who 
 were ready to die for the worship of the Trinity. Some- 
 thing, at least, he had done " towards the weaving of this 
 crown of glory :" and he could appeal, like Samuel, to their 
 knowledge of his unselfishness. But he was growing old 
 and weak ; he could not wrestle with adversaries who ought 
 to have been friends ; he knew not that he had been ex- 
 pected to emulate the stateliness of consuls and prsefects, 
 and he begged, as a worn-out soldier, to receive the warrant 
 of his discharge. Then, in a tone more loving and more 
 pathetic, he bade farewell to the Anastasia, to the cathedral, 
 to the other churches, to the sacred relics, to the episco- 
 pal throue, to the bishops and clergy who " ministered at 
 the holy Table, approaching the approaching God ;" to the 
 " Nazaiites," the psalmody, the nocturnal offices, the virgins, 
 matrons, widows, orphans, and poor; the hospitals, the 
 crowds which had attended his preaching, the Emperor and 
 the Court, the city, the East and "West. " They lose not 
 G-od, who abandon their thrones ; rather, they win a throne 
 above. Little childi-en, keep the deposit; remember how I 
 was stoned. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with 
 you all!" 
 
 The vacant throne was filled by the election of a man 
 who, like S. Ambrose, was unbaptized and in high secular 
 oflSce at his election. In no other respect, however, did the 
 praetor Nectarius resemble him whose anomalous elevation 
 to an archbishopric had already been so amply justified. 
 The people of Constantinople, by choosing Nectarius, showed 
 why they had been to a great extent dissatisfied with Gre- 
 gory ''. They did not want a bishop of genius or saintliness, 
 but a well-born, dignified, and courteous gentleman. Nec- 
 tarius appears to have been this, and little more. He was 
 
 ^ Sozomen, vii. 8, says that Theodosius, in spite of the opposition of 
 Flavian and other bishops, persisted in thinking Nectarius the best man. 
 
THE CREED RE-EDITED. I75 
 
 forthwith baptized, and consecrated while he wore the white 
 garments of a neophyte. 
 
 The Council made certain alterations in the Nicene Creed, 
 in order to meet the errors of the time. AmphUochius had 
 indeed said that the Creed as settled at Nicsea was suf- 
 ficient to overthrow Macedonianism ; but it had been 
 thought expedient by Eastern bishops, for several years 
 past, to supplement it by clauses more or less derived from 
 the ancient formulas of the East ; and the Creed thus aug- 
 mented had been presented in two forms, a shorter and a 
 longer, by Epiphanius in his treatise called Ancoratus. The 
 shorter of these forms' supplied the Council with all the 
 additions which they thought fit to adopt, as follows : " le- 
 fore all ages^ — -from heaven — of the Holy Ghost and the 
 Virgin Mary"^ — and was crucified for us under Pontius 
 Pilate — and was iitried — and sitteth on the right hand of 
 the Fathei — again, with glory — lohose kingdom shall have no 
 end"," (a clause which pointedly rebuked the Marcellian 
 notion of His temporary reign,) and aU the words after 
 " Holy Spirit," except the Filioque clause, which was added 
 by a Council at Toledo, probably that which made Catholicism 
 the established religion of Spain in 589 p. Manifestly the 
 assertion, of the Holy Spirit's essential difierence, as the 
 adorable Lord and Life-giver, from all created and minis- 
 tering spirits, had been intended when first introduced by 
 Eastern bishops, and was now intended by the Council, to 
 erect a barrier against the Macedonian development of Arian. 
 ism. The clause, ""Who spake by the prophets," had been 
 in the creed of Jerusalem. The Church had in the Nicene 
 anathematism been called " Catholic and Apostolic ; " the 
 creed of Jerusalem and that which Arius gave in to Con- 
 
 1 Epiph. Ancor. 120. ™ Ap. Constit. Jenisalem. 
 
 " Ancient Roman. « Jerusalem, (see S. Cyril's Cat. Lectures.) 
 
 P The Council of Toledo in 447 has been cited as professing the Filioque. 
 
 But see Waterlaud on Ath. Cr. ch. 1, (vol. iii. p. 109). The great Toledan 
 
 Council in 589, in the third chapter of its confession of faith, anathematized 
 
 all who denied that the Holy Spirit proceeded " h Patre et Filio." 
 
176 CANONS. 
 
 stantine Bad affirmed its unity ; its sanctity had been pro- 
 claimed in the oldest formulas of the Westi. The omission 
 of "holy " in our version of the Constantinopolitan Creed is 
 unaccountable. The memorable confession of " one Baptism 
 for the remission of sins" which had stood exactly thus in 
 the shorter of the Epiphanian creeds, and at Jerusalem had 
 included the words " of repentance," distinctly makes Bap- 
 tism the means of conveying such remission ; and the em- 
 phatic one appears to have been simply an echo of S. Paul's 
 "one Baptism," Eph. iv. 5, without any reference to the 
 controversy between those who baptized converts from 
 heresy and those who recognized their previous Baptism '. 
 The CouncU inserted " heaven and earth" into the first 
 clause of the Creed, and omitted " in heaven and earth" in 
 the clause "by whom all things were made^." The words, 
 " that is, of the Father's essence," and the clause " God of 
 God," were omitted as unnecessary ' ; the latter has been 
 restored by the Western Church. The anathematism was 
 omitted 'I ; but it is still retained in the Armenian Liturgy. 
 The Council of 381 passed four canons. The first pro- 
 nounced the Creed inviolable, and anathematized all here- 
 sies, naming seven ^. To understand the second, which 
 guarded the bounds of territorial jurisdictions, we must 
 observe that the ecclesiastical divisions of the empire were 
 for the most part conformed to the civil. The " Diocese," 
 or aggregate of provinces, was in things civil governed by a 
 Prefect or Vicar ; in things spiritual, by an Archbishop or 
 
 ? S. Cj'pr. Ep. 69. 7. " Dost thou believe the remission of sins and life 
 everlasting through the Holy Church ?" 
 
 ' See Bishop Phillpotts' "Letter to his Clergy," 1851. 
 
 8 The shorter Epiphanian had the phrase in both clauses. 
 
 • The shorter Epiphanian had the former, but omitted the latter. Seum 
 de Deo is not in the Gelasian Sacramentary, Murat. Lit. Rom. i. 540. It 
 was confessed by the great Toledan Council of 689. 
 
 " The shorter Epiphanian had it, and the longer made it refer to the 
 Macedonians as well as the Arians. 
 
 » The Eanomian or Anomo3an, Arian or Eudoxian, Semi- Arian or Pneuma- 
 tomachist, Sabellian, MarcelUan, Photinian, ApoUinarian. 
 
THE HIERARCHY. I77 
 
 Exarch, — tlie name of Patriarch being not as yet a technical 
 titley. Similarly, the " Province" had its civil head in the Pre- 
 sident or Proconsul, its spiritual in the Metropolitan. There 
 were six "Dioceses^" in the West, beside the Roman pre- 
 fecture ; accordingly, the "Western Church was divided into 
 seven great portions. The " Suburbicarian Churches," or 
 those of the ten provinces governed by the Yicarius TJrbis, 
 comprehending Italy south of the province of Milan, Sicily, 
 Sardinia, and Corsica, formed, with Eome and its vicinity, 
 the proper patriarchate of the bishop of Eome, who had 
 besides a recognized Primacy of honour throughout the 
 whole Church \ The other six "Western dioceses were those 
 of "Italy" (under Milan), "Western lUyricum (under Sir- 
 mium), Africa (under Carthage), Spain, Gaul, and Britain. 
 The seven Eastern dioceses were those of " the East," pro- 
 perly so called, Egypt, Asia, Pontus, Thrace, Macedonia, 
 Dacia, respectively subject for Church purposes to the bi- 
 shops of Antioch, Alexandria, Ephesus, Csesarea, Heraclea, 
 Thessalonica, Sardica^. Beneath the fourteen great bishops 
 who were by this scheme in the first rank of the hierarchy, 
 stood the Metropolitans, or heads of provincial Churches, 
 themselves the superiors of the ordinary bishops". The 
 canon of Constantinople provided that the affairs of each 
 
 7 Gregory Nazianzen, Or. xxxii. 79, applies it to bishops personally 
 venerable, such as Eusebius of Samosata, whom he also calls an ''Abraham- 
 like'' old man. 
 
 ^ Diocese, as used by the Council of Aries, which addressed Sylyester as 
 holding "the greater dioceses," bore, according to Bingham (b. ix. 1. 12, 
 and 2. 2), its modem sense. A Parish^ in the ancient Church, meant 
 a city and its vicinity, subject to a bishop. 
 
 * The Roman prelate was, 1. bishop of Romp ; 2. patriarch, and for the 
 most part metropolitan also, of the suburbicarian churches ; 3. the only 
 Western bishop who had an apostolic see ; i. the first in dignity among all 
 bishops. 
 
 ^ Macedonia and Dacia had been separated from the Western empu-e in 
 379. But Damasus, desiring to retain them in the Western Church, made 
 the bishop of Thessalonica his vicar. 
 
 ' The archbishop of Alexandria had a special power over his suffragans, 
 in that he was the sole metropolitan, as well as the head of the Egyptian 
 patriarchate. 
 
 N 
 
178 KOME AND CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 diocese and province should be settled by local authority. 
 It was followed by the famous third canon, which, without 
 freeing the see of Constantinople from the authority of the 
 exarch of Heraclea, gave "a primacy of honour to the 
 bishop of Constantinople next after the bishop of Eome'', 
 because Constantinople was New Borne." It is certain, 
 however, that the bishop of Eome enjoyed this pre-emi- 
 nence, not simply because his city was Eome, but also 
 because he "held the chair of Peter'." The fourth canon 
 was against Maximus'. The bishops, after passing these 
 canons, informed Theodosius that they had " restored una- 
 nimity," settled Church doctrine, and legislated for Church 
 order; they therefore requested a civil sanction for their 
 decrees. The Emperor granted it, and ordained on July 30 
 that all churches should belong to bishops who confessed 
 the Trinity. He also named eleven prelates, Gregory of 
 Nyssa being one, as necessary centres of communion for 
 the dioceses of the East. 
 
 The Council of 381 is called (Ecumenical, but it owes this 
 title to the general acceptance of its Creed. It was by no 
 means a representative of the Universal Church, and its 
 third canon was disowned by Eome until the popedom of 
 Innocent III. s 
 
 We must now turn to the "West. Palladius, an Arian 
 bishop, had requested Gratian to summon a Council, and 
 expected that it would be general, not simply Western. But 
 Ambrose, who about this time was writing for Gratian his 
 
 ■■ This was equivalent to a degradation of the thrones of Alexandria and 
 Antioeh. 
 
 " On the "eminency" of S. Peter, as we understand it, see Moberly's 
 Gr. Forty Days, p. 189. 
 
 f The 6th and 6th canons, so-called, are considered to belong to the 
 Council of 382 ; the 7th is inadequately supported by external evidence, 
 and is a statement, not an enactment, as to the reception of converts. 
 Beveridge (vol. xii. p. 92, A.-C. L.) considers it to be a shortened form of 
 a letter written from Constantinople to the patriarch of Antioeh after 455. 
 See Routh, Scr. Op. i. 422. 
 
 E For the argument from this Council against modem Papal claims, see 
 Meyrick's Papal Supremacy, p. 15. 
 
COUNCIL OF AQUILEIA. I79 
 
 work " on the Holy Spirit," persuaded him that as the 
 Easterns had met at Constantinople, it would suffice to 
 hold a Western Council at Aquileia. This advice pre- 
 vailed ; a small Council of some thirty bishops met on 
 Sept. 1, under the presidency of Valerian of Aquileia ; and 
 Palladius repeatedly protested that he had expected " a full 
 Council." The bishops called on Palladius to condemn 
 the statements in Arius' letter to S. Alexander. Like the 
 Eusebians at Nicaea, he had recourse to pitiable evasions ; 
 he would call Christ " Very Son," " good and powerful," 
 but would not say whether He were created or uncreate. 
 When asked, " Is Christ Very Grod ?" he answered, " He is 
 the power of our God." He adduced the texts John xvii. 3, 
 1 Tim. vi. 15, John xiv. 28 ''. As he would not condemn 
 Arius, he was deposed; he sneered at the proceedings,— 
 " Have you begun to play ? play on." His companion 
 Secundianus, who rejected as unscriptural the proposition 
 " The Son is Very God," was condemned with him. The 
 debate lasted from daybreak to 1 p.m. The bishops wrote 
 to Gratian, and his brother Valentinian II., describing 
 what had been done, and complaining of TJrsinus as a con- 
 federate of Arians and a troubler of the principal Church 
 in the Eoman empire. To Theodosius they wrote in favour 
 of Paulinus, and requested another Council at Alexandria. 
 They also expressed themselves ' in favour of the claims of 
 Maximus as having the support of Alexandria, and against 
 the proceedings of the Constantinopolitan synod. If Nec- 
 tarius were upheld against Maximus, they saw not how 
 the East and West could continue in communion. Eome, 
 Italy, and all the West might fairly claim to be consulted 
 on such a matter. 
 
 Tlieodosius replied by a letter which to some extent 
 satisfied the Westerns''; but they asked for an explicit 
 
 h The bishops explained this latter text in the manner usual with 
 Westerns, ''greater in regard to the Manhood." 
 
 ' This letter, Ambr. Ep. 13, is from Ambrose and the other bishops of 
 the Italian diocese. '' S. Ambr. Bp. 14. 
 
l8o JEROME AT BOMB. 
 
 condemnation of Apollinaris in a full Council. A second 
 Council met at Constantinople in 382. Gregory, who was 
 now at Nazianzum, declined to attend. He had never, 
 so he wrote •, seen a Council end well. These assemblies, 
 what with ambition, and what with disputatiousness, tended 
 rather to increase the evils of the time. For his part, he 
 thought seclusion the only safety. Now we cannot explain 
 away this censure as pointed at Arianizing synods; Gre- 
 gory was plainly referring to party struggles within the 
 Church. But while we admit that Catholic Councils had 
 suifered from evils produced by the Arian controversy, we 
 cannot ignore the writer's temperament, which expresses 
 itself in this very contest by despair about all co-operative 
 action. 
 
 The bishops of Constantinople, invited to a Council at 
 Eome, wrote to Damasus, Ambrose, and the other bishops 
 there assembled, declining, though in kind language, to 
 attend. They described the sufferings from which the 
 Eastern orthodox were slowly recovering ; set forth the 
 Catholic doctrine as neither confounding the Persons nor 
 dividing the Substance, and as recognising a perfect Hu- 
 manity assumed by the all-perfect Word ; and vindicated, 
 as canonically unquestionable, the episcopal character of 
 Cyril, Flavian, and Nectarius. The Westerns, however, 
 continued faithful to Paulinus, who came to Eome this year 
 with Epiphanius and Jerome. The latter became secretary 
 to Damasus, who consulted him on Scriptural points™. 
 He wrote a tract against Helvidius, who maintained the 
 view of the Antidicomarians ; and he began to acquire 
 an influence over pious Roman ladies, as the widowed 
 Paula, Fabiola, and Marcella, Blesilla the widowed, and 
 Eustochium the virgin daughter of Paula. He supported 
 the principle of monasticism with all his energies, at a 
 time when the Pagan interest in Eome was bestirring itself 
 
 ' S. Greg. Ep. 130. 
 
 ^ Such as the word Hosanna, the vengeance for Cain, clean and uncleau 
 beasts, the time of the Eiodus, the parable of the prodigal. 
 
THE ALTAR OF VICTORY. l8l 
 
 against what it deemed a Christian aggression. In the 
 senate-house there stood an altar of Victory, which Con- 
 stantius had removed when he visited Rome, and Julian 
 had restored. Gratian, who showed his Christian zeal by 
 refusing the robe of the Pontifex Maximus, which emperors 
 had usually worn, again removed the altar. The "great 
 city," which had been "drunken with the blood of the 
 saints," contained at this time a multitude of Pagan sanc- 
 tuaries, and was still, in spite of the energy and stateliness 
 of its Church, a stronghold of idolatry. Among its Pagan 
 nobles were Prtetextatus, famous for his sarcasm about the 
 Eoman episcopate ; Flavian, one of the prsetorian praefects ; 
 and Symmachus, the great orator of the party, who now 
 went to plead for the restoration of the altar. But Da- 
 masus sent a memorial from Christian senators, repudiating 
 all share in the Pagan petition, and declaring that they 
 would not come into the senate-house if it were granted ". 
 Ambrose took charge of this memorial ; Gratian refused to 
 admit Symmachus into his presence, forbade by edict all 
 legacies to temples, and took away privileges from Pagan 
 priests. 
 
 Meantime Gregory, hearing that ApoUinarians were in- 
 vading Nazianzum in his absence, wrote to the priest 
 Cledonius a memorable letter, — one of those documents of 
 the fourth century which refuted beforehand the heresies 
 of the fifth. He affirmed true Godhead and perfect Man- 
 hood to be combined in the One Person of the Crucified, 
 who was the adorable Son, whose Mother was " Mother of 
 God"," and who assumed, in order to redeem it, the whole 
 of the nature that fell in Adam. 
 
 A third Council met at Constantinople in 383, in order to 
 attempt a reconciliation between the Church and the sects. 
 Theodosius produced a confusion of tongues p by asking the 
 
 " S. Ambr. Ep. 17. 
 
 » "If any one believe not S. Mary to be Theotocos, he has no part in 
 God. ..If any one rely on a Man who has no mind (i/ovs), he is unworthy 
 of perfect salTation." p See. v. 10, 
 
l82 AUGUSTINE AT KOME. 
 
 non-Catlwlics, " Do you accept the doctors who lived lefofe 
 your respective schisms?" He afterwards called upon five 
 representatives of the Catholic, Novatian, Arian, Euno- 
 mian, and Macedonian communions to state their tenets in 
 writing; and aU statements which denied the Homoousioa 
 he tore in pieces. The Novatians, who accepted it, were 
 favoured by Theodosius, who on July 25, 383, went so 
 far as to forbid all meetings of heretics, even in private 
 houses. No Catholic adviser seems to have warned him 
 against such methods of defending the Kingdom of Christ ; 
 but his penal enactments were not always carried into exe- 
 cution 9. 
 
 And now Maximus, the rebel general of the army in 
 Britain, having crossed over into Gaul, made war on Gra- 
 tian, who was deserted by his soldiers, and treacherously ■■ 
 murdered at Lyons, Aug. 25, in his twenty-fourth year. 
 Tidings of the tragedy came to Milan ; Ambrose mourned 
 for the young sovereign who had been to him as a son, and 
 had called upon his name in the moment of death '. Jua- 
 tina, the Arian widow of Valentinian I., placed the young 
 Valentinian II. in the arms of the Catholic archbishop, who 
 at her request visited Treves, and procured terms of peace 
 from the invader. Maximus contented himself with the 
 sovereignty of Gaul, Spain, and Britain. 
 
 There was now in Home a professor of rhetoric, about 
 thirty years of age, named Augustine *. He was born in 
 a city of Numidia in 354, and was formally made a cate- 
 chumen in his infancy, but not baptized. His boyhood was 
 wild and vicious. 
 
 At nineteen he was ensnared by the Manichean heresy. 
 That wonderful misbelief, then about a century old, but 
 
 1 Soz. vii. 12. 
 
 ' Andragathius swove on the Gospels that his life should be safe, and 
 having thus lured him to a feast, slew him and liept his corpse unburied. 
 S. Ambr. in Ps. Ixi. c. 23—25. 
 
 » De ob. Val 80, " Doleo in te, fili Gratiane, suavis mihi valde," &o. 
 
 ' His full name was Aurelius Augustinus. 
 
MANICHEISM. 183 
 
 destined to defy the Church for ages, to be a power in 
 mediaeval France, and to exert an influence even over 
 modern scepticism, has been described" as "the attempt 
 to array a philosophy of nature in a Christian language, to 
 empty Christian truths of all their ethical worth, and then 
 to use them as a gorgeous symbolic garb for clothing a 
 system different to its very core." Its founder. Manes, had 
 been a man of various gifts; full of ardour and imagina- 
 tion, scientific and accomplished, proclaiming himself an 
 inspired teacher who could exhibit the essential ideas of 
 Christianity set free from all Judaic elements, and pro- 
 mising his votaries an absolute knowledge which should 
 supersede the necessity of walking by faith. Augustine 
 was impressed by the importance which Manicheism ap- 
 peared to assign to " Christ" and " the Holy Spirit," not 
 seeing that these sacred names were applied to beings of 
 its own invention " ; and he was fascinated by the lure 
 of intellectual freedom y, by the Pantheistic derivation of 
 man's soul from the "lucid mass" of the Divine essence^, 
 and by the assurance that sin was the outcoming of a dark 
 
 1 Dean Trench's Huls. Leot., p. 25, ed. 1854. Manes began to promulgate 
 his views about A.D. 270, He was professedly a Christian, perhaps a 
 priest. He was excommunicated when be became an heresiarch ; driyen 
 away by the Magi, patronized by one Persian king, but put to a cruel death 
 xmder another in March, 277. His system was strictly dualistic. There 
 was, he said, an original, eternal division between the kingdoms of light 
 and of darkness. The Good Being, "the Father," who reigned over the 
 former, seeing the dark powers of the latter on the point of invading His 
 bright realm, sent forth a being called the Mother of Life from His own, 
 essence, to guard its frontier. She made the first man; the dark powers 
 swallowed up a part of his essence, i. e. a part of God's. Thus were par- 
 ticles of light imprisoned in matter ; the evil one concentrated them in 
 Adam, in whom also there was an evil element. 
 
 ^ Confessions, iii. 10. " Christ" meant the unimprisoned part of First 
 Man. The Imprisoned part was "Jesus patibihs." 
 
 7 De UtH. Cr. 2. The story of Genesis was inverted. It was God who 
 persuaded Adam to taste of the tree of knowledge. 
 
 2 Conf. iv. 26, 31. To a Manichean, the great fact to be considered in 
 aU mundane things was the struggle of divine particles to escape from 
 material bondage. 
 
184 AUGUSTINE AT MILAN. 
 
 element separate from Lis personality^. For nine years 
 his pious mother Monica persevered in prayer for his con- 
 version •>. In his twenty-ninth year he discovered by con- 
 versing with Paustus, a Manichean bishop, of whom he had 
 heard great things, the hollowness of Manichean professions 
 of universal knowledge ^ DiflSculties which had occiured 
 to his mind were not removed by Faustus. The hunger 
 of his nature for real and satisfying truth was not to be 
 appeased by "the husks" of a theory alike pretentious and 
 unsplritual. In this state of mind, the prospect of employ- 
 ment as a teacher of literature drew him, against his 
 mother's wish, to Eome, where, after recovering from a 
 dangerous fever, he still associated with the ascetic class * of 
 Manicheans, but not with his former confidence in the 
 system. This was a crisis in his spiritual history. He 
 could not thoroughly accept Manicheism; he thought Ca- 
 tholicism carnal " and untenable ; he was half disposed to 
 embrace the Academic scepticism. His pupils were in their 
 own way as unsatisfactory as those whom he had left at 
 Carthage ; and he was glad to accept a professorship at 
 Milan, the appointment to which had been placed in the 
 hands of Symmachus. Thus the gifted Pagan zealot be- 
 came the means of bringing him into contact with Am- 
 brose, who received him with paternal kindness, but whose 
 teaching appeared to him rather eloquent than true. 
 
 Symmachus himself, now prsefect of Home, made a second 
 
 a Confessions, t. 18. Tliis may be connected with his fondness for 
 astrology, ibid, iv, 4. 
 
 t Ibid. iii. 19, 20 ; v. 15, 17. A CuthoUo bishop comforted her by say- 
 ing, " The son of those tears cannot perish," iii. 21. 
 
 = Ibid. V. 3 — 10. The hierarchy of Manicheism consisted of a supreme 
 chief, twelve " masters," seventy-two bisliops, with priests, deacons, and 
 missionaries. The ritual was remarkable for its simphcity, as had been 
 the case with the Marcionite heretics. 
 
 ii The "Elect," as distinguished from the "Hearers," who had to sup- 
 port and serve the Elect, and were less rigidly bound by rules. 
 
 « The Incarnation was a difficulty ; he thought it must involve a debase- 
 ment of the Godhead. Manicheism had utterly denied that its Christ had 
 a real body ; his sufferings were only a semblance, representing the suffer- 
 ings of "Jesus patibihs" in corporeal bondage. 
 
AMBROSE AND SYMMACHUS. 185 
 
 application in behalf of the altar of Victory. He pleaded 
 " with bated breath" for the toleration of a worship which 
 Eome was too old to abandon, and which might be con- 
 sidered as virtually akin to the Christian — another mode of 
 serving the same God'. Ambrose reminded Valentinian 
 that no Pagan was obliged by a Christian sovereign to join 
 in Christian worship, and that his boyish years would not 
 excuse a weak betrayal of Christianity ; acknowledged the 
 " glowing colours" of the Pagan plea, but pronounced its 
 splendour to be illusory. "They talk of a God; they 
 worship a statue !" He dwelt on the moral deadness and 
 impotence of Paganism ; contrasting the six or seven women 
 whom purple attire and rich endowments could induce to 
 become vestals with the multitude of Christian virgins, and 
 the wealth of Pagan priests spent on themselves with the 
 Church's wealth which fed the poor. Valentinian refused 
 to restore the altar. The high tone taken by Christians as 
 against Pagans at this period stirred up Libanius to de- 
 nounce "the men in black," i. e. the monks, as greedy and 
 violent ; and Jerome himself denounces some monastic hy- 
 pocrites who made up for their fasts by midnight revelry s. 
 Severe fasting, in this year 384, cut short the life of 
 Blesilla. Paula fainted with grief amid the funeral solem- 
 nities ; the people " muttered" indignantly \ " We said 
 it would come to this ; she has killed her daughter with 
 fasting, and now grieves that she died in widowhood. 
 Those vile monks ! when will they be driven from the city, 
 
 ^ Relatio Symm. ap. Ambr. It is remarkable to find Paganism thus 
 entreating Christianity to recognize that view of the religions of the world 
 against which martyrdom had been a protest. Symmachus' words remind 
 us of Pope's "Universal Prayer." " Mqmim. est quicquid omnes colunt, 
 
 unum putari Quid interest qu^ quisque prudenti^ verum requirat? 
 
 Uno Uinere non potest perveniri ad tam grande secretum." .fflmilian the 
 prsefect had said to S. Dionysius of Alexandria, "Why cannot you worship 
 your God along toith those who are gods by nature ?" Ens. vii. 11. 
 
 K Bp. 22, c. 28. 
 
 •■ Ep. 39 (25.) S. Chrysostom says that idle people were heard to boast 
 of having beaten and incarcerated this or that monk. Adv. 0pp. Vit. 
 Mon. i. 2. 
 
l86 PRISCILLIAN EXECUTED. 
 
 — nay, ratber, stoned or drowned ?" But while the harster 
 side of monasticism oonfirmed many Pagans in their hatred 
 of the Church, we must in simple justice remember bow 
 many were won to Christ by the power of monastic faith 
 and self-devotion '. 
 
 After the Council of Saragossa, the two Priscillianist 
 bishops had made Priscillian bishop of Avila. Idacius, and 
 another prelate named Ithacius, who is described as having 
 " nothing of holiness" about him ^, as hating Priscillian 
 chiefly on account of his fasts, procured the exile of the 
 heretics. They vainly sought a hearing from Damasus and 
 Ambrose, but persuaded Gratian to allow of their return. 
 Ithacius denounced them to Maximus, who referred the 
 case to a Council at Bordeaux. Priscillian was there per- 
 mitted to appeal to Maximus. At the court of Treves, the 
 accused and accusers found Martin with the Emperor, who 
 treated him with great reverence as a saint \ Martin re- 
 buked Ithacius, begged Maximus to " spare the unhappy 
 men," and protested against " the hearing of a Church 
 cause by a secular judge." He even obtained from Maxi- 
 mus a promise to shed no blood, and, relying on this, 
 quitted Treves. Torture wrung from Priscillian a con- 
 fession (probably false) of impure practices ; and on this 
 ground he, with six others, was beheaded. It was the' first 
 infliction of death for heresy ; but, in this case, for heresy 
 alleged to endanger public morals. 
 
 The aged Damasus died on Dec. 11, 384, after a long 
 pontificate, in which he had exhibited great activity and 
 vigour. He had also been a poet and a church-builder; 
 and under him the crowded churches and the thundering 
 Amens"" gave evidence of his people's hearty devotion. He 
 was succeeded by Siricius, one of whose first acts (Feb. 11, 
 
 ' Soz, -ri. 34. •' Sulp. Hist. ii. 73. 
 
 ' It was then that Martin passed the wine-cup to his chaplain before the 
 Emperor ; an act which Maximus himself admired. The Empress waited 
 on the Bishop at table. Sulp. Vit. B. Mart. 23 ; Dial. ii. 7. 
 
 ■" Jerome, in Gal. lib. ii. praef. 
 
jtjstina's first attempt. 187 
 
 385) waa to write the first of the "decretal epistles," ia 
 reply to some questions which Himerius, bishop of Tarra- 
 gona, had addressed to Damasus. The moat important 
 point in this letter is the assertion that priests and deacons 
 were bound, as a matter of Christian duty, in consequence 
 of their daily Eucharistic ministrations, to observe perpetual 
 continence''. Siricius also orders converts from Arianism 
 to be received by confirmation only ; adults, except in case 
 of urgent need, to be baptized in the Paschal season only ; 
 candidates for ordination to pass regularly through the de- 
 grees of reader, acolyte, subdeacon, deacon, to the priest- 
 hood. Certain penitents are allowed, as a favour, " to at- 
 tend the celebration of the Mysteries," but are forbidden 
 to join in " the feast of the Lord's Table "." 
 
 The Empress Justina was ungrateful to S. Ambrose. In 
 Lent, this year, she demanded in her son's name, for Arian 
 worship, first the Portian basilica outside the walls of Milan, 
 and then in its stead the new and larger church of the 
 Apostles within the city p. Ofilcers of state came to Am- 
 brose on Friday before Palm Sunday; he answered, "The 
 Priest cannot give up the temple." On Saturday the prae- 
 fect in vain endeavoured to obtain at any rate the Portian 
 church. On Palm Sunday Ambrose was in the baptistery, 
 explaining the Creed, as was usual on that day, to the com- 
 petenies, or candidates for the Easter baptism ; the ordinary 
 catechumens 1 having left the church. A message informed 
 him that curtains were being put up in the Portian, — the 
 ordinary sign of the Emperor's claiming any place'. " How- 
 
 " The Nicene Council had expressly decUned to Impose this rule. See. 
 i. 11. The Eastern Church in the Quicisext Council in TruUo, can. 13, re- 
 jected the Roman practice, but did so on the implied ground that cele- 
 bration was not a daily duty. It was not so regarded in the days of 
 S. Athanasius, nor by S, Basil. 
 
 ° Persons in this position were called Consistentes. P Ambr. Ep. 20. 
 
 1 The three classes of catechumens were hearers, kneelers, and " com- 
 petents." 
 
 ' A "veil" was always hung before the entrance of the Emperor's pre- 
 sence-chamber. 
 
l88 THE PORTIAN CHURCH. 
 
 ever," Ambrose wrote to his sister, " I remained at my duty, 
 and began to perform Mass =." While he was " making the 
 oblation," he heard with grief that Castulus, an Arian priest, 
 was in the grasp of the Catholic population, and forthwith 
 sent clergy to his rescue. During Holy Week the Catholic 
 tradesmen were fined and imprisoned ; Ambrose was urged 
 by counts and tribunes to submit. "If," he firmly an- 
 swered, " I were asked to yield what was mine, I would 
 not refuse, although what is mine belongs to the poor. But 
 what is God's I cannot surrender." The next scene is laid 
 in the Portian, on the AVednesday. During the Lessons 
 from Job, the soldiers who had surrounded the church 
 began to enter, for the purpose, as they said, of prayer. 
 Ambrose began to preach on Job's trials, and reiterated his 
 principle, " The Emperor has no sovereignty over the things 
 of God. Palaces belong to the Emperor, churches to the 
 Priest." Meanwhile the attempt which had that day been 
 made to seize the new church was abandoned. The con- 
 gregation requested their bishop's presence, but he sent 
 some priests thither instead. A court- secretary came to 
 rebuke his " domineering." " Tes," he replied, " the priest 
 has his dominion — it is in his weakness : ' when I am weak, 
 then I am strong.' " He stayed all night at the Portian, 
 which was watched by soldiers. On Thursday, — the solemn 
 day for absolving penitents*, — while Ambrose was preach- 
 ing on the lesson, which consisted of the book of Jonah, 
 
 8 " Missam facere coepi." The earliest instance, apparently, of this term 
 (derived from the dismissal, 1. of the catechumens, 2, of the faithful,) being 
 used for the Eucharistic service. The " great oblation," as performed by 
 S. Ambrose, probably ran thus ; " Being mindful of His most glorious 
 Passion, and Resurrection from the dead, and Ascension into heaven, we 
 offer unto Thee this immaculate Sacrifice {hostiam), reasonable Sacrifice, 
 bloodless Sacrifice, this holy Bread, and ChaUce of life eternal." See 
 the writer De Sacram. iv. 27. 
 
 ' About a century later, the Roman rite for this "reconciliation" pre- 
 scribed that the penitent should be presented by the deacon in an address 
 to the bishop , beginning, "Venerable pontiff, the accepted time is come, 
 the day of God's propitiation and man's salvation." The penitent was then 
 absolved by collects said over him. Gelas. Sacr. Murat. i. 549. 
 
JEROME LEAVES ROME. l8g 
 
 word came tliat the soldiers were recalled from their post, 
 and the tradesmen's money had been restored. A scene of 
 impetuous joy followed ; the people clapped their hands, 
 the soldiers rushed in and kissed the altar. So ended the 
 first struggle of the Arian court with Ambrose. 
 
 Timothy of Alexandria died on July 20, 385. He was 
 the author of an epistle on Penance, in which he spoke of 
 "the spiritual Sacrifice" as oflFered up on Sundays and 
 Saturdays ", but of Communion as a daily occurrence. To 
 understand this, we must observe that, as we learn from 
 S. Basil", the Egyptian Catholics were allowed to take 
 home the Eucharist administered in churchy, and daily to 
 eat a portion. This practice had existed from the second 
 century ^, and was prevalent at Eome % but was obviously 
 liable to great abuses. Timothy was succeeded by Theo- 
 philus. 
 
 Jerome had at first been greatly esteemed by the Eoman 
 Christians. But the roughness and bitterness of his nature, 
 his open scorn for the fopperies and meannesses of some of 
 the clergy *, and his success in drawing Eoman ladies to the 
 monastic life, had involved him in such odium, that even his 
 outward aspect, his " walk and smile," furnished occasion 
 
 » In the West, as we have seen, daily celebration was common. S. Monica 
 "never on any day omitted to attend the Oblation." S. Aug. Conf. v. 17. 
 
 ^ Ep. 93. He himself was wont to communicate on Sundays, Wednes- 
 days, Fridays, Saturdays, and on Saints' days. 
 
 7 In S. Cyprian's time persons used to keep the '^ Sanctum Domini " at 
 home in a box, (area). De Laps. 16. 
 
 ^ Tertullian, De Orat. 19, advises persons on a fast-day to attend the 
 celebration, to "take the Lord's Body," and to "reserve" it instead of 
 communicating. And see his Ad Uxor. ii. 5. 
 
 "^ Jerome, Ep. 48. c. 15 : "1 neither blame nor approve the custom.'* 
 
 I* See the sarcastic description in Ep, 22. c. 28, of clergy dressed in the 
 extreme of fashion, dainty and elegant as bridegrooms, and wheedling 
 ladies out of articles that suited their taste. He had probably also come 
 into collision with the seven Roman deacons, who bore themselves with a 
 haughtiness which he traces to their small number. He had seen them at 
 private parties " benedictiones presbyteris dare." See his indignant words, 
 Ep. 146, against the insolent manner of the "servant of tables towards 
 those ad quorum preces ChHsti Corpus Sanguisque conjiciiur" 
 
igo PROGRESS OF AUGUSTINE. 
 
 for gross calumny. Disgusted by obloquy whicli doubtless 
 broke forth unrestrained after the death of his patron Da- 
 masus, Jerome quitted Eome in a mood which had little of 
 self-mistrust or meekness, calling himself " a fool for wish- 
 ing to sing the Lord's song in a strange land," and telling 
 his female friends that " at Christ's tribunal the character 
 of every man's life would appear "=." He set sail for Antioch, 
 where he visited Paulinus. 
 
 Meantime, Augustine at Milan was working his way to- 
 wards Catholic belief. Gradually he came to feel that there 
 was truth as well as beauty in the sermons of Ambrose, but 
 did not venture to take up his time in priva e and doubted 
 whether a life like his could be happy ■*. Monica joined her 
 son at Milan, and told him that she felt certain of living 
 to see him a Catholic ^. He took his place for the present 
 among the Church catechumens ; but worldly passions, and 
 difficulties raised by Manicheism, destroyed his peace of 
 mind, and made him fearful of " dying before he had found 
 the truth f." His friends Alypius and Nebridius were partners 
 in his search for it s. He discovered the falsehood of the 
 Manichean taunt, that Scripture debased the Deity by hu- 
 man limitations ; but Manicheism had its own material con- 
 ceptions of Deity, from which Augustine found it hard to 
 emerge ''. His perplexities, however, steadily diminished. 
 Pirmly believing in God's providence, looking for a judgment 
 to come \ and seeking for help in his sore need, he began to 
 see that freewill was a reality, that the principle of faith was 
 reasonable'', that the true God was in truth a Spirit', that 
 those Scriptures which heresy had disdained, but which a 
 Christendom had attested, gave that answer to his deepest 
 cravings which the noblest heathen books could never sup- 
 ply ™. The doctrine of Christ's Divinity was for some time 
 
 ' Ep. 45, (99). ■> Conf. y. 24 ; vi. 3. » Ibid. vi. 1. 
 
 ' Ibid. vi. 10 ; "rii. 7. s Ibid. vi. 11. t Ibid. vi. 4 ; v. 25 ; vii. 1. 
 1 Ibid. vi. 26 ; vii. 11. ^ Ibid. vii. 5 ; vi. 7. 1 Ibid, vii 16. 
 
 ■« Ibid. iii. 9 ; vi. 8 ; vii. 13, 14, 27. 
 
JUSTINAS SECOND ATTEMPT. 19I 
 
 foreign to Lis thoughts ; and he tells us that Alypius im- 
 agined the Churqh to be committed to the untenable Apol- 
 linarian theory ■'. 
 
 Jerome quitted Antioch for Jerusalem towards the end 
 of 385 ; thence proceeded to Alexandria and to the mon- 
 asteries of Egypt, and ultimately settled at Bethlehem. 
 Paula followed him thither, visiting the sacred places of 
 Palestine on her way. It is evident from the account of 
 her pilgrimage ° that enthusiasm or inventiveness liad al- 
 ready fixed upon certain buildings as veritable monuments 
 of the Gospel history. 
 
 On Jan. 23, 386, an edict in Valentinian's name ensured 
 freedom of worship both to Arians and Catholics, but ex- 
 pressly menaced the latter with death if they should cause 
 any disturbance. His mother resolved to attack Ambrose 
 again. An Arian. bishop who took the name of Auxentius 
 claimed the throne of Milan. Ambrose was called on to 
 plead against him in the imperial consistory. He gave in 
 a written refusal to admit the principle of lay judges in 
 matters of faith, and cited the words of Valentinian I., "It 
 is not for me to judge between bishops." The present 
 sovereign, he boldly observed, was young and unbaptized; 
 one day he would see the absurdity of asking a bishop to 
 "place his rights at the feet of laymen P." 
 
 He took up his abode within the church, which was again 
 filled with a zealous congregation, — including Monica^ — and 
 guarded, as before, by soldiers who prevented all egress. 
 To calm agitation and enkindle courage, he set the people 
 to sing hymns which he had written 9, full of terse and con- 
 densed energy, and to chant the Psalms antiphonally, " after 
 the manner of the East." He knew " how mighty a strain" 
 was the doxology to Eather, Son, and Spirit, which " made 
 
 - Conf. Tii. 25. » Jerome, Ep. 108, (27.) P Ambr. Ep. 21. 
 
 1 Twelve hymns, supposed to be really his, are extant. The second con- 
 cludes with words which might have suited this occasion ; " Christum ro- 
 gemus et Patrem, Christi Patrisque Spiritual, Unum, potens, per omnia 
 Fove precantes, Trinitas. " 
 
192 DISCOVERY OF RELICS. 
 
 all who sang it teachers ''." After some days had been thus 
 spent, Ambrose preached, apparently on Palm Sunday, as- 
 suring his flock that he would never abandon them; re- 
 ferriDg to Elisha in Dothan and Peter in prison^ ; denouncing 
 "Auxentius" as writing and dictating cruel orders. The 
 lessons of the day, — Naboth's history and the entry into 
 Jerusalem, — supplied him with illustrations. He quoted 
 the passage about " tribute to Csesar," and said that ia 
 the Church there was but one Image, Christ the Image of 
 the Pather. There was no question about paying taxes; 
 they were levied, as of course, on Church lands. That the 
 Church had gold to bestow, he denied not ; Christ's poor 
 were her stipendiaries. He summed up his principle in 
 the words, "The Emperor is witliin the Church, but not 
 above it '." 
 
 It appears that the soldiers were withdrawn, and that 
 Ambrose was left free to dedicate a church, the Ambrosian; 
 . after which the people asked him to place some relics of 
 martyrs in the new church, according to custom. " I will," 
 he said, " if I can find any :" and he bade them dig in the 
 earth before the chancel screen of S. Felix and S. Nabor. 
 Two skeletons with a quantity of blood, — so he writes to 
 his sister", — were found, carried to S. Pausta's, watched 
 there all night, and taken up next day for transfer to the 
 Ambrosian, as the bodies of S. Gervase and S. Protase, of 
 whose martyrdom some old men had heard. As the pro- 
 cession moved along, a blind man named Severus, who had 
 been a butcher, touched the hem of the pall, cried out that 
 he had received sight, and called on those who knew him to 
 test his words. Other wondrous cures were spoken of in 
 a sermon preached that day by Ambrose ; but this was the 
 
 ' Serm. o. Aux. 34 See. Aug. Conf. ix. 15. 
 
 » He adds the story of S. Peter fleeing from Eotae, and meeting Christ 
 at the gate. "Lord, whither goest Thou?" "I come to be crucified 
 again," Peter "understood that He was to be crucified again in His 
 servant." Serm. 13. 
 
 ' Compare the letter of Hosius to Constantius. o Ep. 22. 
 
CONVERSION OF S. AUGUSTINE. I93 
 
 chief case. The Arians denounced it as a fraud, but did 
 not disprove it ; and the account given by Ambrose is 
 supported by the distinct attestations of Augustine '', and 
 by Paulinus, who wrote his life of Ambrose whUe Severus 
 was still living, and serving in the Ambrosian church. 
 Ambrose caused the relics to be buried on the right 
 of the altar, " where," said he, " Christ is the Sacrifice." 
 That the event called forth a burst of devotion to Christ, 
 and stopped Justina's persecution of Ambrose, cannot be 
 thought unnatural. 
 
 In the ensuing summer, Augustine, who had been deeply 
 moved by an account of the life of S. Antony, and of " the 
 sweet ways " of Egyptian monks, passed through a hard 
 struggle with his lower impulses, which held him back 
 longer than any remnants of Manicheism from a thorough 
 self-surrender to the faith. At length, as he lay under a fig- 
 tree, weeping and longing for deliverance, he heard a child's 
 voice in the next house say repeatedly, " Take up and read." 
 Remembering that Antony's career had been determined by 
 his coming into church while the words were read, " Sell all 
 that thou hast and give to the poor," he returned to hi^ 
 lodging, where he had left Alypius, opened a copy of the 
 Epistles, and read the first words that he saw y : " Not in 
 rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wanton- 
 ness, not in strife and envying; but put ye on the Lord 
 Jesus Christ, and make not provision for the flesh." " No 
 further," says he, " would I read — nor needed I." The dark- 
 ness was past, and the true light shone; he and Alypius 
 went at once to Monica, and declared themselves converts 
 to the Catholic faith. " "With exulting joy she blessed Thee, 
 who art able to do above that which we ask or think." Au- 
 
 * Conf. ix. 16. Serm. 286 ; "I was there, I was at Milan, I know that 
 miracles occurred," &c. De Civ. Dei, xxii. 8. S. Augustine speaks of S. Am- 
 brose as knowing by a dream where the relics lay. Ambrose only says he 
 had " cujusdam ardor prsesagii." And Augustine speaks of the bodies as 
 uncorrupt ; Ambrose speaks of skeletons. But on the main points they 
 agree. y Rom. xiii. 13 ; Conf. viii. 29, 
 
 O 
 
194 CONVERSION OF S. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 gustine resigned his professorship, for which, indeed, weak 
 lungs had begun to disqualify him ; and retired with his 
 friends to a country house, where he " reposed from the 
 fever of the world ^," and began to prepare for baptism at 
 the ensuing Easter. Ambrose recommended him to study 
 Isaiah, but he found the opening passages difficult; the 
 Psalms, especially the fourth, entered deeply into a heart 
 which after so many restless fever-fits had "found rest in 
 Him for whom it was made"." 
 
 ^ Conf. ix. 5. « Ibid. I 1. 
 
CHAPTER YIII. 
 
 From the Conversion of S. Angnstine to the Death of 
 S. Ambrose. 
 
 " Posterity has applauded tlie yirtuous firmness of the archbishop ; and the ex- 
 ample of Theodosius may prove the beneficial influence of those principles which 
 could force a monarch, exalted above the apprehension of human punishment, to 
 respect the laWs and ministers of an invisible Judge." 
 
 Gibbon, ch. xxvii. 
 
 rrHE execution of PriscUlian was designed by Ithacius and 
 -'- bis party to be merely the beginning of a fierce onslaught 
 upon heretics. They obtained from Maximus an order, to 
 be carried out by imperial officers, for the seizure and exe- 
 cution of all the Priscillianists in Spain ; and they were dis- 
 posed to regard a pale face or a peculiar dress as sufficient 
 evidence of Priscillianism ^ They were now assembled at 
 Treves for the consecration of a bisbop. S. Martin, they 
 knew, was coming to Treves ; tbey knew also what he would 
 think of their doings ; and they caused messengers from the 
 Emperor to forbid his approach unless he came peaceably 
 disposed towards the Council. " I shall come," answered 
 Martin, "with Christ's peace." He arrived by night, went 
 to pray in the cathedral, and next day entreated Maximus 
 to spare the lives of two high officers who had been faithful 
 to Gratian, and " not to send tribunes with the power of the 
 sword into Spain." Maximus deferred his answer; while 
 Martin held aloof from the Ithacians, and supported one 
 bishop who had condemned their conduct. They fell pros- 
 trate before Maximus ; " If Martin," they said, " is allowed 
 to be the avenger of Priscillian, all is undone ; the truth is, 
 Martin himself is a heretic." The Emperor tried to win 
 over Martin, but failing in this, commanded the two officers 
 to be executed. Martin heard of this late at night, and 
 instantly demanded access to the Emperor. " If you will 
 
 « Sulp. Dial. iii. 15. 
 
tg6 SEDITION AT AlfTIOCH. 
 
 spare those men, and recall the tribunes, I will communi- 
 cate with the bishops." The terms were at once accepted; 
 Martin performed his promise, but would not record the act 
 by his signature. Next day he quitted Treves, mourning 
 over what he deemed his weakness in condoning one deed 
 of blood for the sake of preventing others. His biographer 
 says that after this compliance his powers of exorcism were 
 lessened, and that he never attended another synod. This 
 scene at Treves illustrates the tender-heartedness of the 
 ao-ed saint, who had seen life in such various forms, and 
 preserved through all the sweet compassion which had 
 flowed forth at sight of the Amiens beggar'". "We need not 
 suspect exaggeration when we read that as a bishop he 
 never punished injuries to himself; that " no one ever saw 
 him angry or troubled ;" that his face was " ever bright with 
 heavenly cheerfulness ;" that Christ's name was ever on his 
 lips, peace and kindness ever in his heart '^. 
 
 Early in 387 an increase of taxes provoked the people of 
 Antioch to sedition. They threw down the brazen statues 
 of Theodosius and of his deceased wife, the pious and cha- 
 ritable Placcilla '^ ; dragged them about with ropes, and 
 broke them in pieces. Such an outrage in those days was 
 regarded as an offence against the Emperor's person*^; and 
 Theodosius' one great fault was a wrathfulness which nearly 
 resembled Valentinian's. Flavian set forth, a little before 
 Lent, to appease him^; and met Hellebicus and Csesarius, 
 two great officers of the Empire, sent from court to avenge 
 
 ** At the gate of Paris he kissed and blessed a leper, who, it is said, was 
 straightway healed. Sulp. Vit. Mart. 19. 
 
 ' Sulp, Vit. 26. This picture resembles Adamnan's account of S. Co- 
 lumba, " Omnibus carus, hilarem semper faoiem ostendens." Vit. S. Col. 
 Prcef. 
 
 ** She used to visit the sick at their houses, and serve up their food in 
 hospitals, '' hecause God had made her an empress." Theod, v. 19. 
 
 » Constantine had thought otherwise. Hearing that stones had been 
 flung at his statue, he stroked his face and said with a smile, "No wound 
 here. " 
 
 ' S. Chrys. Hom. 21 ad Pop. Ant., torn. ii. p. 215. The old man had the 
 pain of leaving his sister apparently at the point of death. 
 
SEDITION AT ANTIOCH. I97 
 
 the insult. His absence was well supplied by Chrysostom, 
 who had recently received priest's orders, and who began to 
 turn this trouble to good account by a course of " Sermons 
 on the Statues," as they are called. In these he endeavoured 
 to allay the people's terror, and to convince them of their 
 besetting sins, — of which swearing was the chief, — and so 
 far succeeded that the churches were thronged all day. 
 Hellebicus and Csesarius arrived, erected theit tribunal, and 
 went to work by prosecutions, scourging, torture, and im- 
 prisonment — their own hearts suffering from the pain they 
 reluctantly inflicted 8. The cheerful animation of Antioch 
 was exchanged for blank despair ; the forum became a scene 
 of arrests ; the daily question was, " Who has been seized 
 to-day, — who has been punished, and how ?" Two ladies of 
 rank, the mother and sister of one of the prisoners, were 
 seen crouching with veiled faces at the door of the judgment- 
 hall, and listening to the cries of anguish from within''. 
 Pious monks from the hUI-country availed themselves of the 
 freedom of speech which was generally permitted to their 
 order, and told the judges that they would undertake to 
 move the Emperor's pity if they might go as envoys to him. 
 An old hermit named Macedonius bade them tell the Em- 
 peror, " It is easy to set up new brazen images, but if you 
 kiU men who are made in God's image, you cannot undo 
 your work'." Elavian, on reaching Constantinople, shed 
 tears when Theodosius asked, " Did I deserve this outrage ? 
 or if I did, could they not have spared the effigy of her that 
 is gone^ ?" The aged bishop reminded him that by pardon- 
 ing instead of punishing he would win the richest of all 
 diadems, and raise new statues in a people's heart. The 
 
 » Horn. 13. 1. 
 
 ' Chrysostom was led by this spectacle into a train of thought like the 
 " Quem patronum rogatums " of the Dies Ira. Horn. 13. 2. 
 
 i Horn. 17. 1 ; Theoi v. 20. 
 
 ^ Horn. 21. 2. This dialogue says nothing about the murder of Au- 
 tiochene magistrates, which Theod., v. 20, asserts the rioters to have 
 committed. 
 
igS Flavian's pleading. 
 
 Emperor's kind and noble heart had prompted him to libe- 
 rate all prisoners at the preceding Easter, with an ex- 
 pressed wish that he could also restore the dead. Here, 
 then, was an opportunity : Antioch was even now at the 
 gates of Hades. A word from him could raise it up — and 
 what a glory would the Christian name derive from such an 
 act of mercy ! How would the Gentiles say, " The Chris- 
 tians' God is great indeed, if an old man bearing His priest- 
 hood can move an emperor to forego so just a revenge." 
 Flavian then solemnly reminded Theodosius of the condi- 
 tion attached to God's forgiveness, and of the day of reckon- 
 ing in store for all. Theodosius was moved, and said, " It 
 is no great thing for men to pardon their fellow-men, since 
 the Lord of the world became a servant for our sakes, and 
 was crucified by those whom He had blessed, and prayed, 
 ' Father, forgive them !' " He bade Flavian convey his pardon 
 to Antioch, and sent on a more expeditious messenger to 
 announce it. The city was joyously illuminated; Flavian 
 arrived in time for Easter, and declared that God alone had 
 softened Theodosius. The narrative shews on what terms 
 men held life and liberty under the Caesarean system, even 
 when its head was a Theodosius ; and it is significant that 
 after all the misery which Antioch, for " the crime of a few," 
 had suffered, the resolution to inflict no more was magnified 
 as an act of superhuman benignity. S. Ambrose would 
 probably have spoken out for justice, where Flavian was 
 fain to weep and implore. 
 
 On the eve of that Easter festival, April 25, 387, the 
 baptistery at Milan witnessed a memorable sight. After 
 the series of lessons usual on Holy Saturday, Augustine 
 and his son Adeodatus', with Alypius, were led to the 
 font, where a priest and a deacon attended on S. Ambrose. 
 "With faces turned westward, they renounced "the devil 
 
 ' A promising boy of iifteen ; bom to Augustine in the days when he 
 used to pray, " Give me chastity, but not yet." Adeodatus " in ability 
 surpassed many learned men." Conf. ix. 14 ; see yiii. 17. 
 
BAPTISM OF S. AUGUSTINE. igg 
 
 and his works, the world, its luxury, its pleasures," and 
 then turned eastward in recognition of Christ. Ambrose 
 performed the solemn benediction of the font ; each candi- 
 date descended into it, was asked, "Dost thou believe in 
 God the Father Almighty?" answered, "I believe," and 
 was immersed in the water; professed in like manner his 
 faith " in our Lord Jesus Christ and His Cross," and " in 
 the Holy Spirit," and was immersed a second and third 
 time"". Ambrose then anointed the head of each, with a 
 prayer that it might be "unto life eternal." Their feet 
 were washed, (according to a Milanese usage which was 
 not Eoman,) they put on their white vestments, received 
 "the spiritual seal" whereby "Christ confirmed" them", 
 and were led in procession up the church, chanting the 
 43rd Psalm, while Augustine's happiness overflowed in 
 tears". They saw the altar in its fair array?, decked for 
 the Easter Communion ; and were at once admitted to the 
 highest privileges of the Church i. 
 
 They resolved to return to Africa, and there to form a 
 religious household. S. Monica, in the fulness of her joy, 
 acted both as mother and as servant to them all"^. She 
 went with them to Ostia, where they prepared for the 
 homeward voyage. One day she and Augustine were lean- 
 ing against a window of the house where they lodged, and 
 talking of the future blessedness, " what it must be to enter 
 into God's very presence after the resurrection." Suddenly 
 she told him that as all her hopes for this world were 
 fulfilled, she desired to live no longer. In a few days she 
 was seized with a fatal illness, and calmly expired about 
 
 ™ S. Amb. de Myst. 28, (the book was probably written about this time), 
 and tlie treatise de Sacram. ii. 20, which Dr. Pusey attributes to a disciple 
 of S. Ambrose, (Doctr. R. Pres. p, 467. ) 
 
 1 De Myst. 42. Chrism is not mentioned, but was probably applied to 
 the forehead ; the former unction being a distinct rite. 
 
 Conf. ix. 14. p De Myst. 43. 
 
 1 The "Chronicle" of Dacius, bishop of Milan, which spoke of SS. 
 Ambrose and Augustine as composing the Te Deum on this occasion, is 
 spurious. ' Conf. ix. 22. 
 
200 S. AMBROSE AT TREVES. 
 
 a week afterwards. Her grandson's loud weeping was 
 hushed by a scruple on Augustine's part against any such 
 display of sorrow ; they chanted the 101st Psalm, performed 
 the burial, and attended the celebration of the Eucharist ', 
 with the same painful constraint of natural feeling; at 
 length Augustine found relief in tears, though not without 
 an apprehension that men, if they knew it, would judge 
 him hardly '. He deferred his voyage for the present, and 
 settled at Eome. 
 
 Justina, having failed to crush S. Ambrose, employed 
 him again in her service. He visited Treves to ask Maxi- 
 mus for a ratification of the peace, and for the delivery of 
 the remains of Gratian ". Maximus treated the Archbishop 
 with disrespect, by refusing to see him except in public 
 audience; and Ambrose, on entering the consistory, de- 
 clined the proffered kiss of peace, on the ground of this 
 affront to his dignity. After some conversation, Maximus 
 promised to consider Valentinian's request. Ambrose held 
 aloof from the communion of the prince who had slain 
 his master, and of bishops whose hands were stained with 
 blood, though it were the blood of heretics. In conse- 
 quence of this, Maximus bade him leave the city. His 
 chief regret was that an old and dying bishop, Hyginus, 
 was ruthlessly hurried into exile. " When I begged that 
 the old man might not be thrust forth without a cloak 
 and a feather-cushion, I was thrust forth myself"." Fear- 
 ing an invasion at their own doors, Justina and her son 
 took refuge at Thessalonica. Maximus became lord of all 
 
 » "The Sacrifice of our ransom was cflTered for her." Conf. ix. 32. 
 
 ' Conf. ix. 33. i Bp. 24. 
 
 * Tenderness was one of his main characteristics. Paulinus dwells on his 
 power of rejoicing with them that rejoiced, and weeping with them that 
 wept, and on his solicitude for the poor and for prisoners. Vit. 39. See 
 his beautiful books on the death of his brother Satyi'us, A.D. 379. '*Lacry- 
 mavi ergo, fateor, etiam ego — sed laorymavit et Dominus !" i. 10. " in- 
 felicia ilia, sed tamen dulcia suprema osoulorum pignora !" 19. "Toto te 
 animo ao mente compleotor — nee mihi te aut mors aut tempus avellet. '' 
 72, 74. 
 
THEODOSIUS AT MILAN. 201 
 
 Italy; but Valentinian, by intercourse with Theodosius, 
 was brought over to the Catholic faith. 
 
 In a zeal for this faith, Tvhich was altogether genuine, if 
 " not according to knowledge," Theodosius, on March 10, 
 388, forbade heretics (especially naming Apollinarians) to 
 inhabit cities, to ordain clergy, to hold assemblies, or to 
 appear before the Emperor. He now made war on ilaxi- 
 mus, who was defeated in Pannonia, and put to death at 
 Aquileia in the summer of 388. Theodosius remained at 
 Milan several months. It was probably in the early part 
 of his stayy that, after approaching the altar to present 
 his offering, he did not return, like other laymen, to the 
 nave, but continued standing in the sanctuary. Ambrose 
 asked what he wanted; he -replied that he intended to 
 communicate. Ambrose, by his archdeacon, bade the Em- 
 peror withdraw from a place which was reserved for the 
 clergy. Theodosius at once acquiesced, explaining that 
 he had been accustomed at Constantinople to remain in 
 the sanctuary, but thanking Ambrose for giving him better 
 instruction. In another case, the prelate's admonition was 
 less reasonable and less readily obeyed. The Christiana of 
 Callinicus had burned a synagogue; Theodosius ordered 
 their bishop to rebuild it. Some monks of the same place, 
 having been insulted by a party of Valentinian heretics, 
 had burned the "temple" of the latter. Theodosius or- 
 dered them to be punished. Ambrose could not look upon 
 this as a matter of social order. In a long letter, more 
 impassioned than logical^, he contended that Theodosius 
 was making himself a champion of Judaism, and went 
 so far as to represent Christ as warning him not to give 
 a triumph to His foes. He followed up this letter by a ser- 
 mon, at the end of which Theodosius said, " You have been 
 
 y Theodoret, v. 18, puts it after his penance ; but surely he would not 
 have been so long at Milan without making an offering at the altar. 
 
 ^ Ep. 40. He actually argued that since Julian had not punished hea- 
 thens for outraging churches, Theodosius ought not to punish Christians 
 for lawless violence done to a synagogue. 
 
202 THEODOSIUS AT ROME. 
 
 preaching at me." Ambrose did not deny it. ""Well," 
 said tbe Emperor, "I certainly did give rather a severe 
 order, but I have softened it. Those monks commit many 
 outrages!" Ambrose flatly refused to proceed with the 
 Eucharistic service until the Emperor promised to cancel 
 the obnoxious orders. Theodosius at last gave way. Am- 
 brose pertinaciously repeated, " I depend upon you — I 
 depend upon you." " Yes, depend upon me." Then Am- 
 brose went up to the altar. "I would not have done so," 
 he triumphantly adds, "if he had not given me a full 
 promise." 
 
 A third application in behalf of the altar of Victory was 
 not so promptly refused by Theodosius as Ambrose pro- 
 bably expected ; but after some days, his bold and faithful 
 exhortations had their effect ='. Theodosius and Yalentinian 
 visited Eome on June 13, 389 ; Augustine having probably 
 quitted it for Africa before their arrival. The presence of 
 two Christian emperors induced many Eoman nobles to 
 profess conversion from idolatry ; and the Lateran cathe- 
 dral was thronged by applicants for "the sacred sign and 
 the chrism of spiritual kingship''." Numbers visited the 
 " Confession of S. Peter" at the Vatican, the veneration 
 of which had become, in many instances, the " superstitious 
 adoration of a sepulchre "." Theodosius planned a stately 
 basilica, without the walls of Eome, in honour of the other 
 great Apostle, whose grave, says a writer of the second 
 century '', was pointed out in the Ostian Eoad, and whose 
 name has always been associated with S. Peter's in the 
 foundation of the Eoman See. 
 
 At the instance of Siricius ^, Theodosius made a law of 
 civil disfranchisement against the Manicheans, whose lead- 
 
 » Ep. 57. ^ Prud. c. Symm. i. 587. 
 
 ' See S. Aug. de Mor. Eocl. i. 75. 
 
 ^ Caius, priest of Rome, in Euseb. ii, 25. 
 
 «= He had already taken precautions against the reception of "the Lord's 
 Body by the impure lips" of Manicheans, and ordered that even converts 
 from Manicheism should only receive it by way of viaticum on their 
 deathbeds. 
 
JEROME AT BETHLEHEM. 203 
 
 ing men, " the Elect," bad given great scandal in Eome by 
 their hypocrisy and immorality, resisting the eiforts of an 
 honest-minded " Hearer," or ordinary Manichean, for the 
 establishment of a community of "Elect" under his own 
 roof, to live by a rule derived from the " epistle of Manes^." 
 Jerome had, some years before, spoken of the name of 
 "Manichean" as opprobriously applied by self-indulgent 
 Roman ladies to those whose faces were " pale or sad e." 
 
 Jerome was now, "in sheltered nooks of Palestine," 
 combining monastic devotion with intense study. By this 
 time Paula had built several monasteries at Bethlehem, in 
 one of which Jerome apparently lived, but without dis- 
 charging priestly functions''. Others were occupied by 
 women divided into three companies'; the offices were, 
 matins, terce, sext, none, vespers, midnight ; every sister 
 was obhged to know the Psalms ; and the love of psalmody 
 became so common at Bethlehem, that the ploughman was 
 heard to sing Alleluia, and the reaper and the vinedresser 
 to cheer their toil with "something of David''." It was 
 only on Sunday that the sisters went to the adjacent church 
 at the cave of the Nativity. Jerome's chief occupation at 
 this time was the carrying out of an undertaking begun six 
 years before. In 383, at the request of Damasus, he had 
 corrected, by the Greek Testament and Septuagint, the 
 existing Latin version of the Gospels and Psalms, which 
 was in a very corrupt state. He now went through the 
 whole of the Old Testament in that version, (which was 
 called the Old Italic,) so as to bring it into conformity with 
 that edition of the Septuagint which he found in Origen's 
 Sexapla. The Psalter as edited by Jerome in 383 became 
 known as the Eoman, and was long used by the Eoman 
 Church, which still retains in her daily office its version 
 of Psalm 95 ; the whole " Roman Psalter" is now confined 
 to S. Peter's, and a few churches in Spain. The more 
 
 ' S. Aug. de Mor. Man. ii. ^i. This man Constantius became a Catholic, 
 c. Faust. V. 5. s Ep, 22. 13. 
 
 ^ Epiphan. in Hieron. Ep. 51. 1. ' Ep. 108. 19. k Ep. 46. 11. 
 
204 JOVINIAN. 
 
 correct Psalter included in Jerome's larger work, usually 
 dated in 389, became prevalent in Gaul about the end of 
 the sixth century, and hence acquired the name of GaUican. 
 It gradually won its way to general acceptance. 
 
 The Italian Church was at this time troubled by the 
 teaching of Jovinian, who had passed from ascetic to lux- 
 urious habits, — from fasting, as Jerome expresses it, to 
 dainty meals, from coarse black to silk and white linen. 
 His propositions were, 1. That virginity was not a higher 
 state than marriage, and that Christ was not literally the 
 Virgin-born'. 2. That the true baptism was a purely 
 inward process, which ensured perseverance and salvation; 
 so that any Christian who fell away showed thereby that 
 he had never been regenerate". 3. That fasting was not 
 better than eating with thankfulness. 4. That there would 
 be no difference of degree in the rewards or punishments of 
 the next world. Jovinian drew away many persons from 
 the monastic life. Siricius assembled his presbyters, and 
 excommunicated Jovinian with four others; they went 
 from Rome to Milan, but Siricius wrote a letter "to the 
 Milanese Church" denouncing their unheard-of doctrine", 
 and carefully distinguishing between the special honour 
 paid by the Church to virginal devotedness, and any dis- 
 paragement of matrimony °. Ambrose and other bishops 
 then at Milan wrote to thank Siricius. " Good is mar- 
 riage," they said, " but better is virginity ;" and they 
 insisted on the miracle of the Nativity in all its fulness. 
 It appears that this same Council of Milan confirmed the 
 excommunication of Ithacius, which had been recently pro- 
 nounced by Ambrose. 
 
 "While the Council was sitting, terrible news came from 
 
 ' His view was different from that of the Antidioomarians. 
 
 " Compare the Calvinistio theory. 
 
 " " Never did any such dogs as these bark at the Church's sacred truth." 
 
 o "We assist at marriages," says Siricius, "with the veil," i. e. the yellow 
 bridal- veil which the priest appears to have blessed. '* Marriage," says 
 S. Ambrose, Ep. 19, "ought to be sanctified, «eta))w»e sacei-dotali et tec- 
 dictione." 
 
MASSACRE AT THESSALONICA. 20^ 
 
 Thessalonica. The people of that city had quarrelled, ia 
 a disgraceful cause, with. Botheric, the commander-in-chief 
 of the forces in Illyricum ; and having risen in tumult, had 
 murdered him and several other officers. At first, Theo- 
 dosius had been kindled into fury; Ambrose, apparently, 
 had calmed him ; but the high of&cials of his court, par- 
 ticularly Ruffinus, his chancellor, or " master of the offices," 
 had persuaded him to order that seven thousand persons, 
 neither more nor less, should be put to death by soldiers in 
 the circus of Thessalonica. An attempt on Theodosius' 
 part to recall this order came too late. The massacre 
 lasted three hours ; the most piteous case P was that of a 
 father, who offered himself as a substitute for his sons ; the 
 soldiers answered that they could only spare one of the 
 youths, because they had to make up their tale of victims. 
 The unhappy man, gazing on both, could not make up his 
 mind to choose one before the other ; and the impatient 
 soldiers cut down both. Such was the tragedy of which 
 Ambrose now heard i. Wishing to give Theodosius time 
 to bethink himself, he withdrew for a while from Milan, 
 and wrote to the Emperor. He observed that " he alone 
 of the court" had been kept in ignorance of the recent 
 mandate ; were he now to be silent, he would incur the 
 doom of the unfaithful watchman'. The Emperor's virtues 
 were marred by an impetuous temper which his courtiers 
 were too apt to stimulate. The deed which had been done 
 had no parallel. The Emperor must repent like David. 
 " Tou are a man, and temptation has come upon you ; 
 conquer it. Only penitence can take away sin. No angel 
 nor archangel can do it ; even the Lord Himself forgives no 
 sinners, save those who repent. I would persuade you, 
 I entreat, exhort, admonish." The devil, he proceeded, 
 had been envious of that kindness of heart, which was the 
 
 p Soz. vii. 25. 1 Bp. 51. 
 
 ' Ezek. iii. 19. Paulinus says that he wept over those who confessed 
 their sins to him, and so drew forth their tears. "He considered himself 
 as fallen with the fallen." Vit. 39. 
 
206 PENANCE OF THEODOSIUS. 
 
 crowning grace of the Emperor's character. Tor Ms own 
 part, he could not offer the Sacrifice in the presence of one 
 stained with the blood of many innocents. Theodosius 
 might offer an acceptable sacrifice' after he had become 
 truly penitent. " I am attached to you, I love you, I pray 
 for you ; but I love God better." 
 
 Theodosius attempted to enter the church as usual ; but 
 Ambrose, who had returned to Milan, met him at the gate, 
 took hold of his purple robe*, and asked, according to 
 Theodoret, "How can you presume to receive the most 
 holy Body of the Lord, and to carry His precious Blood 
 to lips which ordered so much bloodshed"?" "David him- 
 self committed crimes," said Theodosius. The answer was ■ 
 ready : " Tou followed him in sin, follow him also in amend- 
 ment." The Emperor was formally excluded from Church- 
 communion ; and thus did Ambrose, " in the name of 
 justice and of humanity"," and, in truth, of Christ and the 
 Gospel, " rebuke the greatest sovereign of the age." It 
 was probably in allusion to this memorable deed that Chry- 
 sostom said, addressing the clergy, "If the unworthy per- 
 son who comes to Communion be a general or a praefect, 
 or even he that wears the diadem, debar him ; your com- 
 mission is greater than his. But if you are afraid, refer 
 him to me: I will shed my own blood, sooner than admi- 
 nister Blood so awful, contrary to what is meety." 
 
 On June 16, 390, a Council met at Carthage. Its chief 
 enactments were, an enforcement of Siricius' rule as to 
 
 8 A remarkable passage, as indicating tlie part borne by the people in 
 the sacrifice of the Eucharist. So the very old Eoman Canon, " Qui Tibi 
 offerunt hoc sacrificium laudis." ' Soz. vii. 25, 
 
 " Theod. V. 18. Compare the language of S. Cyprian, de Lapsis, 14. 
 " Quod non statim — ore pollute Domini Sanguinem bibat, — irasoitur. " 
 
 " Milman, Lat. Chr. i. 79. Compare the story told by Eusebius, vi. 34, 
 of the Emperor Phihp called the Arabian, that he professed Christianity, 
 but was compelled by the bishop on Easter-eve to take his place among 
 the penitents, on account of his crimes. S. Athanasius, as we have seen, 
 excommunicated the governor of Libya. 
 
 y In Matth. Horn. 82. 6. 
 
