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 THE WASON 
 
 CHINESE 
 COLLECTION 
 
Cornell University Library 
 BL 1930.W34 
 
 Lao-Tzu :a study in Chinese philosophy. 
 
 3 1924 022 909 398 
 
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 -fiJlnn ^fi^ ^^ 
 
LAO-TZU, 
 
 A STUDY 
 
 IN CHINESE PHILOSOPHY, 
 
 Sf 
 
 T. WITTERS, MA., 
 
 Mem. N.C.B. op the Asiatic Society op London, Hon. Mem. Asiatic 
 
 Society op Pakis, and a Junior Assistant in H.M.'s 
 
 CoNSULAn Seevice in China. 
 
 HONGKONG: 
 
 PRINTED AT THE "CHINA MAIL" OFFICE. 
 
 1S'70. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 WILLIAMS & NOEGATB, 
 
W3f 
 
, PREFACE. 
 
 A coKSiDERABLE portion of the following pages 
 has already appeared in "The Chinese Re- 
 corder and Missionary Journal," and its re- 
 appearance in its present form requires an 
 apology. The subject of the Work is one in 
 which very few take any interest, and the 
 author is very sensible of his numerous im- 
 perfections in attempting to deal with matters 
 so difficult and abstruse as are treated of in 
 the Tao-te Ching. Having thus made con- 
 fesSion; it only retnains for him to thank 
 Mr. Baldwin and his other friends for their 
 kindness in assisting to get the book through 
 the press. 
 
 T. W. 
 
 FoocHOw, October 19, 1869. 
 
LAO-TZU, ^ ^ 
 
 . 00>©?.00 
 
 A STUDY IN CHINESE PHILOSOPHY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 One of the most remarkable men in the history of China, 
 as also in the history of philosophy, is Lao-tzii, the author of 
 the Tao-te-ching C^'^^m^^j. This hook deserves, and has 
 obtained with those who know it, a high place among phi- 
 losophical works, and the posthumous fortunes of its author 
 have very rarely been surpassed. That his own followers — ■ 
 or at least those who professed to be and probably believed 
 that they were his followers — should magnify his name was 
 only what we would have expected. They have raised him 
 from the rank of ordinary mortals, and represented him as 
 an incarnation of deity, showing himself on this earth at 
 sundry times and in various manners. His conception and 
 birth, his personal appearance, and everything about him 
 have been represented by them as supernatural ; and the 
 philosophic little treatise which he composed is regarded as 
 a sacred book. Much of this has arisen from a spirit of 
 rivalry with Buddhism. The Taoists did not wish to be be- 
 hind the Buddhists in the amount of glory and mystery at- 
 taching to the reputed originator of their religion ; and they 
 
Z LAO-TZU. 
 
 accordingly tried to make the fortunes of Lao-tzii like those 
 of Shakyamuni, the Buddha of the Present. 
 
 Both Confucianists and Buddhists, however, also regard 
 the Tao-te-cliing "as a book of deep mysteries, and admit the 
 supernatural, or at least marvellous, character of its author, 
 though, as will be seen, many censure him for teaching doc- 
 trines either in themselves mischievous or leading to evil 
 results when fully developed. At several periods of Chinese 
 history Lao-tzii has enjoyed the patronage of government, 
 and almost supplanted Confucius. Indeed, during several 
 of the dynasties which reigned within the first few centuries 
 of our era, there seems to have been a constant struggle 
 for ascendancy between thefollowers of these two philo- 
 sophic chiefs. Emperors have done honour to Lao-tzu in his 
 temple, and the sovereigns of the great T'ang dynasty were 
 proud to deem him their lineal ancestor. One emperor has 
 even written an excellent commentary on his book ; and one 
 of the best editions of the Tao-te-ching as regards textual ex- 
 cellence is that by a Confucian mandarin under the present 
 dynasty. Buddhist monks also hav-e edited the book with 
 annotations, and many of them regard it and its author with 
 a reverence second only to that with which the Taoists re- 
 gard them. 
 
 It is not only, however, his own countrymen who have 
 given honour to this prophet. By Western writers also 
 great and mysterious things have been attributed to him. 
 Some have found in his book an enunciation of the doctrine 
 of the Trinity. The illustrious Eemusat discovered in it 
 the sacred name Jehovah, and many curious analogies with 
 the best philosophic writings of ancient times, and more 
 especially with those of Greece. Pauthier, who has read 
 and written largely about Lao-tzii, finds in his teachings the 
 
LAO-TZU. 3 
 
 triple Brahma cif the ancient Hindoos, the Adiburldha of the 
 Northern Buddhists, and an anticipated Christianity. The 
 Tao (^) of which Lao-tzii speaks so much has been liken- 
 ed to God, to the Logos of Plato and the Neoplatonists, to 
 " the nonentity of some German philosophers," and to many 
 other things. Pauthier says : — " Le dieu invoque et decrit 
 par Lao-tseu est la Grande Vote du monde, la Raison supreme 
 universelle i^a) materiellement identique avec le mot qui 
 sert a designer Dieu dans les langues grecque (^s«) latine 
 (Deus) et leurs deriv^es modernes ; mais les attributs qu'il 
 lui donne ne sont point ceux qu' ont donn6es a I'Etre supreme 
 toutes les doctrines spiritualistes de I'Orient, transmises 
 k rOccident par une voie juive et grecque ; par les thera- 
 peutes et les esseniens, dont Jesus, le fils de I'homme, fut 
 le revelateur et le representant a I'etat philosophique." 
 Our missionaries have used this word Tao to represent 
 i-iyas in their translation of the New Testament, and the 
 first five verses of St. John's Gospel' are nearly as much 
 Taoist as Christian in the Chinese text. 
 
 Some writers on the other hand, such as Gutzlaff, have 
 represented Lao-tzu as writing nonsense, and they seem 
 to insinuate that he did not even know the meaning of 
 what he was writing. Others, as Voltaire, have charged 
 on him all the follies and superstitions practised by the 
 Taoists, and have consequently decried him and his teach- 
 ings. This is just about ss wise^and just a proceeding as to 
 reproach the Apostle Paul on account of the sayings and 
 doings of sects like Muckers, and Mormons, and Muggle- 
 tonians. Many also regard Lao-tzii as a mere speculative 
 recluse, shutting himself up from the turmoils and miseries 
 
 Chine, p. 114. 
 
4 rAO-TZU. 
 
 of social life, and publishing theories in politics and morals 
 of no practical tendency whatever. In these respects he is 
 constantly contrasted with Confucius, who is looked upon 
 as an eminently practical man, teaching to the people only 
 things whith they could easily understand, and ever re- 
 fusing to wander into the regions of uncertainty and mys- 
 tery. 
 
 There are, so far as I know, very few translations of the 
 Tao-te-ching in western languages. According to Sir J. F. 
 Davis, a manuscript copy of a Latin translation is preserved 
 in the Library of the Eoyal Society of England. Pauthier 
 has translated part of the book into French, and has an- 
 nounced his determination, to complete the work. Julien, 
 however, perhaps the best and soberest of Lao-tzu's ex- 
 pounders, has translated into French the entire book, along 
 with many Chinese notes and fragments illustrating the 
 life and teachings of its author. Hegel says there is at 
 Vienna a translation of the Tao-te-ching^ or as he calls it 
 Tao-kmg, which he himself had seen^. He does not, how- 
 ever, mention the name of the translator or the language of 
 the translation, but I think we are justified in inferring that 
 it is German. In English we have the recent work of the 
 Eev. Mr. Chalmers, a missionary and scholar of no ordinary 
 attainments. He has some excellent remarks in his Intro- 
 duction, but the translation itself, being almost unaccom- 
 panied with note or comment, and being apparently made 
 from a bad text, is rather disappointing. Kitter, Cousin,. 
 Hardwicke, Edkins, and many others have given short- 
 accounts of Taoism ; but few of these have clearly sepa- 
 rated Lao-tzii and his doctrines from the later Taoists and 
 
 2 
 
 Geschiohte der Philosopliic, B. 1. p. 142. 
 
LAO-TZU. ^ 
 
 their doctrines. The " extravagant vagaries " of the latter 
 may have arisen often from misinterpreted or misapplied 
 statements of Lao-tzii, but they are not to be imputed to 
 him.^ We must ascribe to Lao-tzu only the things which 
 are his — the merits and defects of his own direct teachings. 
 
 Compare Eemusat, Memoire snr la vie et les opinions de Lao-tseu, 
 &o., p. 20. 
 
LAO TZU. 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 THE LIFE OF LAO-TZtJ. 
 
 The life of Lao-tzu, like the book which he wrote, is 
 enveloped in mystery; and one might almost be excused 
 for doubting whether such a person ever actually existed. 
 One author, indeed, has even gone the length of saying that 
 Lao-tzu was made out of space or vacuity (Imng '^). The 
 most reliable account of him which has come down to us is 
 that by Szii Ma-chien, or Sze-ma-thsien ( a] ,^^s), in the 
 Ski-cM (S^-^P), and this is very brief and unsatisfactory. 
 We have also occasional notices of him in other old books, 
 but the stories told about him in the Eecords of Spirits and 
 Fairies and works of a like nature are, as Julien observes, 
 only a tissue of falsehoods which aU sensible men reject. 
 
 Szu Ma-chien says Lao-tzu was a native of the hamlet 
 Ch'u-jen (^ ^) of the parish Lai or Li (IS; in the district 
 K'u ("S^), a town of the state Ch'u (^^) : his surname was 
 Li (^), his name Erh (^), his style Po-yang ('(A®) and 
 
 ^ T'ai-p'ing-kwang-chi (;^^^^) ch. 1; and the Shen-hsien- 
 ohuan, vol. 1. 
 
 * 
 
LAO TZU. 7 
 
 his posthumous designation Tan (Hfl-).^ He was in office 
 at the court of Chou (jgj) as Shou-tsang-shi-chi-shi (^H^|^ 
 ^a ,;^ §2)1 which Julien translates "gardien des archives." 
 I have been unable to obtain from Chinese sources any 
 reliable statement as to the date of Lao-tzii's birth ; though 
 Pauthier asserts positively that he was born on the 14th 
 day of the 9th moon, in the year B.C. 604. In this he is 
 followed by Julien, who, however, says candidly — " cette 
 date (the 3rd year of king Ting ^^ of the' Chou dynasty, 
 corresponding to B.C. 604) que nous inserons ioi, est con- 
 forme a la tradition historique la mieux etablie mais elle ne 
 se trouve point dans la notice du Sze-ma-thsien dont nOus 
 donnons ^la traduction." There is nothing improbable in 
 this date, as we know from other sources that Lao-tzu was 
 a contemporary of Confucius, though very much his senior ; 
 and as Confucius was born about B.C. 550, Lao-tzu must 
 apparently have been born about the beginning of the sixth 
 century B.C. The latter sage indeed, is usually represented 
 as having attained to a very great age, and as having been 
 alive much more than fifty years before the birth of Confu- 
 cius. Ch'ao, a well known author, quoted by Ma Tuan-lin, 
 says that it was in the forty-second year of the reign of king 
 P'ing (3p-T) that Lao-tzu gave his book to the keeper of the 
 Pass. This- wotdd carry him up to the eighth century B.C., 
 
 An author named Ch'&i (Bw^) quoted ty Ma Tuau-Iin, says that, 
 as Tan means flat-eared, it is not prohable that it would be given as a 
 posthumous title. Perhaps it is better to regard it as a name or nick- 
 name given to him during life. 
 
 ^ W^n-hsien-t'ung-k'ao (^J^\^^). Ch. 211. 
 
 Chine, p. 111. 
 
 Tao-te-king, Introduction, Note 1 on page xix. 
 
LAO-TZU. 
 
 king P'ing having commenced to reign about the year B.C. 
 770. Others mention two teachers of Tao (^^) as having 
 lived during the Chou dynasty, one Lao-tan ("^BW) and 
 another named Lao-lai-tzii (^^^'J^)- ^t is by the name 
 Lao-tan that Confucius usually refers to Lao-tzu, while later 
 authors often use his surname Li or his name Erh. It must 
 be remembered also that the Lao-tan mentioned by Con- 
 fucius is regarded by a few commentators as a different 
 person from the author of the Tao-iS-ching. 
 
 Nearly ail authorities seem to agree with Szii Ma-chien as 
 to the place of Lao-tzii's birth in the feudal dependency 
 Ch'a (^^)- Under this word Biot has the following remarks 
 — " Norn d'un ancien royaume de la Chine centrale, a I'epo- 
 que du Tchun-thsieou. Le centre etait dans I'arrondissement 
 de Tchi-kiang ; la limite nord etait entre le Kiang et le Hoang- 
 ho ; la limite sud etait au midi du Kiang, mais non bien 
 determin^e." The district city K'u is also said to have 
 belonged to the principality of Ch'en. It stood near the 
 present Kwei-tS-foo, the most easterly of the cities of Honan ; 
 and the present K'u-yang ("^K) preserves the house of 
 Lao-tzii and a temple dedicated to his memory. Another 
 account, however, represents him as having been born in the 
 district city Po (^) in the province of Honan. The chief of 
 Ch'u, like the chiefs of many bther states, was at the time of 
 Lao-tzii and Confucius only nominally a feudal dependent of 
 the king. He was originally a Tzii (■?") or Viscount, but the 
 title Wang (^E) °^ ^^"^"S ^^^ '^°'^ usurped in the degenerate 
 
 * See the "T'^'^F^j > '^^ extract from Szu Ma-chien. 
 ^ Diet. Villes et An-ond'., p. 244. 
 
 ^ Julien, Tao-teking, Introduction, Note 2 on page xix. 
 2 T'ung-chien-kang-mu, Oh. 41. 
 
LAO-TZt). 9 
 
 days of the Chou rulers who were unable to maintain a 
 strong government. 
 
 Of the parents of Lao-tzu and of his early years I have 
 not found any record in Chinese books ; but Pauthier says 
 that according to historic data his father was a poor peasant 
 who had remained a bachelor up to his seventieth year, 
 when he married a peasant woman of the unromantic age 
 of forty years. Whatever were his circumstances, however, 
 I think we may conclude that Lao-tzu was in early life a 
 diligent student of the past history and the institutions of 
 the country, and his obtaining office at the court of Chou 
 was probably a consequence of his learning and abilities. 
 
 As to the nature of this office I cannot agree with Pau- 
 thier and Julien in calling it that of historiographer, or 
 keeper of the State Archives. The word tsang (^^) means 
 a granary .or storehouse, and in a note to a passage in the 
 Li-chi, or Eecord of Ceremonies, it is explained as the 
 Imperial or National Museum.^ The Shou-tsang-sM (^iS 
 S^^R) would accordingly be the officer in charge of the 
 Museum, and we must rememl3er that when Confucius -went 
 to the Capital of Chou to Lao-tzi3, he saw in the palace the 
 portraits , of the early kings, along with many other relics 
 of antiquity, which possessed him strongly with an idea of 
 the magnificence of the first princes of the dynasty. Dr. 
 Legge also, I find, translates the expression by " Treasury- 
 keeper."* The legend in the Eecords of Spirits and Fairies 
 states that Lao-tzii was in the time of king WSn a Shou- 
 
 1 Chine, p. 112. 
 
 2 Li-chi, Ch. 3, Sect. 74, Note. 
 
 3 See the Chia-yii (^^), Vol. 1, Ch. 3. 
 
 4 Ch. Classics, Vol. 1, Proleg,, p. 65. 
 
10 LAO-TZU. 
 
 tsang-shi and under king Wu a Chu-hda-shi (J^ ~^ ^^i 
 this latter term meaning assistant historiographer ; and it 
 is not improbable that he may have actually held both these 
 offices in succession under king Ting C^^) or king Chien 
 (^), who reigned in the 6th qentury B. C. 
 
 During the time of Lao-tzu's residence at the court of 
 Chou, he was visited by two young gentlemen who had come 
 in a carriage and pair from the distant state of Lu (i@). 
 Their names were Ching-shu (^^:fet) and K'ung chiu 
 (•?L-fi^) or Confucius, and they had come to learn from the 
 venerable sage the rites and manners of the olden times. 
 The latter of the two, namely, Confucius, had already been a 
 pupil of Lao-tzu, and still remembered his former master 
 with affection and respect. According to Chwang-tzu, 
 however, it was not until he was fifty-one years old that 
 Confucius went to see Lao-tzu. He himself when little 
 more than a youth had set out on a convertings tour, think- 
 ing to induce rulers and people throughout the kingdom to 
 cease from their evil ways and turn to the good old paths 
 of primitive virtue. He did not succeed, however, and he 
 now told his master the sorrowful tale of his disappointment. 
 Lao-tzu said to him, " If it be known that he who talks 
 errs by excess in arguing, and that he who hears is confused 
 by too much talk, the way (Tao iM)^ can never be forgot." 
 According to Szu Ma-cMen, the Master on another occasion 
 lectured his ambitious disciple as follows : " The men of 
 whom you speak, Sir, have with their bones already all 
 mouldered into dust, and only their sayings abide. More- 
 
 1 Kang-hsi's Dictionary. Character Chu (;fet). 
 
 2 See his works, Ch. 5, p. 27, the Tien Yun f^jM) Section. 
 
 3 Chia Yii, Vol. 1, Ch. 3. 
 
LAO-TZU, 11 
 
 over if the superior man S"-?* gets his time, he mounts 
 [his car and takes office] : if he does not get his time, he 
 goes through life like a wisp of straw rolling over sand. I 
 have heard that a good merchant with his treasure house 
 deeply stored seems devoid of resources, and that the su- 
 perior man of perfect excellence has an outward semblance 
 of stupidity. Do you. Sir, put away your haughty airs 
 and many desires, your flashy manner and extravagant will ; 
 these are all unprofitable to you. Sir ; and this is all I have 
 to say to you."^ In the Famly Sayings we read that when 
 Confucius was about to leave Chou, Lao-tzii gave him as 
 his parting gift a warning against going too far in the 
 public reproval of those who were in authority.^ From 
 this and the other references made to -the intercourse 
 between Confucius and Lao-tzu in the Family Sayings and 
 the Record of Eites (nj® 3E)i it wiU be seen that they 
 were on terms of intimate friendship; and though Confucius 
 may have deserved the reproof which, according to Szu 
 Ma-chien, Lao-tzii administered to him, yet this speech has 
 in it so little of the spirit in which allusion is made to 
 Lao-tzu by Confucius or his disciples that I am almost 
 tempted to doubt the story. 
 
 I have been unable to find in the Chinese works on 
 this subject a statement of the length of time during which 
 Lao-tzii served the king of Chou, of the manner in which 
 he performed his duties, or of the immediate reason of his 
 retirement from office. Szu Ma-chien simply says,* "He 
 cultivated Too and virtue ^ ^ ^, learned to live in 
 
 1 Shi chi, Lao-tzu. 
 
 2 See Chia Yu, Vol. 1, Ch. 3. 
 
 3 Shi ohi, 1, u. 
 
12 LAO-TZU. 
 
 seclusion and oblivion as the important thing, resided for a 
 long time in Chou ; when he saw the fortunes of the dynasty 
 going to ruin, he left the country and came to the Pass (Bil)' 
 The keeper of the Pass, by name Yin-hsi (^* ^-\ said to 
 him, ' Since you are about to go into seclusion, Sir, you 
 must make me a book.' Hereupon Lao-tzii produced his 
 book in two sections containing more than 5,000 characters 
 and declaring the meaning of Tao and Te (^M" fj^)- He 
 then went away, and no one knows his end." ^^ 
 
 In order to understand the conduct of Lao-tzii, in retiring 
 from office in Chou and going into seclusion when he saw 
 its fortunes broken, we must know something of the state 
 of the country at the time. Now the reader of the historical 
 and other works relating to this dynasty will remember 
 what a miserable picture of the kingdom is given in most 
 of them. The hard won territories of king Wu ^^ were 
 now subject to his degenerate descendants only in name. 
 The whole country was torn up into petty states, which 
 were always warring with each other. Year by year, army 
 after army, with flaunting banners and gay pennons, passed 
 and repassed through the fields of the people, and left de- 
 solation and misery in their track. Fathers and husbands, 
 sons and brothers, were taken away from their homes and 
 their work, and kept in long military service far away from 
 their families. Laxity of morals accompanied this state of 
 civil confusiW. Chiefs forgot their allegiance to their 
 princes, and wives their duties to their husbands — usurpers 
 were in the state, and usurpers were in the family. Every 
 little chief was striving with his neighbour for the mastery, 
 and the weak and wicked princes of Chou were unable 
 to overcome them and reduce them to peace and obedience. 
 Men of shining abilities and inordinate ambition rose to 
 
LAO-TZU. 13 
 
 power in each state, and, wishing to satisfy their, ambition, 
 increased the anarchy of the kingdom. The decree of 
 Heaven was slowly changing, and already, in the time of 
 Lao-tzii, " Ichabod " was written up for the princes of Chou. 
 We can now easily see- why the philosopher taught that men 
 should not strive, but ever give way ; that they should be 
 humble and satisfied with a low condition ; that men of 
 virtue and integrity should retire from the dangers and 
 vices of a wicked government ; and that no honour should 
 be attached to specious abilities or rare acquisitions. True 
 to his principles, he himself, when the prestige of Chou was 
 lost, and the evil days and evil tongues were becoming more 
 and more evil, withdrew from the court and retired into 
 unenvied obscurity. For this course of action, Confucian- 
 ists and others have severely censured Lao-tzu. We must 
 remember, however, that Confucius himself taught (what he 
 had probably learnt from Lao-tzii) that when good prin- 
 ciples prevail in a country, the superior man, takes office ; 
 and that he retires when bad government takes their place. 
 There seem to have been at the time only two courses 
 which an upright and faithful public servant could elect to 
 pursue. He might either take his life in his hands, and 
 try by strong measures to recall his rulers to the path of 
 virtue ; or he might establish his own good character, and 
 then withdraw from temptation and corruption. Confucius 
 chose the former course, and ended in Wsappointment ; 
 Lao-tzii and many others, as we know from the Lun Yli 
 i$M ua^' "^"^^ *^^ latter course. 
 
 1 For the distracted state of China ahout this period, one may read 
 the Shi Ching, the T'ung Chien, Ch'un Ch'iu, the Ltm Yii, and other 
 books. 
 
14 LAO-TZTJ. 
 
 The Pass to which Szu Ma~chien represents Lao-tzii as 
 going, and where he met with Yin-hsi ^*!s!, is said in a 
 note to this passage to be probably Han-kVrlcwan I^^^.Pffli 
 the present Ling-pao ^m Wj in t^^ extreme west of Honan, 
 and on the south bank of the Yellow Eiver. The Pass and 
 its keeper have since become famous in the legendary and 
 poetic literature of China. This is the last historical notice 
 that we have of Lao-tzu. He left the Pass, having enriched 
 the keeper with the 81 chapters he had coftiposed on Tao 
 and Virtue, and went away. " No one knows his end." 
 We may hope, however, that he died a peaceful, happy 
 death, in a good old age, having attained a clear insight into 
 the nature of Tao |g and Ti f^. 
 
 According to the Lao-tzu Lie Chuan ^;"^^|J^ of 
 Szu Ma-chien^ Lao-tzu left a son named Ts'ung ^j^, who 
 became a high military officer under the chief of Wei ^^S, 
 and was appointed to the feudal dependency Tuan-kan _^ 
 -J*. His descendants were living in the time of the Han 
 '^ dynasty in the 2d century B. C. 
 