PENITENTIAL USAGES. 20/ 
 
 priests and deacons, and a prohibition of the unnecessary- 
 multiplication of episcopal sees. 
 
 "We may probably place in this year a scandal in which a 
 deacon of Constantinople was implicated, and on the ground 
 of which Nectarius, by the advice of an Egyptian priest 
 named Eudaemon, abolished the office of the Penitentiary 
 priest, which had been instituted after the Novatian schism. 
 While this office lasted, it had been incumbent on those 
 who wished for direction as to whether their sins required 
 public or private penance, to consult the Penitentiary. 
 They were now left free, as before the institution of the 
 office, to choose their own spiritual physician, or simply to 
 use their own discretion as to approaching the holy Mys- 
 teries^. This relaxation diminished the number of those 
 who practised confession, either in public or in private ; 
 while at Home, where stricter views of penitential duty 
 were prevalent, every Lent saw the " godly discipline" 
 carried out as a working system, with prostrations and 
 bitter weeping, expulsion of penitents from the church, 
 and their solemn re-admission on Maundy Thursday K But 
 it must be observed that open penance was reserved for the 
 heavier offences ; and that nowhere in the ancient Church 
 was confession of all sins to a priest made compulsory *. 
 
 Sozomen considers that this event preceded a law made 
 by Theodosius, June 21, 390, that no woman under sixty 
 should be admitted deaconess. This office was sometimes 
 held by virgins, but Theodosius required them to be widows 
 with children, according to the custom of Tertullian's time. 
 Their duty was to assist at the baptism of women, to in- 
 struct female catechumens in private, and to assist in works 
 of charity. Another law, dated Sept. 3, 390, condemned 
 the disorderly conduct of certain monks, who caused dis- 
 turbance in cities by interfering with the process of justice 
 on grounds less reasonable than the sufferings of Antioch 
 had supplied. 
 
 ' Soc. V. 19. « Soz. vii. 16. 
 
 * See TertulliaB, Lib. Fath., pp. 379—408. 
 
208 THEODOSItrS ABSOLVED. 
 
 According to tte strict law of the Cliurch, a deed of 
 blood must be followed by years of penance. Eight months 
 intervened between the exclusion of Theodosius from the 
 church and the feast of Christmas, 390. On that " most 
 venerable of all festivals, the mother and fountain of them 
 all'=," Theodosius wept bitterly because he was excluded 
 from the Presence which was open to slaves and beggars \ 
 Euffinus, the adviser of the massacre, whose cruel and 
 treacherous nature was not understood by the frank-hearted 
 Theodosius, induced him to seek an interview with Ambrose 
 in the episcopal house. Ambrose rebuked him for attempt- 
 ing to break through the rules of the Church. He replied 
 that he respected them, — that he only came to sue for 
 absolution. Ambrose asked what repentance he had mani- 
 fested. He replied that he would obey whatever was 
 enjoined. Ambrose then required him to make a pubhc 
 acknowledgment of his crime, and to enact that none 
 should be executed until thirty days after the sentence. 
 Theodosius at once consented, and was permitted to enter 
 the church. He threw himself on the pavement ^, repeat- 
 ing, " My soul cleaveth to the dust, quicken Thou me 
 according to Thy Word ;" and the sight of their emperor 
 stripped of his purple, and imploring with tears the Divine 
 forgiveness, drew forth the pitying sympathy of the people 
 who had formerly dreaded his bursts of wrath '. 
 
 Very soon afterwards, in the beginning of 391, Augustiae 
 was, against his will, ordained priest by Valerius bishop of 
 Hippo, who authorized him to preach in his presence — a 
 privilege unheard of ia Africa. It was then that Augus- 
 tine, when asking for some time to prepare himself, ob- 
 served that " nothing was more comfortable than the minis- 
 terial office discharged in a perfunctory and men-pleasing 
 
 <: S. Chrys. de Philogon. 3, torn. i. 497. 
 
 ■> Theod. V. 18. His account seems too rhetorical to be altogether 
 trustworthy. 
 
 « Euffinus, ii. 18, says, "he did public penance in the face of the whole 
 Church." ' S. Aug. de Civ. Dei, v. 26. 
 
THE SERAPEUM. 
 
 209 
 
 temper, but nothing in the sight of God more wretched, 
 woeful, damnable s. " 
 
 The warfare of Christianity against Paganism now took 
 in great measure the form of a direct onslaught on the tem- 
 ples. Theodosius had prohibited divinations by an edict of 
 May, 385, and had ordered Cynegius, the prsefect of the 
 East, to close the Egyptian temples. Enthusiastic monks 
 began to destroy temples as the natural homes of idolatrous 
 divination ; Marcellus, bishop of Apamea, lost his life in a 
 conflict with Pagans, who had armed in defence of a temple 
 in his district. Theophilus of Alexandria was a prelate 
 whose zeal was more likely to take this form than to pro- 
 mote Christ's cause by " weapons not carnal." He was 
 engaged in converting a temple of Bacchus, given him by 
 the Emperor, into a church ; and his exposure of the sym- 
 bols of an impure worship provoked the Pagans to rise in 
 sedition. They seized some Christians and dragged them 
 within the vast enclosure of the Serapeum, or temple of 
 Serapis, a deity brought into Egypt by Ptolemy I. and 
 identified with Bacchus ^. The temple stood on an artificial 
 height, and was the centre of a quadrangle, which was itself 
 encompassed by halls and chambers. Within the sanctuary 
 was seated the vast image, in the form of a long-haired per- 
 sonage, bearing a bushel on his head, and touching both 
 sides of the temple with his arms. Such was the strong- 
 hold of idolatry, in which the Christian prisoners were 
 cruelly martyred. An accomplished and enthusiastic Pagan 
 philosopher, named Olympius, took the command of the 
 Pagans who garrisoned the Serapeum. While the military 
 authorities wrote for instructions to Theodosius, Olympius 
 assured his adherents that the worship of the gods did not 
 depend on images which might be broken'. Theodosius' 
 
 e Ep. 21. 
 
 t The Romans had adopted his worship. There was at York a temple 
 "Deo sanoto Serapi" Ruffinus, ii. 23, says that some identified him with 
 Jupiter, some with the Nile, and others thought him a representation of 
 Joseph, &o. ' Soz. -rii. 15. See Hooker, b. 7. 65. 15. 
 
 P 
 
210 THE SEKAPEUM. 
 
 letter commanded the destruction of all the temples in 
 Alexandria. The Pagans were reduced to despair. Olym- 
 pius fled by night from the Serapeum ; the Christians be- 
 lieved that amid the dead stillness he had heard a voice 
 within the closed and guarded fane, as of a person chanting 
 AUelida^. The temple was abandoned to the Christians. 
 In defiance of the rumour that if the image of Serapis were 
 approached, heaven and earth would come together, Theo- 
 philus gazed scornfully on the enormous figure, and com- 
 manded a soldier to smite it with an axe^. Many Pagans 
 shrieked in horror ; but Serapis could not " judge his own 
 cause, nor redress a wrong™." Blow upon blow shattered 
 the idol ; a swarm of rats leaped forth from its head, and 
 it was dragged through the streets and burned piecemeal. 
 Thus in one triumphant day was the pride of Alexandrian 
 Heathenism laid low for ever. The work of destruction 
 went on throughout Egypt ; hideous secrets came to light, 
 revealing the lust and cruelty of the Pagan priesthood ; and 
 one image was preserved for a perpetual record, that Pagans 
 might never deny that they had worshipped an ape. Many 
 conversions followed these events, the date of which is vari- 
 ously given as 389 or 391. Edicts dated in February and 
 June 391 forbade all religious use of temples, and imposed 
 penalties on magistrates who should violate the prohibition. 
 Care was taken to raise churches on the site of the Sera- 
 peum and other temples. 
 
 The Eustathian communion at Antioch had now a new 
 head in Evagrius, whom Paulinus had consecrated to be his 
 successor, and whom S. Ambrose with all the "West acknow- 
 ledged. A council at Capua proposed that Theophilus 
 should arbitrate. Flavian was employed about this time in 
 detecting the heresy of the Massalians or Euchites, a body 
 of fanatics " who had existed for many years in the East, 
 
 1* Sozomen says he was " informed of this." The story, at any rate, is 
 grandly symbolical. 
 
 ' Theod, T. 22. » Earuch vi. 54. 
 
 ° See S. Aug. de Hi-eres. 57. As to their "doing nothing else but pray," 
 
THE MASSALIAifS. 211 
 
 and whose theory was a fanatical spiritualism which called 
 the Sacraments ineffective, laid exclusive stress on prayer 
 poured forth under violent agitation, pretended to sensible 
 perceptions of God's presence, and approximated to Pan- 
 theism in the assertion of man's perfectibility. The horror 
 which such views excited in the minds of Churchmen was 
 natural; yet they took possession of many minds which in 
 the monastic life had become unhealthy. As they were 
 combined with a total contempt of truthfulness, it was dif- 
 ficult to convict a Massalian, who would disown or anathe- 
 matize the opinions imputed to him ; and this difficulty led 
 Flavian to an unworthy adoption of their own craft. He pre- 
 tended that he wished to learn from the aged Adelphius"; 
 and having thus obtained his confidence, turned upon him 
 as a heretic self- convicted. The Massalians were condemned 
 both in Syria and Pamphylia. Bonosus, bishop of Sardica, 
 had lately given scandal by asserting that S. Mary had other 
 sons than Christ. The Italian bishops insisted that those 
 of Macedonia should act as his judges, instead of referring 
 the case to them. He was tried accordingly, and sus- 
 pended. 
 
 Jerome's labours on the text of Scripture were carried on 
 in 391 by his memorable translation of the Old Testament 
 directly from the Hebrew, which became known in after- 
 days as the Vulgate. 
 
 On Theodosius' return to Antioch towards the end of 
 391, he wished to terminate the schism by referring Fla- 
 vian's claim to the judgment of the West. Flavian, an 
 adept in diplomacy, managed to gain time, and afterwards 
 secured Theodosius' favour by a speech congenial to his 
 generous heart. " I am ready to stand a trial as to my 
 personal faith and conduct. But I have no mind for a con- 
 test about the primacy of Antioch ; I had rather resign it. 
 
 see a sarcastic retort of Hooker's, b. v. 74.1. Epiphanius, Hser. 80, says 
 that if one mentioned Christ to a Massalian, he would answer, " I, too, am 
 Christ." ° Theod. iv. 11. 
 
212 MUEDEE OF VALENTINIAN II. 
 
 and I will do so." Theodosius bade him retain hia throne 
 and govern his flock p. 
 
 A fourth application about the altar of Victory took place 
 in the beginning of 392. The deputation could wring no- 
 thing from Valentinian % who gave his answer without aiiy 
 communication with S. Ambrose. The young "Western Em- 
 peror was now in Gaul. He gave promise of a noble reign, 
 being just and equitable, tender-hearted ^ pure in life, and 
 sedulous in imperial duties. He was but twenty years old. 
 The chief danger that he had to dread was the domineering 
 insolence of the Prank, Arbogastes, who had been active in 
 the overthrow of Muximus. Valentinian resolved to return 
 to Italy : but as yet he was unbaptized, and his affection for 
 the bishop whom he bad once been taught to oppress made 
 him wish to be baptized by none but Ambrose. He sent 
 a messenger summoning Ambrose to Vienne, and eagerly 
 awaited his return. " Think you that I shall see my father ?" 
 Three days afterwards, on Saturday afternoon, May 15, 392, 
 Arbogastes caused him to be strangled in his palace. It 
 was AVhitsun-eve, one of the two solemn days on which 
 baptism was generally administered. "When Ambrose pre- 
 sided over the rites with which Valentinian was buried be- 
 side his brother at Milan, he poured forth his grief and love 
 in a discourse, the most famous passage of which speaks 
 of the murdered prince as having longed for baptism, and 
 therefore received its benefits^. Otherwise, reasoned the 
 loving saint, catechumens dying for Christ could be no true 
 martyrs; "but if they were baptized in their own blood*, 
 Valentinian was baptized by his piety and desire." One of 
 the most touching features in the theology of the Church is 
 
 p Theod. V. 23. ■! S. Ambr. Ep. 57. ' S. Ambr. de Ob. Val. 36. 
 
 3 De Ob, Val. 51. Further on, 75 : " He baptized thee, because human 
 offices were wanting." 
 
 ^ Saturus, a catechumen, a companion of S. Perpetua, was bathed in 
 blood by the first bite of a leopard ; the people, in scornful allusion to the 
 Christian belief as to this *' baptism of blood," cried out, " Salvum lotum, 
 salvmii lotum !" See also S. Cypr. Ep. 73, c. 19. Ven. Bede, Hist. Eool. 
 i. 7, uses the phrase. 
 
GKEAT LAW AGAINST IDOLATRY. 213 
 
 ttus associated witli tlie tragedy of Vienne, and witli the 
 affectionate faith of Ambrose". Arbogastes set up, as a 
 nominal emperor, the rhetorician Eugenius, who was, at 
 least inclined to Heathenism. 
 
 On August 27, 392, Augustine held a disputation with 
 the Manichean priest Fortunatus. It turned on the ques- 
 tions, whether the soul had a divine substance, as the Mani- 
 cheans asserted ; and whether man had free-will, which they 
 denied. At last, Fortunatus could not explain why, on the 
 Manichean hypothesis, God sent the soul, a part of Himself, 
 to suffer misery and defilement amid "the nation of dark- 
 ness." The conference came to an end; and Fortunatus 
 quitted Hippo, but nfever embraced the faith. 
 
 On the 8th of November, 392, Theodosius struck a blow 
 at Heathenism more downright and sweeping than any 
 which it had yet sustained from a Christian emperor. " Let 
 no man of whatsoever rank, order, or quality, — whether 
 honourable by birth or office, or of mean condition, — pre- 
 sume in any place or any city to offer sacrifice to senseless 
 images, or to worship household gods with fumes and 
 smoke." Those who offered sacrifice or used divination 
 were to be punished as traitors. A variety of acts less for- 
 mally idolatrous, such as the erecting of a turf altar to be 
 garlanded with flowers, were specifically forbidden under de- 
 finite penalties; and Theodosius, when "he set his hand to 
 this law, doubtless felt that at last he had raised a rampart 
 which no heathenish ingenuity could undermine. 
 
 The writings of Jovinian were sent to Jerome by some 
 members of the Eoman Church, and he wrote two books in 
 reply, characterized by a painful vehemence and exaggera- 
 tion. Although he disclaimed the Encratite view, which 
 denied marriage to be Grod's ordinance, he used language 
 
 " He proceeds, in words which allude to Virgil's lament for Maroellus, 
 to speak of offering the Eucharist for Valentinian's soul. "Give the holy 
 Mysteries to my hands. ..give the heavenly Sacraments. ...Not with flowers 
 will I strew his tomb, but will bedew his spirit with the odour of Christ !" 
 0.56. 
 
214 THE MAXIMIANISTS. 
 
 which seemed to imply that it was but a tolerated e-pil: 
 and the coarse abusiveness ia which he indulged must have 
 seemed excessive, even in an age which was over-tolerant of 
 such personalities in a grave discussion. 
 
 Eugenius allowed the restoration of the altar of Victory ; 
 and sacrifices and divinations were performed at Eome on 
 liis behalf. Ambrose wrote to him as to a Christian who 
 was trifling with the Searcher of hearts. 
 
 A schism now broke out within the' Donatist body. 
 Primian became the Donatist bishop of Carthage in 392. 
 He excommunicated, on some grounds which cannot be 
 ascertained, a deacon named Maximian, who formed a 
 party which treated Primian just as t)EBcilian was treated 
 by the early Donatists ^. One charge against Primian was, 
 that " he had mingled the wicked with the communion of the 
 saints;" another, that he had assaulted clergy y, and led on 
 mobs against "the houses of Christians." Twelve bishops 
 consecrated Maximian ; more than a hundred condemned 
 Primian in a Council held on June 24, 393. Augustine 
 began this year to write against the Donatists ; his first 
 production being a curious "psalm," or ballad, intended to 
 convey the Church's case to simple minds. Its burden 
 was, " All ye who rejoice over peace, now judge truly." 
 The history of Donatism was reviewed, and the evils of 
 separation set forth on Scriptural grounds. The net was 
 to retain good and bad fish until it was landed on the 
 eternal shore. The tares were to grow up with the good 
 seed. Under the old covenant, those who sighed over the 
 abominations of Jerusalem^ did not abandon the temple 
 and altar. The Lord bore with Judas, giving him a share 
 in "that first Sacrament of the Supper." The Donatists 
 
 ^ " See how God rendered to them what they had said of Cfficilian." 
 S. Aug. in Ps. 37. s. 2. His thought was, "The wheel is come full circle." 
 
 y He was said to have thrown a priest into a sewer. The Donatists 
 repeated a saying of his about the Catholics ; "They carry many an im- 
 perial letter ; we present the Gospels only. " S. Aug. post coll. 53. 
 
 2 Ezek. ix. 4. 
 
JEKOME AND EUFFINUS. 215 
 
 could not, any more than the Catholics, secure their com- 
 munity from the presence of bad members; so that they 
 had not, on their own showing, gained anything by desert- 
 ing their Mother, who " cast out the wicked when she 
 could, and was obliged to bear with those whom she could 
 not expel, until they should either be healed, or severed 
 from her in the end." On Oct. 8, 393, a Catholic " Council 
 of Africa" was held, in presence of which Augustine de- 
 livered a discourse on Paith and the Creed. It passed 
 forty-one canons, and relaxed to some extent the severity 
 of former canons, as to the position of Donatist clergy after 
 their submission to the Church. 
 
 Jerome's expressions about marriage had caused much 
 scandal, which he endeavoured to remove towards the end 
 of 393, by a " Defence" addressed to Pammachius ". He 
 repeated that he was wholly free i'rom Encratism and Ma- 
 nicheism ; he urged that his treatise had acknowledged 
 marriage to be honourable, although inferior to virginity, 
 and that he had not condemned second or third marriages. 
 
 His most intimate friend was Buffinus of Aquileia, now 
 living as a priest under John, bishop of Jerusalem, who had 
 succeeded Cyril in 386. EuiEnus was a great admirer of 
 the writings of Origen '' ; and Jerome, nine years before, 
 had told Paula that the charge of heresy brought against 
 them was got up by the jealousy of inferior minds ". Such 
 rude injustice to tlie convictions of so many Churches, 
 which profoundly distrusted Origen's spiritualism, as tend- 
 ing to the abatement of the positive, historic, and dogmatic 
 element in religion, for the sake of conciliating an external 
 philosophy, did not betoken a calm or steady persuasion as 
 to the safety of the great Alexandrian's line of thought. 
 Accordingly, when in 393 a pilgrim from the West, named 
 
 « Ep. 48 (50). 
 
 '' Bom A.D. 186 ; died 250. See the admirable Life of Origen in Arch- 
 deacon Evans' " Biography of the Early Church." 
 
 ' In his peculiar style, he says that the impugners of Origen's orthodoxy 
 are "mad dogs." Ep. 33. 
 
2l6 EPIPHANIUS IN PALESTINE. 
 
 Aterbius, denounced EufEnus and Jerome as Origenists, 
 Jerome at once disclaimed all sympathy with Origen, 
 ■while Euffinus kept within doors in order to avoid the 
 sight of his denouncer. John of Jerusalem was inclined 
 to Origenism; Epiphanius, who regarded it with horror, 
 visited Jerusalem in the Lent of 394. John received the 
 old prelate into his house, and invited him to preach in 
 the church of the Eesurrection. Epiphanius denounced 
 Origenists, in such a way as to show what he thought of 
 his host'', the archbishop then present, who exhibited his 
 impatience and contempt by signs equally unmistakeable, 
 and sent the archdeacon ' to bid him be silent. As they 
 passed to the church of the Holy Cross, the people thronged 
 round Epiphanius to kiss his feet and touch his mantle ". 
 John preached in his turn, and reprobated the "Anthro- 
 pomorphists," who took literally the texts which ascribed to 
 God "a body, parts, and passions'." While he spoke, he 
 looked hard at Epiphanius, who afterwards quietly rose and 
 said, "I too coQdemn the Anthropomorphists, — but we 
 must also condemn Origenism." A shout of laughter 
 showed the congregation's enjoyment of this retort. On 
 another occasion, when on his way to celebrate service with 
 John at Bethel, Epiphanius found on a village church-door 
 a curtain on which was painted a figure of Christ, or of 
 a Saint. The sight offended his rigid scruples s ; and being 
 wont to take his own course, with small regard for circum- 
 
 ^ Jerome admits this, c. Joan. 11. ''You and your company," he adds, 
 '' sneered, rubbed your heads, and nodded to each other, as much as to say, 
 ' The old man is in his dotage.' " 
 
 e Sozomen, vi. 32, says that he was a man of wide-spread fame. 
 
 ' These persons, that is, held what Augustine, while a Manichean, im- 
 puted to the whole Catholic body. 
 
 e See his letter (Hieron. Ep. 51. c. 9) to John of Jerusalem. His feel- 
 ing was that of *he austere Spanish Council of Eliberis, or Elvira, in the 
 beginning of the fourth century. Since that time pictures had been more 
 frequently used, and sometimes abused. S. Aug. de JMor. Eccl. Cath. i. 34- 
 the passage implies that the pictures, which some persons "adored," were 
 set up in sacred places. But they did not become common in chui-ches 
 until a somewhat later period. 
 
ORIGENISTIC CONTKOVERST. 21/ 
 
 stances, he fortliwitli tore the curtain, and advised that it 
 should be used as a shroud for the poor. The keepers of 
 the church naturally observed, " If he mil tear our curtain, 
 he ought to give us another." " So I will," said Epi- 
 phanius ; and he did, in fact, send them the best he could 
 procure. Knding John estranged from him, he withdrew 
 to Bethlehem, where he received a cordial welcome. One 
 of the monks of Bethlehem was Jerome's brother Paulini- 
 anus, who was always afraid of being forcibly ordained, 
 according to a strange practice not uncommon^ in days 
 when many good men through diffidence avoided the priest- 
 hood. The monastery needed a priest, for Jerome's morbid 
 humility would not allow him to officiate ; and Epiphanius 
 contrived to seize Paulinianus, and confer holy orders on 
 him, " stopping his mouth lest he should protest in the 
 name of Christ." This violent act was certain to anger 
 John, as being an infraction of his diocesan authority ; and 
 he bitterly inveighed against Epiphanius S who wrote a 
 letter in which he endeavoured to defend the ordination, 
 and stated withal eight heads of Origenism which he im- 
 puted to the bishop of Jerusalem. Of these the chief were, 
 that the Son could not behold the Father, nor the Holy 
 Spirit the Son; that souls had existed and sinned before 
 they came into bodies ; that Satan would return to his 
 heavenly estate. In the strife between John and Epi- 
 phanius, Ruffinus and Jerome naturally took opposite sides. 
 On April 24, 394, a council of 310 Donatist bishops met 
 at Bagai, and upheld the cause of Primian, denouncing 
 
 ^ See Bingham, b. iv. 7- 1. S. Augustine wept while he was being pre- 
 sented for ordination . 
 
 i Epiphanius imagined that the ordination of a Bethlehemite monk at 
 Eleutheropolis, which was not within the diocese of Jerusalem, was not an 
 interference with John's authority. But the person ordained belonged to 
 John's diocese ; and Epiphanius was in truth copying the conduct of those 
 bishops of Palestine who ordained Origen at Csesarea without any autho- 
 rity from his own bishop Demetrius. Euseb. vi. 23. The letter of Epi- 
 phanius was translated by Jerome ; the original is not extant. Jerome did 
 'not intend the translation to be publicly circulated. Rufl&nus impugned its 
 accuracy. Bp. 57 (101). 
 
2l8 BATTLE OF AQUILEIA. 
 
 Maximian as a minister of Korali and a corrupter of the 
 truth. 
 
 Ambrose had warned Eugenius that if he continued to 
 favour heathenism, the Church would not receive his offer- 
 ings. This in fact took place; Eugenius was shunned at 
 Milan as an apostate. When he set forth to meet Theo- 
 dosius, who reached Italy in the summer of 394, Arbogastes 
 and Elavian the praetorian prsefect vowed that they would 
 turn the cathedral of Milan into a stable ^ if victory de- 
 clared for Eugenius. In the first encounter Eugenius was 
 successful. The generals of Theodosius spoke of deferring 
 the campaign until the next year ; but he declared that the 
 Cross should never retire before the image of Hercules on 
 the standard of the enemy. Again he bade his soldiers 
 advance, and prayed that if he had come thither in a cause 
 approved by Grod, He would stretch forth His hand. Then, 
 it is said, a wind sprang up ' which drove back the enemy's 
 arrows, blinded them with dust, and threw them into hope- 
 less confusion. Such was the victory at Aquileia, Sept. 6, 
 394, which caused even the unbelieving Claudian™ to write 
 of Theodosius, — 
 
 " nimium dxlecte Deo — cul militat sether ° !" 
 
 Eugenius and Arbogastes were put to death. Theodosius 
 shewed a princely kindness to the children of the chief 
 rebels ; they had sought shelter in a church, and he gave 
 them a Christian education. He wrote to Ambrose, re- 
 questing him to give thanks for the victory. " I took your 
 letter with me to the altar," wrote Ambrose in reply"; 
 " I placed it on the altar, and held it up in my hand while 
 I was offering the Sacrifice." The Emperor scrupled for 
 some time as to approaching the Holy Communion, on the 
 ground that so much blood had been shed, although in a 
 fair field and in a good cause. "The Penance" had sunk 
 into his mind. He is said by the Pagan historian ZosimusP 
 
 li Paiilin. Vit. S. Ambr. 31. ■ Euff. ii. 33. "> S. Aug. Civ. Dei, v. 26. 
 " De tert. cons. Hon. 96. ° Ep. 61. p Zos. iv. 59. 
 
PAULINUS AT NOLA. 2ig 
 
 to have at this time macje a vain attempt to detacli the 
 Eoman senate from the religion of their fathers. 
 
 Towards the end of this September a Council was held at 
 Constantinople, attended by Nectarius, Theophilus, FlaTian, 
 Gregory of Nyssa, Amphilochius, and Theodore of Mop- 
 suestia, a bishop who afterwards became the head of a 
 rationalizing school of theology. In this assembly Kec- 
 tarius referred to " the Apostolic canons." The series of 
 canons now known by that name is considered to be a 
 collection, undigested and imperfect, of rules and decrees 
 which obtained in the Eastern Church before the Nicene 
 Council. 
 
 Alypius, Augustine's friend, was now bishop of Thagaste. 
 He sent some writings of Augustine against the Manicheans 
 — doubtless including his treatise " On the Usefulness of 
 Believing 1," written soon after his ordination — to a man 
 of noble birth, great literary culture, and fervent devotion, 
 named Paulinus, whom he had known at Milan. This pro- 
 duced a friendship between S. Augustine and Paulinus. The 
 latter had been recently ordained priest at Barcelona ; he 
 sold his large estates, and gave their proceeds to the poor"^ ; 
 and then, passing into Italy, settled at Nola, devoting much 
 of his time and thoughts to the honour of a local saint, 
 Felix. Jerome became acquainted with him, and in reply 
 to his congratulations on the advantage of living in Pales- 
 tine, sent him a remarkable letter ', in which he warned him 
 
 1 In this work he refers to the Manichean promise, "We will give you 
 truth, not by exacting obedience to authority, but by pure and simple 
 reasoning." He deals with Manichean cavils against the Old Testament, 
 and insists that all its contents are "noble, divine, and absolutely true;" 
 c. 13. Heretics themselves, he says, do in fact require faith ; and the 
 Catholic Chui'ch has a prior claim on our confidence ; c. 30, 31. 
 
 r Hence S. Martin proposed him to Sulpicius as a model Christian. Vit, 
 B. Mart. 26. 
 
 ' Ep. 58 (13). S. Gregory of Nyssa also had said, "I beheved in the 
 Incarnation before I saw Bethlehem. ...It is not by change of place that we 
 draw nigh to God !" Orat. de Euntibus Hierosolyma. He contends against 
 the idea that pilgrimage is a part of Christian perfection, declaring that 
 vice and bloodshed prevail in Jerusalem, and that a man may stand on 
 Golgotha with a heart fiill of evil. 
 
220 DEATH OF THEODOSIUS. 
 
 " not to tliink tliat anything was lacking to his faith because 
 he had not seen Jerusalem," a city in which, side by side 
 •with the holiest places, were haunts of worldly and sensual 
 corruption. He also drew a clear distinction between the 
 clerical life, instituted by the Apostles, and the monastic, 
 which imitated that of Elijah and Elisha*, the sons of the 
 prophets, and the Eechabites. On the clerical duties he 
 wrote about this time a remarkable letter to the young 
 priest Nepotian™, exhorting him to avoid whatever might 
 raise suspicion as to the probity of his ministerial life ", to 
 be constant in the study of Scripture, to take heed that his 
 conduct " did not shame his teaching," to obey his " High- 
 priest y," to avoid empty declamations ; not to seek for the 
 applause of his audience, nor to court great men even on 
 the pretext of " interceding for the unhappy ;" not to impose 
 on himself excessive fasting, nor while abstaining from oil 
 to indulge in other dainties ; to eschew all Pharisaic de- 
 monstrations, and through good and evil report to march 
 on steadily as Christ's soldier. 
 
 On Jan. 17, 395, the great Theodosius died at Milan, aged 
 sixty. His last advice to his sons Arcadius and Honorius, 
 who were respectively to govern the East and West, was to 
 consider true religion as the safeguard of the peace of the 
 empire. " I loved the man," said S. Ambrose in his funeral 
 oration, " who thought better of a reprover than of a flat- 
 terer, — who inquired for me with his last breath^." Arca- 
 
 ' It is simply wonderful that he should have adduced Elisha as a proto- 
 type of men whose aim was individual sanctification to be secured by re- 
 tirement. « Ep. 62 (2). 
 
 » He refers to " frequent gifts," as handkerchiefs, and " sweet little notes" 
 from ladies ; and mentions the law of Valentinian I. against legacies to 
 monks and clergy. 
 
 y This letter, which asserts a parallelism between the Jewish and Chris- 
 tian hierarchies, (see S. Clement of Rome, ad Cor. c. 40,) shows how little 
 right Presbyterians have to claim S. Jerome. Like other Churoh-wiitera 
 of his time, he calls the bishop Pontifex, and says, " We know the bishop 
 and the presbyters to be what Aaron and his sons were." See the con- 
 clusion of his famous Ep. 146 (85), ad Evangelum, where the parallelism 
 is fully drawn out. See also c. Joan. 37, 
 
 2 De Ob. Theod. 34, 35. He added that Theodosius thought more of the 
 
AUGUSTINE AS A PASTOR. 221 
 
 dius was about eighteen, Honorius eleven ; the former * was 
 governed by Euffinus, the latter by Stilicho, who, however, 
 put his rival to death within the year. The two princes had 
 been under the tuition of Arsenius, who having provoked 
 the boyish malice of Areadius by chastising him, hid him- 
 self among the monks of Egypt. On coming to the throne 
 Areadius learned the place of his retreat, implored his par- 
 don, and oifered him a vast sum of money for the monks 
 and the poor. Arsenius sent him a message, " God forgive 
 us all ! but I am dead to the world, and cannot become an 
 almoner." He became famous among the "abbats" of his 
 time for humility and self-denial ; and he received the will 
 (^ a kinsman, which conveyed to him an estate, with the 
 laconic expression, " I died before he did." About this time 
 Cassian, probably of Thracian birth, who was an inmate of 
 a monastery near Bethlehem, visited the monastic cells of 
 Egypt, where he spent some years. 
 
 This year S. Augustine struggled to carry out an ordi- 
 nance of the recent African Council against the unseemly 
 revels called " Eejoicings," held within churches in honour 
 of the Saints. A mild form of this abuse had been habitual 
 with such pious persons as S. Monica ; but when at Milan 
 slie had visited the churches with small baskets of food and 
 wine, she had learned that the practice was forbidden by 
 S. Ambrose •>. Her son's earnestness at length succeeded 
 in substituting for these "rejoicings" additional reading 
 and psalmody, which occupied the people until the time of 
 evening prayer. The seriousness of the evil is shown by 
 his solemn adjurations : " Think of your own peril, and of 
 ours who have to give an account for your souls. I conjure 
 you by His humiliation, by the blows and spitting on His 
 
 state of the Church than of his own sufferings as a dying man. He prayed, 
 " Give perfect rest, Lord, to Thy servant Theodosius !" c. 36 ; and pre- 
 sently added, " Theodosius abides in light, and glories in the companies of 
 Saints ;" c. 39. 
 
 " Philostorgius mentions his half-shut eyes which indicated his languid 
 chnraeter ; xi, 3, ^ Conf. vi. 2. 
 
222 HIS CONSECEATION. 
 
 face, by the buffets, the crown of thorns, the Cross, the 
 Blood M" One who could so plead and so prevail was 
 naturally marked out by his pastoral success, as well as by 
 his theological reputation, for the highest functions of the 
 ministry; and shortly before Christmas, 395, being then 
 forty-one, he was consecrated as coadjutor to Valerius of 
 Hippo. That the appointment of a coadjutor bishop was 
 inconsistent with the literal sense of the eighth Nicene 
 canon, neither he nor Valerius were then aware ■^. His 
 deep sense of Episcopal responsibilities is expressed by re- 
 peated references to the " burden " laid upon him, and by 
 entreaties for the prayers as well as the obedience of his 
 flock <=. , 
 
 Freed from the fear of Theodosius, a multitude of bar- 
 baric tribes invaded the Eastern empire. Bishops and 
 clergy were murdered, horses were tethered to the altars, 
 and the remains of martyrs dug up. " It is our sins," wrote 
 S. Jerome ', " that have made the barbarians strong, and 
 overthrown the Koman forces." 
 
 S. Ambrose was employed during the year 396 in abating 
 the dissensions of the Church of VerceUse, which kept that 
 see long vacant. He wrote a long letter on the subjects, 
 exhorting the people of Vercellse to proceed in a right spirit 
 to the election of a bishop. He referred to S. Eusebius of 
 Vercellae, as the first "Western prelate who had combined 
 the clerical with the monastic life, and as having " preferred 
 exile to ease," and " raised the standard of confession." He 
 also warned them against two monks who had quitted the 
 monastery near Milan'', and were propagating Jovinian's 
 
 f Ep. 29. See Serm. 46; "If we were to say to you, ' Go, celebrate 
 these feasts of rejoicing, — crown yourselves with roses before they be 
 
 withered, — banquet when you please in the house of your God,' perhaps 
 
 we should gather larger congregations." d Ep_ 213, 
 
 « Serm. 339, 340, &c. ; Ep. 231. f Ep. 60. 
 
 e Ep. 63. He begins, " Ambrose, a servant of Christ, called a bishop." 
 
 !■ S. Augustine speaks of this monastery as fiill of good brethren, and 
 fostered by Ambrose. Couf. viii. 15. 
 
DEATH OF S. AMBROSE. 223 
 
 views. Afterwards he himself visited Vercellse, and pro- 
 cured the election of the pious Honoratus. 
 
 His own noble life was drawing to a close. Stilicho, on 
 hearing that he was taken iU, begged him, by messengers of 
 high rank, to pray that he might yet live for Italy. Am- 
 brose made the memorable reply; "I have not so lived 
 among you as that I should be ashamed to live ; yet I fear 
 not to die, for we have a good Lord '." From 5 p.m. on 
 Good Friday until shortly after midnight his lips inces- 
 santly moved in silent prayer ; and after receiving from 
 Honoratus " the Lord's Body as a good viaticum" he 
 breathed his last on the 4th of April, 397. 
 
 ' Paul. Vit. 45. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 From the Death of S. Ambrose to the Death of 
 S. Chrysostom. 
 
 "And thus for thee, O glorious man, on whom 
 Love well-deserved, and honour waited long, 
 In thy last years, in place of timely ease, 
 There did remain another loftier doom. 
 Pain, travail, exile, peril, scorn and wrong — 
 Glorious before, but glorified through these." 
 
 Trench's Poems. 
 
 rilHE feud between Jerome and the " Origenists" had been 
 -*- kept up with considerable acrimony. The bishop of 
 Jerusalem had appealed to Theophilus of Alexandria ^, who 
 agreed with him in opinion, and whose envoy, the priest 
 Isidore, on coming to the scene of the controversy, took 
 open part against Jerome. For some time Theophilus took 
 no notice of Jerome's letters. Yigilantius, a priest of Bar- 
 celona sent to Jerome by Paulinus, had spoken of him as 
 an Origenist, and drawn forth a letter in which Jerome de- 
 clared that he had read Origen only as be had read other 
 authors who in certain points were disapproved by the 
 Church ^, and that he did not deny him to be heretical and 
 worthy of anathema in his views "on the resurrection, on the 
 state of souls, on the devil's repentance," above all, in that 
 he had asserted the Son and Holy Spirit to be the Seraphim. 
 But, added Jerome, it was quite consistent with this per- 
 suasion to translate and recommend what was good in Ori- 
 gen's work ". In 397 Euifinus resolved to return to the 
 
 " His letter began, " As a man of God, and adorned with apostolic grace, 
 you undertake tire care of all tlie Churches, especially of that which is in 
 Jerusalem," (Jerome, e. Joan. 37). This hyperbole illustrates the important 
 fact, that sonorous titles given in those days to powerful bishops, by those 
 who sought their favour, must not be taken too Hterally. 
 
 ^ Ep. 61 (75). 
 
 » He adduce-i the case of S. Eusebius of Vercelte, who had translated all 
 that was sound in the Commentary on the Psalms by a heretic, (Eusebius 
 of Csesarea). 
 
S. NINIAN. 225 
 
 West ; but before doing so, he succeeded in effecting a 
 reconciliation between himself and Jerome. They met and 
 joined hands at the celebration of the Eucharist "^ in the 
 church of the Resurrection. 
 
 "We may with some probability assign to this year, 397, 
 the mission of S. Ninian, the apostle of South Scotlaad. 
 He was the son of a British prince, apparently in Cumber- 
 land. He had travelled to Eome for the purpose of sacred 
 study ", in the pontificate of Damasus, from whom and from 
 Siricius he received many kindnesses. Siricius, hearing that 
 in the north-west of Britain there were tribes that knew 
 not the name of Christ, consecrated Ninian as a missionary 
 bishop, and sent him back to Britain. On his way he 
 visited S. Martin, whose holiness made a deep impression 
 on his mind, and from whom he procured workmen skilled 
 in church-building, that in his barbarous diocese he might 
 have a church which should recall in some sort to his mind, 
 and secure to his floclc, the architecture of Christian Italy, 
 which for so many years had been associated with all his 
 notions of Church life. After labouring for a while in 
 Cumberland, he fixed his seat north of the Solway, on the 
 promontory where stood the chief settlement of the No- 
 vantes, which appears to have even then borne the name of 
 Leucoikidia ', (White houses,) the oldest form, in that case, 
 of Whithern. S. Ninian's main field was the province of 
 Valentia, as the father of Theodosius the Great had styled 
 it, — including all Scotland south of the wall of Antonine, 
 which ran between the Friths of Forth and Clyde. This 
 region might be divided into three parts, — Lothian, soon 
 afterwards, it seems, invaded by the Vecturiones, or South- 
 ern Picts s, (who have left their name on the Pentland 
 
 <> "Immolato Agno." c. Buff. iii. 33. 
 
 « Bede says, iil 4, that he was "regularly instructed at Eome in the 
 faith and mysteries of truth." 
 
 f Supposed to be the true reading of Leucopibia. See Lives of the 
 Enghsh Saints, Life of S. N., p. 90. 
 
 ^ *'The Southern Picts received the word of truth by the preaching of 
 Ninias, a most reverend bishop and a most holy man." Bede, iii. 4. 
 
226 THIRD COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE. 
 
 hills); the northern part of Strath-clyde, inhahited hy 
 the Britons, whose capital was A-lcljd, or Dunbarton, (the 
 castle of the Britons) ; and Galloway, to some extent in- 
 habited by Scots, who had made several immigrations from 
 Ireland, and in conjunction with the Picts had, thirty years 
 before, made their way as far south as Loudon. Ninian 
 may have extended bis care to the southern part of Strath- 
 Clyde, and also to the territory lying north of Antonine's 
 wall ; but Valentia, with its ceaseless storms of warfare, 
 would call out all the energies of one who bore the Gospel 
 of peace. 
 
 On Sept. 1, 397, a Council, called the third of Carthage, 
 enacted fifty canons for the African Church. Some of them 
 related to the Eucharistic service ; nothing was to be of- 
 fered therein but bread, and wine mixed with water i"; the. 
 priest standing at the altar was to address prayer to 
 the Father only'; the celebrant must be fasting, save on 
 " the anniversary of the Lord's Supper," i. e. at the even- 
 ing celebration peculiar to Maundy Thursday i^. No prayers 
 were to be used in church, until they had been sanctioned 
 by well-instructed brethren'. Baptism and the Eucharist 
 must not be given to the dead ™. In Easter-tide catechu- 
 mens must not be admitted to any " sacrament" save " the 
 usual salt"." None were to be ordained until they had made 
 their families Catholic. Priests must not ordinarily recon- 
 cile penitents, nor without the bishop's knowledge conse- 
 crate virgins, nor make the chrism in any case. Trans- 
 lations of bishops were forbidden. Congregations belonging 
 
 ' It need hardly be said that the Mixture is mentioned by S. Justin 
 Martyr, Apol. i. 65 ; S. Iren. v. 2 ; S. Cypr. Ep. 63, &c. 
 
 1 See Keble on Euoh. Ador., p. 113. 
 
 ■■ S. Aug. Ep. 54. 9. See Owen on Dogm. Theol., p. 403, that this ob- 
 serrance was a shadow of the Agape. It was forbidden by canon 29 of 
 Council in Trullo, A.D. 691. The Gelas. Sacr. had a Vesper-mass for this 
 day. * See Bingham, b. xiii. 5. 7. 
 
 " Bingham, b. xi. 4. 3 ; b. xv. 4. 19. 
 
 " S. Augustine says that as a child he was made a catechumen, and 
 received this salt. Conf. i. 17. 
 
DEATH OF S. MARTIN. 22/ 
 
 to a diocese" were not to set up bishops of their own 
 without the diocesan's leave. The Council made a list of 
 " canonical Scriptures," i. e. those which might be read in 
 church P, which included Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, Eccle- 
 siasticus, Maccabees. 
 
 The 11th of November, 397, is usually assigned i as the 
 date of S. Martin's death. He foretold his approaching 
 end, and on perceiving the sorrow which the announce- 
 ment caused, uttered the often-quoted prayer, " Lord, if I 
 be yet necessary for Thy people, I shrink not from the 
 labour : Thy will be done !" Though wasted by fever, he 
 did not intermit "the work of God," the daily and nightly 
 prayers. He would not allow himself to be placed on a couch 
 of straw. " My sons, a Christian's death-bed should be ashes." 
 On ashes he lay, with eyes and hands raised upwards ; and 
 his last words were a defiance of the arch-enemy'. The 
 natural grief of his people was modified by the thought of 
 his entry into blessedness ; they deemed it a duty " both to 
 rejoice for Martin and to weep for Martin ;" and no lament 
 could be more touching than that of the faithful biographer, 
 who during the Saint's lifetime had stirred the heart of 
 multitudes by the published memoir of a character so gentle 
 and so great. S. Ninian, on hearing of his death, dedicated 
 
 Diocese was used by the Africans in its present sense j see the acts of 
 the Conference of Carthage, i. c. 116, &o. 
 
 p See note in Oxford edition of Fleury, vol. ii. p. 123. 
 
 1 On the authority of Gregory of Tours. Sulpicius* account would give 
 402, i. e. sixteen years after the Council at Treves iu 386 ; but corruption 
 seems to have been at work on his text, in regard to chronology. 
 
 r " Quid hie adstas, omenta bestia ? nihil in me, funeste, reperies," Sulp, 
 Ep. 3. One of the most striking passages in Sulpicius is that (Vit. 25) in 
 which he describes Martin as seeing a form arrayed in gjory, with diadem 
 and purple, and serene in aspect. " Acknowledge, Martin, him whom thou 
 seest. I am Christ ;— .why doubtest thou ?" Martin answered, " I will not 
 believe that he is Christ who cannot show the marks of the Passion." Oa 
 this narration, which Sulpioiua heard "from Martin himself," see "Church 
 of the Fathers," p. 414. "Many spirits are abroad, more aie issuing from 
 the pit. The credentials which they display are the precious gifts of mind, 
 beauty, richness, depth, originality. Cbristian ! look hard at them with 
 Martin in silence, and then ask for the print of the nails, " 
 
2 28 "CANDIDA CASA." 
 
 in his houour the first stone church ever seen in Britain, 
 which he reared as the cathedral of Valentia, and the 
 aspect of which », coinciding with the old name of " White- 
 houses," perpetuated it under the form of " Candida Casa." 
 He organized there a monastic society, a school for boys, 
 and a seminary of future priests. In many a rough wild 
 heart, the sight of that fair church, conspicuous on its 
 promontory, may have produced the first perceptions of the 
 beauty and stability of the new faith, brought by a British 
 prince from a city heretofore associated with legions, ram- 
 parts, and iron-handed repression. 
 
 The see of Constantinople was now vacant. Nectariua 
 had died in the end of September, after an episcopate which 
 had relaxed the general tone of his clergy. " Then," says 
 the biographer of S. Chrysostom, "there came together 
 some who were not wanted — presbyters in dignity, but 
 unworthy of the priesthood', — besetting the palace gates, 
 resorting to bribery, falling on their knees even before the 
 people." Disgusted by this scandalous eagerness for an 
 office which saints were wont to dread, the faithfal en- 
 treated Arcadius to look out for one who could administer 
 it worthily. Eutropius, the Emperor's chamberlain, who 
 had succeeded to the ascendancy and to the vices" of 
 EufGnus, had learned by visiting Antioch to admire the 
 character of Chrysostom. He made Arcadius write to 
 Asterius, the " count," or military commander, at Antioch, 
 desiring him to send the priest John to Constantinople, 
 without causing any public excitement. Asterius sent a 
 message to Chrysostom, asking him to meet him " at the 
 churches of Martyrs near the Eoman gate." Chrysostom 
 complied ; was placed in a public conveyance, and hurried 
 away from the scene of his early life and priestly labours. 
 Several bishops were summoned for the consecration. The- 
 
 ■ Bede, iii. 4, derives Candida Casa purely from the White Church. 
 Still, a coincidence is not improbable. 
 
 ' Palladius' words are, Trpecr^uTepoi ^ev r^v a^lav, apd^LOi Si t^s Upu- 
 a-ifTis. Chrys. Op. xiii, p. 17. "■ See Gibbon, oh. xxxii. 
 
S. CHKYSOSTOM CONSECRATED. 229 
 
 opliilus of Alexandria, wlio had wished for the appointment 
 of his priest Isidore ", was the more reluctant, after reading 
 Chrysostom's character in his face, to oflBciate in the cere- 
 mony. Eutropius showed him some papers, saying, " Choose 
 between consecrating John, and undergoing a trial on the 
 charges made against you in these documents y." Theophi- 
 lus could make but one reply. He consecrated Chrysostom 
 on ]?eb. 26, 398, but he never forgave him for having been 
 the cause of this severe mortification. 
 
 Chrysostom set to work as a reformer of abuses ^, per- 
 haps with somewhat more of impetuosity and less of con- 
 siderateness than was expedient in a position of so much 
 difficulty. He found the clergy tainted by luxurious and 
 covetous habits, and commanded them not to frequent the 
 tables of great men. He struggled against the practice of 
 entertaining " spiritual sisters ;" in fact, says Palladius, 
 against the unseemly and evU life which was the accom- 
 paniment of these " syneisacti *." Several clergy were de- 
 prived ; Chrysostom drew upon himself the bitter dislike of 
 many members of their body. He examined the accounts 
 of the Church-steward, cut off superfluous expenses, and 
 ordered the sum thus saved to be applied to the main- 
 tenance of hospitals. He scrutinized the lives of the 
 widows ; he earnestly besought contributions to a fund 
 for the poor ^ ; he exhorted the faithful to attend the 
 nocturnal services, but to leave their wives at home with 
 the children"^. He rebuked the rich for their pride and 
 selfishness. So great was the charm of his " golden- 
 tongued" eloquence^, and of the unmistakeable nobleness 
 
 ^ He had sent Isidore in 388 to Rome, witli orders to congratulate either 
 Theodosius or Maximus, according to the event of the war. 
 
 y Soo. vi. 2. 
 
 2 Pall. Vit. S. Chrys. c. 5. p. 18. In considering the work which he got 
 through, we must remember that he knew not what good health was. 
 
 » On the Syneisacti, or Subintroducts, see the third Nicene canon, and 
 S. Chrys. de Sacerd. iii. 17. For his discourse on the subject, see torn. i. 
 p. 228. 
 
 b In Act. hom, 11. o. 3. ' See in Act. hom. 26. c. 3. 
 
 ^ He disapproved of the practice of applauding a sermon. In Act. hom. 
 
230 THE "DE PBINCIPIIS. 
 
 of his character, that " the city put on a new aspect of 
 piety ;" the worship = of Church-people became more real, 
 their lives more earnest and pare. 
 
 Jerome had been reconciled to Ruffinus, but was again at 
 strife with Bishop John. The latter had circulated a " De- 
 fence" in reply to Epiphanius, but, as Jerome contended, 
 had not really met his accusations by a distinct disclaimer 
 of Origenism'. Before Easter- tide, an eclipse of the sun 
 had scared many persons by the expectation of coming 
 judgment; forty converts had given in their names for 
 baptism to the monks of Bethlehem, but although there 
 were five priests in the monastery, it had been thought best 
 to refer them to the clergy who had charge of Bethlehem, 
 and they, under orders from their bishop, refused to receive 
 the " competents." John had also excluded the inmates of 
 the monastery from the sacred cave of the Nativity; they 
 " saw heretics freely entering, and stood sighing at a dis- 
 tance s." Jerome wrote a treatise addressed to, Pamma- 
 chius, in which he reiterated the eight points of false 
 doctrine which had been imputed by Epiphanius to John, 
 and generally set forth his grounds of complaint against 
 the bishop. Rufiinus, at Rome, employed himself, at the 
 request of a certain Macarius, on a task which was certain 
 to rekindle the stifled feud — the translation of Origen's 
 book " on Principles." He ingeniously referred to Jerome 
 as having made many people desirous of reading Origen, by 
 his own translation of one of Origen's homilies, executed 
 at Rome in the time of Damasus. Ruffinus himself took 
 extraordinary liberties with his text, by suppressing every 
 passage which he thought unsound, a procedure which he 
 justified on the ground that heretics bad been busy in 
 
 30. c. i. He preached from the lectern, not from the sanctuary, in order 
 to be better heard, Soz. viii. 5. 
 
 = The Litm-gy of S. Chrysostom, which is derived from that of S. Basil, 
 was probably an-anged by S. Chrysostom as to its "main substance and 
 order." See Palmer's Orig. Lit. i. 79 ; Neale's Introd. i. 317, 319. 
 
 ' c. Joan. 6. e Ibid. 42. 
 
"fourth council of CARTHAGE." 231 
 
 tampering with Origen's works'*. This translation pro- 
 duced a great excitement ; a zealous Roman lady named 
 Marcella (whom Ruffinus designated as Jezebel) put her- 
 self forward in opposition to "Origenism;" and Ruffinus 
 thought it best to procure a commendatory letter from Si- 
 ricius, and to withdraw to Aquileia. 
 
 This year, 398, was a time of suffering to the Church 
 of Africa. The rebellion of Gildo gave occasion to his 
 Donatist supporters ' to make attacks upon the Church, 
 which apparently called forth a law of Honorius against 
 those who did violence to the clergy or the Catholic places 
 of worship ; persons convicted of such offences were to be 
 punished capitally ''. S. Augustine held a discussion with 
 a Donatist bishop named Fortunius'; preached against the 
 custom of attending idolatrous feasts for the sake of pleas- 
 ing great men™; and answered questions put to him on 
 the degree in which any contact with Heathenism was 
 allowable,". The 8th of Nov., 398, is the date usually 
 assigned for the Council called the fourth of Carthage. 
 But there is considerable uncertainty as to this Council, 
 the enactments of which have not been included in the 
 oldest collections of synodal decrees. It may be, indeed, 
 that they were considered as forming a distinct code, and 
 were therefore not embodied in the collection of Dionysius 
 Exiguus°; or it may be that they were the work of various 
 African Church authorities, and that the assembly called 
 
 *» Yet he adjured all copyists of his 'translation," iu presence of the 
 Holy Trinity, by the resurrection and by hell-fire, to add nothing, omit 
 nothing, alter nothing. Jerome, Ep. 80 (Ruffinus* Preface). 
 
 '- The chief of these was a bishop named Optatus. Africa groaned under 
 this satellite of Gildo, S. Aug. c. ep. Farm. ii. 8. He oppressed the Church 
 ten years, c. lift. Pet. i. 24 ; was a robber, an oppressor of widows and 
 orphans, a breaker- up of marriages, ib. ii. 82 ; died in prison, ib. ii. 209. 
 
 ^ The bishop's complaint was not to be waited for. ^ Ep. 44. 
 
 ™ Serm. 62. Pagans, he says, are led to ask, ''why should we forsake 
 the gods whom the Christians join with us in serving 1" 
 
 " Bp. 46, 47. The questions were such as these ; "May one buy fruit 
 from a pagan priest's garden,- or bathe in a bath used by pagans at their 
 festivals ?" » See Tillemont, xiii. 983. 
 
232 " FOURTH COUNCTL OF CAETHAGE. 
 
 the fourth Council of Carthage must be considered un- 
 historic, although the decrees assigned to it belong, in fact, 
 to this period P. Certainty on this point is probably un- 
 attainable ; but there is no doubt that these " canons," or, 
 as they are also called, "statutes of the Church," were 
 "highly esteemed by the ancients 1," and represent to us a 
 mass of ritual and other law which deserves to be carefully 
 studied. They begin with the examination of a bishop- 
 elect, who is to profess his faith, among other points, in the 
 baptismal remission of all sins both original and actual'. 
 At his consecration, the book of the Gospels is to be held 
 open on his shoulders = ; the principal consecrator is to 
 pronounce the blessing, the other bishops are to touch the 
 head with their hands. The ordination of a priest is to be 
 performed in the manner still retained by the Church of 
 England ; while the bishop blesses the new priest with im- 
 position of hands, the priests present are also to lay their 
 hands on his head'. But the bishop alone is to lay his hand 
 on the deacon, who is " consecrated not for priesthood, but 
 for ministering °." Eules are given for the bestowal of 
 the inferior orders of subdeacon, acolyth, exorcist, reader, 
 ostiary, and chanter, — the last being conferred by the 
 priest alone ''. Eules for clerical conduct follow ; the bishop 
 
 p Cave says, Hist. Lit. i. 369, "mihi ipsi in hao re satisfacere haud 
 possum." 
 
 1 Fleury, b. xx, c 33. He ignores the question of the reality of this 
 Council. 
 
 ■■ This canon certainly looks like a product of the subsequent Pelagian 
 controversy. 
 
 " So in the Apost. Constit. viii. 4. The Gelasian Sacramentary embodies 
 these African rules for consecration, &e. Murat. i. 619. 
 
 • This custom, apparently based on 1 Tim. iv. 14, has never been re- 
 ceived by the Eastern Church, which interprets "the presbytery" as 
 meaning ''bishops.'* 
 
 » In a larger sense, the word sacerdotium was used to include the diaco- 
 nate, Optat. i. p. 39. 
 
 I The Roman Church has suppressed the office of chanter, which was 
 recognized by the Laodioene Council. Innocent III. could not persuade 
 the Greeks to recognize acolyths, exorcists; or ostiaries (door-keepers). 
 The Greek Church reckons five orders ; bishop, priest, deacon, subdeacon, 
 
"fourth council of CARTHAGE. 233 
 
 is to avoid secular business, to admiuister ecclesiastical law 
 in the presence of his clergy, and to recognise the priests as 
 his colleagues except in church, where only he is to sit 
 higher than they. The deacon is to serve the priest, to 
 wear an albe during the oblation, not to administer " the 
 Eucharist of Christ's Body" in the priest's presence, except 
 by his order. Laymen are not to preach before clergy, 
 except at their bidding. Clergy who can work are to earn 
 their bread by trade or tillage J. Women are not to preach 
 nor baptize. No one is to be hindered from enterlug the 
 church until after the dismissal of catechumens. Penitents 
 must kneel even on festal days. The oflferings of the con- 
 tentious must be refused ; care must be taken of those who 
 suffer for Catholicism. 
 
 The disorderly conduct of monks who abused their privi- 
 lege of interceding for criminals was again condemned, by 
 a law of Arcadius in July, 388. And there is undeniable 
 evidence for the prevalence of gross abuses, in the form of 
 lawless idleness and hypocrisy, among the monks of this 
 time ^. 
 
 One of S. Chrysostom's earliest successes appears to have 
 been the reconciliation of Rome and Alexandria to Flavian 
 of Antioch. Siricius died on the 26th of November, 398, 
 and Anastasius succeeded him. 
 
 Among those of the higher classes in Constantinople who 
 
 reader. The Eoman now merges the episcopate, as an order, in the priest- 
 hood ; but the two were distinguished by Egbert, archbishop of York, 
 A.D. 734. 
 
 y Sordid occupations were forbidden to clergy. But Epiphanius, Hser. 80, 
 speaks of priests who pursued some honest handicraft ; and Sozomen, vii. 28, 
 tells us of an aged bishop, Zeno, who was constant at daily matins and 
 vespers, yet wrought as a linen-weaver. 
 
 '• Jerome, Ep. 22, on the Sarabaites, or vagabond monks, whom he calls 
 ^'Remoboth." See also S. Augustine, de Opere Monachorum, wherein he 
 speaks of impostors who sell " limbs of martyrs, if indeed they are of 
 martyrs." Jerome also, in Ep. 125, speaks of monks who are worldly in all 
 but dress and profession ; who live luxuriously, who are as haughty as 
 prefects. He also admits that damp cells, excessive fasting and study, the 
 tedium of solitude, &o., have driven some monks into disease of mind. 
 
234 EUTROPIUS. 
 
 were offended by the uncompromising character of their 
 new archbishop, was Eutropius, who had raised him to the 
 see. The Church, under Chrysostom's government, was 
 becoming, in bis view, unmanageable; and he procured 
 a law to annul the right of asylum in churches, which had 
 been growing up during this century. But he was soon 
 driven by a revolution in the Emperor's counsels to clasp 
 the altar as the safeguard of his life. Chrysostom violated 
 the new law in defence of its author ; and while Eutropius 
 lay cowering in the sanctuary, bade the people take home 
 this new lesson on the "vanity of vanities''." "The altar 
 is more awful than ever, now that it holds the lion chained." 
 He called on his hearers to beg the Emperor's mercy, or 
 rather, to ask the God of mercy to " save Eutropius from 
 threatened death, and enable him to put away his crimes." 
 He withstood the indignation of the Court in the cause 
 of Christian humanity ; but Eutropius himself quitted the 
 church, and was condemned to exile, Jan. 17, 399. 
 
 S. Chrysostom was not only active in building up the 
 Church at home, but zealous in extending it abroad. He 
 sent missionaries to preach to the wild nomads on the 
 banks of the Danube ^ ; consecrated Uuilas bishop of the 
 Goths "^ ; appointed clergy to reclaim the Scythians resident 
 at Constantinople from Arianism ; and procured an imperial 
 order for the destruction of temples in Phoenicia. Honorius 
 in the preceding year had ordered the destruction of all 
 traces of idolatry; but in January, 399, he forbade the 
 Christians to disturb those statues which were ornamental 
 to public places. At Easter the Christians made a general 
 attack on the temples of Carthage, by way of exhibiting the 
 falsification of the prophecy with which the Pagans had 
 consoled themselves, that Christianity would perish after 
 lasting for 365 years. The great temple of "the Queen of 
 heaven," which had long been closed and deserted, was 
 re-opened, cleansed, and dedicated as a church by the 
 
 • Horn, in Eutrop., torn. iii. p. 381. ii Theod. v. 31. c Ep. 14. 
 
THEOPHILUS ABANDONS OEIGENISM. 235 
 
 bishop Aurelius, who erected within it his episcopal chair ''. 
 To prevent further danger from the tumults which such 
 proceedings might excite, Honorius prohibited all destruc- 
 tion of temples, as distinct from idols ; his brother in the 
 East, by a law of July 13, commanded the rural temples 
 to be quietly destroyed. 
 
 Pammachius and Oceanus, Jerome's friends at Eome, 
 requested Jerome to put forth a faithful translation of 
 Origen's treatise^. He complied, assuring them^ that his 
 eulogies on Origen had referred " to the commentator, not 
 to the dogmatic theologian, — to his ability, not to his 
 faith;" that even supposing he had, as a young man, 
 thought too well of statements which were heterodox, that 
 was no reason for binding him to such errors in old age. 
 He regarded Ilu£B.nus as in heart a thorough Origenist, 
 and was eager in protesting that he himself had never 
 been one at all. 
 
 Theophilus, as we have seen, had been favourable to 
 Origenism. But he had been brought into collision with 
 the gross anthropomorphism of the majority of Egyptian 
 monks. One of the most venerable was Serapion. When 
 assured by a Cappadocian deacon that the Eastern Churches 
 understood the Divine " image and likeness" in a spiritual 
 sense, Serapion threw himself on the ground, and cried out 
 with tears, " Tou have taken away my God, and I know 
 not whom to worship." Others reviled Theophilus, who 
 deceived them by talking about " the face of God?." " WiU 
 you not, then, anathematize Origen ?" "Tes, Iwill." He 
 called a synod, and fulfilled his promise. Anastasius, on 
 his part, cited EuflBnus to appear before him. EufEnus 
 declined, on the ground that he could not, after thirty 
 years' absence from his relations, leave home again at that 
 time. After stating his faith in orthodox language, he 
 made a solemn declaration : " Beside this faith, which our 
 
 •i S. Aug. Civ. Dei, xTiii. 54. « Ep. 83 (64). 
 
 f Ibid. 84. e Soz. viii. 11. 
 
236 FIRST COUNCIL OF TOLEDO. 
 
 Church of Aquileia holds with the Churches of Eome and 
 Alexandria, I never held, nor— in Christ's name I say it 
 —shall hold any other. They who raise dissension and 
 scandal from motives of mere envy shall give an account 
 of their doings'"." Anastasius, who frankly said in a sub- 
 sequent letter' that previously he "did not know who 
 Origen was, or what language he had used," condemned 
 Euffinus in spite of these assurances, and pronounced— as 
 lie wrote to Simplicianus of Milan — that every hetero- 
 dox position of Origen's was condemned by the Eoman 
 Church ''. 
 
 Two Councils in the "West distinguish this year 400. 
 The first was held at Carthage, May 27. Some care was 
 taken to prevent the frauds practised in regard to relics of 
 Saints ; and it was resolved to apply to the government for 
 the destruction of the remnants of idolatry even in woods 
 and trees '. 
 
 The first of the memorable series of Councils of Toledo 
 was held in September 400. It dealt with the case of Pris- 
 cillianists converted to the Church ; denounced the Priseil- 
 lianiat practice of receiving the Sacrament without commu- 
 nicating™; spoke of a " daily Sacrifice," and of the warning 
 needful for habitual non-communicants ; spoke of the Eoman 
 bishop simply as "the Pope that now is ;" and describes a 
 " penitent " as one who, after doing public penance under 
 sackcloth for a crime, was restored to God's altar. 
 
 S. Augustine at this time was taking in hand several 
 works; e.g. "On Faith in Things Unseen" — "On Cate- 
 chizing the Simple "' — " On the Agreement of the Evange- 
 lists :" he began his great book on the Trinity, and the 
 
 ^ Ruff. Ep. ad Anast. 
 
 ' To John of Jerusalem. In this he says of Euffinus, " What he is doing, 
 or wliere he is, I have no "wish to know." k j)p_ 95^ 
 
 1 See the story of S. Martin and the pine-tree. S. Benedict cut down the 
 grove of Apollo at Monte Cassino. Among the heathenish practices for- 
 bidden by Edgar and Canute was worship paid to certain trees. Johnson's 
 Engl. Canons, i. 416, 613. 
 
 °^ See the Council of Saragossa. 
 
WRITINGS OF S. AUGUSTINE. 237 
 
 elaborate work against Faustus, the Maniohean bishop whom 
 ia his Confessions" — the matchless autobiography composed 
 about 397 — he characterized as that "great snare of the 
 devil" whose knowledge he had found so shallow. He op- 
 posed the Donatist principle, — that since " God heareth not 
 sinners," the wickedness of the minister hindered the effect 
 of the ordinances, — in his replies to the letters of Parmenian 
 (a former Donatist bishop) and Petilian, and in his treatise 
 on Baptism. His position was, that the Church was not 
 deprived of spiritual privileges by the presence within her 
 of sinners whom she could not expel without peril of schism ; 
 seeing that the presence of the One all-holy Mediator " se- 
 cured for His Church a perpetual acceptance, and to His 
 ordinances a perpetual vitality. He also wrote about this 
 time his answers to the queries of Januarius, in regard to 
 Church usages. In the first of these two letters P he speaks 
 of Baptism and the Eucharist, and other ordinances pre- 
 scribed in canonical Sciipture, as the Christian Sacraments ; 
 attributes traditional customs of the whole Church to Apo- 
 stolic authority or to general Councils ; notices several cus- 
 toms, both general and particular, as fasting before Com- 
 munion 1, more or less frequent Communion, and the mode 
 of keeping Saturday'^. The second letter, which is much 
 longer, contains that passage on burdensome observances ^ 
 which is referred to in the introduction to the Prayer-Book. 
 S. Chrysostom, this year, showed his firmness in resisting 
 
 » Conf. V. 3. 
 
 "> G. Ep. Parm. ii. 0. 8. See de Bapt. Hi. 15. " If the light of the sun 
 or of a lamp contracts no impurity from being diffused through places full 
 of dirt, surely no man's crimes can defile Christ's baptism." 
 
 p Ep. 54 ; compare de Doctr. Chr. iii. 13. 
 
 1 A general custom ; ^'placuit Spiritui Sancto, ut in honorem tanti Sa- 
 cramenti in os Christian! prius Dominioum Corpus intraret, quam oseteri 
 cibi." He also mentions the exception to this rale in regard to the second 
 celebration on Maundy Thursday. 
 
 ^ Monica had wondered to iind the Saturday fast (which was observed 
 at Rome) unknown at Milan. It was unknown in the East. 
 
 s He is speaking of prcesumjjiiones, petty unauthorized practices, (e. g. of 
 keeping the bare foot from touching the ground during the week after bap- 
 tism,) not of practices ordained by *' councils or church-custom." 
 
238 S. CHRYSOSTOM AT EPHESUS. 
 
 the claim of the Arian Gainas, the Gotliic commander-in- 
 chief of the East, to the possession of a church in Con- 
 stantinople. He was holding a Council with some other 
 bishops, when a Lydian prelate named Eusebius accused 
 Antoninus, the exarch of Ephesus, of simony and other 
 offences. The charge was not at that time made good ; but 
 in a few months Antoninus died, and his clergy induced 
 S. Chrysostom to visit the church* in January 401. He 
 held a Council of seventy bishops at Ephesus ; the enquiry 
 proved that six bishops had bought consecration from An- 
 toninus. They were deposed ; and at the same time Chry- 
 sostom deprived Gerontius, bishop of Nicomedia, who had 
 gained and kept the see in defiance of a censure pronounced 
 on him by S. Ambrose, under whom he had served as deacon. 
 He also procured for Porphyrins, bishop of Gaza, at Easter, 
 401, an imperial decree against idolatry as practised at Gaza. 
 He found that Severian, bishop of Gabala, had been caballing 
 at Constantinople, and quarrelling with the irritable arch- 
 deacon Serapion™: he espoused the latter' s view of the case, 
 and was only reconciled to Severian by the interference of 
 the empress Eudoxia. She was at this time on excellent 
 terms with the Archbishop. The Arians were wont to spend 
 great part of the night in the porticos, chanting antiphon- 
 ally" their Arian hymns, as, " Where now are they that make 
 Three One ?" before issuing from the city to perform their 
 Sunday and Saturday services outside the walls. Chryso- 
 stom procured from the bounty of the empress the means 
 for organizing a statelier procession. Bearing silver crosses 
 
 t "We beg your Reverence to come down and reform according to God's 
 will the Ephesian Churcli, which has been long afflicted, partly by Aiians, 
 partly by selfish and ambitious Churchmen." Pall. Vit., c. 14. This visit 
 to Ephesus was a great extension of the power of Constantinople; for, 
 strictly speaking, the " diocese of Asia " under the exarch of Ephesus was 
 altogether independent of the Thracian diocese, -and the latter was still 
 nominally under Heraclea. « Soo. vi. 11 ; Soz. viii. 10. 
 
 "^ Soc. vi. 8 ; Soz. viii. 8. Socrates says that S. Ignatius introduced 
 chanting, after he had seen a vision of angels singing responsive praises 
 to God. 
 
THE TALL BROTHEES. 239 
 
 to ■whicTi waxen torelies were attached, tlie Catholics went 
 about the city with a full display of their superior numbers, 
 chanting the nocturnal hymns of the Church. Public peace 
 was incompatible with such open rivalry ; a tumult ensued, 
 and the Arians were prohibited from singing hymns except 
 in private. 
 
 Meantime, Theophilus had begun to denounce Origenism 
 in his Paschal letters. In that for 401, he set down as 
 Origenistic errors, 1, the view of Marcellus as to Christ's 
 kingdom having an end ; 2, TJniversalism ; 3, annihilation 
 of the body ; 4. the disallowing of prayer to the Son y. He 
 quarrelled with the old priest Isidore, who fled to Nitria. 
 This mountain, with its five hundred cells ^, was the strong- 
 hold of Origenism in Egypt ; the other monastic settlements 
 having been possessed by the opposite error. The chief 
 Nitrian monks were Dioscorus, bishop of Nitria, Ammonius, 
 Eusebius, and Euthymius ; they were known as the Tall 
 Brothers. Theophilus ordered them to be expelled ; when 
 they came to remonstrate, his eyes flashed ", — his face be- 
 came livid, — he threw his episcopal pall round the neck of 
 Ammonius, struck him on the face with open palm and 
 clenched fist, and cried, "Heretic, anathematize Origen !" 
 They returned to Nitria ; the patriarch, in a council, con- 
 demned them unheard, and proceeded by night to attack 
 their monasteries, at the head of a drunken band. Dio- 
 scorus was dragged from his throne ; the cells of the other 
 three were burned, together with copies of both Testaments, 
 and even the reserved portions of the Holy Eucharist. 
 It was said that a boy perished in the flames. The Bro- 
 thers, with many of their companions, fled to Scythopolis in 
 Palestine, hoping to support themselves in a place famous 
 for palms, by their occupation of weaving palm-baskets. 
 The enmity of Theophilus hunted them out of this refuge ; 
 they reached Constantinople, and fell at Chrysostom's feet. 
 
 7 Jerome, Ep. 96. He translated these letters. " Soz. vi. 61. 
 
 " PallaA Vit., c. 6. Theophilus here showed the proverbial bitterness 
 of the renegade. 
 
240 THE TALL BKOTHEKS. 
 
 "Who is it," asked he with tears, "that has injured you?" 
 They answered, " Pope Theophilus ; prevail upon him, father, 
 to let us live in Egypt, for we have never done aught against 
 him or against our Saviour's law." He lodged them in the 
 church called Anastasia ; allowed them to attend the service, 
 but in order to avoid, if possible, a breach with their perse- 
 cutor, debarred them from receiving the Communion. He 
 wrote to Theophilus in the tone of a " son and brother," 
 praying him to be reconciled to the fugitives ; but Theophi- 
 lus, who disclaimed his right to interfere, defamed them as 
 sorcerers and heretics, and called in Epiphanius as his ally, 
 who held a synod against Origenism, and exhorted Chryso- 
 stom to do the like. 
 
 Jerome supported Theophilus unreservedly. He was now 
 in the full tide of controversy with Euffinus. One angry 
 tract called forth another^, until Jerome himself became 
 sensible of the wretchedness of such a quarrel, and Augus- 
 tine entreated him to close a scene which chilled and sad- 
 dened every true friendship. 
 
 Innocent the First, one of the greatest of the ancient 
 Roman bishops, began his pontificate in May 402. 
 
 8. Chrysostom had too much respect for the rights of the 
 see of Alexandria to interfere very vigorously on behalf of 
 the Tall Brothers •=. They therefore appealed to the Em- 
 peror and Empress, wlio ordered Theophilus to be sum- 
 moned, and the accusations against the Brothers made on 
 his part to be examined. The accusers had no case, and 
 were thrown into prison. Theophilus delayed to obey the 
 summons. He persuaded Epiphanius to visit Constanti- 
 nople in order to carry on the war against Origenism. The 
 old man, on this occasion, exhibited more plainly than ever 
 the faults of character which had marred his usefulness. 
 One of his first acts after landing was to ordain a deacon''. 
 He spurned Chrysostom's ofliers of hospitality, refused to 
 
 ^ Ruffinus' " Invectives " in 401 : two books of Jerome's in the end of 
 the year ; a rejoinder from Ruffinus ; a last reply from Jerome in 402. 
 ' PaU., 0. 8. 1 Soc. vi. 12. 
 
THEOPHILUS AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 24 1 
 
 eat or to pray with him, and endeavoured to procure from 
 the bishops then at Constantinople au assent to the decree 
 of his own synod against Origenism ". At Eudoxia's desire, 
 the Brothers paid him a visit : " Who are ye ?" " Tatber, 
 we are the Tall Brothers. AVhat do you know of our dis- 
 ciples or of our writings ?" " Nothing." " "Why then," asked 
 Ammonius, " have you condemned us as heretics unheard ?" 
 All that the hasty old man could say was — "You were 
 reported to be so." They shamed him by replying, " We 
 treated you far otherwise, when we defended your books 
 against a like imputation f." Soon afterwards, in May, 
 403, he quitted Constantinople, and died on hia homeward 
 
 Theophilus, who openly said he was " going to Court in 
 order to depose John," arrived in June, with a "load" of 
 gifts from Egypt and India. He at once assumed a tone 
 of contumelious hostility towards S. Chrysostom. He would 
 not visit or speak to him ; he abstained from entering the 
 church. While Chrysostom declined to hear jadicially the 
 complaints of the Tall Brothers, Theophilus was concocting 
 a scheme for his deposition. There were many bishops 
 and clerg who desired it, whose tempers rebelled against 
 godly discipline, or who deemed themselves slighted by the 
 Archbishop's blunt uncourtliness'^. Eudoxia, who had heard 
 of a sermon in which he lashed the pride of women', took 
 the side of his enemies, who determined to hold a Council 
 at a suburb of Chalcedon called " the Oak." The bishops 
 who attended were thirty-six. John, the successor of Se- 
 rapion as archdeacon, appeared as chief accuser. Twenty- 
 
 e Theotimus, bishop of Scythia, withstood him upon this point, and de- 
 clr\red that he knew of no false doctrine in Ongen. * Soz. viii. 15. 
 
 g Socrates, vi. 14, Sozomen, viii. 15, mention, as a report, that Epipha- 
 nius said to Chrysostom, " I hope you will not die a bishop," and that 
 Chrysostom replied, " I hope you will not reach Cyprus." But this story 
 was probably invented after the death of S. Chrysostom. 
 
 >> Aoaoius, bishop of Berrhcea, had been disgusted with the lodging pro- 
 vided for him by Chrj'sostom, and had vented his spleen in the curious 
 menace, "I will cook a dish for him !" Pall. c. 6. ' Soc. vi. 15. 
 
242 COUXCIL OF THE OAK. 
 
 nine charges were advanced. Some were of open violence; 
 that he had beaten and chained a monk, had struck a man 
 in church so as to draw blood, and then had offered the 
 Sacrifice. Others were of evil speaking : he had written 
 slanders against the clergy; he had called them "not worth 
 three obols;" he had slandered them in a treatise''; he 
 had accused three deacons of having stolen his pall; he 
 would not speak to Acacius ; he had stirred up the church 
 servants against Severian ; he had called Epiphanius by 
 abusive names. He was also charged with misconduct' 
 in his office ; he had sold church furniture, had been care- 
 less in conferring orders, had hired bishops to abet his 
 persecution of clergy ; he was as unsocial as a Cyclops ™ ; 
 he saw women in private ; he had behaved irreverently in 
 church; he ate wafers while sitting on his throne". Some 
 of these charges were gross exaggerations of that plain- 
 spoken severity which knew no respect of persons, and 
 which occasionally, no doubt, went beyond the bounds of 
 prudence.' Others were inventions more or less malignant. 
 One of the basest was the charge about disposing of church 
 ornaments ; like other saints °, he had done so for the sake 
 of the suffering poor. While these charges were being 
 read at the Oak, he sat in his palace with forty bishops, 
 and consoled them by quoting texts of Scripture. " I am 
 now ready to be offered. Do not weep and break my 
 heart! To me to live is Christ, and to die is gain." "Ee- 
 member," he added, " that life is but a journey. Are we 
 better than patriarchs, prophets, apostles ?" 
 
 Now entered two young bishops from " the holy Council 
 
 I ^ Probably this referred to his treatise against the Syneisacti. 
 
 * A charge of immorality was not spared. 
 
 ■» Like S. Gregory Nazianzen, he could not play the host as an arch- 
 bishop of Constantinople was expected to do. He had a weak stomach 
 and a constant headache, and therefore dined alone. Pall., p. 41. 
 
 " He had advised people to eat wafers soaked in water after receiving 
 the Holy Sacrament. 
 
 » S. Cyril of Jerusalem, S. Ambrose, &o. S. Jerome mentions S. Exu. 
 perius of Toulouse, a contemporary, as "carrying the Lord's Body in 
 a wicker basket, His Blood in a glass," Ep. 125. o. 20. 
 
CHEYSOSTOM S EJECTION AND KETUEN. 243 
 
 at the Oak," citing " Jolin" to appear, with other clergy. 
 The forty bishops sent a deputation to remonstrate with 
 Theophilus. Chrysostom, for himself, sent word that he 
 objected to Theophilus and three others as disqualified, by 
 avowed hostility, to be his judges. Another deputation 
 came from the Oak; another went thither in return, and 
 was treated with gross violence. A bishop named Isaac 
 produced a new list of charges, three of which were remark- 
 able. Chrysostom had used strong language about the 
 fervour of rapturous devotion, which was brought up against 
 him as unseemly. He had been emphatic in his assurances 
 of Divine long-sufiering p ; " If you sin again, repent again !" 
 This was denounced as an encouragement of sinners in 
 their sin. " He had eaten before administering baptism, 
 and given the Eucharist to persons who were not fasting ;" 
 two charges which he denied with remarkable vehemence ■). 
 "Witnesses were heard as to the alienation of church fur- 
 niture. The Council pronounced him contumacious, and 
 deposed him, requesting Arcadius also to punish him for 
 insolence towards Eudoxia. Appealing in vain to a more 
 just tribunal, he was dragged from his church, and hurried 
 by night into Bithynia. That night an earthquake sliook 
 the palace ; Eudoxia wrote to the exile, entreating him to 
 return. He was escorted to the city by a joyous multi- 
 tude, bearing tapers and chanting psalms, who forced him, 
 in spite of the irregularity of such a proceeding, to ascend 
 his throne before the sentence of the Council could be 
 annulled''. This was, however, speedily done by a synod 
 of sixty bishops ; the hostile assembly could not stand its 
 
 p This was a oommon topic with him ; but he was careful to warn men 
 against presuming on God's goodness : e. g. in Matt. horn. 61. c. 1 ; in 1 Cor. 
 horn. 23. c. 6. For a noble passage on "the abyss of God's benignity," 
 see de Sacerd. iii. 15. 
 
 1 Ep. 125 ; "If I have done this, may my name be effaced from the roll 
 of bishops," &o. Serm. ant. iret in exsil. 4; "They say. You baptized 
 after you had eaten. If I did this, let me be anathema," &o. He is re- 
 ferring to the Paschal baptisms, which were immediately followed by the 
 celebration. ' He delivered a sermon, which is in torn. iii. 427. 
 
244 DEATH OF S. PAULA. 
 
 ground, and Theophilus, after meanly forcing the two sur- 
 viving Brothers ^ on the ground of their monastic ohedi- 
 ence, to ask his pardon, consulted his safety by flight to 
 Alexandria. 
 
 New troubles soon began. In September a silver statue 
 of Eudoxia was erected near the cathedral, and the Mani- 
 cheau governor of the city encouraged wild and heathenish 
 dancing in its honour, which interrupted the Church ser- 
 vice. Chrysostom spoke strongly on tlie subject, and was 
 said to have begun a sermon with the words, "Again 
 Herodias rages, again she demands the head of John*." 
 The foes of the archbishop seized tbeir opportunity; The- 
 ophilus sent three bishops to Constantinople, and Areadius 
 declined to communicate with Chrysostom on Christmas 
 day. Several hostile prelates held a council, and accused 
 the archbishop of violating the canons of the Dedication 
 Council ", by resuming his throne before he had been 
 canonically restored to it. His friends replied, " Will you 
 then commit yourselves to a Council which condemned 
 Athanasius, and to a canon repudiated at Sardica'^?" 
 
 On Jan. 26, 404, Paula died at Bethlehem. Her daughter 
 Eustochium attended the deathbed, occasionally withdraw- 
 ing to pray in the cave of the Nativity y. Paula's last 
 breath was spent in murmuring such texts as the first verse 
 of "Psalm Ixxxiv., and in faintly assuring Jerome that all was 
 well with her. "When her voice became inaudible, she con- 
 tinued to sign the cross on her lips. Her funeral rites 
 were performed by bishops, who lent their hands to the bier, 
 or carried lamps and tapers before it, or led the choirs 
 which chanted psalms in Syriac, Greek, and Latin. Monks, 
 
 s Ammonias and Diosconis were dead, Sozomen, viii. 17, says that the 
 other two were terrified into saying, as monks were wont to do, even 
 if unjustly treated, " Forgive us." 
 
 ' The homily which begins thus is considered spurious. Tom. viii. p. 609. 
 
 » Can. 4. 
 
 * It was also observed that the Council whicli, after S. Chrysostom's 
 return, restored liim, was larger than that of tlie Oali. 
 
 7 Hier. Ep. 108. 
 
SACRILEGES AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 245 
 
 virgins, iuliabitants of all the cities of Palestine, thronged 
 to the church of the Nativity, where her grave was pre- 
 pared ; " it was deemed a sacrilege to be absent when the 
 last offices were being rendered to such a woman." 
 
 The disputes at Constantinople came to a head before 
 Easter. The feeble Arcadius was persuaded to order that 
 Chrysostom should leave the church. He replied that he 
 would never, of his own free-will, abandon the charge he 
 had received froji the Saviour ^ Easter-eve came, April 
 16. Arcadius said to the chief adversaries of Chrysostom, 
 Acacius and Antiochus, " See to it that yon are not giving 
 me wrong counsel." " On our heads," they answered, 
 "be the deposition of John!" One of the forty faithful 
 bishops bade Eudoxia fear God, and have pity on her own 
 children. The solemn services of the day were held in the 
 Baths of Constantine. Thither the people thronged, aban- 
 doning the churches. It was resolved to break up this 
 assembly ; Lucius, captain of a band of soldiers, was sent 
 with four hundred barbarian recruits to clear the Baths 
 about 9 p.m. They pressed onwards to the font, dispersed 
 the catechumens, struck the priests on the head until their 
 blood was mingled with the baptismal water, rushed up 
 to the altar prepared as usual for the Communion of the 
 new-baptized, and overthrew the sacred chalice ^ Thus were 
 the Arian horrors renewed. On Easter-day, Arcadius, riding 
 out of the city, saw some 3,000 neophytes in their white 
 robes. " Who are those persons ?" he asked. " They are 
 heterodox people," was the answer ; and a new onslaught 
 was made upon them. During the Paschal season, those 
 who would not disown S. Chrysostom were cast into the 
 prisons, where they sang hymns and celebrated the Eucha- 
 rist. Within the churches, instead of joyful worship were 
 
 ^ Pall., c. 9. 
 
 » This apparently is what Palladius means by— "overthrew the sym- 
 bols. " S. Chrysostom, writing to Pope Innocent, not to the uninitiated, 
 says, "The most holy Blood of Christ, as might be expected in so great 
 a tumult, was spilled on the clothes o£ the soldiers." Tom. iii. 619. 
 
246 chkysostom's secoxd exile. 
 
 beard the sounds of torture, and the terrible oaths by 
 ■which men were commanded to anathematize the Arch- 
 bishop. His life was twice attempted ; his people guarded 
 his house ; he wrote an account of what had happened to 
 the bishops of Eome, Milan, and Aquileia''. Innocent, 
 who had already heard Theophilus' version of the story, 
 continued his communion for the present to both parties, 
 but summoned Theophilus to attend a Council in which 
 Nicene canons only should be recognized. Towards the 
 end of Whitsun-week, Arcadius was prevailed upon to send 
 another mandate to Chrysostom. " Commend your affairs 
 to God, and depart." Chrysostom was persuaded to depart 
 secretly ; he called his friends to prayer, kissed them, bade 
 farewell in the baptistery to the deaconesses, and desired 
 them to submit to a new bishop, if he were ordained with- 
 out having solicited the see. " The Church cannot be 
 without a bishop." Wliile the people waited for him to 
 mount his horse at the great western door, he went out 
 at the eastern ; remembering ", in regard to the prospect 
 of exile, that " the earth was the Lord's, and the fulness 
 thereof;" recalling the trials of the prophets, the three 
 holy Confessors, S. John Baptist, and S. Stephen ; and re- 
 peating to himself the words of Job, " Naked came I out 
 of my mother's womb, and naked I return thither !" This 
 was his final expulsion, June 20, 404 ; he crossed over 
 to Bithynia, while a fire broke out which consumed the 
 cathedral, (except the sacristy,) and also the palace of tlie 
 senate. Some ascribed it to incendiaries ; others called it 
 a sign of divine wrath. Several of Chrj'sostom's friends, 
 the "Joannites" as they were called, were cruelly treated, 
 as if guilty of the fire; Eutropius, a pious young reader '', 
 was torn with iron hooks, and died in prison. Arcacius, 
 an old priest, who had been made to swear that he would 
 never accept a bishopric, was consecrated for the see; 
 
 ** The bishop of Aquileia was S. Chromatius, who had heo-o-ed Jerome to 
 write no more against Rufhnus. 
 <: S. Clirys. Ep. 125 to Cyriaeus. d Sozonien, viii. 24. 
 
PERSECUTION OF JOANNITES. 247 
 
 Olympias, Chrysostora's chief female friend, a high-born, 
 wealthy, and noble-hearted widow, was mulcted for not 
 acknowledging the new bishop. Other pious women were 
 harassed for their loyalty to Chrysostom. The place of his 
 exile was Cucusus, in Armenia ; and there, after a journey 
 the pain of which was only alleviated by marks of sympathy 
 and reverence^, he arrived in the middle of September. 
 The bishop of Cucusus offered to resign the see in his 
 favour; and Dioscorus, a man of rank, entreated him as 
 a favour to occupy his own house, which he fitted up for 
 the exile's convenience, with "a liberality and beneficence," 
 against which, Chrysostom writes, " I am continually ex- 
 claiming ^ " Very soon after he reached Cucusus the 
 Empress Eudoxia bore a dead child, and expired. 
 
 Flavian died about this time, " without having consented 
 to John's deposition s ;" Constantius, a friend of the Saint's, 
 was the fittest person to succeed, but a priest of infamous 
 character named Porphyrius procured the see for himself, 
 and compelled the majority of the people to hold external 
 communion with him. Others refused, at all hazards, to 
 profess adhesion to a man whom all abhorred. On Nov. 18 
 a law was made against all who should hold off from the 
 communion of Arsacius, Theophilus, and Porphyrius. Among 
 those who were in consequence expelled was Cyriacus, bishop 
 of Synnada. He came, with others, among whom was Cas- 
 sian, now a deacon of Constantinople ordained by S. Chry- 
 sostom, to inform Pope Innocent of the state of afiairs. 
 Innocent therefore wrote to Chrysostom, exhorting him 
 to patience by Scriptural examples : " A good man can be 
 exercised, but he cannot be overcome, while the divine 
 Scriptures fortify his mind. Venerable brother, let your 
 conscience comfort you." He also wrote to the clergy and 
 laity of Constantinople, declaring against the authority of 
 
 « Yet this was not invariably the case. Pharetrius, bishop of Caesarea, 
 showed him no sort of kindness ; and monks of that city threatened to 
 burn the house over his head. All this time he was suffering from fever. 
 Ep. 14, ad Olymp. • ' Ep. 13. e Soz. viii. 24. 
 
248 DONATIST OUTRAGES. 
 
 the Antiocliene canons, and adding that he was considering 
 the best plan for a General Council. 
 
 In December, 401., S.Augustine held a discussion with 
 Felix the Manichean, who avowed that the chief attrac- 
 tion of Manicheism in his own case was its promise of 
 gratifying curiosity about the material world ^ One main 
 point raised in this debate was whether the soul were part 
 of the Diviue essence, and required to be freed from contact 
 ■with " the nation of darkness," by such means as Manichean 
 fancy represented. Felix, like Fortunatus, was silenced; 
 but, unlike him, had the candour to embrace Catholicism. 
 
 This year is marked by tlie self-sacrifice of Telemachus, 
 a monk who was visiting Rome when Honorius, after the 
 deliverance of Italy from Gothic invasion, celebrated his 
 triumph by public games. Telemachus attempted to sepa- 
 rate the gladiators, and was stoned to death by the people ; 
 but those hideous contests were immediately abolished 
 by law. 
 
 During this winter the Donatists were unusually violent. 
 Circumcellions fell upon Maximian, the Catholic bishop of 
 Bagai, beat him savagely with the timbers of his own altar ', 
 ■wounded him with swords'', left him for dead, seized him 
 again and flung him from a tower. The care of a peasant 
 and his -n'ife enabled Maximian to travel to Italy, where 
 he showed his ghastly scars to Honorius. The result was 
 a decree, afterwards called the "Law concerning Union," 
 Feb. 12, 405, which imposed penalties of various kinds, 
 short of death, on " rebaptizers." In defiance of this edict, 
 the Circumcellions fell upon Catholic clergy, and poured 
 a mixture of lime and vinegar into their eyes ^. 
 
 There had now been for several years at Rome a British™ 
 
 ^ S. Aug. de Act. cum Fel. i. 9. 
 
 ' S. Aug, 0. Creso. iii. 47. Compare the wooden altar at Alexandria, 
 burned in 356 . 
 
 ^ Formerly they had confined themselves to the clubs called Israels. 
 S. Aug. 0. Ep. Farm. i. 17. I S. Aug. Ep. 88. 
 
 " Ep. 186. 1. Prosper calls him cohiber Britannus, 
 
PELAGIUS. 249 
 
 monk named Pelagius. He was a friend of Paulinus of 
 Nola ; and Augustine had heard him mentioned " witli high 
 praise as a man of right faith," and had " loved " him ac- 
 cordingly o. He had written a treatise on the doctrine of 
 the Trinity. Strict and earnest in practical religion, he 
 heard ■with indignation the feeble self-excusing to which 
 indolent* Christians had recourse. His feeling was, " You 
 deceive yourselves by talking thus about your weakness. 
 Tou can serve God, if you have the will." A bishop one day 
 quoted to him Augustine's prayer, recorded in his " Con- 
 fessions," and already, it seems, proverbial ; " Give what 
 Thou commandest, and then command what Thou wilt"." 
 Pelagius could not endure such language?. It seemed to 
 him to cut at the root of all personal exertion, and to en- 
 courage listlessness under the garb of piety. And thus, 
 about 405, he was led on, by a defect of humility in his 
 moral nature, and by an intellectual tendency to exaggera- 
 tion and one-sidedness 1, into a view of human capabilities 
 which left no place for supernatural help, and narrowed the 
 gulf between Christianity and Heathenism. He began, as 
 Augustine heard ', to " dispute against the grace of God ;" 
 but not so as to cause any public agitation. His view was, 
 in few words, " We need no inward grace, for we have no 
 inborn sin." How far he was indebted for it to " a Syrian 
 named EufEiaus," himself the pupil of Theodore of Mop- 
 suestia ', or, as Jerome said, to Eufiinus of Aquileia, must be 
 left uncertain ; but it seems that he embodied its essence, 
 with considerable caution and reserve, in a tract on prac- 
 tical duties, and a commentary on S. Paul*. 
 
 ■> De Gest. Pel. 46 ; Ep. 186. 1. 
 
 o Conf. X. 40. " Da quod juhes, et juhe qiiod vis." He adds, " Imperas 
 nobis continentiam." See ib. 45, 60. 
 
 p De Dono Persev. 63. i See Guizot, Civilis. in France, leot. 5. 
 
 ' De Gest. Pel. 46 ; see de Pecc. Orig. 24. 
 
 B Marios Mercator, Commonitory, in Aug., torn. x. 1681. 
 
 ' The tract was known by the names of Testimonia and Capitula, On 
 this work, and on the Commentary, see De Gest. Pel. 2, 5, 7) 39 ; De Peco. 
 Orig. 24. 
 
250 CHRYSOSTOM AT CXJCt'SUS. 
 
 Meantime the saintly exile at Cucusus, while suffering 
 from illness and intense cold'', and in constant peril from 
 freebooters, continued to discharge the office of a good 
 shepherd. He wrote letter after letter to Olympias, ex- 
 horting her to remember that the only trial really terrible 
 was sin'', and that exile and proscription were as nothing 
 compared with the ineffable blessedness in stored. He 
 lamented that faithful bishops were suffering for adherence 
 to his communion ; he exhorted them and their clergy to be 
 of good courage, and to keep the text, Eom. viii. 18, con- 
 stantly in their minds ^ His pastoral thoughtfulness ex- 
 tended far beyond a merely general care for his brethren's 
 welfare. We find him rebuking two priests of Constanti- 
 nople, one of whom had only preached five times between 
 his expulsion and October, while the other had not preached 
 once ^ ; setting on foot a mission to the Pagans of Phoenicia^ ; 
 anxious to have a good bishop consecrated for the Goths, 
 and to extricate Maruthas, bishop of Martyropolis in Meso- 
 potamia, who had preached in Persia, from his connection 
 with the party of Theophilus "= ; drawing closer the old ties 
 which bound him to the clergy of Antioch ^ ; and employing 
 part of his friends' contributions in the redemption of cap- 
 tives and the relief of the poor ^. 
 
 Innocent boldly espoused his cause as that of a confessor 
 for righteousness' sake. He assembled a synod, and per- 
 suaded Honorius, who had already remonstrated with Ar- 
 cadius, to write in a more peremptory tone, demanding a 
 council at Thessalonica, and pointing out Theophilus as 
 
 ^ Ep. 6. ad 01. He passed sleepless nights ; no amount of clothmg or 
 fire could keep him warm. ^ Ep. i. ad 01. 
 
 7 Ep. 16. He alludes to her sufferings as well as to his own. 
 
 2 Tom. iii. 627. 
 
 « Ep. 203. He adds, "This is more painful to me than my solitude 
 here." See too Ep. 119. 
 
 !> See Ep. 126. He will do all he can to provide the missionaiy with 
 what is required, even if he has to write a thousand times to Constanti- 
 nople on the subject. See Epp. 53, 54, 123. 
 
 ■^ Ep. 14. 1 Ep. 130. « Soz. viu. 27 ; PaU., o. 11. 
 
ATTICUS, 251 
 
 the reputed author of present evils*. One of the "Western 
 bishops sent by Honorius and the Eomau synod to the 
 East was Gaudentius, whom S, Ambrose had consecrated to 
 the see of Brescia, and who is known by his Paschal ser- 
 mons to the new-baptized. 
 
 In this year, 405, a correspondence of considerable in- 
 terest came to an ends. Augustine and Jerome had for 
 years been discussing whether the Septuagint could claim 
 an absolute authority, and whether S. Peter's weakness and 
 S. Paul's rebuke at Antioch were simulated or real. Each 
 party at length gave up an untenable position. Augustine 
 came to see the value of an independent translation from 
 the Hebrew text ; and Jerome, apparently, learned the 
 more important lesson that Scripture could authorize no 
 pious frauds^. 
 
 Towards the end of the year the furious incursions of 
 Isaurian robbers, filling the country with rapine and blood- 
 shed, compelled S. Chrysostom to take shelter in the castle 
 of Arabissus^. The winter was again a time of discomfort ; 
 he could not obtain a sufficiency of medicines ; and the snow- 
 drifts prevented him from receiving his friends' letters ''. 
 Arsacius, who died in November, was succeeded in March by 
 Atticus^ a man of learning, practical ability, and open-handed 
 benevolence, but a declared foe of Chrysostom. Aboiit this 
 time the Western delegates, with four Eastern bishops, were 
 
 ' Pall., 0. 3. 
 
 B See Aug. Epp. 28, 39, 40, 67, 68, 71, 72, 73, 75, 81, 82. (Jerome had 
 been vexed to find that a letter of Augustine's, instead of being transmitted 
 to himself, had been circulated in Italy. Augustine explains that this was 
 by no fault of his ; and so comes to use the words in Ep. 82. 33, about 
 " the episcopate being greater than the priesthood, aceording to tlie honorary 
 titles used hy the Church^ i. e. "I cannot address you as you address me, by 
 the name of Messed 2Mpe.") 
 
 ^ Adv. Pel. 22. A low standard of social fairness, in the decaying em- 
 pire, had its influence, as we have seen, on some eminent Churchmen. 
 Experience of Manichean delusions prepared S. Augustine to insist with 
 special energy on the duty of truthfulness in the cause of Truth. 
 
 • Ep. 69. He had already been obliged to hide himself in glens and 
 woods. ■' Epp. 15, 127. ' Soc. vi. 20 ; vii. 2, 25. 
 
252 JOANNITES IN EXILE. 
 
 intercepted in their way to Constantinople, and confined in 
 a Tliracian fortress™ ; their credentials were violently wrung 
 from them, and instead of being allowed to see Arcadius, 
 the "Westerns were sent back to Italy, the Easterns banished 
 to the frontiers of the empire '^. On their way they were 
 cruelly harassed, robbed of their money, wearied by pro- 
 longed days' journeys, compelled to lodge in synagogues or 
 in the lowest haunts of profligacy. One of them consoled 
 his brethren by observing that their presence recalled the 
 wretched women to thoughts of God, which might result in 
 their salvation and His glory. S. Chrysostom's biographer 
 mentions, in connection with these confessors, the tortures 
 and exile endured by Serapion, whom Chrysostom had made 
 exarch of Heraclea, and by Stephen, a monk who had car- 
 ried letters to Innocent : also the sufierings of other " Joan- 
 nites," two of whom hid themselves for three years in an 
 upper chamber. That the persecution was in great mea- 
 sure a systematic revenge on Chrysostom as the representa- 
 tive of clerical strictness, is evidenced by such a fact as that 
 a venerable man named Hilary was scourged, " not by a 
 judge, but by the clergy." Chrysostom wrote to thank his 
 Western friends" for their sympathy, and sent a second 
 letter to Innocent, assuring him that " in this third year of 
 exile, amid famine, pestilence, war, sieges, indescribable 
 solitude, and daily peril from Isaurian swords, he was 
 greatly consoled and delighted by Innocent's genuine, sted- 
 fast, and abundant charity." 
 
 It was apparently in 406 that Jerome saw a treatise, by 
 Vigilantius of Barcelona, in which the honours paid to the 
 memory of Martyrs were attacked with indiscriminating 
 impetuosity. There was doubtless a dangerous element 
 already at work in these observances, which S. Augustine 
 had not . failed to notice p. A thoughtful and temperate 
 warning against superstitious abuses would have been a 
 
 "» Pall,, c. 4. ° Ibid., c. 20. » Epp. 182, 155, 184, &c. 
 
 P De Mor. Eool. Cath. i. 75, above referred to. But it must be observed 
 that S. Augustine thought it lawful to ask the prayers of the Saiats. 
 
VIGILANTIUS. 253 
 
 well-timed service to religion. But Vigilantius denounced 
 all reverence for the remains of martyrs as "the worship of 
 a little dust wrapt in a rich cloth ;" and gave a shock to 
 Christian instincts hy denying that the Church at rest could 
 intercede for the Church militant 1. He did not impugn the 
 reality of the miracles which his contemporaries believed 
 to be performed at the tombs of Saints ; but he denied that 
 they were of profit to any except unbelievers. He censured 
 those who sold their property for purposes of almsgiving ; 
 desired the abolition of all vigils save that of Easter'^, on 
 the ground that they led to disorders ; condemned the mo- 
 nastic life, and recommended that celibacy should be con- 
 sidered as absolutely disqualifying a man for ordination. 
 In a single night, — for the messenger was in haste to leave 
 Palestine, — Jerome penned a tract against Yigilantius, in 
 which he exhibited all the violence which malses his con- 
 troversial style so painful. He defended (among other 
 points) the veneration of saintly relics, but asked the " mad- 
 man" Vigilantius, "Who ever worshipped mai-tyrs?" He 
 denied that tapers were burned during the day-time in their 
 honour, but affirmed that throughout the East the lighting 
 up of tapers in broad day-light was a mode of welcoming 
 the reading of the Gospel. 
 
 Three years had passed away since Alaric and his Goths 
 had been defeated at PoUentia ; and Italy was now thrown 
 into new agitation by the descent of a motley host of 
 Northern barbarians, under the leadership of Ehadagaisus. 
 This was a worse terror to the Christians, inasmuch as 
 Rhadagaisus was not a Christian like Alaric, but professed 
 a bloody idolatry. Yet the Eoman Pagans expected no 
 
 1 See Bp. Pearson's Minor Works, ii. 54. 
 
 ' The Council of Eliberis, a century earlier, had forbidden women to keep 
 •rigil in churches. Bishop Sparrow questions whether any canon ever 
 abolished the actual watchings ; Rationale, p. 103. As he observes, the 
 Council of Auxerre in 578 did not aboUsh, but only regulated them. Vigi- 
 lantius desired to have Alleluia confined to the Easter-services, in opposi- 
 tion to the usage of Spain and Palestine, but in accordance, if Sozomen, 
 vii. 19, is correct, with that of Rome. 
 
254 PAGANS INVADE GAUL. 
 
 favour from a Northern heathen, and filled the city with 
 wild outcries = against Christianity as the cause of all their 
 perils. The cloud dispersed on the overthrow of the in- 
 vading forces by Stilicho ; but the remnant of them entered 
 Gaul, Dec. 31, 406, and the western bank of the Rhine 
 became a scene of misery and bloodshed. Mentz was 
 taken, and thousands were butchered in its church*. At 
 Eheims the archbishop and others were put to death at 
 the church-door ; at Auxerre the bishop became a martyr 
 on the very day of his consecration. The ravaged towns 
 were polluted by ghastly corpses, lying unburied and taint- 
 ing the air''. 
 
 The winter of 406-7 was severe, but Chrysostom pre- 
 served his health by never stirring out of a close and weU- 
 warmed chamber-''. In the summer, his enemies, dreading 
 his influence on the Antiochenes, who went to visit him J, 
 procured an order for his removal to Pityus on the shores 
 of the Eusine sea. His guards were ordered to exhaust 
 him by long journeys. Through scorching heat and drench- 
 ing rains he was hurried on, and never allowed the refresh- 
 ment of the bath ; one only of the guards being disposed 
 to shew him furtive kindnesses. For three months this 
 painful journey lasted ; at length they halted at the church 
 of S. Basiliseus, a short distance from Comana in Pontus. 
 That night the sufferer had a foreboding that his release 
 was at hand^. In the morning, Sept. 14, 407, he begged 
 
 » " Forvent tota urbe blaspliemise." Orosius, vii. 37. See S. Aug. Serm, 
 105, De Civ. Dei, v. 23. ' See Jerome, Ep. 123. 16. 
 
 " Salvian, de Gubern. Dei, vi. He regards these horrors as a scourge for 
 Christian unfaithfulness. Men had indulged in heathenish amusements; 
 in particular, they had even left the churches during a festival service, 
 (" Christum in altario dimittimus,") in order to see the public games. 
 
 =' Ep. 4. 
 
 » Pall., p. 39. He says that these brutal conductors (compare the 
 "leopards" of S. Ignatius, ad Rom. 5,) were delighted when the burning 
 sun beat cruelly on "the saint's head, which was bald like Ehsha's." 
 
 '■ Palladius says he h.ad a vision of S. Basiliseus, (who had suffered 
 under Maximin,) who said to him, "Courage, brother John, to-morrow 
 we shall be together." 
 
DEATH OF S. CHRYSOSTOM. 255 
 
 to he allowed to stay in the church until eleven a.m. It 
 could not be ; he was forced to proceed, but after travelling 
 about four miles he vras so evidently dying that they 
 returned to the church. There he asked for white gar- 
 ments, and exchanged for them those which he wore. 
 He was still fasting; he received the Holy Communion, 
 doubtless from the priest of the church, offered up his last 
 prayer, added his usual thanksgiving, " Olory to God for 
 all things," and " sealed it with a final Amen." " Then he 
 stretched out his feet, which had run beauteously for the 
 salvation of the penitent and the rebuke of habitual sin- 
 ners ^" and calmly expired in about the sixtieth year of 
 his age, and in the tenth of his episcopate. He was buried 
 beside the martyr Basiliscus, the funeral being attended by 
 a throng of monks and virgins from Syria, Cilicia, Pontus, 
 and Armenia. No comment on his glorious life could be 
 so expressive as the doxology with which it closed'', and 
 which, gathering into one view all its contrasts, recog- 
 nized not only in -success and honour, but in cruel outrage 
 and hopeless desolation, the gracious presence of a never- 
 changing Love. 
 
 * Palladius is thinking of the charge of over-indulgence in regard to 
 penitential rules, which was brought against him, and which Socrates 
 endorses from his quasi-Novatianist point of view, vi. 21. But, as Tillemont 
 says, xi. 136, S. Chrysostom was simply proclaiming God's readiness to 
 forgive all sinners on their repentance. ''John of Repentance" was a 
 name given to him. 
 
 ^ Thankfulness " for veiled benefits as well as apparent ones" was the 
 habit of his life. See, especially, in Eph. Horn. 19, c. 2 : "Utter nothing 
 before this, 1 1 thank Thee, Lord!'" See also his references to Job L 21, 
 e.g. in Bom, Horn. 2. 1 ; ad Pop. Ant. Horn. i. 10, 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 From the Death of S. Chrysostom to the Death of Pope 
 Innocent. 
 
 " Thou, j^ieving that the ancient curse 
 Should doom to death an universe, 
 Hast found the medicine, full of grace, 
 To save and heal a ruined race." 
 
 Coitditor alme sidernm, Neale'b Version. 
 
 rpHE wrongs of S. Chrysostom had divided the East and 
 -*- West. Innocent and the Westerns would have no 
 fellowship with those who adhered to Theophilus and Atti- 
 cus ; and for some time the condition of communion with 
 Rome was the insertion of the name of " John, hishop of 
 Constantinople," on the diptychs^, or folded tablets which 
 recorded those who were to be mentioned at the Eucharist. . 
 Arcadius, whose feebleness had led him into tyranny, did 
 not long survive his victim. He died on May 1, 408, 
 leaving the throne to his son Theodosius II., a boy of 
 eight, whose education was in the hands of his sister Pul- 
 cheria, a young princess of thoroughly noble character. 
 His temper was sweet and docile, and she could easily 
 train him in devotional habits ; but she could not supply 
 the natural defects, which appeared in feeble prejudice 
 and morbid scrupulosity ''. On August 23 an intrigue of 
 the court of Honorius destroyed Stilicho, the "Deliverer 
 of Italy." In the extremity of his peril he took sanctuary 
 in the cathedral of Eavenna. His enemy, the base Olyni- 
 pius, who had supplanted him in ascendancy over Honorius, 
 
 « These were plates of wood, ivory, gold, or silver, on which were in- 
 scribed the names usually recited at the Eucharist. They were the names 
 1. of the Apostles and other chief saints ; 2, of eminent persons who had 
 died in Catholic oomnnmion ; 3. of those living persons whom the Church 
 thought good to honour. In the East, Spain, and Gaul, they were read 
 before consecration ; at Eome, partly before and partly after. 
 
 b Soc. vii. 22 ; Soz. ix. 1 ; Theod. v. 36, 37. 
 
SIEGE OF ROME, 257 
 
 swore to the bishop that Stilicho's life would be spared. 
 He came forth, and was led to execution ". 
 
 In the autumn of 408 Alaric besieged Rome for the first 
 time'^. Terror and wrath, in the minds of the Romans, 
 were soon absorbed in the agonies of famine. The heathen 
 historian tells us that the praefect of the city, hearing that 
 some Etruscan diviners professed to be able to launch 
 thunderbolts against the enemy, procured from Innocent, 
 as the most important personage in the city, a secret per- 
 mission for the exercise of their rites ; but that they fur- 
 ther insisted on the ofiScial presence of the senate, which 
 being refused, they went their way ^. It does not seem 
 likely that the Pope should grant a licence which the senate 
 withheld; and Innocent, with his high spirit and stedfast 
 conscientiousness, was by no means the man to be scared 
 into concessions which would make him partaker in "the 
 sin of witchcraft'." And the story is yet further dis- 
 countenanced by Innocent's presence, as an envoy, at the 
 court of Ravenna, in January, 409, when Honorius made 
 a severe law against all diviners. 
 
 It appears to have been during the year 408 that Augus- 
 tine's mind underwent a change as to the duty of a govern- 
 ment towards the enemies of the Church. He had once 
 thought " that no one ought to be forced into Christian 
 
 1^ Zosim. V. 34. S. Augustine mistook Olympius for a pious Christian, 
 Ep. 96. He professed a great zeal for the faith. 
 
 '^ Socrates, vii. 10, says that a good monk remonstrated with Alaric as he 
 was hastening to Eome, and that Alaric replied, ''I am not acting of my- 
 self, but there is one who is ceaselessly urging and commanding me to lay 
 Rome waste." So Soz. ix. 6. 
 
 <^ Zosim. V. 41. Sozomen, ix. 6, does not ''assert," as Dean Milman (Lat. 
 Chr. i. 99) says, and hardly "insinuates," as Gibbon says, that the divina- 
 tions were performed. "They undertook to drive away the barbarians 
 
 aWa TOVTQJV fiei^ ovSev 3(^€\os effeffSai rij iT6\ii, ii airdPatriS €S€*|e, 
 For the right-minded saw full well that it was God's wrath which brought 
 this upon Eome," &c. 
 
 f For the horror with which the Church regarded divination, see Ancyran 
 canon 2i, Laodicean 36. S. Augustine, Serm. 9. 3, calls the consulting of 
 aruspices "spiritual fornication." See his Ep. 65. 12, 13. 
 
 S 
 
258 CCELESTIUS. 
 
 unity g;" but the working of penal laws appeared to him 
 so effective in producing an external conformity, that he 
 became a convert to the coercive principle, and defended 
 it in an elaborate letter ^, with strange confusions between 
 moral and physical "compulsion," and between providential 
 and human modes of government. However, painful as his 
 argument is, we must in fairness remember that he had 
 seen the Church attacked, not simply by an opposing sect, 
 but by a sect whose weapon was murderous brutality ; and 
 that when, towards the end of 408, it became a capital of- 
 fence to disturb the Church's worship, Augustine entreated 
 the proconsul of Africa to " forget that he had this power 
 of inflicting death'." In the course of 409, Houorius, 
 apparently in order to secure the support of all classes, put 
 forth a short-lived edict of toleration. 
 
 Pelagius had continued in Rome, and had been joined by 
 an Irishman'' named Ccslestius, remarkable for his out- 
 spoken boldness, and his dialectical ability ; and the two 
 friends appear to have left Rome in 409, and settled for 
 a short time in Sicily. 
 
 Cassian^xtook up his abode at Marseilles in the same year, 
 and began to establish in Provence the monastic system 
 which he had so much admired in Egypt. 
 
 Early in 410, two remarkable men were raised to the 
 episcopate. Paulinus had become distinguished among 
 
 s Compare S. Chrys. de Sacerd. ii. 4. 
 
 t Ep. 93. He quotes Luke xiT. 23 and John vi. 44, where the draining, 
 he says, is by "fear of Divine wrath." Pei-secution, he contends, may some- 
 times be righteous. From the fact that God's sterner providences lead 
 men to "serve Him in fear," he infers the rightfulness of coercive laws 
 against schismatics. Contrast the lessons which another Augustine gave to 
 Ethelbert ; Bede, i. 26. 
 
 ' Ep. 100 ; S. Augustine was adverse to capital punishment in any case, 
 as depriving a man of time for amendment, Ep. 153. 
 
 ^ So at least it has been supposed ; Jerome speaks of Pelagius as a huge 
 fat dog of Albion, " habet progeniem Scoticse gentis." This expression has 
 been variously understood as, " derives his lineage from the Scottish (Irish) 
 race," (Benedictine editors of S. Aug.), and "has an offspring of Scottish 
 blood," (Noris' Hist. Pelag., p. 24.) In another of his prefaces to Jeremiah, 
 Jerome speaks of an "ignorant calumniator, Hcotunim puHibus prwffravatus." 
 
PAULINUS. 259 
 
 the devout clergy of his time ; he had done much for Chris- 
 tian art and sacred poetry, especially by building a new 
 church near the tomb of S. Felix, adorning it with pictures 
 and mosaics, and explaining the latter by inscriptions in 
 verse. In one of these representations, Christ was depicted 
 as a lamb, the Holy Spirit by a dove, while the Father was 
 indicated by words issuing from a cloud; twelve doves 
 signified the Apostles, and four streams issuing from a 
 rock on which the Lamb stood were apt symbols of the 
 four Evangelists '. Other paintings were direct repre- 
 sentations of Old Testament subjects, intended to instruct 
 and edify " the country people who came to keep the fes- 
 tival of the Saint. It cannot be denied that his enthusiasm 
 for S. Felix, as expressed in the poems which he wrote on 
 every return of the festival, was carried to an excess for 
 which there was no precedent, and became a precedent for 
 "later corruptions °." He also paid great honour to S. Mar- 
 tin, and visited Rome annually on the feast of S. Peter 
 and S. Paul". When the bishop of Nola died, Paulinus 
 was naturally chosen to succeed him, and justified the 
 choice by an administration full of genuine pastoral love. 
 
 The other appointment was of a very difierent kind. 
 The metropolitan see of Ptolemais was vacant ; and Theo- 
 philus was bent on placing in it a philosopher named 
 Synesius, who was, and felt himself to be, unfitted on 
 various grounds for such a charge. He had been an en- 
 thusiastic attendant on the lectures of Hypatia P, the gifted 
 female teacher of Neo-platonism ; and the pantheistic spirit 
 of that system, originally constructed by Ammonius Sac- 
 cas 1 in the end of the second century, in order to eclipse 
 
 ' See Trench, Huls. Leot., p. 49. 
 
 » Paul. Natal. 9. i Ebbertson's Ch. Hist. i. 331, 
 
 " Ep. 2 to Delphinus. On one of these occasions, he says, Anastasius 
 received him with great kindness. 
 
 P See his Ep. 16 ; he calls her his mother, &o.; in Ep. 10 he addresses 
 her as having a divine soul ; in Ep. 153 he requests her judgment on his 
 works. 
 
 1 See Newman's Arians, p. 60 ; Robertson, Ch. Hist. i. 88. Plotiuus 
 
200 SYNESITJS. 
 
 Christianity by a grand aggregate of tte highest results 
 of natural speculation, had left its impress on his thoughts 
 and languages although he was a professed believer in 
 Christ. It was natural for Christians whose minds were 
 at all influenced by Neo-platonism to affix an esoteric sense 
 to Christian dogmas, since the philosophers had borrowed 
 several Christian phrases = for their own convenience ; and 
 Synesius explicitly declared that he could not accept the 
 doctrine of the Eesurrection of the Body, in the sense 
 ordinarily received *. Other difficulties he had, and frankly 
 owned them ; he had always been fond of amusements, 
 especially hunting™, and he had always, on principle, avoided 
 business and responsibility. He tells us^ that he begged 
 of God "on his knees, at various times and places," to 
 give him "death rather than the priesthood;" and he 
 called God and man to witness that he made an open 
 avowal of those opinions which "philosophic demonstra- 
 tions" had rooted in his mind. Tet after all this, The- 
 ophilus persisted in making him a bishop. Sensitiveness 
 about doctrinal soundness could hardly, indeed, be expected 
 from a man who had passed, to serve a purpose, from 
 Origenism to the persecution of Origenists, and then, the 
 purpose being served, had shamelessly resumed his old 
 habits of Origenistic study J. But while Theophilus was 
 blameworthy in bearing down with a high hand the scru- 
 
 tegan to lecture in 244, died at Eome 270. Porphyry was bom 233, died 
 304. Jamblichus died under Constantine. 
 
 ' As in his first hymn, 1. 81 — 94, and his language on the Trinity in 
 hymn 3 is coloured by Platonic mysticism. He also speaks of spirits as 
 "gods," hymn 3, 1. 168, which was in accordance with the language of this 
 Alexandrian philosophy. 
 
 « Neo-platonism had a "Trinity" consisting of "The One,"— Reason,— 
 and Soul. 
 
 • Ep. 105. He also said he could not beUeve that the world would ba 
 destroyed. 
 
 » " How can I bear to see my dear dogs deprived of their htinting ?" 
 
 » Ep. 57. 
 
 r Being asted to account for this tergiversation, he calmly replied that 
 Origen's books were like a meadow full of flowers ; that he culled the 
 fairest, and avoided the thorny ones. Soc. vi. 17. 
 
TAKING OF ROME. 26 1 
 
 pies of Synesius, the appointment turned out better than 
 he had any right to expect. The truthfulness, humility, 
 and religious temper of the philosopher-bishop bore fruit 
 not only in a faithful and vigorous episcopate, but appa- 
 rently in the removal of his objections to the common 
 creed ^. 
 
 The second siege of Eome in 409 had ended in the tem- 
 porary setting-up of Attains by Alaric, as the rival of Hono- 
 rius : the third ended in the taking of Eome, August 24, 
 410. The Gothic king, in the hour of his triumph % ensured 
 the lives of all who should take refuge in the churches of 
 S. Peter and S. Paul. Marcella, after being severely beaten 
 by Goths in search of booty, was conveyed with her daugh- 
 ter Principia to the latter basilica, the architectural glory 
 of Honorius' reign. An aged Christian virgin, being re- 
 quired by her captor to surrender the gold and silver which 
 was in her keeping, produced an array of splendid vessels 
 which filled him with amazement. " These are the sacred 
 property of the Apostle Peter : lay hands on them if you 
 dare." The Goth, overawed, sent to know the pleasure of 
 Alaric, who ordered the vessels to be borne in safety to 
 S. Peter's. The house where they were found was a lon,g 
 way distant from the Vatican ; and as all Christians were 
 allowed to take part in the removal, the band of those who 
 bore the glittering treasures on their heads, guarded by 
 Gothic swords, became ere long a vast procession, sweeping 
 on with solemn chant. The sound echoed afar through the 
 city, and was caught up as an assurance of safety by many 
 who were cowering in hiding-places. They started up, and 
 followed the choral train, which thus preserved the lives of 
 many Pagans who took sanctuary in its favoured ranks''. 
 This was indeed the dying day of Paganism ; and when In- 
 nocent, who was then at Eavenna, returned home, he must 
 have felt, as Jerome did on hearing of that tremendous hu- 
 
 ' See TUlemont, xii. 529. « Orosius, vii. 39. 
 
 I" Augustine complains that such persons afterwards reviled the Cihristiau 
 name, which had that day been their safeguard : De CiT. Dei, i. 1. 
 
262 ANDEONICUS. 
 
 miliation, that a " day of the Lord " had come on the harlot- 
 city of the Apocalypse <^. Terrible as were the sufferings of 
 the proud Roman nobility, many of whom were carried into 
 slavery, or had to beg their bread in foreign lands, it could 
 not but occur to a Christian that the " eternal city" had 
 been the Church's great antagonist, and that its abase- 
 ment removed the main hindrance in her path to full su- 
 premacy. 
 
 Euffinus was now in Sicily, on his way to Palestine. One 
 of the last sights that he beheld was the fire which marked 
 the track of Alaric along the shores of Southern Italy. He 
 died in the end of 410, and Jerome had no other language 
 for such an event than a declaration that " the scorpion was 
 buried, and the many-headed hydra had ceased to hiss''." 
 
 Synesius had, at the beginning of his episcopate, warned 
 his clergy to disperse the conventicles of the Eanomians ^. 
 He now, in 311, came forward against the detestable cruel- 
 ties of a professed Catholic, Andronicus, governor of Ptole- 
 mais. This man revelled in the invention of new tortures % 
 and in the agonies which they produced. Synesius' re- 
 monstrances were treated with scorn and anger; the forum 
 continued to ring with shrieks s, and the tyrant affixed a 
 public notice to the church doors, forbidding the priests, 
 with brutal menaces, to shelter any fugitive at the altars. 
 A man of rank had offended Andronicus, and was bar- 
 barously tortured at an hour when the heat of the day kept 
 moat persons from visiting the judgment hall. Synesius 
 heard of it, and came at once to show his sympathy with 
 the sufferer. Andronicus was exasperated, and said, three 
 times over, to his victim, "It is vain to trust in the Church; 
 — no one shall deliver you from the hands of Andronicus, 
 no, not if you were to clasp the feet of Christ !" The bishop 
 forthwith convoked his clergy, and pronounced this sen- 
 tence; "The Church of Ptolemais gives this admonition to 
 
 « Ep. 46. 0. 11. ^ InEzech. prol. e Ep. 5. 
 
 ' Ep. 58 ; six instruments are named, as a tliumb-sorew, a lip-screw, 
 a feet-twister, a squeezing-engine, &c. g Ep, 57_ 
 
CONFERENCE OF CARTHAGE. 263 
 
 all her sister Churches throughout the world : To Andronicus 
 and his associates let no church-ground be open. Let every 
 sacred place, whether church or precinct, be closed against 
 them. I command all private persons, and all magistrates, 
 never to be under the same roof or at the same board with 
 him : and the priests are especially warned never to address 
 those men while living, nor to attend their funeral when 
 dead. Whosoever shall contemn this Church as belonging 
 to a small city, and receive those who are under its ban, let 
 him know that he has divided that Church which Christ or- 
 dained to be one. Be he Levite ^, Priest, or Bishop, we will 
 treat him as Andronicus, never join hands with him, never 
 eat at the same table, much less partake with him of the 
 Mystic Service." The excommunication was suspended, 
 against the bishop's own judgment", when Andronicus made 
 professions of repentance ; he renewed his crimes, and the 
 sentence was carried out. But ere long he himself became 
 a sufferer from injustice, and the noble-hearted bishop, by 
 importunate entreaties, " delivered him from the doom of 
 death''," and endeavoured to interest Theophilus in his 
 favour. 
 
 In the summer of 411, the Catholic bishops of Western 
 Africa held a conference with the Donatists at Carthage. 
 They had requested Honorius to summon the Donatists for 
 such a meeting, and he ordered Marcellinus, one of his 
 secretaries, to preside^. Marcellinus promised to those 
 Donatist bishops who should attend, exemption from recent 
 penalties, and solemnly promised, by the Holy Trinity, the 
 Incarnation, the Emperor's salvation, and the day of judg- 
 ment, to act with entire impartiality. His proclamation 
 came forth in February: in May, 270 Donatist prelates 
 entered Carthage with considerable pomp. The Catholic 
 
 ^ The analogy recognized between the Jewish and Christian hierarchies 
 made it natural to call deacons Levites. ' Ep. 72. '' Bp. 89. 
 
 ' Aug., torn. ix. 816. When a conference was first proposed, Primian 
 answered, "The sons of the martyrs ought not to meet the offspring of 
 traditors." Brevioulus Collat. iii. 4. 
 
264 CONFERENCE OF CARTHAGE. 
 
 prelates were 286 in number. Eighteen on each side were 
 to hold the conference; and the Catholics assured Marcel- 
 linus" that if they should convince the Donatists that the 
 Church Universal could not have been destroyed by the 
 alleged sins of a few men, then they would admit the Dona- 
 tists to an equal share in episcopal honours, so that a Catholic 
 and an ex-Donatist bishop should sit together in church, 
 each in turn occupying the higher seat. Or if the people 
 would not endure to have two bishops in one city, ^then 
 both should resign and a new bishop be elected". This 
 noble offer was followed by exhortations from Augustine, 
 urging the Catholic laity to avoid all strife and excitement, 
 and to make the Ember fast an occasion for earnest prayer". 
 The Conference was opened on the 1st of June in a large 
 hall P. All the Donatists were present, but only the eighteen 
 delegates on the Catholic side. After the imperial rescript, 
 the commissioner's letters of summons, and some other 
 documents had been read, the Donatists endeavoured to 
 stifle the discussion by quibbles which, Augustine says, 
 would have been intolerable even in a secular court 1. Long 
 disputes were raised about the instruments of delegation, 
 and the Catholic bishops who had signed them were called 
 in, and " recognized " by their Donatist neighbours. The 
 Donatists were invited by Marcellinus to sit down, but they 
 declined to do so, saying "much in praise of themselves, 
 much in praise of the commissioner''," and afterwards al- 
 leging, as their reason, the text " I will not sit among the 
 
 " S. Aug. Ep. 128. This proposal had been previously discussed in full 
 council, and only two had objected. One of these, an old man, spoke 
 against it ; the other " showed his feehng by his looks." But both yielded 
 to the decided opinion of their brethren. De Gest. cum Emerjto, 6. 
 
 ° " Did our Redeemer descend from heaven to make us His members 
 and do we shrink from descending from our chairs, to save His members 
 from cruel rent ?" o Serm. 357. 
 
 P Augustine calls it spacious, cool, and cheerful. Post Coll. 58. 
 
 1 Brev. CoU. i. 8 ; Ep. 141. 3. Their chief speakers were Emeritus and 
 Petilian. See CoU. i. 22 ; comp. CoU. iii. 142. 
 
 ■■ Brev. i. 13. See PetUian's speech, CoU. I 145. He spoke of his 
 brethren as aged confessors, of MarcelUnus as just, benignant, respectfuL 
 
CONFERENCE OF CARTHAGE. 265 
 
 ungodly ^" Their object was to weary out their adversaries, 
 and avoid coming to the merits of the case. At length, on 
 the third day *, the Donatists' proposal that the old docu- 
 ments of the case should be read before the later ones, 
 proved fatal to their evasive policy. " So be it," said 
 Augustine. " Then we ought to begin with those acts 
 which prove that your predecessors appealed to Constan- 
 tine about the case of Csecilian"." These records the Dona- 
 tists were particularly anxious to keep in the background ; 
 and Petilian imprudently exclaimed'', " We are being gradu- 
 ally led on into the heart of the matter." The Catholics 
 naturally said, " If you wish to discuss the question, which 
 party can claim to be the Church, we will meet you on purely 
 Scriptural grounds ; but if you mean to go into the cases of 
 individuals, of course we must refer to the public records "." 
 Marcellinus interposed by saying, " Let the Acts be read?." 
 And _thus, says Augustine, " the business did at last fairly 
 begin ^ ;" yet interruptions of the most frivolous kind en- 
 sued \ and a discussion respecting a recent Donatist paper 
 brought up the question of doctrine. Was not the " field " 
 in the parable declared to mean the worW^ ? ought the 
 Church to endure the presence of bad members ? The 
 Catholics, speaking by Augustine, answered that the world, 
 in that passage, meant the world evangelized <^ ; that the 
 kingdom of heaven was also described as a net and a 
 threshing-floor, in which good and evil were for the present 
 
 ■ Coll. ii. 4 ; Brev. ii. 1. Marcellinus, upon this, had his own seat taken 
 away, and the Cathohc delegates stood up. 
 
 ' Not, however, untQ after long debates as to the Catholics' having pe- 
 titioned for this conference, and as to the meaning of the word " Catholic." 
 S. Augustine interpreted it as "extended through the world:" Gaudentius 
 the Donatist as '' Sacramentis plenum, perfectum, immaeulatum." Coll. 
 iii. 101, 102. " Coll. iii. 141—144. ' Post CoUat. 43 ; Coll. iii. 161. 
 
 I Coll. iii. 187. 7 Ibid. 216. '■ Brev. iii. 7. 
 
 » The Donatists asked the Catholics whether Csecilian were their " father" 
 or "mother." Coll. iii. 231. Augustine answered, "He is our brother; 
 hileo caput, sed Christiis est." ^ Matt. xiii. 38. 
 
 ' Coll. iii. 265. He quoted texts in which " the world " was used in a 
 good sense, John iii. 17, xvii. 21. 
 
266 CONFEEENCE OF CAETHAGE. 
 
 commingled ; that the Church believed discipline to be most 
 needfuH, and that the exemption of some offenders from 
 its operation was only in order to secure the great blessing 
 of unbroken unity, and was by no means an obstacle to that 
 genuine separation from the wicked, which shewed itself in 
 avoidance of their sin. The Donatists charged the Catholics 
 with believing in two Churches. They answered, "The 
 Church is holy and is one; but here it exists under one 
 form, and in the next world it will exist under another." 
 
 They then resumed the question of fact, not without some 
 tedious digressions about the "persecutions" which the sect 
 had sustained, and about the conduct of Mensurius, CsBci- 
 lian's predecessor. The real issue was, whether Csecilian's 
 adherents, or his enemies, deserved in their own time the 
 name of Catholic ? The old controversies about the Council 
 of Carthage which had condemned him, and the Council of 
 Cirta which destroyed the credit of his judges ^, were min- 
 gled with a reference to the Maximianist schism which had 
 reduced the Donatists' case to an absurdity. The Donatist 
 leaders appear by this time to have become reckless ; they 
 declared that Pope Melchiades was a traditor, and produced 
 documents which raised a long dispute as to whether he had 
 been cognizant of the guilt of a certain Strato, whom the 
 Donatists alleged to have been his deacon. This may serve 
 as a sample of the irrelevancies to which they had recourse ; 
 nor is it surprising to find that these men actually referred 
 to Optatus as proving that Constantino had condemned Cae- 
 cilian. Optatus had said that Constantino, for peace' sake, 
 detained Caacilian at Brescia. " Here is nothing," said the 
 Catholics, " about his condemning Csecilian." " Eead the 
 
 <> Here the original records break off, Coll. ill. 281, leaving a gap once 
 filled by 303 chapters which have perished. The sentence, forming o. 685, 
 is extant. 
 
 ■= There was a very long discussion as to the historical reality of this 
 council. One point was, whether twelve bishops could have met to hold 
 a council during persecution ? The Catholics triumphantly adduced the 
 acts of martyrs, which recorded theii- avowal of having held assemblies for 
 service, {collected). 
 
CONFERENCE OF CARTHAGE, 267 
 
 whole passage," said Marcellinus, "that we may judge of 
 the author's meaning." It was read, and proved that Cse- 
 cilian had been "pronounced innocent." The audience 
 could not restrain their laughter ; the Donatists with great 
 simplicity observed, " "We did not ask to have that read !' 
 suggested that Optatus had concealed the facts, and pro- 
 ceeded yet further in self-contradiction, by adducing their 
 predecessors' address to Constantine against " Ms worthless 
 bishop," and the letter of recall from exile in which the 
 Emperor had stigmatized their proceedings. The proceed- 
 ings closed' with the reading of the " vindication of Felix." 
 Marcellinus, having ascertained that the Donatists had no 
 more evidence to produce, desired both parties to withdraw, 
 and drew up a sentence s in which the main element •* was 
 a decision of the question of fact, in favour of the innocence 
 of Csecilian, and, as consequent on that decision, an order for 
 the suppression of Donatist conventicles, and the restoration 
 of churches which " his benevolence, without any imperial 
 precept," had allowed to be occupied by Donatists. This 
 judgment was confirmed by Honorius on Jan. 30, 412'; he 
 abrogated all laws made in favour of the Donatists ; imposed 
 fines on all of them, from the " Illustres ^ " to the Circum- 
 eellions ; banished their clergy, and ordered the country 
 labourers to be reclaimed by " frequent strokes of the lash." 
 The Donatists loudly declared that Marcellinus had been 
 bribed ; and Augustine denounced the profligate audacity 
 
 f Some notion of the extent to which the Donatists had protracted them 
 may be gathered from the fact that the records of the first day's hearing 
 occupied 224 chapters ; those of the second, 83 ; those of the third, 685. 
 S. Augustine might well draw up an " Abridgment of the Conference." 
 
 s Aug., torn. ix. 840. 
 
 i> He does, indeed, enter on theological ground so far as to say that ac- 
 cording to Holy Scripture a charge made against CseoiUan could not, were it 
 proved, affect the position of the Church. ' Aug. ix. 841. 
 
 ^ This title was given to the highest classes of magistrates. " Specta- 
 biles " and " olarissimi " were inferior titles. Honorius includes the " domfls 
 nostrse homines " in this penal law. In 414 he deprived the Donatists of 
 civil rights, and "loaded them with perpetual infamy." 
 
268 COUNCIL OF BEAGA. 
 
 of a party whose slanders had been so often put to shame '. 
 The patience and fairness of Marcellinus are evident from 
 the records. 
 
 Spain was at this time suffering from the Vandals, the 
 Suevi, and the Alani. We read of a council being held in 
 411 at Braga, in S. Mary's church, where Pancratius, the 
 bishop, described the miseries and sacrileges of the time. 
 " The barbarians are laying Spain desolate, destroying 
 churches, putting Christ's servants to the sword, profaning 
 the shrines of the Saints. Let us provide a remedy for 
 souls, lest our people be drawn by their sufferings into 
 apostasy. Some of the invaders are barbarians, some pro- 
 fess the Arian heresy. Let us, for the confirmation of 
 faith, pronounce against such-like errors." He repeated 
 a confession of faith which to some extent resembles the 
 Quicungue^, and which speaks of the Holy Spirit as "pro- 
 ceeding from the Father and the Word;" but this latter 
 phrase is doubtless a spurious addition. He also con- 
 sulted his brethren as to the best mode of preserving the 
 relics of the saints. Elipandus of Coimbra, observing that 
 the barbarians were pressing the siege of Lisbon, advised 
 that the bodies of saints should be decently hidden in caves, 
 and a memorandum in each case sent to Braga. Soon 
 after, one of the bishops wrote to the archdeacon of Braga 
 that Lisbon had bought off the barbarians, but that Coimbia 
 was taken and Elipandus carried into captivity. 
 
 Many of the Donatists, we are told, joined the Church 
 after the Conference °. But many others declared that no 
 evidence in the world should detach them from their party"; 
 and some of their clergy and Circumcellions murdered one 
 priest, and barbarously maimed anotherP. Marcellinus drew 
 forth a confessipn of their guilt, " not by the tortures of fire 
 
 1 Post Coll. 15, 57. 
 
 ■" " Credo quod in hac Trinitate non sit majus aut mimis, prius aut 
 posterius. " 
 
 " Possidius, Vit. Aug., c. 13. o S. Aug. Ep. 139. r Ep. 133. 
 
TRIAL OF CCELESTIXJS. 269 
 
 and iron tooks," but simply by scourging i; and Augustine 
 entreated, in letters to him and to his brother the pro- 
 consul, that "the sufferings of God's servants might not 
 be avenged" by any extreme punishment, but that the 
 government would act in the merciful spirit of the Church 
 whose cause it took in hand. 
 
 But now the Donatist controversy recedes from the fore- 
 ground, and a conflict with actual heresy takes its place. 
 
 While S. Augustine was absorbed by the business of the 
 Conference, he once or twice "^ saw Pelagius at Carthage. 
 Something also he heard, in casual conversation, of a theory 
 which supposed the Church to baptize infants, " not for re- 
 mission of sin, but for their sanctification in Christ =." He 
 was startled, but thought little more about it ; there was 
 then no opportunity for pursuing the subject, — the speakers 
 were persons of no weight, — and the matter was soon for- 
 gotten. Pelagius departed to Palestine. But Coelestius re- 
 mained at Carthage, and endeavoured to obtain the priest- 
 hood*; a design which was frustrated by his own boldness 
 of speech. Paulinus, a Milanese deacon, who was then at 
 Carthage, engaged in writing the life of S. Ambrose °, ac- 
 cused Coelestius, before Aurelius bishop of Carthage, of 
 publicly avowing and widely disseminating'' the following 
 propositions : — 
 
 1. Adam was created mortal. 
 
 ■! Ep. 134. He says in Bp. 133 that bishops frequently employed 
 scourging in their own courts. 
 
 ' De Gest. Pel. 46. i>e Pecc. Mer. iii. 12. « Ep. 157. 22. 
 
 " He addressed it to his "venerable father Augustine." 
 
 " Mar. Merc, in Aug., torn. ix. 1681, 1686 ; S. Aug. de Gest. Pel. 23. 
 In one of Mercator's tracts he copies from the records the propositions as 
 given above ; the 7th has been omitted from this text, but is imphed by 
 his mentioning "seven." S. Augustine's order is — 1, 2, 5, 6, 3, 4. He 
 places 7, with two others, in a class apart, as connected with Pelagius. 
 Meroator, in another tract, sets down 1, 2, 3, 4, 7 : then adds, " These five 
 articles produce one most impious and wicked proposition ; he went on, 
 ' Man can live without sin, and easily keep God's commandments ; for 
 men existed without sin before Christ's coming, and the Law conveys men 
 to heaven just as the Gospel does.' " 
 
270 HIS CONDEMNATION. 
 
 2. Adam's sin harmed himself only. 
 
 3. Infants are born in Adam's unfaUen state. 
 
 4. Mankind did not die in Adam, nor rise in Christ. 
 
 5. The Law conveyed men to heaven, just as the Gospel 
 does. 
 
 6. There were sinless men before Christ came. 
 
 7. Infants, though unbaptized, have life eternal. 
 
 On being questioned by a Council, at which Augustine was 
 not present, Coelestius answered, " "What I said was, that I 
 doubted about the transmission of sin, but still that I would 
 accept the judgment of any one to whom God had given the 
 grace of knowledge. I have heard different language held 
 by presbyters in the Catholic Churchy." "Tell us their 
 names," said PauKnus. "I have heard," said Ccelestius, 
 " the holy presbyter Euffinus, who abode at Rome with the 
 holy Pammachius^ deny any transmission of sin." "Any 
 others ?" " Tes, several." " Name them." Ccelestius evaded 
 the point, asking, " Is not one priest (sacerdos) enough for 
 you ?" As to the third proposition, he was at first disposed 
 to be evasive, and then said that the question of original sin 
 was an open one among Catholics ; adding, " I have always 
 said that children need baptism, and ought to be baptized; 
 what do you want more ?" The Council, of course, wanted 
 a true statement as to the ground of such need ; and not 
 obtaining it, pronounced Ccelestius excommunicate". He 
 spoke of appealing to Eome, but instead of doing so, took 
 up his abode at Ephesus. 
 
 On comparing these propositions of the disciple with the 
 earlier working of the master's mind, we see that Pelagian- 
 ism is reducible to two principles — the denial of Super- 
 natural Grace, and the denial of Original Sin ; and that the 
 former of these denials, though logically based upon the 
 latter, was in fact the original element of the system. In 
 
 y S. Aug. de Peoo. Orig. 3. 
 
 2 This does not suit Ruffinus of Aquileia. Prsef. ad Aug., torn. x. 15. 
 » " Auditum, convictum, confessum, detestatumque ab Ecclesia, ex Afiio4 
 profugisse." Orosius, Apol. in Aug., torn. x. 1698. 
 
AUGUSTINE AND THE PELAGIANS. 27 1 
 
 other words, the spiritual sufficiency of nature was enforced 
 and accounted for by the non-existence of the Fall. Au- 
 gustine's bitter remembrances of Manicheism would make 
 him specially abhorrent of a theory which lessened men's 
 dread of sin, fostered a heathenish self-reliance, and nulli- 
 fied the mystery of the New Creation. He felt the great- 
 ness of the crisis ; he saw that as by former heresies which 
 affected religion on the side that looked to God, so by this 
 which was conversant with its aspect towards man, a blow 
 was struck at the very essence of Apostolic Christianity ; 
 and he attacked the new doctrine both in sermons '' and in 
 treatises ", " which set forth the doctrine of the Church as 
 to the first and Second Adam, the need of a Saviour for 
 infants ^, the difference between original sin and " the fol- 
 lowing of Adam''," between regeneration and the imitation 
 of Christ. He quoted the Punic Christians' language, which 
 spoke of Baptism by the name of Salvation^ ; assumed in- 
 fant baptism as a principle, and argued back from it to an 
 inherited sinfulness?; refuted the fallacious distinction drawn 
 by Pelagians, between "life eternal" for which baptism was 
 not requisite, and a " kingdom of heaven" to which it ad- 
 mitted''; denounced the Pelagian system as a novelty'; 
 and insisted on the need of real " grace," not given in con- 
 sequence of pre-existing merits, but given to originate true 
 goodness, such as could not be produced by the old Law, 
 which supplied no spirit of help, awoke no filial devotion J, 
 and was in fact the " littera occidens." 
 