 Such is the sum of the probably true information which 
 I have succeeded in obtaining about this remarkable man. 
 Many things that we would have liked to know about him 
 are wanting, and part of what we have seems iincertain. In 
 his birth and in his death he was mysterious, and through 
 all his life he seems to have courted obscurity. He tells us 
 himself that h^ appeared to mankind stupid and helpless, 
 but that he had within himself precious treasures of which 
 the world did not know.^ To me he seems to have been a 
 kind and gentle old philosopher, who thought more of what 
 
 1 See I * J 'y^aB^, Introduction. 
 
 2 Tao-t(5-ohing, Chs. 20 and 67. 
 
LAO-Tzn. 15 
 
 was beyond this world than about what was in it. I cannot 
 fiad in him those traits of moroseness and cynicism which 
 others have found, nor any trace of the jealousy and spite 
 with which he is said to have regarded Confucius. Chu- 
 hsi (:^-&) or Chu fu tzii, represents him as a man stand- 
 ing aloof from the ordinary ways of men, loving neither 
 their sounds nor their sights, and not living an official life. 
 Confucius himself refers to Lao-tzii with affectionate respect, 
 and quotes his opinions as sufficient answers to the questions 
 of his own disciples. He speaks of him as extensively read 
 in antiquity and acquainted with the present, as having 
 penetrated to the sources of Rites and Music, and as under- 
 standing what belonged to Tao and Tg (^ffi.i^^)-' 
 The old man who thought that in troubled times, like those 
 in which they were living, men of wisdom and virtue ought 
 not to make a display of those qualities, but rather to appear 
 to the world dfistjtjjte of them, when he found his former 
 pupil parading the kingdom with a crowd of disciples (one 
 of whom acted as his car driver), going from court to court 
 admonishing and scolding the chiefs, thought it his duty to 
 give the yotithful reformer a sharp reproof and an earnest 
 warning. His advice was excellent, and Confucius found out 
 at .last that the restoration of peace and good government to 
 a country was not to be effected so easily as he had thought, 
 even though the preacher of reform dressed unimpeachably, 
 ate and drank only the best he could get, h^id an excellent 
 ear for music, and knew the decrees of Heaven. 
 
 1 See, for inst^ce, a very unfair article on Confiioius in the Fortnightli/ 
 Review lot May, 1868, by Sir J. Bowring. 
 
 3 Chia Yu (^^), Ch. 3. 
 
16 LAO-TZU. 
 
 I shall now proceed to give a short sketch of the legen- 
 dary account of Lao-tzu, as related in the Eecords of Spirits 
 and Fairies and other books. 
 
 According t o some writers Lao-tzu was a spiritual bei^ 
 eternal and self-existing, manifesting himself as a human 
 being on the earth at various times and under various 
 names. One author, indeed, puts words like these into the 
 mouth of the sage himself.* The most celebrated of his in- 
 carnations was that which occurred during the early part of 
 the Chou dynasty. On this memorable occasion his mother, 
 who had conceived by the influence of a shooting star, 
 brought him forth under a Li (^p) or plum tree, a circum- 
 stance from which he derived his surname. For seventy, 
 two long years (or, according to a more cruel author, for 
 eighty-one years) had he remained in the wretched woman's 
 womb, and at last he delivered himself by bursting a pass- 
 age under his mother's left aim. From his having at his 
 birth gray hairs and the general appearance of an old man, 
 he was called the Old Boy (Lao-tzu yp^~f')^j though some 
 have conjectured that this was the name of his mother's 
 family, which was given -to the child because his mother 
 obtained him in an improper manner. One writer says that 
 Lao-tzii could speak immediately on being born, and that 
 he himself intimated at the time that the plum tree under 
 which he emerged into the world would furnish Ijis name. 
 Another says that so soon as he was born he mounted nine 
 paces in the air — his step producing a lotus flower — and 
 while poised there, he pointed with his left hand to heaven 
 and with his right hand to earth, saying : " In Heaven above 
 
 1 See the Yuan-chign-lei-han ('^$^^|^J, Ch. 318. 
 
 2 Chalmers translates this " old philos&pher." 
 
LAO-TZU, 17 
 
 and on earth beneath it is only Tao which is worthy of 
 honour. The same author remarks that Shdkyamuni on his 
 birth rose seven paces in the air, and pointing in a similar 
 manner to heaven and earth pronounced himself alone 
 worthy of honour. He observes very properly that there 
 ought not to be such a coincidence. 
 
 When his mother got an opportxmity of examining her 
 wonderful child , she found him a veritable prodigy. Not 
 only had he gray hairs, but he had also very large ears. , 
 Hence came his name firh (B-), that is, Ears^ or as others 
 give it Chung-ferh (S'B^), Heavy ears. ' Each ear termi- 
 nated in a point and had three passages. Besides these 
 peculiarities the infant had handsome eyebrows — -large eyes 
 — a double-ridged nose^ — square mouth with thick lips. 
 His hands had ornamental inscriptions on them, and the 
 soles of his feet presented the mysterious numbers, two and 
 five, of which the former represents heaven and the latter 
 earth. He had also many other larger and smaller bodily 
 virtues and beauties.* 
 
 Lao-tzii left heavenly purity and honour for earthly pol- 
 lution and office. It was under the Heaven-blessed kings 
 WSn ( 0^^) and Wu (^3E) *'^^* he first took service 
 in the state as Treasury keeper and then as Assistant his- 
 toriographer. This account, however, would make him 
 survive for the more than patriarchal period of five hundred 
 years. He is represented as having several interviews with 
 
 3 See the Eeoords of Spirits and Fairies. Art. ;*• -^. Julian 
 has translated this Chapter in the Introduction to his Tao-tg Ching. 
 
 i See :^-^^5g- in ^^^ '\' 'f' -^W' ^^ compare 
 the similar legends about the Buddha in Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, 
 pages 367-8-9. 
 
18 LAO-TZfr. 
 
 Confucius who, as Szu Ma-chien also relates, compared bim 
 to a dragon which in a mysterious and inexplicahle manner 
 mounts a cloud and soars into heayen. This,, as Bdmusat 
 has observed, was intended as a compliment, the dragon 
 being with the Chinese a symbol of what is exalted and 
 not unattended by a mysterious power.* 
 
 On retiring from office Lao-tzu proceeded westward in- 
 tending to pass through the Han-ku-kwan (^^^) to 
 the Kunlun mountains and other distant places. Yin-hsi 
 y^S.\ however, the keeper of the pass, who had known 
 from the state of the weather that a sage was to come his 
 way, recognised Lao-tzu for such and detained him until he 
 had himself learned Tao^ The time came, however, when 
 the two worthies had to part. Lao-tzu informed Yin-hsi 
 that he would have to leave him and go away on a long 
 wandering through the boundless realms of space. Yin-hsi 
 begged earnestly that he might be allowed to go with him— 
 saying that he was prepared to follow the Great Genius 
 through fire and water above the heavens and beneath the 
 earth. Lao-tzu declined the offer, but presented his old 
 friend with five thousand words on Tao and Te. 
 
 The pathetic state of affairs was now rudely interrupted. 
 Just as Lao-tzii was about to take his departure it was found 
 that his old servant Hsu-chia (^ffl), who had attended 
 him for more than two hundred years without pay, seeing 
 Lao-tzii about to set out on an apparently unlimited pil- 
 grimage, demanded payment. The arrears of wages due to 
 him amounted to 7,200,000 cash, and he applied to a friend 
 who got Yin-hsi to speak to the sage. This friend gave his 
 handsome daughter in marriage to Hsu-chia, who was quite 
 
 6 See his M^moire sur la vie &c, de Lao-tseu, ps. 5 & 6. 
 
tAO-TZfi, 19 
 
 delighted -with the arrangement. Just at this time, however, 
 the master appeared and told Chia that he ought to remem- 
 ber from what a poor condition he had been raised, and 
 that he would have been dead long ago had it not been for 
 the charm of long life which had been given to him. He 
 also informed Chia that, as he had previously promised, he 
 had intended to pay the debt in gold on reaching An-hsi 
 i^^r §,), a country which Biot identifies with that* of the 
 Parthians. Yielding to the last vestige of earthly infirniity 
 Lao-tzii became angry and ordered Chia to fall on his face 
 to the ground and open his mouth. The latter could not 
 but obey, he fell to the ground, the charm came forth fresh 
 as when it was swallowed, and Chia lay like a shrivelled 
 mummy. Through the kindness of Yin-hsi, who recognised ■ 
 the miraculous power of Lao-tzu, and knocked bis head on 
 the ground to him, the ungrateful creditor was restored to 
 life by the same wondrous charm. Yin-hsi also paid him 
 on behalf of Lao-tzii the generous sum of 2,000,000 cash, 
 and sent him away. 
 
 Lao-tzu having now settled all his mundane affairs, bade 
 farewell to the keeper of the Pass, telling him that he would 
 return to earth after the lapse of a thousand days and that he 
 would be recognised by the sign of a Ching Yang(^:^), 
 literally, an azure sheep. He then mounted a cloud and 
 soared out of sight of the weeping Yin-hsi in a dazzling glare 
 of light away into the etherial regions, to his home in the 
 heavens. * 
 
 6 One author, however, represents him as travelling far away to the 
 West and becoming again incarnate as Gotama Buddha — see Yuan-chien 
 &c., ch. 317. 
 
20 LAO-TZC. 
 
 CHAPTER III. , 
 
 THE TA0-T£ CHING ^ ^ ^. 
 
 Lao-tzu is said to have died at the age of eighty-one years 
 in B.C. 523,* though, as has been seen, nothing is known 
 positively about the time or manner of his decease. He had, 
 according to historical tradition, on leaving the Hanku Pass, 
 consigned his writings on Tao and TS to Yin-hsi, the guar- 
 dian of the Pass. This latter seems to have transmitted his 
 doctrines to others, more especially to W6n-tzu ('^ "T")) 
 who probably published the first edition of this work known 
 to the public. Some indeed suppose that Lao-tzu did not 
 himself commit anything to writing, and that Yin-hsi merely 
 related orally to WSn-tzu and others what he had been 
 taught orally by the sage. This opinion wiU not seem un- 
 likely, if we consider that the use of paper was at this time 
 unknown and that there were very few facilities of any kind 
 for publishing a book. Others suppose that Wen-tzu was 
 an immediate disciple of Lao-tzu and that he published an ac- 
 count of his master's doctrines after the decease of the latter.* 
 
 1 Le Livre des B^compenses et des Femes &c., par S. Jnlien Avertis- 
 Bement, p. 6. 
 
 2 WSu-hsien &c , oh., 211. 
 
LAO-TZiJ. 21 
 
 In any case, however, it appears certain that for a considerable 
 tiine after the death of its author the work which is now 
 known as the Tao-tg ching remained in at least partial ob- 
 scurity. Mencius does not allude by name to Lao-tzu or 
 his teachings, though he refers on several occasions, and 
 rather unfavorably, to Yang-chu (^Mf^), who is supposed 
 to have been a disciple of the sage. The philosophers 
 Chwang (^) and Lie (^jj), however, contempSkries of 
 Mencius, seem to have been aware of the existence and 
 contents of the Tao-te ching. The latter expressly quotes 
 its words, and both make mention of Lao-tan. 
 
 It has not been ascertained when or by whom its present 
 title was imposed on this book. We find early writers 
 quoting its teachings as those of Hwang-Lao (^? ypf)j ti'** 
 is, of the Emperor Hwang and Lao-tzii. The former lived, 
 or is supposed to have lived, about B.C. 2600, and some 
 parts of the Tao-tl ching are expressly ascribed to him, for 
 example. Chapter VI. is quoted as his. Another title under 
 which this book is referred to by old authors is Lao-tzu-shu 
 ('^^ -f' ^^)j thS't is, the writings of Lao-tzii, and it is not 
 until the time of Emperor W^n C^*^) of the Han dy- 
 nasty, or about B. C. 1 60, that we find the term Tao-tg 
 used. We must remember also that the use of these two 
 words does not indicate that the book treats only of .what 
 is meant by them,^ nor are we to imagine that the former 
 part of the work refers exclusively to TS. The first word of 
 
 3 See Lie-tzii's Chung-hsu-chgn-ohmg (/If'jBg jH.^) Tieu-sui 
 ( ^ J^) ch. wheTe it forms part of a quotation from Hwang Ti'a 
 writings. 
 
 4 See Julian's Tao-te-king, p. zxxiii. 
 
 5 Hsii Ta-ch'iln's Preface to his edition of the Tao-t6 ching. 
 
22 laotTzC. 
 
 the former part of the hook is Tao, and the first important 
 word of the latter portion is TS, and these two were simply 
 combined in order to form, a designation for the whole, ac- 
 cording to the usual Chinese custom.* Hiiian-tsung (" i> 
 ^), an Emperor of the T'ang dynasty, who reigned iu the 
 early part of the 8th century of our era, besides several 
 other innovations, gave a separate name to each part of this 
 book, cAng the former part the Tao-ohing and the latter 
 the .TS-ching.' These appellations, however, are seldom, if 
 ever, used, and the work is now universally known as the 
 Tao-te ching. From the words of Confucius it might even 
 with some degree of probability be inferred that abeady in 
 his time the name Tao-t§ was used, the term Ching or 
 classic, being, of course, a much later addition and given by 
 way of respect. 
 
 From the naming of the book I now proceed to the con- 
 siderations of the way in which it has been divided. Szii 
 Ma-ohien simply says that Lao-tzu made a book in two parts, 
 containing more than five thousand characters, and setting 
 forth the signification of Tao and TS. Ch'ao, however, says 
 that the work contained 5,748 words in eighty-one chapters. 
 The original division was probably only one into two parts ; 
 afterwards, however, these were subdivided into chapters. 
 The number of these latter composing the entire book varies 
 considerably. Some editors make fifty-five chapters ; some 
 make sixty-four ; some, and notably Wu-ch'Sng, make sixty- 
 eight ; and some seventy-two. The most usual number, 
 
 6 See Wu-Ch'Ing's (i^'^) Tao-t6 ohing, ch. 1. 
 
 7 Hsu Ta-chun's edition, Prolegomena 2. This statement, however, 
 cannot be verified. 
 
 8 See Hsii Xa-ch'un as above. 
 
tAO-TZC. 23 
 
 however, is eighty-one, and this is said to be' sanctioned by 
 the old and venerable authority of Ho-shang-kung(j^_F ^) 
 of the Han dynasty. The Taoists are very fond of the num- 
 ber three and its multiples, and this particular multiple, 
 eighty-one, is assdciated in tradition with Lao-tzii'a birth 
 and the years of his life, and there is perhaps no greater 
 reason for preferring this to any other division. 
 
 To Ho-shang-kung is ascribed also the addition of a title 
 to each of the eighty-one chapters. These titles consist of 
 two characters each, giving an- epitome of the contents of 
 the chapter, and they resemble the headings of chapters and 
 sections in our own books. Many editors, however, reject 
 these inventions of Ho-shang-kung, and use the ordinary 
 Chinese method of distinguishing each chapter by its first 
 two characters. This is considered the more decorous me- 
 thod, as the other seems to be supplementing the author. 
 
 I come now to the text of the Tao-t^ ching, and here the 
 most bewildering uncertainty and confusion are found. Some 
 editors, wishing to have the number of characters as little as 
 possible beyond five thousand, have cut them off apparently 
 at pleasure, and without much regard for the sense of the 
 author. Others have pursued a contrary course, and re- 
 tained or added characters in order apparently to make out 
 what they deemed to be the true meaning of any particular 
 passage. This conduct has occasioned great variations in 
 the text, and consequently great uncertainty as to what 
 Lao-tzu actually wrote or taught. Sometimes one editor, 
 by the suppression of, a negative particle or a word of inter- 
 rogation, gives to a passage a meaning unlike or even opposed 
 to that which another editor by the insertion of this charac- 
 ter gives to the same passage. But not only do different 
 editions of this book vary as to insertion and rejection of 
 
 / 
 
24 LAO-TZU. 
 
 •words: they also differ as to the mode of writing many of 
 those actually employed. Words written in similar manners, 
 or of similar sound, but with widely different significations, 
 frequently replace one another; and not unfrequently cha- 
 racters totally different in sound, appearance, and meaning 
 aie found substituted one for another in the same passage. 
 Hence the number of various readings is exceedingly great, 
 and the meaning of many passages at least very doubtful. 
 One edition gives in the introduction an account of some of 
 the variations in the text, which occupies a considerable 
 number of pages ; while another edition gives only a text 
 accompanied by various readings. 
 
 The next point to be considered is the style of our author. 
 This is perhaps the most terse and concise ever employed. 
 There is little, if any, grace or elegance about it : and most 
 of the chapters seem to be merely notes or texts for philo- 
 sophical discourses. They ^re composed of short and often 
 enigmatical or paradoxical sentences — not in verse, as has been 
 asserted* — and with a connexion either very slight or not at 
 aU perceptible. Much of the present obscurity may be due 
 to the antiquity of the language and the uncertainty about 
 the proper reading; but much is also due ^o the brief enig- 
 matical manner in whitjh the author has expressed himself. 
 Many Chinese regard the style as profound and suggestive, 
 and so, no doubt, it is ; but we can never get at the bottom 
 of the meaning, nor imagine all that is suggested. 
 
 Connected with the obscurity of the style, and indeed 
 contributing largely towards it, is the nature of the topics 
 discussed. The origin of the universe, and man's place and 
 destiny in it as an individual, a member of society, and a 
 
 9 Pauthier, CUne, p. iii. 
 
LAO-Tzij. 25 
 
 conscious part of nature, are subjects whicli in all ages and 
 in all countries have puzzled the minds of thoughtful men, 
 and it is of these and similar matters that Lao-tzu principally 
 treats. Such subjects, even when discussed in a clear and 
 plain style and with a rich language, are found to be dif- 
 ficult of elucidation ; and how much more so must they be 
 when discussed in short enigmatical sentences? Lao-tzii, 
 like all other philosophers who live and write in the infancy of 
 a literary language, had only a very imperfect medium through 
 which to communicate his doctrines. The language of his 
 time was rude and imperfecj, utterly unfit to express the 
 deep thoughts of a meditative mind, and hence it could at 
 best but " half reveal and half conceal the soul within." 
 
 The genuineness and sources of this book are also difficult 
 of investigation, and it is perhaps impossible to ascertain the 
 truth about them with any accuracy. As has been seen, a 
 portion is ascribed to the semi-fabulous Emperor Hwang, 
 and Lao-tzu is sometimes represented as merely transmitting 
 this emperor's doctrines. Chapter XXXI. has been declared 
 spurious, and a portion of Chapter XXVIL is found first in 
 Ho-shang-kung's edition. "^ The beginning of the now famous 
 Chapter XIV. is very similar to the words ascribed to the 
 predecessor of the Emperor Hwang, namely the Emperor Ten 
 (^^, by the philosopher Chwang. R^musat and Pauthier 
 consider the main doctrines of the Tao-te ching to be derived 
 from Western sources. The former asks — Di,d Lao-tzu learn 
 them from the Jews or from some oriental sect jinknown to 
 us ? ^ but the illustrious savant was unable to give a sa- 
 tisfactory answer. The learned Pauthier thinks that Lao- 
 
 1 W6n-hsien &c., ch. 211. 
 
 2 M^moire &c., p. 49. 
 
26 LAO-TZ'B'. 
 
 tzii borrowed his doctrines either from the writings of some 
 of the ancient Chinese sages or from some Indian philoso- 
 phers.' la Ma-tuan-lin's great work a short account is 
 given of all ancient worthy named Yii-hsuing (^P^b)) who 
 served the celebrated. WSn-wang, and who must accordingly 
 have flourished about B.C. 1150.* This man seems to have 
 anticipated Lao-tzii in certain doctrines, but we have very 
 little information about him, and what we have can scarcely 
 be called reliable. Lao-tzu never alludes to a previous au- 
 thor; but there cannot be much doubt, I think, that he was 
 well acquainted with the history and traditions of his country. 
 We may probably now understand the nature of the 
 difficulties attending the reading and interpreting of the 
 Tao-tg Ching, of which western writers have complained. 
 Julien speaks of it as "cet cuvrage memorable qu'on regarde 
 avec raison comme le plus profond, le plus abstrait et le plus 
 difficile de toute la litt^rature Chinoise."^ Eemusat and 
 Pauthier have written in a similar manner, and the study 
 of a few pages of the work will show how real are the 
 difficulties of which they complain. But it is not to foreign 
 students alone that these difficulties are perplexing ; they 
 are so to the native student also. Some of its editors are 
 accused not only of not appreciating its spirit, but even of 
 not understanding its language. 
 
 The number of those who have edited and commented on 
 this work is very great, embracing Buddhists, Taoists, and 
 Confucianists. The curious reader will find a list of many 
 of these in the Observations D6taoh6es prefixed to Julien'a 
 
 3 Chine Modeme, p.f 350, and Chine, p. 95 &c. 
 
 i Ch., 211. 
 
 5 Tao-tS ching, p. ii. 
 
I,AO-TZ'&. 27 
 
 tSratislation. To this list many more names might be added, 
 l)ut it includes nearly all the useful and well known edi- 
 tions. It is only necessary here to enumerate a few of the 
 more important and celebrated editions, and those which ai^ 
 apparently not mentioned by Julian and which have come- 
 under my notice. 
 
 1. The Tao-t^-ching-chu (^fS^^li) by Ho-shang- 
 kung, or as Ma-tuan-lin names the book, Ho-Shang- Kung- 
 Chu-Lao-tzu, may be regarded- as the earliest edition of 
 which we have now any exact information. This Ho-shang- 
 kung lived in the second- century B. C, during the reign of 
 King W§n ("^'S') of the Han dynasty. He derived his 
 name from his living as a studious hermit on the bank of a 
 river in a grass-made hut, and neither his original name nop 
 anything else' scarcely is known of him, though Julien calls- 
 him "Lo-ehin-kongi" To him, as has been seen, is ascribed^ 
 the division of Lao-tzu's book into eighty-one chapters, as 
 also the addition of the two.-word heading of each chapter; 
 The original work is said to- have been- long- since lost, and 
 the professed reprints are now generally regarded as spuri- 
 ous. Many modern editions, however, present what they 
 designate Ho-shang-kung's text, and Julien seems to regard 
 himself as possessing the genuine commentary. The editioa 
 of the Tao-tg Ching, which- forms the first volume in the- 
 She-tzii-ch'uan-shu {-\'-^^^) published during the 
 reign of Chia-Ch'ing. of the present dynasty, professes to give 
 Ho-shang-kung's text, revised by two- scholars of the Ming 
 dynasty. Later editors are divided in their opinions of th& 
 merits of the recluse's commentary and- arrangement of the 
 text. Some regard the commentary as a fair exponent of 
 Lao-tzii's teachings, while others — and these I think the 
 majority — regard it as very bad and evincing an ignorance 
 
28 LAO-TZU. 
 
 of the author's meaning. The text which is ascribed to him 
 seems to be freer from obscurities than that of some later 
 editions, but he is accused of having taken great liberties 
 with the words of the original. 
 
 2. The edition of Wang-Pi i'^'^)- This man was 
 the author of the Lao-tzu-liao-lun C;^"?'^^-!^); accord- 
 ing to Ch'ao. He. was a naMye of Shan-yang (jjj^') in 
 the time of the Chin dynasty, which reigned over China in 
 the third and fourth centuries of our era.* His style was 
 Szii-fu r^BJra)) and he was an early and devoted student 
 of Lao-tzii. Besides this, and that he wrote a commentary 
 on the Tao-tS chin, and one on the Yi-ching, and died at 
 the early age of twenty-four, much regretted by his sove- 
 reign, we kno\f little about Wang-PL The text which he 
 gives in his edition is very good, and his notes are very 
 brief. They are, however, in some cases almost as difficult 
 to comprehend as the passages they are intended to explainj 
 though their author is regarded by many as a better student 
 of Lao-tzii than Ho-shang-kung, and Mr Wylie says that 
 his commentary is " generally esteemed for its depth of 
 thought and chasteness of diction."' He also divided the 
 work into eighty-one chapters. In the 40th year of Chite- 
 lung, or in 1775, a revised edition of this work was printed 
 in the palace, under the caie of three mandarins, who 
 have written a neat little preface to the book. This edition 
 is valuable as giving the variations of Wang-Pi's notes 
 which appeared in the great Encyclopedia known as Yung- 
 lo-ta-tien (W^^-Jr^). 
 