 In the East, this year, we find Maruthas, who had already 
 done good service in Persia, but had unhappily taken part 
 
 !> Serm. 169, 174, 176. 
 
 = De Peco. Mentis ; De Spiritu et litter^ ; Ep. 140. 
 
 ^ Serm. 174. 7. " Christ," lie says, " must be recognized as a Jesus for 
 baptized infants." = De Peoc. Mer. i. 9. 
 
 ' Ibid. i. 34. They also called the Holy Eucharist Life. 
 
 e Ibid. i. 39, 63. ^ Ibid. i. 58. ' Ibid. iii. 12. 
 
 i De Sp. et Litt. 4, 11, 16, 20, 22 (in this section he repeats his Da 
 quod jitbes), 26, 32, 42, 45, &c. In this invaluable treatise on Justification 
 S. Augustine strongly asserts free-wiU. 
 
.272 DEATH OF THEOPHILTJS. 
 
 with S. Chrysostom's enemies, again sent as an embassy to 
 Persia, and convincing the king, Isdigerdes, of the impos- 
 tures of the Magian priesthood''. On October 15, Chry- 
 sostom's worst enemy, Theophilus, closed his episcopate of 
 twenty-seven years : a melancholy instance of, great powers 
 rendered baneful to the Church by a worldly spirit and a 
 violent temper. He was succeeded by his nephew Cyril. 
 
 In the next year, 413, the Burgundians, settled on the 
 Ehone, chose " the God of the Eomans " for their protector 
 against the Huns, and put themselves under the care of a 
 Grallican bishop, who instructed them for a week, baptized 
 them, and thus secured a large body of barbarians to Catho- 
 licism '. The miseries which the Eoman empire was suffer- 
 ing from Northern invaders were laid by the Pagans, as 
 usual, at the door of Christianity ; and Augustine was led by 
 his " zeal for God's house against the Gentiles' blasphemies" 
 to begin his great work, Be Civitaie Dei. He was also 
 employed about this time in refuting a species of Antiao- 
 mianism, which regarded orthodoxy without obedience as 
 sufficient for salvation "". Pelagius was corresponding with 
 the noble Eoman virgin Demetrias, and insinuating his 
 heresy by telling her that she inherited earthly honours, 
 but could of herself acquire spiritual ". Augustine, in June 
 413, preached in the great church of Carthage on the true 
 grounds of Infant Baptism, quoting S. Cyprian's lucid state- 
 ment of the truth ". 
 
 Eighty-five years had passed away in 414 since the exile 
 of S. Eustathius. Instead of the profligate Porphyrins, a 
 truly pious prelate named Alexander now sat on the throne 
 of Antioch. His gentle and earnest character prevailed 
 with the Eustathian remnant, and effected the close of the 
 
 k Soo. vii. 8. 1 Soo. vii. 30. 
 
 "^ In his De Fide et Operibus. These persons against whom he wrote 
 might be called Soliiidians. 
 
 " S. Aug., torn, ii. 1107; Ep. Pel., o. 11. " Spirituales divitias nullus tibi 
 prEoter te conferre potest. In his ergo jure laudanda — quae nisi ex te et in 
 te esse non possunt." " Serm. 294. Gyp. Ep. 64. 
 
END OF ANTIOCHENE SCHISM. 273 - 
 
 long schism. He visited their churcli at the head of his 
 own clergy and laity ; the two bodies celebrated their re- 
 union by psalmody, and proceeded together in one majestic 
 stream P to the new cathedral. Thus, at last, the Church 
 of Antioch attained that blessing of peace, which the Alex- 
 andrian synod of 362 had desired for it in vain. The good 
 patriarch also gave token of his spirit by placing S. Chry- 
 sostom's name in the diptychs ; whereupon he received the 
 bi'otherly communion of Innocent, who took pleasure in 
 supporting the claim of " S. Peter's Eastern see " to juris- 
 diction over Cyprus, and to a control over episcopal conse- 
 crations throughout the Eastern " diocese." 
 
 The power of the see of Alexandria, within its own juris- 
 diction, was very great 1. Theophilus had stretched it to 
 the uttermost ; and Cyril, on first attaining the lofty seat 
 of S. Athanasius, appears to have suffered morally by the 
 elevation. Like his uncle, he was hostile to S. Chryso- 
 stom's memory, and, in consequence, was out of communion 
 with the West. The evil of his uncle's example hung 
 about him for some time, obscuring the nobleness which 
 ■was to shine out afterwards. He desired above all things 
 the ascendancy of the Church ; as to the means of obtain- 
 ing it, he had fewer scruples than became a minister of 
 Him who rebuked the attack on Malchus, He closed the 
 Novatian church, took away its sacred ornaments, and de- 
 prived its bishop of his property. The Jews of Alexandria — 
 a powerful body during many centuries — had procured the 
 disgrace and punishment of Hierax, an admirer of Cyril's 
 sermons. Cyril, naturally indignant, menaced the chief of 
 their community ; the Jews' revenge was to raise a cry at 
 midnight, " The church of S. Alexander is on fire !" and 
 to massacre those Christians who rushed out to save their 
 church. Cyril appears to have made up his mind that' 
 
 P Theodoret, v. 35, compares it to the Orontes. 
 
 9 Synesius wrote to Theophilus that his pleasure and his duty were to 
 take for a law any mandate from that throne ; Ep. 67. Socrates, vii. 11, 
 speaks of the bishops of Eome and Alexandria as resembling princes. 
 
 T 
 
274 VIOLENCES AT ALEXANDRIA. 
 
 the Christians must right themselves, without expecting 
 justice from the prsefect Orestes ; and he organized at 
 daybreak a force composed for the most part of the fra- 
 ternity of Parabolani, so called from venturing their lives 
 in attendance on the sick ^ Their energies were now un- 
 happily diverted from charitable self-devotion to violence 
 in defence of the Church ; they attacked the synagogues, 
 expelled the Jews from Alexandria =, and treated their pro- 
 perty as rightful spoil. Orestes, exasperated by this hasty 
 and lawless vengeance, would not listen to the explanations 
 ■which Cyril offered ; and the archbishop, after vainly hold- 
 ing out the Grospel-book * to enforce his attempts at a re- 
 conciliation, gave up all hopes of peace. Pive hundred 
 monks of Nitria, inflamed by a furious partisanship, entered 
 the city and reviled the prsefect as a pagan. " I am a Chris- 
 tian," he exclaimed; " Atticus of Constantinople baptized 
 me." A monk named Ammonius disproved his own Chris- 
 tianity by throwing a stone at the praefect, which inflicted 
 a ghastly wound. He was seized, and expired under tor- 
 tures ; but Cyril so miserably forgot himself as to caU this 
 rufiian an "admirable" martyr, — a proceeding of which he 
 was speedily ashamed. Then followed a yet darker tragedy. 
 Hypatia was supposed to have embittered Orestes against 
 Cyril ; and some flery zealots, headed by a reader of the 
 Church, named Peter, dragged her to the Caesareum, and 
 surpassed all the horrors that it had ever witnessed by 
 stripping their victim, killing her with potsherds, and tear- 
 ing her limb from limb. Cyril was no party to this hideous 
 deed^, but it was the work of men whose passions he had 
 
 ^ Their services were especially called forth in time of plague. (See 
 Euseb. vii. 22.) Probably their appellation was suggested by 7rapaj3o\eu- 
 ird^ivos Tp ^vxrj, Phil. ii. 30. See Bingham, b. iii. c. 9. 
 
 • Dean Milman says, (Lat. Chr. i. 147,) "No doubt not without much 
 bloodshed." Socrates, vii. 13, makes no such remark. 
 
 • Soc. vii. 13. 
 
 » I infer from Dean MUman's language about Cyril's "barbarities," that 
 he finds Cyril guilty of the murder. " That Cyril had any share in this 
 atrocity," says Canon Robertson, i. 401, "appears to be an unsupported 
 
OROSIUS. 275 
 
 originally caUed out. Had there been no onslaught on the 
 synagogues, there ■would doubtless have been no murder 
 of Hypatia. 
 
 A new scene now opened in the Pelagian controversy. 
 Augustine viras visited by a young Spanish priest, named 
 Orosius", vrho came to consult him. about Priscillianism 
 and Origenism y. After replying to his questions ^, Augus- 
 tine sent him "to learn the fear of the Lord at the feet 
 of Jerome." He also sent by Orosius two letters to Jerome 
 on the difficulties connected with original sin, and on the 
 relative importance of different sins ^. Jerome had already 
 begun to write against Pelagianism, attacking^ some "defi- 
 nitions" in which Ccelestius had cast the heresy into a hard 
 dialectical form " ; and he was employed on a larger treatise, 
 a dialogue between a Pelagian and a Catholic '^, in which he 
 discussed Pelagius' " Testimonies," and exposed the unreal 
 sense in which Pelagians spoke of " grace," meaning thereby 
 the natural powers of the will. He welcomed Orosius at 
 Bethlehem. The " poor unknown foreigner," as he calls 
 himself, was summoned in July, 415, to attend a diocesan 
 synod at Jerusalem. The aged bishop John bade him sit 
 down among the presbyters, and tell all that he knew of 
 Pelagius and Ccelestius. He answered, " Ccelestius tried to 
 
 calumny." Socrates, vii. 15, says that the murder ''brought no small 
 disgrace on Cyril and the Church of Alexandria. " But nobody would say 
 that this Church was guilty of the deed. 
 
 » In Ep. 166 Augustine calls him " a religious young man, his fellow- 
 presbyter in dignity, of quick intellect, ready in speech, and ardently 
 longing to be a vessel of profit in the Lord's house." 
 
 7 See his Consultatio, torn. viii. 665. "Ad te," he says, "per Deum 
 missus sum." '■ Ad Oros., torn. vliL 669. " Ep. 166, 167. 
 
 •> Ep. 132, ad Ctesiph. 
 
 *^ See S. Aug. de Perf. Justitiae, written soon after in reply to these same 
 "ratiocinations." The first of these was, substantially, "if sin is avoid- 
 able, man can be sinless: if not, it is not sin." Another asked, "whether 
 sin were natural or accidental?" another, "whether man ought to be 
 without sin?" another, "how the doctrine that man could not be without 
 sin was clear of the charge of Manicheism ?" 
 
 ^ It is in this work that he speaks of the clergy as wearing white at 
 Holy Communion. 
 
276 CONFERENCE AT JERUSALEM. 
 
 creep into the priesthood, but was accused, heard, and con- 
 demned by many bishops at Carthage. Augustine is now 
 engaged, at the request of two of Pelagius' disciples «, in 
 making a full answer to a treatise by Pelagius. But I have 
 here a letter written by him to a Sicilian*, in which he 
 exposes several opinions of the heretics." "Eead it," said 
 the priests. Orosius did so; whereupon John introduced 
 Pelagius before the assembly. The priests asked him whe- 
 ther he owned these opinions. "What is Augustine to 
 me?" asked Pelagius. They all exclaimed, "Tou ought 
 to be excommunicated if you revile the prop of African 
 Church unity." The bishop interposed, bidding Pelagiua 
 to take a seat, and observing, "7 am Augustine here." 
 "If you represent him," said the bold Spaniard, "follow 
 his sentiments:" and he taxed Pelagius with maintaining 
 that a man might, if he chose, easily be sinless. " I can- 
 not deny," said Pelagius, "that I did and do say this." 
 "Well," said Orosius, "this is that which the African 
 synod condemned, which Augustine has opposed, which 
 Jerome in a recent letter has denounced, and is now con- 
 futing in his ' Dialogue.' " "Do you appear," asked John, 
 " as the accuser of Pelagius ?" " No ; I am informing you 
 of the judgment of your brethren. I am a son of the Ca- 
 tholic Church ; do not ask me, father, to put myself forward 
 as a doctor, but hear what prelates whom the whole Church 
 honours have pronounced." Pelagius was led to explain his 
 language, so far as to anathematizes the proposition that 
 man could become perfect without God's aid ; a phrase, as 
 he used it, vague and unsatisfactory. " Do you," asked 
 John, turning to Orosius, " object to this ?" " Of course 
 not ; I have been urging the necessity of God's aid, against 
 
 •^ Timasius and James. This work of S. Aug., de Nature et Gratis, 
 (torn. viii. 247,) reclaimed these two young men, who cordially acknow- 
 ledged its "healing" effect. Aug. Ep. 168. 
 
 ' Ep. 157, to Hilary, who had consulted him as to six propositions, rife 
 among the Pelagians of Sicily, on the possibility of sinlessness, the duty 
 of selling all one's property in order to win heaven, &o. 
 
 B De Gest. Pel. 37. 
 
COUNCIL OF DIOSPOLIS. 2/7 
 
 the views of tte heretics." But Orosius, who spoke no 
 Greek, had been at a disadvantage by having a bad inter- 
 preter, and insisted that the heresy was Latin in origin, 
 and should be dealt with by Latin judges ; and he carried 
 his point. The conference ended with a resolution to refer 
 the case to Innocent; Pelagius was ordered for the time 
 to keep silence, Orosius to treat the bishop with respect. 
 In September, when the dedication of the cathedral was 
 commemorated, Orosius [went to visit John, and was re- 
 pulsed as a " blasphemer." " I heard you say that not 
 even with Grod's aid can a man be without sin." Orosius 
 protested that he had never said so, and wrote a pamphlet 
 in his own defence. Three months passed away; and in 
 December fourteen bishops assembled at Diospolis or Lydda, 
 to consider a memorial against Pelagianism, presented by 
 two Gallican bishops, Heros and Lazarus, who had been 
 driven from the sees of Aries and Ais ^. They were unable 
 to attend in person ; Orosius was absent ; and Pelagius had 
 to deal with the Eastern bishops only. He brought for- 
 ward several letters which he had received from bishops, 
 including one which Augustine had written to him two 
 years before, and which combined some affectionate ex- 
 pressions with an implied warning against self-reliance ^ 
 Various propositions ascribed to him were read from the 
 memorial, on which he made comments. The first was, 
 that no one could be sinless unless he had the knowledge 
 of the law. " Have you put forth this, Pelagius ?" " Tes," 
 he answered, "but not in the sense alleged. I mean 
 that he who has knowledge is aided to avoid sin''." The 
 Council approved of this. " Next," he was asked, " Have 
 you said. All are ruled by free-will ?" " Tes : God assists 
 the will." "Have you said. The righteous have no evil 
 thoughts ?" " No ; I said we ought to study to have none." 
 
 t De Gest. Pel. 2. 
 
 ' Ep. 146. "Eetribuat tibi Dominus bona qiiiius semper sis bonus .... 
 ores pro me quo talis h JJomino fiam." 
 ^ See the remarks of S. Augustine on this, De Gest. Pel. 3. 
 
278 THEODORE. 
 
 " Have you said, The kingdom of heaven was promised in 
 the Old Testament?" The phrase being ambiguous, he 
 explained it by quoting Dan. vii. 18. He was questioned 
 about declarations of possible sinlessness, and about lan- 
 guage which directly encouraged self- righteousness ; he 
 answered that he had been speaking, in the one passage, 
 of men who, having been converted, could by their own 
 labour and "God's grace i" be free from sin; that the 
 other passage was none of his, and that he would condemn 
 it, not as heresy, but as folly. The propositions of Coeles- 
 tius, condemned at Carthage, were read to him ; five he 
 disowned and anathematized ; two, as to sinlessness, he ex- 
 plained. A statement that the Church on earth was spot- 
 less, he explained as referring to baptism ; other statements, 
 as that grace consisted in free-wiU., or in law and doctrine, 
 that grace was given according to man's merits, that con- 
 quest of sin was not due to grace, and that the need of 
 grace would be the negation of free-will, he anathematized™. 
 Upon this the Council pronounced him to be orthodox, but 
 in doing so condemned the errors which, with more or less 
 of disingenuousness, he had modified or disclaimed". 
 
 The original parentage of his theory has been traced by 
 an ancient writer" to Theodore of Mopsuestia. There is 
 no doubt that this remarkable man, who anticipated in 
 many points the Rationalism of modern times p, was natu- 
 
 ' According to Petavius, Pelagius allowed "grace" in six senses: 1. Na- 
 ture with free-wiU ; 2. Eemission of sins ; 3. Christ's doctrine and law ; 
 4. Inward illumination ; 5. Baptismal adoption ; 6. Eternal life. See De 
 Gest. 47, Ep. 179. 
 
 ■" On the whole he condemned fifteen propositions. 
 
 n Jerome, Ep, 143, speaks of "that wretched synod of Diospolis." ' 
 
 o Marius Mercator. 
 
 P See Mansi, ix. 203 seq., for specimens of his theology, condemned by 
 the fifth General Council in 553. He called it madness to say that God was 
 born of the Virgin ; his Christ was a man whom the Son of God united to 
 Himself, in whom Godhead dwelt, "not by essence, but by good-will," and 
 who was rendered spotless by the Spirit. The 22nd Psalm was not, in his 
 view. Messianic ; the book of Job was a Pagan forgery ; the Song was 
 carnal and offensive. " My Lord and my God" was not addressed to 
 Christ, &c. 
 
COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE. 279 
 
 rally attracted by, if he did not in the first instance sug- 
 gest, a view which made Christianity less supernatural. He 
 entered into controversy against Jerome, (whom by some 
 mistake he called Haram,) whom he charged with bringing 
 in a new heresy from the "West. In some respects he cari- 
 catured the Catholic doctrine, as when he said that it made 
 Christ Himself a partaker in sin, because He assumed our 
 manhood. In others he described it accurately enough, 
 as when he said that new-born infants were regarded as 
 inheriting " a sinful nature." 
 
 Pelagius continued at Jerusalem, and circulated a letter 
 which represented the late synod as having sanctioned the 
 position that a man might, if he chose, easily be without 
 sin and keep the commandments i. Here " easily" was 
 inserted, and "by God's grace" omitted. Instead of ex- 
 hibiting the acts of the synod, he sent to Augustine a 
 defence ^ which gave a false account of it ; and he composed 
 a treatise on free-will, in which he maintained that men 
 were aided by God neither in " willing" nor in " work- 
 ing," but simply by receiving from Him a natural capacity 
 to will and to work '. The really unchristian nature of his 
 theology was here once for all self-exposed. 
 
 Early in 416 Orosius returned to Africa, with letters 
 from Heros and Lazarus. A Council of sixty-seven bishops 
 at Carthage condemned the chief Pelagian errors, and wrote 
 to Innocent on the subject*. The heretics, they urged, 
 were leaving no place for the grace of God, were denying 
 that which alone could be called Christian grace: "If we 
 in giving benediction say over our people, ' Grant them, 
 Lord, to be strengthened with might by Thy Spirit,' 
 they pretend that we deny free-will." It might be, they 
 said, that Pelagius or Coelestius had denied this or that 
 error ; but even in that case, the spread of heresy made it 
 needful to anathematize all who asserted the sufficiency 
 of unaided nature, and denied the salvation of infants to 
 
 q De Gest. Pel. 54. ■■ Ep. 179 ; De Gest. Pel. 57. 
 
 » S. Aug. de Grat. Chr. 6. ' Ep. 175. 
 
28o COUNCIL OF MILEVtTM. 
 
 come tlirough Christian baptism. Soon afterwards a Nu- 
 midian Council met at Milevum, and similarly addressed the 
 Pope". All our Christian life, they said, would be sub- 
 verted by the errors, that Grod's aid against sin was not 
 to be prayed for, and that the Sacrament of Christian 
 grace did not benefit infants for the attainment of life 
 eternal. Augustine and four other bishops wrote as in- 
 dividuals to Innocent -^ dwelling on the illusory use of 
 " grace" by -which Pelagiua had deceived the Easterns ; 
 insistiDg that " grace" was not nature, but that whereby 
 nature was saved ; and describing the heretics as virtually 
 telling their Maker, "Thou madest us men, but we have 
 made ourselves just." They sent to Eome that treatise 
 of Pelagius to which Augustine's work on "Nature and 
 G-race" had been a reply. Augustine also wrote to bishop 
 John y, exhorting him to examine the real meaning of 
 Pelagian " grace," and requesting a true copy of the acts 
 of the recent synod. An attack was made by some ruf- 
 fians on Jerome's monastery, and a deacon was slain, 
 while Jerome himself with difficulty escaped. Innocent, 
 in a letter to John, implies that Pelagians were the authors 
 of this outrage. 
 
 Innocent wrote this year a letter to Decentius, an Um- 
 brian bishop, from which we learn something as to the 
 ritual of the Eoman Church, which he derived unhesi- 
 tatingly from S. Peter. The kiss of peace was not given 
 until after the consecration, in order to express the people's 
 consent to it. The celebration in the cathedral being over, 
 a portion of the Eucharist, called " the leaven ^," was sent 
 round to all the city churches in token of unity. On 
 Priday and Saturday there was a fast, and no celebration. 
 Priests might anoint the baptized on the crown of the 
 
 » Ep. 176. » Ep. 177. 7 Ep. 179. 
 
 ^ See Neale's Introd. ii. 1062 ; Martene, do Ant. Eccl. Eit. i. 316. There 
 is a question whether ferinentum was used in a literal sense, and so implies 
 that the early Eoman Chiirch consecrated in leavened bread ; or whether it 
 was merely a symbolic name for the Holy Sacrament as the bond of unity. 
 
LETTER OF INNOCENT. 201 
 
 head with chrism episcopally hallowed; but the "holy 
 seal" on the forehead could only be given by the bishop. 
 This letter is the first patristic document which mentions 
 unction of the sick as a regular Church rite ; " being a 
 Sacrament, it must not be administered to penitents." 
 
 On Jan. 10, 417, John of Jerusalem died, having held 
 the see forty years, since the death of S. Cyril. On Jan. 27, 
 Innocent wrote to the Africans '^, taking occasion to mag- 
 nify his own see : " As often as a question of faith is de- 
 bated, I hold that all our brethren and fellow-bishops ought 
 only to refer to Peter, that is, to the heir of his name and 
 dignity, as you, beloved, have done." "From Peter the 
 episcopate itself, and the whole authority of this name, 
 took its rise." The primacy of Eome had not yet become 
 a supremacy, but Innocent interpreted it as an universal 
 refereeship 1=. "ThePathers ruled that nothing should be 
 brought to a close, even in distant provinces, until this see 
 became aware of it." This was a considerable advance 
 from the position held by Julius. Innocent proceeded 
 to denounce the Pelagians : " Lo, this is the man that took 
 not G-od for his help'." He called it folly to say that 
 infants had eternal life without baptism, and in connection 
 with this quoted John vi. 53 ; probably referring to infant 
 Communion '^j which was then the general practice. He 
 excommunicated Pelagius and Coelestius, with all their sup- 
 porters, until they should return from the snares of the 
 devil. "Be they absent from the courts of the Lord!" 
 The true doctrine he stated very exactly. Man had mis- 
 
 « S. Aug. Epp. 181, 182. 
 
 b Over the West he did claim a virtual supremacy, on the unhistoric 
 ground that the founders of all the Western Churches had been consecrated 
 at Rome. 
 
 <^ He evidently loved the Psalter, "throughout the whole" of which, he 
 says, " David proclaims the need of grace ■" whereas the new heretics set 
 aside the responsive psalmody. 
 
 ^ Theodore had said that the believers in original sin considered both 
 baptism and the Eucharist to be the means of salvation to infants. See, 
 too, S. Aug. de Peco. Mer. i. 26. 
 
202 HIS DEATH. 
 
 used his freedom, had fallen, and would have been ruined 
 for ever, had not Christ by His grace raised him up. 
 "Through the cleansing of a new regeneration, Christ 
 washed away man's former guilt in the laver of His bap- 
 tism; and while establishing his condition, that he might 
 walk on more erect and stedfast, yet denied not His grace 
 for the time to come <=." The Pope also wrote to the five 
 bishops, observing that he could not fully rely on the 
 records of the Council of Diospolis, as far as he had seen 
 them, but that even on their showing, Pelagius had been 
 sophistical and evasive ; that he had read through Pelagius' 
 book, and found "many blasphemies, with nothing that he 
 could approve." 
 
 This great prelate, who had done less for his see by mere 
 loftiness of claim than by standing up for a righteous 
 sufferer, and loyally guarding an imperilled faith, died on 
 March 12, 417, and was succeeded by a Greek named 
 Zosimus. 
 
 « On the need of watchfuluess after baptism, see S. Aug. Serm. 67. 9 ; de 
 Peco. Mer. i. 25, 69. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 From the Death of Pope Innocent to the Semi-Pelagian ' 
 Controversy. 
 
 " Nil jucundum, nil amoenum, 
 Nil salubre, nil serenum, 
 Nihil dulce, nihil plenum, 
 Nisi Tua gratia." 
 
 Adam op S. Victoe. 
 
 TNNOCENT had not been able to procure the vindication 
 -*- of S. Chrysostom's memory at Constantinople. But soon 
 after his death, Atticus, who had resisted his exhortations 
 and those of Alexander, yielded to the popular feeling % 
 and to the advice of Theodosius, who thought that "for 
 peace and unity there would be no harm in writing a dead 
 man's name on a diptych." Atticus excused himself for 
 this compliance in a letter to Cyril, in which he observed 
 that, in these Eucharistic commemorations, laymen as well 
 as bishops were included. The nephew of Theophilus was 
 not likely to be thus appeased ; and he extracted from the 
 messengers of Atticus the confession that Chrysostom was 
 now commemorated as a bishop. In his view, Chrysostom 
 was simply a man whose crimes had forfeited the episco- 
 pate; and he called upon Atticus to "expunge from the 
 sacerdotal catalogue the name of one who was no minister," 
 distinctly intimating that unless he resolved to uphold the 
 authority of the Council of the Oak, and to abandon to 
 their perversity " the few" who clamoured for Chrysostom's 
 name, he would forfeit the communion of the patriarchate 
 of Alexandria K 
 
 S. Augustine had now finished his great work on the 
 Trinity, and his commentary on S. John's Grospel. "When 
 
 " Socrates, -vii. 25, says that he hoped to win back the Joannites, who 
 held separate congregations. 
 >> See the letters of Atticus and Cyril among the latter's works. 
 
284 C(ELESTIUS AT KOME. 
 
 he received the records of Diospolis, he exposed the chi- 
 caneries of Pelagius in a narrative De Gestis Felagii. 
 Paulinus of Nola had been very intimate with the here- 
 siarch, and was imperfectly informed on the doctrinal ques- 
 tion; Augustine therefore wrote to him on the subject 
 of grace, insisting that it could not be the reward of man's 
 previous deservings ". In this letter he put forth a strong 
 view as to predestination. In conjunction with his friend 
 Alypius, he addressed Juliana *, the mother of Demetrias, 
 on tlie errors in Pelagius' epistle to the latter. "Would 
 the virgin of Christ learn to be ungrateful to God before 
 her bliss was full, esteem her sanctity her own work, and 
 glory in aught but Him, in whom alone a Christian could 
 glory f " And while thus doing battle with heresy, Augustine 
 kept in view the wild excesses of an incorrigible schism. 
 The Donatist temper had always bred a fierce enthusiasm, 
 and some of the fanatics renewed the old frenzy of suicide. 
 Augustine, in a treatise'' addressed to Boniface, then tri- 
 bune in Africa, defended the penal laws against Donatism 
 as having been productive of much good. 
 
 Coelestius, who had procured priest's orders at Ephesus, 
 now came to Home on the pretext of prosecuting his ap- 
 peal. He gave in a paper * containing his belief, in which, 
 after dwelling at length on points of doctrine " as to which 
 no one had questioned him," he admitted that infants 
 ought to be baptized for remission of sins, quoting John 
 iii. 6 ; but he explained that in saying this he was not 
 to be understood as admitting the transmission of sin. 
 Sin, he contended, was not born with men, but subse- 
 quently committed by them ; it was an offence of the will, 
 not of nature. It appears, then, that he was adopting 
 Church language in an unreal sense, and by refusing to 
 acknowledge an inborn taint, was leaving actual sin a more 
 bafliing mystery than ever. However, he promised to be 
 
 ' Ep. 186. d Ep. 188. 
 
 ' Ep. 185 ; comp. Ep. 93. ' De Peco. Orig. 6, 26. 
 
PELAGIUS' CONFESSION. 285 
 
 guided by the apostolical judgment of Eome. Zosimus 
 held a Council of bishops and clergy in the church of 
 S. Clements; Coelestius was summoned and examined''; 
 and the Pope showed his own perplexity by exhorting him, 
 somewhat in the style of Constantine's letter to S. Alex- 
 ander and Arius, to avoid " ensnaring questions and idle 
 controversies which sprang from a morbid curiosity." On 
 the case of Heros and Lazarus he went to work more 
 hastily. He had recently declared Patroclus, who had 
 superseded Heros at Aries ', to be the head of the Gallican 
 bishops ; and he pronounced the excommunication of the 
 two accusers of Pelagius. To the African bishops he wrote 
 an account of what had happened, intimating that those 
 who had any evidence to bring forward against Coelestius 
 must appear within two months. 
 
 Soon after the hearing at S. Clement's, Zosimus received 
 a letter from Praylius, who had succeeded John at Jeru- 
 salem, in favour of Pelagius, and at the same time a letter 
 and a confession of faith from Pelagius himself, addressed 
 to Innocent. " I am accused," Pelagius wrote, " of two 
 things ; of denying baptism to infants, and promising to 
 some persons the kingdom of heaven apart from Christ's 
 redeeming work ; and of insisting so much on man's power 
 to avoid sin by free-will, as to exclude the assistance of 
 God's grace''." As to the first point, he had no difficulty 
 in repudiating a charge which he characterized as mon- 
 strous : " "Who is so little read in the Gospel as even 
 
 e Aug., torn. x. 1719. Zosimus speaks of S. Clement as the disciple of 
 S. Peter, and as a martyr. 
 
 ■» Ibid. 1724, Paulini Diaconi Libellus. '^Do you condemn all the opi- 
 nions which Paulinus or common fame have imputed to you V 
 
 ' The claim of Aries to primacy rested on a legend that S. Trophimus 
 was its first bishop. See Burton, Eccl. Hist. i. 282. The Ballerini reject 
 the story. There "was another Trophimus, said to have been sent from 
 Eome to Aries in the third century ; see Burton, ii. 349. 
 
 ^ Aug. de Grat. Chr. 32. In his de Pecc. Orig. 19, he remarks that 
 Pelagius utterly misstated the first point ; that he was accused of deny- 
 ing original sin, and of imagining an "eternal life" apart from the "king- 
 dom of heayen." 
 
286 PELAGIUS' CONFESSION. 
 
 casually to say or to think of sucli a tiling ^ ?" As to tlie 
 second point ; " Let this letter," he said, " clear me in the 
 eyes of your Blessedness, wherein I say, that for sinning 
 or not sinning we have entire freedom of will, which in all 
 good works is always assisted by Divine aid™." He added 
 that all men had free-will, but in Christians only was it 
 aided by grace; that others will be condemned for not 
 using that free-will whereby they might "come to the 
 faith and merit the grace of Grod, whereas Christians will 
 be rewarded for meriting it by a good use of their free- 
 will °." His "Confession" is a remarkable specimen of 
 elaborate accuracy on matters irrelevant combined with 
 evasiveness as to the real issue. It dilates on the co- 
 equal Deity of !Father, Son, and Spirit ; speaks of the 
 Three Divine Persons as Hypostases; condemns impar- 
 tially the Arian and the Sabellian, the Photinian and the 
 ApoUinarian errors ; affirms that the Son, by taking perfect 
 Manhood of Mary, Ever-virgin, united in His single Person 
 two entire Substances, without any interchange of their 
 properties, which would produce in fact the annihilation of 
 Godhead and of Manhood, and the substitution of some- 
 thing distinct from both; a conclusion "which no heresy 
 has ever yet ventured to propound." Then comes a long 
 paragraph on the actual working of the Personal union! 
 the sufferings of Christ are pronounced to have been really 
 endured, but only by His Manhood, the Godhead remain- 
 ing impassible". At length, after a statement about the 
 
 1 De Pecc. Or. 20. A striking evidence of the universality of infant 
 baptism. He adds, "Who is so impious as to forbid infants to be lap- 
 iized and horn again in Christ, and thus to wish to exclude them from the 
 kingdom of heaven?" See also c. Jul, iii. 11. ™ De Grat. Ctir. 33. 
 
 ■> De Grat. Chr. 33, 34. S.Augustine obsei-ves, 1. "What does lie 
 mean by grace ? The Christian law and doctrine." But were it other- 
 wise, 2. To make grace, in whatever sense the word is used, a reward 
 of free-will, is to make it no more grace. 
 
 ° This " Confession" is in fact a most valuable document in regard to the 
 doctrine of the Incarnation. It resembles the Athanasian Creed still more 
 closely than does the confession of Braga mentioned above. Augustine, 
 tom. X. 1716, from an old manuscript in the Vatican. 
 
ZOSIMUS DECEIVED. 287 
 
 Eesurrection, it becomes necessary to face the point on 
 which the question turns, and Pelagius confesses One Bap- 
 tism, which is to be administered in the same words to 
 infants and to adults, and after which men's lapses may be 
 repaired by penitence ; and freedom of will, whereby men 
 are always capable of sinningP, or, by that Divine help which 
 they always need, of avoiding sin. After this significantly 
 brief and ambiguous statement, Pelagius concluded by say- 
 ing, " This, most blessed Pope, is the faith which we have 
 learned in the Catholic Church. If in this statement we 
 have by chance used any inaccurate or incautious ex- 
 pression, we desire to be set right by you, who hold both 
 the faith and the see of Peter." 
 
 The success of this document is astonishing. Zosimus, 
 and other " holy men who were present" when it was read, 
 agreed in thinking it altogether satisfactory 1. Some could 
 hardly restrain their tears at the thought of Pelagius and 
 Coelestius being defamed, when they were, in fact, so or- 
 thodox on the question of grace. The Pope, on Sept. 22, 
 417, struck a heavy blow at the moral influence of Home 
 by writing to the African bishops in vindication of Pelagius 
 and Coelestius =^. He thought fit to remind his brethren 
 that "the Sacrifice and Pontiff who brought salvation to 
 the whole world" had Himself been calumniated ; he pro- 
 nounced a severe censure on Heros and Lazarus, and on 
 the young men James and Timasius, whom Augustine had 
 converted from Pelagianism, for not appearing to make 
 good their charges ; and he doubted not that a perusal 
 of the letter and " Confession" would convince the Africans 
 of the orthodoxy of Pelagius. 
 
 Aurelius of Carthage and his brethren replied to the 
 
 p This he says in opposition to Jovinian. " To say that man cannot avoid 
 sin, is Manicheism." 
 
 1 Dean Milman (Lat. Chr. i. 123) represents the Eoman synod as con- 
 vinced by the mere letter of Praylius. But the document that was " read 
 with joy" was that of Pelagius, which he had naentioned before. 
 
 ' Aug., torn. X. 1721. 
 
288 HE IS RESISTED. 
 
 Pope's first letter, in behalf of Coelestius, by desiring him 
 to pause until he could receive fuller information; and 
 Paulinus of Milan wrote to Zosimus on Nov. 8, declining 
 to attend at Rome in order to prosecute a matter which 
 had passed out of his hands, and claiming Pope Innocent, 
 S. Gregory Nazianzen, S. Ambrose, and especially S. Cy- 
 prian ^ as opposed to Pelagius. About the same time 
 an African Council showed how freely it could deal, in 
 S. Cyprian's own spirit, with a Pope whom it considered 
 to have lost his way. "We ordain," said the bishops, 214 
 in number, "that the sentence issued by the venerable 
 bishop Innocent from the see of the most blessed Apostle 
 Peter against Pelagius and Coelestius shall stand firm, 
 until they explicitly confess that through Christ our Lord 
 we are in every action assisted, hy God's grace, not only 
 to know, hut also to do righteousness ; so that without it 
 we can neither have, speak, think, or do aught that belongs 
 to true and holy piety '." 
 
 Such was the language held by the Church of Africa 
 in a letter formally addressed to a Pope. He replied on 
 March 21, 418, with a magniloquent, and in fact audacious, 
 assertion of his prerogatives'^, followed up by a passage 
 which betrayed his consciousness of a questionable position. 
 " We have taken no new step since we received your 
 letters, but have left everything in its former state." On 
 the 30th of April the men whom Zosimus had pronounced 
 innocent were excluded from Eome, as authors of impiety, 
 
 s Aug., torn. X. 1724. "Pelagius has against him those very infants for 
 whom he ought to feel, if he will not feel for himself ; who, in the Mai-tyr's 
 words," (Cyp. Ep, 64,) ** receive remission of no7h propria sed olieim 
 peccata." 
 
 ' Aug., tom. X. 1723, from Prosper, in CoUat. 15. They also reminded 
 Zosimus that Innocent had expressed an opinion about the acts of Dies- 
 polis, de Peco. Orig. 9. 
 
 " "The tradition of the Fathers has ascribed to the Apostolic See so 
 
 great an authority, that no one can dare to dispute its judgment ut 
 
 nuUus de nostra possit retraotare sentential... We make this concession to 
 your Fraternity,,.. nou quia quid deberet fieri nesciremus." His deeds re- 
 fute his words. 
 
COUNCIL OF CARTHAGE. 289 
 
 by a rescript of Honorius, dated from his palace at Eavenna. 
 The Emperor pronounced on two points of doctrine : God, 
 he said ^, was not so unloving as to create man mortal, and 
 "the whole authority of the Catholic law testified" that 
 Adam in his fall became " the porch of perdition to his 
 posterity." 
 
 On the next day, May 1, 418, a great Council of the 
 African Church was held at Carthage. Nine doctrinal 
 canons were enacted, which in substance are as follows y. 
 
 1. Anathema to him who says, Adam was by nature 
 mortal. 2. Anathema ^ to him who rejects infant baptism, 
 or who admits that infants should be baptized for remis- 
 sion of sins, but denies that they derive from Adam any 
 original guUt which must be cleansed by the laver of re- 
 generation; on vfhich theory, the form of "Baptism for 
 remission of sins" is in their case false. The text Eom. 
 T. 12 is to be taken in the Catholic sense, as affirming 
 original sin. Infants void of actual sin are said with truth 
 to be baptized for remission of sins, in order that what they 
 have derived by generation may be cleansed by regene- 
 ration. 3. Anathema to him who asserts some place of 
 bUss, either in the Kingdom or out of it, for infants dying 
 uubaptized. 4. Anathema to him that denies God's grace 
 to avail prospectively, as aiding us against sin. 5. Ana- 
 thema to him that explains Christian grace as merely a 
 
 " Aug., torn. X. 1727. The feeble Honorius was doubtless in this case 
 the instrument of advisers who supported the African Church. He is made 
 to express great indignation at the news which had reached '^the ears of 
 our Clemency, that within our most holy city the pestilent virus has 
 lodged itself in certain minds,'* &c. 
 
 7 Some have thought that these decrees were first drawn up at an earlier 
 synod, e.g. at the Council of Milevum, in 416. Petavius, on Pelagian Heresy, 
 oh. i.j thinks this a mistalie. So the Benedictines. Fleury supposes that 
 the decrees of the Council of Nov. 417 were confirmed by that of May 418. 
 
 2 This is the 110th canon of the African code, received by East and 
 West. All former African canons which had been approved of were in 
 418 taken into this collection. This canon, and one or two others of this 
 Council, seem referred to in a Greek version of a canon on baptism. Gear's 
 Euchologion, p. 334. 
 
290 S. GEKMAIN. 
 
 revelation of our duty. 6. Anathema to him who says that 
 obedience is possible without grace, and only becomes easy 
 by means of it. 7. Anathema to him that explains 1 John 
 i. 8 as a mere expression of humility. 8, 9. Anathema to 
 him who explains " Forgive us our trespasses " as not said 
 in literal truth by holy men for themselves. 
 
 About this time G-ermanus, a provincial governor in 
 Gaul, who had quarrelled with Amator, bishop of Auxerre, 
 about a Pagan custom to which he was addicted ^, and for 
 which the prelate had reproved him, was suddenly seized 
 in church by Amator, who gave him the tonsure •> and the 
 diaconate, and presented him to the people as his des- 
 tined successor. On Amator's death, which speedily fol- 
 lowed this strange ordination, Germain, as he is commonly 
 called, was consecrated bishop, July 7, 418. Forthwith, like 
 Thomas of Canterbury, Germain became another man, and 
 adopted at once the whole extent of ascetic piety. 
 
 Zosimus became aware that he had committed the see 
 of S. Peter to a great mistake. Before the acts of the 
 "plenary council" of Africa" reached Eome, he began to 
 see how strong was the feeling of the orthodox at Home' 
 against the men whom he had hastily acquitted. The im- 
 perial rescript was also a fact of great significance. He sum- 
 moned Coelestius to appear again before him ; but Cceleatius 
 declined to submit to a second examination", and quitted 
 Home. Thereupon the Pope, in a long epistle called 
 Tractor ia^, condemned Pelagius and Coelestius, assigning 
 to them, in case they recanted, the position of penitents s, 
 
 ^ He used to hang the heads of the animals which he slew in hunting 
 upon a pear-tree in the middle of the city. Amator at length caused the 
 tree — evidently one which had been honoui'ed by the Pagans — to be cut 
 down ; and the *Muke" Germanus threatened his life in consequence. 
 
 >> This old tonsiu-e consisted simply in wearing the hair short ; long hair 
 being a mai-k of secularity. 
 
 •: Aug. Ep. 215. <i De Peco. Orig. 9. e C. Duas Ep. Pel. ii. 5.. 
 
 ' Mar. Mere, in Aug., torn. x. 1689. 
 
 s De Pecc. Orig. 25. "He could not permanently deceive tliat see:' 
 ib. 24. 
 
LETTER OF ZOSIMDS. 29 1 
 
 and entering at length on the whole theology of redemp- 
 tion. All the redeemed, he taught '', had previously- 
 been captives ; every one, until he was baptized, was held 
 bound by the "handwriting" against us, derived from 
 Adam. In every condition of human existence, Christ's 
 baptism had the same fulness in a real remission of sins. 
 He was equally emphatic on the need of grace. This letter 
 was circulated throughout Christendom, and accepted by 
 bishops of tlie East and "West. In Italy it was rejected 
 by nineteen prelates ', the chief of whom was Julian, bishop 
 of CEculanum in Campania. He became thenceforward the 
 representative of Pelagianism''. He was little more than 
 thirty years old ; Augustine had been a friend of his father, 
 a pious bishop named Memor, to whom, in a letter of 408 
 or 409, he had spoken affectionately of Julian as " his be- 
 loved son and fellow-deacon'." As a controversialist, he 
 appeared to S. Augustine an embodiment of the faults of 
 youth; fiery, confident, voluble, proud of his argumentative 
 power and his secular learning™. But whatever were his 
 faults and errors, he had a kind and generous heart". In 
 conjunction with his adherents he addressed the Pope, 
 giving an account of his faith, and afiirming " one baptism, 
 really necessary for all ages," as the means of attaining to 
 pardon and " the kingdom of heaven." All God's laws, 
 they said, could be fulfilled " by the grace of Christ, which 
 assisted every good act, and by free-will." " Grace would 
 neither follow the rebellious nor forsake the obedient." 
 " We are sinners, not because we cannot help it, but be- 
 
 h Aug. Bp. 190. 23. 
 
 ' C. Duas Ep. Pel. i. 3. Sixtus, a priest of Rome, whom the Pelagians 
 had boasted of as an adherent, Aug. Ep. 191, was the first to anathematize 
 them ; Ep. 194. 
 
 ^ Ven. Bede called him ''a very accomplished rhetorician, and the 
 keenest assailant of the grace of God after Pelagius." Pelagius disappears 
 from history after 418. 
 
 1 Ep. 101. Mercator attacks Julian grossly as no true son of Memor. 
 
 >» See Aug. c. Jul. i. 1, 2 ; ii. 30 ; i. 12 ; Op. imp. c. Jul. ii. 36. 
 
 " Aug., torn. X. 1737. Gennadius says, " Julian in time of famine and 
 want distributed alms to the poor," &o. 
 
292 JULIAN CONDEMNED. 
 
 cause we are neglectful." " Our nature, as made by God, 
 is good and perfect." They rejected the propositions, that 
 any man could avoid sin without God's grace ; that bap. 
 tism was superfluous for infants ; that mankind' did not die 
 through Adam, nor rise again through Christ. They de- 
 clined to condemn Pelagius and Coelestius in their absence; 
 and cited a passage from S. Chrysostom to the effect that 
 infants were not stained by sins. The practical point in 
 their document was their appeal to a General Council". 
 They were successfully opposed on this point by Augustine 
 and the Count Valerius, on the ground that a competent 
 episcopal judgment? had already decided the cause. Julian 
 and his friends were deposed 4 by Zosimus; but he circu- 
 lated through Italy another letter to the Pope, in which he 
 rejected some of the propositions of Coelestius ", in language 
 which was charged with equivocation. 
 
 Augustine now employed himself in writing treatises' on 
 the real meaning of " grace " as used by Pelagius, and on 
 the inconsistency of his language at Diospolis with that of 
 his work on Pree-will *. He insisted that the controversy 
 was not a verbal or superficial one, but essentially connected 
 with the heart of Christianity ™. Many questions there were 
 which did not touch the faith : e.g. " where and what was 
 Paradise? where are Enoch and Elijah ? why were the 
 antediluvians so long-lived ?" But in the question of the 
 two Adams, Christian faith was vitally interested'^; depend- 
 ing as it did for its very existence on that Mediation which 
 
 Aug., torn. X. 1732—1736. p C. Jul. iii. 5 ; C. Duas Ep. Pel. iv. 34. 
 
 1 C. Jul. i. 13. r Aug., torn. x. 1738. (Mar. Mere.) 
 ' De Gratis, Christi ; De Pece. Originali. 
 
 ' At Diospolis he had condemned the dictum, "Infants are born in 
 Adam's unfallen state." In his book on Free-wlU he said, "Bril does not 
 spring up with us ; when we are born, there is nothing in us but what 
 God created." 
 
 » De Peoo. Or. 26. 
 
 « On the memorable words, "In horum diwnim hominum causd proprii 
 fides Christiana comistit," De Pecc. Or. 28 ; compare Olshausen on Rom. 
 V. 12, and Trench on S. Augustine, p. 122 seq. 
 
PBEDESTINAEIANISM. 293 
 
 was the fountain of all grace y. He also wrote to Sixtiis, 
 priest of Eome, and afterwards Pope, remarking on the 
 secret spread of Pelagian opinions, and supplying him with 
 arguments against them. In this famous letter^, he not 
 only went over the ordinary topics as to the divine origi- 
 nation of all good in man, the evidence of original sin 
 from infant baptism, &c., but dwelt with earnestness on a 
 view which he had already resorted to in writing to Pauli- 
 nus, the theory of an absolute predestination. Pelagians 
 objected, " Can God show favour to one sinner and punish 
 another ?" Augustine replied, in substance. All were equally 
 deserving of perdition ; all formed the " lump " of punish- 
 able sin. God might justly have punished all; but He 
 whose dealings are manifoldly inscrutable was pleased, for 
 reasons of His own, irrespective of any foreseen qualities, 
 to exempt some from the common doom, which He allowed 
 to take its course against the rest. This is that Augus- 
 tinian Predestinarianism, which is his great distinguishing 
 characteristic among the ancient doctors. "We shall hear 
 more of it further on ; at present it is enough to say that 
 the peculiar intensity of his mental temperament, acted upon 
 by the controversy with an exaggerated doctrine of free- 
 will, led him, unhappily as we may think, to innovate on 
 the older theology by extreme statements on the other side, 
 and to interpret the balanced and indeterminate language 
 of Scripture on this profound mystery as amounting to a 
 definite and unqualified doctrine of Predestination ". 
 
 A case of great importance, in regard to the relations 
 between Rome and Africa, began in this year. Apiarius 
 of Sicca, a Mauritanian priest, who had been twice ex- 
 communicated by his bishop TJrbanus for gross ofi'ences, 
 appealed to Zosimus, who deputed Faustinus, bishop of 
 
 r Hence the emphasis with which S. Leo, as well as S. Augustine, brings 
 the old dispensation under the working of Christ's grace ; insisting that 
 this grace was the salvatioa of all God's servants from the beginning. 
 De Pecc. Or. 31. Comp. S. Leo, Serm. 23, &c. 
 
 ' Ep. 194. " See Mozley on Predestination, pp. Si, 38, 48, 155. 
 
294 BONIFACE AND EULALIUS. 
 
 Potentia, and two priests, to visit Carthage''. They ar- 
 rived, and signified to the African bishops in synod that 
 Zosimus was prepared to excommunicate TJrbanus, and that 
 he insisted on the observance of a Nicene canou allowing 
 appeals to Eome, or to the bishops of the province nearest 
 to the appellant's. The canon in fact was that of Sardica; 
 but the African Church was unacquainted with any " Sardi- 
 can" council, save that assembly at Philippopolis which had 
 usurped the title, and had fraternized with the Donatists'^. 
 In the Nicene canons no mention of this law about appeals 
 could be discovered by the African bishops ^, and the case 
 was adjourned until after a further inquiry. Meantime 
 Zosimus died, Dec. 26, 418. A contested election followed; 
 some of the clergy elected Eulalius the archdeacon, whose 
 cause was largely supported by the people. The majority 
 of the clergy, however, chose Boniface, a priest of high cha- 
 racter, whose modest reluctance was an additional recom- 
 mendation ". Nine bishops consecrated him in the church 
 of S. Marcellus ; while Eulalius was consecrated in the La- 
 teran by the bishop of Ostia, whose duty it was to of&ciate on 
 such occasions. Symmachus, prsefect of Eome, influenced 
 Honorius in favour of Eulalius. After an attempt to get the 
 question settled by a council of bishops at Eavenna, Hono- 
 rius ordered both prelates to leave Eome, (March 15, 419,) 
 and summoned a number of bishops to attend another coun- 
 cil. He also expressly commanded that Achilleus, bishop 
 of Spoletum, should officiate in Eome at Easter, and that 
 " the Lateran should be open to none but him." But Ea- 
 lallus boldly returned to Eome, and took possession of the 
 Lateran, where he celebrated the Easter services ; a defiance 
 
 i> Cod. Can. Eccl. Afr. 134; Cono. Afric. 101. 
 
 <: See Aug. Ep. 44, on his conference with the Donatist Fortvinius, 
 Fleury, xxiv. 6. 
 
 ^ The Sardican Council, as the great orthodox Council of the West, had 
 been regarded at Home as a sort of supplement to the Nicene, and hence, 
 apparently, the confusion. 
 
 ' See in Baronius, iii. 488, the petition of the Roman priests to Honorius 
 in favour of Boniface. " Et, quod eum magis ornabat, invitum." 
 
CASE OF APIARITJS. 295 
 
 of the government whicb ruined his cause, procured his 
 expulsion, and established Boniface in the see f. 
 
 On May 25 the African Council met at Carthage. The 
 Nicene canons were being read, when Faustinus requested 
 that the late Pope's instructions might come under con- 
 sideration. They were found to cite, as Nicene, a canon 
 providing for the case of appeals to Eome. Alypius, who 
 represented the province of Numidia, then said, — " "We have 
 written about this already, and assured the bishop of Eome 
 that we will obey any Nicene canons. But it so happens 
 that on examining our Greek copies of those canons, I 
 know not how it was, but we found in them not a word of 
 what has been quoted s." He moved that Aurelius should 
 inquire at Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, as to 
 the genuine text of the Nicene canons, and should request 
 the bishop of Eome to do the like. Eaustinus, not ap- 
 proving of the turn that matters were taking, suggested 
 that an inquiry by the Pope would answer all purposes. 
 In this opinion, however, the Africans did not concur. 
 They resolved that, besides what Boniface might do, their 
 own primate should ascertain the facts of the case by depu- 
 ties sent to the East''. A few days after, Apiarius submitted 
 to the Council, was restored to communion, and allowed 
 to officiate anywhere but at Sicca. The African messengers 
 procured true copies of the Nicene canons ; for instance, 
 the priest Innocent obtained such a copy from Cyril, and 
 the words quoted by the Roman legates were found to be 
 absent. These copies were sent to Eome, Nov. 26, 419. 
 
 CyrU had now yielded to the exhortations of Isidore of 
 Pelusium, a pious abbat with whom he corresponded, and 
 
 ' Boniface soon afterwards wrote to Honorius, expressing his anxiety 
 for the peace of the Eoman Church. Honorius replied by a decree that 
 turne should canvass, and that neither of two rivals should in future hold 
 the see. 
 
 B " Ista ibi, nescio qak ratione, minimS invenimus." 
 
 ^ See the letter of this Council to Bonifece, in which there is a telling 
 hint as to "pride," referring no doubt to the threat of Zosimus about 
 Orbanus. , Cod. Can. 134. 
 
296 GAUDENTIUS. 
 
 who urged himi not to make a perpetual scHsm in the 
 Church by refusing to commemorate Chrysostom. He 
 placed the name of Chrysostom on his diptychs, and im- 
 mediately received the communion of Eome. 
 
 Honorius banished Julian from Italy, and ordered Aure- 
 lius to enforce the abnegation of Pelagianism in Africa ■'. 
 The Pelagians wrote two letters, in which they denounced 
 the doctrine of original sin as Manicheism. Augustine, who 
 had already replied to the calumny that he condemned mar- 
 riage', answered these letters in a treatise addressed to 
 Boniface. He insisted that the Catholics kept the mean 
 between the two extremes of Manicheism and Pelagianism, 
 and that these, although opposites, had points in common 
 against the Church ■". 
 
 The last work of Augustine against Donatism was called 
 forth by the wild menace of Graudentius, a Donatist bishop, 
 that if the penal laws were enforced against him, he would 
 bum himself and his people in their church. Augustine 
 wrote two books against this fanatic ; urged the criminality 
 of suicide, which had been deemed lawful by Donatists on 
 the ground of a passage [m the Maccabees ", and concluded 
 with a pathetic appeal, — " Let us agree in holding Catholic 
 charity, in growing up with the wheat, in bearing with the 
 tares unto the end, and in living for ever in the barn"!" 
 About this time also he wrote a valuable treatise against 
 a nameless " adversary of the Law and the Prophets," whose 
 work was sold and eagerly read at Carthage P. In this, as 
 
 I He writes very plainly, though he honours Cyril as the representative 
 of S. Mark. " Put an end to these dissensions, lest you incur the iudement 
 of God;" Ep. 370. 
 
 k Aug. Ep. 201. 1 In the De Nuptiis, &o. 
 
 " C. Duas Ep. Pel. ii. 2, 3. " Separati opinione diversA, sed propinqui 
 mente perversa." They agree, he adds, in opposing Christ's grace, making 
 void His (sacramental) baptism, and dishonouring His Flesh, "sed etiam 
 hsec modis et causis diversis." 
 
 ° 2 Mace. xiv. 41—46 ; the case of Eazis. Augustine says that the books 
 of Maccabees are not on the same footing as the Law and the Prophets. 
 C. Gaud. L 38. 
 
 ° C. Gaud. ii. 14. P Retract, ii. 58. 
 
DEATH OF S. JEKOME. 297 
 
 in otter books, Augustine met the objection, then, as now, 
 frequent on men's lips, that the spirit of the Gospel was in 
 absolute contradiction to that of the Law, by showing that 
 the Gospel also had its severe side, that the Law had the 
 germ of Evangelic teaching, that " the Testament was pre- 
 figured in the Old, and the Old was unfolded in the New 1." 
 The aged recluse at Bethlehem had written ^ to Alypius 
 and Augustine, warmly congratulating them on their suc- 
 cessful labours against " the Ccelestian heresy." This is 
 the last of his extant writings. He died on Sept. 30, 420, 
 doubtless in full Christian peace, although the account of 
 his last moments which suggested the picture of " S. Je- 
 rome's last Communion" is found in a work which deserves 
 no credit '. His age has been variously stated ; according 
 to one reckoning, he was ninety-one, — according to another, 
 only seventy-four. The one conspicuous blot on Jerome's 
 character, a controversial fierceness which his religion could 
 not soothe, and which seldom allowed him to be charitable 
 or just, has led many in modern times to forget his better 
 qualities, and the great services which he rendered to the 
 Church by his unwearied labours in the field of Scripture 
 interpretation. 
 
 - Maruthas again visited the Persian court in 420. King 
 Isdigerdes was favourably impressed, and Christianity would 
 probably have gained another royal convert', but for the 
 impetuous zeal of the bishop Abdas, who destroyed a tem- 
 ple sacred to the worship of fire °. The king bade him re- 
 build it, threatening that if he did not, the churches should 
 be thrown down. He persisted in refusal, and was put to 
 death. Isdigerdes kept his word; the churches were de- 
 stroyed, and a furious persecution set in, which his suc- 
 cessor Vararanes carried out in the spirit of Sapor ". It 
 lasted thirty years ; one of the chief martyrs was a deacon 
 
 4 C. Advers. Leg. i. 35 : compare de Catech. Rud. 8 ; de Util. Cred. 9. 
 ' Ep. 143. » The De Morte Hieronymi, by the pseudo-Eusebius. 
 
 ' Soc. fii. 8. » Theod. y. 39. ' Soc. vii. 18— 21. 
 
298 PERSECUTION IN PERSIA. 
 
 named Benjamin, who after being thrown into prison, re- 
 fused to be released on the condition of promising silence 
 as to his faith. " I cannot forbear to communicate the light 
 I have received. I know the doom of those who hide their 
 talents." This answer not being communicated to the king, 
 Benjamin was released, but a year afterwards was put to 
 extreme tortures, and ultimately impaled for refusing to 
 deny his God. Several Christians fled across the frontier 
 into the Eoman Empire. Theodosius would not surrender 
 them, and a war broke out. In September 421 the Per- 
 sians were defeated, and 7,000 Persian captives would 
 have died of hunger but for the noble-hearted Acacius, 
 bishop of Amida. " Our God," he said to his clergy, " does 
 not want plates and cups ;" and he melted down his church- 
 plate to ransom these hapless prisoners, whom he maintained 
 for some time, and then sent them back to Vararanes. 
 
 Julian had written against Augustine, and then departed 
 for the East. He denounced the Catholics as Manicheans, 
 claimed the Catholic name for his own sect, "gloried in 
 maintaining the truth which others abandoned y," and de- 
 clared that the God of his opponents was not the God of 
 the Apostles ^ He reproached Augustine with having 
 called in the aid of persecution, and sneered at the Ca- 
 tholic laity as a clamorous and ignoble mob. Augustine in 
 421 wrote six books against Julian, in the first of which 
 he claimed SS. Irenseus, Cyprian, Hilary, and Ambrose as 
 maintainers of original sin, and showed that S. Basil and 
 S. Chrysostom^ were really of one mind with the great 
 doctors of the West. In the second book he adduced the 
 earlier Fathers as against the five objections * of Pelagian- 
 
 y Aug. c. Jul. ii. 36. ^ Aug. Op. Imp. i. "50. 
 
 » e.g. that in his Homily to Neophytes he had only referred to actiud 
 sin, not to original, (ret TratSio $aTrri^ofj.ey , Kalroi afiapTTifiara qvk ^xoiTa") 
 and that in a letter to Olympias he had said that Adam by his great sin 
 brought all mankind under a common condemnation. Ep. 3. 
 
 •> These were, 1. If God is our Creator, evil cannot be bom with us. 
 2. If marriage is good, it can produce no evil. 3. If all sins are forgiven 
 in baptism, the children of the regenerate cannot inherit original sin. 
 
DISPUTE AS TO ILLYRICUM. 299 
 
 ism to the Catholic doctrine of original sin, and took his 
 stand, as fearlessly as did S. Athanasius, on the principle 
 of traditionary orthodoxy. 
 
 A question as to the election of Perigenes to the see 
 of Corinth had led to a serious dispute between Home and 
 Constantinople. Boniface, following the example of his 
 predecessors, had made the exarch of Thessalonica his vicar 
 for Illyricum, without regard to the civil separation of a 
 part of Illyricum from the West. Perigeces had been con- 
 firmed as bishop by Boniface and Eufus of Thessalonica; 
 but the opponents of the election procured from Theo- 
 dosius a decree, transferring all ecclesiastical cases in East- 
 ern Illyricum to the jurisdiction of Constantinople. Boni- 
 face resisted strenuously, insisting that the vicar of the 
 Apostolic see should retain, on behalf of Home, full autho- 
 rity throughout all Illyricum ; and he called in the support 
 of Honorius, who procured from his nephew the recall 
 of the obnoxious decree. Shortly after this success, on 
 Oct. 25, 422, Boniface I. died, and was succeeded by 
 Coelestine. Very early in his episcopate Coelestine received 
 a letter from S. Augustine " concerning a case which had 
 given the latter much anxiety. Some years before, wish- 
 ing to strengthen the Church at Pussala, a stronghold of 
 Donatism on the frontier of his diocese, he had established 
 there a bishopric, and fixed upon a priest who understood 
 Punic, and who might well be consecrated for this im- 
 portant charge. The old primate of ISTumidia had come 
 to officiate ; all was ready, when the bishop-elect suddenly 
 refused to be consecrated; and in the perplexity of the 
 
 4. If God is just, He cannot condemn "the sins of parents" in children. 
 
 5. If our nature is capable of perfect righteousness, it cannot have any 
 natural faults. The third objection was ingeniously devised ; the Pelagians 
 wished to turn the tables on the CathoUcs, who made baptism their strong- 
 hold in the argument. S. Augustine replies by the distinction between 
 "guilt," which is abolished by baptism, and "weakness," which is left to 
 be subdued by the baptized. This weakness consists of "vicious" ten- 
 dencies, which must be restrained from breaking out into positive sin. 
 The fourth objection is met by a reference to the sufferings and death 
 of ohUdren, &o. « £p. 209. 
 
300 ANTONY OF FUSSALA. 
 
 moment, Augustine thouglit tHat a young reader named 
 Antony, who had been brought up from a child in the 
 monastery ^ which he had established at Hippo, might be 
 presented to the primate. The result showed the grave 
 imprudence " of so hasty an elevation ; Antony was soon 
 accused of tyranny and other offences, and enough was 
 proved to induce a council of bishops to remove him from 
 his see, though not from the episcopate. This sentence, 
 he complained, was either too much or too little. "I ought 
 either to have been deposed, or permitted to retain my 
 see." He persuaded the primate to write in his favour 
 to Boniface, who replied that he ought to be restored 
 " if his account were correct." The triumphant Antony 
 talked of enforcing this expression of the Pope's opinion 
 by a military force ; Augustine therefore entreated Coeles- 
 tine with pathetic earnestness ^, not to impose a bad bishop 
 on Fussala, or new temptations on one whom he must still 
 love as a son in Christ. Coelestine, it seems, had no such 
 purpose ; and Antony never regained Pussala. 
 
 In the case of Apiarius, this pontiiT was less moderate. 
 Discontented, as it would seem, with the position in which 
 he was left by the lenient sentence of the Council of 
 Carthage, Apiarius visited Eome, and secured the favour 
 of Coelestine, who sent a priest named Leo to Africa, 
 charged with a letter which expressed his satisfaction in 
 regard to the character of the appellant. Faustinus, ac- 
 companied by Apiarius, again presented himself before the 
 African hierarchy. Three days were spent in a thorough 
 examination of the charges against Apiarius s. Faustinus 
 
 ^ Like Eusebius of Vercellse, he organized his clergy on a monastic plan 
 under his own roof. No member of this community retained any property 
 of his own ; Serm. 356. 
 
 ' S. Augustine frankly owns that his mistake might be justly com- 
 plained of. 
 
 ' "By the Blood of Christ, by the memory of Peter, who exhorted pre- 
 lates not to lord it by force over their brethren." He was so distressed 
 that he even thought of resigning the episcopate. Ep. 209. 
 
 B Cod. Can. 138 ; Cone. Afr. 105. 
 
CASE OF APIAKIUS CLOSED. 3OI 
 
 exhibited a vexatious partiality, treating Apiarius as a man 
 ■whom the judgment of Eome had proved to be innocent. 
 Apiarius himself for a time persisted in a sj'stem of " ter- 
 giversation ;" but at length he broke forth into a remorse- 
 ful confession of enormities, which filled with horror the 
 judges who had hoped that he might prove his innocence. 
 A sentence of utter excommunication followed inevitably ; 
 and the bishops, who at once saw their opportunity, wrote 
 to Ccelestine desiring him never again to show favour to 
 persons condemned by the African Church. " The Nicene 
 canons," said they with significant emphasis, " have com- 
 mitted bishops and clergy to the judgment of their own 
 metropolitan. !For, with signal prudence and justice, they 
 provided that all causes should be ended in the places 
 where they began ; allowing at the same time of an appeal 
 to the provincial or to a general Council. It is not to 
 be thought that God would inspire one individual with 
 justice, and withhold it from a multitude of bishops in 
 Council." They added that a "transmarine" tribunal would 
 be unable to secure the necessary evidence; while the 
 scheme of a commission sent by the Pope was devoid of 
 sanction from Councils 'i, the alleged Nicene canon being 
 found spurious. "If any," they proceeded, "should beg 
 you to send clergy to carry out your orders, do not send, 
 do not consent ; lest we should seem to be introducing the 
 gloomy pride of the world' into Christ's Church, which 
 exhibits to all who desire to see God tlie light of simplicity 
 and the clearness of humility." They concluded by trust- 
 ing that they should no longer have to " bear with Paus- 
 tinus," since the case of Apiarius was now finally closed. 
 So firmly did the Church of Africa maintain against three 
 Popes the independence of Western Churches outside the 
 proper limits of the Roman patriarchate. 
 
 t This shows their ignorance of the true Council of Sardica ; in fact, 
 "the canons of Sardica were not received even in the West until the sixth 
 century." Pusey on Councils, p. 144. 
 
 ' See the eighth canon of Ephesus, infra. 
 
302 DISPUTES AT ADKUMETUM. 
 
 The letter which Augustine had addressed to SLstus 
 occasioned great disputes in 426 among the monks of 
 Adrumetum. It was brought to the monastery by a monk 
 named Felix, who read it to the brethren ; whereupon some 
 of them exclaimed that it destroyed free-will. At length, 
 in the spring of 427, two young monks, Cresconius and 
 Telix, were sent to consult Augustine, who wrote a letter 
 to the brotherhood, exhorting them to hold together the 
 truths of grace and free-will, salvation and judgment ac- 
 cording to works''. He composed a treatise "On Grrace 
 and Free-will," in which, while contending for the real 
 sense of the former term^ he himself put an unreal sense 
 on the latter. For he ascribed to grace such a vast con- 
 trolling power as practically annulled all freedom of choice ; 
 the will, under grace, could not choose aught but good; 
 grace, in fact, was simply irresistible. Into this extreme 
 statement Augustine's predestinarianism led him by neces- 
 sary consequence. The treatise was sent with a second 
 letter™ to Valentine, abbot of Adrumetum, who had ap- 
 proved of the letter to Sixtas, and who in reply ascribed to 
 Augustine the wisdom of an angel of God. But one of 
 the monks took an objection; "If the will to do good 
 is purely God's gift, why am I corrected for my faults, 
 seeing that He has not given me such a will ?" Augus- 
 tine, in reply, wrote another treatise, " On Correction and 
 Grace;" in which he maintained that those who are "called 
 according to purpose" have an indefectible faith, and an 
 incapacity for sin; whereas the non-elect are the proper 
 subjects of all penal infliction, simply as being what they 
 are. The tone of the argument is at once stern and unreal. 
 We see the great writer condemned by a trenchant theory 
 
 ^ Bp. 214. 
 
 1 There is much that is highly valuable ia this treatise. Abating the 
 idea of an arbitrary and irresisiiUe operation, the truth cannot be better 
 expressed than in the terse passage, s. 33 : " Ut ergo velimus, sine nobis 
 operatur ; cum autem volumus, et sic volumus ut faciamus, nobismm ope- 
 ratur ; tamen sine illo, vel operante ut velimus, vel cooperante cum Tolu- 
 mus, ad bona pietatis opera nihil valemus." " Ep. 215. 
 
SEMI-PELAGIANISM. 303 
 
 to have recourse to such a distinction as that between the 
 " free" will of the non-elect and the " freed" will of the 
 elect, each of them being, on the hypothesis, constrained 
 in one particular direction; the former unable to choose 
 good, the latter unable to choose evil. We observe a 
 tendency, the result of a temper which looked always to 
 the fore-ordained conclusion of a man's course, to regard 
 a state of grace as illusory if not predestined to be per- 
 manent, and to deny regeneration, or " sonship," in the 
 ease of those who do not persevere ". And we are amazed 
 by the boldness with which a text that stands right in the 
 path can be disposed of, and God's "desire that all men 
 should be saved," interpreted as referring only to the elect, 
 among whom are specimens of "all" classes". 
 
 Augustine now became acquainted with a modification 
 of the Pelagian theory, which is technically known as Semi- 
 Pelagianism. Vitalis, a person who had been brought up 
 in the Church of Carthage, maintained that the first step 
 in goodness, the first act of faith, must be from man's own 
 will, unassisted by grace ; that after this first step, real 
 grace, in the Catholic sense of the word, was bestowed on 
 the believer. Augustine himself, when he expounded the 
 Epistle to the Eomans before he became a bishop, had 
 employed similar language p ; but he had come to see that 
 unless the first motion of good in the soul were ascribed 
 to God, the self-asserting heresy was not thoroughly re- 
 pelled. He accordingly wrote to Vitalis 1, insisting on 
 the necessity of prevenient ^ as well as of subsequent grace ; 
 arguing from the Liturgic formulas, apparently those re- 
 
 ° Compare S. Augustine's peculiar language about Communion, in his 
 work on S. John, and elsewhere. The tendency is not fully carried out ; 
 "faith, hope, and love" are admitted to exist for a time in those whom God 
 has not predestined to persevere, s. 18 ; while in s. 20 we are told that 
 they only who persevere have ever been truly sons of God. 
 