 3. The Tao-tgching-shi-yi (^^^3^^). This 
 
 6 See the Shang-yu-lu (^^^, Ch. 9, art, ^. 
 1 Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 179. 
 
LAo-Tzir. 29 
 
 was the work of Lii-yen ( Q ^ ), better known as Lu-T'ung- 
 p'in or Lii-tsu, a famous Taoist of the T'ang dynasty. His 
 commentary is very diffuse, and does not tend very much to 
 give a clear conception of Lao-tzu's views. Many Chinese 
 scholars, however, believe that the genuine work is not 
 extant, and that all the editions purporting to be from his 
 pen are spurious. Lii-yen was also the editor of a Taoist 
 book written by a celebrated individual of the Han dynasty, 
 and he was the author of a number of original pieces. He 
 was promoted to the rank of a Genius, and he is enrolled 
 as one of the Pa-hsien (/V'flll)' °^ Eight Genii, under the 
 style Shun-yang-chgn-jen (jfe^'^fi^) j ^nd in the 29th 
 year of Kang-hsi, Mou-Mu-yuen (^ Q '^) published an 
 edition of the Tao-tg Ching purporting to be a revised edition 
 of this man's work. It is a very useful book, giving in addi- 
 tion to the commentary a list of various readings, the sounds 
 of the rare or doubtful characters, and other valuable infor- 
 mation. This is the edition, apparently, to which Julien 
 refers as a work "publi^e en 1690 par Chun-yang-tchin-jin 
 qui renferme toutes les reveries des Tao-sse modernes."* I 
 cannot understand, however, how a sinologue of M. Julien'3 
 erudition could mistake the date of the famous Lii-T'ung-pin 
 or forget that he was identical with Shun-yang-ehgn-jen, 
 A new edition of Mou-Mu-yuen's book was published 
 in the 14th year of Chia-ch'ing (1809; by Tsou-Hsu-k'un 
 
 4. The edition with notes by Su-Che C^|^)> ^ ^^^^' 
 tion of the famous poet and author of the Sung dynasty, 
 named Su also. Che, or as he is also called Tsii-yu, seems 
 to have been an eclectic philosopher, and he has incurred 
 
 8 Tao te, &o. Observations D^tacWes, p. xxxix. 
 
30 LAO-TZU. 
 
 severe, 'censure from rigid Corifucianists for daring io pre- 
 sume that the doctrines of Sh&kyaimiai and Lao-tzii couM 
 resemble those of their Master. His commentary is written 
 ■in a liberal and generous spirit, and shews, besides, a conai- 
 ■derable amount of reading, much in advance of ordinary 
 ■Chinese authors. 
 
 5. Another edrtiou of iihe Tao-t^ Ching, published during 
 •the Sung dynasty, was that of Lu-Tung4ai '(H^^^) or 
 Tsu-ch'ien (i{i§_g^), also known as Pei-kung ('fA:^)- He 
 was a very learned Confucianist, -and wrote, along with other 
 •works, an exoelient commentary on the Ch'un-ish'iu (^^^^) 
 ■of Confucius. 
 
 '6. The Tao-tg-chgn-ching-chu <^f^fij^gi) by 
 Wu-Ch'gng (-^'Z^)- This man was a native of Lin-chieaa- 
 hsi^en (ptg Fjjl^) in Kiangsi, and lived "nnder the Yuan or 
 Mongol dynasty. He divided the Tao-te Ching into sixty- 
 <eight chapters by putting, in several instances, two or more 
 ■of the ordinary chapters into one. His commentary is one 
 ■of the best and of Ae most popular among the Chinese 
 ■literati. Iliis is partly owing to the fact that Wu-Chgng 
 ■was also a well-known Confucianist and a commentator on 
 the classics. His style was Yu-oh'ing (^fj '^), and it as 
 «nder the name Oi-yeou-thsing that JuMen makes mention 
 •of liiiii. In Chin^ese books he is also frequently quoted as 
 ^s'uo-lu (^ Jj,^). A new edition of Wu-Ch'Ing's excellent 
 work appealed in the eighth year of Chia-ch'ing ("1803,) 
 •with a preface by Chang-Wln-ping, and another edition with 
 a short supplement appeared in the reign of the late emperor. 
 
 7. Under the Ming dynasty there were several good. 
 ■editions of this work published, but I have been able to 
 obtain only two of them. The Tao-t§-hsing-ming-ch'ien-chi 
 '^jMif^'^^fO^-^ '^^^ published during the reign of 
 
tAO-Tzd, 31 
 
 Yung-lo in the first quarter of the 15th century. The editor 
 does not reveal his name but uses a nom de giierre, and I 
 have not succeeded in ascertaining anything about his history. 
 The commentary which he has written is very useful, and 
 evinces a careful study of his author and a familiar acquaint- 
 ance with Chinese literature. The text and the headings of 
 the Chapters are said to be after Ho-shang-kung, and the 
 number of the chapters is eighty-one. 
 
 8. The Tao-te-hsing-ming-hou-chi (^ ^'^^^^) 
 appeared in the reign of Chia-ching (^S-Wm) of the same 
 dynasty, and nearly a century after the above edition. The 
 author of this commentary was Chu-Ch'en-hung (;^ "^^Ht), 
 a relative of the royal family, and a military viceroy with 
 full powers for some time. His notes are short and not of . 
 great utility, but he occasionally introduces quotations from 
 early writers illustrative of passages in Lqo-tzii's teachings, 
 and he seems to have been a man of no mean literary 
 attainments. 
 
 9. The Tao-t§ Ching, with Prolegomena and Commentary 
 by HsU-Ta-ch'un (f^;^/]"^), was published in 1760. Ta- 
 ch'un's style was Ling-t'ai (^»^p)) and he was born in 
 Wu-chiang-hsien (i?-/]!/^) i^i the department of Soochow, 
 in the reign of Yungcheng. He was well-known during 
 his life as an accomplished scholar, and a writer on medicine 
 and other subjects. His commentary on the Tao-t6 Ching 
 is to be reckoned among the most useful of all the com- 
 mentaries that have hitherto appeared. He speaks very 
 slightingly of previous editors, more especially of Ho-shang- 
 kung, and he advertises his readers that he has not 
 stolen anything from his predecessors, but has studied his 
 author. Mr. Wylie says that Ta-ch'un in this commentary, 
 "in a concise and lucid style, developes his ideas on the 
 
32 LAO-TZU. 
 
 work of La6u-tze, extolling it atove the Confucian 
 Classics.'* 
 
 10. The Tao-tS-ching-k'ao-yi (^^^"^ ^) ^y 
 Pi-Yuan (S-VJCX ^ ^^S^ oificer under Chien-lung. He 
 published this work in the forty-sixth year of this reign 
 (1781) in two volumes, and with the chapters divided in 
 the usual manner. The text which he gives is that settled 
 by Fu-yi (^&^E), an imperial annalist during the T'ang 
 dynasty, and his notes Consist almost exclusively of an 
 enumeration of the variations presented by previous editions. 
 Mr Wylie speaks of it as " a very excellent examination of 
 the purity of the text, but- it is scarcely so much as a 
 statement of the various readings, with an occasional attempt 
 at explanation or reconciliation. 
 
 11. The Lao-tzu^ts'an-chu ( ^ f ^ |^)- Of this Mr. 
 Wylie writes ; — .'' A critical exposition of the work (that is, 
 of the Tao-tS Ching) was written by f^TCJS E YuSn-t'i,a 
 in 1816, entitled the ^"^^gi La6u-tsz^-ts'an-cho6."2 
 
 Appended to several editions of the Tao-t§ Ching is a 
 small tract bearing the name Yin-fu Ching (P^^^sf^?)) *hat 
 is, as explained by one author, the Classic of the Secret Tally. 
 It contains only a few sentences, generally obscure and 
 enigmatical, bearing on subjects similar to those treated of 
 by Lao-tzfi. The author of the work is unknown, and some 
 refer it to the ancient Hwang-Ti (about B. C. 2630), while 
 
 others bring it down so late as Li-Ch'uan (^^) of the 
 
 9 Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 173. I have failed, however, to 
 verify the concluding part of the sentence. 
 1 Notes, &c , p. 173. 
 g Notes, &c., p. 174. 
 
LAO-TZU. 33 
 
 T'ang dynasty.^ It seems more probable, however, that it 
 was written by T'ai-kung {'^^), who is also known as 
 as Lu-wang (g ^) and ChiJing-shang (^^|p^). He was 
 feudal chief of the principality of Ch'i {^■), and lived under 
 kings WSn and Wu of the Chou dynasty (about B. C. 1150 
 to 1120). Szu-ma-ch'ien* mentions the book under the 
 title Chou-shu-yin-fu (^ ^ l^'^)' ^ having been studied 
 by Su-Ch'in (™c^S)) a famous general about the time of 
 Mencius, who attained to the high position of chief minister 
 for six of the seven states then contending ; hence he is 
 frequently spoken of as Liu-kuo-hsiang (aS(H/|6)- '^^ 
 Yin-fu-Ching forms part of the curious book called the Mag- 
 netic Needle ('{jg^^'^)) where the text is accompanied 
 with very interesting notes. 
 
 3 Notes, &c., p. 173. 
 
 4 SH-ohi, Ch. 8. 
 
34 LAO-TZU. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 GENERAL VIEW OF LAO-TZtJ'S TEACHINGS. 
 
 Before proceeding to examine in detail the doctrines of 
 the Tao-te Ching, I shall briefly indicate their general nature; 
 and by way of preface, to my own remarks, I now present to 
 the reader the statements of two critics of different countries, 
 and of rather widely separated dates. One of these, Chu-hsi 
 ;:3s;-&) a Chinese philosopher who lived in the 12th cen- 
 tury, says: — "Lao-tzu's scheme of philosophy consists in mo- 
 desty, self-emptiness, the saving of one's powers, and the 
 refusal in all circumstances to agitate the bodily humours 
 and spirits. Lao-tzii's learning consists, generally speaking, 
 in being void of desires, quiet, and free , from exertion — in 
 being self-empty, retiring, and self-controlling (lit., self-keep- 
 ing) in actual life. Accordingly, what his words are ever 
 inculcating Is to have in outward deportment a gentle ten- 
 derness and modesty, and to be at the core void of all selfish- 
 ness, and unhurtful to all things in the world." ^ The other 
 critic, a French philosopher still living, says: — "La concep- 
 tion de Lao-tseu est un Eationalisme pantheistique absolu 
 dans lequel le monde sensible est considere comme la cause 
 
 1 Collected Writings, ch. 58. 
 
iAO-TZU. 35 
 
 fSe toutes les imperfections et de toutes les miseres, et la 
 personality humaine comme un mode inferieur et passager 
 'du grand &tre, -de la grande Uv/ke, t[iti est I'origine et la fin 
 <3e tous ies Etres. EUe a, comme nous I'avons d^j^ dit ailleurs 
 iune grande analogie avec le syst^me de VIdentite absoltie de 
 Schelling, 11 y a cette difference, cependant, que la concep- 
 tion du premier n'est enquelque sorte qa'k I'^tat rudimentaire, 
 ■comme la civilization de son ^poque, tandis que le syst^me du 
 dernier embrasse tous les progres que la pensee pbilosophi- 
 •que a fait pendant plus de deux mille ans d'incessants et 
 souvent d'infructueus labeurs."^ I am unable to coincide 
 perfectly wilii the opinions of the above critics, especially 
 with those of the latter ; and I shall probably refer to them 
 ■again. There is at least one respect in which the -writings 
 of Lao-tzii resemble those of Schelling — that is, in being 
 •frequently quite unintelligible to all ordinary mortals. 
 
 Pauthier, however, seems to have observed what the Chi- 
 nese critic apparently failed to notice — namely, that all Lao- 
 •tzii's teachings are the elucidation and development of his 
 idea of the relations between something which he names Tao 
 and the Universe. In taking a general view of Lao-tzii's 
 philosophy, this is the first observation I have to make : — It 
 is a system which refers all things to Tao, as the ultimate 
 ideal unity of the universe. The sum of the Tao-te Ching may 
 be said to be that Tao originated all things, is the everlasting 
 model of rule for all things, and that into it all things are 
 finally absorbed. It behoves us then, at the outset, to en- 
 deavour to ascertain what that is which Lao-tzii designates 
 by this name, and to find some sort of an equivalent for it 
 in our own language, if possible. 
 
 2 Cliine Moderne, p. 351. 
 
36 LAO Tzij. 
 
 Now the character Tao^^^ is used in several very different 
 senses iu the Tao-te Ghing. (1) It is used in the sense of the 
 way or means of doing a thing.* (2) In some passages it 
 means to speak of or describe.* (3) It is used in the sense 
 of the course — ^literal and metaphorical — characteristic of 
 and pursued by Heaven, Earth, the perfect man, &c.* This 
 usage of the word is common to Lao-tzii with the Confucianists 
 and all other Chinese writers. In some places also it seems 
 to be used in the sense of good principles — truth — as in Con- 
 fucianist writings. {See Ch. 46.J. (4) There is the trans- 
 cendental use of the word, perhaps originated by Lao-tzii,* 
 but at least chiefly transmitted through him. It is with Too 
 used in this last sense alone that we have to deal at nresent, 
 and I shall accordingly now give a sketch of 'La,o-wa!s own 
 account of the Too which has given a name to his pjbilosophy, 
 
 Tao, then, is something which existed before Mea,ven and 
 earth were, before Deity was, and which is, ind^aa, eternal.^ '7 
 It has not any name really,* and it never had/a name ; but 
 Lao-tzii feels himself obliged to devise an epithet for it, 
 and he adopts the word Too, This word, hoijlrever, is not to 
 be taken in any of its ordinary significationsL^ but is used 
 in a peculiar sense, to denote that which would otherwise be 
 nameless. This Tao cannot be apprehended by any of the 
 
 3 Ch. 59. \ 
 
 4 Ch. 1. This passage is, hpwever, also rendered |according to the 
 metaphor of a road. See Wu-ch'gng's note. ^ ~ , [ « " <" 
 
 5 Chs. 47, 49, 73, 77, :_^t //;'"" 
 
 6 See Ch. 25. ' ' A '■ ,. -. 
 
 7 Chs. 25, 26. ^\^y V 
 
 8 Ch. 41. 
 
 9 Ch. 1. The word ch'ang l*^), however, may mean lasting, eternal. 
 
LAO-MlJ. 37 
 
 iDodily senses. It is profound, mysteriom, and extremely 
 subtle. Kepresented as existing eternally, it is in its nature 
 calm, void, solitary, and unchanging ;^ but represented as 
 in operation, it revolves through the universe of being, acting 
 everywhere, but acting " mysteriously, spontaneously, and 
 without effort." It contains matter, and an inherent power 
 of production ; and though itself formless, it yet comprehends 
 all possible forms. It is the ultimate cause of the universe, 
 and it is the model or rule for all creatures, but chiefly for 
 man.* It represents also that ideal state of perfection in 
 which all things acted harmoniously and spontaneously, and 
 when good and evil were unknown ; and the return to which 
 constitutes the summum bonum of existence.' Lao-tzu speaks 
 of the Too under various metaphors — ^it is the spirit of the 
 void* (lit., spirit of the valley) — a hollow utensil* — a river 
 or ocean* — a parent* — a ruler.^ We will have more to 
 say of this Tao shortly ; but the above will perhaps suiSce 
 for the present to give an idea of what meaning Lao-tzu at- 
 
 1 Chs. 14, 35. 
 
 2 Ch. 1, &e. 
 
 3 Ch. 25. 
 
 4 Chs. 25, 37. 
 
 5 Chs. 14, 21. 
 
 6 Chs. 1, 51. 
 
 7 See chs. 18, 38. 
 
 8 Ch. 6. The character /^ is, however, also rendered otherwis* in 
 this page. See Yi-yuan's edition and that in the -I— -+' .^- ^&. 
 
 9 Ch. i. 
 
 1 Ch. 32. 2 Chs. 24, 52.. 
 
 3 Ch. 51. The Tao is also, however, said not to rule over tha world 
 See oh. 34, 
 
88- lAO-T-ZTr. 
 
 tac&ed to tTie word, or rather,, it should be- saM, th«- meanv 
 ings ; for he does not seem to- have had in his mind a very 
 clear conception of what Tao actually was. 
 
 The next thing we have to do is to endeavour to find a? 
 word which, will translate Tao in this, its transcendental use — 
 a matter of no easy accomplishment. Pauthier, as has been- 
 seen, renders it by "Grande vote da monde," by "Eaison- 
 supreme universelle :'' he also^ sometimes Speafcsof it simply- 
 as " Eaison"* or " Logos." E^musat^' also- renders it by 
 " Logos" or " Raison ;" and it is by the term- " Raison" or>- 
 " Logos" that English writers translate the character Ta(r 
 when it refers to the peculiar doctrines of Lao-tzii and his 
 real or pretended followers. Julien, however, dissents from' 
 this interpretation, and rightly I think. After giving aa 
 account of Tao as taught by the Taoists themselves,- he says :^ 
 " II parait done impossible de le (i.e.,- Tao) prendre pour la> 
 raison, primordiale, pour Vintelligenoe suhlime qui a cr^6 et qui 
 r^git le monde." It is with great hesitation and reluc- 
 tance, however, that I find myself unable to adopt Julien's 
 .own translation — " Voie;" or AVay. I quite agree with him- 
 as to the reason for not adopting the term Eeason — namely,- 
 that Tao as represented by Lao-tzu is devoid of thought, 
 judgment, and intelligence (as ta action, Lao-tzii is appa- 
 rently not quite consistent -with himself.) Thus it is quite- 
 impossible to make it identical with the Logos of Pla-to, and' 
 almost absurd to identify it with the divine Logos of the- 
 Neoplatonists of Alexandria. But I do not think that the- 
 
 4 Chine Moderne, p. 351. 
 
 5 Mflanges Posthumes, p. 167, and in the Melanges Asiatiques-. Seff 
 
 also Jnlien's Introduction, p. xii. 
 
 6 Introdnotiom, p. xiu. 
 
LAO-TZU. 3SC 
 
 word way is the best we can use to translate Too, and this 
 for several reasons. A way implies a way-maker apart from 
 and antecedent to it, but Tao was before all other existences. 
 Again, when Lao-tzu speaks of it as indeterminate, as pro- 
 found, and finally as producing, nourishing, and absorbing 
 the universe, these terms can scarcely be applied to a way, 
 however metaphorically used. Julien says: — "Le sens de 
 Fo«e, que je donne au mot 2^5(0 ^, r^sulte clairement des 
 passages suivants de Lao-tsea : ' Si j'etais dou6 de quelque 
 prudence, je marcherais dans le grand Tad ("dans la grande 
 Voie). — Le grand Tao est trfes-uni (la grande Voie est tres- 
 unie), mais le peuple aime les sentiers (ch. LIU)." "Le Tao 
 peut ^tre regards comme la mere de I'univers. Je ne connais 
 pas son nom ; pour le qualifier, je I'appelle le Tao ou la Vote 
 (ch. XXV"). Now in the former of the two cases here 
 cited the expression ta tao ~TCV^ means, I think, the great 
 course of duty which all men ought to pursue, but especially 
 those who are in authority — the way of the magistrate or 
 ruler ; an interpretation which seems to be supported by the 
 rest of the chapter, though some of the commentators seem 
 to be of the same opinion with Julien. It is to be observ- 
 ed that this scholar translates the words " ta tao" by " la 
 grande Voie," but in the same chapter renders the words "fei 
 tao tsai" ^k iM oE simply by "ce n'est point pratiquer le Tao.^' 
 The chapter from which the latter of the above two passages 
 is cited by Julien also seems to require another word than 
 way to translate Tao, and the same remark applies to the 
 occurrence of the word in several other places throughout 
 
 7 Introduction, p. xiii. 
 
 8 See Wu-ch'gng's note to the passage. 
 
40 tAO TZfj. 
 
 the Tao-te Ching.^ We may say of the Too, as " Voie" or 
 ' Way, that it revolves everywhere ; but we can scarcely speak 
 of it as being parent of the Universe- — the first and highest 
 existence. Way or road is, no doubt, one of the earliest 
 meanings of the character Tao, and that which underlies many 
 of its other uses. Nor is it very difficult to trace its progress 
 from the perfectly concrete course or channel, and the abstract 
 line or guide, to the ideal path or course which universal 
 nature eternally and unchangingly pursues. What Lao-tzQ 
 does, as it seems to me, is to identify Nature and her 
 ideal course ; and as he could find no more general word 
 whereby to express this ultimate ideal unity, he uses the 
 word Tao to designate it, just as a mathematician uses x to 
 eapress an unknown quantity. 
 
 In order to appreciate Lao-tzii's system properly, we must 
 substitute for Tao a word corresponding as closely as possible 
 to it in width of meaning and vagueness of association. It 
 bears a somewhat close analogy to the Apeiron of the old 
 Ionic philosopher Anaximander ; but the Indeterminate or 
 the Indefinite is rather an awkward word to be frequently 
 using, and we do not know enough of Anaximander's system 
 to warrant us in substituting the Apeiron for Tao. In modern 
 times, again, the Substance in Spinoza's philosophy, and the 
 Absolute in ScheUing's, resemble it in many points; but 
 neither could serve as a proper translation. I have accord- 
 ingly determined to express Too by our word Nature, using 
 it in its widest and most abstract sense — " great creating 
 Nature." But I do not wish to be understood as implying 
 that this word corresponds exactly to Tao — ^fai from it. I 
 use it simply as in my opinion the nearest approach we can 
 
 9 E. g., ohs. 16, 14, &c. 
 
get.* So, tlien, we may say of Lao-tzu's system Aat it refers 
 all matter and spirit in the universe to one original Nature,; 
 from which they both originated, by which they are main- 
 tained, and into which they are to be finally absorbed. This 
 is the first general observation t have to make on his phi- 
 losophy. 
 
 Again, Lao-tzii's philosophy is eminently an ethical or 
 rather a politico-ethical system. All his teachings aim at 
 making man a better individual, and a better member of 
 society. Whatever the subject be on which he discourses, 
 there is'generally a moral allusion or a moral lesson taught 
 in allegory ; and the high value which he assigns to moral 
 excellence above all showy accomplishments deserves our 
 greatest commendation, even though we dissent from his 
 disparaging view of intellectual acquirements. He appeals 
 more to the heart than to the mind — more to the Hebraistic 
 side of our nature than to the Hellenistic (to use Mr. Mat- 
 thew Arnold's language) ; and the Tao-te ching is more a 
 book of skeleton sermons than a book of "reasoned truth." 
 The intellect, indeed, is not only depressed ; but is even 
 sometimes spoken of unfavourably, as opposed to the bene- 
 ficial operation of Nature (Taa) on men's hearts. 
 
 Fiirther, the system of Lao-tzii is one purely speculative, 
 and a priori (in the Kantian sense). There is in it no 
 gathering of facts — ^no questioning of nature — no rising from 
 particular facts or truths .of greater and greater generality. 
 There is, in short, little or nothing of the spirit of the 
 inductive philosophy of modern times to be found in the 
 
 1 There are several passages in the T<w-te cUng where Nature conli 
 not be used to translate Tao ; but this may in some cases arise from the 
 fact that Lao-tzii's conceptiou of Nature was very different from ours. 
 
42/ LAO Tzrg. 
 
 Tao-te ching. It "noMy takes the a priori' road," begin-" 
 ning with the universal cause, and coming down to particular 
 facts ; frames hypotheses about nature and morals, and tries 
 to make existing circumstances conform to them. This is 
 the character, however, which it has in common with nearly 
 all early systems of philosophy, and even with some of very 
 modern times. An utterly wrong method we believe it to be; 
 but we can easily forgive it in Lao-tzii, when we- take into 
 consideration the circumstances amid which he lived, and 
 the nature and amount of the materials at his hand. , 
 
 The last characteristic of Lao tzii's teachings to which I 
 shall allude at present is that they are all imbued with a 
 genial and sympathetic spirit, regarding man not merely as 
 an individual, and not merely as a member of human society, 
 but also a citizen of the universe, if I may use the expression. 
 Modesty, gentleness, forbearance, and self-denial are his 
 constant watchwords. He ever inculcates on man, especially 
 in bis highest development, a sympathy not only with his 
 fellow men, but also with all the creatures of the earth, and 
 even with inanimate nature. This doctrine results, no doubt, 
 from the leading idea that all owe their origin to the one 
 all producing, all nourishing nature ; and it is a doctrine of 
 which Lao-tzii seems to have been very fond. He frequently 
 alludes to it as the duty and advantage of man to be hiunblp, 
 gentle, and never striving ; and he utterly abhors the idea 
 of violence, and the ostentation of superiority. He goes to 
 excess, however, I think, in his notions about a peaceful, 
 non-interfering mode of life ;" and carries his doctrine of the 
 imitation of Nature (Too) to unwarranted lengths. 
 
 Having thus described generally the nature of the teach- 
 ings of the Tao-te ching, I shall now proceed to examine them 
 more in detail. In doing so it will-be convenient to consider 
 
i,Ao-Tzir, 4S 
 
 them imder the three leading divisions of Speculiative Phy* 
 sies, Polities and Ethics. I must,, however,, beg pardon of 
 the pale shade of their author for doing so, as I am certain 
 that be would not sanction thds division ; and at the same 
 time I must forewarn the reader that he is not to think that 
 subjects in Ms opinion appertaining to these three depart- 
 ments are kept rigorously distinct. Lao-tzii, like Plato and 
 some other philosophers, makes Physics and Politics subor- 
 dinate parts of Ethics — the grand, all embracing study. So. 
 when reading in the Tao-te ching, about matters which we- 
 regard as belonging peculiarly to one or other of these 
 divisions, we must endeavour to regard them from Lao-tzu's 
 point of view — viz., as part of one universal,, all containing 
 nature. If we leave out the important word which I enclose 
 in brackets, and substitute some such word as yet or stdl, we 
 find in the writings of a great English poet of the 18th cen- 
 tury sentiments very similar to those of the Chinese sage 
 ■who lived more than two thousand years before him :— 
 
 " AJl are but parts of one stupendoiu whole, 
 
 Whose body nature is, and [God] the soul ; 
 . That, changed through all,, and yet in all the same ; 
 
 Great in the earth, as in the ethereal frame ; 
 
 Warms in the sun, refreshes in the breeze. 
 
 Glows in the stars, and blossoms in the trees, 
 
 Lives through all 1^, extends through all extent, 
 
 Spreads undi-rided, operates unspent : 
 
 Breathes in our soul, informs our mortal part. 
 
 As full, as perfect, in a hair as heart : 
 
 As fiill, as perfect, in vile man that mourns, 
 
 As the rapt seraph that adores and bums : 
 
 To it no high, no low, no great, no smaU ; 
 
 U fills, it bounds, connects, and equals all," 
 
44 LAO-TZV. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SPECULATIVE PHYSICS. 
 
 What was Lao-tzii's conception of fche Cosmos ? To this 
 question we are unfortunately unable to give a clear and 
 satisfactory answer. It is only occasionally, and then 
 usually by way of illustration, that he alludes to the material 
 world or to the physical and mental constitution of man. 
 All that we can do, accordingly, is to examine the miscel- 
 laneous passages in which he refers to these subjects, and 
 collect from them what information we can as to the notions 
 which Lao-tzii entertained about the origin and natuxe of 
 the universe ; and we must be prepared to find under the 
 head of speculative physics many more matters than ought 
 properly, according to our ideas, to be so included. 
 
 The first point to be noticed is that, as has been already 
 seen, Lao-tzu refers all existing creatures to an eternal, 
 all-producing, all-sustaining unity, which he calls Nature 
 (Tao). He does not distinguish between mind and matter, 
 nor would he, in my opinion, have recognised any funda- 
 mental or generic difference between them. Whether, how- 
 ever, spirit and matter were identical or diametrically opposite, 
 they had a common origin in Tao. But though usually he 
 thus refers all things to nature (Tao) as their first cause, yet 
 
LAO-TZfi. 45 
 
 be sometimeB seems to speak of the universe as coming from 
 nothing. Nor is there any contradiction here, since Lao-tzu 
 regarded non-existence (Wu ^ffi) as in certain circum- 
 stances identical with existence (Yu '^) ; the latter being 
 merely the former contemplated from a different point of 
 view. This opinion, if not explicitly stated by himself, is 
 at least implied in his writings, and is explicitly stated by 
 one of his disciples. It must be mentioned, however, that 
 Chu-hsi (^;-&) ascribes the very opposite doctrine to 
 Lao-tzu, who, he says, regarded existence and non-existence 
 as two, whereas Chou-tzu (^"T*) regarded them as one.* 
 In the Tao-tS Ching the originator of the universe is referred 
 to under the names Non-Existence, Existence, Nature (Tao) 
 and various other designations — ^all which, however, repre- 
 sent one idea in various manifestations. It is in all cases 
 Nature (Tao) which is meant, and we are now prepared to 
 examine the part which Lao-tzu assigns to thi§ Tao in the 
 production and regulation of the physical world. 
 
 Tao, as spoken of by Lao-tzu, may be considered as a 
 potential or as an actual existence, and under this latter head 
 it may be contemplated in itself and as an operating agent 
 in the universe. Regarded as a potential existence it may, 
 when compared with actual existence, be pronounced non- 
 existence. It is from this point of view imperceptible to 
 man, and can be spoken of only negatively ; and so such 
 terms as non-existence (Sffi), the unlimited or infinite (pE 
 ^), the non-exerting (^;^), the matterless i^^), 
 
 1 See Ch. 40. 
 
 2 See Preface to Tao-tg-ohing-chie >Q"fflH^S^a. 
 
 3 See note in the T'ai-ohi-t'u-shuo (Tj^^^^fflgK)- Hsing-li-ia- 
 ch'uan. Vol. I. 
 
46 - LAO-TZU. 
 
 are tlie expressions used -with reference to Tao thus eon* 
 sidered.* Accordingly Lao-tzu, when s'peaking of it as A 
 potential existence, as the logicsd antecedent of all perceptible 
 existence— seems to regard it as equivalent to the primeval 
 Nothing or Chaos. So too the Yuan-mrao-nei-p'ien (jl^j^ 
 fib ^) says that the great Tao which arose in non-exertion 
 is the ancestor of all things.® From this state, however, it 
 passes into the condition of acttral existence, a transition 
 which is expressed mnder the metaphor of generation. To 
 this doctrine, that existence is generated from non-existence, 
 Chu-hsi objects; but his objection arises chiefly, I think, 
 from supposing that Lao-tzii regarded them as two distinct 
 things, whereas his doctrine on this subject is .exactly like 
 that of Chou-tzii, with which Chu-hsi seems to agree.^ We 
 are not to suppose that Nature is ever simply and entirely 
 potential to the utter exclusion of actuality, or vice versd: 
 on the contrary, these two existences or conditions are 
 represented as alternately generating each the other.* Thus 
 the potential (or nominal non-existence) may be supposed to 
 be in time later than the actual, though the latter must always 
 be logically regarded as consequent on the former. In 
 itself, again, Tao, regarded as an actual existence is, as has 
 been seen, calm, void, eternal, unchanging and bare of aH 
 qualities. Regarded as an agent operating throughout the 
 
 i See Gb. 2S, 4&. 
 
 6 Yiiam-ohien, &c., p. 3-18. 
 
 6 Ch. 40. Compate with-ihis Aristotle's statement, " Nature sjiokeij 
 of as generation is the path to Nature." See Essay V. in Grant'* 
 Aristotle's Ethics,- vol. 1. 
 
 7 See Ks -^^, Ch, 85, 
 
 8 Ch. 2. 
 
LAO-TZU. 47 
 
 universe, on the other hand, Tao may be spoken of as great, 
 changing, far-extending, and finally returning (to the state 
 of potentiality)^ A late author gives a curious illustration 
 of the above notions of Lao-tzu, taken from the well-known 
 habits of the Ateuchus with reference to the propagation of 
 its species, but this author proceeds on the suppositfon that 
 non-existence and existence are different. We have now to 
 combine these two conceptions of Tao, as a potential and as 
 an actual existence. Though void, shapeless, and immaterial, 
 it yet contains the potentiality of all substance and shape, 
 and from itself it produces the universe,' diffusing itself over 
 or permeating all space. It is said to have generated the 
 world,^ and is frequently spoken of as the mother of this 
 latter^ — " the dark primeval mother, teeming with dreamy 
 beings," All things that exist submit to Tao as their chief, 
 but it displayis no lordship over them.* In the spring time 
 it quickens the dead world, clothes it as with a garment, 
 and nourishes it, yet the world knows not its fostermother. 
 A distinction, however, is made — the nameless is said to be 
 the origin of heaven and earth, while the named is the 
 mother of the myriad objects which inhabit the earth. 
 Though there is nothing done in the universe which is not 
 done by Nature, though all things depend on it for their 
 existence, yet in no case is Nature seen acting.^ It is in its 
 own deep self an unit — the smallest possible quantity — yet it 
 
 9 Ch. 25, see Pauthier, Chine Moderae, p. 359, 
 
 1 See Chs. 21, 25, compare Emerson Miscellanies, p. 32. 
 
 2 Ch. 51. 
 
 3 Chs. 6, 52. 
 
 4 Ch. 34. 
 
 5 See Chs. 37, 11, 43. 
 
48 LA.O-TZIJ. 
 
 prevails over the wide expanse of the universe, operating 
 unspent but unseen.* 
 
 We now come to the generations of the heavens and the 
 earth, and their history is thus given by Lao-tzu.' Tao gene- 
 rated One, One generated Two, Two generated Three, and 
 Three generated the material world. That is, according to 
 the explanation ^ven hy some, Nature (Tao) generated 
 the Yin-ch'i (IJ^ ^l), the passive and inferior element in 
 the composition of things ; this in its turn produced the 
 Yang-ch'i (ISf ^^)) the active and superior element ; which 
 again produced Ho (350), that is, that harmonious agree- 
 ment of the passive and active elements which brought about 
 the production of all things.* Another explanation is that 
 Tao considered as Non-existence produced the Great Extreme 
 (T'ai-chi ■^ ^^V which produced the pasave and active 
 elements ; then Harmony united these two and generated the 
 universe.* Of this section of the Tao-tS Ching B^musat 
 obseives — •" En effet, Lao-tseu explique, d'une mani&re qui 
 est entiferement conforme a la doctrine Platonicienne, 
 comment les deux principes, celui du ciel et celui de la terre, 
 ou I'air grossier et I'ether, sont li^s entre eux par un Souffle 
 qui les unit et qui produit Vharmonie. H est impossible 
 d'exprimer plus clairemeut les id^es de Timee de Locres, dont 
 les termes semblent la traduction du passage Chinois." The 
 doctrines, however, on the formation of the world put into the 
 
 6 See Chs. 32, 39. 
 
 7 Ch. 42. 
 
 8 See Wn-oh'^ng's note to the passage. 
 
 9 See the note on this passage in the Tao-tS-ohing-ohie ; compare also 
 the peeuHar interpretation given by Ta-chiiu. 
 
 1 M^moire, &c., p. 36. 
 
LAO-TZU. 49 
 
 mouth of Tinifflns, and the ideas of Lao-tzu on this subject, 
 seem to me to have very little in common. The Greek 
 philosopher makes a personal deity the artificer of the 
 universe, fashioning the world out of thp bright and solid 
 elements, fire and earth, which he unites by means of air 
 and water, thus forming a friendship and harmony indissoluble 
 by any except the author. The harmony of Lao-tzii, on the 
 other hand is, if we understand him aright, only the uncon- 
 flicting alternation of the two cosmical elements, and there 
 is no divine Demiurg in his system. There is, however, a 
 statement in the Timaeus which resembles Lao-tzii's statement 
 on this subject, and to which we wiU refer hereafter. 
 
 First in order after Tao is T'ien (^), or the material 
 heaven above us. This is represented as pure and clear in 
 consequence of having obtained the One — that is, in conse- 
 quence of having participated in the great " over-soul" or 
 Universal Nature. Were heaven to lose its purity and 
 clearness it would be in danger of destruction. Of the 
 heavenly bodies and their revolutions, Lao-tzii does not 
 make mention, nor have we any means of ascertaining what 
 were his ideas respecting them. Nearly all that he says 
 about T'ien or heaven is metaphorical, with apparent refer- 
 ence to an agent endowed with consciousness (according to 
 our ways of thinking). Thus he speaks of it as enduring 
 for a long period because it does not exist for itself ; as 
 being free from partiality towards any of the creatures in 
 the world; as being next in dignity above a king and 
 below Tao, and as taking this last for its rule of conduct.' 
 The space between heaven and earth is represented as 
 
 2 See Chs. 16, 39. 
 
 3 See Chs. 7, 5, 16, 25. 
 
50 LAO-tzG. 
 
 like a bottomless bag or tube,* though this is perhaps 
 merely a metaphorical ejtpression. The earth itself is at 
 rest,^ this being the specific nature which it has as thp result 
 of its participation in Tao. The heavens are always revol* 
 ving over the earth, producing the varieties of the seasons, 
 vivifying, nourishing, and killing all things ; but it I'emains 
 stationary in calm repose. Were it to lose the informing 
 nature which makes it so, the earth would probably be set' 
 in motion. Its place is next in order after heaven which 
 it takes as its model. It is impartial, spontaneous, unosten* 
 tatious, and exists long because it does not exist for itself. 
 Neither in heaVen nor on euxth can anything violent endure 
 for a lengthened period. The whirlwind and heavy rains 
 may come, but they do not last even for a day.* 
 
 Next to heaven and earth are the " myriad things," that 
 is, the animate and inanimate objects which surround us ; 
 and here again it must be borne in mind that Lao-tzii's 
 allusions tb these matters are only incidental and by way of 
 illustration generally. As has been seen, all things spring 
 from and participate in Nature, which is, as it were, their 
 mother. This Nature (Tao) is, as we have seen, imperceptible 
 in itself, and when considered merely as a potentiality ; but 
 it bodies itself forth and takes a local habitation and a name 
 in all the objects which exist in the universe, and thus it 
 becomes palpable to human observation— not in its essence 
 but only in its workings. Now this manifestation of Nature 
 
 4 See Ch. 5 ; Julieu, however, translates the passage, " L'gtre qui 
 est eutre ie ciel et la terre resemble i un aoufflot de forge, &c. 
 
 5 Ch. 39. 
 
 6 Ch. 23. 
 
lAO-tzC. 51 
 
 'C6hstitutes fot eac^ object or class of objects in tlie World its 
 Tg Cf^) — tllat is, what it has received or obtained from Tao, 
 according to soHie commentators. T^ is usually translated 
 by Virtue, but this word very ina,dequately represents the 
 iSieaning ot the Word in this connection. Sometimes it seems 
 to be almost synonymous with Tao, and has functions assigned 
 to it which at othet times are repfesented as pertaining to 
 this latter. If, however, we Regard Tao as the great ot 
 Universal Nature, We may consider T^ as the particular 
 Nature with which creatures are endowed out of the former. 
 It is also the conscious excellence which man and all other 
 creatures obtain when spontaneity is lost. Thus Lao-tzu 
 regards all things as equally with man under the care of 
 Nature, which produces and nourishes, all alike. Heaven 
 and earth, he says, have no partialities— they regard the 
 " myriad things " as the straw-made dogs which were formed 
 for the sacrifices and prayers for rain, and cast aside when" 
 the rites were finished.' In another passage of the Tao-tS 
 Ching it is said that Tao generates all things, Tl nourishes 
 all things, Matter ("Wu Mj) bodies them forth, and Order 
 (^^) gives them perfection. 
 
 Lao-tzii, in accordance with popular Chinese ideas, speaks 
 of five colours, five sounds, and five tastes ;* and he attributes 
 to these a baneful influence on man, whom he teaches to 
 overcome and nullify them as much as possible. All things 
 in the world, moreover, are arranged in a system of dualism.* 
 
 7 Cb. 5. 
 
 8 Ch. 51 j but aee the diiferent inteifpretation given by JuHen. 
 
 9 Ch. 12. 
 
 1 See Chs. 2, 11, 29, 36. Compare Emerson's Essay on Compensa- 
 tion — Esiays, vol. i. 
 
52 LAO-TZU. 
 
 Motion is always followed by rest, and this again by motion. 
 Long and short, high and low, mutually succeed each other, 
 and are merely relative terms. Solidity gives the object, 
 and hollowness gives its utility, as in the case of wooden or 
 earthen vessels. When a thing is to be weakened it must 
 first have been strengthened ; to that from which there is to 
 be taken there must first have been given. This dualism 
 will be seen to extend into other regions besides the physical 
 world, and it is needless to refer to it at greater length at 
 present. 
 
 Further, Lao-tzii seems to have regarded all existing 
 things as having a set time during which to endure. Nature 
 engenders them, nourishes them and finally receives them, 
 back into its bosom. They flourish until they attain to the 
 state of completeness, which is soon lost, and then decay and 
 final dissoliltion ensue. The tree grows from the tiny 
 sapling to its full maturity, then decays and returns to dark 
 Mother Nature. The process as conceived and sketched by 
 the ancient sage is beautifully described in the words of 
 Tennyson — 
 
 "Lo ! in the middle of the wood. 
 The folded leaf is woo'd from out the hud 
 With winds upon the branch, and there 
 Grows green and broad and takes no care, 
 Sun-steep'd at noon, and in the moon 
 Nightly dew-fed ; and turning yellow 
 Falls, and floats adown the air. 
 
 2 See Chs. 16, 55. 
 
LAO-TZU. 53 
 
 Lo ! sweeten'd with the summer light 
 
 The fiill-jniced apple, waxing over-mellow, 
 
 Drops in a silent antomn night. 
 
 All its allotted length of days, 
 
 The flower ripens in its place, 
 
 Bipens and fades, and falls, and hath no toil. 
 
 Fast-rooted in the fruitful soil." 
 
 Lao-tzii's mode of contemplating natural phenomena is, 
 indeed, altogether much more like that of the poetical 
 metaphysician than that of the physicist. He does not look 
 upon a stream, for example, as composed of certain chemical 
 elements in certain proportions, as running at a calculable 
 rapid rate, carrying with it an alarming amount of mud, and 
 having in each microscopic drop exactly so many thousands 
 of animalculae. He thinks of it rather as at first a tiny 
 stream up among the hills, scooping out the hard earth, and 
 slowly wearing away impeding stones, in order to make a 
 channel for its waters ; as fl.owing thence down into the vale 
 where it gives itself up to enrich the fields ; then as passing 
 on thence to join the brimmrag river, and finally submit 
 itself to the great sea.* He regards everything from an 
 ethical point of view, and finds a lesson everywhere. He 
 does not regard the study of nature as consisting in the 
 investigation of colour, sound, heat, and such things — the 
 less one has to do with these the better. The study should 
 be carried on in one's own room without any adventitious 
 aids. The student must overcome his aiFections and passions 
 
 3 The Lotos Eaters, 
 i See Chs. 8, 78. 
 
5A LAO-XZU. - 
 
 before he can attain to a knpwledge of the great mysterie* 
 of Nature, but ha-sing once attained the serene heights of 
 desireHess existence he can know all things.'' This is no> 
 doubt a bad way of stiidying nature,, and one which would; 
 never conduct to the material benefit of humanity. Yet it 
 also has its uses. It helps to make us " mingle with the uni^- 
 verse," have a lower appreciation of ourselves, and sympathise- 
 aifeetionately with all that surround'S us. We have abund- 
 ance of room in the world for the two classes of philosophers- 
 — those who experiment on Nature with a view to the mate- 
 rial progress of mankind, and those who regardher with the 
 dutiful love ofa son for a mother. 
 
 In the teachings of Lao-tzu in Speculative Physics, as 
 sketched above, the student of philosophy will find many- 
 ideas resembling others with which he is abeady more fami- 
 liar. To those of the sages of Ancient Greece it is perhaps- 
 unnecessary for me to do more than refer. With them as 
 living also in the comparative childhood of the world Lao-tzu 
 might naturally be supposed to have considerable affinity. 
 In the Timseus of Plato there is a passage which does not 
 accord with the rest of that work, nor with the spirit of the 
 other Platonic dialogues, and which bears considerablfe 
 resemblance to the doctrine of Lao-tzu about the primordial 
 all-producing Nature (Tao). The hero of the dialogue, if 
 such an expression may be used, Timseus himself, suddenly 
 leaves the train of imaginative discourse which he had been 
 for some time pursuing about the visible universe and the 
 mode in which the divine artificer constructed it, and he 
 introduces a new conception, that of the primeval' motheri 
 
LAO-TZU. 65 
 
 formless, immortal, and indestructible.^ Reference has already 
 been made to the resemhlance between Lao'tzii's teachings 
 and those of Anaximander, and Hegel says of the letter's 
 notion, that the m^u^m is the principle from which endless 
 worlds or gods originate and into which they vanish, that 
 it sounds quite Oriental. But not only are Lao-tzu's specu- 
 lations on physics like those of other ancients, they resemble 
 also those of many modern philosophers, and his theory 
 about the study of Nature may well be compared with 
 that of Schelling. The Tao itself, or the primordial existenCej 
 appears under various names in the history of Philosophy. 
 It is the T'ai-ohi {~^^^ or Great Extreme — the T'ai-yi 
 (~h^ — ) or Great Unit — the Anima Mundi — the Absolute 
 - — ^the Vital Torce — Gravity — Caloric — when considered as 
 universally active and productive. 
 
 " There is but one vast universal dynamto, one mover, one might. 
 Variously operant under the various conditions it finds ; 
 And we call that by turns electricity, friction, caloric, and light, 
 Which is none of these things, and yet all of them. Ask of the wave* 
 
 and the winds, 
 Ask of the stars of the firmament, ask of the flowers of the field; 
 They will answer you all of them, naming it each hy a different name. 
 For the meaning of Nature is neither wholly ooiioeaFd nor reveal'd ; 
 But her mind is seen to he single in her acts that are nowhere the 
 sanje. 
 
 6 Timsens, eh. xviii. (Ed. Stallbaum). See also Grote's Plato, Vol. 
 iii., p. 266-7. Timseus, however, introduces reason and other ideas not 
 consonant with Laortzu's teachings, 
 
 7 Geschichte, &c., vol. i , p. 204. 
 
 8 Robert Lytton's— " The Man of Science.'' 
 
56 LAO T25. 
 
 Further, Lao-tzu represents pure or abstract existence as 
 identical with non-existence, and in our own century Hegel 
 has said that Being and Non-being are the same.^ Again, 
 Lao-tzu speaks of the ultimate existence as that out of which 
 all other existences have proceeded, and he regards it as be- 
 coming active and producing from having been inactive 
 and quiescent. So many modern philosophers have main- 
 tained that God made all things out of himself; and in 
 the opinion of some the Deity became personal from 
 being impersonal, and the Infinite manifested itself as finite 
 in the created universe. But the great point on which 
 Lao-tzii differs from the large majority of modern thinkers 
 with regard to the First Cause is that he never introduces or 
 supposes the element of personality ; consequently will and 
 design are excluded from his conception of the primordial 
 existence.* Here, I think, he is logically more correct than 
 the modern philosopher referred to above, although his 
 notions may be much farther from the actual truth than 
 theirs. Again, when Lao-tzii speaks of Nature (Tao) as the 
 source whence aU things spring — ^as that which informs and 
 cherishes aU the world — and as that into which all living 
 creatures, high and low, finally return — ^he says what many 
 
 others have expressed in terms often very similar. I select 
 
 * 
 
 9 See Lewes' History of Philosophy, vol. ii., p. 533 fNew Edition). 
 
 1 On this subject information will he found in E. Laisset's Precurseura 
 et Ksciples de Descartes, p. 210, &c.; Hanulton's Discussions; Lewis' 
 History of Philosophy, vol. ii. 
 