 " De Corrept. 41 This afterwards appeared among the propositions of 
 Gotteschalk, A.D. 847. p See Retract, i. 23. 1 Ep. 217. 
 
 r Compare the Gregorian original of our collect for Easter-day: ^^Vota 
 nostra quae prceveniendo adspiras, etiam adjuvando prosequere." 
 
go 4 LEPOEIUS. 
 
 cited on Good Friday ', wherein the priest bade the people 
 pray for unbelievers, "that God would convert them to 
 the faith;" and proposing twelve statements as to the 
 doctrine of grace, held by "Catholic Christians through 
 Christ's mercy." 
 
 A Galilean monk named Leporius had developed his Pe- 
 lagian views into a formal heresy on the subject of the In- 
 carnation. Christ, he said, was not God, but a man who 
 had so used his natural free-will as to be sinless, and thus 
 had merited a close union with the Son. The Gallican 
 bishops had been obliged to excommunicate Leporius, who 
 came to Africa, and was there reclaimed by S. Augustine. 
 In the cathedral of Carthage he formally recanted an error 
 which practically numbered the Redeemer among the Saints; 
 and confessed that " God was bom of the Virgin," became 
 true Man, and suffered in the lower of His two natures'. 
 He sent this document to the bishops who had condemned 
 him, to whom also Aurelius and Augustine sent a touching 
 letter in his behalf^. 
 
 It was in 427 that Augustine carried out a long-cherished 
 design of reviewing all his treatises, and correcting whatever 
 might displease _ his ripened judgment". This process of 
 " re-handling" was applied, in two books which bear the 
 name of Retractationes y, to ninety-three treatises ; the let- 
 ters were reserved for a subsequent revision. 
 
 Atticus of Constantinople had been succeeded in 426 by 
 Sisinnius, who died on Christmas-eve, 427. Nestorius, 
 a Syrian bred at Antioch, of high reputation and great 
 
 s He adds the call to pray " for catechumens, that He may insphe them 
 with the desire of regeneration ; for the faithful, that they may by His 
 grant persevere in that which they have begun." It was usual to answer 
 " Amen." See the nine solemn prayers, each preceded by a hidd'uig for- 
 mula, in the Good Friday service of the Gelasian Sacramentary, Murat. 
 i. 560, retained in the Koman Missal. Our third collect for that day repre- 
 sents the intercession referred to by S. Augustine in the text. 
 
 t He also affirmed that Chi'ist, even in His Manhood, had never been 
 ignorant of anything ; a view which appears to go beyond the teacliing 
 of S. Athanasius. » Ep. 219. » Retract., proL 1. 
 
 y Our English " Retractations " has advanced in meaning. 
 
NESTOEIUS. 305 
 
 powers as a speaker, ascetic and studious in his habits, was 
 consecrated to the see on April 10, 428. His first sermon 
 indicated a feverish polemical zeal ^. " G-ive me," he ex- 
 claimed, addressing the Emperor, " give me the earth clear 
 of heretics, and I will give you heaven in return ! Help me 
 to overthrow the heretics, and I wiU help you to overthrow 
 the Persians ='." He began his episcopate somewhat in the 
 spirit of Macedonius : on his attacking an Arian meeting- 
 house, the Arians set fire to it in their despair ; the flames 
 caught other buildings, and the new patriarch received the 
 ominous name of " the Incendiary." Unlike Atticus, he was 
 hostile to Novatians ; and his violence against Quartodeci- 
 mans caused an outbreak in Asia Minor. The early vio- 
 lences of Cyril ought neither to be extenuated nor exagger- 
 ated ; but there was somewhat less of provocation for the 
 persecuting fury of Nestorius ^. 
 
 Valentinian III., the nephew of Honorius, had sat on the 
 throne of the West since 425. He was a mere child, under 
 the guardianship of his mother Placidia, who was herself 
 swayed by the able general Aetius. Count Boniface, who 
 governed in Africa, and whom Augustine had dissuaded from 
 entering a monastery, assuring him that he could serve the 
 Church better in the secular life ", was a rival whom Aetius 
 longed to ruin. "He persuaded Placidia to recall Boni- 
 face;" and then wrote to Boniface, advising him, if beloved 
 his life, to disobey. Boniface disobeyed ; and Aetius told 
 Placidia that this undutifulness was proof sufiicient of his 
 treasonable designs. Thus led by perfidy into the position 
 
 ' Soo. Tii. 29. 
 
 > He obtained from Theodosius the law of May 30, 428, against heretics. 
 But it did not go to the lengths which his sermon had suggested. 
 
 t '* Who," asks Dean Milman, Lat. Chr. i. 145, ^' would not meet the 
 judgment of the Divine Eedeemer loaded with the errors of Nestorius, 
 rather than with the barbarities of Cyril '" Dean Milman, in regard to 
 Cyril, seems rather a prosecutor than a judge ; and in p. 143 he shows 
 that Nestorius was guilty of more than "errors." 
 
 *= Ep. 220, written to Boniface after the invasion, Augustine warns him 
 that he is imperilling his soul. 
 
go6 VANDALS IN AFKICA. 
 
 of a rebel, Boniface invited Genseric, king of tbe Vandals, 
 then dominant in Spain, to come over into Africa; and a 
 Vandal host, professing Arianism, invaded the province in 
 Majr 428 <*, or in the following year. Arians and Donatists 
 took part with the barbarians : Catholic churches were pulled 
 down, and clergy were tortured, massacred, or reduced to 
 beggary ^. Two bishops were martyred on plates of red hot 
 iron'. It was "the beginning of sorrows" for the Church 
 of S. Cyprian s ; the moral corruption which had overspread 
 the province was to be chastened by a century of barbarian 
 rule. A bishop named Honoratus asked Augustine whether 
 a bishop or pastor ought not to fly from persecution. The 
 reply was that he ought, when he was specially aimed at, 
 and when others were left to minister to the people; but 
 not in other cases. 
 
 Pelagianism had been condemned at Constantinople and 
 at Antioch, and even by Theodore of Mopsuestia, who was 
 however, in all probability, led by policy rather than convic- 
 tion to abandon it. Prom the new archbishop of Constan- 
 tinople Julian hoped for some support ; and he had again 
 engaged in controversy with Augustine, before reading the 
 treatise which the latter had written against him in 421. 
 Julian's new work, in eight books, was a verbose attack on 
 part of Augustine's second book, De Ifupiiis^. Augus- 
 tine began a reply, in which he transcribed his adversary's 
 text, and made a comment of his own on every paragraph; 
 but he did not live to complete the treatise. Another of 
 his occupations was a controversy with Maximin, an Arian 
 bishop in attendance on Count Sigisvult, the Gothic general 
 employed for Valentinian against Boniface. This man held 
 
 li The date is disputed. Gibbon gives 429. The Benedictine Life of 
 S. Augustine gives 428, after the Paschal Chronicle : so Fleury, and 
 Tillemont. « Possid. Vit. Aug. 28. ' Victor de Pers. Vand. 1. 
 
 s Salvian, de Gub. Dei, vii. In calling Africa '^ a volcano of impurity," 
 he appeals to " the testimony of mankind." 
 
 i" S. Aug. Op. Imp. i. 34, ii. 127, iv. 6. Julian took credit to himself for 
 brevity ; Augustine says he was wearisome to those who despised "super- 
 fluous words," iii. 20. 
 
TEACHING OF GALUCANS. 007 
 
 to the creed of Ariminum, and while admitting that Christ 
 was called " the great God " in Titus ii. 13, affirmed that 
 properly speaking the Pather alone was God ', and that the 
 Son and Spirit worshipped Him. "Then," said Augustine 
 at the Conference which he held with Maximiu at Hippo, 
 "you either worship two Gods, or you deny worship to 
 Christ"^." After the discussion, Maximin, on returning to 
 Carthage, boasted of victory ; whereupon Augustine wrote 
 two books against himi, expressly appealing to Scripture 
 only, and employing, as he had done in his work on the 
 Trinity, language which, perhaps, was soon, afterwards em- 
 bodied by a GalHcan writer in the " Athanasian Creed." 
 
 Cassian had now completed his " Conferences," an account 
 of the practical teaching of the chief Egyptian abbats. One 
 of these, named Cbseremon, appears to have taught a doc- 
 trine equivalent to the opinion of Vitalis "^ ; and the perusal 
 of Augustine's work " On Correction and Grace " brought 
 this doctrine prominently forward. Cassian and other lead- 
 ing Churchmen, at Marseilles, and throughout the south of 
 Gaul, — including HUary, who had recently been appointed 
 to the primatial see of Aries, and was eminent for devotion, 
 pastoral zeal, and theological ability °, — took serious excep- 
 tion to Augustine's predestinarian rigour. We learn from 
 letters " addressed to Augustine by another Hilary, and by 
 Prosper of Eiez, two laymen who agreed with the Augus- 
 tiuian theology, that Cassian and his friends admitted origi- 
 nal sin and real grace. But they did not admit an absolute 
 predestination of a fixed number of persons, not based on 
 
 ' " The one God, who stooped not to contact with humanity nor to hu- 
 man flesh." CoU. cum Max. 13. ^ Coll. 14. 
 
 ' In the second of these, c. 22, he gives a mystical interpretation of 
 1 John V. 8, which probably became the basis of the present seventh verse. 
 
 " Collatio 13. c. 12. David's desire to build a temple is said to be "both 
 good, and from man," Tiot from God ; and in c. 11 the devotion of the peni- 
 tent thief is said to have preceded grace. Such good motions, it is added^ 
 need to be perfected by grace. 
 
 » It is well known that Wateriand considers the Athanasian Creed to 
 have been composed by him, at the solemn re-admission of Leporius into 
 the Gallican Church. ° Epp. 225, 226. 
 
3o8 Augustine's statements. " 
 
 foresight of tteir perseverance, but making perseverance 
 certain for them, and impossible for all beside. They de- 
 nounced this teaching on moral grounds, as fatalistic in its 
 tendencies, inciting to carelessness, and discouraging exer- 
 tion p. They insisted on God's offers of mercy to all men?, 
 on the universality of baptism, on the unlimited efficacy of 
 the death of Christ. But some of them were " Semi- 
 Pelagian" in teaching that grace, as a general rule, was 
 dependent on pre-existing good in man, i. e. on a desire of 
 being healed, which nature could form without Divine as- 
 sistance. Their zeal for man's responsibility thus led them 
 to take up untenable ground. It was essential to Christian 
 truth that God's restoring grace should be recognized as 
 necessary in aid of the first motions of the will "■. Augus- 
 tine, at the request of Prosper and Hilary, wrote two books 
 on " The Predestination of the Saints," and " The Gift of 
 Perseverance." He admitted that the Galileans were not 
 Pelagians, but repelled their objections as equally applic- 
 able to the doctrine of Divine prescience, and declared that 
 there was no real medium between absolute predestination 
 of some out of a guilty mass, and the heresy which made 
 " grace" the reward of human merit. Paith, he urged, 
 must itself be the result of grace. He allowed that great 
 discretion was needful for the preacher of Divine decrees. 
 
 The difficulties of the Galileans were not thus to be 
 disposed of^. Augustine, by his own showing, did not 
 acknowledge, on man's part, a real freedom of will — on 
 God's, a real readiness to have mercy upon all men. The 
 truths for which the Galileans were solicitous appeared in 
 their due place, clear of all " Semi-Pelagian " error, in the 
 
 p Compare Wesley's epigrammatic summary of the Calvinistic doctrine. 
 
 1 Hilary says they would not hear of Augustine's interpretation of 1 Tim. 
 ii. 4. The fifth of the famous Jansenist propositions is, " It is Semi-Pelagian 
 to say that Christ died for all men." 
 
 ■■ See Aug. de Grat. Chr. 52. Eeferenoc has already been made to our 
 Easter collect ; and in fact the collects of the Roman Sacramentaries, as a 
 body, show how deeply the doctrine of a preventing grace was fixed in the 
 heai-t of Western Christendom. » Chr. Remembr. xxxi. 162. (Jan. 1856.) 
 
GRACE AND FEEE-WILL. 3O9 
 
 admirable dogmatic statements of a Galliean Council held 
 a century later, in 529, at Orange. That assembly scanned 
 the mystery of grace and free-will on both sides, and while 
 glorifying God as the inspirer of all prayer and faith ', pro- 
 claimed that " all the baptized, having received grace through 
 baptism, could, by the co-operating aid of Christ, work out 
 their own salvation"." 
 
 * Cone. Arausic. ii. can. 3, 5, &c, 
 
 " It is added, " We not only do not believe that any are predestinated 
 to evil, but if any do hold so evil a belief, we say anathema to them with 
 the utmost abhorrence. " 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 From the Semi-Pelagian Controversy to the Council of 
 Ephesus. 
 
 " God, that came on eartli tMs mom. 
 In a manger lying, 
 Hallowed birth by being bom. 
 Vanquished death by dying !" 
 
 Neale's Christmas Carols. 
 
 TT was probably in 429 that S. Augustine wrote his work 
 -*- on Predestination in reply to the Gallican objectors, 
 "\Ve must now take our stand at the end of 428, to watch 
 the outbreak of a new Oriental controversy, weU-nigh as 
 calamitous as the Arian, and as wonderfully overruled for 
 good. 
 
 It seems that a well-grounded repugnance to ApoUi- 
 narianism, combined with more or less of a rationalistic 
 temper, had led some Churchmen so to insist on the dis- 
 tinctness of Christ's Manhood, as gradually to view it in 
 the light of a separate personality. "We may be surprised 
 that Diodore of Tarsus, who had done such good service 
 at Antioch, and had enjoyed the esteem of S. Athanasius, 
 should have taken up a line of thought essentially akin to 
 Arianism", and said that "the Son of Mary ought not to 
 be regarded as God;" but there is nothing strange in the 
 fact already noticed, that Theodore shook off the burden 
 of so vast a mystery as is enshrined in the confession of 
 the Word made flesh*. For that transcendent union of 
 
 « See Bp. Forbes on Nio. Cr., p. 195. 
 
 *> Neander, characteristically enough, defends Theodore as a believer in 
 the Incarnation ; but admits that he held a certain *' generic identity" be- 
 tween the existence of God in Christ and in the Saints ; and that he differed 
 from the Chui-ch generally by comparing the union to that which makes 
 man and wife one. 
 
ORIGIN OF NESTORIANISM. gil 
 
 Godhead and manhood in the one Saviour, he substituted 
 such an association " of the Eternal "Word with a man born 
 of the Virgin, as would differ in degree, rather than kind, 
 from the indwelling of God in Saint or Prophet. There 
 was, then, no real Incarnation ; the human person co- 
 operated with the Divine, was sanctified by His presence, 
 and enjoyed a reflection of His dignity; but this was all''. 
 Such were the opinions of Theodore, which he either im- 
 planted or confirmed in Nestorius, who visited him on his 
 way to Constantinople. 
 
 Shortly before Christmas a priest named Anastasius, 
 whom the new archbishop had brought from Antioch, was 
 preachftig at S. Sophia. In his sermon he said, " Let no 
 one call Mary Tlieotocos ; for she was a human creature, of 
 whom God could not be born." Nestorius was present and 
 approved ; and on Christmas-day, as it appears, he himself 
 began a short course of sermons, in which lie called the 
 title heathenish*, and spoke of Mary's Son as a mere man, 
 the organ employed, and the vesture worn, by God ^. Eu- 
 sebius, a lawyer in the city, stood up in full church, and 
 proclaimed that the Eternal Word Himself was born after 
 the flesh. Nestorius denounced this doctrine; "It was 
 not the Word that was born, but the Man Jesus." Euse- 
 
 " One Nestoiian term was Syna'plma, opposed to the Catholic Eenosis. 
 The fifth General Council condemns as Nestorian the assertion of an union 
 according to grace, operation, equality of honour, authority, relation, 
 power, good-will, identity of names. An union by indwelling, mutual 
 affection, co-operation, community of name and dignity, is in fact acci- 
 dental S. Tho. Aq. 3. 2. 6. 
 
 ^ In this way men could escape from the orerwhelming thought, that 
 the Carpenter of Nazareth was the Creator of the world. "Nestorius 
 shrank from confessing the condescension of God." Pusey on Faith, p. 61. 
 
 e "Hath God a Mother? Then Pagans may be excused for giving 
 mothers to their gods." 
 
 ' "For the sake of the employer, I honour the vesture which He uses." 
 Serm. 1, Mercat. ed. Gamier, ii. 5. In Serm. 2 he denies a duality of sons, 
 and seems only to affirm two natures, until he shows his real meaning in 
 the words, " We call Christ after the flesh God, from His connection with 
 God." His third Sermon is In fact against the assertors of one Person. 
 Gamier ii. 11. " God the Word dwelt in Mary's Son," &o. 
 
312 "theotocos. 
 
 bius drew up a papers, conjuring all into whose hands 
 it mijjht fall to make known the agreement of Nestorius 
 with Paul of Samosata. "Paul said, 'Mary did not bring 
 forth the "Word;' Nestorius says, 'My good friend, Mary 
 did not bring forth the Deity.' " In strictness, the parallel 
 was not accurate ; Paul denied the Word's Personality, 
 Nestorius plainly affirmed it. Another layman, Marius 
 Mercator, who had, as we have seen, been zealous against 
 Pelagianism, put forth a pamphlet on the relation in which 
 Nestorius stood to other heretics ^. This was in January 
 429. In the same month, CyrU, who had by some means 
 heard of the controversy, set forth the unity of Christ's 
 Person in. his seventeenth Paschal homily, without naming 
 Constantinople or Nestorius. He spoke of the Blessed 
 Virgin as Jlfo^^er of God. This title, mostly in the form 
 of " Theotocos','' had been used by Tertullian i', Origen', 
 S. Alexander, Eusebius, Constantine, S. Athanasius, S. CyrU 
 of Jerusalem, S. Basil, the Gregories, S. Ambrose, Theo- 
 philus, Atticus, and others. S. Hippolytus '^, S. Chryso- 
 stom ", whose preaching Nestorius loved to imitate, not to 
 speak of S. Hilary" and S. Augustine p, had used equivalent 
 language. The word was cherished by Catholics, not pri- 
 marily for the sake of the Blessed Virgin, — although of 
 course it did express her matchless dignity among human 
 
 B Mansi, iv. 1007; Gamier, ii. 18. He concludes by anathematizing 
 any who presume to say that the Only-begotten is one, and the Son of 
 Mary another. 
 
 k Gamier, ii. 17, 307. Mercator admitted that Nestorius had a right 
 faith in the Personality of the Word, although he erroneously held Him 
 to have become the Son at the Nativity. 
 
 ' Cyril here uses 06o5 fiTirrip. So Constantine, ad Sanot. Cfiet. S. Am- 
 brose has Mater Dei in Hexaem. v. 20. 
 
 t "Nasoi se i)c!M in utero patitur iWafm." De Patientia, 3. Compare 
 S. Ignat. ad Eph. 7, 18 ; and S. Irenajus, v. 19, "ut portaret Deum." 
 
 1 Soc. vii. 32. 
 
 ™ C. Noet. 17, in Routh's Scr. Opuso. i. 75. He says that " God the 
 Word dsscended into the Holy Virgin." 
 
 ° S. Cyril ad Eegin. i. cites his words, " He that sitteth on the throne 
 high and lifted up is laid in the manger," &o. 
 
 " See De Trin. x. 7. p Serm. 184, 189, 191, &o. 
 
SEEMON OF PROCLUS. 313 
 
 creatures, — but? as the symbol of her Son's Divine majesty, 
 as enforcing the reality of the Incarnation, and so main- 
 taining inviolate the Gospel scheme for a world's recovery. 
 Por if the Son of Mary were not literally God, He could 
 not bring heaven and earth into unity; to have two Sa- 
 viours would be equivalent to having none. This, however, 
 is best shown in the words of Proclus, a bishop who could 
 not gain possession of the see of Cyzicus, and who officiated 
 as a priest of S. Sophia. At a festival in honour of the 
 Virgin, probably the Annunciation, he preached in the 
 great church before Nestorius. After speaking of S. 
 Mary in glowing language, e. g. as the bush burning and 
 unconsumed, the cloud that bore "the Cherub-throned," 
 the fleece filled with heavenly dew, he passed on to the 
 practical bearings of the Catholic doctrine. "If the "Word 
 had not dwelt in the womb, Plesh had never sat down 
 on the holy throne. It was necessary, either that the doom 
 of death should be executed on all, for all have sinned, or 
 that such a price should be paid in exchange as could fuUy 
 claim their release ^. Man could not save, for he was under 
 the pressure of the debt of sin. An angel could not redeem 
 humanity, for he had lacked such a ransom as was needed. 
 One only course remained, that the sinless God should die 
 for sinners ^.. It was God who out of His compassion be- 
 came Man. We do not proclaim a Man deified, but we 
 confess a God Incarnate. The Selfsame was in the Fa- 
 ther's bosom, and in the Virgin's womb; in a Mother's 
 arms, and on the wings of the wind. He was adored by 
 angels while He sat at meat with publicans... The servant 
 
 q Dean MUman, i. 170, and Mr. Greenwood, Cath. Pet. i. 328, do not 
 seem to bring out this point. 
 
 I See S. Ath, c. Ari. or. ii. 67. "If, being a creature, He had become 
 man, man would have nevertheless remained as he was, apart from God." 
 See, too, the memorable passage on the Atonement in S. CyrU Hieros. Cat. 
 xih. 33, and the very ancient Ep. to Diognetus, 0. 9. 
 
 s 0. 5. In 0. 6 he calls the worth of Christ, as a Ransom, not only 
 equivalent t^ vKiiSii tuv {nroSiKoiv, i.A\a kk! Traffais \firi<t>0is ImpixoMai/. 
 This is in effect the doctrine of a satisfactio sufficiens et mperahmdans. 
 
314 KEPLT OF NESTORIUS. 
 
 buffeted Him, and creation shuddered. . .He was laid in the 
 tomb', and He spread out the heavens as a curtain... the 
 mystery ! I see the miracles, and I proclaim the Godhead. 
 I see the sufferings, and I deny not the Manhood." 
 
 Amid the applause which hailed this sermon, Nestorius 
 rose to make an extemporary reply. He admitted the 
 phrase, "one Son," in the sense, obviously unreal, that 
 the "Word was joined to the Son of Mary. He urged that 
 to speak of God as Yirgin-born would encourage the Arian 
 notion of an inferior Deity; while the heathen would 
 answer, " I cannot worship a God who was born and 
 died"." In another sermon he argued that as the Baptist 
 was filled with the Spirit from the womb, yet Elisabeth 
 was not called the Spirit's mother, so neither could Mary 
 be called Theotocos. No clearer proof could be given by 
 adverse lips of the charge brought against his theory, that 
 it made the Man Jesus, after all, merely the foremost 
 amongst the Saints of Scripture. In subsequent sermons 
 he contended that one who was God could not be man's 
 High-Priest''; that He who "held the circle of the earth" 
 could not be wrapt in grave-clothes ; that the Sustainer of 
 all things could not rise from the dead. The Eeconciler, 
 he said, was a sinless Man, the living robe of the King, the 
 image of the Godhead. He urged that Scripture never 
 spoke of " God's death ;" not seeing that by one such text 
 
 * " And Thou wast laid witMn the naiTOw tomb... 
 whom heaven could not contain, 
 Nor the immeasurable plain 
 Of vast infinity enclose or circle round.'* 
 
 So Dean Milman, in the " Martyr of Antioch." Few doctrines have held 
 such sway over Christian poetry as this of the Theotocos. In how many of 
 our churches is it hymned forth, every Christmas, in the high strains of 
 Adeslefiddi'S, and "Hark, the herald angels !" 
 
 » Serm. 4 ; Garnier ii. 26. S. Chrysostom, in D. Nat. Chi-, o. 6, says, 
 "Many Greeks scoff when they hear that God was born in iJie flesh." But 
 this scoff was not to him a proof that the doctrine was in fact foolishness. 
 A living writer says of M. Aurelius, "This strange history of a crucified 
 God was not credible to him," &o. Mill on Liberty, p. 49. 
 
 ^ So Proclus had called Him. "God became Priest in Mary's womb." 
 It would be Arianism to say that He was Priest in Sis Godltead. 
 
THE QXnESTION AT ISSUE. 315 
 
 as 1 Cor. ii. 8 it warranted the general proposition that 
 Christ's acts were acts of God, and the particular inference 
 that S. Mary was God's Mother. Here in truth lay the 
 question as to Theotocos ; Nestorius argued that a mother 
 and her child must needs be consuhstantial, that a woman 
 could not give birth to what was Divine. The answer was, 
 "Certainly not, in regard to the Godhead; but since the 
 Christ is One, and is a Divine Person y, Christ's Mother 
 is that Person's parent in regard to the Manhood which 
 He assumed. Because God and Man are one Christ, we 
 can ascribe human properties to God '^, and Divine proper- 
 ties to Man*; that is, to the one Person of the Saviour, 
 in Sis Himianity and in His Divinity^." The foundation 
 of his argument, the real unity of Christ's Person, was 
 denied by Nestorius ; and the discussion of Theotocos did 
 but bring out this denial. 
 
 His sermons caused a great excitement at home as well 
 as abroad. Men saw that the question was no strife of 
 words ; those laymen who htive already appeared as origin- 
 ating the opposition to their patriarch, felt that Catholic 
 truth was their inheritance, no less than that of the 
 clergy <=, and they shrank from the communion of a bishop 
 who made void the Incarnation. Clergy began to preach 
 against him in the church of S. Irene-by-the-sea. "When 
 they were silenced, the cry arose, " We have an emperor, 
 but no bishop !" A priest named Philip began to ofiBciate 
 in private ; Basil, an abbot, and Thalassius, a monk, told 
 Nestorius to his face that he was in error, and were 
 
 7 Hooter, v. 52. 3. See S. Augustine, Enohirid. c. 36, a passage which 
 shews that homo was not used by Latin fathers for a human person. 
 
 z 1 Cor. ii. 8 ; 1 John i. 1 ; Acts xx. 28 ? 1 Tim. iii. 16 ? (The Incarnate 
 Word, as Man.) 
 
 « John iii. 13 ; 1 Cor. xv. 47. (The Incarnate Word, as God.) 
 
 ti S. The. Aq. 3. 16. i ; Hooker, v. 62. 3 ; 53. 4 ; Pearson, i. 324-8 ; Bp. 
 Forbes on Nic. Cr., p. 209. 
 
 •^ Compare Flavian and Diodore at Antioch, and the faithful at Oxyrin- 
 chus. In his seventh sermon, Nestorius says that he regards the threat to 
 throw him into the sea as the croaMng of frogs. Garnier, ii. 33. 
 
310 S. CYEILS LEITEE TO THE MONKS. 
 
 savagely beaten and imprisoned. A monk who dared to 
 denounce him as one who ought not to enter the church 
 was scourged and exiled. Among his supporters a bishop 
 named Dorotheus was the chief; he surpassed Anastasius 
 by openly anathematizing all who spoke of Mary as Theo- 
 tocos''. The congregation, uttering a cry of indignation, 
 rushed out of the church, but Nestorius proceeded with the 
 service, and administered the Communion to the preacher. 
 
 The careful circulation of the archbishop's sermons 
 brought them into the hands of Egyptian monks. Cyril 
 strove to undo their effect by his Letter to the Monks, 
 about the end of April 429. They would have done better, 
 he said, by abstaining altogether from the controversy; 
 but it was necessary, as things stood, to impress on them 
 the positive truth. Since Christ was Emmanuel^, since 
 He who was in the form of God assumed the form of a 
 servant, since the Son of Man was adorable, since the 
 Lord of glory was crucified, it was impossible to divide 
 His Personality. To sum up all in one simple formula : 
 "If our Lord Jesus Christ is God, how can our Lord's 
 Mother, the Holy Virgin, be not Mother of God?" He 
 guarded himself against misrepresentation by clearly con- 
 fessing a true Manhood in Christ, and clearly denying that 
 Mary could be Mother of Godhead. The confusion be- 
 tween Qod and Godhead was a main source of error*; all 
 that was meant by " Theotocos " was that the Word was 
 born of Mary, inasmuch as He took flesh of her; He be- 
 came her ChUd in virtue of His Manhood. 
 
 This letter was forwarded to Constantinople, and wel- 
 
 <! There is great uncertainty as to the time of this denunciation. Gamier 
 and Ncale connect it with Anastasius' sermon. 
 
 « The Nestorians made a distinction between God the Word and Emma- 
 nuel, by giving the latter name to Jesus. 
 
 f So in Nestorius' 7th Sermon. " Hear, wretched man (i. e. Proclus), 
 Pilate slew not the Godhead:" again, "James was not brother of the 
 Godhead." Nestorius frequently uses language indicating great confusion 
 of thought. In Sermon 9, " He said not, ' ^Vlloso eats or drinks My God- 
 head.' " So in Ep. 2. ad Cyr., "Christ said not. This is My Godhead," &c. 
 
HIS FIRST LETTER TO NESTORIUS. 317 
 
 corned by persons in higli office. Nestorlus ordered one 
 Photius to answer it, and set on some Alexandrians whom 
 Cyril bad righteously censured, for oppression and other 
 offences, to prepare memorials against their patriarch. Cce- 
 lestine, in the name of a Council of bishops, informed Cyril 
 that Nestorius' sermons had been sent to Eome, and asked 
 whether they were genuine productions ; but Cyril did not 
 reply until a year afterwards. About midsummer he wrote 
 his first letter to Nestoriuss, beginning, "Men of high 
 character and worthy of credit have come to Alexandria, 
 and informed me that your Piety is leaving no stone un- 
 turned against me." The excitement, he iasisted, was Nes- 
 torius' own fault ; he had led some expressly to deny that 
 Christ was God ; it was for him to allay the commotion by 
 uttering the single word, Theotocos. Lampon, a priest of 
 Alexandria, took this letter to Constantinople, and pre- 
 vailed on Nestorius to write in reply. " Though your 
 Piety," thus ran the letter, " has said a good deal that is 
 iuconsistent with brotherly love, (I wish to speak in re- 
 spectful terms,") yet Nestorius is resolved to be gentle 
 and forbearing. 
 
 There had been a certain degree of understanding be- 
 tween him and the Pelagians. Julian and three of his 
 companions, had come to Constantinople, and petitioned 
 Theodosius and Nestorius in the character of persecuted 
 Catholics. Nestorius had, in a recent sermon, taken care 
 to testify against Pelagianism ^ ; but after Marius Mercator 
 published an account of Coelestius and of the heresy in 
 general, Nestorius professed in a letter to Coelestine ' that 
 he was unacquainted with the facts of the case. He took 
 occasion in this letter to descant on the " corrupt " doctrine 
 
 e Mansi, iv. 883 ; Cyr. v. ii. 19. From this letter we learn the fact 
 which Neander, iv. 161, seems to have overlooked, that the Koman Council 
 had written to Cyril "as men greatly scandalized." 
 
 •■ " From a woman was the debt, from a woman the absolution 
 
 Thou art wroth with me because of the sin of Adam." Serm. 7. 
 
 ' Gamier, i. 66. Easter 429. He wrote two other letters to Coelestine. 
 
318 cassian's tbeatise. 
 
 which was held by " some " at Constantinople, who, follow- 
 ing in the wake of Apollinaris \ called the Virgin Theotocos, 
 instead of her true title " Christotocos." In a tone of 
 serene Churchmanship he told the Pope that "many had 
 been brought round ;" and that Theotocos was just toler- 
 able in an improper sense, as meaning that from Mary 
 came the temple of the Word. It is evident that by this 
 " temple " he meant a distinct human person, whom the 
 "Word employed as His instrument. Coelestine having re- 
 ceived this letter, and other doctrinal writings of Kestorius^, 
 was advised by his archdeacon Leo to place them in the 
 bauds of Cassian for refutation. Cassian accordingly wrote 
 seven books on the Incarnation, establishing™ the ortho- 
 doxy of the disputed title on the simple and strong foun- 
 dation, " Christ is God." He set forth the connection 
 between Pelagianism and Nestorianism, but apparently iu 
 exaggerated terms", overlooking the fact that Nestorius 
 did not suppose Christ to have won the Divine title by 
 His holiness ", but to have possessed it from the first by 
 His association with the Word. He dwelt with the au- 
 thority of personal knowledge on the faith of Antioch and 
 of his master S. Chrysostom p, as wholly alien to the Nea- 
 torian error. 
 
 Basil and other Catholic monks petitioned the Emperor 
 for a General Council, and narrated the sufferings to which 
 
 i" It seems that some Apollinarians adopted the phrase, which in con- 
 sistency they ought to have abhorred. 
 
 ' They proved to him that Nestorius held the doctrine of original sia 
 Gamier, however, thinks that Nestorius was in fact a Pelagianizer ; ii. 327. 
 
 "> De Incarn. ii. 4. He urges Titus ii. 13, and Eom. ix. 5, and the con- 
 fession of S. Thomas. In iv. 8 he explains John iii. 13. In v. 10 he cites 
 (as does S. Leo) 1 John iv. 3 as " omnis qui solvit Jesum ex Deo non est" 
 He concludes, "we owe so much the more to our God, quanto humihor 
 propter nos factus est k se Deus ;" vii. 31. 
 
 » De Incarn. i. 3 ; v. 2. See note in Oxf. Ed. of Fleury, vol. iii. p. 24. 
 
 ° As did Leporius, on whose retractation Cassian dwells, i. 5. 
 
 P He entreats the Constantinopolitans to avoid all fellowship with one 
 who dep,<irts from the teaching of "that John who, like the Evangelist, 
 might be said to lean on the Lord's bosom. Remember him, follow him, 
 think of his purity and his doctrine ;" vii. 31. 
 
S. GEEMAIN IN BRITAIN. 319 
 
 tliey had been subjected by the heterodox patriarch, who 
 "feared not God nor regarded man's." 
 
 While the strife was thus raging in the East, and Au- 
 gustine in Africa was developing Predestinarianism and 
 mournfully watching the Vandals' progress, the British 
 Church had been the scene of a great contest between Pe- 
 lagianism and orthodoxy'. Agricola, a Pelagian teacher, 
 had strengthened the heresy in its founder's native land. 
 If we may combine two accounts, it was by a synod of 
 Grallican bishops^, on the recommendation of Pope Cce- 
 lestine', that Germain of Auxerre and Lupus of Troyes 
 were sent into Britain to uphold the doctrines of grace. 
 In a conference at S. Alban's between " divine faith 
 and human presumption"," the Pelagians were put to si- 
 lence; and Bede goes on to tell the noble story of "the 
 Alleluia Victory." The Picts, he says, and the earliest 
 "Saxon" invaders menaced the British host, the largest 
 portion of which had just received baptism, and " shining 
 with the brightness of the laver''," took up, under Ger- 
 main's leadership, a position on some heights which com- 
 manded the hostile army. Germain and Lupus then cried 
 out thrice, " Alleluia !" The British took up the sacred 
 strain, which was associated with the Paschal season ; and 
 the enemy yielded to a sudden and overpowering panic y. 
 
 Cyril had been blamed, it appears, for not taking stronger 
 measures ; he explained that he had not as yet thought it 
 right to retort the anathema of Dorotheus. But in February 
 
 1 Mansi, iv. 1101. 
 
 ' Fastidius, bishop of London, appears to have recently composed a 
 treatise, in which he urged that a Christian's hope should be fixed wliolly 
 on, Christ. De vit. Chr. in Aug., torn. vi. Yet he has been suspected. 
 
 ' So Constantius of Lyons, S, Germain's biographer. 
 
 ' " At the instance of Palladius the deacon, Pope Coelestine sends Ger- 
 main vice sud." Prosper, Chron. See Life of S. Germ. 1844, p. 122. 
 
 » Bede, i. 17. » So the metrical life of S. Germain. 
 
 y The Welsh traditions point to "the Field of Germain," Maesgarmon, 
 near Mold in Flintshire, as the scene of this event. But Lingard contends 
 (Hist. Angl. Sax. Ch. i. 11) that this is in more than one respect im- 
 probable. 
 
320 SECOND LETTEE TO NESTOEIUS. 
 
 430 he -wrote his second letter to Nestorius S— the great 
 Epistle which received in subsequent Councils a formal sanc- 
 tion from the Church. " As I hear," so he begins, " some 
 are detracting from my credit." He set forth his faith in 
 the clearest terms, insisting on a real, not a merely moral, 
 union of God and Man in Christ, rejecting the association 
 of a human person with the "Word, and disclaiming Apolli- 
 narianism, with all notions which would degrade the God- 
 head. " The Word hypostatically " (i. e. personally) " united 
 to Himself flesh ^ animated with a reasonable soul, and in 
 
 a manner ineffable and inconceivable became Man 
 
 Diverse are the natures which are combined into this true 
 Union, but from them both is One Christ and Son ; not as 
 if the diversity of natures were annihilated because of the 
 union, but rather that Godhead and Manhood, through the 
 ineffable and mysterious concurrence into unity, constitute 
 for us the one Lord Jesus Christ." The Godhead did not 
 take its beginning from Mary ; the Word was born after 
 the flesh, in that He united Manhood to Himself; Mary 
 must be owned as Theotocos, "because of her was born 
 that holy Body with a reasonable Soul, to which the Word 
 was hypostatically united." In contending against the 
 dogma that a common man was born, and that on him 
 the Word descended, Cyril carefully disclaims the "insane" 
 thought that the Godhead bore the scourge and nails. As 
 in the Nativity, so in the Passion, we must recognize that 
 manhood which the Word had made His own. 
 
 Nestorius replied b, " I pass by the insulting portions 
 of your extraordinary letter." Employing his wonted igno- 
 ratio elenchi,he contended that the Word as such was im- 
 
 ^ Tom. V. ii. 22. 
 
 ' Henco came the principle, tliat the Godhead was never, "not even 
 for the twinkling of an eye," as the Coptic and Ethiopia liturgies express 
 it, severed from the Manhood or from any part of It : that God was in 
 Hades, and God was in the winding-sheet, because the Soul and Body, 
 temporarily parted by death, were still the Soul and Body of God. See 
 Bp. Forbes on Conversion, p. 180. 
 
 •i Mansi, iv. 891. 
 
HIS REPLY. 321 
 
 passible ; he treated the terms " God " and " Godhead " aa 
 synonymous; he applauded Cyril for admitting the two 
 Natures ; he himself appeared to admit the Personal Union, 
 "but it is clear that he means a moral, not a real union"." 
 He concluded by assuring Cyril that he had been imposed 
 upon, as to the state of the Church at Constantinople, by 
 persons of Manichean opinions ; a phrase which shews that 
 he had learned the phraseology of Julian, who applied that 
 term to all Catholics. These persons, who had united zeal 
 against Pelagianism with zeal against Nestorianism, had 
 recently been deposed at Constantinople from their minis- 
 terial offices, in order, perhaps, to console Coelestius, who 
 had been banished from Constantinople at the close of 429*. 
 About the same time Cyril wrote to some of his own clergy 
 at Constantinople'. Throwing aside, as mere sophistry, 
 the Nestorian argument from an impassible Godhead, he 
 condensed the whole question into a terse formula of eight 
 Greek words. " What those men aim at is to affirm two 
 Christs and two Sons." Nestorius had said that. he had 
 found the people of Constantinople ill-instructed ^ " What 
 means this superciliousness ? Is he more eloquent than 
 John, — is he equal to, or wiser than, blessed Atticus?" Of 
 the Alexandrian calumniators Cyril spoke with lofty scorn. 
 If he were accused, he would not shun a trial ; but he 
 would not have " that wretched man " for his judge. As 
 to the name Theotocos, was it more unscriptural than 
 Christotocos ? or could Mary be, as Nestorius was willing 
 to call her,^ TheodocJios s, the Eeceiver of God, unless she 
 were in fact God's Mother ? Peace was the thing he most 
 desired, if it could be had without compromise of truth ; 
 all that he asked was a plain confession of orthodoxy. 
 For himself, he had resolved on suffering any labour, any 
 torment, in the cause of faith. To a friend of Nestorius 
 
 ' Neale, Hist. Alex. i. 248. ^ Gumier, ii. 62. « Tom. vii. 32. 
 
 ' "Very devout and pious, but blind with ignorance about doctrine. 
 This is not their fault," &c. K In his 7th Sermon. 
 
 T 
 
32 2 CYRIL WRITES TO THEODOSIUS. 
 
 and his own he wrote, — " I care not for distress, or insult, 
 or bitterest revilings .... only let the Faith be kept safe'' !" 
 No one felt more good-will to Nestorius than he did ; his 
 anxiety was that a brother-prelate should regain his repu- 
 tation. He wrote an elaborate letter to Theodosius ' : " They 
 divide the one Christ into two It is not that they dis- 
 tinguish the nature of God from the flesh, or dwell simply 
 on that diversity ; for in that case they would not have 
 erred, since the nature of flesh differs from that of God- 
 head^ ; but the point is, that they set the one by himself 
 as a man, and call the other God by nature." They speak, 
 he adds, of the Word as naturally Son, of Christ as Son in 
 an equivocal sense. The question was absolutely vital. If 
 the Word did not become flesh, He could not aid us by 
 His trials ; " His work for our salvation comes to nought, 
 — our faith is made void, — the Cross, the world's salvation, 
 perishes." Again, he disowns all "conversion of Godhead 
 into flesh," and dwells on the dignity attained by the Man- 
 hood in Christ, arguing from the Holy Eucharist to the 
 Hypostatic Union ' ; since the Flesh of Christ is eaten as 
 life-giving, it must needs be the Flesh of God. Similar 
 treatises were addressed to Pulcheria and the other prin- 
 cesses, enforcing from Scripture" the Divinity of Jesus, 
 urging that " Mary, if not Theotocos, must be mother of 
 a mere man, whose death could not proiit mankind," and 
 appealing to Fathers who had used this term, explicitly or 
 virtually. About April he answered the letter which he 
 had received from the Pope a year before. After declaring 
 
 •■ Those who admire the heroism of S. Athanasius, but cannot speak 
 of S. Cyril without bitterness, should consider whether he had not much 
 of the Athanasian spirit in regard to faith. 
 
 ' De Eeoti Fide, and Mansi, iv. 618. 
 
 ^ These words show that he did not always use the word " nature " in 
 regard to the Godhead in Christ. 
 
 ' So we have seen S. Augustine argue from the received doctrine of bap- 
 tism to the truth which Pelagius denied as to original sin. 
 
 " He cited the text about the Spirit, water, and blood, (as all belonging 
 to Christ,) without the words as to the heavenly witnesses. 
 
COUNCIL OF KOME. 323 
 
 that the main body of the people of Constantinople were 
 holding off from their archbishop's communion, but that 
 their faith was daily receiving injury, he asked Coelestine 
 to say whether any fellowship should be kept with Nesto- 
 rius, and to express his mind to the Macedonian and East- 
 ern bishops. He sent withal a series of passages as to 
 Nestorius' own views and the Fathers' teaching, translated 
 into Latin "as well as Alexandrians could do it;" but he 
 charged his messenger, the deacon Posidonius, not to de- 
 liver these papers to Coelestine unless the latter had re- 
 ceived documents from Nestorius". He had, in fact, not 
 only received what Nestorius had sent in 429, but another 
 letter, in which the archbishop of Constantinople endeavoured 
 to convince his brother of Eome that Cyril maintained a 
 confusion of two natures. Cyril wrote to Acacius, the aged 
 bishop of Berrhoea, who had been unhappily conspicuous in 
 the persecution of S. Chrysostom, and who replied to Cyril 
 in the tone of a peacemaker, assuring him that John, the 
 much-respeoted patriarch of Antioch, had heard his letter 
 in a friendly spirit, but that many who had come from 
 Constantinople to Antioch believed the language of Nesto- 
 rius to be consistent with orthodoxy °. 
 
 Early in August a Council met at Rome. Coelestine 
 quoted a stanza from the Christmas hymn of S. Ambrose : — 
 " Redeemer of earth's tribes forlorn. 
 Come, show Thyself the Virgin-born ; 
 Let every age the marvel greet, — ■ 
 No common birth for God were meet." 
 
 "Thus," he added, "our brother Cyril's meaning, when he 
 calls Mary Theotocos, entirely agrees with Talis decet partus 
 Deum." He cited Hilary and DamasusP as teaching the 
 
 ° This, as well as his long delay in writing to Coelestine, should be 
 considered by those who denounce him on the ground of violence and 
 unfairness. 
 
 " Acacius observed that Paulinus, though he would not say "Three 
 Hypostases," agreed essentially with those who did. 
 
 P Damasus, said Ccelestine, had in a letter to Paulinus anathematized the 
 assertors of two Sons. 
 
324 COUNCIL OF EOME. 
 
 same doctrine of One Christ ; and the council pronounced 
 Nestorius guilty of heresy. On August 11 he wrote to 
 Cyril 9, accepting all his doctrinal statements, and giving 
 him an important commission. " Join the authority of oar 
 see to your own, and freely occupying our place, execute 
 this sentence with strictness and rigour ; so that unless ia 
 ten days from this monition he condemns in writing his un- 
 holy doctrine, and assures us that he holds that faith con- 
 cerning the birth of Christ our God "^ which is held by the 
 Eoman Church, and by your Holiness' Church, and by all 
 who belong to our religion, your Holiness may provide for 
 his Church, and let him know that he must needs be cut off 
 from our body." He also wrote to the bishops of Antioch', 
 Jerusalem, Thessalonica, Philippi; to Nestorius himself, aa 
 to a depraver of the faith who had now received three formal 
 warnings * ; and to the Church of Constantinople, to cheer 
 up those who might have much to suffer from Nestorius by 
 the example of Athauasius, and the remembrance that no 
 Christian could be exiled from God, — that the thing to 
 dread was exile from the true country of the living. In 
 the close of the letter Coelestine says, " On account of the 
 distance by land and sea, we have appointed our holy brother 
 Cyril to act in our stead." 
 
 Meantime the great saint and doctor of the West was 
 lying on his death-bed. Hippo, one of the three cities 
 which had as yet escaped the common ruin, was besieged 
 by the Vandals in June 430. One day Augustine, while at 
 table, announced to the other bishops who had taken shelter 
 in Hippo, that he had prayed God either to deliver the city, 
 or to strengthen His servants to bear His will, or at least 
 
 t Cyr. V. ii. 40, 42 ; Mansi, iv. 1019. 
 
 ' This phrase, which became a feature of Eastern service-books, was less 
 prominent in Western; but see the responsive hymn on charity in the 
 Roman office of Lotio pedum in Coen. Dom. 
 
 s Mansi, iv. 1047. Writing to John of Antioch, he says that the question 
 at issue is that of man's salvation. 
 
 ' Mansi, iv. 1025. These letters were entrusted to Posidonius. S. Cyril 
 was to receive and forward them. 
 
DEATH OF S. AUGUSTINE. 325 
 
 to take him out of this world™. He ceased not to preach 
 and work, until in August he was prostrated by fever ; and 
 as he used to say that even approved Christians and priests 
 ought to die as penitents, he excluded his friends from his 
 room except ai certain hours, caused the penitential psalms 
 to he written out and fixed on the wall opposite his bed, and 
 repeated them with many tears. He expired on Aug. 28, 430, 
 in his 77th year. Well might the Church of Paris in after- 
 days commemorate the Doctor of Grace by praying God 
 both to teach men His will, "and to work in them the 
 power to perform it." 
 
 John of Antioch advised Nestorius ^ to give peace to the 
 Church, not by an unworthy retractation, but by the admis- 
 sion of a term sanctioned by celebrated doctors, for the ex- 
 pression of an idea which he believed Nestorius himself to 
 acknowledge, which in truth he could not reject without 
 denying that God the Word assumed the form of a servant. 
 Theodoret, the eminent bishop of Cyrus, in the province 
 called Euphratesia, — famous for his eloquence and learn- 
 ing, his zeal in the conversion of heretics y, and his noble, 
 self-denying generosity ^, — was present when John thus 
 wrote, and approved of the letter. Nestorius replied that 
 he was quite orthodox, — that he had proposed Christotocos 
 as a medium between Theotocos and Anthropotocos, — that 
 he hoped for a general Council, — that the Egyptian's pre- 
 sumption was nothing strange. 
 
 The great " Egyptian," after a delay of some weeks, which 
 gives new proof of his reluctance to proceed to extremities, 
 carried out Coelestine's commission by assembling a Council 
 
 » Possid. Vit. Aug. 29. » Mansi, iv. 1061. 
 
 7 Theodoret, Epp. 81, 113, 145, says that he has converted, and brought 
 to holy baptism, the inhabitants of eight villages, adherents of the Mar- 
 oionite heresy ; another village of Eunomians, another of Arians ; in his 800 
 parishes (the word here has its present sense) " uo tares of heresy are left ;" 
 and in this work he has often been pelted and " shed his blood," has been 
 " brought to the gates of death." 
 
 * He never bought a house or a tomb ; never received an obolus or a coat ; 
 nor did his household receive so much as a loaf or an egg. He built por- 
 ticos, two bridges, an aqueduct, &c. Ep. 81. 
 
326 THIED LETTER TO NESTORIUS. 
 
 at Alexandria in November. The result was a synodal letter, 
 the third letter of Cyril to Nestorius ^. The bishop of Con- 
 stantinople was called upon to anathematize, in writing and 
 by oath, his impious dogmas. Then came a long dogmatic 
 exposition of the true sense of the Nicene Creed ; in the 
 course of which all confusion of Deity and humanity was de- 
 nied, while the unity of Person was upheld, and the Eucha- 
 ristic argument thus set forth. " We approach the mystic 
 Eucharist and are sanctified, being made partakers of the 
 holy Elesh and precious Blood of Christ the Saviour of us 
 all. And we do not receive it as common flesh, God forbid! 
 nor as the flesh of a man who has been sanctified, or con- 
 nected with the Word according to an union of dignity, or 
 who has God dwelling in him ; but we receive it as really 
 life-giving, and as the Word's own proper Flesh. Eor He, 
 being by nature Life, as God, did, on becoming one with 
 His own Elesh, render it life-giving''." To this epistle 
 were appended twelve " articles," or " anathematisms," the 
 teaching of which may be summed up thus : — 
 
 The union of God and man in Christ is not simply an 
 association (3) between the Word and a separate " God- 
 bearing" man (4, 5), whose God and Lord the Word is, on 
 whom the Word operates (6, 7), who receives the Spirit db 
 extra, and can be worshipped along with the Word (9, 8), 
 and oifered sacrifice for himself (10). No ! The Word is 
 liypostaticallij united to the flesh, so as to be one Christ (2) ; 
 Emmanuel, the Son of Mary, is truly God, and Mary is 
 Theotocos (1); all Christ's acts are acts of the Word (4), 
 His Elesh is life-giving as being the Word's Flesh, (11), in 
 which the Word suffered, was crucified, and rose again (12). 
 
 In looking at these memorable anathematisms, we may 
 regret tliat Cyril did not at this time anticipate the objec- 
 
 » Cyr. V. ii. 67 ; Mansi, iv. 1067 ; Routh, Opuso. ii. 17. It begins by a 
 reference to Matt. x. 37. 
 
 i" 0. 7. This is S. Cyril's explanation of John vi. 63, that "Spirit" is 
 used for Godhead. For the sense of i.Tro(f>aw^iv, as " to render," see Consecr. 
 Prayer in Apost. Const. ; S. Cyril, torn. v. ii. 189, vi. 23i ; Kenaudot, i. 241. 
 
A GENERAL COUNCIL SUMMONED. 327 
 
 tions whicli were likely to be made to tliem by men who, 
 without being Westorians, were exceedingly solicitous for 
 the doctrine of two Natures. The anathematisms by no 
 means denied this doctrine, but they expressed it, to say 
 the least, less clearly than Cyril afterwards found it neces- 
 sary to do. They were not a full statement of both aspects 
 of the truth. 
 
 Two other letters were sanctioned by the Alexandrian 
 synod ; one being an exhortation to the clergy and laity of 
 Constantinople, informing them ot what had been at last 
 and with difficulty efiected, and urging them to play the 
 men in Christ's cause, and to follow those holy fathers who 
 had called His Mother Theotocos, because He was very God ; 
 the other a letter to the monks of Constantinople, praising 
 their pious zeal in defence of orthodoxy. Four bishops were 
 sent as the Council's deputies to Constantinople. 
 
 But on the 19th of November, before they could reach 
 their destination, Theodosius, at the request both of Nes- 
 torius and his opponents, summoned the metropolitans " of 
 the Empire to come to Ephesus at the ensuing Pentecost) 
 attended by such bishops as each might select, and there to 
 hold a General Council. Besides the circular letter, Cyril 
 received a private one ^ from Theodosius, which Gibbon sup- 
 poses Nestorius to have paid for, and the bitter tone of which 
 may at any rate be ascribed to him. " Why have you de- 
 spised us, and raised all this agitation, as if a rash impe- 
 tuosity were more befitting than accurate inquiry, or auda- 
 city and versatility more pleasing to us than good taste and 
 simple dealing?" The Emperor proceeds to censure Cyril 
 for writing separate letters to himself and to his sister, on 
 the supposition of disagreement in the imperial family, or 
 with the purpose of producing it. The whole subject must 
 be fairly examined in the ensuing Council. Nestorius wrote 
 to Ccelestine *, speaking lightly of the matter as a verbal dis- 
 
 •= The only simple bishop wliom he invited was S. Augustine, of whose 
 death he had not heard. '^ Mansi, iv. 1109. ' Garnier, ii. 80. 
 
328 NESTOMUS AND THEODORET. 
 
 pute, and observing that he understood Cyril to be endea- 
 vouring to evade attendance at the Council; that he per- 
 sonally preferred Christotocos as a Scriptural term, but that 
 he -would not object to Theotocos if it were not used " to 
 confound the tvro Natures." 
 
 On Sunday, Dec. 7', the four bishops entered the cathe- 
 dral of Constantinople during the time of service, and pre- 
 sented to Nestorius the letters of Coelestine and Cyril. He 
 instantly sent off a copy to John of Antioch, requesting him 
 to secure Theodoret's aid. Having promised to see the de- 
 puties on the Monday, he shut his doors against them. On 
 the Saturday he preached ?, professing his readiness to accept 
 Theotocos in a sound sense, and his belief in the unity of the 
 Son. " What more can be wanted f " cried the audience. 
 " Nothing more," a Catholic might have answered, " except 
 security that he employs the Church's terms in the Church's 
 sense." He framed twelve anathematisms of his own^, some 
 of which were irrelevant, some tended to confuse the sub- 
 ject, and some betrayed his heresy *. He enjoyed the sup- 
 port of John, who thought the anathematisms of Cyril Apol- 
 linarian ; of Andrew bishop of Samosata, who wrote a trea- 
 tise against them in the name of the Eastern Church ; and 
 of Theodoret, who also composed a " Refutation" of each of 
 Cyril's statements K Theodoret acknowledged Theotocos in 
 the sense of " mother of a man united to God." He could 
 not, he said, understand the phrase "hypostatic union," but 
 he protested against a confusion of the Natures. Some of 
 his criticisms exhibited a really heterodox line of thought'; 
 
 ' Garnier, ii. p. x.xi. ;' Neale, i 253. 
 
 8 Serm. 12. He says that Arians applaud the word Tlieotooos. He 
 preached again, Serm. 13, on Dec. 14. Garnier, ii. 93. He also wrote about 
 this time to Coelestius as a most religious presbyter, &o. Gamier, i. 71. 
 
 •^ Marius Mercator translated them into Latin, and replied to them. 
 
 > In the first he will not allow Emmanuel to be called very God. 
 
 ^ Mansi, t. 83. Neander, It. 1 67, blames Theodoret for imputing Apol- 
 linarianism and other errors to Cyril, who " had expressly enough guarded 
 against them." 
 
 1 He regarded the Son of David as a human person, a man whom God 
 assumed. 
 
BISHOPS OF EPHESUS. 329 
 
 others, a singular misappreliension of the points at issue ™. 
 Cyril replied to both these works ; and wrote five books 
 against Nestorius' sermons. In his answer to the Eastern 
 bishops he employed the comparison which we find in the 
 Quicunque vult, that as soul and body make one man, so 
 Godhead and Manhood make one Christ °. 
 
 About four or five days before Whitsunday, which fell in 
 431 on June 7, Cyril reached Ephesus, accompanied by 
 fifty bishops, 'and found that Nestorius with sixteen had 
 arrived before him. Memnon bishop of Ephesus sup- 
 ported Cyril; whatever may have been his orthodox zeal, 
 he doubtless remembered the humiliation which his see 
 had received from Nestorius' most illustrious predecessor. 
 Juvenal of Jerusalem arrived in Whitsun-week ; the Roman 
 legates, Arcadius and Projectus, bishops, with Philip a 
 priest, were on their way. Coelestiae had already ex- 
 pressed to Cyril his opinion, that if Nestorius were minded 
 to repent, he should by all means be received, notwith- 
 standing the sentence already pronounced by Eome and 
 Alexandria. The bishops of the Antiochene patriarchate 
 had not arrived. The sufiering Church of Africa could 
 send no prelate ; but Capreolus of Carthage wrote, entreat- 
 ing the bishops to maintain the ancient doctrine. Can- 
 didian, commander of the imperial guard, was appointed 
 to preserve order in the Council, but not to interfere in 
 doctrinal questions. 
 
 Hostilities were in one sense commenced between the 
 two parties before the opening of the Council. Memnon 
 was afterwards charged by the Nestorians with having 
 excluded them from S. John's church, and from other 
 sacred places, so that they had no place wherein to cele- 
 
 ^ e. g. lie thought it relevant to say that Christ must be adored as God 
 and man, in two distinct natures. What Cyril had denied in his 8th ar- 
 ticle was the notion of two adorable ones ; he had insisted that the Incar- 
 nate Word was one Person, and must as such be adored with " one wor- 
 ship ;" the adoration of His iVIanhood being the adoration of Himsell^ the 
 God-Man. " See S. Aug. Ep. 137. 3 ; Serm. 186 ; Enohir. 36. 
 
330 BISHOPS AT EPHESUS. 
 
 brate Pentecost, or to say matins and vespers. They also 
 complained of violence done to them by Egyptian sailors 
 and Asiatic peasants. Cyril doubtless delivered addresses 
 on the great subject which had possession of his mind; 
 but one homily ascribed to him" betrays its later origin 
 by the extravagance of its language. Acacius of Melitene 
 preached, and spoke of the cross as honoured "with the 
 altars," and as glittering on the fronts of churches. He 
 endeavoured in vain to convert Nestorius. A bishop of 
 the Nestorian party said to him, "The Son who suffered, 
 is one, Grod the Word is another." Acacius withdrew in 
 horror ; but another dictum which fell from Nestorius 
 impressed itself yet more indelibly upon every CathoHc 
 heart. On June 19, Theodotus of Ancyra, and some other 
 prelates, were arguing with him on the Divinity of Jesus. 
 " For my part," he said, several times over, " I cannot say 
 that a child of two or three months old was God." This 
 was enough to disprove his fairest professions, and expose 
 to Christendom his profound misbelief. 
 
 On Sunday, June 21, a fortnight had elapsed from the 
 time fixed for the Council. A letter had been brought 
 to Cyril, probably the day before, from John of Antioch, 
 to the effect that he had been travelling incessantly for 
 thirty days, and that he hoped in five or six days more to 
 embrace his brother of Alexandria. Two metropolitans 
 of his company also arrived, with a message to the bishops; 
 " If I am delayed, proceed with your business." The 
 
 " Cyr. Op. V. ii. 379. This " encomium" speaks of the bishop of Komo 
 as "archbishop of the whole world," a title not Ukely to be given him by 
 the ^'Pope of Alexandria" in 431. The furious attack on Nestorius is 
 totally unlike the language held respecting him by the Council up to the 
 time of his deposition. The long string of apostrophes to the Theotocos 
 appears too elaborate to be Cyril's. There is another homily in Cyr. v. ii. 
 355, called "When the seven went down to S. Mary's," which is a shorter 
 and more moderate form of the encomium. A writer in Chr. Rem. xxx. 
 451, calls both "certainly spurious." The latter, if genuine, was preached 
 after the deposition of Nestorius. The former says, " God will remove 
 thee from. ..the throne of the pontificate." 
 
THE COUNCIL OPENED. 33 1 
 
 question for Cyril and the majority of the assembled pre- 
 lates was, " Shall we wait until the time which he specifies 
 has expired ?" In favour of such a course were considera- 
 tions such as in a time of controversial excitement are 
 often unpersuasive. It was really most important to avoid 
 the appearance of unfairness or impatience ; to put no 
 stumbling-block in the way of a number of prelates who 
 were already prepossessed against the Church of Alex- 
 andria, but whose patriarch had addressed Cyril with fra- 
 ternal respect and cordiality. Having waited so long, the 
 bishops might surely wait until the 25ih or 26th ; and if 
 John did not then arrive, no one could blame them for 
 taking him at his word, and " proceeding with their busi- 
 ness." But, on the other hand, they were already weary 
 of waiting ; illness, and even death, had appeared among 
 them ; they persuaded themselves that John was purposely 
 loitering, iti order to avoid taking part in the condemnation 
 of NestoriusP. The Egyptians doubtless felt that John, 
 whenever he might arrive, would be hostile to the Alex- 
 andrian anathematisms ; and the result was that the ma- 
 jority sent a message to Nestorius, warning him to attend 
 next day for the opening of the Council. He replied, 
 "I will see what is my duty." His adherents protested in 
 writing; Candidian supported their view, and on Monday, 
 June 22, when 198 bishops assembled in S. Mary's church, 
 he personally remonstrated against a course which would 
 precipitate division. It was in vain ; Cyril and the ma- 
 jority had taken their resolution, and absolutely refused 
 to delay, availing themselves very unwarrantably of the 
 Syrian patriarch's courteous message, which obviously pre- 
 supposed their compliance with his written request. On 
 
 p Evagrius says, i, 3, that many think John guiltless of any such in- 
 tention. In fact, he might be expected, says Tillemont, xiv. 388, to wish 
 to reach Ephesus before the arrival of Coelestine's legates. His attendant 
 bishops could not leave their churches until after "New Sunday" (Low 
 Sunday) April 26. They could not all assemble at Antioch until May 10; 
 Then, affairs at Antioch prevented John from starting until May 18. 
 
QQ2 FIEST SESSION. 
 
 the episcopal throne, in the centre of the assembly, were 
 laid the Gospels; the bishops sat on each aide; Cyril, 
 as highest in rank, and as holding the proxy of Coelestine i 
 until the arrival of the Roman legates, presided in the 
 assembly. It would have been better if Juvenal or some 
 other bisliop had discharged this office; but it appears 
 that Cyril's part in the proceedings was mainly that of 
 a producer of evidence, and that he called on the Council 
 to judge between himself and Nestorius '^. His secretary 
 delivered a short statement of the principal facts. A second 
 citation was then directed to Nestorius ; but soldiers with 
 clubs denied the deputies access to his presence, and he 
 sent out word that he would attend when all the bishops 
 had reached the city. A third message was then de- 
 spatched to him ; care being taken to treat him simply as 
 an accused bishop, not as a condemned heretic ^ Again 
 the rude sentinels thrust back the deputies. " If you 
 stay here all night, you will get no satisfaction ; Nestorius 
 has ordered that no one from your Council shall enter." 
 They returned to S. Mary's. " Nestorius," said the bishop 
 of Jerusalem, " shows a bad conscience. Let us now pro- 
 ceed to compare all recent statements with the Creed of 
 Nicsea." The great Confession was then read; the second 
 letter of Cyril to Nestorius was produced, and read by 
 Peter the secretary. " You have heard my letter," said 
 Cyril; "give your opinion as to its orthodoxy'." The 
 majority of the bishops, speaking each in turn, and the 
 rest speaking collectively, pronounced it to be thoroughly 
 
 1 This must be distingtiished from the commission to " act in CcElestine*s 
 stead," which had been granted and discharged before the General Council 
 was summoned. At Ephesus, as TiUemont says, xiv. 393, Cyril might 
 notwithstanding " bien presumer que Celestin ne le desavoueroit pas sur 
 cela." See Cave, Hist. Lit. i. 391. 
 
 ^ Even after the Roman legates came, however, Cyril's name stood first 
 as also representing Rome (Sess. 6) ; and again in Mansi, iv. 1363, he signs 
 simply as bishop of Alexandria before Arcadius, Juvenal, Projectus, Flavian, 
 Philip. 1 " Your Piety — the most pious Nestorius." 
 
 ' The Council is here asked to sit in judgment on a document which 
 Rome had approved. 
 
NESTOKIUS CONDEMNED. 
 
 333 
 
 accordant wifh the Creed. Then was read Nestorius' 
 answer. " Is this," asked Cyril, " agreeable to Nicene 
 faith?" "By no means," said Juvenal; "I anathematize 
 those who hold such opinions." Other prelates followed 
 in the same strain; and at length the whole assembly 
 burst forth in vehement anathemas. " We all anathe- 
 matize Nestorius, the heretic, his . impious faith, his letter, 
 his doctrines. Anathema to him who communicates with, 
 who does not anathematize Nestorius." Ccelestine's letter 
 to Nestorius followed, and then Cyril's third letter, to 
 which the twelve anathematisms were appended. Neither 
 of these letters were greeted with express approbation ; 
 but it is plain that although the Council might not commit 
 itself to the anathematisms'^, it intended to sanction the 
 third, as well as the second letter^. The next evidence 
 was that of the bishops who had carried the third letter, 
 with that of Coelestine, to Constantinople. After this, the 
 bishop of Joppa conjured Acacius and Theodotus, by the 
 holy Gospels there present, to make known what they had 
 recently heard from Nestorius. They did so ; after which 
 a series of passages from the Fathers were adduced in 
 support of the doctrine taught by Cyril ; extracts from the 
 sermons of" the most reverend Nestorius" were added, until 
 Flavian of Philippi begged to hear no more of such " hor- 
 rible blasphemies." The letter of the bishop of Carthage 
 closed the list of documents ; its request for the rejection of 
 novelties was echoed by cries of " We all desire the same;" 
 And the prelates proceeded to depose and excommunicate 
 Nestorius, in the name of " our Lord Jesus Christ whom 
 
 " See Tillemont, xiv. 358, 405. 
 
 « See the CounoU's letter to Theodosius, infra. Also in the Council of 
 Chalcedon, the magistrates refer to Cyril's two canonical letters published at 
 Ephesus. The acts of the fifth General Council say that at Ephesus Nes- 
 torius' teaching was compared with two letters of Cyril ; and that the 
 Council of Chalcedon "accepted the synodioal epistles of S. Cyril, to one of 
 which the twelve articles were annexed." See Bp. Forbes, Theol. Def., 
 p. 54. Tillemont, xiv. 369, says of the articles, " on n'en parla point dana 
 le Concile de Calcedoine." See also Neale, Hist. Alex. i. 252. 
 
334 NESTORIUS CONDEMNED. 
 
 he has blasphemed." The sentence was signed by all the 
 bishops; the first signature being, "I, Cyril, bishop of 
 Alexandria, subscribe to the judgment of the Council." 
 It was now late in the summer evening. The bishops, 
 on issuing from the church, were welcomed with loud 
 applause by the people, who had thronged the streets all 
 day. Torches and perfumes were burnt before themy, as 
 they proceeded to their several abodes; and thus ended 
 the memorable first session of the Council of Ephesus. It 
 is interesting to think that while the bishops were going 
 home that night, after a day of intense excitement, PauU- 
 nus of Nola was calmly giving up his soul. His last 
 words, breathed forth in a low chant at the hour of vespers, 
 were those of Psalm cxxxii., " I have prepared a lamp for 
 my Christ." 
 
 On Tuesday, June 23, Nestorius was formally apprised 
 of his deposition, and denounced as a new Judas. Care 
 was taljen to placard and proclaim the sentence ; a letter 
 was written to the clergy and church-stewards of Constan- 
 tinople, admonishing them to take charge of the property 
 of the vacant see. Cyril wrote to Dalmatius, a venerated 
 abbat at Constantinople, who had warned his brethren of 
 coming troubles before Nestorius had entered on the arch- 
 bishopric. Candidian protested against the proceeding, en- 
 couraged the country-people to insult the bishops, and sent 
 the placard to Theodosius, to whom also Nestorius wrote, 
 asking for a Council to be composed of metropolitans, with 
 two bishops of each province ^. The Council wrote to Theo- 
 dosius, expressly declaring that it had compared the doc- 
 trinal epistles of Cyril with the Nicene Creed, and found 
 them to agree with it both in substance and in words*. 
 
 y "Women went before us carrying censers," is Cyril's statement. 
 Matisi, iv. 1241. 
 
 » His real reason was, that the patriarch of Alexandria was himself the 
 sole metropolitan of Egypt. 
 
 » Mansi, iv, 1235. This would not necessarily imply an acceptance 
 of the anathematisms. The letter of Not. 430 might be accepted apart 
 from what was "annexed" to it. 
 
JOHN OF ANTIOCH AKEIVES. 335 
 
 Nestorius' speech as to a child of two months old was re- 
 ferred to; and a request was made for the burning of his 
 books. Letters were also written by the Council to the 
 Church of Constantinople, and by Cyril to the Alexandrians 
 and the monks of Egypt. 
 
 On Saturday, June 27, John of Antioch with fourteen 
 bishops arrived. The Council sent deputies to meet him ; 
 — this he construed as an annoyance. They followed him 
 to his lodging ; after long delay, he consented to see them ; 
 but permitted Count Irenseus, Nestorius' friend, to beat 
 them cruelly. Dusty and travel-stained as he was, John 
 proceeded to hold a Council of his own friends and twenty- 
 nine others. Candidian had the assurance to telj. this con- 
 clave that the Council had deposed Nestoriua without any 
 formal investigation. A sentence was drawn up, deposing 
 Cyril and Memnon, and excommunicating the others, until 
 they should condemn Cyril's articles. Porty-three bishops, 
 including Theodoret, signed this document, and sent out 
 letters to Theodosius, and to the clergy and laity of Con- 
 stantinople. As a specimen of their extraordinary reck- 
 lessness, it may be mentioned that these adversaries of Cyril 
 imputed to him not only Apollinarian but Eunomian ideas. 
 Theodosius, on June 29, wrote in severe terms to the Coun- 
 cil, declared its proceedings null, and ordered that no bishop 
 should leave Ephesus until the doctrinal question had been 
 fairly scrutinized. The Council in reply complained that 
 Candidian had prepossessed Theodosius, and begged that 
 five bishops might be allowed to state the case to the Em- 
 peror. John strove in vain to force his way into a church, 
 in order to consecrate a new bishop of Ephesus : a riot 
 ensued, in which some persons were wounded. 
 
 And now the Eoman legates arrived, and the second 
 session was held in Memnon's house, July 10. Coolestine's 
 letter to the Council'', dated May 8, spoke of the episcopal 
 assembly as the visible display of the Holy Spirit's pre- 
 
 «> Mansi, iv. 1287. 
 
Qg6 THE KOKAJSr LEGATES. 
 
 sence <=, and expressed full confidence that tlie Council would 
 join with the legates in executing what Eome had already 
 thought good. The bishops answered by applauses. " One 
 CcElestine, one CyrU, one faith of the Council, one faith of 
 the world!" Next day, in the third session, the legate 
 Philip, having magnified the successor of Peter as inherit- 
 ing his authority \ joined with his two companions in af- 
 firming the sentence against Nestorius. The Council there- 
 upon wrote to the Emperor that the whole Church was 
 against Nestorius. On July 16, Cyril and Memnon com- 
 plained of John's proceedings. " His sentence," said Aca- 
 cius, " is wholly illegal ; but we may formally summon him." 
 The first deputation could get no answer ; the second was 
 informed that John would give none to persons excommu- 
 nicate. Cyril had wished the Council to pass sentence on 
 John after the first monition; but Juvenal, whose claims 
 to the primacy of Palestine Cyril opposed, prevented this. 
 Next day, Cyril anathematized the heresiarchs with whom 
 he had been unjustly associated, together with Nestorius, 
 Coelestius, and Pelagius. Three bishops and a notary were 
 sent to John with a deed of temporary suspension. The 
 soldiers prevented the hostile clergy from insulting the 
 bishops, one of whom they knew of old. JohLi's arch- 
 deacon, "a little pale man with a light beard®," came down 
 and offered them a paper which they could not receive. 
 They returned to the Council ; John and his adherents 
 were formally excommunicated ; and letters were written 
 
 c It is certain that Coelestine knew notliing of the theory which is now 
 called 'ultramontane.* He recognized "apostolic" authority in all his 
 brother-bishops alike. See Allies, Ch. of Engl. Cleared, p. 91, ed. 1 ; 
 Flenry, xxv. 47. Mr. Greenwood ignores this recognition. 
 
 "i Peter, said Philip, was the head of the apostles, and "even now and 
 always lives and judges in his successors." On the whole, what Rome said 
 in 431 amounts to this: "All bishops succeed the apostles, but Coelestine, 
 as heir of him who was the foremost apostle, has a right to be foremost 
 among bishops." Eome did not say, as she now practically says, "The 
 apostohc authority is concentrated in S. Peter's successor." There is 
 nothing strange in Coelestine's charge to the legates to maintain the 
 authority of Eome. e Mansi, iv. 1321. 
 
DEFINITION or DOCTKINE. 337 
 
 to tlie Emperor and the Pope^. The sentence passed by 
 the rival council was characterized as a mere absurdity, 
 which the Council had disregarded ; Cyril and Memnon had 
 continued to take part with all their brethren in Divine 
 service. The Council, it was added, had confirmed the 
 Eoman judgment aglinst the Pelagians and Ccelestians. 
 
 Perplexed, as it seems, by counter-statements s, Theo- 
 dosius resolved to send his high -treasurer, Count John, 
 with discretionary powers to Ephesus. While this com- 
 missioner was on his way, the Council in a sixth session, 
 July 22, framed a doctrinal Definition, consisting of the 
 Nicene Creed, without the Constantinopolitan additions, 
 and of some passages from the Eathers which might pre- 
 serve the faith from being explained away. Charisiua, a 
 priest of Philadelphia, then informed the Council that two 
 Nestorian priests, James and Antony, had imposed a here- 
 tical creed, the work of Theodore \ on some ignorant Quar- 
 todeciraan Philadelphians desirous of conforming to the 
 Church '. As a sample of heretical subtlety, this document 
 was instructive. It accepted the phrase " one Son," as 
 meaning that He who was inseparably connected with the 
 Only-begotten was called Son in a superior sense to that 
 in which Christians were sons of God. This was quite in 
 accordance with Nestorian disingenuousness. The Coun- 
 cil ordained that no one should be allowed to propose, 
 
 ' In this letter to S. Ccelestine the ypdntiara of S. Cyril, which are said 
 to have been approved, appear to mean his second letter. 
 
 g The adverse party declared that they durst not put their heads out 
 of doors, if they longed for a little fresh air. A count named Irenasus was 
 their advocate at Constantinople. 
 
 ^ Mercator criticized it as disingenuously heretical. Gamier, ii. 2ol. 
 
 ' Some of these poor men, who declared their acceptance of the Catholic 
 Easter, were not able to write ; e. g. Rudius, who says, * ' because I know 
 not letters, I subscribe by the hand of Hesychius," &c. In the deeds of 
 conformity they ''anathematize all heresies, but especially the Quarto- 
 deciman." Charisius' own formula is not the same as the Nicene ; it ends, 
 "and in the Spirit of truth, the Paraclete, consubstantial with Father .and 
 Son ; and in the holy Catholic Church ; in the resurrection of the dead ; 
 in the life everlasting." 
 
 Z 
 
338 THE "EIGHTS OF CYPRUS. 
 
 write, or compile any other "faith" than the Nicene; 
 i. e. that no individual should draw up a creed to be sub- 
 scribed by converts, and to take the rank of a baptismal 
 formulary ''. 
 
 In the seventh session, July 31, three bishops of Cyprus 
 addressed the Council against the claim of Antioch to juris- 
 diction over their Church, a claim which Innocent had sup- 
 ported in the person of Alexander. Eheginus, one of tlie 
 three, had been consecrated to the metropolitan see of Con- 
 stantia, in spite of orders from Dionysius, duke of the East. 
 The Council asked what induced "the most magnificent 
 and glorious duke Dionysius" to put forth this prohibition? 
 " The request," answered the Cypriots, " of the Antiochene 
 Church." " What did he of Antioch aim at ?" " An un- 
 canonical supremacy over our island." " Did ever bishop 
 of Antioch ordain a metropolitan of Constantia ?" " Never, 
 since the Apostles' time, can a single instance be found 
 of a foreign bishop coming to impart the grace of ordina- 
 tion to the island. The metropolitan has been ordained by 
 the provincial synod of Cyprus." The Council cautiously 
 enacted that if these statements were true, and there were 
 no precedents for the claim of Antioch, then the prelates of 
 Cyprus should perform consecrations for the island without 
 disturbance, according to the canons and ancient custom. 
 " The same shall be observed throughout the dioceses and 
 provinces, so that no one of the most pious bishops shall 
 take possession of another province, which was not origi- 
 nally and from the first under his own or his predecessor's 
 power'. Or, if he has forcibly occupied and subjected it, he 
 
 i" See note in Oxf. ed. of Fleury, vol. iii. p. Ill ; Waterland, iii. 249, ed. 
 1843. This canon has been quoted (as by Burnet in 1689) against our use 
 of the Athanasian Creed. The argnment mistakes the case, and also proves 
 too much, as it must tell equally against the Apostles' Creed, and against 
 the additions made in 381 to the Nicene. Tillemont, however, admits that 
 the terms of the canon have been found embarrassing, xiv. 443. They 
 were discussed in the Council of Ferrara in 1433. 
 
 ' Our divines apply this principle to the case of the old British Church 
 in regard to Eoman supremacy ; e. g. BramhaU, i. 167. 
 
CANONS. 339 
 
 shall restore it ; lest the canons of the Fathers be violated, 
 and the haughtiness of domination " glide in under the garb 
 of sacerdotal authority, and so that freedom be gradually 
 and secretly lost, which our Lord Jesus Christ, the Libe- 
 rator of all men, bestowed on us by His Blood. Every pro- 
 vince, therefore, shall retain its original rights, undisputed 
 and inviolate." , 
 
 Several other proceedings took place, as the condemna- 
 tion of the Massalian heresy, and the maintenance of the 
 Thracian usage, by which a single bishop had the charge 
 of several sees ". The canons of the Council are eight in 
 number: — 1. Against metropolitans, (a) seceding from the 
 Council °, (b) " thinking with Coelestius." 2. Against se- 
 ceding bishops. 3. For the restoration of clergy suspended 
 by Nestorius, and against obedience to seceding bishops. 
 4. For the deposition of clergy who go over to Nesto- 
 rianism or Ccelestianism. 5. For the permanence of Church 
 censure against those from whom Nestorians would remove 
 it. 6. Censure against enemies of the Council's authority. 
 7. Against Theodore's " impious creed." 8. On the rights 
 of Cyprus. 
 
 Here, properly speaking, the proceedings of the Third 
 General Council came to an end. 
 
 ™ Compare tlie Africans' remonstrance to Coelestine. 
 
 " Two Thracian bishops were afraid that the bishop of Heraclea, who 
 had turned Nestorian, might strengthen himself by naming bishops to sees 
 which other bishops held in commendam. 
 
 o Such secessions might be looked for so long as the adrerse party was 
 strong in court favour. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 From the Council of Ephesus to the Accession of S. Leo. 
 
 ** He was God and man in one person indissolubly united, — steeping in the glory 
 of 14is Divine personality all of human that He wrought." 
 
 Dean Trench's Sermons in 1856. 
 
 A NEW scene was opened by the arrival of Count Jolm 
 -^ at Ephesus ^ After long discussions he produced an 
 imperial letter addressed to fifty-one bishops, as to one 
 assembly, whom Theodosius gravely informed that he as- 
 sented to the deposition of Cyril, Memnon, and Nestorius. 
 The Court, it appears, had lost all clear knowledge of the 
 actual position of the two parties. The three bishops were 
 arrested; soldiers were stationed atthe doors of their bed- 
 rooms ; letters were again written to Constantinople and to 
 Antioch. Those of the anti-Cyrilline bishops prejudiced 
 Isidore of Pelusium, who in consequence admonished Cyril 
 to avoid the errors of his uncle's pontificate'', and wrote to 
 Theodosius, advising him to visit Ephesus in person. The 
 bishops of the Council, in a little note intended for the clergy 
 of Constantinople, described the distress which they were 
 suflTering. " We are killed with the heat ; the air is un- 
 healthy, — there is a funeral nearly every day, — the servants 
 are all gone home sick ; but if they make us die here, we 
 will not alter what Christ has through us ordained." Many 
 of the bishops were very ill ; some had been obliged to sell 
 all that they had, in order to pay their expenses. Cyril 
 
 » There is some diversity as to the arrangement of events. I have fol- 
 lowed Fleury's order. "The last session," he says, xxv. 57, "was held on 
 the last day of July ; for so we must read, although the acts place it on the 
 last day of August ; since we know that the Council assembled no more 
 after the arrival of Count John." 
 
 !> Ep. i. 310. " Many of those at Ephesus accuse you of gratifying your 
 
 private quarrels He is nephew, they say, of Theophilus, and follows his 
 
 line of conduct. " 
 
DALMATIUS. 34 1 
 
 declared in one of his letters" that the "scandalous lies" 
 about his having employed the agency of Alexandrian bath- 
 men, and nuns who bad left their convents, had been 
 detected and condemned by Count John. It was vain, he 
 added, to ask the Council to communicate with Antioch; 
 and for himself, he was "ready for the scourge*." 
 
 But how were these letters to be carried to their des- 
 tination ? The Nestorians of Constantinople beset the ships 
 and the roads, and would allow no ordinary messenger to 
 enter the city. It was determined to give them into the 
 care of a beggar, who might carry them in the hollow of 
 a cane on which he leant*. This ingenious device suc- 
 ceeded'. The clergy of Constantinople openly addressed 
 Theodosius on behalf of Cyrils. There was a great stir 
 among the monks, who were for the most part determined 
 enemies of Nestorianism. The aged archimandrite'', or 
 abbat, Dalmatius, had not left his monastery for nearly 
 fifty years. The emperor had vainly striven to make him 
 take a part in processional services during earthquakes. 
 But now he felt, as he expressed it, that in a cause which 
 80 truly helonged to God he could not be inactive. He 
 issued forth, the head of a solemn train of monks and 
 abbats, including an abbat named Eutyches. Chanting in 
 two choirs, they moved towards the palace ; the abbats 
 were admitted to the presence of Theodosius, who, as he 
 had once been seriously alarmed by an impudent monk's 
 informal censure, was not likely to resist a demonstration 
 of tbis kind. Having read the letter of the Council, he 
 siiid, " If these things are so, let the bishops come hither." 
 "They are prevented," said Dalmatius. "No, they are 
 
 ' Mansi, iv. 1447. * The LXX rendering of our Psalm xxxviii. 17. 
 
 « Mansi, iv. 1427. 
 
 ' "Que pent I'homme oontre Dieu? Un mendiant for^a toutes ces 
 barri&ea." Tillemont, xiv. 421. 
 
 s Tillemont places this address some time after the procession of the 
 abbats, which in his order precedes the arrival of the Roman legates, 
 and the imperial letter about Cyril, Memnon, and Nestorius ; xiv. 422, 
 428, 429, 468. ^ Literally, chief of a. fold of monks. 
 
342 Cyril's explanations. 
 
 not," said the Emperor. " They are under arrest," persisted 
 the archimandrite. " Will you listen to sis thousand bi- 
 shops, or one impious man ?" This rhetorical question lie 
 afterwards explained; "I referred to those who are vir- 
 tually present in their metropolitans." The conference 
 ended to the satisfaction of the archimandrites ; they came 
 forth, and directed the multitude without to proceed to 
 a large church at the extremity of the city. Again the 
 procession swept onwards ; monks, hearing wax tapers, led 
 the psalmody, without which in those days no great reli- 
 gious movement was conceivable ; and the inspiring strain, 
 " O praise God in His holiness !" was being thundered forth 
 -as they approached their destination. The church was 
 thronged with eager listeners ; Dalmatius caused the Coun- 
 cil's letter to be read, and then described the interview 
 with Theodosius. He took no credit to himself, but assured 
 them that if the Emperor had spoken approvingly of the 
 Council, it was because he clung to his father's faith. 
 Dalmatius might well write to the Council, " I have not 
 neglected your wishes." His interposition was a great 
 event; he had proved too many for the Nestorians. By 
 his simple devotion and impressive firmness, the old recluse 
 had given force and unity to a great mass of public feel- 
 ing, and broken the spell by which a party had bound an 
 Emperor. 
 
 Theodosius now ordered both parties to send deputies to 
 his court. TLie Council chose eight, one of whom was 
 Philip, the Roman legate ; among the eight named by their 
 rivals were John of Antioch and Theodoret. Cyril and 
 Memnon remained under arrest, while Nestorius was al- 
 lowed to retire to a monastery near Antioch. Cyril occu- 
 pied himself, at the Council's request, in writing an ex- 
 planation of his anathematisms '. Once again he disclaimed 
 all notion of a confusion between Godhead and Manhood. 
 He explicitly taught that the human acts of Christ were 
 
 ' Mansi, v. 1. 
 
THE DEPUTIES. 
 
 343 
 
 not to be ascribed to His Divine Nature, although they 
 must be ascribed to His single Divine Personality. On 
 the eleventh article he said, " We celebrate in our churches 
 the holy, life-giving, and bloodless Sacrifice, not believing 
 That which is present to be the body of a common man, 
 one of ourselves, — nor again, the precious Blood ; but 
 rather receiving it as having become the proper Body and 
 Blood of the all-quickening Word. For common flesh 
 cannot quicken; and of this our Saviour Himself bears 
 witness ; ' Flesh profiteth nothing, it is the Spirit that 
 quickeneth !' " On the twelfth, he insisted that it was no 
 mere man, " an object of conception as individually distinct 
 from the Word, that bore the precious Cross and tasted 
 death for us ; but it was the Lord of glory Himself that 
 suffered in flesh, according to the Scriptures." 
 
 The two deputations were met by Theodosius at Chalcedon 
 in the first week of September''. He had wisely determined 
 not to expose Constantinople to the risk of such a tumult 
 as their presence might excite. He gave audience five 
 times to the deputies ; but he would hear no man plead 
 for Nestorius. Theodoret accused his opponents of iden- 
 tifying Deity with Manhood. He was allowed to preach, 
 and was listened to by large congregations ; it was in one 
 of these sermons that he indignantly repudiated the no- 
 tion of "a suffering God'. our Saviour and Benefactor," 
 he exclaimed, with a confusion of thought which seems 
 absolutely wonderful, "let us not so apostatize from Thy 
 worship, be so ignorant of Thy nature, as to suppose our 
 Deliverer to be passible !" He and his friends had prayers 
 and discourses, but did not read Scripture nor celebrate 
 the Eucharist. It soon appeared that the deputations were 
 powerless to restore unity. The anti-Cyrilline party were 
 prepared to argue the doctrinal question before the Em- 
 peror as a qualified judge ™. Their opponents refused to 
 do so ; they insisted simply on the personal question of 
 
 k Mansi, iv. 1405. ' See Hooker, v. 53. 4. "■ Mansi, iy. 1401. 
 
344 MAXIMIAN CONSECRATED. 
 
 Cyril's rights as against Nestorius. The Emperor cut the 
 knot by ordering them to proceed to Constantinople, and 
 consecrate a Catholic patriarch. The schismatic deputies 
 complained loudly. " Such a step would perpetuate the 
 disunion. The Eastern diocese, Pontus, Asia, Thrace, 
 lUyricum, Italy,"— meaning, apparently, the exarchate of 
 Milan, — " would never accept the Cyrilline articles." It is 
 probable that Martinian, archbishop of Milan, who had 
 sent a treatise of S. Ambrose to Theodosius, mistook Cyril's 
 teaching for a form of Apollinarianism. The Emperor wrote 
 to the bishops of the Ephesian Council", announcing his 
 final resolve. Memnon was to stay at Ephesus ; Cyril and 
 the other prelates to return home. But the Emperor could 
 not condemn the Easterns, because there had been no dis- 
 cussion of the doctrinal controversy. As to the failure of 
 the hope of peace, " God knew who was to blame." The 
 Eastern deputies again addressed the Emperor". They 
 had not expected such treatment. They had hona fide 
 obeyed his summons; and this was their reward. "Tou 
 are not only their emperor, but ours ; the East is no small 
 part of your realm. The majority of the people are sound. 
 If you continue unmoved, we will shake the dust off our 
 feet, and exclaim with S. Paul, We are pure from your 
 blood !" In a letter to their friends at Ephesus, they de- 
 nounced the heresy, tyranny, bribery of Cyril P. 
 
 On Sunday, Oct. 25, 431, a pious priest named Maxi- 
 mian, who had been trained at Rome, was consecrated to 
 the see of Constantinople i. The event was announced to 
 the various Churches '^ ; a letter is extant which communi- 
 cated it to the bishops of Epirus. Maximian, in writing 
 to Cyril after his accession to " the pontificate of the capi- 
 tal," asked the prayers and brotherly counsel of the great 
 Catholic patriarch. Cyril, who had returned to Alexandria 
 
 1 Mansi, iv. 1465. o Ibid., iv. 1405. 
 
 P Ibid., iv. 1420. q Ibid., v. 1045. 
 
 ■■ Coelestine caused the letters wUob he received from Constantinople to 
 be read in S. Peter's on Christmas-day. 
 
S. PALLADIUS. 345 
 
 on Oct. 30, compared liim, in his reply, to Eliakim succeed- 
 ing Shebna. Cyril set to work on a defence of bis conduct, 
 addressed to Tbeodosius. 
 
 In tbis year of theological excitement, Ccelestine found 
 time to think of the spiritual needs of that distant Ireland 
 which had been the birth-place of ; the heretic Ccelestius. 
 He made choice of a Roman deacon named Palladius to 
 undertake a mission to " the Scots who believed iu Christ," 
 i. e. according to the language of those times, the Christians 
 in Ireland. Prosper tells us' that Palladius was the "first 
 bishop" who had been " sent" to them. This may reasonably 
 be understood in the sense of iirst in time ; there is no oc- 
 casion for supposing a reference to primatial dignity. In 
 another passage', the ardent Prosper, celebrating Coeles- 
 tine's zeal against the Pelagians, tells how he " delivered 
 Britain from this pest, when he excluded even from that 
 ocean-solitude certain enemies of grace who were in posses- 
 sion of their native soil ; and, having ordained a bishop for 
 the Scots, while he is bent on keeping the Eoman island 
 Catholic, he also made the barbaric island Christian." 
 Prosper means to say, " while the Pope sends Germain into 
 Britain, he evangelizes Ireland by Palladius." His enthu- 
 siasm for an anti-Pelagian pontiff might easily lead him to 
 ascribe Germain's mission solely to Coelestine's appointment, 
 and to form too brilliant a conception of the success of the 
 missionary whom Ccelestine sent to Ireland. 
 
 It was in the end of 431 that Ccelestine gave a new proof 
 of his fidelity to the doctrine of grace. Being informed by 
 Prosper and Hilary that certain Galilean priests continued 
 to attack the theological reputation of Augustine, he wrote 
 to the bishops of Gaul, rebuking them for their connivance 
 at this presumption". Ten articles, which have been an- 
 nexed to this letter^, are chiefly compilations from the 
 writings of Innocent and Zosimus, and from the Council of 
 
 » Prosp. Chron. See Bede, i. 13. ' C. CoUat. 58. « Mansi, iv. 454, 
 » Quesnel ascribes them to S. Loo, while deacon ; the Ballerini, to 
 Prosper. It is admitted that they were not drawn up by S. Coelestine. 
 
346 DEATH OF S. CCELESTINE. 
 
 May 1, 418; and they avoid "certain dark and diiScult 
 points" as not essential to Catholic beliefs. The moat 
 striking passage is that in which the Liturgy is appealed to, 
 as formerly by African bishops, in proof of the Church's 
 doctrine^. "Let us look back to the sacred forms (sacra- 
 mentd) of priestly supplication, so that the law of prayer 
 may fix the law of belief" The last words, ut legem cre- 
 dendi lex statuat supplicandi, have passed into an eccle- 
 siastical proverb ". 
 
 On March 15, 432, Coelestine wrote to the bishops of the 
 late Council, regretting that Nestorius had been allowed to 
 settle at Antioeli, and intimating that it might become neces- 
 sary to condemn John of Antioch. He urged Maximian in 
 another letter to imitate Chrysostom, Atticus, and Sisiunius, 
 and to resist the followers of Coelestius. He went so far 
 as to request the Eastern emperor to banish Nestorius. 
 His own work for the Church was done ; he died soon after- 
 wards, and was succeeded by Sixtus III., to whom Augus- 
 tine had written his famous epistle on grace and predes- 
 tination. 
 
 John of Antioch, ignoring the late proceedings, had held 
 Councils at Tarsus and Antioch, condemning anew Cyril 
 and Juvenal, with others. Among those who fell under 
 Nestorianizing censures was Eabbula, bishop of Edessa*", 
 who had voted at Ephesus for the deposition of C^ril, but 
 had afterwards become a convert to his theology, had ana- 
 thematized Theodore and his writings, and condemned 
 those of Andrew and Theodoret. John of Antioch suspended 
 
 y Probably alluding to predestinarianism. 
 
 2 The particular prayers referred to were those used on Good Friday ; for 
 infidels, idolaters, Jews, heretics, schismatics, the lapsed, and catechumens. 
 For these last, prayer was made "that they might be led to the Sacraments 
 of regeneration, and the door of heavenly mercy might be opened to them." 
 
 « On the doctrinal value of Liturgio forms, see Bp. Bull, Sermon 13 ; 
 A. Knox's Remains, iii. 63. 
 
 ^ He had been converted while he held the government of a city, by 
 Alexander, founder of a body of " sleepless" monks, who, relieving each 
 other by turns, kept up a perpetual psalmody. Rabbula became bishop of 
 the great capital of Mesopotamia in 412. , 
 
COUNCIL AT ANTIOCH. 347 
 
 communion witli Rabbula. Theodoret wrote five books on 
 the Incarnation, and encouraged those at Constantinople 
 who clung to the cause of their ex-patriarch. Catholic 
 bishops, sent to supersede the heterodox, found great op- 
 position. In these new perplexities, Theodosius, by episco- 
 pal advice, wrote to John, desiring him to meet Cyril at 
 Nicomedia. He also wrote to the venerable bishop of Ber- 
 rhsea, and to the famous Symeon'^, surnamed Stylites, from 
 the pillars on which he successively took up his abode — 
 every pillar which he ascended being loftier than that which 
 he had left. Fantastic as his devotion was, it must be re- 
 membered that he occupied himself not only in prayer and 
 prostrations, but in vigorous preaching to the wild tribes of 
 Syria. Isidore urged Cyril to heal the schism "i; and Cyril 
 assured Maximian that he would insist on nothing but the 
 condemnation of Nestorius. 
 
 The conference between Cyril and John was found im- 
 practicable ; but a council was held at Antioch, which framed 
 six articles, expressly rejecting those of Cyril, but accepting 
 S. Athanasius' Exposition of Faith |=. This document was 
 sent by the hands of Aristolaus, a pious secretary of state, 
 to Cyril, who replied to Acacius with a moderation which 
 did him honour. He had written his twelve articles, he 
 said, simply as against the Nestorian impieties, which he 
 had long refrained from thus denouncing. Nestorius was 
 condemned at Ephesus for practically annulling the Nicene 
 Creed. For himself, he took no heed of personal quai-rels ; 
 all that he cared for was that the condemnation of Nestorius 
 should be affirmed. He again anathematized Apollinaris ; 
 declared the Word to be in Godhead impassible ; denied all 
 fusion of the Natures. He could not possibly retract his 
 articles, for he held them to be true ; but any further ex- 
 planation which might be needful could well enough be 
 given when peace was restored. 
 
 The Easterns were divided in opinion as to this letter. 
 
 c Evagr. i. 13. Theodosius called him " the martyr in the air." 
 <i Ep. i. 370. ' See S. Ath. i. 79. 
 
348 EASTERN DISSENSIONS. 
 
 John and Acacius were satisfied, altbougli Jolin in the 
 recent Council had bound himself to insist on a positive 
 recantation of Cyril's articles, a step which Theodosius and 
 several bishops had deemed a sine qua non of peace. Theo- 
 doret said that excepting the point of Nestorius' condemna- 
 tion, the letter was unobjectionable, and that its doctrine 
 was contrary to that of the anathematisms. Andrew of Sa- 
 mosata was not contented with the letter; but advised a 
 "condescension," or general union on the basis of the for- 
 mula, " The Son of God is One." Alexander of Hierapolis, 
 with three others, spurned all thought of peace with Cyril. 
 Thoroughly possessed with the belief that a Personal union 
 meant nothing but an unity of Nature, they rejected it as 
 such. " In God's cause," Alexander wrote, " I reverence no 
 man. Cyril is a heretic, who affirms one Nature in Christ." 
 For Cyril to anathematize ApoUinaris was an absurdity. 
 He must condemn his own articles. As for the change of 
 mind in John and Acacius, " I prayed, on hearing of it, 
 that the earth might open to receive me^." So passed 
 the summer of 432. Meanwhile Prosper was writings 
 against certaiu propositions in the thirteenth of Cassian's 
 Conferences, which he criticised as injurious to the doc- 
 trine of grace. 
 
 Palladius, according to the usual story, did not remaia 
 more than a year in Ireland, if indeed he landed on its 
 coast 1^. There is great obscurity as to his career. Accord- 
 ing to Irish tradition, he just lived to pass over from Ireland 
 into Britain '. According to Scottish, he found his true 
 vocation in North Britain, and had a successful episcopate 
 of some twenty years among the Cruithne, Deucaledoues, 
 or Northern Picts''. It is added that he was the spiritual 
 
 f Mansi, v. 838. 
 
 e Contra CoUatorem. One proposition, which ascribed to God the very 
 first elements of a holy will, he " heartily embraced ;" 0. 19. 
 
 ^ Nennius, 0. iO, says that tempests and signs from God prevented his 
 landing. 
 
 ' Hence Bp. Lloyd dates his death Deo. 15, 431. 
 
 ^ He died, according to this story, at Fordon, July 6, i50. Jooeline in 
 
S. PATRICK. 349 
 
 father of Servanus, or Serf, who became the apostle of 
 Orkney, and of Ternan, who succeeded Palladius, as bishop 
 of tlie Picts, at Abernethy. 8. Ninian, who had converted 
 the Southern Picts, died Sept. 16, 432. 
 
 The same year is commonly assigned for the commence- 
 ment of a more celebrated ministry — that of Patrick, the 
 apostle of Ireland^. His real name was Succath ; he was 
 the son of a deacon named Calphurnius, and was born either 
 at Kirkpatrick near Dunbarton, or in Cornwall, or in the 
 north of Gaul ; as to the time of his birth there is similar 
 variety of opinion. From the age of sixteen to twenty-two 
 he was, according to the touching document called his "Con- 
 fession," the thrall and cowherd of a heathen prince in TJl- 
 ster, to whom he had been sold by pirates who had made 
 him a captive. One would gladly believe the beautiful ac- 
 count of his spiritual growth in the midst of utter desola- 
 tion; the deep conviction of sin which wrung his heart, the 
 glow of devotion which made him rise for prayer before day- 
 light, and continue in prayer all day, on the mountain and 
 in the forest, regardless of " snow, and ice, and rain," be- 
 cause "the love of God" was increasing in him™. After he 
 escaped from this captivity, he is said to have been irre- 
 sistibly drawn ° towards a missionary life among the people 
 
 his Life of Patrick quotes an Irish proTerb, (o. 3.) "Not to Palladius, but 
 to Patrick, did the Lord grant the conversion of Ireland." 
 
 1 I follow the ordinary account of S. Patrick. Prosper is silent about 
 him ; Bede only names him in his MartjTology ; and some would identify 
 him with Palladius. The Irish traditions speak of a Sen-Patrick, or Patrick 
 the Elder, who has been variously regarded as 1. S. Patrick himself— Palla- 
 dius being Patrick the Younger ; 2. Palladius ; 3. a precursor of Palladius 
 or S. Patrick ; 4. junior to S. Patrick. Amid all this confusion, some 
 deny that S. Patrick is an historical person. Tillemont, who considers the 
 " Confession" to be genuine and worthy of the Saint, dates his mission not 
 earlier than 440 nor later than 460. The Bollandists say that he came to 
 Ireland as bishop in 432, and died, set. 83, in 460. Act. SS. Mar. 17. They 
 reject the Irish legends about bishops in Ireland before Palladius and 
 Patrick, — Kiaran, Declan, Ailbe, and Ibar. » Confess. 1 — 6. 
 
 " His parents begged him never to leave them again ; but he seemed to 
 hear the voice of those who inhabited the forest of Focluth in Ireland, " We 
 pray thee, holy youth, come and walk again among us !" Conf. 10. He 
 
g^O PAUL or EMESA. 
 
 who had caused his sufferings ; to have studied under Ger- 
 main of Auxerre, received holy orders, and spent some time 
 in the illustrious monastery of Lerins. He was consecrated 
 a bishop, either by Gallicau or British prelates ; there is no 
 real ground for ascribing his mission to Coelestine". He 
 landed, we are told, in Down, and converted the chieftain 
 of the district. 
 
 To return to the Eastern troubles. Anxious to secure 
 peace, John of Antioch visited Acacius at Berrhcsa; and 
 they agreed to send Paul, bishop of Emesa, an aged and 
 experienced man whom they could trust, to confer with 
 Cyril. John then wrote to Alexander that his impetuous 
 language was uncalled for ; that there was no question of 
 abdication or of martyrdom, or of anything but the resto- 
 ration of unity. "When Paul reached Alexandria, Cyril was 
 disabled by illness. At last he had an interview with Paul, 
 who brought a letter in which John spoke strongly against 
 the twelve anathematisms, and against the acts of the Coun- 
 cil of Ephesus, but intimated withal his own hopes of peace 
 and unity. » Cyril was not propitiated by this letter p. " I 
 expected," he said, " an apology for the past, and here is 
 a new outrage." Paul protested, even with an oath, that 
 the bishop of Antioch meant no offence ; and Cyril, easily 
 appeased, and actuated, as Paul declared, by a pacific tem- 
 per " worthy of a pontiff," passed at once to other matters. 
 Paul presented to him a confession of faith, which in its 
 original draft was the work of Theodoret, and which he 
 now exhibited on behalf of John. " We confess i our Lord 
 
 also heard, in a di-eam, a chanted strain, of which all that he could under- 
 stand was, " Who gave His life for thee." The voices seemed to be within 
 his own soul. lb. 11. He repeatedly protests that he bad no other motive 
 for returning to Ireland than the pure love of "the Gospel and the pro- 
 mises." The Confession is full of a deep sense of Divine grace. 
 
 o The legend was that Ccelestine at first refused to ordain him, when 
 Germain sent him to Rome for that purpose ; but that hearing of Palladius' 
 death, he caused Patrick to be ordained in his own presence, and died in 
 a week afterwards. The BoUandists say that the Pope gave a Ucense for 
 his consecration in Gaul. On this see King's Ch. Hist, of Ireland, i. 29. 
 
 p Mansi, v. 311, 350. q Ibid., v. 291. 
 
FORMULARY OF UNION. 35 1 
 
 Jesua Christ, the Only -begotten Son of God, to be perfect 
 God and perfect Man, of a reasonable soul and a body ; 
 before the ages begotten of the Father according to God- 
 head, but in the last days. Himself the self-same, for us 
 and for our salvation born of the Virgin Mary according 
 to Manhood ; of one essence with the Father as to God- 
 head, of one essence with us as to Manhood. For there 
 took place an union of two Natures ; wherefore we confess 
 one Christ, one Son, one Lord. According to this notion 
 of the union without confusion, we confess the Holy Virgin 
 to be Mother of God, because God the Word was incarnate 
 and made Man, and from His very conception united to 
 Himself the temple taken from her." It was added that 
 some of the Scriptural sayings about Christ had been re- 
 ferred by theologians to His one Person, others to His 
 Godhead and Manhood respectively. Cyril accepted this 
 formulary as orthodox, and gave Paul a paper framed by 
 himself, which Paul in his turn approved. He and Cyril 
 were thus at one upon the doctrine"^; as to other points, 
 Cyril required that Paul should anathematize the writings 
 of Nestorius, acquiesce in his deposition, and recognize his 
 successor; nor would he dispense with a recognition of 
 Maximian's sentence against four metropolitans whom the 
 new patriarch had deposed for Nestorianism. Paul drew 
 up, and placed in Cyril's hands, a written statement of 
 their concordat, in the form of a letter '. Then, and not 
 till then, he was permitted to attend the Church service, 
 and invited to preach, as a Catholic bishop, on Christmas- 
 day. The scene that ensued was a very striking one. He 
 began with the Angelic hymn, proceeded to Isaiah vii. 14, 
 and then pronounced the momentous words, "Thus Mary, 
 
 ' Paul had asked Cyril whether he would abide by S. Athanasius' treatise 
 against ApoUinarianism, addressed to Epiotetus. "Certainly I will," said 
 the successor of Athanasius ; "but is your text of that work free from 
 corruption ?" They compared Paul's copy with those preserved at Alex- 
 andria, and found that it was seriously corrupt. 
 
 ' Cyr. V. ii. 100 ; Mansi, v. 287. 
 
352 Paul's seemons. 
 
 Mother of God, brings forth Emmanuel!" The church 
 rang with joyful cries ; " Lo, this is the faith! 'Tis God's 
 gift, orthodox Cyril ! This is wliat we wanted to hear ! He 
 that says not this, let him be anathema !" Paul resumed, 
 and presently enforced both sides of the true doctrine. " A 
 combination of two perfect Natures, I mean Godhead and 
 Manhood, constitutes for us the one Son, the one Clirist, 
 the one Lord." Again, the people shouted applause; 
 " Welcome, orthodox bishop, the worthy to the worthy*!" 
 On New Tear's day, 433, Paul gave a longer and fuller 
 sermon, citing John iii. 13, Eom. ix. 5, and showing from 
 the prologue of S. John and from the Gospel history in 
 general that the unity of person and the distinctness of 
 natures were coequal and consistent truths. " This," he 
 concluded, " is your ancestral treasure, the teaching of 
 Athanasius and Theophilus." Cyril then briefly expressed 
 his assent to what they had heard. Two Alexandrian 
 clergy were appointed to carry the formuhiry to John, and 
 to give him a letter of communion with Alexandria when 
 he had signed it : for Cyril would not dispense with his 
 personal signature. Cyril spent a large sum in procuring 
 interest at court ; a proceeding which illustrates his un- 
 fortunate tendency to " think any means legitimate which 
 seemed likely to make a holy enterprise successful"." Both 
 he and Nestorius would doubtless have justified these bribes, 
 which were delicately described by the Scriptural" name 
 of "blessings," {eulogice,} on the ground that ecclesiastics 
 wlio meant to gain over men of the world for Church pur- 
 poses ought not to be fastidious as to the way of doing so. 
 Cyril also assured his apocrisiarii, or Church-agents, at 
 Constantinople, that no one need imagine him to have 
 recanted his old principles. 
 
 The formulary was accepted by John in a letter to 
 
 > Mansi, v. 293. 
 
 « Tillemont, xiv. 541. He adds, with great force and truth, "II ne 
 faut soutenir la justice que par des voies justes," &c. 
 * See LXX, 4 Kings v. lo, tyih evAoyiav. 
 
S. CYRIL AND JOHN UNITED. 353 
 
 Cyril y. He explained that in doing so he meant not to 
 derogate from the Nicene Creed, nor to fathom mysteries 
 ■which could not be comprehended in any words of man^, 
 but simply to bar out assailants of the true belief: and 
 expressly recognized Maximian aa the rightful bishop of 
 Constnntinople, in the place of Nestorius, sometime bishop, 
 deposed for doctrines meriting anathema. On April 23, 
 433, Cyril announced this happy reunion in the cathedral 
 of Alexandria. He wrote to John % embodying the formu- 
 lary in his letter, and replying to those who accused him 
 of holding with the ApoUinarians that Christ's Body was 
 of heavenly origin ; a view, it might well have been thought, 
 which the great assertor of the Theotocos would be the last 
 to entertain. He also commented on the texts, John iii. 
 13'' and 1 Cor. xv. 47; and again denied all confusion of 
 the Natures. John wrote to inform his friends of the re- 
 conciliation between himself and Cyril. Theodoret refused 
 to abandon Nestorius, to whom he wrote that Cyril's let- 
 ters did indeed seem clear of heresy. " But certainly," he 
 added, " I do not hate their author less ! he is the cause 
 of all the disturbance of the world. — To what was unjustly 
 done against your Holiness, I cannot endure to assent, no, 
 not if both my hands were to be cut off." Alexander wrote 
 indignantly to Andrew ; " So, — an union is to be made with 
 the impious Cyril, not by his leaving his heresy! Be as- 
 sured that neither exile nor death, precipices, fire, nor 
 wild beasts, shall make me take part with them." To Theo- 
 doret, whose metropolitan he was, he wrote that he would 
 never recognize this uuion. He would not style John a 
 bishop. John was " a traitor to the faith, and to his own 
 
 y Mansi, y. 289. 
 
 2 See S. Aug. de Trin. v. c. 9 ; vii. c. 4. ^'Veriiis enim cogitatur Deus 
 quam dioitur, et veriiis est quam cogitatur." Serin. 117. Ath. Treatises, 
 i. 44, note. 
 
 " Mansi, v. 303; Cyr. v. ii. 104. "Let thehearens rejoice." 
 
 t" " Since God the Word descended from heaven, and wag called Son 
 of Man while He continued to be God, He is said to descend from heaven 
 as being already considered one with His own flesh." 
 
 A a 
 
354 ANGER OF rrESTORIANIZEES. 
 
 convictions of Nestorius' orthodoxy." The bishops of his 
 province, Euphratesia, were constrained to act without him 
 in giving a partial adhesion to the concordat. Andrew, 
 who was one of them, tried to win him over, and urged 
 that Cj'ril had virtually retracted the obnoxious articles. 
 Alexander replied with intense bitterness, — "Enough — 
 you have sought the lost sheep, and it does not wish to 
 be found. We shall meet at the terribie tribunal of Jesus 
 Christ." Andrew thereupon informed the Church-officers 
 of Hierapolis that he was "in communion with the holy 
 bishops, Cyril, Sixtus, and Maximian." 
 
 The stubborn old bishop of Hierapolis was not left alone 
 in bearing witness, as he deemed, against an unprincipled 
 compromise ". In the two Cilioian provinces, where Theo- 
 dore's influence had been great, Nestorian prelates indig- 
 nantly denounced all who communicated with the " Apolli- 
 narian " of Alexandria. Helladius of Tarsus, one of the four 
 deposed metropolitans, — Maximin of Anazarbus, who insisted 
 that Cyril should, as the one condition of being recognized, 
 sign a recantation of his anathemas, — Meletius of Mopsuestia, 
 who flung back a letter of John's in the bearer's face, — 
 Macarius of Laodicea, who would not name John, his own 
 patriarch, at the altar, — and Eutherius of Tyana*, who, as 
 it were in desperation, appealed to Sixtus for help against 
 John and Cyril, — may represent the extreme Oriental view 
 wliich regarded even Theodoret as a tamperer with heretics, 
 and John as a base deserter of his friend. On the other 
 hand, there were among Cyril's old adherents some who 
 asked themselves, whether his acceptance of the Two Na- 
 tures, a phrase which he had not expressly used before the 
 concordat, were not a deviation from strict orthodoxy. 
 " Theodoret said that it could not be reconciled with his 
 earlier teaching; might not Theodoret be right on this 
 
 ■: Man8i, v. 891. 
 
 "i He was especially scornful about the phrase, " He suffered without 
 suffering." "One might as well say, Let us speak without speaking." 
 Could he be ignorant of the sense attached to the words, " The one Christ 
 suffered, but not in His higher nature ?" 
 
PERPLEXITY OF CYRIL S FRIENDS. 355 
 
 point, although he blasphemed that teaching ? Could a co- 
 existence of Two Natures be in fact maintained without Nea- 
 torianism ?" Isidore, Cyril's ever-ready monitor, who had 
 formerly taxed him with pressing the Nestorianizers too har(^, 
 now blamed him for making terms -with them too easily. 
 His patriarch, who had seemed so rigid iu 431, was now, 
 in Isidore's eyes, giving signs of weak inconstancy •= ; a cri- 
 ticism which perhaps may diminish the weight of the abbat's 
 former censures. Eulogius, a priest of Alexandria residing 
 at Constantinople, signified to Cyril that some uneasiness 
 was felt ; and Acacius of Melitene seems to have done the 
 same. Cyril wrote to Acacius, giving an account of all 
 that had happened, defending the orthodoxy of those who 
 had joined in the concordat, and denying that the new for- 
 mulary could in fairness be called a new creed. John of 
 Antioch, he urged, was severed from Nestorius by his dis- 
 tinct confession of " Theotocos " and " one Christ." I'he 
 formulary went beyond a mere association, and asserted a 
 real union. He then employed a phrase which became in 
 after-years a stumbling-block f. " While conceiving of the 
 elements which constitute the one Son and Lord, we say 
 that two Natures are united ; but after the union, since the 
 separation into two is now removed, we believe that th^ 
 Nature of the Word is one, as of one (Person) made man 
 and incarnate;''' or, as he expressed it in a letter soon 
 afterwards written to Eulogius, " there is one incarnate 
 Nature of God (the Word)." 
 
 He had already, in one of the treatises addressed to the 
 princesses b, cited these words as used by S. Athanasius. The 
 short confession " On the Incarnation of God the Word," 
 in which they occur, has been placed among the dubious 
 works of Athanasius, and been ascribed by some to an Apol- 
 linarian forger '' ; while some have gone so far as to conjee- 
 
 ' Ep. i. 323, 324. ' Mansi, v. 319. 
 
 B Ad reg. i. 9 ; and in a lost work against Theodore. 
 ^ See TUlemont, viii. 715 : he is doubtful. The Benedictines think it 
 a forgery. "Athanasius proprietates naturanim semper conserravit." 
 
3^6 " ONE INCAKNATE NATURE. 
 
 ture that the text of Cyril's writings has been corrupted by 
 the insertion of the phrase'. But taking that text as it 
 stands, and supposing Cyril to have adopted and clung to 
 the phrase, because he believed it to have the authority of 
 earlier Fathers ■', it is incredible that he meant, by using it 
 in 333, to explain away the formulary or his own second 
 letter to Nestorius; and when we look at the contexts in 
 which he used it, we see that the one idea in his mind was 
 to guard the reality of the "undivided" Union'. There 
 were those who said, " ' One incarnate Nature of the Word' 
 can mean nothing but a confusion of Grodhead and Man- 
 hood." Cyril's reply in substance is, "It means nothing 
 more nor less than that whereas, apart from the Incarna- 
 tion, God and Man must be regarded as separate, there is 
 no such separation in the person of our Lord. We are not 
 to think of a Ood and a Man ™, but of a God-Man ; of one 
 and the same Divine Word, who has become Incarnate, 
 that is, has assumed our whole humanity." Thus under- 
 stood, the phrase was doubtless orthodox ; but Cyril's re- 
 tention of it, however elaborately he might impose a sound 
 sense upon inaccurate language, went far to undo the good 
 which had been wrought by his readiness to conciliate and 
 explain. Though he vindicated the soundness of his new 
 allies, yet the eifect of the formulary and of the subse- 
 quent letter to John was sadly marred by the re-appearance 
 of language which to minds impatient of glosses would sug- 
 gest a denial of Two Natures in Christ. 
 
 Meanwhile, in the West, Prosper was carrying onthe 
 war against the Semi- Pelagians. After writing the Contra 
 
 ■ Leontius of Byzantium ; Hypatius bishop of Ephesus ; Petav. Theol. 
 Dogm. iT. 330. 
 
 ^ ** As the Fathers have said ;" Kp. 1. ad Successum. 
 
 ' Epp. to Acaeius, Eulogius, Sucoessus : especially Ep. 2 ad Suoo. New- 
 man takes (piais here as equivalent to Person, Athan. Treat, i. 155 ; but 
 see Petavius, iv. 337, who takes it somewhat differently, for Nature, as 
 existing in the Person of the Word, i. e. for the Word Himself. 
 
 ■» As he expresses it, a God, KaTaii6vas, ad Suco. 2, and " a man indi- 
 vidually regarded beside the Word," ad Acao. So ad Eulog. 
 
VINCENT OF LEEINS. 357 
 
 CoUaforem^, he replied to the objections raised against Au- 
 gustinianism by tbe Gallicans", and to a series framed by 
 one of them named Vincent P. The questions debated in 
 this controversy were such as these : whether predestination 
 did not imply fatalism ; whether it was consistent with God's 
 good-will towards all men ; whether it supposed God to 
 cause directly the ruin of any. He repeatedly declared that 
 no man was predestiuate to sin; that no man's life was pro- 
 longed in order that he might fall from grace ; that to make 
 God the author of any evil will or deed was abominable ; 
 that Father, Son, and Holy Spirit had nothing to do with 
 any man's fall from piety. He answered a letter from two 
 Genoese priests, who had found difficulties in S. Augustine's 
 work on predestination 9. Vincent, whose representations 
 of Predestinarianism he had denounced as a hideous carica- 
 ture, was apparently the same "■ who in 4.34 brought out his 
 famous "Commonitory," and is known by the surname of Le- 
 rinensis. The " Commonitory" was designed to be a preser- 
 vative^ "against the profane novelties of all heretics." Tlie 
 general principle of this famous book, to whose author one 
 opinion would ascribe the Quicunque, is well known ; the 
 formula in which he states the Catholic rule of Scripture 
 interpretation has taken its place among ecclesiastical pro- 
 verbs '. Among the most striking passages are the applica- 
 tion of Deut. xiii. to Christian times, the precise statement 
 of the Personal Union of " two Substances " in Christ, the 
 description of Origen's great gifts marred by " self-reliance'' 
 and disregard for traditionary orthodoxy, the paraphrase of 
 
 o Noris, Hist. Pel. 239. <• Aug., torn. x. p. 183,S. 
 
 P lb., p. 1843. In both cases the objectors stated what they considered 
 Augustinianism to imply. '^ lb., p. 1849. 
 
 ' Noris, p. 245. He thinks that Vincent went to the monastery of Lerins 
 after writing his book, p. 251. He wrote it in a monastery situated in 
 a secluded villula. 
 
 » Marius Meroator had written " Commonitories " ai'airst Pelagianism. 
 
 ' " Curandum eat ut id teneamus, quod ubique, quod semper, quod ah om- 
 nibus crediUm est; c. 3. See Pusey on Eule of Faith, p. 38 ; Moberly, 
 Gr. Forty Days, p. xliii. 
 
350 S. PKOCLUS. 
 
 the exliortation to " guard the deposit"," excluding all ad- 
 ditions to the substance of the faith, and the allowance of an 
 appeal from wide- spread error to the general judgment of 
 the primeval Church. Vincent records the message of Ca- 
 preolus to the Ephesian Council, that he desired all novelties 
 to he condemned. Capreolus was at this very time assisting 
 two Spanish laymen to maintain the ancient faith against 
 a very bold form of Nestorianism. Christ, he said, was 
 one Person of " two Substances." 
 
 There had been for several months an open breach be- 
 tween John and Alexander. John now proceeded to ordain 
 bishops within Alexander's province; whereupon its pre- 
 lates, including Theodoret, withdrew from their patriarch's 
 communion. 
 
 Maximian of Constantinople died on April 12, 434. In 
 spite of the solemnities of Holy Week, the Nestorians of 
 the city, who had abstained from all his ministrations, and 
 numbered among their ranks an abbat and a few clergy, 
 rose ill violent uproar, and demanded the restoration of 
 Nestorius. Theodosius ordered Proclus, the titular bishop 
 of Cyzicus, who had preached the great sermon on the 
 Theotocos, to be instantly enthroned ; and he officiated as 
 patriarch at the funeral of Maximian^. It is refreshing to 
 read the simple eulogy of Socrates on this eloquent and 
 saintly bishop, who " showed himself gentle toward all men, 
 resolved to win them by this means rather than by violence, 
 and refraining on principle from harshness to any sect, re- 
 stored to the Church the diguity of meekness y." 
 
 Theodosius, iu the latter part of this year, deemed it 
 necessary to enforce the concordat by the civil power. Alex, 
 ander, Theodoret, Maximin, and Helladius were commanded 
 to communicate with John, and consequently with Cyril, or 
 
 " " Non auctor debes esse, sad custos," &o. ; c. 27. And as to the limits 
 of doctrinal expansion, " ut cum riioas novi, non dicas nova ;" ib. "Niliil 
 minuit, nihil addit (occlesia) ;" in councils her aim has been, "ut quod antea 
 simpliciter oredebat>ir, hoc idem postea diligentitis crederetur ;" c. 32. 
 
 ^ Soo. vii. 41. y Ibid. 41. 
 
EXILE OF AtEXANDEK. 359 
 
 to quit their sees. Theodoret laughed at menaces, but was 
 moved by the earnest exhortations of three pious monks, 
 and yielded when he found that John did not insist on his 
 accepting the sentence against Nestorius. John employed 
 him in the work of restoring unity. Alexander, on re- 
 ceiving letters from him, passionately replied that he would 
 never communicate with the betrayers of orthodoxy. Never 
 would he own the abomination of Egypt to be true religion, 
 — no, not if all the dead were to rise up and contradict him, 
 not if John could give him the kingdom of heaven as a re- 
 ward. " Thank God," the old man added, " with them are 
 synods, and sees, and kingdoms — with us is the Lord our 
 God, and our pure inviolate faith in Him" !" Maximiu, Hel- 
 ladius, and nearly all the Cilician prelates, followed Theodo- 
 ret's example; Meletius of Mopsuestia cast in his lot with 
 Alexander, for whom Theodoret entreated John's forbear- 
 ance. A Count named Dionysius requested Alexander, as a 
 friend, to obey. In reply, he quoted the words of Gal. i. 8, 
 and begged to be "sent away quietly." He was ejected in 
 April 435 ; his people were wild with grief and rage ; but 
 John wrote to them, laying the blame of their loss on the 
 self-wUl of their pastor. Six bishops in all were dispos- 
 sessed; and Theodosius, on August 3, forbade the Nesto- 
 rians, whom he designated as Simonians, to meet for worship 
 or to retain the writings of their master. It was not until 
 some months afterwards that Nestorius himself was exiled 
 to the greater Oasis on the Egyptian border. 
 
 The Nestorians now adopted a policy fertile in re- 
 sults for Eastern Christendom. Forbidden to circulate the 
 works of Nestorius, they caused those of Theodore and 
 Diodore to be widely dispersed ; the abundant writings of 
 Theodore were rendered into Syriac by a priest of Edessa, 
 named Ibas, and into Persian by Maris, who presided over 
 the college for Persian Christians at Edessa, and to whom 
 Ibas had recently written a letter censuring the Council of 
 
 2 Mansi, v. 926. 
 
3tlO NESTOEIANISM IN PERSIA. 
 
 Ephesus, denouncing the " impiety " of the Cyrilline arti- 
 cles, and describing the reunion as a retractation by "the 
 Egyptian" of his errors*. Eabbula was now old and blind, 
 but youthful in controversial energy ; he dissolved the Per- 
 sian college as tainted with heresy, and its members found 
 a home in the Persian Church''. Maris became bishop of 
 Ardaschir ; and Barsumas, as metropolitan of Nisibis, won 
 the confidence of the Persian king by his hostility to "the 
 faith of the Eomans," and became the great propagator 
 of Nestorianism in the remoter East. Thus the Persian 
 Church, "immediately after its glorious confession" in 
 the persecution begun by Isdigerdes, " fell a prey to the 
 theology of Theodore'^;" and through long ages, under 
 the title of "the Interpreter," he has been the oracle of 
 the Nestorian communion. 
 
 Cyril believed that several bishops who had verbally con- 
 demned the heresiarch were in fact adhering to his doctrine. 
 He therefore procured from the government orders that the 
 bishops should explicitly repudiate Nestorianism. Aristolaua 
 was sent to enforce these orders. Helladius made a full sub- 
 mission ; but Theodoret, although he had been in friendly 
 correspondence with Cyril, whose treatise against the writ- 
 ings of Julian the Apostate he had recently read and ad- 
 mired, would neither condemn Nestorianism nor desert Nes- 
 torius. Cyril drew up a formula which distinctly affirmed the 
 Personal unity ; and sent it to John and Aristolaus as em- 
 bodying what the Emperor designed to exact. But John 
 was not unnaturally annoyed 'i at this succession of tests, 
 and begged Proclus to obtain for the Churches the repose 
 of which they stood in need. 
 
 The Cilician prelates resented Eabbula's attack on Theo- 
 
 » The letter was grossly unjust to Cyril, imputing to him a confusion be- 
 tween Godhead and Manhood. i) Asseman, Bib. Or. iii. 2. p. Ixix. 
 
 = Newman on Development, p. 289. 
 
 * See Tillemont, xiv. 623. He places after this a letter (dated earlier 
 by Fleury) in which Cyril exhorts a zealous deacon of Antioch, named 
 Maximus, to forbear too rigid enquiries into the actual belief of some 
 ex-Nestorians. 
 
TOME OF S. PEOCLUS. 36 1 
 
 dore's teaching; while those of Armenia, having received 
 one of his books, sent it to Proclus with a denunciation of 
 its heretical subtlety. This produced the celebrated doc- 
 trinal epistle which has been called the " Tome of S. Pro- 
 clus °." Addressing himself to the bishops, priests, and 
 abbats of Armenia, the patriarch of Constantinople con- 
 demned Theodore's opinions without naming him, and stated 
 the Catholic faith as to the One Person and Two Natures. 
 He affirmed "one Incarnate Person" (not Nature) "of 
 God the Word^;" denied any conversion of Godhead into 
 flesh ; cited for Christ's Divinity Eom. ix. 5 ; observed thnt 
 He never bad a human personality; spoke of the swathing 
 bands, the manger, the growth in wisdom and stature, tlie 
 weariness, the sleep in the ship, as simply proving that 
 true Manhood, which was needful for the work of our sal- 
 vations. He urged the Armenians to let "no man spoil 
 them through philosophy and vain deceit," and to stand 
 fast in the faith of Nicsea, as taught by Basil, Gregory, 
 "and others like-minded, whose names were in the book 
 of life." He appended to his letter some Nestorian pas- 
 sages which he deemed worthy of condemnation ; and he 
 sent both papers in the first instance to John of Antioch, 
 desiring him to accept and subscribe his statements, and 
 to induce Ibas, who had now succeeded Eabbula at Edessa, 
 to do likewise. The bearers of the Tome, without authority 
 from Proclus, inserted Theodore's name as the author of 
 the censured passages ; and the bishops of Jolin's patri- 
 archate, assembled at Antioch, while they fully accepted 
 the doctrine of Proclus, declined'' to condemn a deceased 
 bishop on account of some questionable expressions, quoted, 
 they said, apart from the contest, and capable of a sense 
 
 « Mansi, v. 421. 
 
 f He also said that "one Person of the Trinity was Incarnate." Fifty 
 years later a great excitement was caused by the saying of Peter the FuUer, 
 patriarch of Antioch, that *'one of the Trinity suffered." 
 
 8 ''By denying His (human) nature, they disbelieve the Incarnation," 
 (lit. the Economy) ; "by disbelieving the Incarnation, they forfeit their 
 salvation." ^ Mansi, v. 1183. 
 
which would harmonize them with the language of eminent 
 Fathers. Still less, they urged, could they anathematize 
 such a man as Theodore, who had done good service against 
 Apollinarianism, and whose memory was so widely honoured. 
 Proclus assured them that he had not wished for a condem- 
 nation of Theodore by name ; but that he hoped they would 
 condemn the propositions without naming their author. 
 Cyril had thought it undesirable to demand the former, but 
 he urged the necessity of the latter course. He wrote to 
 John ' that the Antiochene Council had been more indulgent 
 to Theodore's memory than just to the Fathers with whom 
 they had ventured to compare him. Theodore, he said, was 
 a man who had "borne down full sail against the glory of 
 Christ ;" the Fathers had written against men whose errors 
 Nestorius had inherited. He composed a treatise on the 
 errors of Theodore, to which Theodoret replied. But the 
 Easterns would not condemn Theodore's propositions, for 
 fear of seeming to put the writer under ban. Cyril and 
 Proclus allowed the matter to drop, and Theodosius sig- 
 nified his wish that the memory of the dead should be safe 
 from censure ''. 
 
 Sixtus of Eome was on good terms with Proclus, but 
 vigilantly maintained the position which Boniface had 
 made good as to the Eoman claims over lUyricum. He 
 followed precedent by making the bishop of Thessalonica 
 his vicar, and plainly told the Illyrian bishops that they 
 were not bound by the third canon of the Council of Con- 
 stantinople, to which Eome had never assented. This letter 
 was written in the end of 437. On Jan. 27, 438, a solemn 
 and touching ceremony absorbed the thoughts of tlie people 
 at Constantinople. The remains of S. Chrysostom, by their 
 desire and the advice of Proclus, were brought with all 
 honour from Comana to a grave beside his ancient home. 
 Tlie Bosporus was in a blaze of light ; the whole city seemed 
 
 1 Mansi, v. 411. 
 >■ Theodore was anathematized by the Fifth General Council in 553. 
 
TAKING OF CARTHAGE. 363 
 
 to pour out all its inhabitants ; the Emperor, who had been 
 Chrysostom's godson, put his face close to the cofiB.n, and 
 begged the departed soul to forgive Arcadius and Eudoxia '. 
 Until that memorable day, a small remnant of Joannites 
 had kept aloof from all bishops of Constantinople, whether 
 Catholic or heterodox ; they now, as if satisfied with the 
 reparation made to the Saint, consented to recognize Pro- 
 clus as their pastor. About a year afterwards, Theodosius 
 made a law forbidding Jews and Samaritans to build new 
 synagogues, disqualifying them for all public offices, and 
 re-enacting the penalty of death against Pagans who should 
 venture to sacrifice. 
 
 Grenseric had already increased his severities towards 
 the Catholics of Africa by ejecting several of their bishops. 
 Four Spaniards whom he had esteemed, and had vainly 
 endeavoured to allure into Arianism, were first banished, 
 then tortured to death; and a boy named Paulillus, the 
 brother of two of them, having resisted all menaces, was 
 cruelly beaten and reduced to slavery "'. These events were 
 as the drops before the thunderstorm. Carthage, the city 
 of S. Cyprian, the scene of so many Councils, had become 
 so full of profligacy and violence that the poorer classes, 
 trampled down by their superiors in rank whom Salvian 
 describes as "drunk with sin''," sometimes prayed in their 
 agony that God would send them Grenseric. A mass of 
 Heathenism held its own amid professions of Catholic Chris- 
 tianity; monks, conspicuous by their short hair and pale 
 faces, could not walk the streets without being cursed and 
 insulted ; rich and high-born citizens would pay their hom- 
 age to the " Queen of heaven," before " ascending to the 
 altar of Christ "." Such was the state of that proud city, 
 which Augustine P had described as " standing fast in the 
 
 1 Theod. V. 36. ■» Prosp. Chron., a.d. 437. 
 
 " De Gub. Dei, vii. His language is probably somewhat exaggerated, 
 but we cannot doubt that Carthage was now exhibiting in a very repul- 
 sive form that union of godlessness and heartlessness of which Amos gives 
 so vivid a picture. » Salv., lib. viii. P Serm. 105. 
 
364 COUNCIL OF EIEZ. 
 
 name of Christ;" and the terrible suddenness with which 
 the scourge overtook it seemed to bring home the threats 
 of prophet and apostle 1. Grenaeric, who had professed 
 friendly relations with Eome, took Carthage on the 19th 
 of October, 439. He committed great cruelties in search- 
 ing for concealed treasure ; drove away the priests, pillaged 
 the churches, and assigned them as lodgings to his men. 
 Quodvultdeus, bishop of Carthage, and several clergy, were 
 compelled to go on board a crazy vessel, which, contrary to 
 expectation, carried them safe to Naples. When some pre- 
 lates and clergy petitioned the conqueror for leave to dwell 
 iu the land vifhere they had been driven from their churches 
 and possessions, he answered in an outbreak of tyrannical 
 passion, that he was determined not to leave in his domi- 
 nions one of their name or kin '. 
 
 On Nov. 29 a Gallican Council met at Eiez, under the 
 presidency of S. Hilary of Aries, to consider the case of 
 Armentarius, a young man of rank, who bad been conse- 
 crated to the see of Embrun by two bishops, without the 
 consent of the comprovincial bishops or of the metropolitan. 
 He confessed that he had done wrong in accepting so irre- 
 gular a consecration. The Council forbade his consecrators 
 to appear at any future Council or ordination of bishops. 
 His consecration was pronounced null, i.e. for the purposes 
 of the diocese of Embrun. But any bishop was permitted 
 to assign him a church in which he might officiate, either 
 as a village bishop, or Clwrepiscopws, under the authority 
 of the diocesan, or as one maintained in " what was called 
 peregrina communio," a phrase which in this place appears 
 to mean the position of a foreign ecclesiastic, who resided 
 as a guest where he had no right to officiate as au incum- 
 bent, although he might be invited to take part in the ser- 
 vices =. The Council gave clear proof that it regarded hira 
 
 1 Isa. XXX. 13 ; Amos viii. 9 ; 1 Thess. T. 3. ' Victor, i. 5. 
 
 • Tillemont, xv. 66 ; Petav. cited by Bingham, b. 17. c. 3. Bingham 
 would explain pereffriiia communio here to mean (as it did mean elsewhere) 
 the charitable maintenance given to a foreign priest who, not possessing 
 
DEATH OF SIXTUS. 365 
 
 as a real bishop, though he had not had three consecrators ; 
 for it allowed him to administer confirmation, and decreed 
 that clergy ordained by him might, if found blameless, be 
 retained at Embrun by the new bishop, or transferred to 
 serve under their ordainer. 
 
 One of the last acts of Sixtus III. was prompted by his 
 archdeacon Leo, of whom we have already heard in the 
 Pelagian and Nestorian controversies. Julian, worn with 
 suffering and disappointment, sought to be reconciled to 
 the Church. Leo believed that his professions of sound 
 belief were insincere; and whatever may have been the 
 truth on this point, the chicanery of Pelagius might war- 
 rant some suspicions as to Julian. Siitus, guided by Leo, 
 refused to accept the convert *, who died — either in 440 or 
 453 — as a schoolmaster in a poor town of Sicily ^. An in- 
 scription on some porphyry columns erected in the bap- 
 tistery of the Lateran bore testimony to the orthodoxy of 
 Pope Sixtus in regard to the doctrine of " one Baptism for 
 the remission of sins"." " Here is the fount of life, which 
 cleanses the whole world, taking its origin from the wound 
 of Chi ist y. This water shall receive the old man and bring 
 forth the new. He that would be guiltless, let him bathe 
 in this laver, whether his burden of guilt be inherited or 
 personal. There is no difference among the regenerate, who 
 are made one by the one fount, the one Spirit, the one faith. 
 Let none be terrified by the number or character of his 
 sins ; he will be holy when born in this stream." 
 
 Sixtus died either in March or in August 440. This 
 
 any formatce, or letters commendatory from his own Church, was re- 
 garded as a stranger, and more or less under a cloud. But in this case the 
 connection of peregrina cammunio with " the office of chorepiscopus," as 
 forming the other alternative, seems to suggest a milder interpretation. 
 
 * Prosp. Chronic, 
 
 » His epitaph, the work of some loving hand, could still be read in the 
 ninth century ; " Hie in pace quiescit Juhanus episcopus Catholicus." 
 
 ^ Baronius, iii. 768. There are sixteen verses. 
 
 y " The Sacrament of the remission of sins flowed from the opened 
 side of Christ." B. Aug. c. Faust, xii. 16. See Pusey on Holy Baptism, 
 p. 295. 
 
366 ACCESSION OF S. LEO. 
 
 time there was no chance of a disputed election. All Pome 
 looked as one man to the pious, energetic, and Eoman- 
 spirited '^ Leo, then absent on a mission significant of hia 
 powers, that of reconciling two generals whose feud might 
 be dangerous to the "West. Without any show of diffi- 
 dence, but without any egotistical self-confidence, — know- 
 ing " that He who imposed the burden would give His aid 
 for the administration ="," — Leo the Great, as he has been 
 worthily styled, took possession of the see of S. Peter. 
 
 ' '' Leo was a Boman in sentiment as in birth." Milman, Hist. Lat. 
 Chr. i. 180. » Serm. % 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 From the Accession of S. leo to the latrocinium. 
 
 " 'Every spirit that confessetli not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is not 
 
 of God.' Moat wonderful prophecy, and surpassing test !" 
 
 Christian Bemembrancer, vol. x, 
 
 JOHN of Antioch died in the same year as Sixtus of Eome, 
 and was succeeded by his nephew Domnus, who had re- 
 gretted his temporary aHenation from S. Cyril. 
 
 On Nov. 8, 441, Hilary of Aries presided over the first 
 Council of Orange. Its first canon aUows heretics, desiring 
 on their death-beds to be reconciled to the Church, to re- 
 ceive from the priest, in the bishop's absence, not only bene- 
 diction, but also chrism. Its second canon is remarkable 
 in a similar point of view. Beside the chrism used from 
 the second century" at confirmation, and the anointing 
 which had been prefixed to baptism, there had come into 
 use, as confirmation became more and more a separate ordi- 
 nance, an unction on the crown of the head, administered by 
 tbe priest immediately after baptism. Pope Innocent had 
 distinguished this unction from that which only bishops 
 could bestow. But now the Gallican bishops provided, that 
 if this unction had been administered, no unction in con- 
 firmation would be necessary •• ; the bishop was to admin- 
 ister chrism only when informed that thej unction after 
 baptism had been omitted. Such, at least, is the generally- 
 received sense of the canon ", although the reading has been 
 disputed. Another canon shows the germ of patronage in 
 the permission given to a bishop, who founds a church in 
 another diocese, to name, but not to ordain, its clergy*. 
 
 « TertuU. de Bapt. 7 ; see S. Cypr. Ep. 70. 
 
 *» " Ut noTi Tiecessaria habeatur repetita chrismatio." 
 
 "= See Sirmond's note ; the canon, he says, is a departure " k priscS. eocle- 
 sise discipline" Another reading, now given up, is, " ut necessaria." 
 
 ^ Guizot, Civilis., lee. 13. "Ce patronage eool&iastique amena bient6t 
 un patronage laique de m6me nature." 
 
368 MANICHEAXS AT ROME. 
 
 Deaconesses are not to be ordained. Eeligious widowhood 
 is to he professed before the bishop in his " secretarium," or 
 hall of business". Mention is made of the bondmen of the 
 Church, of slaves emancipated in the Church, and of slaves 
 recommended to the Church by will. Christianity had 
 suggested to its disciples those high thoughts of universal 
 brotherhood in Christ, which were after the lapse of ages 
 to bear fruit in the abolition of slavery throughout Eu- 
 rope'. But the time was not yet. The Church was active 
 in softening the hardships of the servile relation, but she 
 did not, even on her own domains, forswear this species 
 of property. 
 
 Leo followed up, as bishop, the line of conduct which he 
 had recommended to Sixtus, in regard to the reception of 
 Pelagian conformists. He exhorted the bishop of Aquileia 
 to receive none without an unequivocal abjuration, and a 
 clear admission of real grace. At the same time he showed 
 his zeal against that heresy which Pelagians were wont to 
 associate with the Church. 
 
 The Manichean community at Rome had been reinforced 
 by fugitives from Africa. They endeavoured to mingle with 
 Churchmen in public worship ; but the eye of Leo was upon 
 them. He found out who the men were that declined to re- 
 ceive the Eucharistic chalice, fasted on Sunday and Monday 
 in honour of the sun and moon, and led some of the faithful, 
 as they ascended the steps of S. Peter's, to turn round at 
 the topmost steps and salute the rising sun. He instituted 
 a search for Manicheans, and detected many, including their 
 bishop ; and, assembling a number of bishops, priests, and 
 distinguished laymen, he compelled the captured heretics 
 to confess the infamies which made part of their secret 
 ritual E. Some gave token of genuine repentance ; with re- 
 gard to the rest, Leo employed his great powers of terse 
 and vigorous preaching in order to guard his flock from the 
 
 = See Bingham, b. 8. 7. 7. ' See Rogers' Eclipse of Faith, p. 363 ; 
 
 compare Apost. Const, iv. 1. g Serm. 16. 
 
MAMCHEANS AT ROME. 369 
 
 pollution of their company. In the Ember-week of De- 
 cember 443, and on the Epiphany of 444, he denounced 
 Manicheism with the energy of one to whom the faith of 
 Christ and the Grospel law of holiness were supremely dear. 
 The enemy who had made use of other heresies had built 
 for himself, in this, the very citadel and palace of his em- 
 pire. The profanity of the Pagans, the blindness of carnal 
 Judaism, the dark secrets of magic, the blasphemies of 
 every form of error, had been poured into one receptacle 
 of foulness. Manicheans, he urged'', regarded the idea 
 of Incarnation as a debasement of the Deity ; they ima- 
 gined a Christ with a phantom body, which could not really 
 die nor revive ; and that the whole truth of the Apostles' 
 Creed might be annihilated, they denied that Christ would 
 come as a Judge. They cast off the Old Testament, they 
 corrupted and mutilated the New; they circulated false 
 Scriptures under sacred names ; they strove to ensnare the 
 simple by pretended austerity, by a display of mean dresses 
 and pallid faces, and by fasts which were in truth impure '. 
 But he did not conclude without an expression of deep pity 
 for those who had fallen into this Antichristian heresy, yet 
 for whom, as long as life remained, there remained a place 
 of repentance. Some of the Manicheans fled from Eome, 
 and Leo wrote against them to aU the bishops of Italy, 
 January 30, 444. 
 