 2 Fichte (the elder), however, is at one with Lao-tzu on this 
 point. 
 
only two or three instances by way of illustration. The 
 Pythagorean doctrine is thus put by Virgil — 
 
 — " deiim (i.e. smimum) ire per omnes 
 Terrasque tractusque maris coelumque profuudmu ; 
 Hino peoudes, armenta, viros, genus omne ferarmn, 
 <5uemque abi tennes nasoentem arcessere vitas j 
 SdHcet hue reddi deinde ac resolnta refetri 
 Omnia."' 
 
 Strikingly similar to Lao-tzifs words are those of the 
 Preacher — "For that which befalleth the sons of men 
 befaUeth beasts ; even one thing befalleth them 5 as the one 
 dieth, so dieth the other; yea, they have all one breath; 
 so that a man hath no pre-eminence above a beast ; for all 
 is vanity. All go unto one place; all are of the dust, and 
 all turn to dust again."* In later times Coleridge has said — 
 **Life is the one universal sold, which by virtue of the 
 enlivening Breath, and the informing word, all organised 
 bodies have in common, each after its kind. This, therefore, 
 all animals possess, and man as an animal." More closely 
 resembling Lao-tzu's statements on this subject, however, 
 are the words of Dr. BUchner — " D'un autre c6t6 n'oublions 
 pas non plus, que nous ne sommes qu' une partie impercepti- 
 ble, quoique n^cessaire, du granid tout qui constitue le monde 
 et que nous devons tSt ou tard perdu notu personality 
 
 3 Georgica. Bk. iv., vs. 321-6. The rest of the passage does not 
 apply. Compare also Cicero's criticism on the Pythagorean doctrine, in 
 the De Nat. Deorum, oh. 1, § 11. 
 
 4 Ecde»., Ch. iii., vs. 19 and 20. 
 
 5 Aids to BeflectioD, p, i. 
 
68 LAO TZO. 
 
 pour rentrer dans, la masse commune. La MatiSre dans 
 son ensemble est la m&re d*ou tout provient et ou tout 
 retourne."® 
 
 As we proceed we will find otter doctrines of our author 
 resembling those of writers and thinkers far removed from 
 him in time and space. The illustrations given and referred 
 to above will suffice to show that, in speculations about 
 Nature and the great mystery of existence, we are little, if 
 anything, superior to. " the ancients." The course of specu- 
 lative philosophy seems to be circular — ^the same truths and 
 errors appearing again and again, so that as Cderidge baa 
 said, "For many, very many centuries it has been difficult 
 to advance a new truth, or even a new error^ in the philo- 
 sophy of the intellect or morals," or, he might have added, 
 of theoretical physics. Is it true, after all, that the spirit 
 of the long-deceased philosopher returns from the Elysiaa 
 fields, forgetting by its Lethean draught all the truths and 
 realities of the eternal, ever-the-same world, to inform again 
 a human body ? "We know that Malebranche's character was 
 like that of Plato. ScheUing, even in external appearance, 
 r esembled Socrates ; Hegel is called the modern Proclus ; 
 and the soul of Lao-tzii may have transmigrated into Emer- 
 son. This last has been chained to " a weight of nerves," 
 and located in circumstances altogether unlike those of its 
 former earthly existence, a fact which would account for 
 many points of unlikeness. The informing spirit, however, 
 has known no change in "its own deep self; " 
 
 6 Force et Matifere, p. 93 (French translation). 
 
 7 Biographia Lita., oh. 5 ; compare also the remarkable words of Hegel. 
 GescWchte, &o., Vol. i., p. 143. 
 
tAO-TZU; 
 
 " Our birth is but a deeg and a foegetftig ; 
 
 The sovil tiiat rises witii us, our life's staii. 
 Hath had elsewhere itssetlang,. 
 
 And Cometh &om afar; 
 Not in-entire foigetftilBess- 
 And not in utter nakeduesS) 
 But trailing cJiB^s of glory do we come 
 From God, jrho is our home." 
 
 Sd, 
 
tiO XAO TZV. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 POLITICS. 
 
 We now breathe a freer air — escaped from the trammels 
 of Physics, and at large in the wide spaces of Politics. Here 
 Lao-tzii speaks more plainly and fully, and it is easily seen 
 that he is dealing with congenial subjects. To us also his 
 political aphorisms wiU come with more freshness and delight 
 than the speculations about things much more beyond his 
 ken with which we were last engaged. Yet we must not 
 expect to find in the Tao-te Ching a treatise on Politics, or a 
 discourse on the best form of government, Lao-tzu does 
 not present to us a wax figment of his own imagination — an 
 ideal republic, an Utopia, or a New Atlantis. He looks to 
 his own country as it was then, oppressed and miserable, 
 and he " endeavours to recall those in authority to a noble 
 and generous mode of government. His standard of political 
 excellence may be ideal, and some of his maxims may be 
 fanciful, and even bad ; still we will find in all a genial 
 human philosophy, which even we of the enlightened nine- 
 teenth century cannot utterly despise. 
 
 " Politics," says Sir G. C. Lewes, " relate to human action 
 so far as it concerns the public interest of a community, and 
 is not merely private or ethical. Human action, thus defined, 
 
i.A0-T2Vi 61 
 
 Gonsistg of-«-I, th* acts and rfeiationis of a Bovereigtl gbvern- 
 toent, both with respect to Itg own subjects and othist' sove- 
 teign governments f 2, tli€ acts and relations 6f membfert 
 of the political eommtinityy so fer as they 6oneerrl the 
 government, or the community at farge, or a considefablfr 
 portion of it." ^ Lao-t4fi'a teachings in pbEties re^f more tfr 
 the former than to the latter of thdse two divisions. He does 
 not, howerer, omit to notice the relations of the difereht 
 members of the state, as well to the government as to eaoh 
 other ; but he relegates this stibjeot to the prbvinee of ethiei 
 He considers the pebpfe more in their ^ivate relations thaft 
 as bound by legal ties to the performance of certain aets, aad 
 file abstaining from certain other acts, towards their fellowSi 
 Nor is it from the politioiil stand-point that he contemplate& 
 the nature and distribution of weaM, a, subject which pro- 
 perly belongs to poHtios. These and Simifer matters are all 
 assigned to the private relations of- man to the iTaiversal 
 Nature, and so th^y will come more properly uiKfer the head; 
 of ethics. 
 
 Having prenrised thus mueh, I now proceed to set forth 
 Lao-tzu's teachings about " the acts and delations of a sove^ 
 »eign government, both with respect to its own subjects an^ 
 other sovereign governments ; " and 
 
 1. Of the matikition of the Soveyeigrt.^^t is to the people- 
 that he assigns the original appointment of an emperor,, 
 snd he gives a peculiar reason for the institution. A bad 
 man stUl has the law of Nature (Too) in him ; and he is not 
 to be cast aside as a hopeless ease, seeing he may be trans- 
 formed into a virtuous man. Accordingly emperors ancE 
 
 1 Treatise on the Methods of Ohservation, Beasoiung m Politics^ 
 vol. 1, p. 44. 
 
*2 LAO-TZO. 
 
 -magistrates were appointed, vrliose duty it Was to save, as it 
 were, by precef)t and example, ttose who had gone astray. 
 Thus Iiao-tzu's idea of ihe sovereign is so far purely ethical. 
 He does not conceive of Mm so much as the.j«dge and ruler 
 ■of the people as their model and instructor. The man whom 
 the people elect, however, is also the elected of Heaven.^ 
 As in the case oi Saul the Israelites anointed him whom 
 jthe Lord had chosen, so the people raise to the throne him 
 whom Heaven has appointed. Princes excrdse government, 
 because they have received that destiny as their share of 
 the Universid Nature.* They obtain their One — ^their indi- 
 vidualizing nature — ^in order that they may rule righteously. 
 Sometimes he seems to use tke term Shing-j&n (^§ A ) as 
 «ynonymoas with Wang (3l)) **^ King. Now the Sheng-jSn 
 is the man who by his nature is compktdy virtuous, perfect- 
 ly in harmony with the ways heaven has ordained. He m 
 in short the stoic Sotpiens, and whether he actuaHy administer 
 public afl^rs or not, is still a king. The term Saint, by 
 which Juhen renders this expression, scarcely conveys its 
 full meanJHg ; as the Sheng-jen is not only holy, but also 
 supremely wise. He is the ideal or typical man, who rules 
 over and transforms the world ; andy failing a better, I shall 
 translate it by the expression godlike man. In ancient times^ 
 it was the SheHg-^en, or godlike man, who was appointed 
 ruler; and if such were the case now, the world would be 
 in peace and prosperity. The man who is destined to 
 
 2 See Ch. 62. In Pi-yuan's edition, ^"TC is the reading, bstead 
 of "^-T" of tlie ordinary texts. 
 
 3 See Wu-ch'Sng's note to ch. 62 (32 in his edition). 
 
 4 Ch. 39. 
 
 5 See Chs, 3, 5. Compate Emeison (EsBays, Vol. 2, pp. 208-9), 
 
tAO-Tz6» 63 
 
 become king Vrill not use violence to obtain the honour.® 
 On the contrary he will be humble and yielding; and so, as 
 Vfater wears away the hard opposing rocks, he will finally 
 triumph. In confirmation hereof Lao-tzu cites the saying 
 t)f a godUte man :-^" To bear the reproaches of a kingdom 
 is to preside over the sacrifices to the gods of the land and 
 grain (ix. to be prinee), and to bear a kingdom's misfortunes 
 is to be king of the whole empire '' — words true, though 
 seeming paradoxical. Lao-tSiu, however, has a very high 
 opinion of the position and dignity of the sovereign. There 
 iare four great things in the universe, and he is one of them ; 
 the remaining three being Nature (Too), Heaven, and 
 Earth.^ In another place he even puts the king immediately 
 feefore Heaven.'* 
 
 2. The relations of the ruier to his SM6/ecfe.— With Lao'tzu, 
 as with all Chinese writers on politics, the mode in which 
 government ought to be conducted is a supremely important, 
 subject. In his homely manner, he compares the ruling of. 
 a large kingdom to the cooking of a small fish,, or the hand-, 
 ling of a fine and delicate implement. Too much cooking 
 spoils the implement. So, is it with the kingdom. It is 
 an etherial instrument which cannot be wrought with^ — if 
 one works with it he destroys it, and if one handles it he 
 loses it. 
 
 The first duty of the ruler is to rectify himself— to over- 
 
 6 Ch. 29. 
 
 7 Ch. 78. 
 
 8 Ch. 25. TVe must Remember that this passage is susceptible of a 
 metaphorical meaning. See Tao-tfi-hsing-ming-ohifen-hsu. 
 
 9 Ch. 16. 
 
 1 Chs. 60, 29, 64. 
 
64 LAO-TZ&. 
 
 come Ms appetites and passions.* He must cultivate virtue 
 in bimsetf, and proceeding thence lie wUl have it cultivated 
 in his family, and finally in all the empire ; and thus the 
 kingdom will remain established in his family for generations 
 to come.' He most be serioBS and grave* in bis deportment,, 
 remembering the greatness of bis charge, and whence it was- 
 derived. By levity of conduct he will lose bis ministers,, 
 arid by violent proceedings be will lose his throne. His 
 models ought to be the Earth,* which is aJways- in peaceful 
 rest, and the rulers of antiquity, who followed Nature (Tao}, 
 In the early days of innocence and simpli<aty, subjects only 
 knew that they had rulers, sO' lightly fey the band of 
 government on them. Then came the time when rulers 
 were loved and lauded, then the time when they were 
 feared, and lastly that in which they were treated with 
 contumely. Tlie prince of the present time ought to return 
 as far as possible to the primitive waya He should, like 
 the great Universal Nature, be free from show of action'^ — 
 if he could only keep the law of Natrare, hk kingdom 
 would, as a matter of eotirse, be in a state oS oxiiet 
 and tranquillity — ^all things would submit to him, and 
 become, of their own accord, tranrformed to a state of good- 
 
 2 Chs. 57, IS. 
 
 3 Ch. 54. 
 
 4 Ch. 26. For ^, Ministers, another readh^ is ^S— that is, the 
 gravity which hrings esteem. 
 
 5 Ch. 25. For -j^ here some editicms have A^ man. 
 
 6 Ch. 17. This chapter, however, is susceptible of a totally different 
 interpretation, ^Ij^ Jq being regarded as meaning the highest authority. 
 For K also some read ^K, not. 
 
 7 Ch. 48. 
 
LAO-TZlf. 65 
 
 ness 8 — even the demons would cease to possess elfish power ; 
 or if they still possessed it, they would not use it to the 
 detriment of men. The prince ought also, at least outward- 
 ly, to he humble and modest, not arrogating precedence and 
 superiority, but rather using the language of self-abasement.* 
 In the exercise of government Lao-tzu does not allow the 
 use of violence, and he inveighs nobly against miUtary 
 oppression. If the prince keep himself from being absorbed 
 in worldly interests — do not confer honour and emoluments 
 on brilliant parts — nor prize what the world holds valuable 
 — ^nor make display of that which is coveted : his example 
 will have such virtue that all his subjects will cease from 
 strife and violence, and live in peaceful obedience. But if 
 he try to have the empire through force, he will fail. He 
 who according to the Law of Nature (Ta(>) Would assist the 
 prince will not compel the empire by arms — ^this sort of 
 thing is wont to have its recompense. Where the General 
 pitches his tent, thorns and briers spring up; and in the 
 wake of a great army there are inevitably bad years. If 
 there be necessity for fighting — and only then — ^he who is 
 wise in ruling will strike a decisive blow at the fit time, 
 and then lay down his arms, not glorying in his conquest. 
 Fine arms are inauspicious implements, hated by all things; 
 and he who holds to Nature will not continue to use them. 
 The noble man (S*-?*) in private Ufe esteems the left side, 
 and in time of war esteems the right — the left being symbo- 
 lic of the Tang (^) or preserving principle, and the right 
 of the Tin (Z^) or killing principle. Arms are inauspicious 
 
 8 Chs. 37, 32. 
 
 9 Chs. 66, 68, 39. 
 1 Ch. 2. 
 
66 LAp-TZC, 
 
 iinplements — not such as the noble man employs ; he useS 
 them only when he has no alternative) but he looks otl 
 superiority -with indifference, and takes no glory in victory* 
 He who glories in victory delights in the massacre of menj 
 and such an one cannot have his will in the empire. To him 
 who slays a multitude of meii, a position of dignity is assigned 
 corresponding to that of the chief mourner at a funeral, viz.,, 
 the right hand side, which in inauspicious matters is the post , 
 of honour, just as in auspicious matters the left hand side is 
 the post of honour. Thus not only is the ruler not to use , 
 military power to keep his subjects in subjection, but he is 
 also not to drag these latter into war for his own aggrandise-" 
 ment. The fighting to which Lao-tzu mainly ^.lludes is that 
 of the different principalities ot the country among them- 
 selves, and ori this subject the words of Pascal may be not 
 unaptly added to those of our author ;-»■" Le plus grand des 
 maux est les guerres civiles. Elles sont slires si on veut, 
 recompenser le merite ; car tous diraient qu'ils meritent. 
 Le mal k craindre d'un sot qui succede par droit de naissanoe 
 n'est ni si grand ni si sftr." War is the result, according to> 
 Lao-tzu, of bad government, of the lust of power and pro* 
 perty. If good government prevail in a country, its fleet 
 horses will be employed on the farm ; but if ill government; 
 prevail, and lust and ambition have scope, feuds will conti- 
 nue until war steeds beget war steeds on the plains of the 
 frontier.* Whether, therefore, for the purpose of solidifying 
 the prince's power over his subjects, or for state aggrandise- 
 ment, war and all violent measures are interdicted. 
 
 2 Chs. 30, 31. 
 
 3 Pens^es, Art. VII. 
 
 4 Ch. 46. 
 
tAO-Tzt. 67 
 
 But Hot only does Lao^tz-ii thus advise the ruler against 
 using military power in his realm ; he also recommends the 
 doing away with •capital puni^ment — indeed with all punish- 
 ment ■*hatever< The people •do not fear death, and how then 
 is it to be used to keep them in dread ? If the people coul'd 
 be made to have a constant fear of death, and some commit 
 a crime, and be apprehended and put to death, would any 
 tone continue to ■^^ent'ure on offen-ding ? It is presumptuous 
 then for the magistrate to use capital punishment. There 
 is the eternal executioner, and he who puts to death 
 for him is like the man who fells a tree for the' head 
 wood-man ; and such an one seldom faDs to wound his 
 hand.* Capital punishment is thus reserved for something 
 superhuman to execute; and the earthly magistrate has 
 only to endeavour to lead a life free from the appearance of 
 iust and -violence.* 
 
 It is by justice that a kingdom is well governed, as by 
 stratagem a war is conducted.^ Yet the prince must be 
 lenient to his people. If restrictions on liberty of action be 
 multiplied, so that his subjects cannot lift a hand or move 
 a foot without incurring guilt, they wiU be prevented from 
 pursuing their industry, and so become poor. 
 
 The levying of excessive taxes'* by those in authority for 
 the indulgence of their sensual appetites, also impoverishes 
 a people, and accordingly in government there is nothing 
 
 B Ch. 74. 
 
 6 Ch. 57. 
 
 7 Chs. 57, 8. 
 
 8 Do. Compare Hobbes (Vol, 2, pp. 178-9, Molesfvorth Ed,), 
 
 9 Ch, 75. 
 
68 LAO-TZB. 
 
 like ecoDomy.' To keep the court in affluence While the 
 fields are weedgrown and the public granaries exhausted ; 
 for the rulers to have expensive clothing, shairp swords, 
 sumptuous food and excessive wealth, is to glory in plunder, 
 but not to follow Nature. Nor may the prince hreak his 
 word with subjects — as want of faith in him is followed by 
 want of faith in them. 
 
 It is not necessary for the ruler to explsdn the nature and 
 method of his government. On the contrary he ought to 
 keep his counsels and bis conduct secret. Inasmuch a9 
 the fish cannot with impunity leave its element, so the sharp 
 engines of government may not be displayed.' When .the 
 laws are numerous and obtrusively exhibited, the people 
 become thieves and robbers ; but when they are not so, ths 
 people continue decent and orderly.* Thus it is better that 
 the rulers keep the populace in a state of ignorance and 
 stupidity.^ The ancient kings went on this principle) and 
 had peaceful reigns.* In his own time Lao-tsu cona;dereJ 
 that the difficulty of keeping the people well governed aross 
 from their being too knowing. He would accordingly lik* 
 to see them recalled to the ways of primitive simplicity, stt 
 that their arms would be unworn, and their boats and cars- 
 unused. He would like to have the people return to the 
 manners of the times when knotted cords Were still th* 
 symbols of words ; and would have them relish their idoif 
 
 1 Chs. 59, 53. 
 
 2 Ch. 17. 
 
 3 Chs. 36, 58. 
 
 4 Ch. 57. 
 
 5 Chs. 10, 1&. 
 
 6 Chs. 65, 3. 
 
 • 
 
enjoy tWr clothes, feel comfortable in their homes, and 
 delight .in their social institutions.' He would have them 
 brought to think seriously of death, so that they would 
 end their days in their own country and never leave it for 
 another, even tUoagh it were so near that the respective 
 inhabitants could hear the cackling of the fowls and the 
 barking of the dogs in the two places. Thus, while the 
 prince keeps his subjects simple and ignorant, he must have 
 their bodily wants supplied. The godlike man when he 
 rules empties the minds of the people, and fills their 
 stomachs ; weakens their wills, and strengthens their bones 
 (that is, their animal power). He treats them as children, 
 and is always kind, postponing his own comfort to their 
 good. 
 
 Th^ mode in which the ruler is to obtain respect and 
 esteem from his subjects is by deporting himself humbly 
 towards them, and he must never arrogate greatness to 
 himself. His conduct should be calm and unostentatious, 
 while inwardly he is anxious ; and his gravity and quietness 
 of deportment ought never to be departed from. The prince 
 is to save his people, as it were, by setting before them an 
 example of humility, forbearance, and aU the other virtues 
 which save a country from being imbroiled in wars and 
 rebelliQnfr'»-hQ is to be of one heart and one mind with 
 them, mi have no will independent of theirs.^ 
 
 7 CJt. 80. 
 
 8 Cb, 3. Wvcb'Sog's nota. JuUen, however, translates " U vide 
 son ccBuf, &((?." Both translations are in basmony with the other 
 teachings of I«o-t?iS, 
 
 9 Chs. 39, 42, 
 ,1 Ch. 49, 
 
70 lao-tztI 
 
 These are the principal duties of the king to his peoplte a3 
 indicated or conceived of hy Lao-tzu— the king being in his 
 contemplation an aibsolnte sovereign. 1 shall' now add, as a 
 comment, the views on this subject set forth by two other 
 authors in widely different circumstances. The writer of 
 Deuteronomy says : — "When thou art come into the land 
 which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and shalt possess it, 
 and shalt dwell therein, and shalt say, I will set a king over 
 me, like as all the natrons that are about me ; thou shalt in 
 any wise set him king over thee, whom the Lord thy God 
 shall choose ; one from among thy brethren shalt thou set 
 king over thee ; thou mayest not set a stranger over thee, 
 which is not thy brother. But he shall not multiply horses 
 to himself, nor cause the people to return to Egypt, to the 
 end that he should multiply horses : * * * Neither shall he 
 multiply wives to himself, that bis heart turn not away, 
 neither shall he greatly multiply to himself sUver and gold, 
 &c. * * * That his heart be not lifted up above his brethren, 
 and that he turn not aside from the commandment to the 
 right hand or to the left ; to the end that he may prolong 
 Im days in his kingdom, he, and his children, in the midst 
 of Israel."^ 
 
 The other writer is the philosopher of Malmesbury, After- 
 establishing for the king a title as extravagantly high as any 
 oriental flatterer could have done, he proceeds to prescribe 
 his duties to his people. These are summed up in the 
 sentence, " The safety of the people is the supreme law " — 
 according to the old maxim, " Salus populi suprema lex.'* 
 Under this are included both spiritual and temporal benefits j 
 but the difficulty about the former is left in suspense. Of 
 
 2 Ch. xvii., vs. 14 to 20. 
 
LA0-TZ5. 71 
 
 the latter he says ; — " The benefits of subjects respecting 
 this life only, may be distributed into four kinds — 1, That 
 they be defended against foreign enemies ; 2, That peace be 
 preserved at home ; 3, That they be enriched, as much as 
 may consist with public security ; 4, That they enjoy a 
 harmless liberty."^ 
 
 3. The next point to be considered is the relation of a 
 government to the Iteighbourincf states. On this subject Lao- 
 tzu has very little to say, and what he does say concerns 
 only the small feudal dependencies of the Icingdom of Chow. 
 AU the world — ^that is, all the world known — was the king's; 
 but holding under him, at this time indeed only nominalPy 
 for the most part, were chiefs of smaller and larger provinces 
 and principalities. It is of this, in their relations to each 
 other and to their titular superior, that Lao.-tzii makes 
 mention. 
 
 The diiferent states in their mutual intercourse ought to 
 be guided by courtesy and forbearance. The great kingdom 
 is the reservoir of the small principalities,* and ought to 
 remain in dignified peace, while these come to give in their 
 allegiance, as the little streams from the mouutains flow to 
 the placid lake or smoothly-flowing river as their king. The 
 large state ought thus to remain lowly and humble towards 
 the small one, and not act towards it in an arrogant or 
 violent manner. When a large kingdom abases itself to a 
 small principality, and when a small state abases itself to a 
 large one, it obtains service (and protection) under that large 
 
 3 Hobbes' Works, (Molesworth's edition), English, Vol. 2, p. 169. 
 Compare also Bacon's Essay on Seditions and Troubles (Works, Vol. 6, 
 p. 406, &c. Ellis and Spedding's Ed.). 
 
 4 Cba. 61, 66. 
 
?2 LAO-nu. 
 
 ■one. It is for this purpose that the small state submits ; 
 and the large kingdom annexes the small states for the pur- 
 pose of uniting antl maintaining the people. 
 
 It is fit that the large state shoidd always act humbly and 
 meekly, and that the small states should own its supremacy ; 
 there will thus be no need of fighting. There is no greater 
 misfortune in the world than to take up a quarrel on a slight 
 prete^. As the soldiers say, it is much better to bear 
 than to make the attack — ^to yield considerably than to 
 advance a little. That is, it is better to have one's own 
 territory invaded than to make aggression on that of another. 
 The king who is yielding and compliant is sure to be ulti- 
 mately victorious. If, however, a prince must go to war, 
 whether to defend his own dominions, or at the bidding of 
 his sovereign, he must show clemency. It is the tender 
 hearted who gains the victory in the pitched battle, and who 
 succeeds in keeping the beleaguered city. 
 
 By words like these the philosopher endeavoured to 
 dissuade the princes and barons of his time from the border 
 warfare in which they were perpetually engaged. The 
 mutual aggressions and reprisals of these chiefs 'were in his 
 days desolating the kingdom and gradually reducing it to 
 the Qondition favourable to the production of a tyrant. A 
 few centuries after Lao'tzii's death the man arose who made 
 himself king over all the empire (T ^C~I^)i ^^* ^^ "^^ 
 very unlike the king depicted by Lao-tzii and Confucius 
 and Mencius. 
 
 4. On the latter of the two departments into which Sir 
 6. C. Lewes divides Politics, namely, the relations of the 
 subjects to their ruler and to each other, Lao-tzu, as I have 
 
 6 Ch. 69. 
 
tAO-TZO. 73 
 
 already intimated, does not dilate. With him the inhabitants 
 of a kingdom are divided into the ruling and the ruled. 
 The former class comprises the king and the several ministers 
 whom he of his severeign pleasuie appoints to various posts ; 
 and the latter comprises all the rest of the population. Now 
 the relation in which the common people stand to the ruler 
 resembles that of children to a father. They have no part 
 or lot in the administration of government. They are 
 regarded, not as individuals, but as masses. They are the 
 "hundred surnames," or "the people," and the ruler of 
 supreme virtue and wisdom — the godlike man — ^regards them 
 all impartially as so many straw-made dog-effigies, creatures 
 made to be used. The subjects imitate their king or chief; 
 and as he is, so are they ; and excellence in him is followed 
 by excellence in them. The relations of the members of the 
 community to each other are referred, as has been stated, to 
 the province of ethics. 
 
 From the above sketch of the political sentiments contain- 
 ed in the Tao-te Ching, I hope it has been seen that the 
 author was not an utterly vain dreamer and theoriser, at 
 least on these matters. It would be very easy to show how 
 many of the Confucianist doctrines in politics closely resem- 
 ble those of Lao-tzu ; though others, also, are diametrically 
 opposite. The teachings of the latter sage, in point of prac- 
 ticability at least, are not fax removed from those of the 
 former. 
 
 In many points Lao-tzu seems to us to be giving bad 
 advice to the ruler, and his general notions about a state are 
 very unlike those to which we are accustomed. That the 
 people should be kept ignorant, advancement in mechanical 
 skill discountenanced, and that the standards of political 
 excellence should be the ideal sages of an ideal antiquity. 
 
74 LAO-TZU. 
 
 are doctrines to which we would refuse to adhere, and which 
 we would condemn, as savouring of despotism. Yet Lao-tzu's 
 conception of the ruler is not of him as a despot, but rather 
 as a sort of dictator during good conduct. He is raised to 
 his high position by the concurrent wishes of heaven and 
 the people, and on his observance of the duties of his office 
 depends his stability on the throne. It is interesting and 
 instructive to compare Lao-tzii's ideas on politics with those 
 of Macchiavelli, who somewhat resembles him also in his 
 fortunes. Each lived in times of national disaster and 
 misery and each wished for peace in the land. Each longed 
 to see one ruler installed, and honoured with absolute power. 
 During life neither seems to have been appreciated by his 
 fellows ; and after death so ill were the merits of both 
 recognised, that the abbreviated form of the Christian name 
 of the one became, as some suppose, a familiar term for the 
 original Devil ; ^ and the other has been confounded by his 
 enemies with charlatans and impostors. The coTinsels which 
 each gave to the chiefs of the time were those which he 
 deemed useful and practicable, though in many cases, if 
 judged by a general standard, they must be condemned. 
 The patriotic fire of the Florentine Secretary led him to 
 make rather reckless statements about the license allowed 
 to the man who makes and keeps himself an absolute and 
 independent prince.' So the Chinese moralist, deprecating 
 the evils wrought in his country by unprincipled but clever 
 and ambitious men, recommends a general state of ignorance. 
 The serpent wisdom of the professional statesman, however, 
 is far removed from the guileless simplicity of the philosopher. 
 
 6 See Maoaulay's Essays, Vol. I., Essay 2. 
 
 7 See TU Prince, chs. 8, 178. 
 
LAO-TZITi. 75 
 
 The latter abhors the idea of war, and recoils from the 
 thought offeree and ostentation ; but the former, with more 
 earthly prudence, recommends above aU things a good native 
 army, serviceable military skill, and splendid enterprises. 
 Maochiavelli allows the prince to break his word when 
 it suits him for state purposes ' (unless this be ironical), but 
 Lao-tzu requires of the king good faith, at least to his sub- 
 jects. Each of them advises that the ruler should be, or at 
 least appear to be, clement and liberal, sparing of the people's 
 possessions and a fosterer of theii material prosperity.^ Many 
 other points of similarity or contrast in the political opinions 
 of these two eminent men might be adduced, but the above 
 must suffice as examples. 
 
 When we read Lao-tzii's sentiments about taxation, over- 
 legislation, penal retributions and excessive governmental 
 interference, and remember that these same subjects are stilt 
 eagerly debated among Western philosophers and statesmen, 
 we must ascribe to the Chinese sage a remarkable amount of 
 what Humboldt calls the presentiment of knowledge. What 
 he, however, could sketch only in faint outline on these 
 subjects, has been broadly discussed in later and more auspi- 
 cious times by men like Adam Smith, Bentbam, Emerson 
 and J. S. MiU. If we now cannot but condemn his ignoring 
 the individuality of each member of the state, his discourag- 
 ing progress in the mechanical arts, and his magnifying 
 the kingly office, we must remember that there are stUl 
 among us, notwithstanding the experience and struggles of 
 centuries, almost as great barriers to the enjoyment of 
 
 8 See The Prince, oh. 14. 
 
 9 Do. ch. 18. 
 1 Ch. 16, &c. 
 
76 LAO-TZlJ. 
 
 personal liberty as were those wHch Lao-tzii recommends. 
 Large standing armies at the call of one man — " incognosci- 
 bUity " of the laws — briiery — ^gerrymandering — and, above 
 all, the power of the many — are still great retarders of human 
 freedom and prosperity. That such things eadst, even 
 though the Toice of the philosopher is always against them, 
 should make us indulgent towards the miistaken notions of a 
 man who lived 2,500 yeais ago. 
 
LAO-TZtf. 77 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ETHICS, 
 
 Lao-tzii's notions on etMcs are fortunately set forth with 
 mtich more fulness than on any other department of know- 
 ledge, and in giving a brief account of them one is rather 
 encumbered by the abundance of aphorisms than perplexed 
 by their paucity. In saying this, however, I do not mean to 
 intimate that the philosopher has elaborated a system of 
 speculative or practical morality, or that he has given full 
 and explicit statements about the moral sense and many 
 other subjects familiar to the student of western ethics. On 
 several of these points he is absolutely silent, and his notions 
 about others are expressed darkly and laconically, and only 
 occasionally in a connected manner. We must, however, 
 make the most we can of the obscure text and discordant 
 commentaries, in order to learn at least an outline of what 
 our author taught. 
 
 In the first place, Lao-tzii seems to have believed in the 
 existence of a primitive time, when virtue and vice were 
 unknown terms.* During this period everything that man 
 
 1 See ohs. 2, 38, and compare the words of Pascal — " la vraie morale 
 se moque de la morale, c'est a dire que la morale du jngement se moque 
 de la morale de I'esprit qui est sans rigle." Pens^es, Art. xxv., 56. 
 
78 LAO TZlJ. 
 
 did was according to Nature (Tao), and this not by any 
 effort on man's part, but merely as the result of his existence. 
 He knew not good or evil, nor any- of the relative virtues 
 and vices which have since obtained names. This was the 
 period of Nature in the world's history, a period of extreme 
 simplicity of manners and purity of life corresponding to the 
 Garden-of-Eden state of the Hebrews, before man perceived 
 that he was imclothed, and became as a God knowing good 
 and evil. To this succeeded the, period of Virtue {]&■) in 
 two stages or degrees. The higher is almost identical with 
 the state of Nature, as in it also man led a pure life, without 
 need of eiFort and without consciousness of goodness. Of the 
 people of this peiiod we may speak as the 
 
 " Saturni gentem, baud vinolo nee legibus sequam, 
 Sponte sua, veterisijue dei se more tenentem." 
 
 In the next and lower stage life was still virtuous, though 
 occasionally sliding into vice, and unable to maintain the 
 stability of unconscious and unforced Excellence.' Then 
 came the time when humanity and equity appeared, and 
 when filial piety and integrity made themselves known.* 
 These were degenerate days when man was no more " Nature's 
 priest" and when the "vision splendid " had almost ceased to 
 attend him. Finally came the days when craft and cunning 
 were developed, and when insincerity arose. Propriety 
 
 •2 Mneii, B. 7, vs. 203-4. 
 
 S Compare Carlyle, — "Already to the popular judgment, he who 
 talks much about virtue in the abstract, begins to be suspect," &o. Essay 
 on Characteristics. So also Emerson writes — " Our moral nature is 
 vitiated by any interference of our wUl," Essays, Vol. I., p. 119. 
 
 i See chs. 18, 38. 
 
LAO-TZU. 79 
 
 and carefulness of external deportment also, according to 
 Lao-tzii, indicated a great falling away from primitive simpli- 
 city tlie beginning of trouble ; and he, accordingly, speaks 
 of them rather slightingly. This is a point on which Con- 
 fucius seems to have been of a very different opinion, although 
 he had studied the ceremonial code under Lao-tzu. 
 
 Such is, according to the Tao-t§ Ching, the mode in which 
 the world gradually became what it is at present. The book 
 does not contain, any express statement of opinion as to 
 whether each human creature is born with a good or a bad 
 nature. Prom various passages in it, however, we are 
 authorised in 'inferring that Lao-tzu regarded an infant as 
 good by nature. Its spirit comes pure and perfect from the 
 GreafMother, but susceptible to all the evU influences which 
 operate upon it and lead it astray. 
 
 The standard of virtue to which Lao-tzii refers is Nature 
 (Tao), just as another old philosopher says, " in hoc sumus 
 sapientes, quod naturam optimam ducem, tanquam deum, 
 sequimur eique paremus." ^ By our philosopher, however. 
 Nature is not regarded as personified and deified, but is con- 
 templated as the eternal, spontaneous, arfd emanatory cause. 
 The manifestation of complete virtue comes from Nature 
 only.* This is the guide and model of the universe, and it 
 
 5 The words of Cato in Cio. De Senectute. 
 
 6 Compare Emerson : " The Supreme Critic on the errors of the past 
 and the present, and tlis only prophet of that which must he, is that 
 great Nature in which we rest, as the earth lies in the soft arms of the 
 atmosphere ; that Unity, that Oversoul, within which every man's parti- 
 cular heing is contained and made one with all others ; that common 
 heart, of which all sincere conversation is the worship, to which all right 
 action is submission ^ that overpowering reality which confutes our tricks 
 
80 LAO-TZIJ. 
 
 itself has spontaneity as guide, that is, it has no guide 
 whatever. All creatures and man among them, must conform 
 to it or they miss the end of their existence and soon cease 
 to be. As Tao, however, is very indefinite and intangible, 
 Lao-tzii holds it out to mortals as their guide chiefly through 
 the medium of certain other ideas more easily comprehended. 
 Thus Heaven, corresponding somewhat to our notions of 
 providence, imitates Nature, and becomes to man its visible 
 embodiment^ In its perfect impartiality, its noiseless work- 
 ing, its disinterested and unceasing weU-doing, it presents a 
 rule by which man should regulate his life.* Not less are 
 the material heavens above him a model in their unerring, 
 and spontaneous obedience to Nature, and in their eternal 
 purity. The Earth ® also, with her calm eternal repose, and 
 the great rivers and seas, are types of the far-off olden times, 
 whose boundless merit raised them to the height of fellow- 
 workers with Nature, and to whom all things once paid a' 
 willing homage, are patterns for all after ages. 
 
 Of a personal dgity above all these our author makes no 
 mention, nor can it be inferred with certainty from his book 
 whether he believ^ in the existence of such a being. In 
 one place he speaks of Nature (Tao) as being antecedent 
 
 and talents, and constrains every one to pass for what he is, and to 
 speak from his character, and not from his tongue, and which evermore 
 tends to pass into our thought and hand, and become wisdom, and 
 virtue, and power and beauty." Essays, Vol. I., p. 244, 
 
 7 Chs. 30, 55. 
 
 8 Chs. 7, 77. 
 
 9 Ch. 25. 
 
 1 Chs. 15, 68. Compare the saying of Sir T. Browne — "Live by 
 old ethioks and the classical rules of honesty." 
 
LAO-TZU. 81 
 
 to the manifestation of Ti (*S*), a word which the com- 
 mentators usually explain as meaning lord or master of 
 heaven. The learned Dr. Medhurst translates the passage 
 in question thus, " I do not know whose son it (viz., Ta6u) 
 is ; it is prior to the (Supreme) Kuler of the visible (Leavens). ^ 
 I do not understand how, after this, the same author can state 
 that the Taoists, that is, with Lao-tzii at their head, under- 
 stand the word Ti " in the sense of the Supreme Being."* 
 Ghosts and Spirits (^ and jjift) are referred to in the Tao- 
 ti Ching, but these are very subordinate beings capable of 
 being controlled by the saints of the earth. Lao-tzii refers, 
 however, as has been seen, to a supernatural punisher of 
 crime ; and in several passages he speaks of heaven in a 
 manner very similar to that in which we do when we mean 
 thereby the Deity who presides over heaven and earth.* Yet 
 we must not forget that it is inferior and subsequent to the 
 mysterious Tao, and in fact prodiiced by the latter. I cannot, 
 accordingly, agree with the learned Paiithier when he writes 
 thus about the Sixteenth Chapter of the Tao-te Ching — " Ce 
 chapitre renferrae k lui seul les ^l^ments d'une religion ; et 
 il n'est pas 6tonnant que les Sectateurs de Lao-tseu, si habiles, 
 comme tous les Asiatiques, k tirer d'un principe pos6 toutes 
 les consequences qui en deeoulent logiquement, aient 6tabli 
 un culte et un sacerdoce avec les doctrines du philosophe ; 
 car dfes I'instant qu'un Dieu supreme est annone^, que les 
 bonnes actions et la connaissance que I'on Ewsquiert de lui sont 
 les seuls moyens pour I'homme de parvenir a I'^terneUe 
 
 2 Ch. 4. The word hsiomg 'W^ is also explained here as meaning 
 prohaWy or it seems; the equivalent oiyn (^TO)- 
 
 3 Dissertation on the Theology of the Chinese, &o., p. 246. 
 
 4 Chs. 73, 77. «. 
 
82 LAO TZU. 
 
 f^licit^ dans son sein, il est bien Evident qu'il faut des 
 mediateurs entre ce Dieu et I'homme pour conduire et 
 eclairer les intelligences ignorantes et faibles." ® Tao with 
 Lao-tzii is not a deity, but is above all deities, and, as has 
 been seen, it is not always represented unchangeable. On 
 the contrary, regarded from one point of view the Tao is in 
 a state of constant change — " twinkling restlessly," to use an 
 expression from Wordsworth. Only when considered as 
 the existence which was solitary in the universe and eternal, 
 is it spoken of as unchanging. Long after Lao-tzii's time 
 Tao was, indeed, raised or rather degraded to be a deity, 
 but the theories of later Taoists are seldom the logical deve- 
 lopments of the doctrines of Lao-tzu, and in this they err 
 widely. 
 
 Of virtue in the abstract little is said by our author, but 
 we know that his idea o,f it was that it consisted in follow- 
 ing Nature (Tao). He generally, however, speaks of it in 
 the concrete as the perfect nature, of the world or man and 
 the other creatures of the universe. Sometimes indeed he 
 refers to T#, Virtue, as if it were a mysterious, independent 
 existence and not an itiherent quality. At other times he 
 seems to regard good and bad as merely relative terms, the 
 existence of the former implying and indeed causing the 
 existence of the latter, and vice versa. 
 
 Descending from these generalities, however, we now 
 come to the consideration of Lao-tzii's conception of the 
 ideal sage. The virtues which characterise the perfect man, 
 and which all should endeavour to possess, are described in 
 the Tao-t6 Ching with greater or less fulness. Among the 
 most important of these is the negative excellence of an 
 
 5 Chine, pp, 116-7. ,♦ 
 
LAO-Tzfi. 83 
 
 absence of the bustling ostentation of goodness. Not to be 
 fussy or showy, but to do one's proper work and lead a 
 quiet life without meddling in the concerns of others, are 
 virtues which to Lao-tzii seemed of transcendent importance, 
 the expression which I interpreted as meaning absence of 
 ostentation or bustle is wu wei (^lE'^).® Many Chinese 
 commentators seem to regard this as equivalent to nothing- 
 ness, non-existence, or absolute inaction ; so Julian also 
 translates it usually by " non-agir." ^ Though, however, the 
 words have in many places these meanings, yet there are 
 several passages which seem to require the explanation 
 given above, and which is also in harmony with the general 
 tenor of the book. Man's guide is Nature (Tao), and it 
 works incessantly but without noise or show. So also it is 
 not an inactive life that Lao-tzii commends, but a gentle 
 one, and one which does not obtrude itself on the notiee of 
 the world. The man who would follow Nature must try to 
 live virtuously without the appearance of so doing; he must 
 present a mean exterior while under it he hides the inestim- 
 able jewel. The advice which Sir Thomas Browne gives 
 is very like the teaching of Lao-tzii. "Be substantially great 
 in thyself, and more than thou appearest unto others ; and 
 let the world be deceived in thee, as they are in the lights 
 of heaven." ® Again, the man who follows Nature is wise 
 
 6 See ohs. 2, &o. Wei (^S) sometimes means to esteem, and Wei- 
 wu'wei would then mean to esteem without appearmg to do so. Compare 
 Shi-wu-shi (^^^), Shang-tgpi;-tg (Jui^^Tf^^), &«• 
 
 7 In this he is often followed by Mr. Chalmers. Pauthier also so 
 translates the expression, 
 
 8 See ohs. 41, 70. 
 
 9 Christian Morflk^Section xix. 
 
84 LAO-TZU. 
 
 but wears the mask of ignorance * — to the world he appears 
 silly and stupid, but in his breast are deep stores of wisdom. 
 So also he does good without the show of doing it ; he helps 
 in the amelioration of his fellows, and ind&ed of all things 
 in the world, without talking or making any display. He 
 does his alms not before men but in secret and without a 
 preluding trumpet. Those are rare who can instruct others 
 without the necessity of talking, and benefit them without 
 making a show ; but in striving to attain to this excellence 
 man is aiming at the perfection of Nature.* The art of 
 living thus is an art made by Nature " — the, silent, informing, 
 universally-opeiant spirit. By Nature (Tao) the passions 
 and oth^ impediments to virtue are lessened more and more 
 
 1 So Celsus represents the eariy Christians as saying — " Wisdom is a 
 bad thing in life, foolishness is to be preferred." Neander, Ch. Hist., 
 Vol. I., p. 164 (Amer. Translation). 
 
 2 See chs. 45, 71, 77. Compare the statement attributed to Gotama 
 Buddha. " Great King, I do not teach the law to my pupils, telling 
 them. Go, ye saints, and before the eyes of the Brahmans and house- 
 holders perform, by means of your supernatural powers, miracles 
 greater than any man can perform. I tell them, when I teach 
 them the law, Live, ye saints, hiding your good works, and showing 
 your sins." Chips from a German Workshop, Vol. I., p. 249; 
 translated from Bumouf, Introduction i, I'Histoire du Buddhisma 
 Indien, p. 170. 
 
 3 Compare Emerson — " The man may teach by doing, and not 
 otherwise. If he can communicate himself he can teach, but not by 
 word." Essay IV., Vol. I., p. 136. 
 
 4 Ch. 43. 
 
 j^^ 
 
tAO-TZU. 85 
 
 until man attains to that state of perfection in whioh he acts 
 naturally and so can do aU things.* 
 
 The virtue of humility is one of which Lao-tzii speaks 
 very highly. Water is always with him the type of what is 
 humble ; and the godlike man, like it, occupies a low posi- 
 tion, which others abhor but in which he can profit all 
 around him.* " The supremely virtuous is hke water," are 
 words taken from the Tao-te Ching, and frequently inscribed 
 on rocks and other objects. Such a man does not claim 
 precedence or merit, nor does he strive with any one. He 
 never arrogates honour or preferment, yet they come to 
 him ; and he is yielding and modest, yet always prevails in 
 the end. When success is obtained, and his desire accom- 
 plished, he modestly retires. Pride, on the other hand, and 
 vaulting ambition, always fail to attain the wished-for 
 consummation.® So also the man who is violent and head- 
 strong generally comes to a bad end.^ Some of the commen- 
 tators, however, seem to take this humility in a bad sense, 
 and they would make us believe that the quaUty as recom- 
 mended by Lao-tzu is not virtue but rather a vice, as 
 partaking of the nature of a trick or artifice. The historical 
 instance which they most frequently quote as illustrating the 
 
 5 Ch. 48. Wv^wei here may have another meaning. Wu-oh'gng 
 and Julien regard it as meaning iiiaction, and make it synonymous with 
 Wu-sM. See Mr. Chalmers' extraordinary translation of this chapter. 
 
 6 Chs. 8, 78. 
 
 7 Chs. 22, 34, 66. 
 
 8 Compare the saying of Solomon,—" Before honour is humility." 
 Proverbs, xviii. 12. 
 
 9 See chs. 92, 24. 
 1 Ch. 42. ^% 
 
86 LAO-TZU, 
 
 success of this humility is the career of the fe,mous Chang 
 Tzu-fang v.SM'T* j^)> ^ sort of political Uriah Heep. 
 
 To continence also Lao-tzii assigns a high place. The 
 total exemption from the power of the passions and desire is 
 a moral pre-eminence to which man should seek to attain — 
 
 " For not to desire or admire, if a man could learn it, were more 
 Than to walk all day like the Sultan of old in a garden of spice." 
 