 The career of S. Cyril was now drawing to an end. In 
 common with S. Proclus, he had recently given too ready 
 a credence to the aged Athanasius, bishop of Perrha, who, 
 having resigned his see in consequence of heavy accusa- 
 tions, complained that his clergy had plotted his deposition. 
 Cyril and Proclus wrote to Domnus on his behalf. A coun- 
 cil was held at their suggestion, but Athanasius declined' 
 to attend it. About the same time, Cyril attacked the 
 anthropomorphite notions which were still, as in his uncle's 
 time, taking hold of some monastic dreamers. To his work 
 
 ^ Serm. 34, ' Compare Serm. 41. 
 
 Bb 
 
370 DEATH OF S. CYBIL. 
 
 " Against the Anthropomorpliites " is prefixed an epistle to 
 Calosirius, bishop of Arsinoe ; from which it appears that 
 some of these fanatics insisted on devoting to prayer the 
 time that should have been spent on needful labour, and 
 that others believed the reserved Eucharist to "lose its 
 power for sanctification." "This," wrote CyrU^ "is an 
 extravagant idea: for Christ is not altered, nor wiU. His 
 holy Body be changed ; but the power of the consecration 
 and the life-giving grace is perpetual in it." He died in 
 June 444, after a pontificate of thirty-two years, during the 
 last fifteen of which he may be said to have as truly lived 
 for the Hypostatic Union as his mightiest predecessor for 
 the Homoousion. Doubtless, the fiery spirit which Cyril 
 could not always restrain impelled him, during this great 
 controversy, into some steps which show that he was not an 
 Athanasius. But modern critics of his character have said 
 more than enough on this point, and too little on points of 
 a diiferent kind. Historical justice can never demand that 
 we should take the hardest possible view of his conduct at 
 the opening of the Council of Ephesus, and ignore the noble 
 unselfishness, the patience in explaining over again his own 
 statements, the readiness in welcdming substantial agree- 
 ment on the part of others, — in a word, the " power, and 
 love, and self-command" which made him a true minister 
 of peace in the Eeunion of 433. "We need not dwell on 
 other instances in which he showed a remarkable forbear- 
 ance, as when he bore without irritation the schooling of 
 S. Isidore'; on his care for the due probation of aspirants 
 to the priesthood, his depth and acuteness as a dogmatic 
 theologian, his faith and thankfulness when treated as a de- 
 posed prisoner. The way not to understand him is to sub- 
 stitute a haughty and heartless dogmatist for the ardent, 
 anxious, often the deeply-suffering man, who, against an 
 opponent strong in sophistry, in Court influence, and in 
 Church power, persevered in defending the simple truth of 
 
 k Cyr. TL 365. i See Tillemout, xiv. 657. 
 
DIOSCOKUS. 371 
 
 the Scriptural and Nicene mystery, tbat " the one Lord 
 Jesus Christ was very God of very God, vrho for us men 
 and for our salvation came down from heaven, and was 
 incarnate, and was made Man." In proportion as Chris- 
 tians of this age confess their faith in the atoning work 
 of this One Christ, they are daily debtors to S. Cyril of 
 Alexandria. 
 
 He left a large bequest to his successor, conjuring him 
 "by the venerable and awful Mysteries" to befriend hia 
 kindred. The archdeacon Dioscorus, who had accompanied 
 him to Ephesus, was elected ; and forthwith, as if suspect- 
 ing that the family of Cyril and Theophilus had been en- 
 riched by nepotism, he extorted from them considerable 
 sums, which he lent to bakers and vintners that they might 
 supply the citizens with good bread and wine. Athanasius 
 and Paul, Cyril's nephews, were imprisoned and otherwise 
 outraged ; the houses of the obnoxious family were turned • 
 into churches ; one which could not be so used was blocked* 
 up. Athanasius, after Paul's death, was deposed from the 
 priesthood, excluded from the bath and the market, and re- 
 duced, with his aunts and other relatives, to homeless beg- 
 gary. The patriarch had previously borne a fair character ; 
 but his exaltation revealed, or possibly generated, a spirit 
 at once tyrannous and sensual. His life became openly 
 scandalous. He deposed a deacon, named Theodore, whom 
 Cyril had favoured ; another named Ischyrion was not only 
 forbidden to officiate, but deprived of his all by agents of 
 Dioscorus, who burned his house, felled his trees, and hacked 
 up his land. His life, he afterwards declared, was twice 
 endangered by the patriarch's malignity. 
 
 Nestorius had been banished to the Oasis, whither Con- 
 stantius had sent some Catholic bishops in 350. It was 
 a miserable place of exile, exposed to the wild nomad tribes ; 
 all around were shifting sands, forming a pathless solitude. 
 He was living there when Socrates completed his History 
 in 439 "'; and employed himself in writing a defence of 
 
 " Soc. vii. 34. 
 
372 DEATH OF NESTOKIUS. 
 
 tlie opinions for whicli lie had lost all. The Blemmyes 
 at length invaded the Oasis, and took Nestoriua, among 
 others, captive ; then, by what he calls a most unexpected 
 act of compassion", released him, and bade him hurry away. 
 He thought it best to proceed to Panopolis in the Thebaid, 
 and voluntarily reported himself to the governor ; who, un- 
 moved by his pathetic entreaty that the imperial authorities 
 would not be less merciful than the barbarians, ordered 
 some soldiers to convey him to Elephantine. The journey 
 under such circumstances exhausted the old man; a fall 
 severely hurt his hand and side ; and before he could reach 
 Elephantine, a mandate came for his return to Panopolis. 
 Two more compulsory changes of abode were added to 
 suiferings which remind us, perforce, of the last days of 
 S. Chrysostom ; and then the unhappy Nestorius was no 
 more. The exact year of his death cannot be ascertained". 
 Heresiarch though he was, and miserably as he had rent 
 the Church, the first feeling excited by the narrative of Lis 
 end is indignation at the cruelties of a Catholic government 
 and the shameful rancour of a Catholic historian p. 
 
 "We turn to the memorable contest between the two most 
 eminent bishops of Western Christendom. Hilary of Aries 
 was revered for his devotion, his extraordinary euergy as 
 a preacher, his unwearied zeal in converting pagans and 
 heretics; he was beloved for his humility and sympathy, 
 his active compassion for the poor, his readiness to ransom 
 captives even with the vessels of the altar, and the apostolic 
 tenderness with which he administered Church discipline. 
 There was a holy intensity about his character which made 
 him the chief power in the Transalpine Church. Such was 
 the prelate who, while visiting S. Germain at Auxerre, re- 
 ceived a complaint against a bishop named Celidonius. 
 
 ° Evagr. i. 7. " Tilleraont says it was between 439 and 450. 
 
 P Evagrius, i. 7, "learned that his tongue was eaten through by worms, 
 and that then he departed to the everlasting judgment which awaited 
 him." The remonstrances of the worn-out sufferer are described as a 
 striking with iist and heel ! 
 
CASE OF CELIDONIUS. 373 
 
 " He ought not to have been consecrated ; while a layman 
 and a magistrate, he married a widow, and he inflicted 
 capital punishment." It was contended, in fact, that he 
 was canonically irregular. A certain degree of morbid for- 
 malism had taken hold of the ecclesiastical mind on both 
 these points, and a council of bishops, called together to 
 hear the case, did but carry out the existing law in its 
 literal rigour, by adjudging Celidonius to resign his see. 
 
 Celidonius appealed to Rome, apparently in the autumn 
 of 444; and Leo, glad to welcome an appellant, received 
 him without further questioning to communion. Hilary 
 heard of this in the depth of winter. It was characteristic 
 of him to do " with his might," at once and thoroughly, 
 whatever seemed his duty in any matter. Eegardless of 
 the bitter weather, he crossed the Alps on foot, and arrived 
 at Eome. His first act was to visit the tombs of the Apo- 
 stles ; that pious of&ce discharged, he presented himself be- 
 fore Leo, and respectfully begged him not to innovate on 
 Church order, but to consider in a friendly and extra- 
 judicial way the statement he had to make. Mindful of 
 his own position, he expressly declared that he was not 
 come to plead before a court, but to give information as to 
 facts unknown at Eomei. A council was assembled, in 
 which Hilary had a seat. He was assailed by threats, and 
 urgedj apparently, to make a formal accusation of Celido- 
 nius, or to communicate with him. He refused, asserting 
 his rights as a Galilean archbishop in language which, as 
 the prsefect AuxUiaris expressed it, did not suit " the deli- 
 cate ears of the Romans," and to which, the Pope afilrmed, 
 " no bishop could bear to listen." He withdrew from the 
 council, evaded the guards which had been placed over him, 
 and returned without further delay to Gaul. Leo, who was 
 disposed to take an unfriendly view of all his conduct, re- 
 garded this proceeding as a " disgraceful flight';" but Hilary 
 had no mind to wait for the judgment of what he deemed 
 
 1 Honoratus' Life of S. Hilary. ' Ep. 10. 
 
374 
 
 CLAIMS OF LEO. 
 
 an incompetent tribunal. That judgment was, that Celi- 
 donius had been found innocent of irregularity ; and lie 
 was formally confirmed in the episcopate. 
 
 Here we observe two principles in conflict. The arch- 
 bishop of Aries was contending, as the African Church 
 before her troubles had contended, and in strict conformity 
 with the canon of Ephesus, for the independence of local 
 hierarchies in regard to a powerful neighbour. Gaul was 
 not within the Eoman patriarchate. There was no ques- 
 tion of the canons of Sardica ; Leo had gone beyond their 
 limits, which were in fact too narrow for his ideas. What- 
 ever thoughts of world-wide supervision and control had 
 passed through the minds of Innocent and Coelestine, were 
 crystallized in the teaching and the claims of Leo. Africans 
 and Easterns had revered in S. Peter the symbol of unity 
 and the " coryphaeus " of the Apostles ; and had more or 
 less admitted in the Eoman bishop a corresponding primacy 
 of influence and of honour. But Leo held, and it was on 
 the whole a new doctrine, that Peter had powers beyond 
 his brethren, which his successors had inherited'; and thus 
 be became the founder of that supremacy which subsequent 
 Popes built up in Western Europe. The later assertion of 
 Papal autocracy was a flight which surpassed his proudest 
 dreams*. 
 
 He now gave audience to another complaint. Hilary 
 had suddenly arrived at a city the name of which is un- 
 known, but which was not in the province of the Tien- 
 nensis, then subject to the see of Aries. Projectus, the 
 bishop of this city, was dangerously ill ; and Hilary appears 
 to have thought that if was necessary to make immediate 
 provision for the see. He consecrated another bishop to 
 succeed Projectus, who recovered, and laid his grievance 
 
 ■ See Ep. 14, o. 11, Serm. 4. 
 
 ■ The oonfasion of primacy with supremacy is a palpable sophism. 
 The Roman primacy, supremacy, and autocracy may be roughly com- 
 pared to the respective positions of an elder brother, a feudal prince, and 
 a Louis XIV. 
 
HE BREAKS WITH HILARY. 375 
 
 before Leo. We do not know the circumstances as they 
 presented themselves to Hilary. Leo was content with an 
 em parte statement, and declared the act of Hilary null. 
 He also wrote a letter ^ to the bishops of Viennensis, de- 
 nouncing the pride and stubbornness of Hilary, who would 
 not " endure to be subject to S. Peter." He gave his own 
 version of the cases of Celidonius and Projectus, and was 
 so far carried away by hasty injustice as to say that Hilary 
 was " not so much bent on consecrating a bishop as on 
 causing the death of Projectus, and deceiving by a wrongful 
 ordination the man whom he intruded into the see." Such 
 a passage may enable us to judge of other charges against 
 Hilary, endorsed by Leo in this vehement epistle. The 
 ready support given to HUary in his visitations by the 
 highest civil functionaries, his vigour as a disciplinarian, 
 his rapid movements throughout his province, were repre- 
 sented to Leo in a light sufficiently odious, and probably 
 altogether untrue. The Pope had evidently a foregone con- 
 clusion ; he had been thoroughly provoked by Hilary's bold- 
 ness, and now declared him to be excluded from communion 
 with Eome. The powers of the see of Aries over Vien- 
 nensis, which Zosimus had strongly maintained, were an- 
 nulled by Leo, who suggested that an aged biabop named 
 Leontius should enjoy a certain kind of primacy in Gaul. 
 This was a high-handed proceeding enough ; but Leo, as 
 if apprehensive that the Gallican Church might disregard 
 his bidding, resolved to fortify it by an imperial rescript. 
 
 On June 6, 445, Valentinian III. put forth a mandate, 
 for the substance at least of which Leo must be held re- 
 sponsible ''. "A holy synod y," the Emperor is made to 
 say, has ordained that no one shall presume to attempt 
 anything without the authority of that see, which derives 
 its primacy "from the merit of S. Peter, and from the dig- 
 nity of the city of Eome. For then will the peace of the 
 
 » Ep. 10. » Ep. 11, Valent. Aetio. 
 
 7 The vagueness of the expression is significant. 
 
376 RESCRIPT OF VALENTINIAN. 
 
 Churches be everywhere preserved, if they all acknowledge 
 their ruler ^" Hilary's offences are then recited ; that he 
 still retains the title of bishop, is ascribed to Leo's grace 
 alone. The' Papal sentence against him "would of itself 
 have been valid ; for what could be unlawful in the Church 
 to the authority of so great a pontiff?" But to prevent 
 such disobedience for the future, the Emperor decreed that 
 no bishop in Gaul or in other provinces should be at 
 liberty, " contrary to old usage," to dispense with " the 
 authority of the venerable Pope of the eternal city." All 
 were to hold his ordinances for law ; and a bishop, cited to 
 his tribunal, and neglecting the summons, should be com- 
 pelled by the provincial government to obey. Such was 
 the rescript of 445, which of course could have no reference 
 to the East, but which, considered as a law for the "Western 
 empire, must appear a grave offence against historical facta, 
 as well as against the rights of the several Churches. Un- 
 truths which Eoman ecclesiastics were too ready to believe, 
 became the groundwork of an usurpation which used the 
 imperial power as its instrument. " But the metropolitans 
 were not inclined to surrender their prerogatives^;" and 
 in this particular case, the Viennese Churches continued in 
 obedience to Hilary, who after doing his best, in vain, to 
 conciliate Leo, sought comfort in his devotions and his 
 pastoral work, and never conceded the point at issue''. 
 
 A few days after this rescript, Leo wrote to the new 
 patriarch of Alexandria, taking care to assume that the 
 Church of S. Mark must have learned her ritual customs 
 from that of S. Peter '^. In a somewhat authoritative tone 
 he desired that holy orders should be administered on 
 Saturday night, or early on Sunday morning ; and that on 
 
 » "Eeotorem:" not "lord," as in Milmau's Lat. Chr. i. 195. 
 
 » Hallam, Middle Ages, ii. 228. 
 
 ' Tillemont, xt. 83, does not scruple to say that " in the eyes of those 
 who have any love for the Church's liberty or any knowledge of her disci- 
 phne, the law of June 6 will be as little honourable to him whom it praises, 
 as irjjurious to him whom it condemns." t Ep. 9. 
 
S. GEEMAIN AGAIN IN BEITAIN. 377 
 
 great festivals, wten the worshippers were too numerous 
 for the capacities of any single church, the celebration 
 should be several times repeated, so that different com- 
 panies might have in turn an opportunity of offering sacri- 
 fice. This vras the Eoman custom ; but it does not seem 
 to have made its way into Egypt 'i. 
 
 The affair of Athanasius of Perrha was not yet settled. 
 No successor had been appointed to his see, and the clergy 
 petitioned Domnus for a bishop. Domnus assembled a 
 council ; Athanasius would not attend, " because he had 
 enemies in the assembly ;" judgment was given against him 
 by default, and Sabinian was named bishop of Perrha. 
 
 Leo had given to Anastasius of Thessalonica the usual 
 commission to represent him in Illyricum. But Anastasius 
 abused his power. Atticus, metropolitan of Nicopolis, had 
 excused his absence from a synod on the ground of illness ; 
 Anastasius obtained an order from the preefect, and caused 
 Atticus to be forcibly conveyed to Thessalonica, " through 
 roads blocked up with snow." Leo wrote a grave rebuke 
 to his tyrannical vicar'', and expressed his will that the 
 rights of metropolitans should be respected, concluding 
 with the text on the exaltation of the humble. 
 
 Germain in 447 paid another visit to Britain, ia company 
 with Severus of Treves'. Again the Pelagians quailed 
 before the Gallicans. On bis return, he was appealed to 
 by the Armoricans, who had been driven into insurrection 
 by heavy taxes, and against whom Aetius had despatched 
 the Alani. Germain met the Alan chief upon his way ; 
 took hold of the bridle of his horse, and by solemn urgency 
 procured a breathing time for the Armoricans, who there- 
 upon deputed him as their envoy to the Emperor. 
 
 The Priscillianist heresy had revived in Spain ; Turibius, 
 bishop of Astorga, convicted a great number of its ad- 
 herents, and wrote an account of the matter to Leo. The 
 
 •1 Tillemont, xv. 440. " Ep. 14. 
 
 ' Bede, i. 21, He connects a miracle of healing with each visit. 
 
3/8 PRISCILLIANISTS. 
 
 Heretics, it appears, took pains to conceal their opinions 
 under the cloak of orthodox language and external con- 
 formity ; at the same time, they circulated apocryphal acts 
 of S. Thomas, S. John, S. Andrew, and a blasphemous 
 memoir of the Apostles which represented Christ as de- 
 nouncing the Old Testament s. Leo replied on July 21, 
 447 ^. He spoke of PrisciUianism as of the kindred Ma- 
 nichean system ; it was a combination of detestable errors. 
 AUuding to Priscillian's execution, he justified it on tlie 
 express ground that his doctrine was not merely heretical, 
 but a social abomination. The Church, he observed, was 
 too gentle not to " shrink from a bloody vengeance" on 
 her enemies ; but when they attacked public morality, and 
 " subverted all laws divine and human, the severity of 
 Christian princes" was well-timed. He entered into a de- 
 tailed description of PrisciUianism, and recommended the 
 Spanish bishops to hold a council against " these im- 
 pieties." The sufferings of the Mauritanian Church had 
 already given him an opportunity for interfering in its 
 concerns ^ ; and he now wrote to the bishops of Sicily, who 
 had been suffering from Arian persecution ''j commanding 
 them to give up their custom of baptizing on the Epiphany, 
 and to confine themselves to Easter and Pentecost', 
 
 New troubles were gathering round the Eastern Church. 
 A party had been formed, mainly by the zeal of monks, 
 whose watchword was hostility to Theodoret, as being no 
 better than a Nestorian. These men exaggerated the 
 teaching of S. Cyril, or rather, its more conspicuous as- 
 pect; using some of liis words, and those in a sense not 
 his. Erom real, though erring reverence, they wished 
 to honour Christ and to bar out a profane heresy by re- 
 garding His Manhood as absorbed in His Godhead. Theo- 
 doret, on the other hand, although he had worked his way 
 to a real belief in the one Christ, had never accepted the 
 
 B Turrib. Ep. 5. h Ep. 15. 
 
 ' Ep. 12. He claimed on this occasion a right of confirming the pro- 
 vincial sentence. k Ep. Paschasini ad Leon. ' Ep. 16. 
 
THE "ERANISTES. 379 
 
 Cyrilline articles ; and was jealous of any statement that 
 even seemed to obscure that distinction of Natures, on 
 which, as he felt, depended the reality of the Gospel. He 
 wrote about this time a treatise called JEranistes or Foly- 
 morphus, names intended to represent the assertors of 
 One Nature as making up a theory from the " contribu- 
 tions" of " manifold" errors. The book consisted of three 
 dialogues, called "Immutable," " Inconfused," and "Im- 
 passible," In the second occurs a memorable passage, 
 wherein the illustration employed by "Eranistes," — that 
 as the Sacramental symbols are changed by consecration, 
 so is the Lord's Body changed into a divine substance "", — 
 meets with a direct retort from "Orthodox." "You are 
 taken in the net which you wove ; for the mystic symbols 
 do not, after consecration, depart from their own nature; 
 they continue in their former essence, figure, and form, and 
 are visible and tangible as before ; but in thought they are 
 conceived, and believed, and adored, as being those things 
 which are objects of faith "." Here, as Cyril argued from 
 the life-giving character of Christ's Body to its being the 
 Body of one who was God, Theodoret argues from the co- 
 existence of the outward with the inward part in the Eu- 
 charist to the co-existence of Manhood with Godhead in 
 Christ's Person. In the same dialogue he quotes Cyril 
 among other orthodox teachers who had afdrmed this latter 
 co-existence. The third dialogue is occupied with enforcing 
 that impassibility of the Godhead, which Cyril had never 
 denied when he spoke of God the "Word as having suffered 
 in the flesh. 
 
 S. Proclus died on October 24, 447. Flavian, treasurer 
 of his church, succeeded him, and immediately became ob- 
 noxious to the eunuch Chrysaphius, by refusing to give any 
 other eulogia than a loaf of white bread. Pulcheria sup- 
 
 in There were two forms of expressing the same idea : 1. The Godhead 
 was converted into flesh ; 2. The flesh, taken from Mary, was changed 
 into something divine. 
 
 n See Mr. Owen's Introd. to Dogm. TheoL, p. 413, as to this passage. 
 
380 LETTERS OF THEODOKET. 
 
 ported Flavian ; and therefore Chrysapliius plotted against 
 Pulcheria, Jle was the godson of the zealous abbat 
 Eutyches, who was the chief of the monastic and ultra- 
 Cyrilline party at Constantinople. Dioscorus threw him- 
 self into the same cause ; the Emperor was made to order 
 the expulsion of Irenseus from the bishopric of Tyre, on 
 the ground that he was a Nestorian, and had been twice 
 married. Theodoret wrote to Domnus in his friend's be- 
 half, observing that Proclus had approved of his conse- 
 cration; that eminent bishops had allowed digamists to 
 be ordained, and that Irenaeus had not, to his knowledge, 
 refused to call the Holy Virgin Theotocos. Photius was 
 placed in the bishopric ; and Theodoret himself, ostensibly 
 as a disturber of the Church's quiet, was commanded to 
 coniine himself to his own city". He obeyed, but wrote 
 in his own defence to high State olEcers. One letter p to 
 the consul Nomus is eminently interesting; he mentions 
 his early dedication to the service of God, and his episcopal 
 labours during twenty-five years. In another i, to a bishop, 
 he protests that he is so far removed from " that execrable 
 notion of two Sons," that he is offended by some ex- 
 pressions of Wicene writers, who have " made too broad 
 a distinction" between God and Man in Christ. He pro- 
 ' ceeds to enumerate his commentaries on " the prophets, 
 the Psalter, the Apostle "■," and his other writings against 
 various heretics, on the lives of Saints, on Providence, on 
 the questions of the Magi, together with one which he 
 calls a mystical book. Dioscorus was violently prejudiced 
 against him by two or more monks who visited Alexandria. 
 He wrote to Domnus in consequence ; Theodo.ret saw the 
 letter, and replied, denying the accusation that he had 
 preached the duality of Sons at Antioch^. His sermons, 
 
 " Tillemout, xv. 275, dates this in 447-8. Fleury dates it in 445. 
 p Ep. 81. 1 Ep. 82. 
 
 ' i. e. the Epistles ; still so called in the Liturgies of S. Mark and 
 S. Chrysostom, 
 ' Ep. 83. A fragment of a sermon ascribed to him, and said to havB 
 
HIS CONFESSION OF ORTHODOXY. 38 1 
 
 he said, with a pardonable complacency, had been very 
 acceptable to John of Antioch, who was wont to start up 
 and " clap both his hands." His belief, learned from Scrip- 
 ture and Fathers, wa# that Christ, the one Lord, had both 
 Divinity and Humanity *. Those who denied the difference 
 between His flesh and His Godhead, or who said that 
 either of them was converted into the other, he had been 
 wont to set right by " the medicines of the blessed and 
 admirable Theophilus and Cyril." The latter had written 
 to him as a friend ; an epistle which he kept, showed 
 Cyril's estimate of " his accurate belief and his good feel- 
 ing"^." He concluded by a solemn imprecation; ""Whoso 
 denies the Holy Virgin to be Theotocos, calls our Lord 
 a mere man, or divides the Only-begotten into two Sons, 
 let him be deprived of the hope that is in Christ ; and 
 let all the people say, So be it, so be it." Dioscorus, 
 instead of welcoming this letter, allowed Theodoret's ene- 
 mies to anathematize him in the cathedral, and then, " ris- 
 ing up himself, confirmed their utterance by his own." 
 So wrote Theodoret to Flavian, after hearing of this step, 
 "which, were it not well attested, would be incredible^." 
 Domnus took part with Theodoret, and sent envoys to 
 Constantinople in his favour, whom Theodoret charged with 
 several letters, in most of which he protested that he be- " 
 lieved in One Christ, truly God and truly Man?. 
 
 been preached after Cyril's death, begins, "No one is now forced to 
 blaspheme." 
 
 ' S. Thomas, he says, "called Rim Lord and God." (Theodore had 
 explained away those words.) 
 
 " Surely this letter to Dioscorus is in itself a proof of the spuriousness of 
 a letter to John (or, as some would read, to Domnus, ) which was produced as 
 Theodoret's in the fifth General CouneU. It begins, with alleged reference 
 to S. Cyril's death, " So then, at last the bad man is dead." But no extracts 
 could give a due notion of its extreme outrageousness. Neander, iv, 213, 
 thinks it genuine ; an opinion which, according to Tillemont, xiv. 705, is 
 equivalent to making out Theodoret to be "un miserable et un mSohant." 
 The sentiments, also, are "so mean, ridiculous, and impertinent," that 
 they could not be Theodoret's. " A heavy stone on Cyril's grave will keep 
 him from coming back," &c. ^ Ep. 86. 
 
 y e.g. Ep. 104, "I give Him (me worship. ..yet I know that Godhead and 
 flesh are distinct ; for the union is without confusion." 
 
382 IBAS OF EDESSA. 
 
 The exarcbate of Ephesus was now held by Bassian, who 
 had been installed under circumstances of some violence, 
 but with the sanction of Theodosius, and had governed his 
 Church four years, in full communion with S. Proclus. 
 During Lent, 448, some troublesome rumours obliged his 
 clergy to write to Theodosius and Pulcheria in his be- 
 half. The application was successful ; his peaceable pos- 
 session of the see was guaranteed ; he was one day in the 
 very act of celebrating, when he was suddenly dragged 
 from the altar, beaten, pillaged, and thrown into prison. 
 On the ground of his irregular elevation, Leo and Flavian 
 took part with his adversaries ; Theodosius pronounced for 
 his deposition, the priestly robes were torn from him by 
 force, and a priest named Stephen was placed upon his 
 throne. Such was the " tragedy of Bassian '^." He lay in 
 prison three months, and was released, apparently, just 
 about the time when Germain lay dying at Eavenna, which 
 he had visited as the advocate of the Armoricans. After 
 a life which " many crosses had made one long martyrdom," 
 he could calmly say, " "Well do I know what a country it 
 is which God promises to His servants." He died July 31, 
 448 ; and his apostolic career was long commemorated in 
 a sacramental preface " by the Church of Gaul. 
 
 A more important case than Bassian's was that of Ibas 
 of Edessa. He had long been suspected as a Nestorianizer, 
 and we have seen that Proclus was uneasy on this point. 
 Several of the Edessene clergy, who regretted the contrast 
 between their present and their late bishop, accused Ibas 
 of having said, in the hall of his episcopal house, and before 
 his assembled priests, " I do not envy Christ His becoming 
 God ; for I can become God no less than He." Ibas 
 excommunicated them as calumniators. After a council 
 at Antioch, which pronounced in favour of Ibas, because 
 two of his accusers were not forthcoming, the Emperor 
 commissioned the bishops of Tyre, Berytus, and Himeria 
 
 ^ Tillem. xt. 465. « Mui-at. ii. 698. 
 
EUTYCHES ACCUSED. Q%n 
 
 to hear the cause. This commission was granted on Oc- 
 tober 26, 448. A few days afterwards, on Nov. 8, a coun- 
 cil of bishops was sitting in the synod-room of Flavian's 
 palace. One of them, the bishop of Dorylseum, was that 
 Eusebius who had denounced Nestorius twenty years be- 
 fore, while yet a mere layman. He now showed his un- 
 chilled fervour of orthodoxy by attacking an error in the 
 opposite extreme^. In a memorial which he presented to 
 his brethren, Eutyches was characterized as a frenzied 
 blasphemer, who applied the name of heretic to those whose 
 faith agreed with that of the Saints. Eusebius protested 
 that, for himself, he held the faith of Cyril; and he begged 
 the Council to summon the archimandrite, whom he under- 
 took in that case to convict of heresy. When the paper 
 was read, Flavian observed that an accusation against one 
 so respected was simply astonishing. Could not Eusebius 
 visit Eutyches, before invoking the Council's judgment ? 
 Eusebius, who was greatly excited, declared that Eutyches 
 had been once his friend; he had repeatedly warned him 
 to desist from heterodox language; he could not, after 
 these vain remonstrances, " go and hear him once again 
 blaspheme." It was therefore agreed that Eutyches should 
 be summoned; the Council adjourned to the 12th, and on 
 that day read the second letter of Cyril to Nestorius, and 
 his letter to John after the concordat. The patriarch then 
 declared his belief that Christ was perfect God and perfect 
 Man, consubstantial with the Father as to Godhead, with 
 Mary as to Manhood; that from the two Natures, united 
 after the Incarnation in one Person, there resulted one 
 Christ. Other prelates followed in the same strain ; Basil 
 of Seleucia still more expressly, "I adore one Christ, ac- 
 knowledged in two Natures after the Incarnation." Again 
 the Council adjourned to Nov. 15 ; when the messengers 
 who had been sent to Eutyches reported that he had long 
 ago resolved never to leave his monastery ; that he con- 
 
 i> Mansi, vi. 653. 
 
g84 "two natures." 
 
 sidered Busebius to be bis personal enemy; that be ad- 
 mitted Cbrist's perfect Manbood, but not that His flesh 
 was consubstantial with ours, nor that He was of two 
 Natures. He acknowledged, they said, one Nature only of 
 God Incarnate ; he accepted the teaching of the Fathers, 
 but looked to Scripture as being the safest guide. Two 
 priests, Mamas and Tbeophilus, carried to him the second 
 summons. At first they were denied admittance. "When 
 he did receive them, he bade them say that he was an old 
 man, as good as dead ; he was, in fact, seventy. "Where," he 
 added, "does Scripture speak of two Natures <^ ?" "Where," 
 retorted his visitors, " does Scripture speak of Homoousion ?" 
 " It is in the Fathers." " Very well ! the Fathers are good 
 interpreters of Scripture, and they also speak of two Na- 
 tures." There were, in fact, many such testimonies, aa 
 Theodoret had shown in the second of his dialogues ; the 
 priests were doubtless thinking especially of S. Chryso- 
 stom, who, for instance, had said that S. John, in the words 
 " Jesus wept," intended to show " that He was truly 
 clothed in our nature 'i." Eutyches replied by a phrase 
 which showed that his temper was not like that of Theo- 
 dore's school, irreverent and rationalistic ; " I do not spe- 
 culate on the nature of the Godhead." Tbeophilus drew 
 from him the admission that the Word was perfect God, 
 and, as incarnate, perfect Man also. " If, then, the two 
 perfects make up one Son, why do you refuse to confess 
 two Natures ?" Eutyches repeated that he would not specu- 
 late, nor affirm Christ to be of two Natures ; he would stay 
 in his cloister ; and, if deposed, he would make it his tomb. 
 It appeared that be was stirring up the monastic party, by 
 sending a doctrinal treatise to be subscribed in all the 
 
 « Mansi, vi. 725. 
 
 A In Joan., horn. 63. 2. See also S. Melito, in Routh, Rell. Sao. i. 121 ; 
 TertuU. de Came Chr. 5; S.Greg. Naz. ad Cledon. "There are two 
 natures, but not two Sons ;" S. AmpMloohius ; "Distinguish the natures of 
 God and Man ;" S. Basil, c. Eunom. i. ; " Our Lord was bom in the essence 
 of the Manhood ;" S. Aug. Enohir. 12, &0. 
 
TRIAL OF ETJTYCHES. 385 
 
 monasteries of Constantinople. He also sent a brother 
 abbat to inform the Council that he was very ill. "He 
 could not sleep all night, but groaned; and his groans 
 kept me awake." Flavian answered kindly, "We have no 
 idea of pressing hardly upon him. We are old friends of 
 his ; we will wait until he is better, and then let him come 
 and confess that he has erred." He added, after the sitting 
 was broken up, that "fire itself seemed cold to Eusebius," 
 whose vehemence he had endeavoured to calm down. A 
 third summons was followed, on Nov. 27, by the personal 
 attendance of Eutyches. His great influence and position 
 were shown by the officers, soldiers, and monks who escorted 
 him, and by an imperial order that the patrician Elorentiua 
 should have a seat in the synod «. Eusebius declared that 
 he had much to fear from Eutyches: "I am a poor man 
 without property, he is rich ; he menaces me with exile, 
 he already depicts to me the Oasis." The patriarch asked 
 if Eutyches confessed an union out of two Natures. He 
 replied that he did. " My lord archimandrite," asked Eu- 
 sebius, " do you confess two natures after the Incarnation, 
 and will you say that Christ is consubstantial with us ac- 
 cording to the flesh ?" Eutyches attempted to fence with 
 the question, by putting in a paper which averred his 
 belief in the doctrine of Cyril and other Fathers, and ana- 
 thematized Apollinaris as well as Nestorius. When called 
 upon for a verbal statement, he freely admitted, 1. That 
 S. Mary was " consubstantial with us ;" 2. Although he 
 had "never before said it," that Christ was so likewise, 
 as Man. Here, then, were two points gained ; the second 
 not without protestations on his part that he was afraid 
 to speculate, and that he only said what he did in defe- 
 rence to the Council. The chief question remained; it 
 was repeated by Elorentius. "Was Christ of two Natures 
 after the Incarnation, or of one only ?" Appealing to the 
 
 ' Florentius disclaimed all idea of dogmatizing. Mansi, vi. 809. But he 
 took an active part in the dispute with Eutyches. 
 
 C 
 
g86 HE IS CONDEMNED. 
 
 authority of Cyril and Atlianasius, Eutyches replied, "Of 
 two Natures before the union ; lut after it I acknowledge 
 one." Basil endeavoured to show him that be was mia- 
 taking S. Cyril : " Do not say absolutely, One Nature, for 
 that is to confound Deity with humanity; but say what 
 S. Cyril really said, One Nature incarnate. There is one 
 Lord Jesus Christ, but His Godhead is one thing, His flesh 
 another. If you hold this, you agree both with us and 
 with the Fathers." It was kindly meant, but the old man 
 would not or could not heed. A narrow mind, stiffened by 
 seclusion and bewildered by harassing excitement, was in 
 no state to appreciate a qualification or a paraphrase. Eu- 
 tyches had, apparently, one single thought — how best to 
 contradict Nestorianism. To him it seemed that unity of 
 Person could only be preserved by unity of Nature ; and 
 thus, ignoring S. Cyril's statement, he clung, as for life, 
 to a formula which his judges deemed intolerable. They 
 all rose, and exclaimed that no one could be forced into 
 faith ; and Tlavian, in the name of the synod, passed sen- 
 tence of deposition and excommunication against Eutyches. 
 This document professes that the bishops shed tears over 
 his spiritual ruin. Such was the Eastern style in condemn- 
 ing a heretic; it had been used at Ephesus in regard to 
 Nestorius, and it is probable that the doom of Eutychea 
 was spoken with more than usual sorrow. But the bishops 
 were less than just in saying that he " adhered inflexibly to 
 Valentinus and ApoUinaris." What he held fell short of 
 tlie wild theory that Christ's Body was of a celestial sub- 
 stance ; although, in truth, it might lead others to that 
 theory, and was not less incompatible with a right faith 
 in the Incarnate Mediator than the Nestorian view from 
 which it was a reaction. If Christ were to be really owned 
 as the Second Adam, as a true Example, a true Sacrifice, 
 a sympathizing and brotherly High-Priest, whose Very Man- 
 hood was the basis of the Church and the medium of His 
 brethren's renewal, the condemnation of Eutyches was an 
 inevitable duty. 
 
TEIAL OF IBAS. 387 
 
 After the Council had broken up, Eutyches said in a low 
 voice to Plorentius, "I appeal to Eome, Alexandria, and 
 Jerusalem." He wrote at once to Leo^, sending the paper 
 which the Council had not allowed him to substitute for an 
 oral statement, quoting a passage against two Natures, 
 wrongly ascribed to Julius of Eome, and entreating Leo to 
 protect him from being " shaken out of the number of the 
 orthodox at the close of his days." It seems, although the 
 point has been debated, that Plavian wrote to Leo soon 
 after the Council s, as he did to other leading bishops, and 
 sent a record of what had passed. As Eutyches' monks dis- 
 owned the archbishop's sentence, he prohibited any celebra- 
 tion of the Eucharist within their monastery, where he had 
 recently hallowed a new altar. Christmas and Epiphany 
 were no festivals for them. 
 
 The trial of Ibas began at Berytus, Eeb. 1, 449. He in- 
 dignantly disclaimed the blasphemy imputed to him : "Ana- 
 thema to any one who said it, and to the author of this 
 slander! I would rather die a thousand deaths." "He 
 did say it ; we have witnesses here." Three men came for- 
 ward. " They are incompetent," said Ibas ; " they have been 
 living with my accusers." This was not denied ; the judges 
 sustained the objection. Ibas then produced a document, 
 signed by fourteen priests and many other clergy, protest- 
 ing that they never heard him utter such words, or any 
 words contrary to faith. The accusers went on ; " He has 
 called the blessed Cyril a heretic." They brought forward 
 his letter to Maris. Ibas declared that he had never thought 
 Cyril a heretic after his reconciliation with John. The ac- 
 cusation came to nothing ; but the matter was revived very 
 soon afterwards at Tyre, where the judges succeeded in set- 
 ting it at rest by a concordat between the parties, Peb. 25. 
 They promised to forget past quarrels; and Ibas bound 
 himself to respect, not only the doctrine agreed upon be- 
 
 ' f Ep. 21. e Bp- 22, Nihil. 
 
388 A GENERAL COtTNCIL SUMMONED. 
 
 tween John and Cyril, but the decisions of the Council of 
 Ephesus ^. 
 
 On Feb. 18, before Flavian's letter, which was unaccovmt- 
 ably delayed, had reached Eome, Leo wrote to Plavian', 
 marvelling at his silence, and requesting him to explain the 
 grounds on which Eutyches had been thus severely pun- 
 ished. Eutyches had written to Peter, surnamed Chry- 
 sologus, the pious and eloquent bishop of Eavenna, who 
 replied'' by deprecating the continuance of strife, and 
 urging submission to the " living " presence of " blessed 
 Peter in his own see." 
 
 Dioscorus was forward in espousing the quarrel of Eu. 
 tyches. He admitted him into his communion, and worked 
 in conjunction with Chrysaphius in support of his petition 
 for a General Council. It was rumoured that Theodosius 
 would grant this request. Plavian now replied to Leo's 
 letter. He entreated Leo to give a written approval of the 
 sentence against Eutyches, and thereby to preserve Chris- 
 tendom from any fresh disturbance ^. Before Leo could re- 
 ceive this letter, Theodosius wrote on March 30 to Dioscorus, 
 announcing his will that a General Council should meet at 
 Ephesus on August 1. Each patriarch or exarch was to 
 bring with him ten metropolitans and ten bishops. A pre- 
 liminary council was held at Constantinople in April, in 
 order to examine the records of the council of November, 
 which Eutyches taxed Plavian with having falsified. No in- 
 accuracy of importance was discovered ; but the statement 
 made on behalf of Eutyches, that he had lodged a formal 
 appeal to other great bishops, was proved untrue. The 
 bishops had heard no such words fall from him : he had but 
 spoken informally to Plorentius. About this time Flavian, 
 
 •> This is according to Tillemont's arrangement. * Ep. 23. 
 
 ^ Ep. 26, Tristis. One feature of Ms episcopal character was his im- 
 passioned energy as a preacher ; another, his zeal against the heathenish 
 rejoicings on Jan. 1. Compare the Gelasiau coUeot for that day, in re- 
 ference to these unholy revels, Murat. i. 601. 
 
 ' Ep. 26, Pietate. 
 
DEATH OF S. HILAET. 389 
 
 at the Emperor's bidding, gave in a confession of faitli™, in 
 , which he "did not refuse" to say, One incarnate Nature of 
 God the Word," in the sense of personal unity. Theodoret, 
 on hearing of the proposed Council, expected that it would 
 enforce the Cyrilliue articles, and urged Donmus to with- 
 stand such a course. He himself was forbidden to attend, 
 unless he should be specially called for by the bishops ; but 
 Barsumas", an Eutychian archimandrite, was summoned 
 with the prelates as the representative of his order. A mili- 
 tary force was to be at the disposal of the Council ; Elpidius 
 and Eulogius, two counts, were ordered to attend on behalf 
 of the Emperor ; and the Patriarch of Alexandria was ap- 
 pointed to preside. 
 
 S. Hilary died on May 5, at the age of forty-eight. He 
 was, like Meletius, a man of acknowledged sanctity outside 
 the Eoman communion. On the day of his funeral a touch- 
 ing evidence of his large-hearted charity was given by the 
 Jews of Aries, who chanted mournful psalms in Hebrew. 
 Eavennius was elected in his stead, and Leo, on hearing of 
 the election, expressed his satisfaction that " Hilary of holy 
 memory" had been succeeded by a well-tried man p. 
 I Leo adhered to the custom of his predecessors, who had 
 never attended a council at a distance from Eome. He 
 appointed three legates, Julius bishop of Puteoli, Eenatus 
 a priest, and Hilarus a deacon. On the 13th of June he 
 wrote several letters. One of them was his famous Tome 1, 
 a doctrinal epistle addressed to Elavian, — " a clear, forcible, 
 intelligible text-book"^" on both aspects of the Incarnation- 
 
 ™ He begins by quoting 1 Peter iii. 15, and ends with, " Christ, my Lord 
 and God, help me." He anathematizes Nestorianism. 
 
 " Theodoret had admitted the phrase, Dial. 2, with this explanation ; 
 " The nature of the Word, we know, is one ; but we have learned that the 
 flesh wherein He was incarnate is of another nature." 
 
 " He must be distinguished from the Nestorian Barsumas. 
 
 P Ep. 40. q Ep. 28, al. 25, Lectis. 
 
 ' Greenwood, Cath. Pet. i. 364. He bestows on the Tome some very 
 warm and just praise. It is, indeed, one of the most precious documents 
 in Christian literature. It was afterwards read during Advent in, the 
 ItaJiaii and Galilean Churches. 
 
390 THE COUNCIL MEETS AT EPHESUS. 
 
 mystery, the most important passages of which will bs 
 found in the Appendix. Other letters were addressed to 
 Theodosius and Pulcheria, to Julius, to some anti-Eutychian 
 abbats, and to the Council. This last epistle insisted on 
 S. Peter's confession as implying belief in both Natures. 
 
 On the 8th of August, 449, the Council met in that same 
 church of S. Mary at Ephesus which had witnessed the 
 condemnation of Nestorius. About a hundred and thirty 
 bishops were present. Dioscorus presided ; next to him 
 was Julius ; then Juvenal, who renewed his claim to pa- 
 triarchal dignity by taking precedence even of Domnus, 
 who himself was seated above Flavian. The deacon Hilarus 
 sat last of all ; Eenatus had died on the way to Ephesus. 
 Barsumas was attended by a crowd of violent monks. After 
 the writ of convocation had been read in due form, Hilarua 
 explained the reason of Leo's absence, and announced that 
 Leo had sent a letter. "Let it be received," said Diosco- 
 rus ^ The letter was handed in ' ; but by a preconcerted 
 scheme the secretary interposed, suggesting that another 
 letter of Theodosius to Dioscorus deserved the attention 
 of the assembly. Dioscorus thus prevented the reading of 
 Leo's words ; and shortly afterwards, Eutyches himself was 
 introduced. 
 
 " I commend myself to Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, and 
 to the true sentence of your justice ; and I take you as wit- 
 nesses of my faith." Such were his opening words. He gave 
 in a statement, containing the Creed as settled at Nicsea, 
 and rejecting all heretics, especially those who said "that 
 the Flesh of his Lord and God Jesus Christ had descended 
 from heaven." He added that Flavian had exposed him as 
 a "Manichean™" to a mob outside the church. Flavian de- 
 
 8 Here and elsewhere the ponderous forms of ceremonial speech, which 
 so weary a modem reader o{ the Councils, have been omitted. 
 
 • According to Leo, Ep. 45, it was the Tome addressed to Flavian; to 
 'which Leo refers the Council ia the letter addressed to them, Ep. 33. 
 
 " Deniers of Christ's distinct Manhood were long afterwai'ds branded 
 with this odious name. 
 
EUTYCHES ACQTJITl'ED. 39 1 
 
 sired that Eusebius might be heard. " No," said Elpidius ; 
 " the accusation -which he preferred is a thing of the past ; 
 it is on the sentence which followed it that the Council is 
 adjudicating ;" as if the sentence could be appreciated with- 
 out inquiry into the accusation. The records of the trial 
 were read, Dioscorus promising that afterwards the Council 
 should hear the Pope's letter. When the reader came to 
 Basil's words about " one Christ in two Natures," a bishop 
 sprang forward, exclaiming, " This language turns the 
 Church upside down." Barsumas raised the cry, " If he 
 says two Natures, cut him in two." The recitation of Eu- 
 sebius' demand, that Eutyches should own two Natures 
 after the Incarnation, produced a still more furious out- 
 break. " Divide the divider ! burn him alive ! cut him 
 in two!" "Will you endure," asked the president, "to 
 hear of two Natures after the Incarnation ?" His adherents 
 responded with ',' Anathema." " I want your voices, and 
 your hands too," said Dioscorus; " if any one cannot shout, 
 let him hold up his hand." Then, confident of succeeding 
 by terrorism, Dioscorus put the question, Was Eutyches 
 orthodox ? The prelates, speaking one after another, voted 
 in the affirmative ; Juvenal was followed in this weak sub- 
 mission by Domnus ; and Basil, whom the uproar had 
 wholly unnerved, consented to retract his obnoxious lan- 
 guage. 
 
 Eutyches being now rehabilitated, his monks were formally 
 absolved from censure. The reader went on to the acts of 
 the sixth session of Ephesus. Hilarus again vainly at- 
 tempted to procure a hearing for Leo's letter; and Dios- 
 corus, on the ground that Flavian had infringed that de- 
 cree of Ephesus which forbade any tampering with the 
 faith of Nicsea, gave his judgment for the deposition of 
 Flavian and Eusebius. " I disclaim you," said Flavian. 
 Hilarus uttered one emphatic word — Contradicitur ! 
 
 The scene was really terrific. The bishops, who had 
 acquitted Eutyches against their consciences, struggled 
 hard to escape this new degradation. Several started up, 
 
g92 JUAltlKKUOM UH S. JJXAVlAiN. 
 
 and clasped the president's knees ; Onesipborus of Ico- 
 nium cried imploringly, " By the feet of your Piety, I pray 
 you forbear; he has done nothing worthy of condemnation. 
 If he deserves rebuke, rebuke him ; but do not condemn a 
 bishop for the sake of a presbyter." Dioscorus rose from 
 his throne, and standing upon the footstool, made a signal 
 with his hand and exclaimed, " Look you, he that will not 
 sign the sentence has to deal with me. If my tongue were 
 to be cut out for it, I would say, Depose Flavian. Are you 
 making a sedition ? where are the Counts ?" A body of 
 soldiers, with clubs and swords, rushed in ; monks and 
 parabolani followed, ready for any violence ; the bishops 
 were reviled as heretics, menaced with fetters, assailed with 
 blows. Flavian himself was brutally kicked and trampled 
 on; Barsumas stood over him, and cried, "Stab him!" By 
 sheer extremity of bodily terror, bishop after bishop was 
 made the tool of Dioscorus. They voted as he bade, but 
 this was not enough ; they must sign a blank paper on 
 which the sentence was to be recorded. Several were shut 
 up in the " secretarium" of the church ^, and only yielded on 
 the evening of that miserable day. Hilarus escaped from 
 Ephesus without having compromised his fidelity ; nothing 
 is known as to the conduct of Julius. Eusebius and Flavian 
 were sent into exile ; Flavian died of his recent injuries, on 
 August 11, in a village of Lydia. Theodoret and Ibas were 
 deposed ; and Domnus received the same treatment from 
 the tyrant before whom he had quailed. Three days after 
 the sentence against Flavian, he was deprived of the see of 
 Antioch, on the ground that he had called Cyril's articles 
 obscure, and had allowed Theodoret to preach in his pre- 
 sence a sermon which insulted Cyril's memory y. 
 
 So closed the assembly which has received its name from 
 
 ^ Stephen, exarch of Ephesus, was one of these. The secretaries of 
 Dioscorus fell upon his secretaries, tried to pull away their inkstands, and 
 nearly broke their fingers. Mansi, tI. 624. 
 
 y This sermon, ah'eady alluded to, was in all probability au invention of 
 the Eutychians. 
 
THE " LATKOCINIUM. 393 
 
 an indignant letter of S. Leo ; " it was no court of justice, 
 but a gang of robbers ^" This Latrocinium, like the Ari- 
 minian synod, is a proof of the statement of our Article, 
 that the formal convocation of a General Council cannot 
 ensure to it rectitude of proceedings, freedom from error, or 
 subsequent oecumenical acceptance. 
 
 ' Ep. 95. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 From the Latrocinium to the Council of Chalcedon. 
 
 ** The Christ shall come again 
 Even as He goes ; with the same human heart, 
 With the same godlike train." 
 
 Christian Tear. 
 
 TT -was S. Leo's custom to hold an annual synod on 
 -*- Sept. 29^. This assembly was sitting when Hilarus 
 arrived : he had eluded the pursuit of the Eutychians by 
 choosing the most unfrequented routes*, and he now de- 
 scribed the horrors which had taken place, excepting Fla- 
 vian's death, of which he was unaware. Leo wrote, on 
 Oct. 15, four synodical letters. The first was to Theodo- 
 sius " ; he assured him that the Christian faith would be 
 ruined, unless the decision of the late Council were reversed. 
 Flavian, he said, had solemnly appealed to Eome ; and in 
 accordance with " Nicene canons," such an appeal ought to 
 be heard by a General Council held in Italy. Here we 
 observe, on the one hand, that Leo repeats the mistake of 
 his predecessors as to canons really Sardican ; on the other 
 hand, that he does not quote them as ascribing a sole juris- 
 diction to the Eoman pontiff''. To Pulcheria he declared 
 that at Ephesus one furious man had carried his point by 
 force and terror ^. He exhorted the Church of Constanti- 
 nople to own no other bishop than Flavian, and denounced 
 alike Nestorius and the deniers of Christ's true Manhood. 
 He reminded the anti-Eutycliian abbats of Constantinople 
 — doubtless a minority — of Gal. i. 9. Other letters he wrote 
 in his individual capacity ; one being addressed to Flavian. 
 
 ' Ep. 16. b Ep. 46, Hilaras to Pulcheria. 
 
 ' Epp. 43, 44, Leo was in the habit of making more than one draft of his 
 letters, as in this case, and when he wrote in June to Pulcheria. 
 ii See Fleury, xxvii. 43. . c Ep. 45. 
 
THEODORET WRITES TO S. LEO. 395 
 
 There were many at Constantinople who loudly proclaimed 
 their attachment to their patriarch f, and Pulcheria was 
 stedfast in the same cause. Her brother, deeming himself 
 consistently anti-Nestorian, put forth an edict confirming 
 the late Council, which he expressly associated with the 
 former Council of Ephesus. 
 
 Dioscorus now ruled in the East. He consecrated for 
 Constantinople an Alexandrian named Anatolius, who seems 
 to have had little religious earnestness s, but ranged himself 
 at this time on the side of Eutyches, and boldly assumed the 
 office of consecrating one Maximus to the see of Antioch. 
 Athanasius came back to Perrha ; Nonnus was installed at 
 Edessa; Theodoret appealed for help and advice to the 
 first bishop of Christendom. In this remarkable letter'' 
 he traced the primacy of Eome to her civU greatness, her 
 soundness of faith, and her possession of the graves of 
 Peter and Paul. He eulogized the exact and comprehen- 
 sive orthodoxy with which the Tome of Leo conveyed the 
 full mind of the Holy Spirit. He dilated on his own 
 wrongs, and his exertions as a bishop, entreating Leo not 
 to despise his old age in its affliction, but to decide whether 
 he ought to submit to the recent sentence. " I await the 
 judgment of your apostolic throne." He expressed a desire 
 to visit Rome, and earnestly begged the assistance of Leo's 
 prayers. 
 
 It was probably in the February of 450 that a festival of 
 S. Peter attracted to Eome the Emperor Valentinian, with 
 his wife and mother. They attended the serviee at the 
 Vatican basilica. A number of bishops were then visiting 
 the Pope, and stood around him, when, from the steps of the 
 altar, he addressed the imperial personages, and besought 
 their intervention for the restoration of Flavian and for the 
 assembling of a General Council in Italy. They wrote to 
 Constantinople accordingly'; Valentinian magnifying the 
 
 ' Ep. 69. e £p. 113. 
 
 •i Theod. Ep. 113 ; the 62nd in the Leonine collection. ' Epp. 55—68. 
 
gg6 AKGXJMENTS OF S. LEO. 
 
 primacy of Leo, and ascribing to him a right " to judge 
 about faith and bishops." The answer of Theodosius was 
 wholly unpromising ^. He assured his relatives that he ad- 
 hered to his hereditary faith, that the recent Council had 
 been righteous and orthodox, that Flavian had but received 
 his due. Meantime Leo wrote again to the orthodox of 
 Constantinople, insisting on the deeply practical nature of 
 the controversy ^. " They must be held aliens to the mys- 
 tery of man's salvation, who, by denying the nature of our 
 flesh to exist in Christ, contradict the Gospel and with- 
 stand the Creed." He proceeded to argue from the Eucha- 
 rist, not, like S. Cyril, to the Divinity of Christ's Person, but 
 to the reality of His Manhood, as to a truth so familiarly 
 known that " not even the tongues of little ones™ are silent 
 at the Sacrament of Communion, as to the truth of the Body 
 and Blood of Christ;" alluding to the Amen, repeated by 
 all communicants". He added that original sin could only 
 be remedied by a real Second Adam ; and that any one who 
 disbelieved this assumption of our nature " neither recog- 
 nized the Bridegroom nor understood the Bride, and must 
 therefore be excluded from the marriage-feast." 
 
 The contest between Aries and Vienne had not been 
 closed by the Pope's letter of 445. The bishop of Vienne 
 complained that Eavennius of Aries had invaded his juris- 
 diction ; but nineteen suffragans of Aries requested Leo 
 to confirm their mother-church in her rightful primacy. 
 S. Peter, they said, had sent Trophimus to Aries, which had 
 thenceforward been a centre of unity to three provinces ; 
 
 ^ Epp. 62 — 64. He calls Leo " the most reverend patriarch." 
 
 ' Ep. 69. 
 
 "■ The Eucharist was given to infants and children by the Western Church 
 for many ages; "in France untU the twelfth century," Newman's Fleury, 
 vol. iii. p. 223. The East retains the custom. 
 
 " On this solemn Amen see TertuU. de Spectao. 25 ; Euseb. vi. 43, 
 vii. 9 ; S. Cyr. Hier. Cat. Myst. 5. 21 ; S. Aug. Serm. 272, &c. In the 
 Lit. of Apost. Const, the form is—" The Body of Christ. Mes}}. Amen. 
 The Blood of Christ, the Cup of life. Resp. Amen." The Amen is retained 
 in the Scottish Communion Oifice. 
 
PULCHEEIA AND MABCIAN. 397 
 
 the claim of Vienne they set aside as "impudent." Leo 
 replied on May 5, by dividing Yiennensis between the two 
 metropolitans of Vienne and Aries, and allotting to Aries 
 the wider jurisdiction". He appears to have felt that in 
 Hilary's case he had been more imperative than successful. 
 He requested Eavennius to circulate his Tome, with the 
 second epistle of S. Cyril to Nestorius p. 
 
 Theodosius had desired him to recognize Anatolius. He 
 answered, July 16, that " the person who had begun to 
 preside over the Church of Constantinople " must first of 
 all make a public avowal of orthodoxy. He named Cyril's 
 second epistle as a standard, and added that his own letter 
 might deserve consideration, and would be found in har- 
 mony with the ancient faith i. He sent legates to ascer- 
 tain the mind of Anatolius on this subject, and wrote to 
 the orthodox and sympathizing Pulcheria. 
 
 And now the main difficulty was suddenly removed. 
 Theodosius died on July 29, having reigned forty-one years. 
 The sovereignty passed from the feeble and obstinate bro- 
 ther to the sister who might well have ruled alone, but that 
 a female reign was without a precedent. Pulcheria made 
 the senator Marcian at once her husband and her colleague. 
 Eatychianism was now a losing cause. In a solemn council, 
 which was attended by the Eoman legates, Anatolius sub- 
 scribed the Tome, and anathematized both Eutyches and 
 Nestorius. Eome and Constantinople were now again at 
 peace ; the enthronement of Maximus at Antioch was tole- 
 rated by Leo ^, the rather that Domnus had retired no one 
 knew whither. That unhappy ex-patriarch was, in fact, 
 bewailing his guilty weakness in the Syrian monastery 
 where he had spent his youth; and he never claimed resto- 
 ration to his see. The body of S. Flavian was brought to 
 Constantinople, and buried in the church of the Apostles ; 
 the bishops who, for adhering to his cause, had been exiled 
 
 o Epp. 65, 66. P Ep. 67. i Ep. 69. 
 
 ' Ep. 104. He speaks of tliis consecration as a presumptuous act, un- 
 precedented and vmcanonicaL 
 
ggS ATTILA IN GAUL. 
 
 by Theodosius, were permitted to return horned Among 
 these was Theodoret, who, however, declined to leave the 
 monastery where he had dwelt since his expulsion from 
 Cyrus. He appears to have signified to Leo, through one 
 of the legates, that he had signed the Tome ; and Leo, some 
 time afterwards, formally recognized him as an orthodox 
 bishop. Marcian was perfectly willing to grant a Council, 
 and proposed that Leo should hold one in the East ; but 
 added that if such a journey should prove inconvenient, he 
 himself would summon the bishops to some place of his 
 own choosing '. 
 
 The early spring of 451 was "a cloudy and dark day" 
 for the Galilean Church. AttUa, with his savage Huns, in- 
 vaded Gaul. On Easter-eve, April 7, the people of Metz 
 became his victims, and the clergy were butchered at the 
 altars. Genoveva, a holy woman of Paris, inspirited her 
 fellow-citizens, and successfully predicted that the storm 
 would pass them by. It laid waste other cities, and me- 
 naced Orleans, where Anianus the bishop was active both 
 in prayer and in procuring succours from Aetius, which 
 arrived when the walls were tottering under the assault. 
 Then followed the great repulse of " the Scourge of God " 
 at Chalons. 
 
 Eusebius spent this Easter at Eome, in happy intercourse 
 with Leo, who on April 13 replied to a letter from Anatolius, 
 by recommending " that Dioscorus and Juvenal should not 
 be commemorated among worthier bishops at the altars 
 of Constantinople ; and that any prelates who repented of 
 their submission to Dioscorus should be received to com- 
 munion on condemning his acts. " For in God's Church, 
 which is Christ's body, there are neither valid priesthoods 
 nor true sacrifices, unless we are reconciled by a true High- 
 Priest in our very own nature, and cleansed by the true 
 Blood of a spotless Lamb ; who, though set at the Father's 
 right hand, is carrying out the mystery of propitiation in 
 
 " Ep. 77. t Ep. 76. » See Ep. 80. 
 
A NEW COUNCIL SUMMONED. 
 
 399 
 
 that same Flesh which He took of the Virgin, as the Apo- 
 stle saith," — Eom. viii. 34. 
 
 Leo had formerly requested that affairs might remain 
 in statu quo until the meeting of a [new Council. But his 
 demands now rose with his hopes, and he boldly urged on 
 Marcian, April 23'', that the question for discussion was 
 not whether Eutyches were " impious," or whether Dios- 
 corus " had decided perversely ;" those points were already 
 settled. The Council would have simply to determine the 
 conditions on which pardon should be granted to those 
 whom Dioscorus had scared into wrong-doing. This, how- 
 ever, was not Marcian's view. He would neither allow the 
 Council to meet in Italy, nor exclude the doctrinal question 
 from its province. He issued a summons to the greater 
 prelates, on May 17, desiring them to attend on Sept. 1 at 
 Nicaea, with as many of their suffragans as they chose to 
 bring ; and expressly announced that the Council would 
 have to enter thoroughly into an examination of the truth. 
 Disappointed, as he must have been, both as to the place 
 and scope of the Council, Leo was also vexed by the 
 promptitude of the summons. Before he received the cir- 
 cular he had asked Marcian to defer the synod until the 
 cessation of warfare in the "West should allow the bishops 
 to leave their sees^. This letter and the circular crossed 
 each other on their way ; Leo, on finding that Marcian had 
 taken his own course, professed to ascribe it to a pious 
 zeal '. He had recently sent to Constantinople, in order to 
 confer with Anatolius, Lucentius a bishop, and Basil a 
 presbyter. He now appointed these two, with Paschasinus 
 bishop of Lilybseum, and a priest named Boniface, to pre- 
 side in his name at the synod ^. They were charged with 
 a letter announcing this commission, referring to the Tome, 
 and exhorting the assembled prelates to put down heretical 
 disputatiousness, and to maintain the authority of t\\e former 
 
 » Ep. 82. y Ep. 83. June 9. ^ Ep. 89. June 24. 
 
 ■ They were to consult Julian of Cos ; Ep. 92. 
 
400 IT MEETS AT CHALCEDON. 
 
 Eptesian Couucil. "The impiety then condemned must 
 derire no advantage from the just excommunication of 
 Eutyches''." Nothing, in fact, more vividly displays S. 
 Leo's theological greatness than his impartial solicitude for 
 both sides of the sacred truth. His Tome, so full of this 
 solicitude, had been already welcomed by Galilean bishops; 
 and he received, about August, from Eusebius archbishop 
 of Milan, a synodical letter comparing it to the state- 
 ments of S. Ambrose ". It was also signed by many Oriental 
 bishops. 
 
 Five hundred and twenty bishops— traditionally reckoned as 
 six hundred and thirty by including those whose proxies were 
 held by their metropolitans — assembled atNicsea. It was then, 
 probably, that Dloscorus took the daring step of excommu- 
 nicating Leo, and inducing ten bishops to sign the sentence. 
 After the bishops had awaited the Emperor's coming for 
 some time, he desired them to proceed to Chalcedon, where 
 he could attend with more convenience by simply crossing 
 the Bosporus from Constantinople. Many of the bishops 
 were apprehensive of danger from the excited Eutychians 
 of the capital ; but the Emperor assured them of perfect 
 safety, and on the 8th of October they opened the synod in 
 the stately church of S. Euphemia at Chalcedon. As at the 
 first Council of Ephesus, the presence of Christ was sym- 
 bolized by the Gospel-book in the midst of the assembly. 
 The Eoman legates sat in the highest place ; next to them 
 Anatolius, then Dioscorus, Maximus, and Juvenal. In front 
 of the chancel-screen sat nineteen high civil dignitaries, 
 commissioned to represent the Emperor, and to exercise a 
 general control. 
 
 I" Ep. 93. Compare Sermon 28, c. 4, where S. Leo says that he hardly 
 knows of any error which did not begin by denjring the One Person and 
 Two Natures. Against Nestorianism see also Serm. 30, 65, 69, &c. 
 
 ' Ep. 97. Eusebius refers to S. Ambrose, De Inoarn. Dom. Sacr., where 
 the unity of Person and the distinctness of Natures are both affirmed ; just 
 as in his fourth hymn, together with " TaUs deoet pai-tus Deum," we fi,nd 
 " Gemins3 gigas substautiee." 
 
THEODORET ADMITTED. 4OI 
 
 Tbe legates opened the proceedings by standing forward 
 and demanding, in Leo's name, that Dioscorus should not 
 have a seat in the Synod. This was so far granted that 
 Dioscorus was obliged to take his seat apart in the midst. 
 Eusebius then entreated, with passionate eagerness, that 
 his petition to the Emperor might be read ; and he, too, 
 sat in the midst while this was done. Next, he begged the 
 Council to hear the records of the Latrocinium. Dioscorus, 
 at first, joined in this desire ; but suddenly changing his 
 mind, strove vainly to obtain a discussion of doctrine. The 
 reader came to that imperial letter which forbade Theodoret 
 to appear at Ephesus. The commissioners then ordered that 
 he should enter the Council, because Leo had annulled his 
 deposition, and Marcian had willed his attendance. The 
 moment that he appeared, there arose the vehement cries 
 and counter-cries which disturbed so often the order of this 
 Synod. The clamour of the adherents of Dioscorus is at 
 once intelligible ; and those over whom he had tyrannized 
 were agitated by the loss of self-respect, and by their loath- 
 ing of a heterodox persecutor. 
 
 " Pity us, the faith is ruined ! the canons expel him ! 
 drive him out !" Such were the shouts of the Egyptian, 
 lllyrian, and Palestinian bishops ; to which Dioscorus add- 
 ed, that to admit Theodore was to " cast out Cyril." The 
 bishops of the East and Pontus, of Thrace and " Asia," 
 exclaimed, in words which showed a wounded conscience, 
 " We signed a blank paper under blows. Drive out the 
 Manicheans !" and then, alluding to Flavian's death, "Drive 
 out Dioscorus the murderer !" Theodoret stood calmly in 
 the midst, and desired that his petition to Marcian might 
 be examined. The commissioners repeated that as he had 
 the approbation of Eome and Antioch, he was in a position 
 to accuse, as well as to be accused by, any other person 
 present. They meant, of course, not that Leo's judgment 
 in his favour was all-sufficient, but that, especially when 
 combined with that of his own patriarch, it removed any 
 obstacle to his appearance as a bishop in the assembly. He 
 
 Dd 
 
.02 FIEST SESSIOK". 
 
 sat down beside Dioacorus and Eusebius, as one of the 
 parties in tbe cause. The confused uproar broke forth 
 again around him : " He is worthy !" " Call him not a 
 bishop!" and some voices, taking up a frequent by-word 
 against Nestorianism, shouted, " Turn out the Jew !" The 
 commissioners interposed with dignity. "These cries be- 
 seem the populace, not bishops. They serve no one's 
 cause. Be pleased to let the records be read through." 
 The Egyptians, after protesting that they were shouting in 
 the interest of true religion, allowed the reading to pro- 
 ceed ; but presently, when the Easterns repeated that they 
 had been coerced by clubs and swords, in an assembly 
 ■which could not be called a synod, and their attendant 
 clergy joined in their exclamations, the Egyptians remon- 
 strated : " This is a synod of bishops ; turn out those who 
 have no business here." Stephen of Ephesus and others 
 described the outrages of the Latrociniura in detail. " Chris- 
 tians are not cowards," was the bitter comment of the 
 Egyptians ; and Dioscorus had the assurance to remark 
 that no man ought to have signed a blank paper. His 
 opponents called attention to the suppression of Leo's 
 letter. " He swore seven times," said the archdeacon of 
 Constantinople, " that it should be read. It was not read, 
 and he is forsworn." Dioscorus, with danger thickening 
 around him, showed a dauntless front; when a reference 
 was made to Eutyches, he exclaimed, " If Eutyches holds 
 any view contrary to Chnrch doctrine, he deserves not only 
 to be punished, but to be burned. I care not for any 
 individual, but for the Catholic and Apostolic faith." Basil 
 of Seleucia reiterated his assertion of " Christ in two Na- 
 tures," and quoted his words addressed to Eutyches. They 
 suggested a question to the commissioners : " How came 
 you, who had spoken so soundly, to subscribe the con- 
 demnation of Flavian ?" " I could not but submit to a 
 hundred and twenty or thirty bishops ; had I been dealing 
 with magistrates, I would have suffered martyrdom." The 
 Easterns exclaimed, " We all did wrong ; we all ask for- 
 
FIRST SESSION. 4O3 
 
 iveness." Dioscorua was asked why he had excluded 
 Susebius from the Latrocinium. He pleaded au imperial 
 rder; the commissioners made a remarkable answer, — 
 That is no excuse when faith is in question." The reader 
 •ent on to Cyril's letter to- John of Autioch. The Illyrians 
 ried out, " We believe as Cyril ;" and the whole Council 
 choed the acclamation, " We believe as Cyril ; we have so 
 elieved, we do so believe. Anathema to him that does 
 ot !" Theodoret professed his belief in the unity of the 
 lOn. There were cries of " Flavian suffered for this — Leo 
 i of this mind — Anatolius of this mind ;" and the com- 
 lissiooers joined with the bishops in exclaiming, " So the 
 Jmperor and the Empress think." The Easterns observed 
 bat Eusebius, the denouncer of Eutyches, had also been 
 he denouncer of Nestorius. Dioscorus, when a reference 
 ras made to Cyril's language about the "one incarnate 
 fature," anathematized all notions of change or fusion, 
 lustathius of Berytus testified that Flavian accepted Cyril's 
 mguage. They proceeded to discuss the statement of belief 
 lade by S. Flavian at the trial of Eutyches. The com- 
 lissioners put the question, Was that statement orthodox ? 
 'aschasinus called it pure and complete, and accordant 
 ith the Tome of Leo. Anatolius, Lucentius, Maximus, 
 ad others, followed; the Easterns declared that "the 
 lartyr Flavian had well expounded the faith;" Juvenal 
 ad the bishops of Palestine, leaving that side of the 
 liurch on which the Egyptians sat, crossed over to the 
 ther, amid shouts of " Welcome, orthodox!" Peter, bishop 
 f Corinth, on approving Flavian's words, was greeted with 
 Peter is of Peter's mind." Dioscorus declared that he 
 id passages from the Fathers against the dogma of Two 
 atures. "I am being driven out with the Fathers." 
 I admit," he added, " the phrase, ' of two Natures,' but 
 3t ' two Natures,' " which was as much as to say, " I deny 
 lat He is now in two Natures'*." "Eegard for my soul 
 
 ^ Contrast S. Cyril, Ep. 2 ad Nest., "Not as if the diversity of natures 
 )re annihilated because of the union." 
 