 It is the body, with its inseparably connected emotions and 
 passions, which is the cause of aU the ills that attend huma- 
 nity ; and he who would return to the state of original 
 innocence must overcome his body.^ To be without desires 
 is to be at rest, and if man were freed from the body he 
 would have no cause for fear. To keep the gateways of the 
 senses closed against the sight, sounds and tastes which 
 distract and mar the soul within, is the simple metaphor 
 which Lao-tzii uses to express this overcoming of self.* This 
 conquest he puts above every other. He who knows others, 
 is learned, but he who knows himself is enlightened; he 
 who overcomes others has physical force, but he who over- 
 comes himself has moral strength.* The disastrous conse- 
 quence of yielding to the bodily appetites is beautifully 
 illustrated by a metaphor familiar to us in a Taoist book to 
 
 2 Ch. 13. 
 
 3 Ch. 37. 
 
 i Chs. 52, 56. 
 
 5 Ch. 33. Compare the words of Sir T. Browne : — " Rest not in an 
 ovation, but a triumph over thy passions.'' Christian Morals, sect. 2. 
 So also Solomon — " £Ce that is slow to anger is tetter than the mighty ; 
 and he that ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a city." Proverhs, xvi. 
 32. Compare also Horace's Ode to SaUust, vs. Aj^frfly 
 
LAO-TZU. St 
 
 which I have already referred. The people of the world ^ 
 following their desires strive for reputation, grasp at gain, 
 . covet wine, and lust after beauty — ^they take the bitter for 
 the pleasant and the false for the real — day and night they 
 toil and moil, morn and even they fret and care, nor desist 
 even when their vital energies are almost exhausted. Like 
 the moth which extinguishes its life in the dazzling blaze of 
 the lamp or the worm which goes to its own destruction in 
 the fire, these men do not wait for the command of the king 
 of Death, but send themselves to the grave.® 
 
 Associated with continence is the virtue of moderation, 
 which also must form part of the good man's character. To 
 be content is to be rich and brings with it no danger or 
 shame, while there is no greater calamity than not to know 
 when to be satisfied.' He who knows where to stop will not 
 incur peril, nor will he ever indulge in excess. To fill a cup 
 while holding it in the hand is not so good as to let it alone, 
 or, as we say, it is hard to carry a full cup even.® Too 
 sharp an edge cannot be kept on a tool, and a hall full of 
 gold and precious stones cannot be defended ; and he who 
 is wanton in prosperity leaves a legacy of misfortune. Various 
 other metaphors are used to inculcate the necessity of follow- 
 ing the mean, and abstaining from extravagance. The man 
 who erects himself on tiptoe cannot continue so, nor can he 
 who takes long strides continue to walk. The intelligent 
 
 6 f^^^l^- Ch. 2, p. 11. 
 
 7 See Clis. 33, 44, 46, 29, 32. 
 
 B Ch. 9. Compare Horace's advice : — " Quod satis est cni contigit, 
 hie nihil amplins optet," 
 9 Ch. 24. 
 
88 LA.0-TZ6. 
 
 and good man will be moderate in all things, not desiring to 
 be prized like jade or slighted like a stone.^ 
 
 It is also a characteristic of the truly virtuous man that 
 he is always, and especially in privacy, grave and serious, 
 and not unmindful of his weak points. He who knows his 
 strength and protects his weakness at the same time will 
 have all the world resorting to him for instruction and 
 example; eternal virtue will not leave him, and he will 
 return to the natural goodness of infancy. Many things 
 fail when the goal is nearly attained, but the godlike man is 
 careful about the end no less than about the beginning.* So 
 also were the sages of antiquity whose cautious, hesitating 
 character is portrayed in outline as a model for others.* 
 
 Mercy is another virtue to which Lao-tzii attaches consi- 
 derable importance. Nor is the quality of mercy, as he 
 represents it, strained within any narrow compass. On the 
 contrary, it flows not only over all mankind, but even to the 
 entire world. As has been seen, Lao-tzu would have all 
 capital punishment reserved for a supernatural agent to 
 execute, and he would have the correction of wickedness 
 effected by the quiet influence of a good example. He goes 
 farther than this, however ; for he wiU have us to abstain 
 from even judging others — ^from dividing men into the 
 righteous and the sinners.^ It is Heaven alone which is 
 to determine the moral worth of human creatures, and give 
 to each his meed. And we must not even assign worldly 
 misfortunes to the displeasure of Heaven — must not say that 
 the eighteen on whom the tower of SUoam fell were greater 
 
 1 Ch. 39. 5 Chs. 19, 73. 
 
 2 Chs. 26, 28. i Ch. 15. 
 
 3 Chs. 63, 64. 
 
LAO-TZU. §9 
 
 sinners than the other residents- in Jerusalem. The good 
 man must not only not think too harshly of the man who is 
 not good,® but he must even love him, and must reward 
 ill will by virtue — the ne plus ultra of generosity, as one of 
 the commentators observes.' So also the feeling of compas- 
 sion will cause the good man to keep his good qualities in the 
 back ground, and not excite the evil passions of the bad 
 man by displaying them obtrusively before him. After a 
 great dispute has been adjusted some grudge is sure to 
 remain, so to live peaceably is to be regarded as virtuous.^ 
 The good man keeps his proof of an agreement, but he does 
 not claim from the other party to it the fulfillment of the 
 agreement, that is, he will not sue him at a court of law. 
 This spirit of mercy and compassion ought not only to 
 prevail in private and social life, but it ought to extend also 
 to the seat of power and even to temper the fierce passions 
 of warfare. Then from the circle of humanity Lao-tsii looks 
 abroad over the ample spaces of nature, and extends to them 
 also a kindly sympathy. The good man never injures any- 
 thing in the world ; on the contrary he saves the inferior 
 creatures and assists them in their ever-renewed operations 
 of coming into existence, growing, and returning to their 
 
 6 Ch. 27. The word shan (^S), however, rendered good, is also 
 susceptible of the interpretation cleoeir or expert. See Wu-oh'dng's note 
 (ch. 22 in his edition). 
 
 7 Ch. 63. In the Kan-ying-p'ien (,^*iffl^s) it '8 said "Look 
 on the acquisitions of others as if they were yours, and the losses of others 
 as if they were yours." Ch. 2. In this book are taught many other 
 excellent lessons which are apparently derived from the Tao-tS Chmg. 
 
 8 Ch. 79. 
 
90 LAO-TZU. 
 
 original source.* Did the whole creation in his eyes, too, 
 groan and travail in pain ? 
 
 Of courage, truth, honesty, and several other virtues Lao- 
 tzii does not make much mention. He seems also to think 
 lightly of conventional humanity and equity, but Han Wen 
 Kung says this was because he had a low conception of these 
 two virtues. According to the figure used by Han, 
 Lao-tzil was as a man sitting at the bottom of a well and 
 pronouncing the sky to be of small dimensions. He teaches, 
 however, the mutual dependence of man upon man, and the 
 consequent necessity of the interchange of good offices. The 
 good man gives and asks not — does good and looks not for 
 recompense. He who is virtuous is master of him who is 
 not virtuous, but respect and affection must exist between 
 them. The ruler and the ruled also are mutually dependent, 
 and they too must reciprocate kindness and forbearance. 
 
 Lao-tzii repeatedly condemns the vices of much and fine 
 talking. The wise man, he says, does not talk, and to do 
 without audible words is to follow Nature.^ Man ought to 
 be silent in his actions as is the all-working Nature. Faith- 
 ful words, are not fine, and fine words are not faithful : the 
 virtuous man is not argumentative and vice versa. 
 
 To learning and Avisdom our author does not, I think, 
 assign a sufficiently high place, but seems rather to condemn 
 
 9 See chs. 27, 64. So the Kan-jring-p'ien says : — " The tiny insects 
 and plants and trees may not be injured." 
 
 1 Works, ch. 11, j^^- 
 
 2 Chs. 23, 56. Compare " Let us be silent, for so are the gods." 
 Also the words of the Tatler : — " Silence is sometimes more significant 
 and sublime than the most noble and most expressive eloquence, and is on 
 many occasions the indication ot a great mind." No. 133. 
 
LAO-TZU. 9 1 
 
 them.^ Learning adds to the evils of existence, and if We 
 could put it away we would be exempt from anxiety. The 
 ancient rulers kept the people ignorant and they had good 
 government — so the people ought stiU. to be kept in igno- 
 rance. But perhaps Lao-tzu refers to the faults of those 
 persons who drink only slightly of the Pierian spring and then 
 boast of what they acquire, thereby doing injury to them- 
 selves and to society. It would, however, have been better 
 if he had distinguished between the pretenders to knowledge, 
 and those who have drunk deeply at the fountain of wisdom 
 by assigning to intellectual worth its proper importance. 
 
 Lao-tzu, as has been seen, is not unmindful of the infirmi- 
 ty of noble minds which expects a recompense for a virtuous 
 life. Nor are the inducements which he holds out of a slight 
 or unworthy nature. On the contrary, they are to souls 
 which have begun to delight in the path of virtue, and also to 
 those stiU walking in " error's wandering wood," calculated to 
 have a great effect. The desires and appetites must all be 
 overcome and self must be subdued, but to him who obtains 
 the victory there remain grand prizes. The gateways of 
 knowledge are open to him, and he can contemplate the 
 mysterious operations of nature. Fame and greatness come 
 to him unsolicited, and the years of his life are increased. 
 1 laving the guileless purity of an infant — ^becoming like a little 
 child — ^he will enjoy an exemption from the fear of noxious 
 
 3 Cbs. 65, 20, 48. 
 
 4 Compare Emerson. Essays vol. i., p. 261-2. 
 
 5 Ch. 1. Chalmers, however, translates— " In eternal non-existence, 
 therefore, man seeks to pierce the primordial mystery, and in eternal 
 existence, to behold the issues of the Universe." See also the German 
 translation given in Hegel, Geschichte, &o. Vol. i., p. 142. 
 
92 LAO-TZC. 
 
 animals and wicked men.* Fierce beasts cannot gore or tear 
 him, nor the soldier wound him in battle, that is, having 
 perfect love towards all things he will not fear harm from 
 any.' The godlike man does not use his neighbour as a foil 
 to set off his own excellence, but rather assimilates himself 
 to all. Thus he comes into intimate lanion with his fellow- 
 creatures and is set on high without incurring any ill-will. 
 He lives not for himself but for others, and his life is pro- 
 longed by so doing. He does not amass for himself, nor 
 does he bury his talent in the barren ground of itself. He 
 spends it in the service of his fellows and it comes back to 
 him with interest.* The more he serves the more he has 
 wherewith to serve, and the more he gives the richer he 
 becomes. It is almost surprising to find this thought thus 
 expressed by Lao-tzu, and the words of one of his disciples, 
 following out the idea, are somewhat remarkable — " There 
 is also accumulation which causes deficiency, and a non- 
 hoarding whicfh results in having something over." * There 
 are several passages in the Tao-t§ Ching besides the above, 
 w'hich might be induded among the " testimonia animee 
 naturaliter Christiana." Humility, charity, and the forgive- 
 ness of injuries which are sometimes spok«n of as purely 
 Christian virtues are certainly inculcated by Lao-tzii.^ But 
 to return to our subject. — ^Man's life ought thus to be con- 
 tinued opposition to self, gaining more and more control 
 over it, until the passions cease to trouble and self is per- 
 
 6 Chs. 7, 59. 
 
 7 Chs. SO, 55. 
 
 8 See chg. 66, 7, 81. 
 
 9 Qubted by Wu-ch'eug in a note to oh. 81, 
 1 Compare Pauthier. Chine, p. 117. 
 
LA.O-TZU. 9S 
 
 fectly vanquished. Then comes the end wbieh crowns the 
 work. When the fleshly appetites have been subdued, and 
 the spirit has attained that state in which it is 
 — " equable and pure ; 
 No fears to beat away — no strife to heal — 
 The past unsiglied for, and the future sure," 
 then comes death. And what after death ? Man returns to. 
 Nature, which delights to receive him, and identifies him 
 with her own mysterious self. Hither, too, come all the 
 tnyriad things which had once emanated from the womb 
 of the same all-producing mother. This in reality means that 
 man and all other creatures return to nothingness. This- 
 is the dreamless sleep wherewith our life is rounded — this is 
 the end of all our woe and misery, to be 
 — " Swallowed Up and lost 
 
 In the wide womb of uncreated night 
 
 Devoid of sense and motion." 
 There is at least one passage in which. Lao-tzu seems to 
 I speak of a life after death,^ but this passage presents great 
 difficulties, and perhaps refers only to the "fancied life 
 in others' breath" by which a man though dead is not lost. 
 That man loses Iws^hidiyiduality and that he loses his existence 
 are two doctrines strongly opposed to^^^S^ The mdividual 
 is everything with the one, nothing with the other. As to 
 the immortality of the soul, this is a doctrine of which many 
 other excellent philosophers before the rise of Christianity 
 had little or no conception. We are wont to regard the 
 theory of the soid's mortality as dismal and hopeless ; yet 
 
 2 Ch. 23. See Pauthier. Chine Modeme, ps. 356-7. 
 
 3 Emerson, however, also speaks of the "individual soul mingling 
 with the Universal Soul." Essays. 
 
94 I-AO-TZO. 
 
 Lao-tzu holds out the hope of annihilation or at least of 
 absorption into universal Nature as the highest reward for a 
 life of untiring virtue. Few, he says, understand the matter ; 
 and few as yet even understand the meaning of the immor- 
 tality of the soul. The belief that the soul is mortal no less 
 than the opposite belief seems to lead to the possession of a 
 calm, contented spirit, and an indifference to the things of 
 this life. The strange but eloquent words of the Hydriota- 
 phia on this subject will form the closing sentence of this 
 chapter : — " And if any have been so happy as truly to 
 understand Christian annihilation, ecstasies, exolution, lique- 
 faction, transformation, the kiss of the spouse, gustation of 
 God, and ingression into the divine shadow, they have already 
 had an handsome anticipation of heaven ; the glory of the 
 world is surely over, and the earth in ashes unto them." * 
 
 4 Ch. 5. 
 
LXO-T8U. 95 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 LA.O-TZG AND CONFUCIUS. 
 
 It is not unusual for foreigners no less than for Chinese to 
 speak of Lao-tzu and Confucius as having lived on very bad 
 terms -with each other and as having been diametrically 
 opposite in their teachings. One Chinese scholar who ought 
 to have known much better sins very badly in this respect. 
 The excellent little book of Mr Edkins on the Religious 
 Condition of the Chinese contains the following : " Con- 
 temporary with Confucius, there was an old man afterwards 
 known as Laou-tsoo, who meditated in a philosophic mood 
 upon the more profound necessities and capacities of the 
 human soul. He did so in a way that Confucius, the prophet 
 of the practical, could not well comprehend. He conversed 
 with him once, but never repeated his visit, for he could not 
 understand him. Laou-tsoo recommended quiet reflection. 
 Water that is stUl is also clear, and you may see deeply into it. 
 Noise and passion are fatal to spiritual progress. The stars 
 are invisible through a clouded sky. Nourish the perceptive 
 powers of the soul in purity and rest." Others have 
 expressed a similar opinion and with no more accuracy. 
 
 1 Page 9. 
 
96 LAO Tzft. 
 
 This view, however, is -not strictly correct. As has been 
 seen, Confucius was a disciple of Lao-tzii, and there is no 
 evidence to prove that any other than friendly relations 
 existed between them. A Confucianist philosopher has 
 somewhere remarked that Confucius and Lao-tzii we're not 
 the authors of opposite systems and founders of rival schools 
 of philosophy, and the observation is quite correct. It was 
 not until long after the two sages were dead that the followers 
 of the one came to look on those of the other as heretics 
 and enemies. Not only, however, did Confucius himself 
 live in friendship with his instructor, so far as we know, but 
 he also imbibed not a few of his tenets. The influence of 
 Lao-tzii on his disciple, and the amount of similarity between 
 the doctrines of the two are subjects well deserving a serious 
 study. That they differ widely on many points is a fact 
 known to everybody, but few, so far as my knowledge 
 extends, have studied the affinities between them. To a 
 thorough-going Confucianist the mere idea of doing such a 
 a thing is horrible, and the Temple of Literature closed 
 against the reception of the tablets of the rare individuals 
 who have essayed the task, deters the after generations. By 
 one, however, not anxious about his posthumous tablet, and 
 who takes pleasure in finding how near the divergent lines 
 of orthodoxy and heterodoxy may be found to have originally 
 converged, the work may be attempted without any mis- 
 givings. The present writer can do nothing more than merely 
 try to sketch a few of the features of resemblance between 
 the teachings of the two sages in speculative Physics, Politics 
 and Ethics, following the division adopted above. 
 
 The theories of Lao-tzii and Confucius on the physical 
 world being probably merely the popular and traditional 
 notions of the time, might naturally be expected to have noj 
 
/XAO-TZft 97 
 
 a little in common/ For example, the emanation of the 
 visible universeymcluding also all that makes up man, from 
 an eternal existence at once material and immaterial, seems 
 to have been an old idea with the Chinese, and it is found 
 in the teachings of both the sages. Thus, as has been seen, 
 the T'ai-chi ("7]^^^) or Gran^ Extreme, as it is translated, 
 is only Tern under another name. Indeed Confucius uses 
 the latter word in this connection very much after the 
 manner of Lao-tzu. In the appendix to the Ti-ching {Mt^^ 
 it is stated that what is antecedent to external form is called 
 Tao ; ^ and in another passage it is said that one passive and 
 one active element (one Yin and one Yang) are called Tao.^ 
 In the Li- Chi (SSoE) Confucius says to Tzii-kung that Tao 
 is that which the whole world, (^"K may also mean the 
 empire), esteems.* Other writers also, such as the author of 
 the preface to the Yi-ching, distinctly assert that the two 
 terms T'ai-chi and Tao have the same signification. Lao-tzii's 
 doctrine of dualism also, and his theory that contraries 
 produce each other are found explicitly taught in the Confu- 
 cian classics. Thus the Yi-ching says that hard and soft 
 ■alternately thrust each other forth, and in another passage 
 it is said that the Yin and the Yang, or the passive and 
 active elements or powers of nature, generate each other. 
 Again Lao-tzu teaches that all the operations of Nature 
 (Tao) and Heaven and earth are carried on without any 
 show of effort, silently and quietly. So also does Confucius 
 teach. In the Li-chi, for example, he says that the T'ien- 
 
 2 Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 12. 
 
 3 Vol. ii.. Appendix, ch. 5. 
 
 4 Ch. 10, page 65, compare also the Chung-Yung, ch. 27. 
 ?; Vnl li AnnpndiTC. rh. 2. 
 
 5 Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 2. 
 
98 LAO TZU. 
 
 tao or Way of Heaven is to be without exertion and yet 
 have the world completed.® In the Chung-yung a similar 
 observation is made respecting Ch'eng (sW) which Legge 
 translates " sincerity " but which is evidently another desig- 
 nation of Tao, as Mr Meadows long ago stated. Further, it is 
 almost unnecessary to state that in the quinary classification 
 of such things as tastes and colours our two sages perfectly 
 agree. Not only, however, do we find the same ideas on 
 these matters in Confucian classics and the Tao-t6 Ching but 
 we also not seldom find in them similar forms of expression.* 
 Thus, for instance, the poetical metaphor by which Lao-tzu 
 speaks of the sea and the great rivers as being kings to the 
 small streams which flow into them is found in the Shu- 
 King and the Shi Khing. In the former the Chiang ('/T) 
 and Han ("J^) are described as proceeding to the sovereign 
 Court of the Sea,* and in the latter it is written that the full 
 tide flows back to pay court to the sea, but the people of 
 the country forget their allegiance. It may be mentioned 
 that we ourselves speak of tributary streams, and Tennyson 
 has expressed the Chinese idea fully in the words 
 " Flow down, cold rivulet, to the sea. 
 Thy tribute wave deliver." 
 Coming now to Politics we find that on Government and 
 other matters connected with the State, the Confucian writings 
 
 6 Ch. 9, p. 6. See also the remarks of Gallery in his note to this 
 passage. Li-ki, p. 142. 
 
 7 Chinese Classics,- vol. i., p. 282 3-4. The Chinese and their Eebel- 
 lions, p. 351. 
 
 8 Compare Yi-chiug, Vol. ii., Appendix, ch. 11, with the Tao-tS 
 ching, ch. 6. 
 
 9 Legge's Shu, vol, i., p. 113. 
 
LAO-TZU. 99 
 
 contain many opinions closely resembling those of Lao-tzu. 
 Thus in the Lun Yu, Book xv., Confucius is represented as 
 saying — " May not Shun be instanced as having governed 
 efficiently without exertion ? What did he do ? He did 
 nothing but gravely and reverently occupy his imperial 
 seat." Here the very expressipn of the Tao-ti Ching is 
 used — ^^fRj'/'^ — and Dr. Legge has, I think, rightly 
 translated wu-wei by " without exertion." ■"■ So also in the 
 Shu King it is said of King Wu, after his war with Shou 
 was finished, that " he had only to let his robes fall down, 
 and fold his hands, and the empire was orderly ruled." ^ 
 Other passages in the Lun-yii show us that Confucius also 
 disliked war, and the petty squabbles into which the ambi- 
 tious feudal chiefs of his time were constantly falling. 
 Again, Lao-tzu has been greatly reproached by Confucianists 
 and others for declining to continue in office under the 
 kings of Chow, but he went little farther in this respect than 
 his more fortunate disciple who was more earthly wise 
 though less politically consistent. Each kept his precious 
 gem secreted for years, but there was this difference, that 
 Confucius was eager for a bidder who would please him,- 
 and Lao-tzu seeing there was no chance of a suitable bidder 
 preferred to keep his gem. Not only, however, did Confu- 
 cius himself abstain for a considerable time from active 
 official life, but he also commended those of the past and 
 some of his contemporaries who had retired into privacy 
 during evil times, and his approbation of Ning-wu's conduct 
 is expressed in language worthy of Lao-tzu. Besides, Con- 
 
 1 Chinese Classics, vol. 1, p. 169. 
 
 2 Legge's Sliu King, vol. ii., p. 316. 
 
 3 Legge's Ch. Classics, vol, i., p. 44. 
 
100 LAO-TZU. 
 
 fucius had the utmost contempt for the mandarins and chiefs 
 of his time, and regarded them as either utter villains or as 
 mere nobodies.* ' Again, just as Lao-tzu teaches that the 
 ruler must first correct himself, making the purity of his 
 own inner life his first and greatest care and then cultivating 
 moral excellence in his family, so Confucius repeatedly 
 teaches the same doctrine and illustrates it by the example 
 of the ancients. Like ruler like people, is a maxim with 
 him. If the sovereign be wicked the people also will be 
 wicked, and if he be good they also will be good. Lao-tzii 
 says that government must be conducted by uprightness or 
 rectitude (J£). So Confucius says that to govern means to 
 rectify, and in another passage he depicts the evil results of 
 a government which is not conducted in uprightness. An- 
 other political doctrine which is stated expressly in the 
 Tao-t8 Ching is that capital punishment is the work of a 
 super-human agent and that no one on earth can safely act 
 as proxy for that agent. Through all the Confucian writings 
 also there runs the idea that it is Heaven or the Upper 
 Ruler that is offended with wicked states, rebellious chiefs, 
 •or oppressive rulers, and that all national rewards and 
 punishments come from the same source. Confucius, how- 
 ever, and his followers seem to have believed that the virtuous 
 neighbouring state, the pious sovereign, or the successful 
 rebel received a Heavenly edict to annex the wicked territory, 
 slay the mutinous chief, or dethrone the impious prince — a 
 political idea not confined to ancient times or to China. Yet 
 there are several passages in the Classics which seem to 
 represent Confucius, too, as forbidding, or at least disapprov- 
 
 4 See for instance Legge, Ch. Classics, vol. i., p. 136. 
 
 5 See Legge, vol. i., ps. 122, 130 ; also the Li Chi, ch. 4, p, 52. 
 
LAO-TZU. 101 
 
 ing of, capital punishment. Thus in the Lun-yli he is made 
 to say to Chi-k'ang, who had asked him ahout slaying the 
 had in order to perfect the good — " Why use capital punish- 
 meat at aU ? Do you desire yirtue and the people will be 
 virtuous. The moral character of the ruler is to that of his 
 subjects as wind is to grass — when the wind blows the grass 
 bends." And in another passage he is represented as 
 approving of an old saying that after good government for 
 a hundred years capital punishment might be dispensed 
 with. Another maxim of the Tao-tS Ching also inculcated 
 by Confucius is this — that the sovereign ought to anticipate 
 and be prepared for reverses of fortune — that he ought to 
 devise measures for repressing rebellion while as yet there 
 is no sign of disturbance ; this, says the Shu King, was the 
 method pursued by the ancient rulers.* So also both sages 
 taught that the ruler should always be grave and serious, 
 mindful of the solemn charge which he has received from 
 Heaven.* In the Confucian writings, again, no less than in 
 the Tao-tS Ching, rulers are forbidden to covet and strive for 
 rare and outlandish objects, such things having a tendency 
 to stir up strife and lead the heart astray.^ Further in the 
 high pre-eminence assigned to the sovereign, Confucius is of 
 the same mind with Lao-tzu. As the latter ranks him with 
 Heaven and Earth, so also does the former. In the opinion 
 of each he reigns by divine right, and is himself indeed at 
 
 6 Legge, &o., vol. i., p. 122. 
 
 7 Legge, &c., vol. i., p. 131. 
 
 8 Legge's Shu King, voL ii., p. 525. Vol. i., p. 257. 
 
 9 Legge's Shu King, vol. i., p. 74, also vol. ii., p. 532. 
 
 1 Legge's Shu King, vol. i., p. 319. Vol, u., p. 574. 
 
 2 See Li Chi, oh. 8, p. 70. 
 
102 LAO-TZU. 
 
 least half divine. Son of Heaven is a frequent designation 
 of him in the Classics. Confucius indeed in some places is 
 much more wildly extravagant in his statements about the 
 sovereign than we would be inclined to expect. Finally, 
 to both sages the great and paramount consideration for a 
 prince or chief seemed to be the peace and prosperity of his 
 people. Light taxes, few legal restrictions, and a general 
 kind treatment are strongly recommended by both. They 
 differ, however, in this respect that while Lao-tzu overlooks 
 or slights education, Confucius regards it as of great import- 
 ance ; but few who know the nature of the education which 
 Confucius recommended to his son of carp-derived name, 
 but which he did not give him, would be disposed to regret 
 the want of it in a ruler or magistrate. 
 
 It now remains to speak of the Ethical teachings of Lao- 
 tzii and Confucius, and here also we find considerable simi- 
 larity, only a few instances of which can now be indicated. 
 As Confucius disclaimed the distinction of being original in 
 his views, I am much inclined to believe that the resemblance 
 between the doctrines of the classics and those of the Tao-t§ 
 Ching often point to a borrowing on the part of the former 
 from the latter. The low place which is assigned to intel- 
 lectual and mechanical accomplishment in this work seems 
 to be wrong, and Confucius would scarcely go so far. He 
 too, however, places virtue above wisdom, and seems some- 
 times to think that perfect virtue ensures to its possessor 
 other and less noble qualities. He is not unmindful of the 
 value of intellectual acquirements and assigns to them consi- 
 derable importance. It must be remembered besides that 
 the accomplishments of which Lao-tzii speaks disparagingly 
 
 3 Legge Shu King, &c., vol. i., p. 158. 
 
LAO-TZU. 103 
 
 are those more for show than utility, and that in this respect 
 Confucius is at one with him. The vice of talking specious 
 and flattering words is condemned by the one as strongly as 
 by the other. Artful words and a clever appearance are 
 seldom virtuous, is a sentence which Confucius is represented 
 as repeating on several occasions.* In the Yi-ching it is 
 said that the good man talks little and the violent man talks 
 much.® Here it is worthy of notice that the word which is 
 opposed to chi (^), good, is not hsiung (j>Cj), wicked, but 
 ts'ao (5fe&)) ^ word which means fierce or violent. Indeed 
 Confucius insists on the gentle life no less earnestly than 
 Lao-tzii, although he is not always consistent. He also 
 recommends abstinence from litigation. Like Lao-tzii he 
 teaches that the man of extensive influence ought to abase 
 himself before others — ought to yield and never wrangle.® 
 On some occasions Confucius is represented as holding the 
 maxim that what a man would not desire another to do to 
 him he should not do to others, while he is also represented 
 as objecting to the woj^ffs of Lao-tzu that injury should be 
 repaid by kindoeSsT^^But on the other hand he makes it 
 one of the charaCS&istics of the Chiin-tzii (S*"T*) or noble 
 man, that he does not strive, and a yielding, forbearing dis- 
 position is one of the virtues which admiring disciples have 
 assigned to "the Master" himself. In connection with this it 
 may he mentioned that the Confucian writings are as bitter as 
 
 4 See Legge, Ch. Classics, vol. i., 166 and p. 3. Compare also the 
 memorable words in the Li-chi, oh. 9, p. 489. 
 
 5 Vol. ii., Appendix, Part 2, ch. 12. 
 
 6 See Legge Ch. Classics, vol. i , p. 21. 
 
 7 See Legge, vol. i., p. 165. 
 
 8 See Legge, vol. i., p. 152. 
 
104 LAO-TZU. 
 
 the Tao-te Ching against the show and consciousness of being 
 virtuous. The words of the Emperor Shun to Yii as record- 
 ed in the Shu King are very like those of Lao-tzu, "With- 
 out any pridefal presumption, there is no one in the empire 
 to contest with you the palm of ability ; without any boast- 
 ing, there is no one in the empire to contest with you the 
 claim of merit."® 
 
 The lofty eminence on which Lao-tzu places the God-like 
 man is not greater than that to which Confucius raises him. 
 This person ranks, according to both, with Heaven and 
 Earth, and assists these in their great unceasing labours of 
 producing, nourishing, and ruling the creatures of the 
 universe.'' With Heaven and Earth he makes a trinity, 
 and is scarcely inferior to them. Like Heaven, which he 
 imitates, he is free from partialities, and is universal in his 
 sympathies.^ One of the philosophers, Ch'^ug, a Confucianist 
 after the most straitest sect, forgets his master's doctrine in 
 this respect and through excess of orthodoxy actually 
 becomes heterodox. Criticising Lao-tzii's statement that 
 Heaven, Earth, and the God-like man are pu jen (y^ 't2)> 
 that is, are without any partialities or particular affeotioDj 
 he says that we may make this remark of Heaven and Earth 
 but not of the God-like man who feels for and compassionates 
 his fellow creatures, and thus is able to enlarge his way of 
 life.* This author, however, seems to be here guilty of a 
 
 9 Legge's Shu King, vol. i., p. 60. See also Dr. Legge's note on 
 the passage. See also do, p. 257. 
 
 1 See Li-chi, oh. 4, p. 52. 
 
 2 See Legge's Chinese Classics, vol. i., p. 14. 
 
 3 See the '1)8: Jg i@ iS, oh., 17, p. 2. 
 
 rJ- 'it iiCn <tii ' ' '^ 
 
 i A quotation from the Lun-yii, B. xv , oh. 28. 
 
LAO-TZU. 105 
 
 sophisma equivocationis, as jm in the former part of the 
 paragraph is used in a bad sense while in the latter part 
 it has a good sense. The words of the King of Chow to 
 the newly appointed Chief Hu on this subject are very similar 
 to those of Lao-tzu — " Great Heaven has no affections — it 
 helps only the virtuous." So also, as Lao-tzu says it is 
 Heaven's way to take from that which has too much and 
 give to that which wants, the Shu-cMng says in like terms 
 " It is virtue which moves Heaven ; there is no distance to 
 which it does not reach. Pride brings loss, and humility 
 receives increase: — this is the way of Heaven."* 
 
 Again, the doctrine of the Tao-tS Ching, that violence 
 and excess cannot endure, appears also in the Confucian 
 works. It occurs, for instance, in the Li-ohi, and it is 
 worthy of observation that the illustrious commentator on 
 the passage regards the expression there used as a quotation, 
 but does not know from what work. Had the words been 
 identical there could not have been any possibility of doubt. 
 There is also a common saying among the Chinese, derived 
 from the Yi-ching, that when the sun has reached his 
 meridian he begins to decline, and when the moon has 
 reached her full she begins to wane, thus intimating the 
 fickleness of fortune. This idea is represented in the Tao-te 
 Ching under a different figure. 
 
 In many passages of the books which go by his name, 
 Confucius is made to impress on his disciples the necessity 
 
 5 Legge's Shu king, vol. ii., p. 490. See also, vol. i., p. 209. 
 
 6 Legge's voL i., p. 65. Reference is apparently made to the Yi- 
 ching where ^W and >H are two of the Diagrams. It is a wonder 
 that this escaped Dr. Legge's notice. 
 
 7 See Li-chi, oh. 1, p. 1, and Chu-hsi's note. 
 
106 LAO-TZC. 
 
 of attending to what is unseen and internal, and taking it for 
 granted that the visible and external will foUow as a natural 
 consequence. In this too he is nearly alike to Lao-tzu, 
 One passage of the Lun^yU even speaks of Li (jnS), or the 
 full complement of external virtues, on which Confucius 
 generally lays great stress as something to be postponed to 
 the genaine qualities of the heart.® The whole of the 
 thirty-third chapter of the Chung-yung may be regarded 
 as a sort of commentary on what Lao-tzu has said on this 
 and some other topics. The passages quoted in this chapter 
 from the Shi-ching are merely texts which have not the 
 slightest reference to the homilies on them except in one 
 or two cases. 
 
 Further, as Lao-tzu believed in a loagr-past time of sim- 
 plicity and purity, so also did Confucius, and his love for 
 9.ntiquity and his esteem for the ancient sages were perhaps 
 even greater than those of Lao-tzu.* Of the five charac- 
 teristics given of the old kings who had kept good govern- 
 ment in their kingdoms the first is that they honoured those 
 who had T6 (f^)) ^^^ i^i their perfect inborn nature, and 
 this is explained to mean those who approach Too. Both 
 sages represent the ancients as solid and not showy, as 
 wanting in intellectual arts but perfect in simple virtue. 
 They should be, both thought, in the conduct of life no less 
 than in afiairs of State the models for aU after ge.nerations. 
 Turn to the good old paths wherejn our forefathers walked 
 who were better than we, is what Lao-tzu and Confucius 
 
 8 Compare on this, other topics mentioned by Lao-tafi, the character 
 of the "Kg in the Li-chi, oh. 10. 
 
 9 Legge's Ch. Classics, vol. i., p. 21. 
 
 1 See Legge's Shu, &c., vol. ii., p. 491. 
 
LAO-Tztj. 107 
 
 equally teaoh. Go back, says the latter, to the days of Yao 
 and Shtin, and Yii, and kings Win and Wu, and Duke 
 Chou, and make them your patterns in all things even as they 
 made Heaven theirs. Ascend still further, says L*o-tzu, and 
 follow the lives of those primitive worthies who died before 
 the arts and vices of civilisation had appeared on the 
 earth. 
 
 What the induioements are which Lao-tzu holds out to a 
 life of self-subduing and virtue has been seen already, and 
 those which the Confucian books hold out to such a life 
 are vei'y similar.* An insight into the mysteries of Provi- 
 dence, length of years, a peaceful death, and a good name 
 among men are the chief rewards for such a life. Confucius 
 in one place is represented as making perfect knowledge 
 pirecede self-purification.* This, however, is not, I think, 
 in accordance With the general spirit of his teachings, and 
 if he- ever did make the statement reported it is probably 
 only one of those nonsensical uttajausesjWhioh he seems to 
 have occasionally made, solely for the purpose of bavitig. a 
 long string of short sentences. The statement in question 
 is even on Chu Hsi's interpretation absurd and impossible. 
 
 In their views about death, also, our two sages seem to 
 have been much alike. They do not lefer to a state of 
 existence hereafter, and they seem to have regarded the 
 grave as the end of man, so far as his consciousness of being 
 was concerned, at least. On this subject, however, we must 
 speak with caution as the utterances of both are few and 
 dark. 
 
 2 For the duty of selfdenial at ceirtaia times see the Li-chi, ch. S, p. 
 53, and CallOTy'9 Li-ki, p^ 31. 
 
 3 The Great Leariuug. See Legge's Ch. Classics, vol. i., p. 222. 
 
108 LAO-TZU. 
 
 A fsw general observations will now conclude these rather 
 disjointed remarks about the points of similarity in the Tao- 
 ti Ching and the Confucian classics. The Chung-yung, or 
 Constant Mean, called by Dr. Legge the Doctrine of the 
 Mean, amplifies and illustrates several of Lao-tzii's teachings, 
 and every reader of the book must have observed the 
 frequency of the occurrence of the word Tao in it. The 
 expression Chung-yung is, indeed, sometimes almost con- 
 vertible with this word, and Confucius speaks of keeping it 
 in terms very similar to those which Lao-tzii uses about 
 Tao. Again, the Li (;iS) of the Li-chi, Lun-Yu, and other 
 works is a word of far wider and deeper signification than 
 our translations usually represent. It seems often to indi- 
 cate the carrying out of the theoretical Tao into practical 
 life.* Several passages in the classic, named from the word, 
 might be cited in support of the above view, and in one 
 remarkable sentence, Confucius says that Li must have had 
 its origin in the " Great One." The Shu-ching, or Classic 
 of historical excerpts, contains, as has been seen, many 
 doctrines and sayings similar to those of the Tao-ti Ching, 
 and a similar remark applies to the Yi-Ching, especially to 
 its appendix. The collection of early moral and immoral 
 ballads usually dignified by the title Shi-ching or Classic of 
 poetry, as might have been expected, does not throw much 
 light on the influence exercised by Lao-tzu over Confucius 
 or the similarity of their teachings, and the same is true of 
 the Ch'un-oh'iu v^S^^) o"^ Annals of his Dynasty by Oon- 
 
 i In the Li-chi, Confucius says that as a parrot does not cease to be a 
 bird though it can speak, so though creatures have the appearance of 
 men, yet if they have not Li they are not men. Ch. 1., p. i. 
 
 5 Li-chi, ch. i, p. 60. 
 
LAO-TZU. 109 
 
 fucius. Descending to Mencius we find in the sayings 
 recorded of him many doctrines very like some of Lao-tzu's, 
 and it is a remarkable fact that he never refers to the latter 
 either in praise or in dispraise. Later Confucianists have 
 regarded their Master as a born sage, and they would gene- 
 rally scout the idea that he was tinder serious obligations 
 to any one, and to Lao-tzu in particular. 
 
 While noticing the many points of affinity between Lao- 
 tzu: and Confucius, we ought not to forget that there are at 
 the same time great and important differences between them. 
 The type of mind of the former does not very much resemble 
 that of the latter. Lao-tzii is chiefly synthetic and Confu- 
 cius analytic in tendency. The former likes to sum 
 up particular virtues and existences, and refer them to one 
 all-embracing idea. The latter shows how one great princi- 
 ple branches off and becomes separated into many secondary 
 modes and finally permeates all things. The one is a philo- 
 sopher at home, and the other a schoolmaster abroad. The 
 relation between the two may in some respects be compared 
 to that between Plato and Aristotle, if it be lawful to com- 
 pare small things with great. The character of Plato's mind 
 also somewhat resembles that of Lao-tzu, while Aristotle is 
 very faintly foreshadowed in Confucius. He was a disciple of 
 Plato and yet he came to differ very widely from his master, 
 but not more than Confucius did from Lao-tzii. In both 
 cases the disciple became more practical and less theoretical 
 than his master. Yet it must be borne in mind that many 
 of Confucius' teachings in politics and morals are either 
 nonsensical or at least vague and incomprehensible, and that 
 Lao-tzii's general theories are not seldom applicable to 
 particulars and the actual world. 
 
110 LAO-TZf}. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 It would be a Very interesting study to examine the points 
 of similarity and difference in the writings of the early 
 Buddhists and the teachings of Lao-tzu ; but this cannot be 
 attempted here. There is one circumstance, however, to 
 which I shall allude, that is, the resemblance of the Buddhist 
 B&dhisattva (P'usa) Mandjusri to Lao-tzu. The Nepaulese 
 traditions about this P'usa also make him to be a foreigner 
 And to have come to their country from China, though other 
 accoTiints represent him as returning from the latter country 
 to his home in Nepaul. A full -and vety interestiiig account 
 of Mandjusri, or " MaridjU9ri," as Burnouf writes it, will be 
 found in that accomplished scholar's " Le Lotus d© la bonne 
 LoL"* E^musat and Pauthier insist on the western origin of 
 Lao-tzii's doctrines, and there are certainly not a few points 
 of resemblance between them and some of the early Indian 
 systems of teligion and philosophy. Of these the doctrine 
 of annihilation, or dt least of final absorption, is one of the 
 most striking. 
 
 Another interesting study in connection with Lao^tzfi 
 
 1 Page 498, &c. 
 
LAO-TZfj. Ill 
 
 would be to trace the history of his opinions among succeed- 
 ing generations. This would, however, be in a great degree 
 a painful study. The metaphysical work of Chwang-tzu, 
 wild and extravagant though it be occasionally, is worthy of 
 being read, and M. Julien has kindly promised to translate 
 it for us. Lie-tzU and several others of his followers are 
 also worth reading, but the great majority of so called 
 Taoist books are utterly despicable at least in our eyes. ' Mr 
 Edkins says of the " Taoist system " — " Its appeal is made 
 to the lower wants of the Chinese. It invents divinities to 
 promote the physical well-being of the people. The gods of 
 riches, of longevity, of war, and of particular disease, all 
 belong to this religion." ^ The pure and spiritual sayings 
 uttered by Lao-tzQ. have been taken in a gross sense 
 and perverted by thoughtless, faithless people, who would 
 have a meritorious life consist solely in external acts, thus 
 entirely reversing their master's precepts. He spoke of 
 length of days to be desired as the result of a calm and 
 philosophic life, but degenerate followers sought for many 
 years, in ways shameful_to relate. They changed his plain 
 and simple language into euphuistic terms which cause them 
 to be reproached. The Taoists, says one author, call the 
 chattering of their teeth the Heavenly drum, they swallow 
 their spittle and call it the Fairy Spring, they speak of 
 horse's excrement as magical fuel and of r^ts as vivifying 
 medicine. By such means they think they can attain Tao, 
 but, as the writer asks, — can they attain it ? ^ 
 
 Though his doctrines, however,* have become greatly 
 corrupted and perverted the greatness of Lao-tzu himself 
 
 2 Keligious Condition, &o., p. 68. 
 -3 See the Yuan-cliien, &o., ch. 319. 
 
112 LAO-TZU. 
 
 has not diminisliecl. From the time of the Empress (W) 
 of the "West Hans, near the end of the Chou dynasty, the 
 ■beginning of his honour dates, and from the time of the 
 Chin and Liang dynasties down to the Great T'ang dynasty, 
 his doctrines and his name were glorified." * He was pro- 
 moted to he a God, and wonderful things were invented 
 about him and the Too of which he spoke so much. One 
 of the T'ang emperors conferred on him the sublime title — 
 Great Ruler of the very exalted mysterious Beginning. 
 Nor has he remained without honour among outside barba- 
 rians. Cunningham says : — " He (Lao-tzii) was therefore a 
 contemporary of Sakya Muni, by whom he is said to have 
 been w^orsted in argument. By the Tibetan Buddhists he 
 is called Sen-rabs ; but this perhaps signifies nothing more 
 than that he was of the race or family of Sena. His faith 
 continued paramount in Great Tibet for nine centuries, 
 until Buddhism was generally introduced by Seong-Stan 
 in the middle of the seventh century." It seems to me 
 more than doubtful, however, whether these Tirthikas of 
 India, to whom Cunningham alludes as the adherents of 
 Lao-tzii's faith, can be regarded as such. A large and influ- 
 ential school could not be established in so short a time as 
 elapsed between the time when Lao-tzu flourished and the 
 time of Buddha's preaching, if indeed any time whatever 
 elapsed. It is perhaps sufiicient to observe that there is a 
 considerable amountof similarity between the tenets imputed 
 to the Tirthikas and those of the Chinese philosopher. 
 
 The followers of Lao-tzii spread his fame among the 
 Japanese islands also, where Sinto or Shgn-tao, that is the 
 
 4 See Chu-hsi's Tsa-cho, ch. 9. 
 
 5 Ladak, p. 358. 
 
LAO-TZU. 113 
 
 Spiritual Tao, was known before Buddbism was iatroducetl. 
 Sir E. Alcock, however, says — "That there was an indi- 
 genous religion as old as their (the Japanese) history^, one 
 formed by and for themselves in long past ages, the Sintoo, 
 which survives to this day ; that some ten or fifteen centuries 
 ago or more, this was overlaid by the Confucian doctrines— 
 a code of moral ethics, not a religion in the proper sense 
 of the term — and about the seventh century both were in 
 great degree supplemented by theBaddhist faith derived from 
 China, we do know with tolerable certainty. But this is 
 nearly the sum."" Mr. Edkins has given a short but very 
 interesting account of Taoism in Japan, derived principally 
 from Ksempfer. It is somewhat remarkable that as the 
 Japanese have their spiritual chief or Mikado so the Chinese 
 Taoists also have one, and each is supposed. to be a present 
 deity having a sacred title derived through many ages. 
 The Chinese chief, however, is a much less powerful and 
 important personage than the Mikado. The first of the 
 Taoist patriarchs in China was Chang Tao-ling (f^j^^j^) 
 who lived in the time of the Han dynasty.' Lao-tzu appeared 
 to him on the. Stork-cry Hill and cold him that in order 
 to attain the state of immortality which he was seeking he 
 must subdue a number of demons. 'Tao-ling in his eagerness 
 slew too many, and Lao-tzu told him that Shang Ti required 
 him to do penance for a time. Finally, however, he was 
 allowed to become an immortal, and the spiritual chiefdom 
 of the Taoists was given to his family for ever. The 
 descendants of Tao-ling reside at the Dragon-tiger Hill near 
 Kwei-hsi in the province of Kiangsi. It is apparently about 
 
 6 The Capital of the Tycoon, vol. ii., p. 258. 
 
 7 See for this maa the jW ^^^i oh. 8. 
 
114 LAO Tzrj. 
 
 this Chang Tao-ling that Edkins says — ■" Chang, one of the 
 genii of Taouist romance, is believed to be identical with the 
 star cluster of the same name, and he is represented by 
 painters and idol -makers with a bow in his hands, shooting 
 the heavenly dog."* One title of this spiritual chief in 
 China is T'ien-shi, or Heavenly Teacher and the original 
 patriarch seems to be worshipped in Japan under this name. 
 Commodore Perry says that of the two and twenty shrines 
 in the kingdom which command the homage of pilgrimage^ 
 " the great and most sacred one is that of the Sun-goddess, 
 Ten-sio-dai-sin, at Isye." Previously he had stated — " It is 
 said that the only object of worship among the Sintoos is the 
 Sun-goddess, Ten-sio-dai-zin, who is deemed the patron 
 divinity of Japan * * * The Mikado is supposed to be her 
 lineal descendant." * Why, however, the deity should be a 
 female and a Sun-goddess I do not understand. 
 
 We must now bid farewell to Lao-tzii. The study of his 
 work and his life, as also of the fortunes of his doctrines, is 
 a difficult task but not without interest and instruction, and 
 the writer is afraid he has lingered too long over it. He 
 hopes, however, that his efforts will even in a very small 
 degree help to raise Lao-tzu. to the place in the history of 
 Philosophy, and in the history of the benefactors of humanity, 
 to which he is fairly entitled. 
 
 8 Religious Condition, &o,, p. 140. 
 
 8 Amerioau Expedition to Japan, ps, 24-5. 
 
 FINIS.