^04 SECOND SESSION. 
 
 compels me to be outspoken." Eusebius reproaclied him 
 for his violence at Epliesus. " I will answer for it to God," 
 said Dioscorus, " both here and above." " Ay, and to the 
 laws too," said Eusebius, in a spirit of vindictive exul- 
 tation. " "Why have I come forward ? Assuredly to exact 
 penalties from you. Did you come here merely to salute 
 us?" "Had Flavian," pursued Paschasinus, " such freedom 
 of speech as this man has enjoyed ?" " No," said the com- 
 missioners ; "i7(/s synod follows the principles of justice;" 
 and Lucentius added, " Let a just sentence be awarded to 
 both parties." Evidence was given as to the violence with 
 which Dioscorus enforced Flavian's condemnation ; cries of 
 "Anathema to Dioscorus" arose, together with "Many 
 years to Leo and Anatolius." The commissioners pro- 
 posed the deprivation of Dioscorus, Juvenal, Basil, and 
 three other bishops, who had taken a prominent part in 
 the Latrocinium. Shouts of applause were mingled with 
 the solemn hymn of Trisagion, — " Holy God, Holy and 
 Mighty, Holy and Immortal, have mercy upon us !" and 
 with the passionate denunciation, "Christ hath deposed 
 Dioscorus the homicide." But as yet there was no formal 
 voting. The commissioners desired the bishops to prepare 
 individually declarations of their faith, and signified Mar- 
 cian's adherence to the teaching of Nicsea and Constan- 
 tinople, of Fathers Eastern and "Western, and of " Cyril's 
 two canonical epistles, promulgated and confirmed at Ephe- 
 sus," i. e. the second and third to Nestorius. 
 
 So ended the first session; the latter part of its business 
 had required the aid of lighted tapers. In the second, the 
 bishops declared that they could have no other Creed than 
 that in existence, which had been illustrated by the doctors 
 from Athanasius to Leo. The Creed was read, not as at 
 Ephesus in its Nicene, but in its Constantinopolitan form. 
 The second letter of Cyril to Xestorius was read, the third 
 being passed over. Then came his letter to John, and the 
 Tome of Leo. In regard to three passages of the latter, 
 the bishops of Palestine and lUyricum expressed some 
 
TRIAL OF DIOSCORUS. 4O5 
 
 doubt, whether the idea of duality were not carried too 
 far; but Theodoret and the archdeacon of Constantinople 
 read equivalent passages out of S. Cyril. The letter was 
 finished amid loud applause ; " Thus we all believe ; Feter 
 hath spoken hy Leo; Cyril and Leo have taught alike. 
 "Why was not this read at Ephesus ? Why did Dioscorua 
 hide it?" "Has any one still any difficulties about the 
 letter ?" asked the magistrates. " No one has," cried the 
 bishops impatiently. But Atticus of Nicopolis requested 
 a little time for quiet study of the letter, and added that 
 Cyril's third letter to Nestorius, " in which he bade him 
 accept the twelve articles," ought to be placed before the 
 synod. It was agreed that the discussion should be re- 
 sumed in five days. 
 
 Three days later, another session was held for a different 
 and more formidable business, the trial of the patriarch of 
 Alexandria. The magistrates and Dioscorus were absent. 
 He was accused by Eusebius, and evaded two citations. 
 Theodore, Ischyrion, Athanasius, and a laic, appeared with 
 their complaints; and denounced him not merely on ac- 
 count of their personal wrongs, but on other grounds 
 of more public interest. He was, they declared, a shame- 
 less profligate, an Origenist, a man of blood and violence. 
 He had aimed at secular supremacy throughout Egypt; 
 he had perverted a cliaritable bequest, and had bought up, 
 in order to sell it at a high price, the supply of corn sent 
 by the Emperor to Libya; whereby "the awful and blood- 
 less Sacrifice" was not celebrated, and the poor and the 
 stranger were deprived of their relief. These petitions 
 were addressed to Leo the " cecumenical patriarch of great 
 Eome," and to the cecumenical Synod; but for the former 
 title the Council itself gave no authority •=. A third sum- 
 mons was sent to Dioscorus, who again refused to attend. 
 "What I have said, I have said; I can say no more." 
 
 ■^ Bramhall, i. 253, says that in one sense this title was lawfully given to 
 any one of the patriarchs. See the petitions in Mansi, vi. 1006. 
 
^o6 HE IS DEPOSED. 
 
 This he repeated several times. Pascliasinus asked the 
 bishops what such contumacy merited. " We wish to leam 
 the pleasure of your Holinesses." The Council answered, 
 " "We say what the canons say." " We assent," said 
 Maximus, " to what you may propose." Thus encouraged, 
 the legates gave their judgment. Dioscorus had uncanoni- 
 cally communicated with Eutyches; he had refused to 
 repent of his oiFences committed at Ephesus, i. e. in regard 
 to Leo's letter ; he had dared to excommunicate Leo ; he 
 had refused to stand a trial. Wherefore Leo, by his legates, 
 and by the Council, in conjunction with Peter, the rock 
 and foundation of the Church and Eaith, " deprives him 
 of episcopal and sacerdotal dignity." Rome had thus pro- 
 nounced ; but her sentence needed to be confirmed by the 
 vote of the Council. The legates desired the synod to vote 
 what it pleased. Anatolius said, " Being of one mind with 
 the Apostolic see, I vote with it on the deposition of Dios- 
 corus." Maximus and the other bishops followed. After 
 the votes bad been given, the sentence was regularly sub- 
 scribed. A formal intimation of it was made to Dioscorus ; 
 and letters were sent to his clergy then at Chalcedon, to 
 Valentinian and Marcian, to the empress, and to the people 
 of Constantinople and Chalcedon f. 
 
 On the I7th of October the doctrinal question was re- 
 sumed according to agreement. The Tome was hailed by 
 acclamation as in accordance with the Baptismal faith. 
 Each bishop then in turn made a personal statement, 
 accepting the Tome on the express ground of its ascer- 
 tained conformity to orthodox standards. " It agrees, 
 said Anatolius, " with the Creed of Nicaja and of Constan- 
 tinople, and with the acts of Ephesus under Cyril ; where- 
 fore I gladly subscribe it." Some bishops expressed this 
 judgment laconically, but distinctly; "It agrees, and I 
 
 f The '^excommunication" of Leo is not mentioned in three of these 
 documents. But in the fifth session Anatolius said that Dioscorus was 
 condemned, 1. for excommunicating Leo, 2. for contempt of citations. 
 
S. LEO S TOME APPEOVED. 407 
 
 subscribe." Theodoret specified its agreement -with "the 
 letters K of blessed Cyril." The lUyrians said that they 
 had met the legates at the house of Anatolius, and had 
 heard them anathematize " all who separated the Flesh of 
 our Lord Grod from His Divinity''," and who did not 
 predicate of Him both human and divine properties, with- 
 out confusion, change, or severance. This had convinced 
 the Dlyrians of Leo's thorough soundness. Thus did the 
 Council sit in judgment on the Tome, and stamp it, 
 after due examination, with the approval of a superior 
 authority '. 
 
 The bishops now expressed their wish to deal indulgently 
 with the five prelates, whom the commissioners had pro- 
 
 . posed to include in the sentence on Dioscorus. The com- 
 missioners at first objected, and also remarked that the 
 actual deposition of Dioscorus had been carried out in their 
 ab.-;ence, and without the knowledge of the Emperor i. " It 
 was Grod," cried the bishops, " who condemned Dioscorus." 
 The court acceded to the Council's wishes as to the five, 
 who re-entered and took their seats amid a shout of wel- 
 come. " This is all God's doing ; many years to the 
 Emperor, to the magistrates, to the orthodox. This is 
 the peace of the Churches." 
 
 Thirteen Egyptian prelates, headed by one Hieracus, 
 had addressed the JSmperor, professing fidelity to the teach- 
 ing of S. Mark, and of their most eminent patriarchs, and 
 especially condemning those who denied the Lord's Elesh to 
 be from S. Mary. They came before the Council ; their 
 petition was read ; they were ordered to anathematize 
 Eutyches, and subscribe the Tome. After some delay, 
 
 they yielded the first point; as to the second, they im- 
 
 s Meaning, the 2n(i to Nestorius, and the letter to John. Mansi, vii. 19. 
 
 •i Compare Leo's Serm. 65, " The flesh of our race is become the flesh of 
 the Godhead;" and on the glory given to Manhood by the Ascension, 
 Serm. 73. 
 
 > In accepting the Tome, the Council solemnly affirmed S. Mary to be 
 Ever- Virgin ; see its second chapter. 
 
 i Dioscorus was banished into Paphlagonia. Evagr. ii. 5. 
 
^o8 EGYPTIAN SUFFKAGANS. 
 
 plored the Council, iu abject terms, to excuse them until 
 they had a new archbishop. If they took any such step 
 without sach authority, they would be murdered on their 
 return. Prostrate on the floor, they cried, "Let us die by 
 your bands, not in Egypt ; give us an archbishop, and we 
 will subscribe; but spare men whose lives are at your 
 mercy." They had been trained to regard " the Evangelic 
 throne" as an oracle ; and they appealed to Anatolius as 
 knowing their Church's usage. The Council, remembering 
 what a part had been played in the Latrocinium by suf- 
 fragans of Alexandria, were disposed to treat the terrified 
 men with sternness ; but the commissioners pronounced 
 that they should be allowed to stay in Constantinople, and 
 not be required to subscribe anything until they received 
 a new patriarch. 
 
 The monastic order contained many Eutychians ; and 
 eighteen persons professing to be archimandrites, and be- 
 longing to that party, bad petitioned Marcian against Ca- 
 tholic ecclesiastics who were "seeking to expel them from 
 their monasteries and churches." They also were admitted; 
 their memorial was read ; but one man's face seen among 
 them filled the Council with wrath and horror. "Barsumas 
 stabbed the blessed Flavian ; he brought a thousand monks 
 upon us. To the arena with the murderer''!" Another 
 petition was read, in which the eighteen applied to the 
 Council for the restoration of Dioscorus. This, of course, 
 was not granted ; the petitioners were ordered to submit to 
 the Council, but allowed a month for due " consideration." 
 
 In the fifth session, Oct. 22, the magistrates desired to hear 
 what had been decided as to the faith. A " definition" was 
 read, and all but the legates and some Easterns approved of 
 it, declaring that those who were not satisfied with it must 
 have tendencies in an opposite extreme to the Eutychian. 
 "Send out the Nestoriaus ; add to the Creed that S.Mary 
 
 k Barsumas propagated the Eutychian heresy in Syria, and died iu 458. 
 Samuel, his disciple, cai-ried it into Armenia. 
 
409 
 
 is Theotocos." The legates and the magistrates united in 
 observing that a formula which defined Christ as being 
 of two Natures was ambiguous, and therefore inadequate. 
 Dioscorus had said as much, in a sense of his own. He 
 had Condemned Plavian for saying, "There are two Na- 
 tures." Leo had said the same, and nothing short of this 
 unequivocal confession that Christ had, ever since the In- 
 carnation, been truly existing in Manhood', as well as in 
 Godhead, would meet the emergency. Would the bishops, 
 after all, ignore the Tome of Leo ? " If so," said the 
 resolute legates, " let us return, and have a synod held in 
 Italy." Loud murmurs arose, even from the Ulyrians; 
 "Let the malcontents be off to Eome !" But strength, of 
 will and clearness of perception carried the day. Backed 
 by an imperial order, the magistrates appointed a com- 
 mittee of twenty-two to discuss tbe question in a chapel 
 attached to the church, and reminded the synod that they 
 must choose between Dioscorus and Leo. This produced 
 a cry of ""We believe with Leo." The committee, which 
 included the legates, retired to revise the Definition, and 
 brought it back in a form which secured the whole truth ". 
 It recited the Creed of Niceea, and that of Constantinople, 
 and then referred to the recent errors, the denial of " The- 
 otocos," and the confusion of the Natures, which had 
 obliged the Council to vindicate the true sense of the 
 Creed. As a safeguard against Nestorius, the Council 
 received the synodical letters of S. Cyril to Nestorius and 
 to the Easterns; while it combined with these, as against 
 Eutyches, the letter of " Archbishop Leo." The following 
 opinions were then condemned ; 1. Duality of Sons ; 2. 
 Suffering in the Godhead ; 3. A confusion of Natures ; 
 4. Christ's lower Nature not of our substance; 5. Two 
 Natures before the union, but one after it. "Follow- 
 ing, then, the holy Fathers, we confess one and the same 
 Son, our Lord Jesus Christ ; and we all with one ac- 
 
 1 See his Tome, o. 3, and Serm. 27. " Mansi, vii. 107. 
 
^10 "in two natures. 
 
 cord announce Him, the self-same perfect in G-odhead, 
 the self-same perfect in Manhood, truly God and truly 
 Man, the self-same, of a reasonable soul and a body; of 
 one essence with the Father as to Godhead, of one essence 
 with us as to Manhood, in all things like unto us, sin 
 excepted; before the ages begotten of the Father as to 
 Godhead, but in the last days, for us and for our salvation, 
 tlie self-same (born) of Mary, the Virgin Motlier of God, 
 as to Manhood. One and the same Christ, Son, Lord, 
 Only-begotten, recognized in Two Natures " without con- 
 fusion, change, division, separation ; the difference of the 
 Natures being nowise removed" by reason of the Union, 
 but, on the contrary, the property of each Nature being 
 preserved, and combining into one Person and one Hypo- 
 stasis ; not as it vcere parted, or divided into two persons, 
 but One and the self-same Son, Only-begotten, God the 
 "Word, Lord Jesus Christ ; even as we have been instructed 
 concerning Him by the prophets from the beginning, and 
 by our Lord Jesus Christ Himself, and as the Creed of the 
 fathers has handed down (the truth) to us." After this 
 comprehensive statement, penalties were again, as at Ephe- 
 sus, denounced against those who should compile a new 
 creed. The Council received the Definition, thus perfected 
 by the well-timed persistency of the legates and the com- 
 missioners, with the acclamation, "This is the faith of the 
 fathers, the faith of the Apostles ; we all follow it !" In the 
 next session, Oct. 25, Marcian and Pulcheria visited the 
 Council ; not to " exercise power," as he expressed it, but 
 " simply to coniirm the faith." The sovereigns were hailed 
 as a Constantine and a Helena, and the Definition was 
 ratified anew. 
 
 The subsequent sessions were less important. In the 
 seventh, Juvenal made good his claim to patriarchal au- 
 thority over Palestine ; but his extravagant pretension to 
 
 " The Armenians, who had only one word for Nature and Person, un- 
 happily misunderstood this formula as meaning "two Persons." 
 " From S. Cyril ; see above. See Evagr. ii. 4. 
 
THEODOEET AND IBAS. 4II 
 
 superiority over Antioch was laid aside. In the eighth, 
 the case of Theodoret occupied the Synod. Acknowledged 
 by Eome as orthodox, he was not the less called upon to 
 satisfy his brethren by anathematizing Nestorius. He 
 never had done this ; he had resolved never to do it ; but 
 as the clamours became menacing, he said, " Anathema to 
 Nestorius, and to every one who calls not the Holy Virgin 
 Theotocos, or who divides the one Only-begotten Son into 
 two. I subscribe the definition of faith, and the epistle of 
 the most holy archbishop Leo ; and this is my mind. God 
 save you!" The commissioners declared that all doubt was 
 now removed ; the Synod exclaimed that " Theodoret was 
 worthy of his throne ;" and then several bishops in suc- 
 cession pronounced the same judgment, Maximus declaring 
 that from the first he had been assured of Theodoret's 
 orthodoxy. Tet the anathema was a plain confession that 
 in the Nestorian contest he had greatly erred. 
 
 In the ninth and tenth sessions the Council took up the 
 case of Ibas, on his appeal. He complained that Entyches 
 had caused him to be arrested, and committed to a succes- 
 sion of guards ; he had been deposed in his absence by the 
 Latrocinium. The records of his trial at Berytus were read, 
 including the offensive letter to Maris. The commissioners 
 proposed that certain parts of the records of the Latroci- 
 nium, which related to Ibas, should be read ; but the legates 
 and the Council would not hear of it. They pronounced 
 him orthodox, evidently on the ground that his letter to 
 Maris, which they distinctly took into consideration, was 
 now to be read in connection with his recent language p, 
 and his acceptance of the Tome and Definition : to which 
 he added an oral anathema against Nestorius. They must 
 have considered him virtually to retract his censure of the 
 Ephesian Council, whose authority they held sacred?. 
 
 Other cases which came before the Synod were those of 
 
 p The Fifth General Couneil condemned the letter to Maris, as a docu- 
 ment. The Council of Chaloedon was dealing with the author personally. 
 1 See the acts of Chalcedon epitomized, Evagr. ii. 18. 
 
4 1 2 CANONS. 
 
 the ex-pati'iarcli Domnus, for whose maintenance his suc- 
 cessor was permitted to apply some portion of the revenues 
 of the see ; of Bassian, who asserted his chiim to the throne 
 of Ephesus, a claim which, with that of Stephen, was set 
 aside ■■, the Council ordering a new hishop to be appointed ; 
 and of Sabinian, who was restored to the see of Perrha, 
 pending the trial of the charges against Athanasius. 
 
 The canons of Chalcedou have been variously referred to 
 the seventh, eleventh, and fifteenth sessions. The first 
 canon ratifies those of earlier synods, meaning Nicasa, 
 Ancyra, Neoesesarea, Gangra, Antioch, Laodicea, Constan- 
 tinople, Ephesus. Others refer to the regular convoca- 
 tion of provincial synods, to the authority of the bishops 
 over religious communities, to the ordination of dea- 
 conesses, and to the prevention of clerical or monastic 
 disorders. Simony, disobedience to, or conspiracy against 
 superiors, a relapse from the monastic to the secular life, 
 needless undertaking of worldly business, translations of 
 bishops or priests, " vain-glorious " removal from one cure 
 to another, and haunting the capital for factious purposes, 
 are all forbidden. The sixth prohibits ordination without 
 a title ; the fourteenth recites that readers and chanters 
 are in some provinces allowed to marry, and forbids them 
 to marry heretics. The twenty-ninth rules that a bishop 
 who merits degradation from the episcopate shall not be 
 allowed to officiate as a priest. The twelfth is against the 
 division by mere civil authority of one province into two. 
 The ninth forbids a clerk to appeal to a civil court, and 
 orders him to appeal first to his bishop, or to arbitrators 
 approved by his bishop ; then in appeal from a bishop, to 
 the provincial synod ; in appeal from a metropolitan, to the 
 exarch, or to the throne of Constantinople. This canon 
 appears to be connected with the famous twenty-eighth. 
 In the fifteenth session, October 31st, Aetius, archdeacon 
 of Constantinople, announced that his Church had some 
 
 ' In the discussion, the bishop of Magnesia said that from the time of 
 S. Timothy there had been twenty-seven bishops of Epliesus. 
 
TWENTY-EIGHTH CANON. Alo 
 
 business to bring forward, and requested the legates to at- 
 tend to it. They declined on the ground that they had 
 no instructions to do so. Thereupon the commissioners 
 directed the Council to take up the business; and thus, 
 after the legates had withdrawn, the Council enacted a 
 canon which recited and confirmed the third of Constan- 
 tinople, and proceeded thus : " Eor to the throne of Old 
 Rome, because that was the imperial city, the Fathers with 
 good reason gave privileges, and the hundred and fifty bi- 
 shops," (i. e. the Council of Constantinople in 381,) "acting 
 with the same view, awarded the same privileges to the inost 
 holy throne of New Eome ; judging with reason, that the 
 city dignified by the monarchy and senate, and enjoying 
 equal privileges with the old imperial Eome, should also 
 in ecclesiastical matters be honoured like her, holding the 
 second place next to her ; and so that the metropolitans 
 only of the Pontic, ' Asiatic,' and Thracian dioceses, (but 
 also those bishops in the said dioceses who dwell in bar- 
 baric districts,) should be ordained by the said most holy 
 throne of the most holy Church of Constaatinople." This 
 canon, although it professed to be a confirmation of the 
 canon of 381, was in fact a considerable advance beyond it. 
 The canon of 381 gave a pre-eminent dignity to Constanti- 
 nople. Since 881, and mainly by means of S. Chrysostom's 
 pontificate ^, the bishop of Constantinople had acquired a 
 patriarchal jurisdiction, not only in Thrace, but in the 
 Pontic and " Asiatic " dioceses. This usurpation, which 
 had broken in upon the Nicene arrangements, the Council 
 of 451 thought good to legalize, but spoke, in so doing, as 
 if it were no usurpation at all *. The account of the Eoman 
 Church's position was naturally borrowed from the canon 
 
 ■ Attious, also, obtained an imperial order that no consecration should 
 take place without his leave. Soc. vii. 28. 
 
 * We are not in the least concerned to defend whatever in this case was 
 unfair, or proceeded from Constantinopolitan ambition. Tillemont drily 
 says, XV. 710, that Anatolius "might well have excused himself from sign- 
 ing the canon." After all, it maintained Rome's primacy. 
 
414 THE LEGATES OBJECT TO IT. 
 
 of 381. Although the civil greatness of Eome was only 
 one cause of her ecclesiastical precedency", it was that 
 cause which would serve the purpose of a Constantino- 
 politau argument, and in fact had greater force for the 
 Eastern than for the Western mind. 
 
 The next day, Nov. 1, Paschasinus complained" in full 
 Council of the enactment of this canon, as contrary to the 
 law and discipline of the Church. Aetius gave his account 
 of the circumstances under which, " not in a corner, nor by 
 way of fraud," the business had been transacted. Lucen- 
 tius said that the bishops had been compelled to sign. 
 A cry arose, "No one was forced!" Again he asked, and 
 with some show of reason, why the Nicene canons had in 
 this instance been set aside, and preference given to those 
 of Constantinople ? " If Constantinople has enjoyed this 
 privilege, what does she want now ? If she has not enjoyed 
 it, why does she now ask for it?" Aetius parried this ques- 
 tion by desiring the legates to produce any instructions 
 which they might have received from Leo on this matter. 
 Boniface quoted Leo's order, that the legates were to main- 
 tain inviolate " the rule of the holy fathers ;" to uphold the 
 dignity of the Pope ; and to resist usurpations attempted by 
 prelates of distinguished cities. " Let each party produce 
 the canons," said the commissioners. Paschasinus read his 
 version of the sixth Nicene canon, beginning, " The Eoman 
 Church lias always held tJie primacy y ; therefore Egypt 
 also holds (this right), that the bishop of Alexandria should 
 have authority over all," &c. He also read the seventh 
 canon as part of the sixth. But Aetius produced the 
 genuine text of the sixth canon, in which the first words 
 quoted by the legate were wanting ; it began with " Let the 
 
 « The Council, in fact, repeatedly refers to the oonnection of Rome with 
 S. Peter. 
 
 " Mansi, vii. 425. 
 
 y " Quod ecclesia Romana semper hdbuii primatum." Another reading, 
 given by a Latin version, is habeat; and another version is paraphrastic, 
 *' Antiqui moris est ut urbis Romse episcopus habeat principatum." 
 
IT IS CONFIRMEP. 415 
 
 ancient customs prevail." To this rebuff'' the legates could 
 make no answer. The first three canons of Constantinople 
 being read, the commissioners called upon the Pontic and 
 "Asiatic" bishops to state whether they had voluntarilj' 
 signed the new canon. They answered one after another, 
 to the following purpose ; " In the presence of God I say 
 that I signed of my own will." " I take pleasure in being 
 under the throne of Constantinople." " Three bishops 
 before me were ordained by this throne, and I have fol- 
 lowed the custom which I found." " The glory of the 
 throne of Constantinople is our glory." Eusebius even 
 declared that, when at Eome, he had read the canon of 381 
 to Leo, who had approved of it. The commissioners pro- 
 nounced that the primacy and the pre-eminent dignity 
 ought before all things to be secured, according to the 
 canons, to the archbishop of Old Eome ; but that the arch- 
 bishop of Constantinople ought to enjoy the same privi- 
 leges of dignity. They added the provision as to the con- 
 secration of metropolitans for Asia, Thrace, Pontus, such 
 metropolitans having the sole right to consecrate their suf- 
 fragans. " We have considered these matters, but let the 
 holy cecumenical Synod be pleased to declare its mind." 
 The bishops exclaimed, " This is a just judgment. By the 
 safety of the sovereigns, dismiss us ! We all adhere to this 
 decision." Lucentius made another attempt. " The Apo- 
 stolic see ought not to be degraded in our presence. We 
 desire that what was done irregularly in our absence be re- 
 scinded, or else that our protest be recorded, that we may 
 know what report we ought to make to the apostolic Pope 
 of the Church Universal, so that he may be able to declare 
 his judgment as to the injury done to his see, or the sub- 
 version of the canons." The commissioners replied with 
 laconic emphasis, " What we have said has been approved 
 by the whole Council." 
 
 ^ Compare the case of the canon on appeals, as quoted to the Airiean 
 bishops, and found not to be Nicene. 
 
4l6 SYNODAL LETTERS. 
 
 The bishops, before separating, drew up a letter to Marcian, 
 expressing their thankfulness for a zealous Emperor, and for 
 a bishop of Eome who strove like S. Peter for the truth. 
 They stated their principle as to dogmatic formulas; "The 
 Creed could receive no new elements, but it was vindicated, 
 not injured, by definitions which asserted its only true 
 meaning." They referred to portions of the Creed, and ex- 
 panded them. "Incarnate" implied a real assumption of 
 our flesh. " He was made Man ;" therefore He had a 
 rational Soul. Some had been led by "a professed soli- 
 citude for the Saviour's dignity," to deny His Mother the 
 title of Theotocos. Others had been tempted to ascribe 
 the Passion to His Godhead. Some had divided the mys- 
 terious Union, and reduced the Lord to a merely human 
 Prophet ; others had recoiled from the diversity of Natures, 
 and imagined a fusion which destroyed the properties of 
 both. The Council proceeded to enforce the truth on both 
 sides, and defended the promulgation of Leo's Tome by 
 weighty precedents ^ and its theology by extracts from 
 Athanasius, Basil, Gregory, Amphilochius, Ambrose, Chry- 
 sostora, Atticus, Proclus, and Cyril. To Leo himself was 
 sent a letter which carried diplomatic courtesy to an ex- 
 cess^'. The bishops address Leo as their head and father, 
 the appointed guardian of the Vine ; they are confident not 
 only that he will confirm their canon in favour of Con- 
 stantinople, but that the opposition made to it by his 
 legates proceeded simply from a wish " that this good work 
 also should begin from his thoughtful care." 
 
 So ended the Fourth General Council. The relation in 
 which it left the East and West exhibits very clearly what 
 could, and what could not be done, in the fifth century, 
 by the greatest man who had ever held the greatest of 
 bishoprics. Leo could preside by his legates at Chalcedon; 
 he could secure abundant expressions of reverence ; his 
 
 " The Epistles of S. Athanasius to Epiotetus, of S. Cyril to the Easterns, 
 of S. Proclus to the AiTaenians. li Ep. 98. 
 
POSITION OP S. LEO. 4I7 
 
 teaching could be hailed as worthy to rank with that of 
 S. Cyril and S. Athanasius ; his legates, with the co-opera- 
 tion of State oiEcers, could persuade the Council to amend 
 its definition of the faith. But his judgments, whether as 
 to an individual or as to a doctrine, were first reviewed, 
 and then confirmed ; his version of the Nicene canons was 
 rejected as corrupt ; a canon which he could not but dislike 
 was enacted in spite of his legates' protest, and enforced 
 throughout the East in spite of his own ; and he himself 
 was content to denounce it ^, not on the ground of " S. Pe- 
 ter's prerogatives," but simply in the name of the Council 
 of Nicsea. 
 
 ^ Epp. 104, 105, 106. 
 
 B e 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 I. 
 
 THE CANONS OF NIC^A. 
 
 1. Against a misinterpretation of Matt. xix. 12. 
 
 2. " Whereas in many cases, either through necessity, or other- 
 wise through men's urgency, the rule of the Church ' has been 
 transgressed, in that men who had but just come over to the faith 
 from a Gentile life, and had been but for a little time catechumens, 
 have been at once brought to the Spiritual Laver, and immedi- 
 ately after their Baptism promoted to the episcopate or the presby- 
 terate ; it seems good that no such thing take place in future. 
 For the catechumen needs time and a longer probation after Bap- 
 tism. For the Apostolic Scripture plainly says, "Not a neophyte, 
 lest being puffed up he fall into condemnation and the snare of the ' 
 devil." But if in process of time any sensual fault be discovered 
 respecting the person, and be proved by two or three witnesses, let 
 such an one cease from his clerical function. He who acts against 
 this, will do so at the peril of his clerical function, as having dared 
 to resist the Great Synod. 
 
 3. The Great Synod strictly forbids any bishop, presbyter, or 
 deacon, or any other clergyman whatsoever, to retain a female 
 inmate, {o-uveliraKTov,) excepting mother, sister, aunt, or other 
 person free from all suspicion. 
 
 4. That a bishop should be appointed by all the bishops in the 
 province, is the most proper arrangement. But if it be encum- 
 bered by difficulties, either through urgent necessity or the length 
 of the way, then three must in any case meet, and the absent ones 
 give the same vote and assent in writing, and so the ordination 
 must be performed. In each province, the ratification of the pro- 
 ceedings must be allowed to the metropolitan. 
 
 5. Respecting those who, whether clergy or in the laic rank, 
 
 « See Church of the Fathers, p. 305. 
 
CANONS OF NICJEA. 419 
 
 have been excommuDicated by the bishops in every province, let 
 the sentence hold good according to the rule which prescribes 
 that those who are excommunicated by some be not received by 
 others. But let it be inquired whether their exclusion has pro- 
 ceeded from any petty jealousy, or party feeling, or any such fro- 
 warduess, in the bishop. Accordingly, that this may receive the 
 due examination, it seems good that twice every year Synods be 
 held in each province, that such questions may be examined before 
 a public assembly of all the bishops of the province ; and so they 
 who have confessedly offended the bishop may be reasonably held 
 excommunicate in the sight of all, until the episcopal body think 
 fit to pronounce a more indulgent sentence respecting them. Let 
 one of the synods be held before Lent, that all petty jealousy being 
 got rid of, the Gift' may be purely offered to God ; and the second 
 about autumn. 
 
 6. Let the ancient customs prevail, which exist in Egypt, Libya, 
 and Pentapolis ; so that the bishop of Alexandria have authority 
 over all these countries "= ; since this is also customary for the 
 bishop of Rome''. Similarly also at Antioch, and in the other 
 provinces, let the privileges of the Churches be preserved. This 
 also is altogether manifest, that if any one be made a bishop with- 
 out the consent of the metropolitan, the Great Synod ordains that 
 such a one ought not to be bishop. But if two or three through 
 their own party feeling contradict the common vote of all, when it 
 is reasonable and according to the rule of the Church, let the vote 
 of the majority prevail. 
 
 7. Since a custom and old tradition has obtained, that the bishop 
 in ^lia ' should receive honour, let him hold the second place, the 
 metropolitan' being secured in his own dignity. 
 
 8. Concerning those who call themselves Cathari s, (the pure,) if 
 they come over to the Catholic and Apostolic Church, the Holy and 
 Great Synod ordains that they, being in orders, shall so continue 
 among the clergy. But it is meet that they should first of all give 
 
 i" The Holy Eucharist. Compare Matt. v. 23. 
 
 = i.e. let him he metropolitan as well as "pope." Allies, Church of 
 England Cleared, p. 19. See Meyrick's Papal Suprem., p. 7. 
 
 ■1 Eufflnus' version of this is, "And that in Alexandria, and in the city of 
 Rome, the old custom be presei-ved, so that the one bishop have the oaie 
 of Egypt, the other of the suliirbicarian Churches." 
 
 ' Jerusalem. ' Of Caisarea. s The Novatians. 
 
420 CANONS or NICJEA. 
 
 a written promise that they will consent and adhere to the decrees 
 of the Catholic and Apostolic Church, that is, that they will comma, 
 nicate with the twice-married, and with those who fell away in the, 
 persecution, and in whose case a time has been fixed, and a tern) 
 defined (for their penance), so that they will follow in all things^ 
 the" decrees of the Catholic Church. Whenever they are the only 
 ordained men to be found either in villages or in cities, those who 
 are found in the clergy shall keep their own rank ; but if any come 
 over where there is a bishop or a presbyter of the Catholic Church, 
 it is clear that the bishop of the Church must have the dignity of 
 bishop, and he who was named a bishop by the so-called Cathari 
 must have the honour of a presbyter, unless it should please the 
 bishop to impart to him the nominal honour (of a bishop) ; other- 
 wise he shall provide him with the place of a chorepiscopus or a 
 presbyter, in order that he may at any rate have a clerical position. 
 This rule is to secure that there be not two bishops in one city. 
 
 9. If any have been promoted to the presbyterate without 
 scrutiny, or on being examined have confessed themselves guilty 
 of offences, and men, moved to act against rule, have laid hands 
 on them in spite of such confession ; these men are not received 
 by the canon, for the Catholic Church vindicates (only) what is 
 irreproachable. 
 
 10. If any lapsed persons have been ordained through ignorance, 
 or with the knowledge of their ordainers, this does not prejudice the 
 rule of the Church, for when they are found out they are deposed. 
 
 11. As to those who transgressed without compulsion, or without 
 loss of property, or without danger, or such like circumstance, 
 which took place during the tyranny of Licinius ; it seems good to 
 the Synod to treat them kindly, although they are unworthy of 
 indulgence. AH such, then, who sincerely repent, shall, if they 
 were among the faithful, spend three years among the hearers, and 
 seven among the prostrate : and for two years they shall communi- 
 cate with the people in the prayers ■■, without (receiving) the 
 Oblation. 
 
 12. Those who were called (to the Church) by grace, and gave 
 token of early zeal, and laid aside their (military) belts, but after- 
 wards returned as dogs to their vomit, so that some even spent 
 money and won their re-admission to the army by presents, must 
 be among the prostrate ten years, after spending three among the 
 
 '' i. e, the Euoharistic service. Their position was that of cotisistentes. 
 
CANONS OF NICJEA, 
 
 421 
 
 beaiers. But in the case of all these, it is fitting to scrutinize 
 their purpose of mind and the character of their repentance. For 
 IS many as by reverence, tears, patience, and good works manifest 
 their conversation in deed and not in show, shall, after fulfilling 
 the fixed period of being hearers, with good reason take part in the 
 prayers, it being lawful for the bishop to take yet more indulgent 
 measures respecting them. But those who bore (their penance) 
 with indifference, and deemed a merely formal entrance (as peni- 
 tents) into the Church sufiicient for their conversion, must by all 
 means go through their whole time. 
 
 13. Concerning those who are at the point of death, the ancient 
 and canonical law shall be still observed ; that whosoever is dying 
 shall not be deprived of his final and most needful Viaticum '. But 
 if, having been given over and re-admitted to Communion, he be 
 again found among the living, let him take his place with those 
 who have'ifellowship in prayer only. But in every case, and with 
 regard to every one who is dying, and asks to receive the Eu- 
 charist, let the bishop, having made due enquiry, impart to hiin 
 the Oblation. 
 
 14. Concerning the lapsed catechumens, it seems good to the 
 holy and great Synod, that for three years they be auditor-(cate- 
 chumens) only, and afterwards pray with the catechumens. 
 
 15. By reason of the great disturbances and factious movements 
 which take place, we ordain the total abrogation of the usage which 
 has been found to exist irregularly in some parts ; so that no bi- 
 shop, presbyter, or deacon shall remove from city to city. But if 
 any one, after this regulation made by the holy and great Synod, 
 attempt such a thing, or lend himself to it, the proceeding shall be 
 absolutely annulled, and he shall be restored to the Church of which 
 he was ordained bishop or presbyter. 
 
 16. All presbyters or deacons, or others at all enrolled in the 
 (clerical) list, who in a rash mood, not having before their eyes the 
 fear of God, not knowing the rule of the Church, shall remove from 
 the church (to which they belong), ought by no means to be re- 
 ceived in another church, but to be absolutely compelled to return 
 to their own ; or if they do not return, it is fitting that they should 
 be excommunicated. But if any one ventures surreptitiously to 
 take (a clerk) who belongs to another (bishop), and to ordain him 
 
 ' "EipoSioii — alluding to 1 Kings xix. 8. S. Mark's Liturgy applies it to 
 every Communion. 
 
^52 CANONS OF SICJEX. 
 
 in his own church, without the consent of the proper bishop from' 
 whom he who was enrolled in the list removed, let his ordination 
 be void. 
 
 17. Whereas many enrolled in the list, following the love of gain 
 and filthy lucre, have forgotten the Divine Scripture, which saith, 
 " He lent not his money upon usury," and lending it, demand the 
 hundredth part ; the holy and great Synod has thought it just, that 
 if any after this regulation be found to take usury, going about the 
 matter by unfair management or otherwise, either exacting half as 
 much again, or devising any other scheme at all for filthy lucre's 
 sake, he shall be deposed from the clerical oiSce, and excluded 
 from the list. 
 
 18. It has come to the knowledge of the holy and great Synod 
 that in some places and cities the deacons give the Eucharist to 
 the presbyters, whereas neither the rule nor custom have handed 
 down such a proceeding as that those who have no authority to 
 offer, should give the Body of Christ to those who do offer. Fur- 
 ther, this was ascertained, that even now some deacons touch the 
 Eucharist before the bishops. Let all this, then, be done away ; 
 and let the deacons remain within their proper limits, knowing 
 that they are attendants on the bishop, and inferior to the pres- 
 byters. And let them receive the Eucharist according to their 
 order after the presbyters, either the bishop or the presbyter giving 
 it to them. But let not the deacons be allowed to sit among the 
 presbyters ; for this practice is irregular and disorderly. If any 
 one refuses to obey, even after these regulations, let him cease from 
 the office of a deacon. 
 
 19. Concerning ;the Paulianists who may hereafter flee to the 
 Catholic Church, a regulation has been promulgated that they 
 must by all means be rebaptized K If some of them in time past 
 have been enrolled in the list, then, if they should appear blameless 
 and irreproachable, let them be rebaptized and ordained by the 
 bishop of the Catholic Church. But if the inquiry should prove 
 them unfit, they ought to be deposed. Similarly concerning the 
 deaconesses, and generally concerning those who are enrolled in 
 the list, the same form shall be observed. We refer to those dea- 
 conesses '' who are found (only) to wear the garb ; since they have 
 
 i Strictly speaking, baptized; for the Church, by enacting this rale, 
 declares their Paulianist baptism to be invalid. 
 ^ The Paulianist deaconesses. See Routh, Sor. Op. i. 414. 
 
CANONS OF NIC^A. 
 
 423 
 
 not had any imposition of hands, they must certainly be ranked 
 among the laity. 
 
 20. Whereas there are some who kneel on the Lord's day, and 
 even in the Pentecostal days ' ; in order that all observances in 
 every parish"" may be uniform, it has pleased the holy Synod that 
 the prayers be offered to God standing." 
 
 ' From Easter to Whitsuntide inclusive. Tert. de cor. 3. 
 ■o i. e, diocese. 
 
II. 
 
 PROM THE TOME OF S. LEO. 
 
 "The properties of both Natures and Substances being pre-, 
 served, and combining into one Person, humility was assumed by 
 majesty, weakness by strength, mortality by eternity ; mxd ° in order 
 to discharge the debt of our cooidition, the inviolalle Nature was 
 united to the passille one; so that — and this was the fitting mode of 
 our cure — one and the same Mediator betu-een God and men, the 
 Man Christ Jesus, could die from the one eleme^it, and could not 
 die from the other. Thus, in the entire and perfect Nature of very 
 Man, true God was bom, thoroughly God, thoroughly one of our- 
 selves" He assumed the form of a servant without the stain of 
 
 sin, dignifying humanity, not abating Divinity The Self-same 
 
 who, abiding in the form of God, made man, Was made Man in the 
 form of a servant. Each Nature retains its own properties without 
 
 defect The Self-same who is very God, is very Man ; and there 
 
 is no deceit in this Union, while the lowliness of man and the lofti- 
 ness of God are interchanged. For as God is not changed by the 
 compassion (exhibited), so Man is not consumed by the dignity 
 (given). For each form discharges its proper work in fellowship 
 with the other ; that is, the Word^ working what belongs to the 
 Word, and the Flesh executing what belongs to the Flesh. One of 
 
 these is radiant with miracles, the other stoops under outrages To 
 
 be hungry, thirsty, weary, asleep, is clearly human. But to satisfy 
 five thousand men with five loaves, and to give to the Samaritan 
 woman living water, .... to walk on the back of the sea with un- 
 sinking feet, and by rebuking the storm to still the uplifted billows, 
 
 is unquestionably divine. As then it is not of the same Natui'e 
 
 to weep with tender pity for Lazarus a deceased friend, and by the 
 
 " The passages in italics are those to which sotno bishops, in the second 
 session of Chalcedon, made objections which Theodoret and Aetius removed, 
 o '' Totus in suis, totus in nostris." 
 P The Word is here used for the Godhead of our Lord. 
 
FROM S. LEGS TOME. 425 
 
 mandate of a voice to raise him up alive bo it is not of the 
 
 same Nature to say, 'I and the Father are One,' and to say, 'The 
 Father is greater than I.' For although in our Lord Jesus Christ 
 there is one Person of Cfod and Man, yet that from which both un- 
 dergo contumely is one element, and that from which both derive 
 glory is another. For His Manhood, inferior to the Father, is from 
 our side ; from the Father is His Oodhead, equal to the Father. 
 Therefore on account of this Unity of Person to he considered 
 in both Natures "i, we read both that ' the Son of Man descended 
 from heaven,' since the Son of God assumed flesh from that 
 Virgin of whom He was born ; and again, the Son of God is 
 said to be crucified and buried ; while He underwent this, not 
 in the Godhead itself, wherein the Only-begotten is co-eternal and 
 consubstantial with the Father, but in the weakness of human 
 nature. Wherefore we all in our very Creed confess that the Only- 
 begotten Son of God was crucified and buried, according to the 
 words of the Apostle, 'For had they known it, they would not 
 have crucified the Lord of majesty.' .... If, then, Eutyches accepts 
 the Christian Faith, and turns not away his ear from the preaching 
 of the Gospel ; let him see what Nature it was that hung transfixed 
 with nails on the wood of the Cross, and let him understand whence 
 the blood and water flowed, after the side of the Crucified had been 
 pierced by the soldier's lance, that the Church of God might be 
 
 freshened both by the Laver and the Cup This is the faith by 
 
 which the Catholic Church lives, by which she advances ; that we 
 must neither believe Manhood to exist in Christ Jesus without 
 very Godhead, nor Godhead without very Manhood." 
 
 It may not be out of place, in connection with S. Leo's Tome, to 
 notice a recent disparagement of the orthodox formulas of the age 
 of the Councils. "The Creeds," says Professor Jowett, (Essays and 
 Reviews, p. 353,) " are acknowledged to be a part of Christianity ;" 
 (this phrase, it may be observed, is ambiguous ;) " they stand in a 
 close relation to the words of Christ and His Apostles ; nor can it 
 be said that any heterodox formula makes a nearer approach to a 
 simple and Scriptural rule of faith. Neither is anything gained by 
 contrasting them with Scripture, in which the germs of the expres- 
 sions used in them are sufficiently apparent. Yet it does not follow 
 
 1 See S. Augustine, 0. Serm. Ari. 0. 8, from which S. Leo took the sub- 
 stance of this passage. 
 
45 
 
 ORTHODOX FOKMULAS. 
 
 that they should be pressed into the service of the interpreter. 
 The growth of ideas in the interval which separated the first cen- 
 tury from the fourth or sixth makes it impossible to apply the 
 language of the one to the explanation of the other. Between 
 Scripture and the Nicene or Athanasian Creed a world of the un- 
 derstanding comes in," &c. The language of the Creeds, it is al- 
 lowed, " has a truth suited to its age, and its technical expressions 
 have sunk deep into the heart of the human race ;" but " it is not 
 the less unfitted to be the medium by the help of which Scripture 
 is to be explained. If the occurrence of the phraseology of the 
 Nicene age in a verse of the Epistles would detect the spuriousness 
 of the verse in which it was found, how can the Nicene or Atha- 
 nasian Creed be a suitable instrument for the interpretation of 
 Scripture 1" 
 
 Surely that may be serviceable as a comment which could not 
 pass itself ofi' as part of the text. It is no objection to a commen- 
 tator that he has his own "ideas," and his own modes of speech, 
 which cannot be looked for in the original. The question is. 
 How does he employ them ? Do they stifle and thrust aside 
 the sense of the original, or do they express and illustrate it? 
 In the present case, no one dreams of making the old Church 
 formulas a substitute for the actual study of Holy Scripture. 
 But considering that, e. g. the Nicene Creed was framed by 
 men most anxious to guard the literal meaning of the Scripture 
 language respecting Christ, and familiar with the interpretation 
 which it had traditionally received in the several Churches, there 
 appears to be prima facie ground for regarding their statement as 
 the representative of the primitive belief. And when Professor 
 Jowett observes that although S. Paul "looked to his Lord as the 
 Creator of all things, — high above all things in heaven and earth, 
 — he does not speak of Him as equal with the Father, or of one 
 substance with the Father," one may ask, 1. Whether a Person of 
 such dignity could be less than very God ? and if not, (i. e. if 
 Arianism is untenable,) then 2. In what point does the idea of our 
 Lord's real Divinity fall short of the idea of His Consubsiantiality, 
 as proclaimed in 325 ? Is it not matter of history that the Nicene 
 Council employed the Homoousion as meaning simply this, — The 
 Son is very God, of and with the Father 1 
 
 It is satisfactory to hear from Professor Jowett that a " sound 
 instinct prevented the Church from dividing the humanity and 
 Divinity of Christ." But did not an equally sound instinct prevent 
 
ORTHODOX FOEMTJLAS. 427 
 
 her from confounding them 1 Professor Jowett quotes 1 John i. 1, 
 in proof of Christ's humanity; yet he considers that we do violence 
 to " the natural meaning and connection" of such texts as Phil. ii. 6, 
 Mark xiii. 32, Matt. xxvi. 39, xxvii. 46, &c., when we " insist on 
 reconciling them with the distinctions of later ages." But if we 
 really believe our Lord to be God and Man, then, quite apart from 
 all Church formulas, "distinctions" of some sort are inevitable. 
 We may object to those of the Athanasian Creed and the Fourth 
 Council ; but, in that case, we must make others of our own. Sys- 
 tematic theology did not create the "difficulties" of the subject, 
 and to abandon it is not to escape from them. No sooner do we 
 call Christ " God and Man," than they confront us with " a pre- 
 sence which," in this world, " is not to be put by." 
 
III. 
 
 PRINCIPAL EVENTS. 
 
 Edict of Milan ..... 
 Councils of Arlea, Ancyra, Neocssarea 
 Constantine decides against the Donatists 
 Rise of Arianism. Persecution by Licinius 
 Council of Alexandria condemns Arius 
 Council of NiccBa .... 
 
 S. Athanasius, archbishop of Alexandria 
 The Eusebians depose Eustathius of Antioch 
 Council of Tyre. First exile of S. Athanasius 
 Death of Arius ...... 
 
 Constantius, emperor ..... 
 
 Council of the Dedication. Second exile of S. Athanasius 
 
 Sapor of Persia begins to persecute 
 
 The Macrostich refused by first Council of Milan 
 
 Council of Sardica ...... 
 
 Paul and Macarius in Africa .... 
 
 Constantius recalls S. Athanasius 
 
 Constans slain. S. Cyril bishop of Jerusalem 
 
 Pirst synod of Sirmium deposes Photinus 
 
 Liberius succeeds S. Julius ..... 
 
 Constantius sole emperor in East and West. Rise 
 Arianism ........ 
 
 Third Council of Milan, overawed, condemns S. Athanasius 
 
 Third exile of S. Athanasius. George in Alexandi-ia. 
 Hosius, and S. Hilary in exile .... 
 
 Fall of Hosius and Liberius. S. Basil in Pontus . 
 
 Semi-Arian Council of Ancyra .... 
 
 Councils of Ariminum and Seleucia 
 
 Eudoxius succeeds Macedonius at Constantinople . 
 
 Meletius at Antioch. Anomoean Council of Antioch ; 
 succeeded by Julian ..... 
 
 Council of Alexandria. Schism at Antioch increased, 
 recalled. Fourth exile of S. Athanasius . 
 
 of Homcean 
 
 Liberius, 
 
 A.D. 
 313 
 314 
 316 
 319 
 321 
 325 
 326 
 331 
 335 
 336 
 337 
 341 
 343 
 345 
 347 
 348 
 349 
 350 
 351 
 352 
 
 353 
 355 
 
 356 
 357 
 358 
 359 
 360 
 
 Constantius 
 
 Donatists 
 
 361 
 
 362 
 
PRINCIPAL EVENTS. 
 
 Jovian succeeds Julian 
 
 Semi-Arian Council of Lampsacus .... 
 
 Semi-Arian Deputies satisfy Llberius ; Damasus succeeds him 
 
 Edict of Valens. Fifth exile of S. Athanasius 
 
 S. HUary dies ........ 
 
 S. Basil, archbishop of Ca3sarea 
 
 S. Athanasius writes against ApoUinarianism 
 
 Consecration of the two Gregories, and of S. Martin 
 
 Death of S. Athanasius. Peter driven to Rome . 
 
 S. Ambrose, archbishop of Milan 
 
 Gratian, emperor of the West 
 
 Ulphilas becomes an Ariau. Controversy on " Hypostasis'' 
 
 Death of Valens ; close of Arian persecution 
 
 Death of S. Basil. S. Gregory Nazianzen at Constantinople 
 
 Edict of Theodosius. Council of Saragossa . 
 
 Council of Constantinople. Council of Aquileia . 
 
 Gratian murdered. Augustine at Rome 
 
 Execution of Priscillian 
 
 Siricius succeeds Damasus. First contest of Justina with S.Ambrose 
 
 S. Jerome at Bethlehem. Second contest of Justina with S. Ambrose, 
 Conversion of S. Augustine ....... 
 
 Tumult at Antioch ......... 
 
 Jovinianism .......... 
 
 Penance of Theodosius ........ 
 
 Murder of Valentinian II. Great anti- Pagan edict 
 
 Origenistic controversy begins ....... 
 
 Death of Theodosius. S. Augustine, bishop of Hippo . 
 
 Death of S. Ambrose : mission of S. Ninian. S. Martin dies 
 
 S. Chrysostom, archbishop of Constantinople .... 
 
 TheophUus persecutes the Tall Brothers 
 
 Epiphanius at Constantinople. Council of the Oak . ... 
 
 Final ejection and exile of S.Chrysostoin 
 
 Jerome attacks Vigilantius ......■- 
 
 Death of S. Chrysostom 
 
 Taking of Rome ...■■••■•■ 
 
 Conference at Carthage ....•••• 
 
 Pelagianism condemned at Carthage. S. Cyril, patriarch of Alex- 
 andria ......■•••• 
 
 Close of Antiochene schism 
 
 Conference at Jerusalem. Synod of Diospolis .... 
 
 Zosimus succeeds S. Innocent; is deceived by Pelagius 
 
 Councilof Carthage, May 1. S. Germain, bishop of Auxerre. Case 
 of Apiarius begins .... .... 
 
 429 
 
 A.D. 
 
 363 
 365 
 366 
 367 
 368 
 370 
 371 
 372 
 373 
 374 
 375 
 376 
 378 
 379 
 380 
 381 
 383 
 384 
 385 
 
 386 
 387 
 389 
 390 
 392 
 3y3 
 395 
 397 
 398 
 401 
 403 
 404 
 406 
 407 
 410 
 411 
 
 412 
 414 
 415 
 417 
 
 418 
 
430 PKINCIPAL EVENTS. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 S. Jerome dies. Persecution in Persia 420 
 
 Predestinarian question arises ....... 426 
 
 Semi-Pelagianism. Vandals in Africa. Heresy of Nestorius . 428 
 
 S. Germain and Lupus in Britain ...... 429 
 
 S. Cffilestine declares against Nestorius. S. Augustine dies . 430 
 Council of TSphesus. S. Palladius' mission . . . . .431 
 
 S. Patrick's mission ......... 432 
 
 Ee-union of S. Cyril and John 433 
 
 S. Leo, pope 440 
 
 S. Cyril succeeded by Dioscorus 444 
 
 Quarrel of S. Leo with S. Hilary. Edict of Valentlnian . . 445 
 
 Eutyches condemned by S. Flavian 448 
 
 The Latrocinium .......... 449 
 
 Pulcheria and Maroian succeed Theodosius II 450 
 
 Council of Chalcedon ......... 451 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abdas, 297 
 
 Acaciua of Amida, 298 
 
 BerrhsBa, 241, 245, 323, 
 
 350 
 Caesarea, 84, 69, 89, 95, 
 
 101, 105 
 Meliteue, 330, 383, 836, 
 
 355 
 Acesius, 21, 26 
 Aerius, 107 
 Aetiua, heretic, 66, 91, 100 
 
 general, 305, 377 
 
 Agelius, 85, 185 
 
 Agricola, 319 
 
 Alaric at Rome, 257, 261 
 
 Alexander of Alexandria, 10, 12, 
 
 17,28 
 
 • Antioch, 272 
 
 Constantinople, 17, 
 
 44 
 
 ■Hierapolis,348,353, 
 
 359 
 
 Thessalonica, 40 
 
 Alexandria, councils of, 12, 20, 64, 
 
 115, 126, 326 
 Alypius, 193, 219, 295 
 Amator, 290 
 Ambrose, S., election of, 154 
 
 • death of, 293 
 
 Amphilochius, 153, 156, 172 
 Anastasius, pope, 232 
 
 priest, 311 
 
 Anatolius, 395 
 
 Ancyra, councils of, 6, 91 
 
 Andrew of Samosata, 328, 348, 
 
 354 
 Andronicus, 262 
 " Anomoion," the, 66 
 Anthimus, 147 
 Anthropomorphites, 235, 370 
 Antidicoraarians, 158 
 Antioch, councils of, 47, 79, 105, 
 
 128, 347, 361 
 
 sedition of, 196 
 
 Antoninus, 238 
 Antony of Fussala, 300 
 
 S., 36, 75 
 
 Apiarius, 293, 300 
 Apollinaris, early life of, 63 
 
 heresy of, 146, 158, 181 
 
 Aquileia, council of, 179 
 
 battle of, 218 
 
 Arhogastes, 112 
 Arcadius, emperor, 220 
 Arcaph, John, 28, 38, 45 
 Ariminum, council of, 94, 98 
 Arius, heresy of, 11 
 
 death of, 44 
 
 Aries, councils of, 7, 70 
 Armentarius, 364 
 Arsacius, 246 
 Arsenias, abbat, 221 
 Meletian, 88, 40 
 
 Asterius, 48 
 
 Athanasius, nephew of Cyril, 317, 
 405 
 
 of Anazarbns, 15 
 
 Perrha, 369, 377, 395 
 
432 
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 Athanasius, S., early years of, 12 
 
 ■ election of, 31 
 
 death of, 148 
 
 Atticus, 251, 283 
 
 Attila, 398 
 
 Augustine, S., early years of, 182 
 
 conversion of, 193 
 
 death of, 325 
 
 Auxentius, 73, 94, 105, 129, 154 
 
 Barsumas, Eutychian, 389 
 
 Nestorian, 360 
 
 Basil, abbat, 3] 5 
 
 of Ancyra, 68, 91, 101 
 
 . Seleucia, 383, 391 
 
 S., early life of, 88, 113 
 
 election of, 141 
 
 death of, 163 
 
 Bassian, 382 
 Benjamin, martyr, 298 
 Beziers, council of, 81 
 Boniface, count, 305 
 
 pope, 294, 299 
 
 Bonosus, 211 
 Brothers, the Tall, 239 
 
 Cfficilian, 4, 21, 266 
 Caisarius, 112 
 Candidian, 329 
 Capreolus, 329, 358 
 Carthage, councils of, 60, 226, 231, 
 236, 279, 289 
 
 conference of, 263 
 
 Cassian, 221, 258, 307, 318 
 
 Catechumens, 187 
 
 Celidonius, 373 
 
 Chorepiscopi, 6, 364 
 
 Clirysaphius, 378 
 
 Chrysostom, S., early life of, 171 
 
 election of, 229 
 
 death of, 255 
 
 Circumcellions, 14, 59, 267 
 Coelestine, S., 299, 323, 346 
 Ccelestius, 258, 269, 285, 321 
 Colluthua, 12, 20 
 Collyridians, 158 
 
 Consistentes, the, 6, 187 
 Constans, 56, 58, 64 
 Constantino, religious position of, 18 
 
 death of, 45 
 
 . II., 46 
 
 Constantinople, councils of, 101, 
 
 172, 180, 181, 243, 383, 388 
 Constantius, emperor, 46 
 
 death of, 108 
 
 Cyriacus, 247 
 
 Cyril, S., of Alexandria, election 
 
 of, 272 
 
 death of, 370 
 
 of Jerusalem, election of, 65 
 
 exile of, 90 
 
 Dalmatius, 334, 341 
 Damasus, S., election of, 132 
 Demetrias, 272, 284 
 Demophilus, 87, 142, 169 
 Dianius, 114 
 Didymus, 125 
 " Dioceses," 176 
 Diodore, 62, 142, 171, 310 
 Dionysius of Milan, 70 
 Dioscorus, election of, 371 
 
 deposition of, 406 
 
 Diospolis, council of, 277 
 Domnus, 367, 377, 392, 397 
 Donatus of Bagai, 59 
 
 Carthage, 58 
 
 CassB NigrEe, 5 
 
 Dorotheus, heretic, 316 
 priest, 159 
 
 Eleusius, 85, 97, 101, 130 
 Ephesus, councils of, 238, 331, 390 
 Ephrem, S., 65 
 Epictetus of CentumcellaB, 73 
 
 Corinth, 146 
 
 Epiphanius, S., 158, 216, 210 
 Eudoxia, 238, 241, 245, 247 
 Eudoxius, 35, 90, 96, 100, 102, 
 
 130, 135, 140 
 Eugenius, 213 
 Eulalius, 294 
 
INDEX. 
 
 433 
 
 Eunomius, 80, 91, 102, 158 
 
 cbamberlain, 46, 73, 92, 
 
 110 
 Enseblus of Csesarea in Palestine, 
 
 15, 17, 24, 35, 39 
 . in Cappado- 
 
 cia, 114, 131, 135, 137, 140 
 
 - Dorylseum, 311, 383, 
 
 391, 398, 401, 415 
 
 Emesa, 48 
 
 Milan, 400 
 
 42,46 
 
 - Nicomedia, 15, 24, 33, 
 
 — Samosata, 153, 162 
 - VerceDse, 70, 73, 103, 
 
 115, 118 
 Eustathius of Antioch, 21, 35 
 . Sebaste, 88, 91, 96, 
 
 101, 107, 131, 152, 157, 166 
 Eutropius, chamberlain, 228, 234 
 
 Joannite, 246 
 
 — — . of Hadrianople, 36 
 
 Eutyches, heresy of, 380, 383 
 Euzoius, 25, 33, 105, 108, 150 
 
 Fastidius, 319 
 
 Faustus, 184 
 
 Felix, Manichean, 248 
 
 of Aptunga, 4 
 
 of Rome, 74, 86 
 
 treasurer, 122 
 
 Flavian of Antioch, 62, 66, 142, 
 
 173, 196, 211, 233 
 Constantinople, 379, 
 
 383, 388, 392 
 Fortunatian, 72 
 Fortnnatus, 213 
 Fortunius, 231 
 Frumentius, S., 32, 82 
 
 Gallus, 70 
 
 Gangra, council of, 166 
 
 Gaudentius, Donatist, 296 
 
 S., 251 
 
 Genserie, 306, 363 
 
 George of Alexandria, 79, 1 1 5 
 
 George of Laodicea, 34, 91, 105 
 
 Germain, S., 290, 318, 377, 382 
 
 Germinius, 93 
 
 Gervase and Protase, relics of, 92 
 
 Gratian, emperor, 156 
 
 Gratus, 58, 60 
 
 Gregory of Alexandria, 48 
 
 Armenia, 21, 27 
 
 Elvira, 103 
 
 Nazianzum, consecration 
 
 of, 147 
 
 at Constantinople, 164 
 ■ of Nyssa, 147 
 
 Helena, S., 29 
 Helladius, 354 
 Helvidius, 180 
 Hilarus, legate, 389, 394 
 Hilary, anti-Pelagian, 307 
 
 deacon, 70, 117 
 
 S., of Aries, 307, 364, 367, 
 
 372, 389 
 
 Poitiers, 66, 73, 81, 87, 
 
 92, 95, 102, 104, 118, 129, 139 
 
 "Homoion," the, 69, 93 
 
 " Homoiousion," the, 68, 91, 130 
 
 " Homoousion," the, 20, 24, 127, 
 131 
 
 Honoratus, 223 
 
 Honorius, emperor, 221 
 
 Hosius, 20, 53, 86 
 
 Hypatia, 259, 274 
 
 " Hypostases," the, 116, 159 
 
 Ibas, 359, 382, 387 
 
 Innocent, S., 240, 250, 282 
 
 Irenajus, 335, 380 
 
 Ischyras, 20, 37 
 
 Ischyrion, 371 
 
 Isdigerdes, 272, 297 
 
 Isidore of Pelusium, 295, 340, 355 
 
 Ithacins, 186 
 
 James, S., of Nisibis, 65 
 Jerome, S., early life of, 160 
 death of, 297 
 
 Ff 
 
434 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 John, count, 337 
 
 of Antioch, 323, 335, 353 
 
 Jerusalem, 215, 275 
 
 Jovian, emperor, 125 
 
 Jovinian, 204 
 
 Julian, apostasy of, 109 
 
 Pelagian, 291, 306, 317, 
 
 365 
 Julius, legate, 889 
 
 pope, 47, 54, 61, 67 
 
 Juvenal, 329, 332, 390, 410 
 Juventinus, 121 
 
 Lampsacus, council of, 130 
 Laodicea, council of, 138 
 Leo, S., election of, 366 
 Leontius, Arian, 35, 62, 66 
 
 of Csesarea, 21 
 
 Leporius, 304, 307 
 Libanius, 125 
 
 Liberius, 67, 73, 87, 103, 118, 131 
 Licinius, 9 
 Lucifer, 70, 117 
 Lucius, 115, 150 
 Lupus, 319 
 
 Macarius, envoy, 58 
 
 of Jerusalem, 15, 30 
 
 • Laoiiicea, 354 
 
 priest of Alexandria, 37, 
 
 44 
 Macedonius, 45, 65, 85 
 
 heresy of, 103 
 
 Macrostich, the, 52 
 
 Majorinus, 4 
 
 Manicheism, 183, 203, 369 
 
 Marcella, 231, 261 
 
 ilarcellinus, 263 
 
 Marccllus of Ancyra, 43, 57, 147 
 
 ■ Apamea, 209 
 
 Marcian, emperor, 397 
 Marcus, pope, 43 
 IVIarinus, 7 
 Maris of Chalcedon, 25, 110 
 
 Edessa, 359 
 
 Marius Mercator, 269, 312 
 
 Mark of Arethusa, 93, 111 
 Martin, S., early years of, 104 
 
 death of, 227 
 
 Martyrs, the Forty, 9 
 Maruthas, 250, 271 
 Massalians, 210 
 Maximian, Donatist, 214 
 
 • . of Bagai, 248 
 
 Constantinople, 344 
 
 Mnximin, Arian, 306 
 
 emperor, 5 
 
 , of Treves, 43 
 
 Anazarbus, 354 
 
 Maximus, Cynic, 164 
 
 emperor, 182 
 
 of Jerusalem, 39, 63 
 
 Melchiades, 5 
 
 Meletius of Antioch, 104, 128, 148, 
 162, 172 
 
 Lycopolis, 10, 25, 28 
 
 Mopsuestia, 354 
 
 Memnon, 329 
 
 Jlilan, councils of, 52, 56, 70 
 
 — edict of, 4 
 
 Modestus, 142 
 Monica, S., 184, 199 
 Mursa, battle of, 67 
 
 Nectarius, 174, 207, 228 
 Neocoesarea, council of, 6 
 Kestorius, heresy of, 311 
 
 death of, 372 
 
 Nica3a, council of, 21 
 Xice, conference of, 97 
 Nina, S., 32 
 
 Ninian, S., 225, 227, 349 
 Novatians, 26, 85, 182, 305 
 
 Oak, council of the, 241 
 Olympias, 247 
 Olympius, philosopher, 209 
 Optatus, Donatist, 231 
 
 S., 120, 141 
 
 Orange, councils of, 309, 367 
 Orders of clergy, 232 
 Orestes, 274 
 
INDEX. 
 
 435 
 
 Origenisni, 215, 224. 
 Orosius, 275 
 
 Pachomius, 33 
 Paschasinus, 406 
 Palladius, Arian, 180 
 
 biographer, 169, 193 
 
 S., 345, 348 
 
 Paphuutius, 21 
 Paris, council of, 104 
 Patrick, S., 349 
 Patroclus, 285 
 Paul, envoy, 58 
 
 of Constantinople, 45,5 0, 65 
 
 Emesa, 350 
 
 NeocsBsarea, 8 
 
 Paula, 180, 244 
 
 Paulinus, biographer, 154, 193,269, 
 288 
 
 of Antioch, 107, 117, 162 
 
 Nola, 219, 284, 334 
 
 — Treves, 70 
 
 Tyre, 9, 16, 35 
 
 Pelagius, 249, 269, 276, 279, 285 
 
 Perlgenes, 299 
 
 Peter of Alexandria, 150, 165 
 
 Petilian, 265 
 
 Pherbutha, 51 
 
 Philagrius, 41 
 
 Phihp, legate, 336 
 
 praefect, 65 
 
 Philippopolis, council of, 53 
 Phcebadius, 87, 98, 153 
 Photinus, 57, 66, 113 
 Pistus, 47 
 
 Porphyrins of Antioch, 247 
 Portian church, the, 187 
 Posidonius, 323 
 Potamins, 86 
 Potamou, 21, 39 
 Praetextatus, 134 
 Prayhus, 285 
 Primian, 215 
 Priscillian, 168, 186 
 Proclus, S., 313, 358 
 Projectus, 374 
 
 Prosper, 307, 345, 348 
 Pulcheria, 256, 379, 397 
 Pusices, 51 
 
 Quartodecimans, 21, 337 
 Quodvultdeus, 364 
 
 Rabbula, 346, 360 
 
 Ravennius, 389 
 
 Restitutus of Carthage, 97 
 
 Eheginus, 338 
 
 Rhodanius, 81 
 
 Riez, council of, 364 
 
 Rulfinus of Aquileia, 215, 234, 230, 
 
 235, 240, 262 
 Rufinianus, 73 
 
 Sabas, martyr, 147 
 Sabinian, 377 
 Sapor, king, 50 
 Sardica, council of, 52, 294 
 Saragossa, council of, 169 
 Saturninus, 70, 81 
 Secundus, Arian, 13, 47 
 
 ■ priest, 79 
 
 Seleucia, council of, 95 
 Serapion, archdeacon, 238, 252 
 
 ■ ■ — monk, 235 
 
 Severus, 192 
 Siderius, 144 
 Silvanus of Cirta, 14 
 
 • Semi-Arian, 90, 100, 131 
 
 Siinplicianus, 236 
 Siricius, pope, 186, 204 
 Sirmium, councils of, 66, 86, 93 
 Sisinnius. 304 
 Sixtus III., 346, 365 
 Sophronius, 95 
 Stephen, hermit, 82 
 
 of Antioch, 57 
 
 Stilicho, 223, 257 
 Sylvester, S., 5, 21 
 Symeon, S., martyr, 50 
 
 ■■ ^tylites, 347 
 
 Symmachus, 184 
 Synesius, 259, 262 
 Syrianus, 75 
 
43^ 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Telemachus, 248 
 "Thalia," the, 17 
 Theodore of Mopsuestia, 171, 278, 
 306, 337 
 
 — . Tabeime, 82, 125 
 
 Theodovet, 325, 328, 343, 378 
 Theodosius I., emperor, 164 
 
 death of, 220 
 
 II., emperor, 256 
 
 Theophilus of Alexandria, 209, 229, 
 
 235, 272 
 
 the Indian, 51, 91 
 
 Theophronius, 48 
 
 "Theotocos," the, 17, 165, 181, 
 
 312 
 Thessalonica, massacre at, 205 
 Timothy, 173, 189 
 Toledo, council of, 236 
 Turibius, 377 
 Tyana, council of, 135 
 
 Ulphilas, 101, 157 
 Unilas, 234 
 
 TJrsacius, 42, 56, 63, 67 
 Ursinus, 132 
 Usthazad, 50 
 
 Valence, council of, 153 
 Valens, Arian bishop, 35, 56, 63, 
 67, 93, 98 
 
 emperor, 129 
 
 Valentine, 302 
 A'aleatlnian I., emperor, 129 
 
 II., emperor, 185 
 
 III., emperor, 305 ' 
 
 Valerius, 222 
 
 Vararanes, 297 
 
 Vincent of Capua, 57, 70, 103 
 
 Lerins, 357 
 
 Vitalis, 303 
 Victor, Donatist, 15 
 Victorinus, 111 
 Vigilantius, 224, 252 
 
 Zenophilus, 14 
 Zosimus, pope, 285, 290 
 
 EEEATA. 
 
 Page 67, line 5, for proceed, read, proceeded. 
 „ 69, „ a, for Homsean, read Homoean. 
 „ 70, „ h.for Anomoaan, read Anomcean. 
 
 „ 141, „ 2S,for Milevis, read Milevum. 
 „ ,, note,yor synacti, read syneisacti. 
 
 „ 159, „ for 843, read 243. 
 
 „ 172, „ for S. Mtl. i., read S. Melet. 
 
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 „ 233, „ 17,/o;- 388, read 398. 
 
 „ 246, ,, 32,yo»- Arcacius, read Arsacius. 
 
 „ 297, „ 5,_/b»" the Testament, read the New Testament. 
 
 ^rititti bjj .Wcssrs. ^arliir, fiorivmarlut, ©cfoiir. 
 
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